initial commit of ebook 10611HEADmain

11 files changed, 34576 insertions, 0 deletions

diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..6833f05
--- /dev/null
+++ b/.gitattributes
@@ -0,0 +1,3 @@
+* text=auto
+*.txt text
+*.md text
diff --git a/10611-0.txt b/10611-0.txt
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..2fbca56
--- /dev/null
+++ b/10611-0.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,5924 @@
+*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 10611 ***
+
+AN ESSAY ON THE SLAVERY AND COMMERCE OF THE HUMAN SPECIES,
+PARTICULARLY THE AFRICAN,
+
+TRANSLATED FROM A LATIN DISSERTATION, WHICH WAS HONOURED WITH
+THE FIRST PRIZE IN THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE, FOR THE YEAR 1785,
+WITH ADDITIONS.
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+_Neque premendo alium me extulisse velim_.--LIVY.
+
+
+
+M.DCC.LXXXVI.
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+TO THE
+RIGHT HONOURABLE
+WILLIAM CHARLES COLYEAR,
+EARL OF PORTMORE,
+VISCOUNT MILSINTOWN.
+
+
+MY LORD,
+
+The dignity of the subject of this little Treatise, not any persuasion
+of its merits as a literary composition, encourages me to offer it to
+your Lordship's patronage. The cause of freedom has always been found
+sufficient, in every age and country, to attract the notice of the
+generous and humane; and it is therefore, in a more peculiar manner,
+worthy of the attention and favour of a personage, who holds a
+distinguished rank in that illustrious island, the very air of which has
+been determined, upon a late investigation of its laws, to be an
+antidote against slavery. I feel a satisfaction in the opportunity,
+which the publication of this treatise affords me, of acknowledging your
+Lordship's civilities, which can only be equalled by the respect, with
+which I am,
+
+Your Lordship's,
+much obliged,
+and obedient servant,
+
+THOMAS CLARKSON.
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+Books Printed and Sold by J. PHILLIPS,
+
+ESSAY on the TREATMENT and CONVERSION of
+AFRICAN SLAVES in the BRITISH Sugar Colonies.
+By the Rev. J. RAMSAY, Vicar of Teston in
+Kent, who resided many Years in the West-Indies.
+In One Volume, Octavo. Price 5s bound,
+or 4s in Boards.
+
+An INQUIRY into the Effects of putting a Stop
+to the African Slave Trade, and of granting Liberty
+to the Slaves in the British Sugar Colonies.
+By J. RAMSAY. Price 6d.
+
+A REPLY to the Personal Invectives and Objections
+contained in two Answers, published by
+certain anonymous Persons, to an Essay on the
+Treatment and Conversion of African Slaves, in
+the British Colonies. By JAMES RAMSAY. Price 2s.
+
+A LETTER from Capt. J.S. SMITH, to the
+Rev. Mr. HILL, on the State of the Negroe Slaves;
+to which are added an Introduction, and Remarks
+on Free Negroes, &c. by J. RAMSAY. Price 6d.
+
+THOUGHTS on the Slavery of the Negroes.
+Price 4d.
+
+The CASE of our Fellow-Creatures, the Oppressed
+Africans, respectfully recommended to the serious
+Consideration of the Legislature of Great-Britain,
+by the People called Quakers. Price 2d.
+
+A SERIOUS ADDRESS to the Rulers of America,
+on the Inconsistency of their Conduct respecting
+Slavery. Price 3d.
+
+A CAUTION to GREAT BRITAIN and her
+Colonies, in a short Representation of the calamitous
+State of the enslaved Negroes in the British
+Dominions. By ANTHONY BENEZET. Price 6d.
+
+A Description of Guinea, its Situation, Produce,
+and the general Disposition of its Inhabitants; with
+an Inquiry into the Rise and Progress of the Slave
+Trade, &c. By ANTHONY BENEZET. Bound 2s. 6d.
+
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+THE PREFACE.
+
+
+As the subject of the following work has fortunately become of late a
+topick of conversation, I cannot begin the preface in a manner more
+satisfactory to the feelings of the benevolent reader, than by giving an
+account of those humane and worthy persons, who have endeavoured to draw
+upon it that share of the publick attention which it has obtained.
+
+Among the well disposed individuals, of different nations and ages, who
+have humanely exerted themselves to suppress the abject personal slavery,
+introduced in the original cultivation of the _European_ colonies
+in the western world, _Bartholomew de las Casas_, the pious bishop
+of _Chiapa_, in the fifteenth century, seems to have been the
+first. This amiable man, during his residence in _Spanish America_,
+was so sensibly affected at the treatment which the miserable Indians
+underwent that he returned to _Spain_, to make a publick remonstrance
+before the celebrated emperor _Charles_ the fifth, declaring, that
+heaven would one day call him to an account for those cruelties, which
+he then had it in his power to prevent. The speech which he made on the
+occasion, is now extant, and is a most perfect picture of benevolence
+and piety.
+
+But his intreaties, by opposition of avarice, were rendered ineffectual:
+and I do not find by any books which I have read upon the subject, that
+any other person interfered till the last century, when _Morgan
+Godwyn_, a _British_ clergyman, distinguished himself in the
+cause.
+
+The present age has also produced some zealous and able opposers of the
+_colonial_ slavery. For about the middle of the present century, _John
+Woolman_ and _Anthony Benezet_, two respectable members of the
+religious society called Quakers, devoted much of their time to the
+subject. The former travelled through most parts of _North America_
+on foot, to hold conversations with the members of his own sect, on the
+impiety of retaining those in a state of involuntary servitude, who had
+never given them offence. The latter kept a free school at
+_Philadelphia_, for the education of black people. He took every
+opportunity of pleading in their behalf. He published several treatises
+against slavery,[001] and gave an hearty proof of his attachment to the
+cause, by leaving the whole of his fortune in support of that school, to
+which he had so generously devoted his time and attention when alive.
+
+Till this time it does not appear, that any bodies of men, had
+collectively interested themselves in endeavouring to remedy the evil.
+But in the year 1754, the religious society, called Quakers, publickly
+testified their sentiments upon the subject,[002] declaring, that "to
+live in ease and plenty by the toil of those, whom fraud and violence
+had put into their power, was neither consistent with Christianity nor
+common justice."
+
+Impressed with these sentiments, many of this society immediately
+liberated their slaves; and though such a measure appeared to be
+attended with considerable loss to the benevolent individuals, who
+unconditionally presented them with their freedom, yet they adopted it
+with pleasure: nobly considering, that to possess a little, in an
+honourable way, was better than to possess much, through the medium of
+injustice. Their example was gradually followed by the rest. A general
+emancipation of the slaves in the possession of Quakers, at length took
+place; and so effectually did they serve the cause which they had
+undertaken, that they denied the claim of membership in their religious
+community, to all such as should hereafter oppose the suggestions of
+justice in this particular, either by retaining slaves in their
+possession, or by being in any manner concerned in the slave trade: and
+it is a fact, that through the vast tract of North America, there is not
+at this day a single slave in the possession of an acknowledged Quaker.
+
+But though this measure appeared, as has been observed before, to be
+attended with considerable loss to the benevolent individuals who
+adopted it, yet, as virtue seldom fails of obtaining its reward, it
+became ultimately beneficial. Most of the slaves, who were thus
+unconditionally freed, returned without any solicitation to their former
+masters, to serve them, at stated wages; as free men. The work, which
+they now did, was found to better done than before. It was found also,
+that, a greater quantity was done in the same time. Hence less than the
+former number of labourers was sufficient. From these, and a variety of
+circumstances, it appeared, that their plantations were considerably
+more profitable when worked by free men, than when worked, as before, by
+slaves; and that they derived therefore, contrary to their expectations,
+a considerable advantage from their benevolence.
+
+Animated by the example of the Quakers, the members of other sects began
+to deliberate about adopting the same measure. Some of those of the
+church of England, of the Roman Catholicks, and of the Presbyterians and
+Independants, freed their slaves; and there happened but one instance,
+where the matter was debated, where it was not immediately put in force.
+This was in _Pennsylvania_. It was agitated in the synod of the
+Presbyterians there, to oblige their members to liberate their slaves.
+The question was negatived by a majority of but one person; and this
+opposition seemed to arise rather from a dislike to the attempt of
+forcing such a measure upon the members of that community, than from any
+other consideration. I have the pleasure of being credibly informed,
+that the manumission of slaves, or the employment of free men in the
+plantations, is now daily gaining ground in North America. Should
+slavery be abolished there, (and it is an event, which, from these
+circumstances, we may reasonably expect to be produced in time) let it
+be remembered, that the Quakers will have had the merit of its
+abolition.
+
+Nor have their brethren here been less assiduous in the cause. As there
+are happily no slaves in this country, so they have not had the same
+opportunity of shewing their benevolence by a general emancipation. They
+have not however omitted to shew it as far as they have been able. At
+their religious meetings they have regularly inquired if any of their
+members are concerned in the iniquitous _African_ trade. They have
+appointed a committee for obtaining every kind of information on the
+subject, with a view to its suppression, and, about three or four years
+ago, petitioned parliament on the occasion for their interference and
+support. I am sorry to add, that their benevolent application was
+ineffectual, and that the reformation of an evil, productive of
+consequences equally impolitick and immoral, and generally acknowledged
+to have long disgraced our national character, is yet left to the
+unsupported efforts of piety morality and justice, against interest
+violence and oppression; and these, I blush to acknowledge, too strongly
+countenanced by the legislative authority of a country, the basis of
+whose government is _liberty_.
+
+Nothing can be more clearly shewn, than that an inexhaustible mine of
+wealth is neglected in _Africa_, for prosecution of this impious
+traffick; that, if proper measures were taken, the revenue of this
+country might be greatly improved, its naval strength increased, its
+colonies in a more flourishing situation, the planters richer, and a
+trade, which is now a scene of blood and desolation, converted into one,
+which might be prosecuted with _advantage_ and _honour_.
+
+Such have been the exertions of the Quakers in the cause of humanity
+and virtue. They are still prosecuting, as far as they are able, their
+benevolent design; and I should stop here and praise them for thus
+continuing their humane endeavours, but that I conceive it to be
+unnecessary. They are acting consistently with the principles of
+religion. They will find a reward in their own consciences; and they
+will receive more real pleasure from a single reflection on their
+conduct, than they can possibly experience from the praises of an host
+of writers.
+
+In giving this short account of those humane and worthy persons, who
+have endeavoured to restore to their fellow creatures the rights of
+nature, of which they had been unjustly deprived, I would feel myself
+unjust, were I to omit two zealous opposers of the _colonial_ tyranny,
+conspicuous at the present day.
+
+The first is Mr. _Granville Sharp_. This Gentleman has particularly
+distinguished himself in the cause of freedom. It is a notorious fact,
+that, but a few years since, many of the unfortunate black people, who
+had been brought from the colonies into this country, were sold in the
+metropolis to merchants and others, when their masters had no farther
+occasion for their services; though it was always understood that every
+person was free, as soon as he landed on the British shore. In
+consequence of this notion, these unfortunate black people, refused to
+go to the new masters, to whom they were consigned. They were however
+seized, and forcibly conveyed, under cover of the night, to ships then
+lying in the _Thames_, to be retransported to the colonies, and to be
+delivered again to the planters as merchantable goods. The humane Mr.
+_Sharpe_, was the means of putting a stop to this iniquitous traffick.
+Whenever he gained information of people in such a situation, he caused
+them to be brought on shore. At a considerable expence he undertook
+their cause, and was instrumental in obtaining the famous decree in the
+case of _Somersett_, that as soon as any person whatever set his foot in
+this country, he came under the protection of the _British_ laws, and was
+consequently free. Nor did he interfere less honourably in that cruel
+and disgraceful case, in the summer of the year 1781, when _an hundred
+and thirty two_ negroes, in their passage to the colonies, were thrown
+into the sea alive, to defraud the underwriters; but his pious
+endeavours were by no means attended with the same success. To enumerate
+his many laudable endeavours in the extirpation of tyranny and
+oppression, would be to swell the preface into a volume: suffice it to
+say, that he has written several books on the subject, and one
+particularly, which he distinguishes by the title of "_A Limitation of
+Slavery_."
+
+The second is the _Rev. James Ramsay_. This gentleman resided for
+many years in the _West-Indies_, in the clerical office. He perused
+all the colonial codes of law, with a view to find if there were any
+favourable clauses, by which the grievances of slaves could be
+redressed; but he was severely disappointed in his pursuits. He
+published a treatise, since his return to England, called _An Essay on
+the Treatment and Conversion of African Slaves in the British Sugar
+Colonies_, which I recommend to the perusal of the humane reader.
+This work reflects great praise upon the author, since, in order to be
+of service to this singularly oppressed part of the human species, he
+compiled it at the expence of forfeiting that friendship, which he had
+contracted with many in those parts, during a series of years, and at
+the hazard, as I am credibly informed, of suffering much, in his private
+property, as well as of subjecting himself to the ill will and
+persecution of numerous individuals.
+
+This Essay _on the Treatment and Conversion of African Slaves_,
+contains so many important truths on the colonial slavery, and has come
+so home to the planters, (being written by a person who has a thorough
+knowledge of the subject) as to have occasioned a considerable alarm.
+Within the last eight months, two publications have expressly appeared
+against it. One of them is intitled "_Cursory Remarks_ on Mr.
+Ramsay's Essay;" the other an "_Apology for Negroe Slavery_." On
+each of these I am bound, as writing on the subject, to make a few
+remarks.
+
+The _cursory remarker_ insinuates, that Mr. Ramsay's account of the
+treatment is greatly exaggerated, if not wholly false. To this I shall
+make the following reply. I have the honour of knowing several
+disinterested gentlemen, who have been acquainted with the West Indian
+islands for years. I call them disinterested, because they have neither
+had a concern in the _African_ trade, nor in the _colonial_
+slavery: and I have heard these unanimously assert, that Mr.
+_Ramsay's_ account is so far from being exaggerated, or taken from
+the most dreary pictures that he could find, that it is absolutely below
+the truth; that he must have omitted many instances of cruelty, which he
+had seen himself; and that they only wondered, how he could have written
+with so much moderation upon the subject. They allow the _Cursory
+Remarks_ to be excellent as a composition, but declare that it is
+perfectly devoid of truth.
+
+But the _cursory remarker_ does not depend so much on the
+circumstances which he has advanced, (nor can he, since they have no
+other existence than in his own, brain) as on the instrument
+_detraction_. This he has used with the utmost virulence through
+the whole of his publication, artfully supposing, that if he could bring
+Mr. _Ramsay's_ reputation into dispute, his work would fall of
+course, as of no authenticity. I submit this simple question to the
+reader. When a writer, in attempting to silence a publication, attacks
+the character of its author, rather than the principles of the work
+itself, is it not a proof that the work itself is unquestionable, and
+that this writer is at a loss to find an argument against it?
+
+But there is something so very ungenerous in this mode of replication,
+as to require farther notice. For if this is the mode to be adopted in
+literary disputes, what writer can be safe? Or who is there, that will
+not be deterred from taking up his pen in the cause of virtue? There are
+circumstances in every person's life, which, if given to the publick in
+a malevolent manner, and without explanation, might essentially injure
+him in the eyes of the world; though, were they explained, they would be
+even reputable. The _cursory remarker_ has adopted this method of
+dispute; but Mr. _Ramsay_ has explained himself to the satisfaction
+of all parties, and has refuted him in every point. The name of this
+_cursory remarker_ is _Tobin_: a name, which I feel myself
+obliged to hand down with detestation, as far as I am able; and with an
+hint to future writers, that they will do themselves more credit, and
+serve more effectually the cause which they undertake, if on such
+occasions they attack the work, rather than the character of the writer,
+who affords them a subject for their lucubrations.
+
+Nor is this the only circumstance, which induces me to take such
+particular notice of the _Cursory Remarks_. I feel it incumbent
+upon me to rescue an injured person from the cruel aspersions that have
+been thrown upon him, as I have been repeatedly informed by those, who
+have the pleasure of his acquaintance, that his character is
+irreproachable. I am also interested myself. For if such detraction is
+passed over in silence, my own reputation, and not my work, may be
+attacked by an anonymous hireling in the cause of slavery.
+
+The _Apology for Negroe Slavery_ is almost too despicable a
+composition to merit a reply. I have only therefore to observe, (as is
+frequently the case in a bad cause, or where writers do not confine
+themselves to truth) that the work refutes itself. This writer, speaking
+of the slave-trade, asserts, that people are never kidnapped on the
+coast of _Africa_. In speaking of the treatment of slaves, he
+asserts again, that it is of the very mildest nature, and that they live
+in the most comfortable and happy manner imaginable. To prove each of
+his assertions, he proposes the following regulations. That the
+_stealing_ of slaves from _Africa_ should be felony. That the
+_premeditated murder_ of a slave by any person on board, should
+come under the same denomination. That when slaves arrive in the
+colonies, lands should be allotted for their provisions, _in
+proportion to their number_, or commissioners should see that a
+_sufficient_ quantity of _sound wholesome_ provisions is
+purchased. That they should not work on _Sundays_ and _other_
+holy-days. That extra labour, or _night-work, out of crop_, should
+be prohibited. That a _limited number_ of stripes should be
+inflicted upon them. That they should have _annually_ a suit of
+clothes. That old infirm slaves should be _properly cared for_,
+&c.--Now it can hardly be conceived, that if this author had tried to
+injure his cause, or contradict himself, he could not have done it in a
+more effectual manner, than by this proposal of these salutary
+regulations. For to say that slaves are honourably obtained on the
+coast; to say that their treatment is of the mildest nature, and yet to
+propose the above-mentioned regulations as necessary, is to refute
+himself more clearly, than I confess myself to be able to do it: and I
+have only to request, that the regulations proposed by this writer, in
+the defence of slavery, may be considered as so many proofs of the
+assertions contained in my own work.
+
+I shall close my account with an observation, which is of great
+importance in the present case. Of all the publications in favour of the
+slave-trade, or the subsequent slavery in the colonies, there is not
+one, which has not been written, either by a chaplain to the African
+factories, or by a merchant, or by a planter, or by a person whose
+interest has been connected in the cause which he has taken upon him to
+defend. Of this description are Mr. _Tobin_, and the _Apologist
+for Negroe Slavery_. While on the other hand those, who have had as
+competent a knowledge of the subject, but not the _same interest_
+as themselves, have unanimously condemned it; and many of them have
+written their sentiments upon it, at the hazard of creating an
+innumerable host of enemies, and of being subjected to the most
+malignant opposition. Now, which of these are we to believe on the
+occasion? Are we to believe those, who are parties concerned, who are
+interested in the practice?--But the question does not admit of a
+dispute.
+
+Concerning my own work, it seems proper to observe, that when, the
+original Latin Dissertation, as the title page expresses, was honoured
+by the University of Cambridge with the first of their annual prizes for
+the year 1785, I was waited upon by some gentlemen of respectability and
+consequence, who requested me to publish it in English. The only
+objection which occurred to me was this; that having been prevented, by
+an attention to other studies, from obtaining that critical knowledge of
+my own language, which was necessary for an English composition, I was
+fearful of appearing before the publick eye: but that, as they flattered
+me with the hope, that the publication of it might be of use, I would
+certainly engage to publish it, if they would allow me to postpone it
+for a little time, till I was more in the habit of writing. They
+replied, that as the publick attention was now excited to the case of
+the unfortunate _Africans_, it would be serving the cause with
+double the effect, if it were to be published within a few months. This
+argument prevailed. Nothing but this circumstance could have induced me
+to offer an English composition to the inspection of an host of
+criticks: and I trust therefore that this circumstance will plead much
+with the benevolent reader, in favour of those faults, which he may find
+in the present work.
+
+Having thus promised to publish it, I was for some time doubtful from
+which of the copies to translate. There were two, the original, and an
+abridgement. The latter (as these academical compositions are generally
+of a certain length) was that which was sent down to Cambridge, and
+honoured with the prize. I was determined however, upon consulting with
+my friends, to translate from the former. This has been faithfully done
+with but few[003] additions. The reader will probably perceive the Latin
+idiom in several passages of the work, though I have endeavoured, as far
+as I have been able, to avoid it. And I am so sensible of the
+disadvantages under which it must yet lie, as a translation, that I wish
+I had written upon the subject, without any reference at all to the
+original copy.
+
+It will perhaps be asked, from what authority I have collected those
+facts, which relate to the colonial slavery. I reply, that I have had
+the means of the very best of information on the subject; having the
+pleasure of being acquainted with many, both in the naval and military
+departments, as well as with several others, who have been long
+acquainted with _America_ and the _West-Indian_ islands. The
+facts therefore which I have related, are compiled from the
+disinterested accounts of these gentlemen, all of whom, I have the
+happiness to say, have coincided, in the minutest manner, in their
+descriptions. It mud be remarked too, that they were compiled, not from
+what these gentlemen heard, while they were resident in those parts, but
+from what they actually _saw_. Nor has a single instance been taken
+from any book whatever upon the subject, except that which is mentioned
+in the 235th page; and this book was published in _France_, in the
+year 1777, by _authority_.
+
+I have now the pleasure to say, that the accounts of these disinterested
+gentlemen, whom I consulted on the occasion, are confirmed by all the
+books which I have ever perused upon slavery, except those which have
+been written by _merchants, planters, &c_. They are confirmed by
+Sir _Hans Sloane's_ Voyage to Barbadoes; _Griffith Hughes's_
+History of the same island, printed 1750; an Account of North America,
+by _Thomas Jeffries_, 1761; all _Benezet's_ works, &c. &c. and
+particularly by Mr. _Ramsay's_ Essay on the Treatment and
+Conversion of the African Slaves in the British Sugar Colonies; a work
+which is now firmly established; and, I may add in a very extraordinary
+manner, in consequence of the controversy which this gentleman has
+sustained with the _Cursory Remarker_, by which several facts which
+were mentioned in the original copy of my own work, before the
+controversy began, and which had never appeared in any work upon the
+subject, have been brought to light. Nor has it received less support
+from a letter, published only last week, from Capt. J.S. Smith, of the
+Royal Navy, to the Rev. Mr. Hill; on the former of whom too high
+encomiums cannot be bestowed, for standing forth in that noble and
+disinterested manner, in behalf of an injured character.
+
+I have now only to solicit the reader again, that he will make a
+favourable allowance for the present work, not only from those
+circumstances which I have mentioned, but from the consideration, that
+only two months are allowed by the University for these their annual
+compositions. Should he however be unpropitious to my request, I must
+console myself with the reflection, (a reflection that will always
+afford me pleasure, even amidst the censures of the great,) that by
+undertaking the cause of the unfortunate _Africans_, I have
+undertaken, as far as my abilities would permit, the cause of injured
+innocence.
+
+London, June 1st 1786.
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 001: A Description of Guinea, with an Inquiry into the Rise
+and Progress of the Slave Trade, &c.--A Caution to Great Britain and her
+Colonies, in a short Representation of the calamitous State of the
+enslaved Negroes in the British Dominions. Besides several smaller
+pieces.]
+
+
+[Footnote 002: They had censured the _African Trade_ in the year
+1727, but had taken no publick notice of the _colonial_ slavery
+till this time.]
+
+
+[Footnote 003: The instance of the _Dutch_ colonists at the Cape,
+in the first part of the Essay; the description of an African battle, in
+the second; and the poetry of a negroe girl in the third, are the only
+considerable additions that have been made.]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+CONTENTS.
+
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+PART I.
+
+The History of Slavery.
+
+    CHAP. I. Introduction.--Division of slavery into voluntary and
+    involuntary.--The latter the subject of the present work.--Chap. II.
+    The first class of involuntary slaves among the ancients, from
+    war.--Conjecture concerning their antiquity.--Chap. III. The second
+    class from piracy.--Short history of piracy.--The dance
+    carpoea.--Considerations from hence on the former topick.--Three
+    orders of involuntary slaves among the ancients.--Chap. IV. Their
+    personal treatment.--Exception in Ægypt.--Exception at
+    Athens.--Chap. V. The causes of such treatment among the ancients in
+    general.--Additional causes among the Greeks and Romans.--A
+    refutation of their principles.--Remarks on the writings of
+    Æsop.--Chap. VI. The ancient slave-trade.--Its antiquity.--Ægypt
+    the first market recorded for this species of traffick.--Cyprus the
+    second.--The agreement of the writings of Moses and Homer on the
+    subject.--The universal prevalence of the trade.--Chap. VII. The
+    decline of this commerce and slavery in Europe.--The causes of
+    their decline.--Chap. VIII. Their revival in Africa.--Short history
+    of their revival.--Five classes of involuntary slaves among the
+    moderns.--Cruel instance of the Dutch colonists at the Cape.
+
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+PART II.
+
+The African Commerce or Slave-Trade.
+
+    CHAP. I. The history of mankind from their first situation to a
+    state of government.--Chap. II. An account of the first
+    governments.--Chap. III. Liberty a natural right.--That of
+    government adventitious.--Government, its nature.--Its end.--Chap.
+    IV. Mankind cannot be considered as property.--An objection
+    answered.--Chap. V. Division of the commerce into two parts, as it
+    relates to those who sell, and those who purchase the human species
+    into slavery.--The right of the sellers examined with respect to
+    the two orders of African slaves, "of those who are publickly seized
+    by virtue of the authority of their prince, and of those, who are
+    kidnapped by individuals."--Chap. VI. Their right with respect to
+    convicts.--From the proportion of the punishment to the
+    offence.--From its object and end.--Chap. VII. Their right with
+    respect to prisoners of war.--The jus captivitatis, or right of
+    capture explained.--Its injustice.--Farther explication of the
+    right of capture, in answer to some supposed objections.--Chap.
+    VIII. Additional remarks on the two orders that were first
+    mentioned.--The number which they annually contain.--A description
+    of an African battle.--Additional remarks on prisoners of war.--On
+    convicts.--Chap. IX. The right of the purchasers
+    examined.--Conclusion.
+
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+PART III.
+
+The Slavery of the Africans in the European
+Colonies.
+
+    CHAP. I. Imaginary scene in Africa.--Imaginary conversation with an
+    African.--His ideas of Christianity.--A Description of a body of
+    slaves going to the ships.--Their embarkation.--Chap. II. Their
+    treatment on board.--The number that annually perish in the
+    voyage.--Horrid instance at sea.--Their debarkation in the
+    colonies.--Horrid instance on the shore.--Chap. III. The condition
+    of their posterity in the colonies.--The lex nativitatis
+    explained.--Its injustice.--Chap. IV. The seasoning in the
+    colonies.--The number that annually die in the seasoning.--The
+    employment of the survivors.--The colonial discipline.--Its
+    tendency to produce cruelty.--Horrid instance of this
+    effect.--Immoderate labour, and its consequences.--Want of food
+    and its consequences.--Severity and its consequences.--The forlorn
+    situation of slaves.--An appeal to the memory of Alfred.--Chap. V.
+    The contents of the two preceding chapters denied by the
+    purchasers.--Their first argument refuted.--Their second
+    refuted.--Their third refuted.--Chap. VI. Three arguments, which
+    they bring in vindication of their treatment, refuted.--Chap. VII.
+    The argument, that the Africans are an inferiour link of the chain
+    of nature, as far as it relates to their genius, refuted.--The
+    causes of this apparent inferiority.--Short dissertation on African
+    genius.--Poetry of an African girl.--Chap. VIII. The argument, that
+    they are an inferiour link of the chain of nature, as far as it
+    relates to colour, &c. refuted.--Examination of the divine writings
+    in this particular.--Dissertation on the colour.--Chap. IX. Other
+    arguments of the purchasers examined.--Their comparisons
+    unjust.--Their assertions, with respect to the happy situation of
+    the Africans in the colonies, without foundation.--Their happiness
+    examined with respect to manumission.--With respect to
+    holy-days.--Dances, &c.--An estimate made at St. Domingo.--Chap. X.
+    The right of the purchasers over their slaves refuted upon their own
+    principles.--Chap. XI. Dreadful arguments against this commerce and
+    slavery of the human species.--How the Deity seems already to punish
+    us for this inhuman violation of his laws.--Conclusion.
+
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+ERRATA.
+
+    For _Dominique_, (Footnote 107) read _Domingue_.
+
+    N. B. In page 18 a Latin note has been inserted by mistake, under
+    the quotation of Diodorus Siculus. The reader will find the original
+    Greek of the same signification, in the same author, at page 49.
+    Editio Stephani.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+AN ESSAY
+
+ON THE SLAVERY and COMMERCE
+
+OF THE HUMAN SPECIES.
+
+
+IN THREE PARTS.
+
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+
+PART I.
+
+THE HISTORY OF SLAVERY.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. I.
+
+When civilized, as well as barbarous nations, have been found, through a
+long succession of ages, uniformly to concur in the same customs, there
+seems to arise a presumption, that such customs are not only eminently
+useful, but are founded also on the principles of justice. Such is the
+case with respect to _Slavery_: it has had the concurrence of all
+the nations, which history has recorded, and the repeated practice of
+ages from the remotest antiquity, in its favour. Here then is an
+argument, deduced from the general consent and agreement of mankind, in
+favour of the proposed subject: but alas! when we reflect that the
+people, thus reduced to a state of servitude, have had the same feelings
+with ourselves; when we reflect that they have had the same propensities
+to pleasure, and the same aversions from pain; another argument seems
+immediately to arise in opposition to the former, deduced from our own
+feelings and that divine sympathy, which nature has implanted in our
+breasts, for the most useful and generous of purposes. To ascertain the
+truth therefore, where two such opposite sources of argument occur;
+where the force of custom pleads strongly on the one hand, and the
+feelings of humanity on the other; is a matter of much importance, as
+the dignity of human nature is concerned, and the rights and liberties
+of mankind will be involved in its discussion.
+
+It will be necessary, before this point can be determined, to consult
+the History of Slavery, and to lay before the reader, in as concise a
+manner as possible, a general view of it from its earliest appearance to
+the present day.
+
+The first, whom we shall mention here to have been reduced to a state of
+servitude, may be comprehended in that class, which is usually
+denominated the _Mercenary_. It consisted of free-born citizens,
+who, from the various contingencies of fortune, had become so poor, as
+to have recourse for their support to the service of the rich. Of this
+kind were those, both among the Egyptians and the Jews, who are recorded
+in the sacred writings.[004] The Grecian _Thetes_[005] also were of
+this description, as well as those among the Romans, from whom the class
+receives its appellation, the [006]_Mercenarii_.
+
+We may observe of the above-mentioned, that their situation was in many
+instances similar to that of our own servants. There was an express
+contract between the parties; they could, most of them, demand their
+discharge, if they were ill used by their respective masters; and they
+were treated therefore with more humanity than those, whom we usually
+distinguish in our language by the appellation of _Slaves_.
+
+As this class of servants was composed of men, who had been reduced to
+such a situation by the contingencies of fortune, and not by their own
+misconduct; so there was another among the ancients, composed entirely
+of those, who had suffered the loss of liberty from their own
+imprudence. To this class may be reduced the Grecian _Prodigals_,
+who were detained in the service of their creditors, till the fruits of
+their labour were equivalent to their debts; the _delinquents_, who
+were sentenced to the oar; and the German _enthusiasts_, as
+mentioned by Tacitus, who were so immoderately charmed with gaming, as,
+when every thing else was gone, to have staked their liberty and their
+very selves. "The loser," says he, "goes into a voluntary servitude, and
+though younger and stronger than the person with whom he played,
+patiently suffers himself to be bound and sold. Their perseverance in
+so bad a custom is stiled honour. The slaves, thus obtained, are
+immediately exchanged away in commerce, that the winner may get rid of
+the scandal of his victory."
+
+To enumerate other instances, would be unnecessary; it will be
+sufficient to observe, that the servants of this class were in a far
+more wretched situation, than those of the former; their drudgery was
+more intense; their treatment more severe; and there was no retreat at
+pleasure, from the frowns and lashes of their despotick masters.
+
+Having premised this, we may now proceed to a general division of
+slavery, into _voluntary_ and _involuntary_. The _voluntary_
+will comprehend the two classes, which we have already mentioned;
+for, in the first instance, there was a _contract_, founded
+on _consent_; and, in the second, there was a _choice_ of
+engaging or not in those practices, the known consequences of which
+were servitude. The _involuntary_; on the other hand, will
+comprehend those, who were forced, without any such _condition_ or
+_choice_, into a situation, which as it tended to degrade a part of
+the human species, and to class it with the brutal, must have been, of
+all human situations, the most wretched and insupportable. These are
+they, whom we shall consider solely in the present work. We shall
+therefore take our leave of the former, as they were mentioned only,
+that we might state the question with greater accuracy, and, be the
+better enabled to reduce it to its proper limits.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 004: Genesis, Ch. 47. Leviticus XXV. v. 39, 40.]
+
+
+[Footnote 005: The _Thetes_ appear very early in the Grecian
+History.--kai tines auto kouroi epont'Ithakes exairetoi; he eoi autou
+thentes te Dmoes(?) te; Od. Homer. D. 642. They were afterwards so much
+in use that, "Murioi depou apedidonto eautous ose douleuein kata
+sungraphen," till Solon suppressed the custom in Athens.]
+
+
+[Footnote 006: The mention of these is frequent among the classics; they
+were called in general _mercenarii_, from the circumstances of
+their _hire_, as "quibus, non malè præcipiunt, qui ita jubent uti,
+ut _mercenariis_, operam exigendam, justa proebenda. Cicero de
+off." But they are sometimes mentioned in the law books by the name of
+_liberi_, from the circumstances of their _birth_, to distinguish
+them from the _alieni_, or foreigners, as Justinian. D. 7. 8. 4.
+--Id. 21. 1. 25. &c. &c. &c.]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. II.
+
+The first that will be mentioned, of the _involuntary_, were
+_prisoners of war_.[007] "It was a law, established from time
+immemorial among the nations of antiquity, to oblige those to undergo
+the severities of servitude, whom victory had thrown into their hands."
+Conformably with this, we find all the Eastern nations unanimous in the
+practice. The same custom prevailed among the people of the West; for as
+the Helots became the slaves of the Spartans, from the right of conquest
+only, so prisoners of war were reduced to the same situation by the rest
+of the inhabitants of Greece. By the same principles that actuated
+these, were the Romans also influenced. Their History will confirm the
+fact: for how many cities are recorded to have been taken; how many
+armies to have been vanquished in the field, and the wretched survivors,
+in both instances, to have been doomed to servitude? It remains only now
+to observe, in shewing this custom to have been universal, that all
+those nations which assisted in overturning the Roman Empire, though
+many and various, adopted the same measures; for we find it a general
+maxim in their polity, that whoever should fall into their hands as a
+prisoner of war, should immediately be reduced to the condition of a
+slave.
+
+It may here, perhaps, be not unworthy of remark, that the
+_involuntary_ were of greater antiquity than the _voluntary_
+slaves. The latter are first mentioned in the time of Pharaoh: they
+could have arisen only in a state of society; when property, after its
+division, had become so unequal, as to multiply the wants of
+individuals; and when government, after its establishment, had given
+security to the possessor by the punishment of crimes. Whereas the
+former seem to be dated with more propriety from the days of Nimrod; who
+gave rise probably to that inseparable idea of _victory_ and
+_servitude_, which we find among the nations of antiquity, and
+which has existed uniformly since, in one country or another, to the
+present day.[008]
+
+Add to this, that they might have arisen even in a state of nature, and
+have been coequal with the quarrels of mankind.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 007: "Nomos en pasin anthropois aidios esin, otan polemounton
+polis alo, ton elonton einai kai ta somata ton en te poleis, kai ta
+chremata." Xenoph. Kyrou Paid. L. 7. fin.]
+
+
+[Footnote 008:
+
+"Proud Nimrod first the bloody chace began,
+A mighty hunter, and his prey was man."
+
+--POPE.]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. III.
+
+But it was not victory alone, or any presupposed right, founded in the
+damages of war, that afforded a pretence for invading the liberties of
+mankind: the honourable light, in which _piracy_ was considered in
+the uncivilized ages of the world, contributed not a little to the
+_slavery_ of the human species. Piracy had a very early beginning.
+"The Grecians,"[009] says Thucydides, "in their primitive state, as well
+as the contemporary barbarians, who inhabited the sea coasts and
+islands, gave themselves wholly to it; it was, in short, their only
+profession and support." The writings of Homer are sufficient of
+themselves to establish this account. They shew it to have been a common
+practice at so early a period as that of the Trojan war; and abound with
+many lively descriptions of it; which, had they been as groundless as
+they are beautiful, would have frequently spared the sigh of the reader
+of sensibility and reflection.
+
+The piracies, which were thus practised in the early ages, may be
+considered as _publick_ or _private_. In the former, whole
+crews embarked for the benefit[010] of their respective tribes. They
+made descents on the sea coasts, carried off cattle, surprized whole
+villages, put many of the inhabitants to the sword, and carried others
+into slavery.
+
+In the latter, individuals only were concerned, and the emolument was
+their own. These landed from their ships, and, going up into the
+country, concealed themselves in the woods and thickets; where they
+waited every opportunity of catching the unfortunate shepherd or
+husbandman alone. In this situation they sallied out upon him, dragged
+him on board, conveyed him to a foreign market, and sold him for a
+slave.
+
+To this kind of piracy Ulysses alludes, in opposition to the former,
+which he had been just before mentioning, in his question to Eumoeus.
+
+
+"Did pirates wait, till all thy friends were gone,
+To catch thee singly with thy flocks alone;
+Say, did they force thee from thy fleecy care,
+And from thy fields transport and sell thee here?"[011]
+
+
+But no picture, perhaps, of this mode of depredation, is equal to that,
+with which[012] Xenophon presents us in the simple narrative of a dance.
+He informs us that the Grecian army had concluded a peace with the
+Paphlagonians, and that they entertained their embassadors in
+consequence with a banquet, and the exhibition of various feats of
+activity. "When the Thracians," says he, "had performed the parts
+allotted them in this entertainment, some Aenianian and Magnetian
+soldiers rose up, and, accoutred in their proper arms, exhibited that
+dance, which is called _Karpoea_. The figure of it is thus. One of
+them, in the character of an husbandman, is seen to till his land, and
+is observed, as he drives his plough, to look frequently behind him, as
+if apprehensive of danger. Another immediately appears in fight, in
+the character of a robber. The husbandman, having seen him previously
+advancing, snatches up his arms. A battle ensues before the plough. The
+whole of this performance is kept in perfect time with the musick of the
+flute. At length the robber, having got the better of the husbandman,
+binds him, and drives him off with his team. Sometimes it happens that
+the husbandman subdues the robber: in this case the scene is only
+reversed, as the latter is then bound and driven, off by the former."
+
+It is scarcely necessary to observe, that this dance was a
+representation of the general manners of men, in the more uncivilized
+ages of the world; shewing that the husbandman and shepherd lived in
+continual alarm, and that there were people in those ages, who derived
+their pleasures and fortunes from _kidnapping_ and _enslaving_
+their fellow creatures.
+
+We may now take notice of a circumstance in this narration, which will
+lead us to a review of our first assertion on this point, "that the
+honourable light, in which _piracy_ was considered in the times of
+barbarism, contributed not a little to the _slavery_ of the human
+species." The robber is represented here as frequently defeated in his
+attempts, and as reduced to that deplorable situation, to which he was
+endeavouring to bring another. This shews the frequent difficulty and
+danger of his undertakings: people would not tamely resign their lives
+or liberties, without a struggle. They were sometimes prepared; were
+superior often, in many points of view, to these invaders of their
+liberty; there were an hundred accidental circumstances frequently in
+their favour. These adventures therefore required all the skill,
+strength, agility, valour, and every thing, in short, that may be
+supposed to constitute heroism, to conduct them with success. Upon this
+idea piratical expeditions first came into repute, and their frequency
+afterwards, together with the danger and fortitude, that were
+inseparably connected with them, brought them into such credit among the
+barbarous nations of antiquity, that of all human professions, piracy
+was the most honourable.[013]
+
+The notions then, which were thus annexed to piratical expeditions, did
+not fail to produce those consequences, which we have mentioned before.
+They afforded an opportunity to the views of avarice and ambition, to
+conceal themselves under the mask of virtue. They excited a spirit of
+enterprize, of all others the most irresistible, as it subsisted on the
+strongest principles of action, emolument and honour. Thus could the
+vilest of passions be gratified with impunity. People were robbed,
+stolen, murdered, under the pretended idea that these were reputable
+adventures: every enormity in short was committed, and dressed up in the
+habiliments of honour.
+
+But as the notions of men in the less barbarous ages, which followed,
+became more corrected and refined, the practice of piracy began
+gradually to disappear. It had hitherto been supported on the grand
+columns of _emolument_ and _honour_. When the latter therefore
+was removed, it received a considerable shock; but, alas! it had still a
+pillar for its support! _avarice_, which exists in all states, and
+which is ready to turn every invention to its own ends, strained hard
+for its preservation. It had been produced in the ages of barbarism; it
+had been pointed out in those ages as lucrative, and under this notion
+it was continued. People were still stolen; many were intercepted (some,
+in their pursuits of pleasure, others, in the discharge of their several
+occupations) by their own countrymen; who previously laid in wait for
+them, and sold them afterwards for slaves; while others seized by
+merchants, who traded on the different coasts, were torn from their
+friends and connections, and carried into slavery. The merchants of
+Thessaly, if we can credit Aristophanes[014] who never spared the vices
+of the times, were particularly infamous for the latter kind of
+depredation; the Athenians were notorious for the former; for they had
+practised these robberies to such an alarming degree of danger to
+individuals, that it was found necessary to enact a law[015], which
+punished kidnappers with death.--But this is sufficient for our present
+purpose; it will enable us to assert, that there were two classes of
+_involuntary_ slaves among the ancients, "of those who were taken
+publickly in a state of war, and of those who were privately stolen in
+a state of innocence and peace." We may now add, that the children and
+descendents of these composed a third.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 009: Thucydides. L. 1. sub initio.]
+
+
+[Footnote 010: Idem.--"the strongest," says he, "engaging in these
+adventures, Kerdous tou spheterou auton eneka kai tois asthenesi trophes."]
+
+
+[Footnote 011: Homer. Odyss. L. 15. 385.]
+
+
+[Footnote 012: Xenoph. Kyrou Anab. L. 6. sub initio.]
+
+
+[Footnote 013: ouk echontos po Aischynen toutou tou ergou pherontos de
+ti kai Doxes mallon. Thucydides, L. 1. sub initio. kai euklees touto
+oi Kilikes enomizon. Sextus Empiricus. ouk adoxon all'endoxon touto.
+Schol. &c. &c.]
+
+
+[Footnote 014: Aristoph. Plut. Act. 2. Scene 5.]
+
+
+[Footnote 015: Zenoph. Apomnemon, L. 1.]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. IV.
+
+It will be proper to say something here concerning the situation of the
+unfortunate men, who were thus doomed to a life of servitude. To
+enumerate their various employments, and to describe the miseries which
+they endured in consequence, either from the severity, or the long and
+constant application of their labour, would exceed the bounds we have
+proposed to the present work. We shall confine ourselves to their
+_personal treatment_, as depending on the power of their masters, and
+the protection of the law. Their treatment, if considered in this light,
+will equally excite our pity and abhorrence. They were beaten, starved,
+tortured, murdered at discretion: they were dead in a civil sense; they
+had neither name nor tribe; were incapable of a judicial process; were
+in short without appeal. Poor unfortunate men! to be deprived of all
+possible protection! to suffer the bitterest of injuries without the
+possibility of redress! to be condemned unheard! to be murdered with
+impunity! to be considered as dead in that state, the very members of
+which they were supporting by their labours!
+
+Yet such was their general situation: there were two places however,
+where their condition, if considered in this point of view, was more
+tolerable. The Ægyptian slave, though perhaps of all others the greatest
+drudge, yet if he had time to reach the temple[016] of Hercules, found a
+certain retreat from the persecution of his master; and he received
+additional comfort from the reflection, that his life, whether he could
+reach it or not, could not be taken with impunity. Wise and salutary
+law![017] how often must it have curbed the insolence of power, and
+stopped those passions in their progress, which had otherwise been
+destructive to the slave!
+
+But though the persons of slaves were thus greatly secured in Ægypt, yet
+there was no place so favourable to them as Athens. They were allowed a
+greater liberty of speech;[018] they had their convivial meetings, their
+amours, their hours of relaxation, pleasantry, and mirth; they were
+treated, in short, with so much humanity in general, as to occasion that
+observation of Demosthenes, in his second Philippick, "that the
+condition of a slave, at Athens, was preferable to that of a free
+citizen, in many other countries." But if any exception happened (which
+was sometimes the case) from the general treatment described; if
+persecution took the place of lenity, and made the fangs of servitude
+more pointed than before,[019] they had then their temple, like the
+Ægyptian, for refuge; where the legislature was so attentive, as to
+examine their complaints, and to order them, if they were founded in
+justice, to be sold to another master. Nor was this all: they had a
+privilege infinitely greater than the whole of these. They were allowed
+an opportunity of working for themselves, and if their diligence had
+procured them a sum equivalent with their ransom, they could
+immediately, on paying it down,[020] demand their freedom for ever. This
+law was, of all others, the most important; as the prospect of liberty,
+which it afforded, must have been a continual source of the most
+pleasing reflections, and have greatly sweetened the draught, even of
+the most bitter slavery.
+
+Thus then, to the eternal honour of Ægypt and Athens, they were the only
+places that we can find, where slaves were considered with any humanity
+at all. The rest of the world seemed to vie with each other, in the
+debasement and oppression of these unfortunate people. They used them
+with as much severity as they chose; they measured their treatment only
+by their own passion and caprice; and, by leaving them on every
+occasion, without the possibility of an appeal, they rendered their
+situation the most melancholy and intolerable, that can possibly be
+conceived.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 016: Herodotus. L. 2. 113.]
+
+
+[Footnote 017: "Apud Ægyptios, si quis servum sponte occiderat, eum
+morte damnari æque ac si liberum occidisset, jubebant leges &c."
+Diodorus Sic. L. 1.]
+
+
+[Footnote 018:
+
+"Atq id ne vos miremini, Homines servulos
+Potare, amare, atq ad coenam condicere.
+Licet hoc Athenis.
+Plautus. Sticho."
+]
+
+
+[Footnote 019:
+"Be me kratison esin eis to Theseion
+Dramein, ekei d'eos an eurombou prasin
+menein" Aristoph. Horæ.
+
+Kaka toiade paskousin oude prasin
+Aitousin. Eupolis. poleis.]
+
+
+[Footnote 020: To this privilege Plautus alludes in his _Casina_,
+where he introduces a slave, speaking in the following manner.
+
+"Quid tu me verò libertate territas?
+Quod si tu nolis, siliusque etiam tuus
+Vobis _invitis_, atq amborum _ingratiis_,
+_Una libella liber possum fieri_."
+]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. V.
+
+As we have mentioned the barbarous and inhuman treatment that generally
+fell to the lot of slaves, it may not be amiss to inquire into the
+various circumstances by which it was produced.
+
+The first circumstance, from whence it originated, was the
+_commerce_: for if men could be considered as _possessions_;
+if, like _cattle_, they could be _bought_ and _sold_, it
+will not be difficult to suppose, that they could be held in the same
+consideration, or treated in the same manner. The commerce therefore,
+which was begun in the primitive ages of the world, by classing them
+with the brutal species, and by habituating the mind to consider the
+terms of _brute_ and _slave_ as _synonimous_, soon caused
+them to be viewed in a low and despicable light, and as greatly
+inferiour to the human species. Hence proceeded that treatment, which
+might not unreasonably be supposed to arise from so low an estimation.
+They were tamed, like beasts, by the stings of hunger and the lash, and
+their education was directed to the same end, to make them commodious
+instruments of labour for their possessors.
+
+This _treatment_, which thus proceeded in the ages of barbarism,
+from the low estimation, in which slaves were unfortunately held from
+the circumstances of the commerce, did not fail of producing, in the
+same instant, its _own_ effect. It depressed their minds; it numbed
+their faculties; and, by preventing those sparks of genius from blazing
+forth, which had otherwise been conspicuous; it gave them the appearance
+of being endued with inferiour capacities than the rest of mankind. This
+effect of the _treatment_ had made so considerable a progress, as
+to have been a matter of observation in the days of Homer.
+
+
+For half _his_ senses Jove conveys away,
+_Whom_ once he dooms to see the _servile_ day.[021]
+
+
+Thus then did the _commerce_, by classing them originally with
+_brutes_, and the consequent _treatment_, by cramping their
+_abilities_, and hindering them from becoming _conspicuous_,
+give to these unfortunate people, at a very early period, the most
+unfavourable _appearance_. The rising generations, who received
+both the commerce and treatment from their ancestors, and who had always
+been accustomed to behold their _effects_, did not consider these
+_effects_ as _incidental_: they judged only from what they
+saw; they believed the _appearances_ to be _real_; and hence
+arose the combined principle, that slaves were an _inferiour_ order
+of men, and perfectly void of _understanding_. Upon this
+_principle_ it was, that the former treatment began to be fully
+confirmed and established; and as this _principle_ was handed down
+and disseminated, so it became, in succeeding ages, an _excuse_ for
+any severity, that despotism might suggest.
+
+We may observe here, that as all nations had this excuse in common, as
+arising from the _circumstances_ above-mentioned, so the Greeks
+first, and the Romans afterwards, had an _additional excuse_, as
+arising from their own _vanity_.
+
+The former having conquered Troy, and having united themselves under one
+common name and interest, began, from that period, to distinguish the
+rest of the world by the title of _barbarians_; inferring by such
+an appellation, "that they were men who were only noble in their own
+country; that they had no right, from their _nature_, to authority
+or command; that, on the contrary, so low were their capacities, they
+were _destined_ by nature _to obey_, and to live in a state of
+perpetual drudgery and subjugation."[022] Conformable with this opinion
+was the treatment, which was accordingly prescribed to a
+_barbarian_. The philosopher Aristotle himself, in the advice which
+he gave to his pupil Alexander, before he went upon his Asiatick
+expedition, intreated him to "use the Greeks, as it became a
+_general_, but the _barbarians_, as it became a _master_;
+consider, says he, the former as _friends_ and _domesticks_;
+but the latter, as _brutes_ and _plants_;"[023] inferring that
+the Greeks, from the superiority of their capacities, had a
+_natural_ right to dominion, and that the rest of the world, from
+the inferiority of their own, were to be considered and treated as the
+_irrational_ part of the creation.
+
+Now, if we consider that this was the treatment, which they judged to be
+absolutely proper for people of this description, and that their slaves
+were uniformly those, whom they termed _barbarians_; being
+generally such, as were either kidnapped from _Barbary_, or
+purchased from the _barbarian_ conquerors in their wars with one
+another; we shall immediately see, with what an additional excuse their
+own vanity had furnished them for the sallies of caprice and passion.
+
+To refute these cruel sentiments of the ancients, and to shew that their
+slaves were by no means an inferiour order of beings than themselves,
+may perhaps be considered as an unnecessary task; particularly, as
+having shewn, that the causes of this inferiour appearance were
+_incidental_, arising, on the one hand, from the combined effects
+of the _treatment_ and _commerce_, and, on the other, from
+_vanity_ and _pride_, we seem to have refuted them already.
+But we trust that some few observations, in vindication of these
+unfortunate people, will neither be unacceptable nor improper.
+
+How then shall we begin the refutation? Shall we say with Seneca, who
+saw many of the slaves in question, "What is a _knight_, or a
+_libertine_, or a _slave_? Are they not names, assumed either
+from _injury_ or _ambition_?" Or, shall we say with him on
+another occasion, "Let us consider that he, whom we call our slave, is
+born in the same manner as ourselves; that he enjoys the same sky, with
+all its heavenly luminaries; that he breathes, that he lives, in the
+same manner as ourselves, and, in the same manner, that he expires."
+These considerations, we confess, would furnish us with a plentiful
+source of arguments in the case before us; but we decline their
+assistance. How then shall we begin? Shall we enumerate the many
+instances of fidelity, patience, or valour, that are recorded of the
+_servile_ race? Shall we enumerate the many important services,
+that they rendered both to the individuals and the community, under whom
+they lived? Here would be a second source, from whence we could collect
+sufficient materials to shew, that there was no inferiority in their
+nature. But we decline to use them. We shall content ourselves with some
+few instances, that relate to the _genius_ only: we shall mention
+the names of those of a _servile_ condition, whose writings, having
+escaped the wreck of time, and having been handed down even to the
+present age, are now to be seen, as so many living monuments, that
+neither the Grecian, nor Roman genius, was superiour to their own.
+
+The first, whom we shall mention here, is the famous Æsop. He was a
+Phrygian by birth, and lived in the time of Croesus, king of Lydia, to
+whom he dedicated his fables. The writings of this great man, in
+whatever light we consider them, will be equally entitled to our
+admiration. But we are well aware, that the very mention of him as a
+writer of fables, may depreciate him in the eyes of some. To such we
+shall propose a question, "Whether this species of writing has not been
+more beneficial to mankind; or whether it has not produced more
+important events, than any other?"
+
+With respect to the first consideration, it is evident that these
+fables, as consisting of plain and simple transactions, are particularly
+easy to be understood; as conveyed in images, they please and seduce the
+mind; and, as containing a _moral_, easily deducible on the side of
+virtue; that they afford, at the same time, the most weighty precepts of
+philosophy. Here then are the two grand points of composition, "a manner
+of expression to be apprehended by the lowest capacities, and, (what is
+considered as a victory in the art) an happy conjunction of utility and
+pleasure."[024] Hence Quintilian recommends them, as singularly useful,
+and as admirably adapted, to the puerile age; as a just gradation
+between the language of the nurse and the preceptor, and as furnishing
+maxims of prudence and virtue, at a time when the speculative principles
+of philosophy are too difficult to be understood. Hence also having been
+introduced by most civilized nations into their system of education,
+they have produced that general benefit, to which we at first alluded.
+Nor have they been of less consequence in maturity; but particularly to
+those of inferiour capacities, or little erudition, whom they have
+frequently served as a guide to conduct them in life, and as a medium,
+through which an explanation might be made, on many and important
+occasions.
+
+With respect to the latter consideration, which is easily deducible from
+hence, we shall only appeal to the wonderful effect, which the fable,
+pronounced by Demosthenes against Philip of Macedon, produced among his
+hearers; or to the fable, which was spoken by Menenius Agrippa to the
+Roman populace; by which an illiterate multitude were brought back to
+their duty as citizens, when no other species of oratory could prevail.
+
+To these truly _ingenious_, and _philosophical_ works of Æsop,
+we shall add those of his imitator Phoedrus, which in purity and
+elegance of style, are inferiour to none. We shall add also the Lyrick
+_Poetry_ of Alcman, which is no _servile_ composition; the
+sublime _Morals_ of Epictetus, and the incomparable _comedies_
+of Terence.
+
+Thus then does it appear, that the _excuse_ which was uniformly
+started in defence of the _treatment_ of slaves, had no foundation
+whatever either in truth or justice. The instances that we have
+mentioned above, are sufficient to shew, that there was no inferiority,
+either in their _nature_, or their understandings: and at the same
+time that they refute the principles of the ancients, they afford a
+valuable lesson to those, who have been accustomed to form too
+precipitate a judgment on the abilities of men: for, alas! how often has
+_secret anguish_ depressed the spirits of those, whom they have
+frequently censured, from their gloomy and dejected appearance! and how
+often, on the other hand, has their judgment resulted from their own
+_vanity_ and _pride_!
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 021: Homer. Odys. P. 322. In the latest edition of Homer, the
+word, which we have translated _senses_, is _Aretae_, or
+_virtue_, but the old and proper reading is _Noos_, as appears
+from Plato de Legibus, ch. 6, where he quotes it on a similar occasion.]
+
+
+[Footnote 022: Aristotle. Polit. Ch. 2. et inseq.]
+
+
+[Footnote 023: Ellesin hegemonikos, tois de Barbarois despotikos krasthar
+kai ton men os philon kai oikeion epimeleisthai, tois de os
+zoois he phytois prospheresthai. Plutarch. de Fortun. Alexand. Orat. 1.]
+
+
+[Footnote 024: Omne tulit punctum, qui miscuit utile dulci. Horace.]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. VI.
+
+We proceed now to the consideration of the _commerce_: in
+consequence of which, people, endued with the same feelings and
+faculties as ourselves, were made subject to the laws and limitations of
+_possession_.
+
+This commerce of the human species was of a very early date. It was
+founded on the idea that men were _property_; and, as this idea was
+coeval with the first order of _involuntary_ slaves, it must have
+arisen, (if the date, which we previously affixed to that order, be
+right) in the first practices of barter. The Story of Joseph, as
+recorded in the sacred writings, whom his brothers sold from an envious
+suspicion of his future greatness, is an ample testimony of the truth of
+this conjecture. It shews that there were men, even at that early
+period, who travelled up and down as merchants, collecting not only
+balm, myrrh, spicery, and other wares, but the human species also, for
+the purposes of traffick. The instant determination of the brothers, on
+the first sight of the merchants, _to sell him_, and the immediate
+acquiescence of these, who purchased him for a foreign market, prove
+that this commerce had been then established, not only in that part of
+the country, where this transaction happened, but in that also, whither
+the merchants were then travelling with their camels, namely, Ægypt: and
+they shew farther, that, as all customs require time for their
+establishment, so it must have existed in the ages, previous to that of
+Pharaoh; that is, in those ages, in which we fixed the first date of
+_involuntary_ servitude. This commerce then, as appears by the
+present instance, existed in the earliest practices of barter, and had
+descended to the Ægyptians, through as long a period of time, as was
+sufficient to have made it, in the times alluded to, an established
+custom. Thus was Ægypt, in those days, the place of the greatest resort;
+the grand emporium of trade, to which people were driving their
+merchandize, as to a centre; and thus did it afford, among other
+opportunities of traffick, the _first market_ that is recorded, for
+the sale of the human species.
+
+This market, which was thus supplied by the constant concourse of
+merchants, who resorted to it from various parts, could not fail, by
+these means, to have been considerable. It received, afterwards, an
+additional supply from those piracies, which we mentioned to have
+existed in the uncivilized ages of the world, and which, in fact, it
+greatly promoted and encouraged; and it became, from these united
+circumstances, so famous, as to have been known, within a few centuries
+from the time of Pharaoh, both to the Grecian colonies in Asia, and the
+Grecian islands. Homer mentions Cyprus and Ægypt as the common markets
+for slaves, about the times of the Trojan war. Thus Antinous, offended
+with Ulysses, threatens to send him to one of these places, if he does
+not instantly depart from his table.[025] The same poet also, in his
+hymn to Bacchus[026], mentions them again, but in a more unequivocal
+manner, as the common markets for slaves. He takes occasion, in that
+hymn, to describe the pirates method of scouring the coast, from the
+circumstance of their having kidnapped Bacchus, as a noble youth, for
+whom they expected an immense ransom. The captain of the vessel, having
+dragged him on board, is represented as addressing himself thus, to the
+steersman:
+
+
+"Haul in the tackle, hoist aloft the sail,
+Then take your helm, and watch the doubtful gale!
+To mind the captive prey, be our's the care,
+While you to _Ægypt_ or to _Cyprus_ steer;
+There shall he go, unless his friends he'll tell,
+Whose ransom-gifts will pay us full as well."
+
+
+It may not perhaps be considered as a digression, to mention in few
+words, by itself, the wonderful concordance of the writings of Moses and
+Homer with the case before us: not that the former, from their divine
+authority, want additional support, but because it cannot be unpleasant
+to see them confirmed by a person, who, being one of the earliest
+writers, and living in a very remote age, was the first that could
+afford us any additional proof of the circumstances above-mentioned.
+Ægypt is represented, in the first book of the sacred writings, as a
+market for slaves, and, in the [027]second, as famous for the severity
+of its servitude. [028]The same line, which we have already cited from
+Homer, conveys to us the same ideas. It points it out as a market for
+the human species, and by the epithet of "_bitter_ Ægypt,"
+([029]which epithet is peculiarly annexed to it on this occasion)
+alludes in the strongest manner to that severity and rigour, of which
+the sacred historian transmitted us the first account.
+
+But, to return. Though Ægypt was the first market recorded for this
+species of traffick; and though Ægypt, and Cyprus afterwards, were
+particularly distinguished for it, in the times of the Trojan war; yet
+they were not the only places, even at that period, where men were
+bought and sold. The Odyssey of Homer shews that it was then practised
+in many of the islands of the Ægean sea; and the Iliad, that it had
+taken place among those Grecians on the continent of Europe, who had
+embarked from thence on the Trojan expedition. This appears particularly
+at the end of the seventh book. A fleet is described there, as having
+just arrived from Lemnos, with a supply of wine for the Grecian camp.
+The merchants are described also, as immediately exposing it to sale,
+and as receiving in exchange, among other articles of barter, "_a
+number of slaves_."
+
+It will now be sufficient to observe, that, as other states arose, and
+as circumstances contributed to make them known, this custom is
+discovered to have existed among them; that it travelled over all Asia;
+that it spread through the Grecian and Roman world; was in use among the
+barbarous nations, which overturned the Roman empire; and was practised
+therefore, at the same period, throughout all Europe.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 025: me tacha pikren Aigypton kai Kypron idnai. Hom.
+Odyss. L. 17. 448.]
+
+
+[Footnote 026: L. 26.]
+
+
+[Footnote 027: Exodus. Ch. 1.]
+
+
+[Footnote 028: Vide note 1st. (Here shown as footnote 025).]
+
+
+[Footnote 029: This strikes us the more forcibly, as it is stiled
+_eurreiten_ and _perikallea_, "_beautiful and well watered_,"
+in all other passages where it is mentioned, but this.]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. VII.
+
+This _slavery_ and _commerce_, which had continued for so long
+a time, and which was thus practised in Europe at so late a period as
+that, which succeeded the grand revolutions in the western world, began,
+as the northern nations were settled in their conquests, to decline,
+and, on their full establishment, were abolished. A difference of
+opinion has arisen respecting the cause of their abolition; some having
+asserted, that they were the necessary consequences of the _feudal
+system_; while others, superiour both in number and in argument, have
+maintained that they were the natural effects of _Christianity_.
+The mode of argument, which the former adopt on this occasion, is as
+follows. "The multitude of little states, which sprang up from one great
+one at this Æra, occasioned infinite bickerings and matter for
+contention. There was not a state or seignory, which did not want all
+the hands they could muster, either to defend their own right, or to
+dispute that of their neighbours. Thus every man was taken into the
+service: whom they armed they must trust: and there could be no trust
+but in free men. Thus the barrier between the two natures was thrown
+down, and _slavery_ was no more heard of, in the _west_."
+
+That this was not the _necessary_ consequence of such a situation,
+is apparent. The political state of Greece, in its early history, was
+the same as that of Europe, when divided, by the feudal system, into an
+infinite number of small and independent kingdoms. There was the same
+matter therefore for contention, and the same call for all the hands
+that could be mustered: the Grecians, in short, in _heroick_, were
+in the same situation in these respects as the _feudal barons_ in
+the _Gothick_ times. Had this therefore been a _necessary_
+effect, there had been a cessation of servitude in Greece, in those
+ages, in which we have already shewn that it existed.
+
+But with respect to _Christianity_, many and great are the
+arguments, that it occasioned so desirable an event. It taught, "that
+all men were originally equal; that the Deity was no respecter of
+persons, and that, as all men were to give an account of their actions
+hereafter, it was necessary that they should be free." These doctrines
+could not fail of having their proper influence on those, who first
+embraced _Christianity_, from a _conviction_ of its truth; and
+on those of their descendents afterwards, who, by engaging in the
+_crusades_, and hazarding their lives and fortunes there, shewed,
+at least, an _attachment_ to that religion. We find them
+accordingly actuated by these principles: we have a positive proof, that
+the _feudal system_ had no share in the honour of suppressing
+slavery, but that _Christianity_ was the only cause; for the
+greatest part of the _charters_ which were granted for the freedom
+of slaves in those times (many of which are still extant) were granted,
+"_pro amore Dei, pro mercede animæ_." They were founded, in short,
+on religious considerations, "that they might procure the favour of the
+Deity, which they conceived themselves to have forfeited, by the
+subjugation of those, whom they found to be the objects of the divine
+benevolence and attention equally with themselves."
+
+These considerations, which had thus their first origin in
+_Christianity_, began to produce their effects, as the different
+nations were converted; and procured that general liberty at last,
+which, at the close of the twelfth century, was conspicuous in the west
+of Europe. What a glorious and important change! Those, who would have
+had otherwise no hopes, but that their miseries would be terminated by
+death, were then freed from their servile condition; those, who, by the
+laws of war, would have had otherwise an immediate prospect of servitude
+from the hands of their imperious conquerors, were then
+_exchanged_; a custom, which has happily descended to the present
+day. Thus, "a numerous class of men, who formerly had no political
+existence, and were employed merely as instruments of labour, became
+useful citizens, and contributed towards augmenting the force or riches
+of the society, which adopted them as members;" and thus did the greater
+part of the Europeans, by their conduct on this occasion, assert not
+only liberty for themselves, but for their fellow-creatures also.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. VIII.
+
+But if men therefore, at a time when under the influence of religion
+they exercised their serious thoughts, abolished slavery, how impious
+must they appear, who revived it; and what arguments will not present
+themselves against their conduct![030] The Portuguese, within two
+centuries after its suppression in Europe, in imitation of those
+_piracies_, which we have shewn to have existed in the _uncivilized_
+ages of the world, made their descents on Africa, and committing
+depredations on the coast,[031] _first_ carried the wretched
+inhabitants into slavery.
+
+This practice, however trifling and partial it might appear at first,
+soon became serious and general. A melancholy instance of the depravity
+of human nature; as it shews, that neither the laws nor religion of any
+country, however excellent the forms of each, are sufficient to bind the
+consciences of some; but that there are always men, of every age,
+country, and persuasion, who are ready to sacrifice their dearest
+principles at the shrine of gain. Our own ancestors, together with the
+Spaniards, French, and most of the maritime powers of Europe, soon
+followed the _piratical_ example; and thus did the Europeans, to their
+eternal infamy, renew a custom, which their _own_ ancestors had so
+lately exploded, from a _conscientiousness_ of its _impiety_.
+
+The unfortunate Africans, terrified at these repeated depredations, fled
+in confusion from the coast, and sought, in the interiour parts of the
+country, a retreat from the persecution of their invaders. But, alas,
+they were miserably disappointed! There are few retreats, that can
+escape the penetrating eye of avarice. The Europeans still pursued them;
+they entered their rivers; sailed up into the heart of the country;
+surprized the unfortunate Africans again; and carried them into slavery.
+
+But this conduct, though successful at first, defeated afterwards its
+own ends. It created a more general alarm, and pointed out, at the same
+instant, the best method of security from future depredations. The banks
+of the rivers were accordingly deserted, as the coasts had been before;
+and thus were the _Christian_ invaders left without a prospect of
+their prey.
+
+In this situation however, expedients were not wanting. They now formed
+to themselves the resolution of settling in the country; of securing
+themselves by fortified ports; of changing their system of force into
+that of pretended liberality; and of opening, by every species of
+bribery and corruption, a communication with the natives. These plans
+were put into immediate execution. The Europeans erected their
+forts[032]; landed their merchandize; and endeavoured, by a peaceable
+deportment, by presents, and by every appearance of munificence, to
+seduce the attachment and confidence of the Africans. These schemes had
+the desired effect. The gaudy trappings of European art, not only caught
+their attention, but excited their curiosity: they dazzled the eyes and
+bewitched the senses, not only of those, to whom they were given, but of
+those, to whom they were shewn. Thus followed a speedy intercourse with
+each other, and a confidence, highly favourable to the views of avarice
+or ambition.
+
+It was now time for the Europeans to embrace the opportunity, which this
+intercourse had thus afforded them, of carrying their schemes into
+execution, and of fixing them on such a permanent foundation, as should
+secure them future success. They had already discovered, in the
+different interviews obtained, the chiefs of the African tribes. They
+paid their court therefore to these, and so compleatly intoxicated their
+senses with the luxuries, which they brought from home, as to be able to
+seduce them to their designs. A treaty of peace and commerce was
+immediately concluded: it was agreed, that the kings, on their part,
+should, from this period, sentence _prisoners of war_ and _convicts_
+to _European servitude_; and that the Europeans should supply them, in
+return, with the luxuries of the north. This agreement immediately took
+place; and thus begun that _commerce_, which makes so considerable a
+figure at the present day.
+
+But happy had the Africans been, if those only, who had been justly
+convicted of crimes, or taken in a just war, had been sentenced to the
+severities of servitude! How many of those miseries, which afterwards
+attended them, had been never known; and how would their history have
+saved those sighs and emotions of pity, which must now ever accompany
+its perusal. The Europeans, on the establishment of their western
+colonies, required a greater number of slaves than a strict adherence to
+the treaty could produce. The princes therefore had only the choice of
+relinquishing the commerce, or of consenting to become unjust. They had
+long experienced the emoluments of the trade; they had acquired a taste
+for the luxuries it afforded; and they now beheld an opportunity of
+gratifying it, but in a more extentive manner. _Avarice_ therefore,
+which was too powerful for _justice_ on this occasion, immediately
+turned the scale: not only those, who were fairly convicted of offences,
+were now sentenced to servitude, but even those who were _suspected_.
+New crimes were invented, that new punishments might succeed. Thus was
+every appearance soon construed into reality; every shadow into a
+substance; and often virtue into a crime.
+
+Such also was the case with respect to prisoners of war. Not only those
+were now delivered into slavery, who were taken in a state of publick
+enmity and injustice, but those also, who, conscious of no injury
+whatever, were taken in the _arbitrary_ skirmishes of these _venal_
+sovereigns. War was now made, not as formerly, from the motives of
+retaliation and defence, but for the sake of obtaining prisoners alone,
+and the advantages resulting from their sale. If a ship from Europe came
+but into sight, it was now considered as a sufficient motive for a war,
+and as a signal only for an instantaneous commencement of hostilities.
+
+But if the African kings could be capable of such injustice, what vices
+are there, that their consciences would restrain, or what enormities,
+that we might not expect to be committed? When men once consent to be
+unjust, they lose, at the same instant with their virtue, a considerable
+portion of that sense of shame, which, till then, had been found a
+successful protector against the sallies of vice. From that awful
+period, almost every expectation is forlorn: the heart is left
+unguarded: its great protector is no more: the vices therefore, which so
+long encompassed it in vain, obtain an easy victory: in crouds they pour
+into the defenceless avenues, and take possession of the soul: there is
+nothing now too vile for them to meditate, too impious to perform. Such
+was the situation of the despotick sovereigns of Africa. They had once
+ventured to pass the bounds of virtue, and they soon proceeded to
+enormity. This was particularly conspicuous in that general conduct,
+which they uniformly observed, after any unsuccessful conflict.
+Influenced only by the venal motives of European traffick, they first
+made war upon the neighbouring tribes, contrary to every principle of
+justice; and if, by the flight of the enemy, or by other contingencies,
+they were disappointed of their prey, they made no hesitation of
+immediately turning their arms against their own subjects. The first
+villages they came to, were always marked on this occasion, as the first
+objects of their avarice. They were immediately surrounded, were
+afterwards set on fire, and the wretched inhabitants seized, as they
+were escaping from the flames. These, consisting of whole families,
+fathers, brothers, husbands, wives, and children, were instantly driven
+in chains to the merchants, and consigned to slavery.
+
+To these calamities, which thus arose from the tyranny of the kings, we
+may now subjoin those, which arose from the avarice of private persons.
+Many were kidnapped by their own countrymen, who, encouraged by the
+merchants of Europe, previously lay in wait for them, and sold them
+afterwards for slaves; while the seamen of the different ships, by every
+possible artifice, enticed others on board, and transported them to the
+regions of servitude.
+
+As these practices are in full force at the present day, it appears that
+there are four orders of _involuntary_ slaves on the African
+continent; of [033]_convicts_; of _prisoners of war_; of
+those, who are publickly seized by virtue of the _authority_ of
+their prince; and of those, who are privately _kidnapped_ by
+individuals.
+
+It remains only to observe on this head, that in the sale and purchase
+of these the African commerce or _Slave Trade_ consists; that they
+are delivered to the merchants of Europe in exchange for their various
+commodities; that these transport them to their colonies in the west,
+where their _slavery_ takes place; and that a fifth order arises
+there, composed of all such as are born to the native Africans, after
+their transportation and slavery have commenced.
+
+Having thus explained as much of the history of modern servitude, as is
+sufficient for the prosecution of our design, we should have closed our
+account here, but that a work, just published, has furnished us with a
+singular anecdote of the colonists of a neighbouring nation, which we
+cannot but relate. The learned [034]author, having described the method
+which the Dutch colonists at the Cape make use of to take the Hottentots
+and enslave them, takes occasion, in many subsequent parts of the work,
+to mention the dreadful effects of the practice of slavery; which, as he
+justly remarks, "leads to all manner of misdemeanours and wickedness.
+Pregnant women," says he, "and children in their tenderest years, were
+not at this time, neither indeed are they ever, exempt from the effects
+of the hatred and spirit of vengeance constantly harboured by the
+colonists, with respect to the [035]Boshies-man nation; _excepting such
+indeed as are marked out to be carried away into bondage_.
+
+"Does a colonist at any time get sight of a Boshies-man, he takes fire
+immediately, and spirits up his horse and dogs, in order to hunt him
+with more ardour and fury than he would a wolf, or any other wild beast?
+On an open plain, a few colonists on horseback are always sure to get
+the better of the greatest number of Boshies-men that can be brought
+together; as the former always keep at the distance of about an hundred,
+or an hundred and fifty paces (just as they find it convenient) and
+charging their heavy fire-arms with a very large kind of shot, jump off
+their horses, and rest their pieces in their usual manner on their
+ramrods, in order that they may shoot with the greater certainty; so
+that the balls discharged by them will sometimes, as I have been
+assured, go through the bodies of six, seven, or eight of the enemy at a
+time, especially as these latter know no better than to keep close
+together in a body."--
+
+"And not only is the capture of the Hottentots considered by them merely
+as a party of pleasure, but in cold blood they destroy the bands which
+nature has knit between their husbands, and their wives and children,
+&c."
+
+With what horrour do these passages seem to strike us! What indignation
+do they seem to raise in our breasts, when we reflect, that a part of
+the human species are considered as _game_, and that _parties of
+pleasure_ are made for their _destruction_! The lion does not
+imbrue his claws in blood, unless called upon by hunger, or provoked by
+interruption; whereas the merciless Dutch, more savage than the brutes
+themselves, not only murder their fellow-creatures without any
+provocation or necessity, but even make a diversion of their sufferings,
+and enjoy their pain.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 030: The following short history of the African servitude, is
+taken from Astley's Collection of Voyages, and from the united
+testimonies of Smyth, Adanson, Bosman, Moore, and others, who were
+agents to the different factories established there; who resided many
+years in the country; and published their respective histories at their
+return. These writers, if they are partial at all, may be considered as
+favourable rather to their own countrymen, than the unfortunate
+Africans.]
+
+
+[Footnote 031: We would not wish to be understood, that slavery was
+unknown in Africa before the _piratical_ expeditions of the
+_Portuguese_, as it appears from the _Nubian's Geography_,
+that both the slavery and commerce had been established among the
+natives with one another. We mean only to assert, that the
+_Portuguese_ were the first of the _Europeans_, who made their
+_piratical_ expeditions, and shewed the way to that _slavery_,
+which now makes so disgraceful a figure in the western colonies of the
+_Europeans_. In the term "Europeans," wherever it shall occur in
+the remaining part of this first dissertation, we include the
+_Portuguese_, and _those nations only_, who followed their
+example.]
+
+
+[Footnote 032: The _Portuguese_ erected their first fort at
+_D'Elmina_, in the year 1481, about forty years after Alonzo
+Gonzales had pointed the Southern Africans out to his countrymen
+as articles of commerce.]
+
+
+[Footnote 033: In the ancient servitude, we reckoned _convicts_
+among the _voluntary_ slaves, because they had it in their power,
+by a virtuous conduct, to have avoided so melancholy a situation; in the
+_African_, we include them in the _involuntary_, because, as
+virtues are frequently construed into crimes, from the venal motives of
+the traffick, no person whatever possesses such a _power_ or
+_choice_.]
+
+[Footnote 034: Andrew Sparrman, M.D. professor of Physick at Stockholm,
+fellow of the Royal Academy of Sciences in Sweden, and inspector of its
+cabinet of natural history, whose voyage was translated into English,
+and published in 1785.]
+
+
+[Footnote 035: Boshies-man, or _wild Hottentot_.]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+End of the First Part.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+
+PART II.
+
+
+
+THE AFRICAN COMMERCE,
+
+OR
+
+SLAVE TRADE.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. I.
+
+As we explained the History of Slavery in the first part of this Essay,
+as far as it was necessary for our purpose, we shall now take the
+question into consideration, which we proposed at first as the subject
+of our inquiry, viz. how far the commerce and slavery of the human
+species, as revived by some of the nations of Europe in the persons of
+the unfortunate Africans, and as revived, in a great measure, on the
+principles of antiquity, are consistent with the laws of nature, or the
+common notions of equity, as established among men.
+
+This question resolves itself into two separate parts for discussion,
+into _the African commerce (as explained in the history of
+slavery)_ and _the subsequent slavery in the colonies, as founded
+on the equity of the commerce_. The former, of course, will be first
+examined. For this purpose we shall inquire into the rise, nature, and
+design of government. Such an inquiry will be particularly useful in the
+present place; it will afford us that general knowledge of subordination
+and liberty, which is necessary in the case before us, and will be
+found, as it were, a source, to which we may frequently refer for many
+and valuable arguments.
+
+It appears that mankind were originally free, and that they possessed an
+equal right to the soil and produce of the earth. For proof of this, we
+need only appeal to the _divine_ writings; to the _golden age_
+of the poets, which, like other fables of the times, had its origin in
+truth; and to the institution of the _Saturnalia_, and of other
+similar festivals; all of which are so many monuments of this original
+equality of men. Hence then there was no rank, no distinction, no
+superiour. Every man wandered where he chose, changing his residence, as
+a spot attracted his fancy, or suited his convenience, uncontrouled by
+his neighbour, unconnected with any but his family. Hence also (as every
+thing was common) he collected what he chose without injury, and enjoyed
+without injury what he had collected. Such was the first situation of
+mankind; [036]a state of _dissociation_ and _independence_.
+
+In this dissociated state it is impossible that men could have long
+continued. The dangers to which they must have frequently been exposed,
+by the attacks of fierce and rapacious beasts, by the proedatory
+attempts of their own species, and by the disputes of contiguous and
+independent families; these, together with their inability to defend,
+themselves, on many such occasions, must have incited them to unite.
+Hence then was _society_ formed on the grand principles of
+preservation and defence: and as these principles began to operate, in
+the different parts of the earth, where the different families had
+roamed, a great number of these _societies_ began to be formed and
+established; which, taking to themselves particular names from
+particular occurrences, began to be perfectly distinct from one another.
+
+As the individuals, of whom these societies were composed, had
+associated only for their defence, so they experienced, at first, no
+change in their condition. They were still independent and free; they
+were still without discipline or laws; they had every thing still in
+common; they pursued the same, manner of life; wandering only, in
+_herds_, as the earth gave them or refused them sustenance, and
+doing, as a _publick body_, what they had been accustomed to do as
+_individuals_ before. This was the exact situation of the Getæ and
+Scythians[037], of the Lybians and Goetulians[038], of the Italian
+Aborigines[039], and of the Huns and Alans[040]. They had left their
+original state of _dissociation_, and had stepped into that, which
+has been just described. Thus was the second situation of men a state of
+_independent society_.
+
+Having thus joined themselves together, and having formed themselves
+into several large and distinct bodies, they could not fail of
+submitting soon to a more considerable change. Their numbers must have
+rapidly increased, and their societies, in process of time, have become
+so populous, as frequently to have experienced the want of subsistence,
+and many of the commotions and tumults of intestine strife. For these
+inconveniences however there were remedies to be found.
+_Agriculture_ would furnish them with that subsistence and support,
+which the earth, from the rapid increase of its inhabitants, had become
+unable spontaneously to produce. An _assignation_ of _property_
+would not only enforce an application, but excite an emulation,
+to labour; and _government_ would at once afford a security
+to the acquisitions of the industrious, and heal the intestine
+disorders of the community, by the introduction of laws.
+
+Such then were the remedies, that were gradually applied. The
+_societies_, which had hitherto seen their members, undistinguished
+either by authority or rank, admitted now of magistratical pre-eminence.
+They were divided into tribes; to every tribe was allotted a particular
+district for its support, and to every individual his particular spot.
+The Germans[041], who consisted of many and various nations, were
+exactly in this situation. They had advanced a step beyond the
+Scythians, Goetulians, and those, whom we described before; and thus was
+the third situation of mankind a state of _subordinate society_.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 036: This conclusion concerning the dissociated state of
+mankind, is confirmed by all the early writers, with whose descriptions
+of primitive times no other conclusion is reconcileable.]
+
+
+[Footnote 037: Justin. L. 2. C. 2.]
+
+
+[Footnote 038: Sallust. Bell. Jug.]
+
+
+[Footnote 039: Sallust. Bell. Catil.]
+
+
+[Footnote 040: Ammianus Marcellinus. L. 31. C. 2. et. inseq.]
+
+
+[Footnote 041: Agri pro Numero Cultorum ab universis per vicos
+occupantur, quos mox inter se secundum dignationem partiuntur. Tacitus.
+C. 26. de Mor. Germ.]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. II.
+
+As we have thus traced the situation of man from unbounded liberty to
+subordination, it will be proper to carry our inquiries farther, and to
+consider, who first obtained the pre-eminence in these _primoeval
+societies_, and by what particular methods it was obtained.
+
+There were only two ways, by which such an event could have been
+produced, by _compulsion_ or _consent_. When mankind first saw
+the necessity of government, it is probable that many had conceived the
+desire of ruling. To be placed in a new situation, to be taken from the
+common herd, to be the first, distinguished among men, were thoughts,
+that must have had their charms. Let us suppose then, that these
+thoughts had worked so unusually on the passions of any particular
+individual, as to have driven him to the extravagant design of obtaining
+the preeminence by force. How could his design have been accomplished?
+How could he forcibly have usurped the jurisdiction at a time, when, all
+being equally free, there was not a single person, whose assistance he
+could command? Add to this, that, in a state of universal liberty, force
+had been repaid by force, and the attempt had been fatal to the usurper.
+
+As _empire_ then could never have been gained at first by
+_compulsion_, so it could only have been obtained by _consent_;
+and as men were then going to make an important sacrifice,
+for the sake of their _mutual_ happiness, so he alone could
+have obtained it, (not whose _ambition_ had greatly distinguished
+him from the rest) but in whose _wisdom, justice, prudence_,
+and _virtue_, the whole community could confide.
+
+To confirm this reasoning, we shall appeal, as before, to facts; and
+shall consult therefore the history of those nations, which having just
+left their former state of _independent society_, were the very
+people that established _subordination_ and _government_.
+
+The commentaries of Cæsar afford us the following accounts of the
+ancient Gauls. When any of their kings, either by death, or deposition,
+made a vacancy in the regal office, the whole nation was immediately
+convened for the appointment of a successor. In these national
+conventions were the regal offices conferred. Every individual had a
+voice on the occasion, and every individual was free. The person upon
+whom the general approbation appeared to fall, was immediately advanced
+to pre-eminence in the state. He was uniformly one, whose actions had
+made him eminent; whose conduct had gained him previous applause; whose
+valour the very assembly, that elected him, had themselves witnessed in
+the field; whose prudence, wisdom and justice, having rendered him
+signally serviceable, had endeared him to his tribe. For this reason,
+their kingdoms were not hereditary; the son did not always inherit the
+virtues of the sire; and they were determined that he alone should
+possess authority, in whose virtues they could confide. Nor was this
+all. So sensible were they of the important sacrifice they had made; so
+extremely jealous even of the name of superiority and power, that they
+limited, by a variety of laws, the authority of the very person, whom
+they had just elected, from a confidence of his integrity; Ambiorix
+himself confessing, "that his people had as much power over him, as he
+could possibly have over his people."
+
+The same custom, as appears from Tacitus, prevailed also among the
+Germans. They had their national councils, like the Gauls; in which the
+regal and ducal offices were confirmed according to the majority of
+voices. They elected also, on these occasions, those only, whom their
+virtue, by repeated trial, had unequivocally distinguished from the
+rest; and they limited their authority so far, as neither to leave them
+the power of inflicting imprisonment or stripes, nor of exercising any
+penal jurisdiction. But as punishment was necessary in a state of civil
+society, "it was permitted to the priests alone, that it might appear to
+have been inflicted, by the order of the gods, and not by any superiour
+authority in man."
+
+The accounts which we have thus given of the ancient Germans and Gauls,
+will be found also to be equally true of those people, which had arrived
+at the same state of subordinate society. We might appeal, for a
+testimony of this, to the history of the Goths; to the history of the
+Franks and Saxons; to, the history, in short, of all those nations, from
+which the different governments, now conspicuous in Europe, have
+undeniably sprung. And we might appeal, as a farther proof, to the
+Americans, who are represented by many of the moderns, from their own
+ocular testimony, as observing the same customs at the present day.
+
+It remains only to observe, that as these customs prevailed among the
+different nations described, in their early state of subordinate
+society, and as they were moreover the customs of their respective
+ancestors, it appears that they must have been handed down, both by
+tradition and use, from the first introduction of _government_.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. III.
+
+We may now deduce those general maxims concerning _subordination_,
+and _liberty_, which we mentioned to have been essentially
+connected with the subject, and which some, from speculation only, and
+without any allusion to facts, have been bold enough to deny.
+
+It appears first, that _liberty_ is a _natural_, and
+_government_ an _adventitious_ right, because all men were
+originally free.
+
+It appears secondly, that government is a [042]_contract_ because,
+in these primeval subordinate societies, we have seen it voluntarily
+conferred on the one hand, and accepted on the other. We have seen it
+subject to various restrictions. We have seen its articles, which could
+then only be written by tradition and use, as perfect and binding as
+those, which are now committed to letters. We have seen it, in short,
+partaking of the _federal_ nature, as much as it could in a state,
+which wanted the means of recording its transactions.
+
+It appear thirdly, that the grand object of the _contrast_, is the
+_happiness_ of the people; because they gave the supremacy to him
+alone, who had been conspicuous for the splendour of his abilities, or
+the integrity of his life: that the power of the multitude being
+directed by the _wisdom_ and _justice_ of the prince, they
+might experience the most effectual protection from injury, the highest
+advantages of society, the greatest possible _happiness_.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 042: The author has lately read a work, intitled Paley's Moral
+and Political Philosophy, which, in this one respect, favours those
+which have been hinted at, as it denies that government was a contract.
+"No social compact was ever made in fact,"--"it is to suppose it
+possible to call savages out of caves and deserts, to deliberate upon
+topicks, which the experience and studies, and the refinements of civil
+life alone suggest. Therefore no government in the universe begun from
+this original." But there are no grounds for so absurd a supposition;
+for government, and of course the social compact, does not appear to
+have been introduced at the time, when families coming out of their
+caves and deserts, or, in other words, quitting their former
+_dissociated_ state, joined themselves together. They had lived a
+considerable time in _society_, like the Lybians and Gætulians
+before-mentioned, and had felt many of the disadvantages of a want of
+discipline and laws, before government was introduced at all. The author
+of this Essay, before he took into consideration the origin of
+government, was determined, in a matter of such importance, to be
+biassed by no opinion whatever, and much less to indulge himself in
+speculation. He was determined solely to adhere to fact, and, by looking
+into the accounts left us of those governments which were in their
+infancy, and, of course in the least complicated state, to attempt to
+discover their foundation: he cannot say therefore, that upon a very
+minute perusal of the excellent work before quoted, he has been so far
+convinced, as to retract in the least from his sentiments on this head,
+and to give up maxims, which are drawn from historical facts, for those,
+which are the result of speculation. He may observe here, that whether
+government was a _contract_ or not, it will not affect the
+reasoning of the present Essay; since where ever the contract is
+afterwards mentioned, it is inferred only that its object was "the
+_happiness of the people_," which is confessedly the end of
+government. Notwithstanding this, he is under the necessity of inserting
+this little note, though he almost feels himself ungrateful in
+contradicting a work, which has afforded him so much entertainment.]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. IV.
+
+Having now collected the materials that are necessary for the
+prosecution of our design, we shall immediately enter upon the
+discussion.
+
+If any man had originally been endued with power, as with other
+faculties, so that the rest of mankind had discovered in themselves an
+_innate necessity_ of obeying this particular person; it is evident
+that he and his descendants, from the superiority of their nature, would
+have had a claim upon men for obedience, and a natural right to command:
+but as the right to empire is _adventitious_; as all were
+originally free; as nature made every man's body and mind _his
+own_; it is evident that no just man can be consigned to
+_slavery_, without his own _consent_.
+
+Neither can men, by the same principles, be considered as lands, goods,
+or houses, among _possessions_. It is necessary that all
+_property_ should be inferiour to its _possessor_. But how
+does the _slave_ differ from his _master_, but by _chance_?
+For though the mark, with which the latter is pleased to
+brand him, shews, at the first sight, the difference of their
+_fortune_; what mark can be found in his _nature_, that can
+warrant a distinction?
+
+To this consideration we shall add the following, that if men can justly
+become the property of each other, their children, like the offspring of
+cattle, must inherit their _paternal_ lot. Now, as the actions of
+the father and the child must be thus at the sole disposal of their
+common master, it is evident, that the _authority_ of the one, as a
+_parent_, and the _duty_ of the other, as a _child_, must
+be instantly annihilated; rights and obligations, which, as they are
+sounded in nature, are implanted in our feelings, and are established by
+the voice of God, must contain in their annihilation a solid argument to
+prove, that there cannot be any _property_ whatever in the _human
+species_.
+
+We may consider also, as a farther confirmation, that it is impossible,
+in the nature of things, that _liberty_ can be _bought_ or
+_sold_! It is neither _saleable_, nor _purchasable_. For
+if any one man can have an absolute property in the liberty of another,
+or, in other words, if he, who is called a _master_, can have a
+_just_ right to command the actions of him, who is called a
+_slave_, it is evident that the latter cannot be accountable for
+those crimes, which the former may order him to commit. Now as every
+reasonable being is accountable for his actions, it is evident, that
+such a right cannot _justly_ exist, and that human liberty, of
+course, is beyond the possibility either of _sale_ or _purchase_.
+Add to this, that, whenever you sell the liberty of a man,
+you have the power only of alluding to the _body_: the _mind_
+cannot be confined or bound: it will be free, though its
+mansion be beset with chains. But if, in every sale of the _human
+species_, you are under the necessity of considering your slave in
+this abstracted light; of alluding only to the body, and of making no
+allusion to the mind; you are under the necessity also of treating him,
+in the same moment, as a _brute_, and of abusing therefore that
+nature, which cannot otherwise be considered, than in the double
+capacity of _soul_ and _body_.
+
+But some person, perhaps, will make an objection to one of the former
+arguments. "If men, from _superiority_ of their nature, cannot be
+considered, like lands, goods, or houses, among possessions, so neither
+can cattle: for being endued with life, motion, and sensibility, they
+are evidently _superiour_ to these." But this objection will
+receive its answer from those observations which have been already made;
+and will discover the true reason, why cattle are justly to be estimated
+as property. For first, the right to empire over brutes, is
+_natural_, and not _adventitious_, like the right to empire
+over men. There are, secondly, many and evident signs of the
+_inferiority_ of their nature; and thirdly, their liberty can be
+bought and sold, because, being void of reason, they cannot be
+_accountable_ for their actions.
+
+We might stop here for a considerable time, and deduce many valuable
+lessons from the remarks that have been made, but that such a
+circumstance might be considered as a digression. There is one, however,
+which, as it is so intimately connected with the subject, we cannot but
+deduce. We are taught to treat men in a different manner from brutes,
+because they are so manifestly superiour in their nature; we are taught
+to treat brutes in a different manner from stones, for the same reason;
+and thus, by giving to every created thing its due respect, to answer
+the views of Providence, which did not create a variety of natures
+without a purpose or design.
+
+But if these things are so, how evidently against reason, nature, and
+every thing human and divine, must they act, who not only force men into
+_slavery_, against their own _consent_; but treat them altogether
+as _brutes_, and make the _natural liberty_ of man an article
+of publick commerce! and by what arguments can they possibly
+defend that commerce, which cannot be carried on, in any single
+instance, without a flagrant violation of the laws of nature and of God?
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. V.
+
+That we may the more accurately examine the arguments that are advanced
+on this occasion, it will be proper to divide the _commerce_ into
+two parts; first, as it relates to those who _sell_, and secondly,
+as it relates to those who _purchase_, the _human species_
+into slavery. To the former part of which, having given every previous
+and necessary information in the history of servitude, we shall
+immediately proceed.
+
+Let us inquire first, by what particular right the _liberties_ of
+the harmless people are invaded by the _prince_. "By the _right
+of empire_," it will be answered; "because he possesses dominion and
+power by their own approbation and consent." But subjects, though under
+the dominion, are not the _property_, of the prince. They cannot be
+considered as his _possessions_. Their _natures_ are both the
+same; they are both born in the same manner; are subject to the same
+disorders; must apply to the same remedies for a cure; are equally
+partakers of the grave: an _incidental_ distinction accompanies
+them through life, and this--is all.
+
+We may add to this, that though the prince possesses dominion and power,
+by the consent and approbation of his subjects, he possesses it only for
+the most _salutary_ ends. He may tyrannize, if he can: he may alter
+the _form_ of his government: he cannot, however, alter its
+_nature_ and _end_. These will be immutably the same, though
+the whole system of its administration should be changed; and he will be
+still bound to _defend_ the lives and properties of his subjects,
+and to make them _happy_.
+
+Does he defend those therefore, whom he invades at discretion with the
+sword? Does he protect the property of those, whose houses and effects
+he consigns at discretion to the flames? Does he make those happy, whom
+he seizes, as they are trying to escape the general devastation, and
+compels with their wives and families to a wretched _servitude?_ He
+acts surely, as if the use of empire consisted in violence and
+oppression; as if he, that was most exalted, ought, of necessity, to be
+most unjust. Here then the voice of _nature_ and _justice_ is
+against him. He breaks that law of _nature_, which ordains, "that no
+just man shall be given into slavery, against his own _consent_:"
+he violates the first law of _justice_, as established among men,
+"that no person shall do harm to another without a previous and
+sufficient _provocation_;" and he violates also the sacred
+condition of _empire_, made with his ancestors, and necessarily
+understood in every species of government, "that, the power of the
+multitude being given up to the wisdom and justice of the prince, they
+may experience, in return, the most effectual protection from injury,
+the highest advantages of society, the greatest possible
+_happiness_."
+
+But if kings then, to whom their own people have granted dominion and
+power, are unable to invade the liberties of their harmless subjects,
+without the highest _injustice_; how can those private persons be
+justified, who treacherously lie in wait for their fellow-creatures, and
+sell them into slavery? What arguments can they possibly bring in
+their defence? What treaty of empire can they produce, by which their
+innocent victims ever resigned to them the least portion of their
+_liberty_? In vain will they plead the _antiquity_ of the
+custom: in vain will the _honourable_ light, in which _piracy_
+was considered in the ages of barbarism, afford them an excuse. Impious
+and abandoned men! ye invade the liberties of those, who, (with respect
+to your impious selves) are in a state of _nature_, in a state of
+original _dissociation_, perfectly _independent_, perfectly
+_free_.
+
+It appears then, that the two orders of slaves, which have been
+mentioned in the history of the African servitude, "of those who are
+publickly seized by virtue of the authority of their prince; and of
+those, who are privately kidnapped by individuals," are collected by
+means of violence and oppression; by means, repugnant to _nature_,
+the principles of _government_, and the common notions of
+_equity_, as established among men.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. VI.
+
+We come now to the third order of _involuntary_ slaves, "to
+convicts." The only argument that the sellers advance here, is this,
+"that they have been found guilty of offences, and that the punishment
+is just." But before the equity of the sentence can be allowed two
+questions must be decided, whether the punishment is _proportioned_
+to the offence, and what is its particular _object_ and _end_?
+
+To decide the first, we may previously observe, that the African
+servitude comprehends _banishment_, a _deprivation_ of _liberty_,
+and many _corporal_ sufferings.
+
+On _banishment_, the following observations will suffice. Mankind
+have their _local_ attachments. They have a particular regard for
+the spot, in which they were born and nurtured. Here it was, that they
+first drew their infant-breath: here, that they were cherished and
+supported: here, that they passed those scenes of childhood, which, free
+from care and anxiety, are the happiest in the life of man; scenes,
+which accompany them through life; which throw themselves frequently
+into their thoughts, and produce the most agreeable sensations. These
+then are weighty considerations; and how great this regard is, may be
+evidenced from our own feelings; from the testimony of some, who, when
+remote from their country, and, in the hour of danger and distress, have
+found their thoughts unusually directed, by some impulse or other, to
+their native spot; and from the example of others, who, having braved
+the storms and adversities of life, either repair to it for the
+remainder of their days, or desire even to be conveyed to it, when
+existence is no more.
+
+But separately from these their _local_, they have also their
+_personal_ attachments; their regard for particular men. There are
+ties of blood; there are ties of friendship. In the former case, they
+must of necessity be attached: the constitution of their nature demands
+it. In the latter, it is impossible to be otherwise, since friendship is
+founded on an harmony of temper, on a concordance of sentiments and
+manners, on habits of confidence, and a mutual exchange of favours.
+
+We may now mention, as perfectly distinct both from their _local_
+and_ personal_, the _national_ attachments of mankind, their
+regard for the whole body of the people, among whom they were born and
+educated. This regard is particularly conspicuous in the conduct of
+such, as, being thus _nationally_ connected, reside in foreign
+parts. How anxiously do they meet together! how much do they enjoy the
+fight of others of their countrymen, whom fortune places in their way!
+what an eagerness do they show to serve them, though not born on the
+same particular spot, though not connected by consanguinity or
+friendship, though unknown to them before! Neither is this affection
+wonderful, since they are creatures of the same education; of the same
+principles; of the same manners and habits; cast, as it were, in the
+same mould; and marked with the same impression.
+
+If men therefore are thus separately attached to the several objects
+described, it is evident that a separate exclusion from either must
+afford them considerable pain. What then must be their sufferings, to be
+forced for ever from their country, which includes them all? Which
+contains the _spot_, in which they were born and nurtured; which
+contains their _relations_ and _friends_; which contains the
+whole body of the _people_, among whom they were bred and educated.
+In these sufferings, which arise to men, both in bidding, and in having
+bid, adieu to all that they esteem as dear and valuable,
+_banishment_ consists in part; and we may agree therefore with the
+ancients, without adding other melancholy circumstances to the account,
+that it is no inconsiderable punishment of itself.
+
+With respect to the _loss_ of _liberty_, which is the second
+consideration in the punishment, it is evident that men bear nothing
+worse; that there is nothing, that they lay more at heart; and that they
+have shewn, by many and memorable instances, that even death is to be
+preferred. How many could be named here, who, having suffered the
+_loss_ of _liberty_, have put a period to their existence! How
+many, that have willingly undergone the hazard of their lives to destroy
+a tyrant! How many, that have even gloried to perish in the attempt! How
+many bloody and publick wars have been undertaken (not to mention the
+numerous _servile_ insurrections, with which history is stained)
+for the cause of _freedom_!
+
+But if nothing is dearer than _liberty_ to men, with which, the
+barren rock is able to afford its joys, and without which, the glorious
+fun shines upon them but in vain, and all the sweets and delicacies of
+life are tasteless and unenjoyed; what punishment can be more severe
+than the loss of so great a blessing? But if to this _deprivation_
+of _liberty_, we add the agonizing pangs of _banishment_; and
+if to the complicated stings of both, we add the incessant _stripes,
+wounds_, and _miseries_, which are undergone by those, who are
+sold into this horrid _servitude_; what crime can we possibly
+imagine to be so enormous, as to be worthy of so great a punishment?
+
+How contrary then to reason, justice, and nature, must those act, who
+apply this, the severest of human punishments, to the most insignificant
+offence! yet such is the custom with the Africans: for, from the time,
+in which the Europeans first intoxicated the African princes with their
+foreign draughts, no crime has been committed, no shadow of a crime
+devised, that has not immediately been punished with _servitude_.
+
+But for what purpose is the punishment applied? Is it applied to amend
+the manners of the criminal, and thus render him a better subject? No,
+for if you banish him, he can no longer be a subject, and you can no
+longer therefore be solicitous for his morals. Add to this, that if you
+banish him to a place, where he is to experience the hardships of want
+and hunger (so powerfully does hunger compel men to the perpetration of
+crimes) you force him rather to corrupt, than amend his manners, and to
+be wicked, when he might otherwise be just.
+
+Is it applied then, that others may be deterred from the same
+proceedings, and that crimes may become less frequent? No, but that
+_avarice_ may be gratified; that the prince may experience the
+emoluments of the sale: for, horrid and melancholy thought! the more
+crimes his subjects commit, the richer is he made; the more
+_abandoned_ the subject, the _happier_ is the prince!
+
+Neither can we allow that the punishment thus applied, tends in any
+degree to answer _publick happiness_; for if men can be sentenced
+to slavery, right or wrong; if shadows can be turned into substances,
+and virtues into crimes; it is evident that none can be happy, because
+none can be secure.
+
+But if the punishment is infinitely greater than the offence, (which has
+been shewn before) and if it is inflicted, neither to amend the
+criminal, nor to deter others from the same proceedings, nor to advance,
+in any degree, the happiness of the publick, it is scarce necessary to
+observe, that it is totally unjust, since it is repugnant to
+_reason_, the dictates of _nature_, and the very principles of
+_government_.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. VII.
+
+We come now to the fourth and last order of slaves, to _prisoners of
+war_. As the _sellers_ lay a particular stress on this order of
+men, and infer much, from its _antiquity_, in support of the
+justice of their cause, we shall examine the principle, on which it
+subsisted among the ancients. But as this principle was the same among
+all nations, and as a citation from many of their histories would not be
+less tedious than unnecessary, we shall select the example of the Romans
+for the consideration of the case.
+
+The law, by which prisoners of war were said to be sentenced to
+servitude, was the _law of nations_[043]. It was so called from the
+universal concurrence of nations in the custom. It had two points in
+view, the _persons_ of the _captured_, and their _effects_; both
+of which it immediately sentenced, without any of the usual
+forms of law, to be the property of the _captors_.
+
+The principle, on which the law was established, was the _right of
+capture_. When any of the contending parties had overcome their
+opponents, and were about to destroy them, the right was considered to
+commence; a right, which the victors conceived themselves to have, to
+recall their swords, and, from the consideration of having saved the
+lives of the vanquished, when they could have taken them by the laws of
+war, to commute _blood_ for _service_. Hence the Roman lawyer,
+Pomponius, deduces the etymology of _slave_ in the Roman language.
+"They were called _servi_[044], says he, from the following
+circumstance. It was usual with our commanders to take them prisoners,
+and sell them: now this circumstance implies, that they must have been
+previously _preserved_, and hence the name." Such then was the
+_right of capture_. It was a right, which the circumstance of
+_taking_ the vanquished, that is, of _preserving_ them alive,
+gave the conquerors to their persons. By this right, as always including
+the idea of a previous preservation from death, the vanquished were said
+_to be slaves_[045]; and, "as all slaves," says Justinian, "are
+themselves in the power of others, and of course can have nothing of
+their own, so their effects followed the condition of their persons, and
+became the property of the captors."
+
+To examine this right, by which the vanquished were said to be slaves,
+we shall use the words of a celebrated Roman author, and apply them to
+the present case[046]. "If it is lawful," says he, "to deprive a man of
+his life, it is certainly not inconsistent with nature to rob him;" to
+rob him of his liberty. We admit the conclusion to be just, if the
+supposition be the same: we allow, if men have a right to commit that,
+which is considered as a greater crime, that they have a right, at the
+same instant, to commit that, which is considered as a less. But what
+shall we say to the _hypothesis_? We deny it to be true. The voice
+of nature is against it. It is not lawful to kill, but on
+_necessity_. Had there been a necessity, where had the wretched
+captive survived to be broken with chains and servitude? The very act of
+saving his life is an argument to prove, that no such necessity existed.
+The _conclusion_ is therefore false. The captors had no right to
+the _lives_ of the captured, and of course none to their
+_liberty_: they had no right to their _blood_, and of course
+none to their _service_. Their right therefore had no foundation in
+justice. It was founded on a principle, contrary to the law of nature,
+and of course contrary to that law, which people, under different
+governments, are bound to observe to one another.
+
+It is scarce necessary to observe, as a farther testimony of the
+injustice of the measure, that the Europeans, after the introduction of
+Christianity, exploded this principle of the ancients, as frivolous and
+false; that they spared the lives of the vanquished, not from the sordid
+motives of _avarice_, but from a conscientiousness, that homicide
+could only be justified by _necessity_; that they introduced an
+_exchange_ of prisoners, and, by many and wise regulations,
+deprived war of many of its former horrours.
+
+But the advocates for slavery, unable to defend themselves against these
+arguments, have fled to other resources, and, ignorant of history, have
+denied that the _right of capture_ was the true principle, on which
+slavery subsisted among the ancients. They reason thus. "The learned
+Grotius, and others, have considered slavery as the just consequence of
+a private war, (supposing the war to be just and the opponents in a
+state of nature), upon the principles of _reparation_ and
+_punishment_. Now as the law of nature, which is the rule of
+conduct to individuals in such a situation, is applicable to members of
+a different community, there is reason to presume, that these principles
+were applied by the ancients to their prisoners of war; that their
+_effects_ were confiscated by the right of _reparation_, and
+their _persons_ by the right of _punishment_."--
+
+But, such a presumption is false. The _right of capture_ was the
+only argument, that the ancients adduced in their defence. Hence
+Polybius; "What must they, (the Mantinenses) suffer, to receive the
+punishment they deserve? Perhaps it will be said, _that they must be
+sold, when they are taken, with their wives and children into
+slavery_: But this is not to be considered as a punishment, since
+even those suffer it, by the laws of war, who have done nothing that is
+base." The truth is, that both the _offending_ and the _offended_
+parties, whenever they were victorious, inflicted slavery
+alike. But if the _offending_ party inflicted slavery on
+the persons of the vanquished, by what right did they inflict it? It
+must be answered from the presumption before-mentioned, "by the right of
+_reparation_, or of _punishment:_" an answer plainly absurd
+and contradictory, as it supposes the _aggressor_ to have a
+_right_, which the _injured_ only could possess.
+
+Neither is the argument less fallacious than the presumption, in
+applying these principles, which in a _publick_ war could belong to
+the _publick_ only, to the persons of the _individuals_ that
+were taken. This calls us again to the history of the ancients, and, as
+the rights of reparation and punishment could extend to those only, who
+had been injured, to select a particular instance for the consideration
+of the case.
+
+As the Romans had been injured without a previous provocation by the
+conduct of Hannibal at Saguntum, we may take the treaty into
+consideration, which they made with the Carthaginians, when the latter,
+defeated at Zama, sued for peace. It consisted of three articles[047].
+By the first, the Carthaginians were to be free, and to enjoy their own
+constitution and laws. By the second, they were to pay a considerable
+sum of money, as a reparation for the damages and expence of war: and,
+by the third, they were to deliver up their elephants and ships of war,
+and to be subject to various restrictions, as a punishment. With these
+terms they complied, and the war was finished.
+
+Thus then did the Romans make that distinction between _private_
+and _publick_ war, which was necessary to be made, and which the
+argument is fallacious in not supposing. The treasury of the vanquished
+was marked as the means of _reparation_; and as this treasury was
+supplied, in a great measure, by the imposition of taxes, and was,
+wholly, the property of the _publick_, so the _publick_ made
+the reparation that was due. The _elephants_ also, and _ships of
+war_, which were marked as the means of _punishment_, were
+_publick_ property; and as they were considerable instruments of
+security and defence to their possessors, and of annoyance to an enemy,
+so their loss, added to the restrictions of the treaty, operated as a
+great and _publick_ punishment. But with respect to the
+Carthaginian prisoners, who had been taken in the war, they were
+retained in _servitude:_ not upon the principles of _reparation_
+and _punishment_, because the Romans had already received,
+by their own confession in the treaty, a sufficient satisfaction:
+not upon these principles, because they were inapplicable
+to _individuals:_ the legionary soldier in the service of the
+injured, who took his prisoner, was not the person, to whom the
+_injury had been done_, any more than the soldier in the service of
+the aggressors, who was taken, was the person, who had _committed the
+offence:_ but they were retained in servitude by the _right of
+capture_; because, when both parties had sent their military into the
+field to determine the dispute, it was at the _private_ choice of
+the legionary soldier before-mentioned, whether he would spare the life
+of his conquered opponent, when he was thought to be entitled to take
+it, if he had chosen, by the laws of war.
+
+To produce more instances, as an illustration of the subject, or to go
+farther into the argument, would be to trespass upon the patience, as
+well as understanding of the reader. In _a state of nature_, where
+a man is supposed to commit an injury, and to be unconnected with the
+rest of the world, the act is _private_, and the right, which the
+injured acquires, can extend only to _himself:_ but in _a state
+of society_, where any member or members of a particular community
+give offence to those of another, and they are patronized by the state,
+to which they belong, the case is altered; the act becomes immediately
+_publick_, and the _publick_ alone are to experience the
+consequences of their injustice. For as no particular member of the
+community, if considered as an individual, is guilty, except the person,
+by whom the injury was done, it would be contrary to reason and justice,
+to apply the principles of _reparation_ and _punishment_,
+which belong to the people as a collective body, to any individual of
+the community, who should happen to be taken. Now, as the principles of
+_reparation_ and _punishment_ are thus inapplicable to the
+prisoners, taken in a _publick_ war, and as the _right of
+capture_, as we have shewn before, is insufficient to intitle the
+victors to the _service_ of the vanquished, it is evident that
+_slavery_ cannot justly exist at all, since there are no other
+maxims, on which it can be founded, even in the most equitable wars.
+
+But if these things are so; if slavery cannot be defended even in the
+most _equitable_ wars, what arguments will not be found against
+that servitude, which arises from those, that are _unjust?_ Which
+arises from those African wars, that relate to the present subject? The
+African princes, corrupted by the merchants of Europe, seek every
+opportunity of quarrelling with one another. Every spark is blown into a
+flame; and war is undertaken from no other consideration, than that
+_of procuring slaves:_ while the Europeans, on the other hand,
+happy in the quarrels which they have thus excited, supply them with
+arms and ammunition for the accomplishment of their horrid purpose. Thus
+has Africa, for the space of two hundred years, been the scene of the
+most iniquitous and bloody wars; and thus have many thousands of men, in
+the most iniquitous manner, been sent into servitude.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 043: _Jure Gentium_ servi nostri sunt, qui ab hostibus
+capiuntur. Justinian, L. 1. 5. 5. 1.]
+
+
+[Footnote 044: _Serverum_ appellatio ex eo fluxit, quod imperatores
+nostri captivos vendere, ac per hoc _servare_, nec occidere
+solent.]
+
+
+[Footnote 045: Nam sive victoribus _jure captivitatis_ servissent,
+&c. Justin, L. 4. 3. et passim apud scriptores antiquos.]
+
+
+[Footnote 046: Neque est contra naturam spoliare eum, si possis, quem
+honestum est necare. Cicero de officiis. L. 3. 6.]
+
+
+[Footnote 047: 1. Ut liberi suis legibus viverent. Livy, L. 30. 37. 2.
+Decem millia talentum argenti descripta pensionibus æquis in annos
+quinquaginta solverent. Ibid. 3. Et naves rostratas, præter decem
+triremes, traderent, elephantosque, quos haberent domitos; neque
+domarent alios; Bellum neve in Africa, neve extra Africam, injussu P. R.
+gererent, &c. Ibid.]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. VIII.
+
+We shall beg leave, before we proceed to the arguments of the
+_purchasers_, to add the following observations to the substance of
+the three preceding chapters.
+
+As the two orders of men, of those who are privately kidnapped by
+individuals, and of those who are publickly seized by virtue of the
+authority of their prince, compose together, at least[048], nine tenths
+of the African slaves, they cannot contain, upon a moderate computation,
+less than ninety thousand men annually transported: an immense number,
+but easily to be credited, when we reflect that thousands are employed
+for the purpose of stealing the unwary, and that these diabolical
+practices are in force, so far has European _injustice_ been
+spread, at the distance of a thousand miles from the factories on the
+coast. The _slave merchants_, among whom a quantity of European
+goods is previously divided, travel into the heart of the country to
+this amazing distance. Some of them attend the various markets, that are
+established through so large an extent of territory, to purchase the
+kidnapped people, whom the _slave-hunters_ are continually bringing
+in; while the rest, subdividing their merchandize among the petty
+sovereigns with whom they deal, receive, by an immediate exertion of
+fraud and violence, the stipulated number.
+
+Now, will any man assert, in opposition to the arguments before
+advanced, that out of this immense body of men, thus annually collected
+and transported, there is even _one_, over whom the original or
+subsequent seller can have any power or right? Whoever asserts this, in
+the first instance, must, contradict his own feelings, and must consider
+_himself_ as a just object of prey, whenever any daring invader
+shall think it proper to attack _him_. And, in the second instance,
+the very idea which the African princes entertain of their villages, as
+_parks_ or _reservoirs_, stocked only for their own convenience,
+and of their subjects, as _wild beasts_, whom they may pursue
+and take at pleasure, is so shocking, that it need only be
+mentioned, to be instantly reprobated by the reader.
+
+The order of slaves, which is next to the former in respect to the
+number of people whom it contains, is that of prisoners of war. This
+order, if the former statement be true, is more inconsiderable than is
+generally imagined; but whoever reflects on the prodigious slaughter
+that is constantly made in every African skirmish, cannot be otherwise
+than of this opinion: he will find, that where _ten_ are taken, he
+has every reason to presume that an _hundred_ perish. In some of
+these skirmishes, though they have been begun for the express purpose of
+_procuring slaves_, the conquerors have suffered but few of the
+vanquished to escape the fury of the sword; and there have not been
+wanting instances, where they have been so incensed at the resistance
+they have found, that their spirit of vengeance has entirely got the
+better of their avarice, and they have murdered, in cool blood, every
+individual, without discrimination, either of age or sex.
+
+The following[049] is an account of one of these skirmishes, as
+described by a person, who was witness to the scene. "I was sent, with
+several others, in a small sloop up the river Niger, to purchase slaves:
+we had some free negroes with us in the practice; and as the vessels are
+liable to frequent attacks from the negroes on one side of the river, or
+the Moors on the other, they are all armed. As we rode at anchor a long
+way up the river, we observed a large number of negroes in huts by the
+river's side, and for our own safety kept a wary eye on them. Early next
+morning we saw from our masthead a numerous body approaching, with
+apparently but little order, but in close array. They approached very
+fast, and fell furiously on the inhabitants of the town, who seemed to
+be quite _surprized_, but nevertheless, as soon as they could get
+together, fought stoutly. They had some fire-arms, but made very little
+use of them, as they came directly to close fighting with their spears,
+lances, and sabres. Many of the invaders were mounted on small horses;
+and both parties fought for about half an hour with the fiercest
+animosity, exerting much more courage and perseverance than I had ever
+before been witness to amongst them. The women and children of the town
+clustered together to the water's edge, running shrieking up and down
+with terrour, waiting the event of the combat, till their party gave
+way and took to the water, to endeavour to swim over to the Barbary
+side. They were closely pursued even into the river by the victors, who,
+though they came for the purpose of _getting slaves_, gave no
+quarter, _their cruelty even prevailing over their avarice_. They
+made no prisoners, but put all to the sword without mercy. Horrible
+indeed was the carnage of the vanquished on this occasion, and as we
+were within two or three hundred yards of them, their cries and shrieks
+affected us extremely. We had got up our anchor at the beginning of the
+fray, and now stood close in to the spot, where the victors having
+followed the vanquished into the water, were continually dragging out
+and murdering those, whom by reason of their wounds they easily
+overtook. The very children, whom they took in great numbers, did not
+escape the massacre. Enraged at their barbarity, we fired our guns
+loaden with grape shot, and a volley of small arms among them, which
+effectually checked their ardour, and obliged them to retire to a
+distance from the shore; from whence a few round cannon shot soon
+removed them into the woods. The whole river was black over with the
+heads of the fugitives, who were swimming for their lives. These poor
+wretches, fearing _us_ as much as their conquerors, dived when we
+fired, and cried most lamentably for mercy. Having now effectually
+favoured their retreat, we stood backwards and forwards, and took up
+several that were wounded and tired. All whose wounds had disabled them
+from swimming, were either butchered or drowned, before we got up to
+them. With a justice and generosity, _never I believe before heard of
+among slavers_, we gave those their liberty whom we had taken up,
+setting them on shore on the Barbary side, among the poor residue of
+their companions, who had survived the slaughter of the morning."
+
+We shall make but two remarks on this horrid instance of African
+cruelty. It adds, first, a considerable weight to the statements that
+have been made; and confirms, secondly, the conclusions that were drawn
+in the preceding chapter. For if we even allow the right of capture to be
+just, and the principles of reparation and punishment to be applicable
+to the individuals of a community, yet would the former be unjust, and
+the latter inapplicable, in the present case. Every African war is a
+robbery; and we may add, to our former expression, when we said, "that
+thus have many thousands of men, in the most iniquitous manner, been
+sent into servitude," that we believe there are few of this order, who
+are not as much the examples of injustice, as the people that have been
+kidnapped; and who do not additionally convey, when we consider them as
+prisoners of war, an idea of the most complicated scene of murder.
+
+The order of _convicts_, as it exists almost solely among those
+princes, whose dominions are contiguous to the European factories, is
+from this circumstance so inconsiderable, when compared with either of
+the preceding, that we should not have mentioned it again, but that we
+were unwilling to omit any additional argument that occurred against it.
+
+It has been shewn already, that the punishment of slavery is inflicted
+from no other motive, than that of gratifying the _avarice_ of the
+prince, a confederation so detestable, as to be sufficient of itself to
+prove it to be unjust; and that it is so disproportionate, from its
+_nature_, to the offence, as to afford an additional proof of its
+injustice. We shall add now, as a second argument, its disproportion
+from its _continuance:_ and we shall derive a third from the
+consideration, that, in civil society, every violation of the laws of
+the community is an offence against the _state_[050].
+
+Let us suppose then an African prince, disdaining for once the idea of
+emolument: let us suppose him for once inflamed with the love of his
+country, and resolving to punish from this principle alone, "that by
+exhibiting an example of terrour, he may preserve that _happiness of
+the publick_, which he is bound to secure and defend by the very
+nature of his contract; or, in other words, that he may answer the end
+of government." If actuated then by this principle, he should adjudge
+slavery to an offender, as a just punishment for his offence, for whose
+benefit must the convict labour? If it be answered, "for the benefit of
+the state," we allow that the punishment, in whatever light it is
+considered, will be found to be equitable: but if it be answered, "for
+the benefit of any _individual whom he pleases to appoint_," we
+deny it to be just. The state[051] alone is considered to have been
+injured, and as _injuries cannot possibly be transferred_, the
+state alone can justly receive the advantages of his labour. But if the
+African prince, when he thus condemns him to labour for the benefit of
+an _unoffended individual_, should at the same time sentence him to
+become his _property_; that is, if he should make the person and
+life of the convict at the absolute disposal of him, for whom he has
+sentenced him to labour; it is evident that, in addition to his former
+injustice, he is usurping a power, which no ruler or rulers of a state
+can possess, and which the great Creator of the universe never yet gave
+to any order whatever of created beings.
+
+That this reasoning is true, and that civilized nations have considered
+it as such, will be best testified by their practice. We may appeal here
+to that _slavery_, which is now adjudged to delinquents, as a
+punishment, among many of the states of Europe. These delinquents are
+sentenced to labour at the _oar_, to work in _mines_, and on
+_fortifications_, to cut and clear _rivers_, to make and
+repair _roads_, and to perform other works of national utility.
+They are employed, in short, in the _publick_ work; because, as the
+crimes they have committed are considered to have been crimes against
+the publick, no individual can justly receive the emoluments of their
+labour; and they are neither _sold_, nor made capable of being
+_transferred_, because no government whatsoever is invested with
+such a power.
+
+Thus then may that slavery, in which only the idea of _labour_ is
+included, be perfectly equitable, and the delinquent will always receive
+his punishment as a man; whereas in that, which additionally includes
+the idea of _property_, and to undergo which, the delinquent must
+previously change his nature, and become a _brute_; there is an
+inconsistency, which no arguments can reconcile, and a contradiction to
+every principle of nature, which a man need only to appeal to his own
+feelings immediately to evince. And we will venture to assert, from the
+united observations that have been made upon the subject, in opposition
+to any arguments that may be advanced, that there is scarcely one of
+those, who are called African convicts, on whom the prince has a right
+to inflict a punishment at all; and that there is no one whatever, whom
+he has a power of sentencing to labour for the benefit of an unoffended
+individual, and much less whom he has a right to sell.
+
+Having now fully examined the arguments of the _sellers_[052], and
+having made such additional remarks as were necessary, we have only to
+add, that we cannot sufficiently express our detestation at their
+conduct. Were the reader coolly to reflect upon the case of but
+_one_ of the unfortunate men, who are annually the victims of
+_avarice_, and consider his situation in life, as a father, an
+husband, or a friend, we are sure, that even on such a partial
+reflection, he must experience considerable pain. What then must be his
+feelings, when he is told, that, since the slave-trade began,
+[053]_nine millions_ of men have been torn from their dearest
+connections, and sold into slavery. If at this recital his indignation
+should arise, let him consider it as the genuine production of nature;
+that she recoiled at the horrid thought, and that she applied instantly
+a torch to his breast to kindle his resentment; and if, during his
+indignation, she should awaken the sigh of sympathy, or seduce the tear
+of commiseration from his eye, let him consider each as an additional
+argument against the iniquity of the _sellers_.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 048: The total annual exportation from Africa, is estimated
+here at 100,000 men, two thirds of whom are exported by the British
+merchants alone. This estimate is less than that which is usually made,
+and has been published. The author has been informed by disinterested
+people, who were in most of the West India islands during the late war,
+and who conversed with many of the most intelligent of the negroes, for
+the purpose of inquiring by what methods they had originally been
+reduced to slavery, that they did not find even two in twenty, who had
+been reduced to that situation, by any other means than those mentioned
+above. The author, desirous of a farther confirmation of this
+circumstance, stopped the press till he had written to another friend,
+who had resided twenty years in the West-Indies, and whose opinion he
+had not yet asked. The following is an extract from the answer. "I do
+not among many hundreds recollect to have seen but one or two slaves, of
+those imported from Africa, who had any scars to shew, that they had
+been in war. They are generally such as are kidnapped, or sold by their
+tyrants, after the destruction of a village. In short, I am firmly of
+opinion, that crimes and war together do not furnish one slave in an
+hundred of the numbers introduced into the European colonies. Of
+consequence the trade itself, were it possible to suppose convicts or
+prisoners of war to be justly sentenced to servitude, is accountable for
+ninety-nine in every hundred slaves, whom it supplies. It an insult to
+the publick, to attempt to palliate the method of procuring them."]
+
+
+[Footnote 049: The writer of the letter of which this is a faithful
+extract, and who was known to the author of the present Essay, was a
+long time on the African coast. He had once the misfortune to be
+shipwrecked there, and to be taken by the natives, who conveyed him and
+his companions a considerable way up into the country. The hardships
+which he underwent in the march, his treatment during his captivity, the
+scenes to which he was witness, while he resided among the inland
+Africans, as well as while in the African trade, gave occasion to a
+series of very interesting letters. These letters were sent to the
+author of the present Essay, with liberty to make what use of them he
+chose, by the gentleman to whom they were written.]
+
+
+[Footnote 050: Were this not the case, the government of a country could
+have no right to take cognizance of crimes, and punish them, but every
+individual, if injured, would have a right to punish the aggressor with
+his own hand, which is contrary to the notions of all civilized men,
+whether among the ancients or the moderns.]
+
+
+[Footnote 051: This same notion is entertained even by the African
+princes, who do not permit the person injured to revenge his injury, or
+to receive the convict as his slave. But if the very person who has been
+_injured_, does not possess him, much less ought any other person
+whatsoever.]
+
+
+[Footnote 052: There are instances on the African continent, of
+_parents_ selling their _children_. As the slaves of this
+description are so few, and are so irregularly obtained, we did not
+think it worth our while to consider them as forming an order; and, as
+God never gave the parent a power over his child to make him
+_miserable_, we trust that any farther mention of them will be
+unnecessary.]
+
+
+[Footnote 053: Abbè Raynal, Hist. Phil. vol. 4. P. 154.]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. IX.
+
+It remains only now to examine by what arguments those, who
+_receive_ or _purchase_ their fellow-creatures into slavery,
+defend the _commerce_. Their first plea is, "that they receive
+those with propriety, who are convicted of crimes, because they are
+delivered into their hands by _their own magistrates_." But what is
+this to you _receivers_? Have the unfortunate _convicts_ been
+guilty of injury to _you_? Have they broken _your_ treaties?
+Have they plundered _your_ ships? Have they carried _your_
+wives and children into slavery, that _you_ should thus retaliate?
+Have they offended _you_ even by word or gesture?
+
+But if the African convicts are innocent with respect to you; if you
+have not even the shadow of a claim upon their persons; by what right do
+you receive them? "By the laws of the Africans," you will say; "by which
+it is positively allowed."--But can _laws_ alter the nature of
+vice? They may give it a sanction perhaps: it will still be immutably
+the same, and, though dressed in the outward habiliments of
+_honour_, will still be _intrinsically base_.
+
+But alas! you do not only attempt to defend yourselves by these
+arguments, but even dare to give your actions the appearance of lenity,
+and assume _merit_ from your _baseness_! and how first ought
+you particularly to blush, when you assert, "that prisoners of war are
+only purchased from the hands of their conquerors, _to deliver them
+from death_." Ridiculous defence! can the most credulous believe it?
+You entice the Africans to war; you foment their quarrels; you supply
+them with arms and ammunition, and all--from the _motives of
+benevolence_. Does a man set fire to an house, for the purpose of
+rescuing the inhabitants from the flames? But if they are only
+purchased, to _deliver them from death_; why, when they are
+delivered into your hands, as protectors, do you torture them with
+hunger? Why do you kill them with fatigue? Why does the whip deform
+their bodies, or the knife their limbs? Why do you sentence them to
+death? to a death, infinitely more excruciating than that from which you
+so kindly saved them? What answer do you make to this? for if you had
+not humanely preserved them from the hands of their conquerors, a quick
+death perhaps, and that in the space of a moment, had freed them from
+their pain: but on account of your _favour_ and _benevolence_,
+it is known, that they have lingered years in pain and agony, and have
+been sentenced, at last, to a dreadful death for the most insignificant
+offence.
+
+Neither can we allow the other argument to be true, on which you found
+your merit; "that you take them from their country for their own
+convenience; because Africa, scorched with incessant heat, and subject
+to the most violent rains and tempests, is unwholesome, and unfit to be
+inhabited." Preposterous men! do you thus judge from your own feelings?
+Do you thus judge from your own constitution and frame? But if you
+suppose that the Africans are incapable of enduring their own climate,
+because you cannot endure it yourselves; why do you receive them into
+slavery? Why do you not measure them here by the same standard? For if
+you are unable to bear hunger and thirst, chains and imprisonment,
+wounds and torture, why do you not suppose them incapable of enduring
+the same treatment? Thus then is your argument turned against
+yourselves. But consider the answer which the Scythians gave the
+Ægyptians, when they contended about the antiquity of their
+original[054], "That nature, when she first distinguished countries by
+different degrees of heat and cold, tempered the bodies of animals, at
+the same instant, to endure the different situations: that as the
+climate of Scythia was severer than that of Ægypt, so were the bodies of
+the Scythians harder, and as capable of enduring the severity of their
+atmosphere, as the Ægyptians the temperateness of their own."
+
+But you may say perhaps, that, though they are capable of enduring their
+own climate, yet their situation is frequently uncomfortable, and even
+wretched: that Africa is infested with locusts, and insects of various
+kinds; that they settle in swarms upon the trees, destroy the verdure,
+consume the fruit, and deprive the inhabitants of their food. But the
+same answer may be applied as before; "that the same kind Providence,
+who tempered the body of the animal, tempered also the body of the tree;
+that he gave it a quality to recover the bite of the locust, which he
+sent; and to reassume, in a short interval of time, its former glory."
+And that such is the case experience has shewn: for the very trees that
+have been infested, and stripped of their bloom and verdure, so
+surprizingly quick is vegetation, appear in a few days, as if an insect
+had been utterly unknown.
+
+We may add to these observations, from the testimony of those who have
+written the History of Africa from their own inspection, that no country
+is more luxurious in prospects, none more fruitful, none more rich in
+herds and flocks, and none, where the comforts of life, can be gained
+with so little trouble.
+
+But you say again, as a confirmation of these your former arguments, (by
+which you would have it understood, that the Africans themselves are
+sensible of the goodness of your intentions) "that they do not appear to
+go with you against their will." Impudent and base assertion! Why then
+do you load them with chains? Why keep you your daily and nightly
+watches? But alas, as a farther, though a more melancholy proof, of the
+falsehood of your assertions, how many, when on board your ships, have
+put a period to their existence? How many have leaped into the sea? How
+many have pined to death, that, even at the expence of their lives, they
+might fly from your _benevolence_?
+
+Do you call them obstinate then, because they refuse your favours? Do
+you call them ungrateful, because they make you this return? How much
+rather ought you receivers to blush! How much rather ought you receivers
+to be considered as abandoned and execrable; who, when you usurp the
+dominion over those, who are as free and independent as yourselves,
+break the first law of justice, which ordains, "that no person shall do
+harm to another, without a previous provocation;" who offend against
+the dictates of nature, which commands, "that no just man shall be given
+or received into slavery against his own consent;" and who violate the
+very laws of the empire that you assume, by consigning your subjects to
+misery.
+
+Now, as a famous Heathen philosopher observes, from whose mouth you
+shall be convicted[055], "there is a considerable difference, whether an
+injury is done, during any perturbation of mind, which is generally
+short and momentary; or whether it is done with any previous meditation
+and design; for, those crimes, which proceed from any sudden commotion
+of the mind, are less than those, which are studied and prepared," how
+great and enormous are your crimes to be considered, who plan your
+African voyages at a time, when your reason is found, and your senses
+are awake; who coolly and deliberately equip your vessels; and who spend
+years, and even lives, in the traffick of _human liberty_.
+
+But if the arguments of those, who _sell_ or _deliver_ men
+into slavery, (as we have shewn before) and of those, who _receive_
+or _purchase_ them, (as we have now shewn) are wholly false; it is
+evident that this _commerce_, is not only beyond the possibility of
+defence, but is justly to be accounted wicked, and justly impious, since
+it is contrary to the principles of _law_ and _government_,
+the dictates of _reason_, the common maxims of _equity_, the
+laws of _nature_, the admonitions of _conscience_, and, in
+short, the whole doctrine of _natural religion_.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 054: Justin, L. 2. C. 1.]
+
+
+[Footnote 055: Cicero de Officiis. L. 1. C. 8.]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+
+PART III.
+
+
+
+THE
+
+SLAVERY of the AFRICANS
+
+IN THE
+
+EUROPEAN COLONIES.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. I.
+ Having confined ourselves wholly, in the second part of this Essay, to
+the consideration of the _commerce_, we shall now proceed to the
+consideration of the _slavery_ that is founded upon it. As this
+slavery will be conspicuous in the _treatment_, which the
+unfortunate Africans uniformly undergo, when they are put into the hands
+of the _receivers_, we shall describe the manner in which they are
+accustomed to be used from this period.
+
+To place this in the clearest, and most conspicuous point of view, we
+shall throw a considerable part of our information on this head into the
+form of a narrative: we shall suppose ourselves, in short, on the
+continent of Africa, and relate a scene, which, from its agreement with
+unquestionable facts, might not unreasonably be presumed to have been
+presented to our view, had we been really there.
+
+And first, let us turn our eyes to the cloud of dust that is before us.
+It seems to advance rapidly, and, accompanied with dismal shrieks and
+yellings, to make the very air, that is above it, tremble as it rolls
+along. What can possibly be the cause? Let us inquire of that melancholy
+African, who seems to walk dejected near the shore; whose eyes are
+stedfastly fixed on the approaching object, and whose heart, if we can
+judge from the appearance of his countenance, must be greatly agitated.
+
+"Alas!" says the unhappy African, "the cloud that you see approaching,
+is a train of wretched slaves. They are going to the ships behind you.
+They are destined for the English colonies, and, if you will stay here
+but for a little time, you will see them pass. They were last night
+drawn up upon the plain which you see before you, where they were
+branded upon the breast with an _hot iron_; and when they had
+undergone the whole of the treatment which is customary on these
+occasions, and which I am informed that you Englishmen at home use to
+the _cattle_ which you buy, they were returned to their prison. As
+I have some dealings with the members of the factory which you see at a
+little distance, (though thanks to the Great Spirit, I never dealt in
+the _liberty_ of my fellow creatures) I gained admittance there. I
+learned the history of some of the unfortunate people, whom I saw
+confined, and will explain to you, if my eye should catch them as they
+pass, the real causes of their servitude."
+
+Scarcely were these words spoken, when they came distinctly into sight.
+They appeared to advance in a long column, but in a very irregular
+manner. There were three only in the front, and these were chained
+together. The rest that followed seemed to be chained by pairs, but by
+pressing forward, to avoid the lash of the drivers, the breadth of the
+column began to be greatly extended, and ten or more were observed
+abreast.
+
+While we were making these remarks, the intelligent African thus resumed
+his discourse. "The first three whom you observe, at the head of the
+train, to be chained together, are prisoners of war. As soon as the
+ships that are behind you arrived, the news was dispatched into the
+inland country; when one of the petty kings immediately assembled his
+subjects, and attacked a neighbouring tribe. The wretched people, though
+they were surprized, made a formidable resistance, as they resolved,
+almost all of them, rather to lose their lives, than survive their
+liberty. The person whom you see in the middle, is the father of the two
+young men, who are chained to him on each side. His wife and two of his
+children were killed in the attack, and his father being wounded, and,
+on account of his age, _incapable of servitude_, was left bleeding
+on the spot where this transaction happened."
+
+"With respect to those who are now passing us, and are immediately
+behind the former, I can give you no other intelligence, than that some
+of them, to about the number of thirty, were taken in the same skirmish.
+Their tribe was said to have been numerous before the attack; these
+however are _all that are left alive_. But with respect to the
+unhappy man, who is now opposite to us, and whom you may distinguish, as
+he is now looking back and wringing his hands in despair, I can inform
+you with more precision. He is an unfortunate convict. He lived only
+about five days journey from the factory. He went out with his king to
+hunt, and was one of his train; but, through too great an anxiety to
+afford his royal master diversion, he roused the game from the covert
+rather sooner than was expected. The king, exasperated at this
+circumstance, immediately sentenced him to slavery. His wife and
+children, fearing lest the tyrant should extend the punishment to
+themselves, _which is not unusual_, fled directly to the woods,
+where they were all devoured."
+
+"The people, whom you see close behind the unhappy convict, form a
+numerous body, and reach a considerable way. They speak a language,
+which no person in this part of Africa can understand, and their
+features, as you perceive, are so different from those of the rest, that
+they almost appear a distinct race of men. From this circumstance I
+recollect them. They are the subjects of a very distant prince, who
+agreed with the _slave merchants, for a quantity of spirituous
+liquors_, to furnish him with a stipulated number of slaves. He
+accordingly surrounded, and set fire to one of his own villages in the
+night, and seized these people, who were unfortunately the inhabitants,
+as they were escaping from the flames. I first saw them as the merchants
+were driving them in, about two days ago. They came in a large body, and
+were tied together at the neck with leather thongs, which permitted
+them to walk at the distance of about a yard from one another. Many of
+them were loaden with elephants teeth, which had been purchased at the
+same time. All of them had bags, made of skin, upon their shoulders; for
+as they were to travel, in their way from the great mountains, through
+barren sands and inhospitable woods for many days together, they were
+obliged to carry water and provisions with them. Notwithstanding this,
+many of them perished, some by hunger, but the greatest number by
+fatigue, as the place from whence they came, is at such an amazing
+distance from this, and the obstacles, from the nature of the country,
+so great, that the journey could scarcely be completed in seven moons."
+
+When this relation was finished, and we had been looking stedfastly for
+some time on the croud that was going by, we lost sight of that
+peculiarity of feature, which we had before remarked. We then discovered
+that the inhabitants of the depopulated village had all of them passed
+us, and that the part of the train, to which we were now opposite, was a
+numerous body of kidnapped people. Here we indulged our imagination. We
+thought we beheld in one of them a father, in another an husband, and in
+another a son, each of whom was forced from his various and tender
+connections, and without even the opportunity of bidding them adieu.
+While we were engaged in these and other melancholy reflections, the
+whole body of slaves had entirely passed us. We turned almost insensibly
+to look at them again, when we discovered an unhappy man at the end of
+the train, who could scarcely keep pace with the rest. His feet seemed
+to have suffered much from long and constant travelling, for he was
+limping painfully along.
+
+"This man," resumes the African. "has travelled a considerable way. He
+lived at a great distance from hence, and had a large family, for whom
+he was daily to provide. As he went out one night to a neighbouring
+spring, to procure water for his thirsty children, he was kidnapped by
+two _slave hunters_, who sold him in the morning to some country
+merchants for a _bar of iron_. These drove him with other slaves,
+procured almost in the same manner, to the nearest market, where the
+English merchants, to whom the train that has just now passed us
+belongs, purchased him and two others, by means of their travelling
+agents, for a _pistol_. His wife and children have been long
+waiting for his return. But he is gone for ever from their sight: and
+they must be now disconsolate, as they must be certain by his delay,
+that he has fallen into the hands of the _Christians_".
+
+"And now, as I have mentioned the name of _Christians_, a name, by
+which the Europeans distinguish themselves from us, I could wish to be
+informed of the meaning which such an appellation may convey. They
+consider themselves as _men_, but us unfortunate Africans, whom
+they term _Heathens_, as the _beasts_ that serve us. But ah!
+how different is the fact! What is _Christianity_, but a system
+of _murder_ and _oppression_? The cries and yells of the
+unfortunate people, who are now soon to embark for the regions of
+servitude, have already pierced my heart. Have you not heard me sigh,
+while we have been talking? Do you not see the tears that now trickle
+down my cheeks? and yet these hardened _Christians_ are unable to
+be moved at all: nay, they will scourge them amidst their groans, and
+even smile, while they are torturing them to death. Happy, happy
+Heathenism! which can detest the vices of Christianity, and feel for
+the distresses of mankind."
+
+"But" we reply, "You are totally mistaken: _Christianity_ is the
+most perfect and lovely of moral systems. It blesses even the hand of
+persecution itself, and returns good for evil. But the people against
+whom you so justly declaim; are not _Christians_. They are
+_infidels_. They are _monsters_. They are out of the common
+course of nature. Their countrymen at home are generous and brave. They
+support the sick, the lame, and the blind. They fly to the succour of
+the distressed. They have noble and stately buildings for the sole
+purpose of benevolence. They are in short, of all nations, the most
+remarkable for humanity and justice."
+
+"But why then," replies the honest African, "do they suffer this? Why is
+Africa a scene of blood and desolation? Why are her children wrested
+from her, to administer to the luxuries and greatness of those whom they
+never offended? And why are these dismal cries in vain?"
+
+"Alas!" we reply again, "can the cries and groans, with which the air
+now trembles, be heard across this extensive continent? Can the southern
+winds convey them to the ear of Britain? If they could reach the
+generous Englishman at home, they would pierce his heart, as they have
+already pierced your own. He would sympathize with you in your distress.
+He would be enraged at the conduct of his countrymen, and resist their
+tyranny."--
+
+But here a shriek unusually loud, accompanied with a dreadful rattling
+of chains, interrupted the discourse. The wretched Africans were just
+about to embark: they had turned their face to their country, as if to
+take a last adieu, and, with arms uplifted to the sky, were making the
+very atmosphere resound with their prayers and imprecations.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. II.
+
+The foregoing scene, though it may be said to be imaginary, is strictly
+consistent with fact. It is a scene, to which the reader himself may
+have been witness, if he has ever visited the place, where it is
+supposed to lie; as no circumstance whatever has been inserted in it,
+for which the fullest and most undeniable evidence cannot be produced.
+We shall proceed now to describe, in general terms, the treatment which
+the wretched Africans undergo, from the time of their embarkation.
+
+When the African slaves, who are collected from various quarters, for
+the purposes of sale, are delivered over to the _receivers_, they
+are conducted in the manner above described to the ships. Their
+situation on board is beyond all description: for here they are crouded,
+hundreds of them together, into such a small compass, as would scarcely
+be thought sufficient to accommodate twenty, if considered as _free
+men_. This confinement soon produces an effect, that may be easily
+imagined. It generates a pestilential air, which, co-operating with, bad
+provisions, occasions such a sickness and mortality among them, that not
+less than _twenty thousand_[056] are generally taken off in every
+yearly transportation.
+
+Thus confined in a pestilential prison, and almost entirely excluded
+from the chearful face of day, it remains for the sickly survivors to
+linger out a miserable existence, till the voyage is finished. But are
+no farther evils to be expected in the interim particularly if we add to
+their already wretched situation the indignities that are daily offered
+them, and the regret which they must constantly feel, at being for ever
+forced from their connexions? These evils are but too apparent. Some of
+them have resolved, and, notwithstanding the threats of the
+_receivers_, have carried their resolves into execution, to starve
+themselves to death. Others, when they have been brought upon deck for
+air, if the least opportunity has offered, have leaped into the sea, and
+terminated their miseries at once. Others, in a fit of despair, have
+attempted to rise, and regain their liberty. But here what a scene of
+barbarity has constantly ensued. Some of them have been instantly killed
+upon the spot; some have been taken from the hold, have been bruised and
+mutilated in the most barbarous and shocking manner, and have been
+returned bleeding to their companions, as a sad example of resistance;
+while others, tied to the ropes of the ship, and mangled alternately
+with the whip and knife, have been left in that horrid situation, till
+they have expired.
+
+But this is not the only inhuman treatment which they are frequently
+obliged to undergo; for if there should be any necessity, from
+tempestuous weather, for lightening the ship; or if it should be
+presumed on the voyage, that the provisions will fall short before the
+port can be made, they are, many of them, thrown into the sea, without
+any compunction of mind on the part of the _receivers_, and without
+any other regret for their loss, than that which _avarice_
+inspires. Wretched survivors! what must be their feelings at such a
+sight! how must they tremble to think of that servitude which is
+approaching, when the very _dogs_ of the _receivers_ have been
+retained on board, and preferred to their unoffending countrymen. But
+indeed so lightly are these unhappy people esteemed, that their lives
+have been even taken away upon speculation: there has been an instance,
+within the last five years, of _one hundred and thirty two_ of them
+being thrown into the sea, because it was supposed that, by this
+_trick_, their value could be recovered from the insurers[057].
+
+But if the ship should arrive safe at its destined port, a circumstance
+which does not always happen, (for some have been blown up, and many
+lost) the wretched Africans do not find an alleviation of their sorrow.
+Here they are again exposed to sale. Here they are again subjected to
+the inspection of other brutal _receivers_, who examine and treat
+them with an inhumanity, at which even avarice should blush. To this
+mortifying circumstance is added another, that they are picked out, as
+the purchaser pleases, without any consideration whether the wife is
+separated from her husband, or the mother from her son: and if these
+cruel instances of separation should happen; if relations, when they
+find themselves about to be parted, should cling together; or if filial,
+conjugal, or parental affection, should detain them but a moment longer
+in each other's arms, than these _second receivers_ should think
+sufficient, the lash instantly severs them from their embraces.
+
+We cannot close our account of the treatment, which the wretched
+Africans undergo while in the hands of the _first receivers_,
+without mentioning an instance of wanton, barbarity, which happened some
+time ago; particularly as it may be inserted with propriety in the
+present place, and may give the reader a better idea of the cruelties,
+to which they are continually exposed, than any that he may have yet
+conceived. To avoid making a mistake, we shall take the liberty that has
+been allowed us, and transcribe it from a little manuscript account,
+with which we have been favoured by a person of the strictest integrity,
+and who was at that time in the place where the transaction
+happened[058]. "Not long after," says he, (continuing his account) "the
+perpetrator of a cruel murder, committed in open day light, in the most
+publick part of a town, which was the seat of government, escaped every
+other notice than the curses of a few of the more humane witnesses of
+his barbarity. An officer of a Guinea ship, who had the care of a number
+of new slaves, and was returning from the _sale-yard_ to the
+vessel with such as remained unsold; observed a stout fellow among them
+rather slow in his motions, which he therefore quickened with his
+rattan. The slave soon afterwards fell down, and was raised by the same
+application. Moving forwards a few yards, he fell down again; and this
+being taken as a proof of his sullen perverse spirit, the enraged
+officer furiously repeated his blows, till he expired at his feet. The
+brute coolly ordered some of the surviving slaves to carry the dead body
+to the water's side, where, without any ceremony or delay, being thrown
+into the sea, the tragedy was supposed to have been immediately finished
+by the not more inhuman sharks, with which the harbour then abounded.
+These voracious fish were supposed to have followed the vessels from
+the coast of Africa, in which ten thousand slaves were imported in that
+one season, being allured by the stench, and daily fed by the dead
+carcasses thrown overboard on the voyage."
+
+If the reader should observe here, that cattle are better protected in
+this country, than slaves in the colonies, his observation will be just.
+The beast which is driven to market, is defended by law from the goad of
+the driver; whereas the wretched African, though an human being, and
+whose feelings receive of course a double poignancy from the power of
+reflection, is unnoticed in this respect in the colonial code, and may
+be goaded and beaten till he expires.
+
+We may now take our leave of the _first receivers_. Their crime has
+been already estimated; and to reason farther upon it, would be
+unnecessary. For where the conduct of men is so manifestly impious,
+there can be no need, either of a single argument or a reflection; as
+every reader of sensibility will anticipate them in his own feelings.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 056: It is universally allowed, that at least one fifth of the
+exported negroes perish in the passage. This estimate is made from the
+time in which they are put on board, to the time when they are disposed
+of in the colonies. The French are supposed to lose the greatest number
+in the voyage, but particularly from this circumstance, because their
+slave ships are in general so very large, that many of the slaves that
+have been put on board sickly, die before the cargo can be completed.]
+
+
+[Footnote 057: This instance happened in a ship, commanded by one
+Collingwood. On the 29th of November, 1781, fifty-four of them were
+thrown into the sea alive; on the 30th forty-two more; and in about
+three days afterwards, twenty-six. Ten others, who were brought upon the
+deck for the same purpose, did not wait to be hand-cuffed, but bravely
+leaped into the sea, and shared the fate of their companions. It is a
+fact, that the people on board this ship had not been put upon short
+allowance. The excuse which this execrable wretch made on board for his
+conduct, was the following, "_that if the slaves, who were then
+sickly, had died a natural death, the loss would have been the owners;
+but as they were thrown alive into the sea, it would fall upon the
+underwriters_."]
+
+
+[Footnote 058: This gentleman is at present resident in England. The
+author of this Essay applied to him for some information on the
+treatment of slaves, so far as his own knowledge was concerned. He was
+so obliging as to furnish him with the written account alluded to,
+interspersed only with such instances, as he himself could undertake to
+answer for. The author, as he has never met with these instances before,
+and as they are of such high authority, intends to transcribe two or
+three of them, and insert them in the fourth chapter. They will be found
+in inverted commas.]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. III.
+
+When the wretched Africans are thus put into the hands of the _second
+receivers_, they are conveyed to the plantations, where they are
+totally considered as _cattle_, or _beasts of labour_; their
+very children, if any should be born to them in that situation, being
+previously destined to the condition of their parents. But here a
+question arises, which, will interrupt the thread of the narration for a
+little time, viz. how far their descendants, who compose the fifth order
+of slaves, are justly reduced to servitude, and upon what principles the
+_receivers_ defend their conduct.
+
+Authors have been at great pains to inquire, why, in the ancient
+servitude, the child has uniformly followed the condition of the mother.
+But we conceive that they would have saved themselves much trouble, and
+have done themselves more credit, if instead of, endeavouring to
+reconcile the custom with _heathen_ notions, or their own laboured
+conjectures, they had shewn its inconsistency with reason and nature,
+and its repugnancy to common justice. Suffice it to say, that the whole
+theory of the ancients, with respect to the descendants slaves, may be
+reduced to this principle, "that as the parents, by becoming
+_property_, were wholly considered as _cattle_, their children,
+like _the progeny of cattle_, inherited their parental lot."
+
+Such also is the excuse of the tyrannical _receivers_
+before-mentioned. They allege, that they have purchased the parents,
+that they can sell and dispose of them as they please, that they possess
+them under the same laws and limitations as their cattle, and that their
+children, like the progeny of these, become their property _by
+birth_.
+
+But the absurdity of the argument will immediately appear. It depends
+wholly on the supposition, that the parents are _brutes_. If they
+are _brutes_, we shall instantly cease to contend: if they are
+_men_, which we think it not difficult to prove, the argument must
+immediately fall, as we have already shewn that there cannot justly be
+any _property_ whatever in the _human species_.
+
+It has appeared also, in the second part of this Essay, that as nature
+made, every man's body and mind _his own_, so no _just_ person
+can be reduced to slavery against his own _consent_. Do the
+unfortunate offspring ever _consent_ to be slaves?--They are slaves
+from their birth.--Are they _guilty_ of crimes, that they lose
+their freedom?--They are slaves when they cannot speak.--Are their
+_parents_ abandoned? The crimes of the parents cannot justly extend
+to the children.
+
+Thus then must the tyrannical _receivers_, who presume to sentence
+the children of slaves to servitude, if they mean to dispute upon the
+justice of their cause; either allow them to have been _brutes_
+from their birth, or to have been guilty of crimes at a time, when they
+were incapable of offending the very _King of Kings_.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. IV.
+
+But to return to the narration. When the wretched Africans are conveyed
+to the plantations, they are considered as _beasts of labour_, and
+are put to their respective work. Having led, in their own country, a
+life of indolence and ease, where the earth brings forth spontaneously
+the comforts of life, and spares frequently the toil and trouble of
+cultivation, they can hardly be expected to endure the drudgeries of
+servitude. Calculations are accordingly made upon their lives. It is
+conjectured, that if three in four survive what is called the
+_seasoning_, the bargain is highly favourable. This seasoning is
+said to expire, when the two first years of their servitude are
+completed: It is the time which an African must take to be so accustomed
+to the colony, as to be able to endure the common labour of a
+plantation, and to be put into the _gang_. At the end of this
+period the calculations become verified, _twenty thousand_[059] of
+those, who are annually imported, dying before the seasoning is over.
+This is surely an horrid and awful consideration: and thus does it
+appear, (and let it be remembered, that it is the lowest calculation
+that has been ever made upon the subject) that out of every annual
+supply that is shipped from the coast of Africa, _forty thousand
+lives_[060] are regularly expended, even before it can be said, that
+there is really any additional stock for the colonies.
+
+When the seasoning is over, and the survivors are thus enabled to endure
+the usual task of slaves, they are considered as real and substantial
+supplies. From this period[061] therefore we shall describe their
+situation.
+
+They are summoned at five in the morning to begin their work. This work
+may be divided into two kinds, the culture of the fields, and the
+collection of grass for cattle. The last is the most laborious and
+intolerable employment; as the grass can only be collected blade by
+blade, and is to be fetched frequently twice a day at a considerable
+distance from the plantation. In these two occupations they are jointly
+taken up, with no other intermission than that of taking their
+subsistence twice, till nine at night. They then separate for their
+respective huts, when they gather sticks, prepare their supper, and
+attend their families. This employs them till midnight, when they go to
+rest. Such is their daily way of life for rather more than half the
+year. They are _sixteen_ hours, including two intervals at meals,
+in the service of their masters: they are employed _three_
+afterwards in their own necessary concerns; _five_ only remain for
+sleep, and their day is finished.
+
+During the remaining portion of the year, or the time of crop, the
+nature, as well as the time of their employment, is considerably
+changed. The whole gang is generally divided into two or three bodies.
+One of these, besides the ordinary labour of the day, is kept in turn at
+the mills, that are constantly going, during the whole of the night.
+This is a dreadful encroachment upon their time of rest, which was
+before too short to permit them perfectly to refresh their wearied
+limbs, and actually reduces their sleep, as long as this season lasts,
+to about three hours and an half a night, upon a moderate
+computation[062]. Those who can keep their eyes open during their
+nightly labour, and are willing to resist the drowsiness that is
+continually coming upon them, are presently worn out; while some of
+those, who are overcome, and who feed the mill between asleep and awake,
+suffer, for thus obeying the calls of nature, by the loss of a
+limb[063]. In this manner they go on, with little or no respite from
+their work, till the crop season is over, when the year (from the time
+of our first description) is completed.
+
+To support[064] a life of such unparalleled drudgery, we should at least
+expect: to find, that they were comfortably clothed, and plentifully
+fed. But sad reverse! they have scarcely a covering to defend themselves
+against the inclemency of the night. Their provisions are frequently
+bad, and are always dealt out to them with such a sparing hand, that the
+means of a bare livelihood are not placed within the reach of four out
+of five of these unhappy people. It is a fact, that many of the
+disorders of slaves are contracted from eating the vegetables, which
+their little spots produce, before they are sufficiently ripe: a clear
+indication, that the calls of hunger are frequently so pressing, as not
+to suffer them to wait, till they can really enjoy them.
+
+This, situation, of a want of the common necessaries of life, added to
+that of hard and continual labour, must be sufficiently painful of
+itself. How then must the pain be sharpened, if it be accompanied with
+severity! if an unfortunate slave does not come into the field exactly
+at the appointed time, if, drooping with sickness or fatigue, he appears
+to work unwillingly, or if the bundle of grass that he has been
+collecting, appears too small in the eye of the overseer, he is equally
+sure of experiencing the whip. This instrument erases the skin, and cuts
+out small portions of the flesh at almost every stroke; and is so
+frequently applied, that the smack of it is all day long in the ears of
+those, who are in the vicinity of the plantations. This severity of
+masters, or managers, to their slaves, which is considered only as
+common discipline, is attended with bad effects. It enables them to
+behold instances of cruelty without commiseration, and to be guilty of
+them without remorse. Hence those many acts of deliberate mutilation,
+that have taken place on the slightest occasions: hence those many acts
+of inferiour, though shocking, barbarity, that have taken place without
+any occasion at all: the very slitting[065] of ears has been considered
+as an operation, so perfectly devoid of pain, as to have been performed
+for no other reason than that for which a brand is set upon cattle,
+_as a mark of property_.
+
+But this is not the only effect, which this severity produces: for
+while it hardens their hearts, and makes them insensible of the misery
+of their fellow-creatures, it begets a turn for wanton cruelty. As a
+proof of this, we shall mention one, among the many instances that
+occur, where ingenuity has been exerted in contriving modes of torture.
+"An iron coffin, with holes in it, was kept by a certain colonist, as an
+auxiliary to the lash. In this the poor victim of the master's
+resentment was inclosed, and placed sufficiently near a fire, to
+occasion extreme pain, and consequently shrieks and groans, until the
+revenge of the master was satiated, without any other inconvenience on
+his part, than a temporary suspension of the slave's labour. Had he been
+flogged to death, or his limbs mutilated, the interest of the brutal
+tyrant would have suffered a more irreparable loss.
+
+"In mentioning, this instance, we do not mean to insinuate, that it is
+common. We know that it was reprobated by many. All that we would infer
+from it is, that where men are habituated to a system of severity, they
+become _wantonly cruel_, and that the mere toleration of such an
+instrument of torture, in any country, is a clear indication, _that
+this wretched class of men do not there enjoy the protection of any
+laws, that may be pretended to have been enacted in their favour_."
+
+Such then is the general situation of the unfortunate Africans. They are
+beaten and tortured at discretion. They are badly clothed. They are
+miserably fed. Their drudgery is intense and incessant and their rest
+short. For scarcely are their heads reclined, scarcely have their bodies
+a respite from the labour of the day, or the cruel hand of the overseer,
+but they are summoned to renew their sorrows. In this manner they go on
+from year to year, in a state of the lowest degradation, without a
+single law to protect them, without the possibility of redress, without
+a hope that their situation will be changed, unless death should
+terminate the scene.
+
+Having described the general situation of these unfortunate people, we
+shall now take notice of the common consequences that are found to
+attend it, and relate them separately, as they result either from long
+and painful _labour_, a _want_ of the common necessaries of
+life, or continual _severity_.
+
+Oppressed by a daily task of such immoderate labour as human nature is
+utterly unable to perform, many of them run away from their masters.
+They fly to the recesses of the mountains, where they choose rather to
+live upon any thing that the soil affords them, nay, the very soil
+itself, than return to that _happy situation_, which is represented
+by the _receivers_, as the condition of a slave.
+
+It sometimes happens, that the manager of a mountain plantation, falls
+in with one of these; he immediately seizes him, and threatens to carry
+him to his former master, unless he will consent to live on the mountain
+and cultivate his ground. When his plantation is put in order, he
+carries the delinquent home, abandons him to all the suggestions of
+despotick rage, and accepts a reward for his _honesty_. The unhappy
+wretch is chained, scourged, tortured; and all this, because he obeyed
+the dictates of nature, and wanted to be free. And who is there, that
+would not have done the same thing, in the same situation? Who is there,
+that has once known the charms of liberty; that would not fly from
+despotism? And yet, by the impious laws of the _receivers_, the
+absence[066] of six months from the lash of tyranny is--_death_.
+
+But this law is even mild, when compared with another against the same
+offence, which was in force sometime ago, and which we fear is even now
+in force, in some of those colonies which this account of the treatment
+comprehends. "Advertisements have frequently appeared there, offering a
+reward for the apprehending of fugitive slaves either alive or
+_dead_. The following instance was given us by a person of
+unquestionable veracity, under whose own observation it fell. As he was
+travelling in one of the colonies alluded to, he observed some people in
+pursuit of a poor wretch, who was seeking in the wilderness an asylum
+from his labours. He heard the discharge of a gun, and soon afterwards
+stopping at an house for refreshment, the head of the fugitive, still
+reeking with blood, was brought in and laid upon a table with
+exultation. The production of such a trophy was the proof _required by
+law_ to entitle the heroes to their reward." Now reader determine if
+you can, who were the most execrable; the rulers of the state in
+authorizing murder, or the people in being bribed to commit it.
+
+This is one of the common consequences of that immoderate share of
+labour, which is imposed upon them; nor is that, which is the result of
+a scanty allowance of food, less to be lamented. The wretched African is
+often so deeply pierced by the excruciating fangs of hunger, as almost
+to be driven to despair. What is he to do in such a trying situation?
+Let him apply to the _receivers_. Alas! the majesty of _receivership_
+is too sacred for the appeal, and the intrusion would be
+fatal. Thus attacked on the one hand, and shut out from every
+possibility of relief on the other, he has only the choice of being
+starved, or of relieving his necessities by taking a small portion of
+the fruits of his own labour. Horrid crime! to be found eating the
+cane, which probably his own hands have planted, and to be eating it,
+because his necessities were pressing! This crime however is of such a
+magnitude, as always to be accompanied with the whip; and so
+unmercifully has it been applied on such an occasion, as to have been
+the cause, in wet weather, of the delinquent's death. But the smart of
+the whip has not been the only pain that the wretched Africans have
+experienced. Any thing that passion could seize, and convert into an
+instrument of punishment, has been used; and, horrid to relate! the very
+knife has not been overlooked in the fit of phrenzy. Ears have been
+slit, eyes have been beaten out, and bones have been broken; and so
+frequently has this been the case, that it has been a matter of constant
+lamentation with disinterested people, who out of curiosity have
+attended the markets[067] to which these unhappy people weekly resort,
+that they have not been able to turn their eyes on any group of them
+whatever, but they have beheld these inhuman marks of passion,
+despotism, and caprice.
+
+But these instances of barbarity have not been able to deter them from
+similar proceedings. And indeed, how can it be expected that they
+should? They have still the same appetite to be satisfied as before, and
+to drive them to desperation. They creep out clandestinely by night, and
+go in search of food into their master's, or some neighbouring
+plantation. But here they are almost equally sure of suffering. The
+watchman, who will be punished himself, if he neglects his duty,
+frequently seizes them in the fact. No excuse or intreaty will avail; he
+must punish them for an example, and he must punish them, not with a
+stick, nor with a whip, but with a cutlass. Thus it happens, that these
+unhappy slaves, if they are taken, are either sent away mangled in a
+barbarous manner, or are killed upon the spot.
+
+We may now mention the consequences of the severity. The wretched
+Africans, daily subjected to the lash, and unmercifully whipt and beaten
+on every trifling occasion, have been found to resist their opposers.
+Unpardonable crime! that they should have the feelings of nature! that
+their breasts should glow with resentment on an injury! that they should
+be so far overcome, as to resist those, whom _they are under no
+obligations to obey_, and whose only title to their services consists
+in _a violation of the rights of men_! What has been the
+consequence?--But here let us spare the feelings of the reader, (we
+wish we could spare our own) and let us only say, without a recital of
+the cruelty, _that they have been murdered at the discretion of their
+masters_. For let the reader observe, that the life of an African is
+only valued at a price, that would scarcely purchase an horse; that the
+master has a power of murdering his slave, if he pays but a trifling
+fine; and that the murder must be attended with uncommon circumstances
+of horrour, if it even produces an inquiry.
+
+Immortal Alfred! father of our invaluable constitution! parent of the
+civil blessings we enjoy! how ought thy laws to excite our love and
+veneration, who hast forbidden us, thy posterity, to tremble at the
+frown of tyrants! how ought they to perpetuate thy name, as venerable,
+to the remotest ages, who has secured, even to the meanest servant, a
+fair and impartial trial! How much does nature approve thy laws, as
+consistent with her own feelings, while she absolutely turns pale,
+trembles, and recoils, at the institutions of these _receivers_!
+Execrable men! you do not murder the horse, on which you only ride; you
+do not mutilate the cow, which only affords you her milk; you do not
+torture the dog, which is but a partial servant of your pleasures: but
+these unfortunate men, from whom, you derive your very pleasures and
+your fortunes, you torture, mutilate, murder at discretion! Sleep then
+you _receivers_, if you can, while you scarcely allow these
+unfortunate people to rest at all! feast if you can, and indulge your
+genius, while you daily apply to these unfortunate people the stings of
+severity and hunger! exult in riches, at which even avarice ought to
+shudder, and, which humanity must detest!
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 059: One third of the whole number imported, is often computed
+to be lost in the seasoning, which, in round numbers, will be 27000. The
+loss in the seasoning depends, in a great measure, on two circumstances,
+viz. on the number of what are called refuse slaves that are imported,
+and on the quantity of new land in the colony. In the French windward
+islands of Martinico, and Guadaloupe, which are cleared and highly
+cultivated, and in our old small islands, one fourth, including refuse
+slaves, is considered as a general proportion. But in St. Domingo, where
+there is a great deal of new land annually taken into culture, and in
+other colonies in the same situation, the general proportion, including
+refuse slaves, is found to be one third. This therefore is a lower
+estimate than the former, and reduces the number to about 23000. We may
+observe, that this is the common estimate, but we have reduced it to
+20000 to make it free from all objection.]
+
+
+[Footnote 060: Including the number that perish on the voyage, and in
+the seasoning. It is generally thought that not half the number
+purchased can be considered as an additional stock, and of course that
+50,000 are consumed within the first two years from their embarkation.]
+
+
+[Footnote 061: That part of the account, that has been hitherto given,
+extends to all the Europeans and their colonists, who are concerned in
+this horrid practice. But we are sorry that we must now make a
+distinction, and confine the remaining part, of it to the colonists of
+the British West India islands, and to those of the southern provinces
+of North America. As the employment of slaves is different in the two
+parts of the world last mentioned, we shall content ourselves with
+describing it, as it exists in one of them, and we shall afterwards
+annex such treatment and such consequences as are applicable to both. We
+have only to add, that the reader must not consider our account as
+_universally_, but only _generally_, true.]
+
+
+[Footnote 062: This computation is made on a supposition, that the gang
+is divided into three bodies; we call it therefore moderate, because the
+gang is frequently divided into two bodies, which must therefore set up
+alternately _every other night_.]
+
+
+[Footnote 063: An hand or arm being frequently ground off.]
+
+
+[Footnote 064: The reader will scarcely believe it, but it is a fact,
+that a slave's annual allowance from his master, for provisions,
+clothing, medicines when sick, &c. is limited, upon an average, to
+thirty shillings.]
+
+
+[Footnote 065: "A boy having received six slaves as a present from his
+father, immediately slit their ears, and for the following reason, that
+as his father was a whimsical man, he might claim them again, unless
+they were marked." We do not mention this instance as a confirmation of
+the passage to which it is annexed, but only to shew, how cautious we
+ought to be in giving credit to what may be advanced in any work written
+in defence of slavery, by any native of the colonies: for being trained
+up to scenes of cruelty from his cradle, he may, consistently with his
+own feelings, represent that treatment as mild, at which we, who have
+never been used to see them, should absolutely shudder.]
+
+
+[Footnote 066: In this case he is considered as a criminal against the
+state. The _marshal_, an officer answering to our sheriff,
+superintends his execution, and the master receives the value of the
+slave from the publick treasury. We may observe here, that in all cases
+where the delinquent is a criminal of the state, he is executed, and his
+value is received in the same manner; He is tried and condemned by two
+or three justices of the peace, and without any intervention of a
+_jury_.]
+
+
+[Footnote 067: Particularly in Jamaica. These observations were made by
+disinterested people, who were there for three or four years during the
+late war.]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. V.
+
+Some people may suppose, from the melancholy account that has been given
+in the preceding chapter, that we have been absolutely dealing in
+romance: that the scene exhibited is rather a dreary picture of the
+imagination, than a representation of fact. Would to heaven, for the
+honour of human nature, that this were really the case! We wish we could
+say, that we have no testimony to produce for any of our assertions, and
+that our description of the general treatment of slaves has been greatly
+exaggerated.
+
+But the _receivers_, notwithstanding the ample and disinterested
+evidence, that can be brought on the occasion, do not admit the
+description to be true. They say first, "that if the slavery were such
+as has been now represented, no human being could possibly support it
+long." Melancholy truth! the wretched Africans generally perish in their
+prime. Let them reflect upon the prodigious supplies that are
+_annually_ required, and their argument will be nothing less than a
+confession, that the slavery has been justly depicted.
+
+They appeal next to every man's own reason, and desire him to think
+seriously, whether "self-interest will not always restrain the master
+from acts of cruelty to the slave, and whether such accounts therefore,
+as the foregoing, do not contain within themselves, their own
+refutation." We answer, "No." For if this restraining principle be as
+powerful as it is imagined, why does not the general conduct of men
+afford us a better picture? What is imprudence, or what is vice, but a
+departure from every man's own interest, and yet these are the
+characteristicks of more than half the world?--
+
+--But, to come more closely to the present case, _self-interest_
+will be found but a weak barrier against the sallies of _passion_:
+particularly where it has been daily indulged in its greatest latitude,
+and there are no laws to restrain its calamitous effects. If the
+observation be true, that passion is a short madness, then it is evident
+that self-interest, and every other consideration, must be lost, so long
+as it continues. We cannot have a stronger instance of this, than in a
+circumstance related in the second part of this Essay, "that though the
+Africans have gone to war for the express purpose of procuring slaves,
+yet so great has been their resentment at the resistance they have
+frequently found, that their _passion_ has entirely got the better
+of their _interest_, and they have murdered all without any
+discrimination, either of age or sex." Such may be presumed to be the
+case with the no less savage _receivers_. Impressed with the most
+haughty and tyrannical notions, easily provoked, accustomed to indulge
+their anger, and, above all, habituated to scenes of cruelty, and unawed
+by the fear of laws, they will hardly be found to be exempt from the
+common failings of human nature, and to spare an unlucky slave, at a
+time when men of cooler temper, and better regulated passions, are so
+frequently blind to their own interest.
+
+But if _passion_ may be supposed to be generally more than a
+ballance for _interest_, how must the scale be turned in favour of
+the melancholy picture exhibited, when we reflect that
+_self-preservation_ additionally steps in, and demands the most
+_rigorous severity_. For when we consider that where there is
+_one_ master, there are _fifty_ slaves; that the latter have
+been all forcibly torn from their country, and are retained in their
+present situation by violence; that they are perpetually at war in their
+hearts with their oppressors, and are continually cherishing the seeds
+of revenge; it is evident that even _avarice_ herself, however cool
+and deliberate, however free from passion and caprice, must sacrifice
+her own sordid feelings, and adopt a system of tyranny and oppression,
+which it must be ruinous to pursue.
+
+Thus then, if no picture had been drawn of the situation of slaves, and
+it had been left solely to every man's sober judgment to determine, what
+it might probably be, he would conclude, that if the situation were
+justly described, the page must be frequently stained with acts of
+uncommon cruelty.
+
+It remains only to make a reply to an objection, that is usually
+advanced against particular instances of cruelty to slaves, as recorded
+by various writers. It is said that "some of these are so inconceivably,
+and beyond all example inhuman, that their very excess above the common
+measure of cruelty shews them at once exaggerated and incredible." But
+their credibility shall be estimated by a supposition. Let us suppose
+that the following instance had been recorded by a writer of the highest
+reputation, "that the master of a ship, bound to the western colonies
+with slaves, on a presumption that many of them would die, selected an
+_hundred and thirty two_ of the most sickly, and ordered them to be
+thrown into the sea, to recover their value from the insurers, and,
+above all, that the fatal order was put into execution." What would the
+reader have thought on the occasion? Would he have believed the fact? It
+would have surely staggered his faith; because he could never have heard
+that any _one_ man ever was, and could never have supposed that any
+_one_ man ever could be, guilty of the murder of _such a
+number_ of his fellow creatures. But when he is informed that such a
+fact as this came before a court[068] of justice in this very country;
+that it happened within the last five years; that hundreds can come
+forwards and say, that they heard the melancholy evidence with tears;
+what bounds is he to place to his belief? The great God, who looks down
+upon all his creatures with the same impartial eye, seems to have
+infatuated the parties concerned, that they might bring the horrid
+circumstance to light, that it might be recorded in the annals of a
+publick court, as an authentick specimen of the treatment which the
+unfortunate Africans undergo, and at the same time, as an argument to
+shew, that there is no species of cruelty, that is recorded to have been
+exercised upon these wretched people, so enormous that it may not
+_readily be believed_.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 068: The action was brought by the owners against the
+underwriters, to recover the value of the _murdered_ slaves. It was
+tried at Guildhall.]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. VI.
+
+If the treatment then, as before described, is confirmed by reason, and
+the great credit that is due to disinterested writers on the subject; if
+the unfortunate Africans are used, as if their flesh were stone, and
+their vitals brass; by what arguments do you _receivers_ defend
+your conduct?
+
+You say that a great part of your savage treatment consists in
+punishment for real offences, and frequently for such offences, as all
+civilized nations have concurred in punishing. The first charge that you
+exhibit against them is specifick, it is that of _theft_. But how
+much rather ought you _receivers_ to blush, who reduce them to such
+a situation! who reduce them to the dreadful alternative, that they must
+either _steal_ or _perish_! How much rather ought you _receivers_
+to be considered as _robbers_ yourselves, who cause these
+unfortunate people to be _stolen_! And how much greater is
+your crime, who are _robbers of human liberty_!
+
+The next charge which you exhibit against them, is general, it is that
+of _rebellion_; a crime of such a latitude, that you can impose it
+upon almost every action, and of such a nature, that you always annex to
+it the most excruciating pain. But what a contradiction is this to
+common sense! Have the wretched Africans formally resigned their
+freedom? Have you any other claim upon their obedience, than that of
+force? If then they are your subjects, you violate the laws of
+government, by making them unhappy. But if they are not your subjects,
+then, even though they should resist your proceedings, they are not
+_rebellious_.
+
+But what do you say to that long catalogue of offences, which you
+punish, and of which no people but yourselves take cognizance at all?
+You say that the wisdom of legislation has inserted it in the colonial
+laws, and that you punish by authority. But do you allude to that
+execrable code, that _authorises murder_? that tempts an unoffended
+person to kill the slave, that abhors and flies your service? that
+delegates a power, which no host of men, which not all the world, can
+possess?--
+
+Or,--What do you say to that daily unmerited severity, which you
+consider only as common discipline? Here you say that the Africans are
+vicious, that they are all of them ill-disposed, that you must of
+necessity be severe. But can they be well-disposed to their oppressors?
+In their own country they were just, generous, hospitable: qualities,
+which all the African historians allow them eminently to possess. If
+then they are vicious, they must have contracted many of their vices
+from yourselves; and as to their own native vices, if any have been
+imported with them, are they not amiable, when compared with yours?
+
+Thus then do the excuses, which have been hitherto made by the
+_receivers_, force a relation of such circumstances, as makes their
+conduct totally inexcusable, and, instead of diminishing at all, highly
+aggravates their guilt.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. VII.
+
+We come now to that other system of reasoning, which is always applied,
+when the former is confuted; "that the Africans are an inferiour link of
+the chain of nature, and are made for slavery."
+
+This assertion is proved by two arguments; the first of which was
+advanced also by the ancients, and is drawn from the _inferiority of
+their capacities_.
+
+Let us allow then for a moment, that they appear to have no parts, that
+they appear to be void of understanding. And is this wonderful, when,
+you _receivers_ depress their senses by hunger? Is this wonderful,
+when by incessant labour, the continual application of the lash, and the
+most inhuman treatment that imagination can devise, you overwhelm their
+genius, and hinder it from breaking forth?--No,--You confound their
+abilities by the severity of their servitude: for as a spark of fire, if
+crushed by too great a weight of incumbent fuel, cannot be blown into a
+flame, but suddenly expires, so the human mind, if depressed by rigorous
+servitude, cannot be excited to a display of those faculties, which
+might otherwise have shone with the brightest lustre.
+
+Neither is it wonderful in another point of view. For what is it that
+awakens the abilities of men, and distinguishes them from the common
+herd? Is it not often the amiable hope of becoming serviceable to
+individuals, or the state? Is it not often the hope of riches, or of
+power? Is it not frequently the hope of temporary honours, or a lasting
+fame? These principles have all a wonderful effect upon the mind. They
+call upon it to exert its faculties, and bring those talents to the
+publick view, which had otherwise been concealed. But the unfortunate
+Africans have no such incitements as these, that they should shew their
+genius. They have no hope of riches, power, honours, fame. They have no
+hope but this, that their miseries will be soon terminated by death.
+
+And here we cannot but censure and expose the murmurings of the
+unthinking and the gay; who, going on in a continual round of pleasure
+and prosperity, repine at the will of Providence, as exhibited in the
+shortness of human duration. But let a weak and infirm old age overtake
+them: let them experience calamities: let them feel but half the
+miseries which the wretched Africans undergo, and they will praise the
+goodness of Providence, who hath made them mortal; who hath prescribed
+certain ordinary bounds to the life of man; and who, by such a
+limitation, hath given all men this comfortable hope, that however
+persecuted in life, a time will come, in the common course of nature,
+when their sufferings will have an end.
+
+Such then is the nature of this servitude, that we can hardly expect to
+find in those, who undergo it, even the glimpse of genius. For if their
+minds are in a continual state of depression, and if they have no
+expectations in life to awaken their abilities, and make them eminent,
+we cannot be surprized if a sullen gloomy stupidity should be the
+leading mark in their character; or if they should appear inferiour to
+those, who do not only enjoy the invaluable blessings of freedom, but
+have every prospect before their eyes, that can allure them to exert
+their faculties. Now, if to these considerations we add, that the
+wretched Africans are torn from their country in a state of nature, and
+that in general, as long as their slavery continues, every obstacle is
+placed in the way of their improvement, we shall have a sufficient
+answer to any argument that may be drawn from the inferiority of their
+capacities.
+
+It appears then, from the circumstances that have been mentioned, that
+to form a true judgment of the abilities of these unfortunate people, we
+must either take a general view of them before their slavery commences,
+or confine our attention to such, as, after it has commenced, have had
+any opportunity given them of shewing their genius either in arts or
+letters. If, upon such a fair and impartial view, there should be any
+reason to suppose, that they are at all inferiour to others in the same
+situation, the argument will then gain some of that weight and
+importance, which it wants at present.
+
+In their own country, where we are to see them first, we must expect
+that the prospect will be unfavourable. They are mostly in a savage
+state. Their powers of mind are limited to few objects. Their ideas are
+consequently few. It appears, however, that they follow the same mode of
+life, and exercise the same arts, as the ancestors of those very
+Europeans, who boast of their great superiority, are described to have
+done in the same uncultivated state. This appears from the Nubian's
+Geography, the writings of Leo, the Moor, and all the subsequent
+histories, which those, who have visited the African continent, have
+written from their own inspection. Hence three conclusions; that their
+abilities are sufficient for their situation;--that they are as great,
+as those of other people have been, in the same stage of society;--and
+that they are as great as those of any civilized people whatever, when
+the degree of the barbarism of the one is drawn into a comparison with
+that of the civilization of the other.
+
+Let us now follow them to the colonies. They are carried over in the
+unfavourable situation described. It is observed here, that though their
+abilities cannot be estimated high from a want of cultivation, they are
+yet various, and that they vary in proportion as the nation, from which
+they have been brought, has advanced more or less in the scale of social
+life. This observation, which is so frequently made, is of great
+importance: for if their abilities expand in proportion to the
+improvement of their state, it is a clear indication, that if they were
+equally improved, they would be equally ingenious.
+
+But here, before we consider any opportunities that may be afforded
+them, let it be remembered that even their most polished situation may
+be called barbarous, and that this circumstance, should they appear less
+docile than others, may be considered as a sufficient answer to any
+objection that may be made to their capacities. Notwithstanding this,
+when they are put to the mechanical arts, they do not discover a want of
+ingenuity. They attain them in as short a time as the Europeans, and
+arrive at a degree of excellence equal to that of their teachers. This
+is a fact, almost universally known, and affords us this proof, that
+having learned with facility such of the mechanical arts, as they have
+been taught, they are capable of attaining any other, at least, of the
+same class, if they should receive but the same instruction.
+
+With respect to the liberal arts, their proficiency is certainly less;
+but not less in proportion to their time and opportunity of study; not
+less, because they are less capable of attaining them, but because they
+have seldom or ever an opportunity of learning them at all. It is yet
+extraordinary that their talents appear, even in some of these sciences,
+in which they are totally uninstructed. Their abilities in musick are
+such, as to have been generally noticed. They play frequently upon a
+variety of instruments, without any other assistance than their own
+ingenuity. They have also tunes of their own composition. Some of these
+have been imported among us; are now in use; and are admired for their
+sprightliness and ease, though the ungenerous and prejudiced importer
+has concealed their original.
+
+Neither are their talents in poetry less conspicuous. Every occurrence,
+if their spirits are not too greatly depressed, is turned into a song.
+These songs are said to be incoherent and nonsensical. But this proceeds
+principally from two causes, an improper conjunction of words, arising
+from an ignorance of the language in which they compose; and a wildness
+of thought, arising from the different manner, in which the organs of
+rude and civilized people will be struck by the same object. And as to
+their want of harmony and rhyme, which is the last objection, the
+difference of pronunciation is the cause. Upon the whole, as they are
+perfectly consistent with their own ideas, and are strictly musical as
+pronounced by themselves, they afford us as high a proof of their
+poetical powers, as the works of the most acknowledged poets.
+
+But where these impediments have been removed, where they have received
+an education, and have known and pronounced the language with propriety,
+these defects have vanished, and their productions have been less
+objectionable. For a proof of this, we appeal to the writings of an
+African girl[069], who made no contemptible appearance in this species
+of composition. She was kidnapped when only eight years old, and, in the
+year 1761, was transported to America, where she was sold with other
+slaves. She had no school education there, but receiving some little
+instruction from the family, with whom she was so fortunate as to live,
+she obtained such a knowledge of the English language within sixteen
+months from the time of her arrival, as to be able to speak it and read
+it to the astonishment of those who heard her. She soon afterwards
+learned to write, and, having a great inclination to learn the Latin
+tongue, she was indulged by her master, and made a progress. Her
+Poetical works were published with his permission, in the year 1773.
+They contain thirty-eight pieces on different subjects. We shall beg
+leave to make a short extract from two or three of them, for the
+observation of the reader.
+
+
+_From an Hymn to the Evening_[070].
+
+
+
+"Fill'd with the praise of him who gives the light,
+And draws the sable curtains of the night,
+Let placid slumbers sooth each weary mind,
+At morn to wake more heav'nly and refin'd;
+So shall the labours of the day begin,
+More pure and guarded from the snares of sin.
+----&c. &c."
+
+
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+_From an Hymn to the Morning_.
+
+
+
+"Aurora hail! and all the thousand dies,
+That deck thy progress through the vaulted skies!
+The morn awakes, and wide extends her rays,
+On ev'ry leaf the gentle zephyr plays.
+Harmonious lays the feather'd race resume,
+Dart the bright eye, and shake the painted plume.
+----&c. &c."
+
+
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+_From Thoughts on Imagination_.
+
+
+
+"Now here, now there, the roving _fancy_ flies,
+Till some lov'd object strikes her wand'ring eyes,
+Whose silken fetters all the senses bind,
+And soft captivity involves the mind.
+
+"_Imagination!_ who can sing thy force,
+Or who describe the swiftness of thy course?
+Soaring through air to find the bright abode,
+Th' empyreal palace of the thund'ring God,
+We on thy pinions can surpass the wind,
+And leave the rolling universe behind:
+From star to star the mental opticks rove,
+Measure the skies, and range the realms above.
+There in one view we grasp the mighty whole,
+Or with new worlds amaze th' unbounded soul.
+----&c. &c."
+
+
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+Such is the poetry which we produce as a proof of our assertions. How
+far it has succeeded, the reader may by this time have determined in his
+own mind. We shall therefore only beg leave to accompany it with this
+observation, that if the authoress _was designed for slavery_, (as
+the argument must confess) the greater part of the inhabitants of
+Britain must lose their claim to freedom.
+
+To this poetry we shall only add, as a farther proof of their abilities,
+the Prose compositions of Ignatius Sancho, who received some little
+education. His letters are too well known, to make any extract, or
+indeed any farther mention of him, necessary. If other examples of
+African genius should be required, suffice it to say, that they can be
+produced in abundance; and that if we were allowed to enumerate
+instances of African gratitude, patience, fidelity, honour, as so many
+instances of good sense, and a sound understanding, we fear that
+thousands of the enlightened Europeans would have occasion to blush.
+
+But an objection will be made here, that the two persons whom we have
+particularized by name, are prodigies, and that if we were to live for
+many years, we should scarcely meet with two other Africans of the same
+description. But we reply, that considering their situation as before
+described, two persons, above mediocrity in the literary way, are as
+many as can be expected within a certain period of years; and farther,
+that if these are prodigies, they are only such prodigies as every day
+would produce, if they had the same opportunities of acquiring knowledge
+as other people, and the same expectations in life to excite their
+genius. This has been constantly and solemnly asserted by the pious
+Benezet[071], whom we have mentioned before, as having devoted a
+considerable part of his time to their instruction. This great man, for
+we cannot but mention him with veneration, had a better opportunity of
+knowing them than any person whatever, and he always uniformly declared,
+that he could never find a difference between their capacities and those
+of other people; that they were as capable of reasoning as any
+individual Europeans; that they were as capable of the highest
+intellectual attainments; in short, that their abilities were equal, and
+that they only wanted to be equally cultivated, to afford specimens of
+as fine productions.
+
+Thus then does it appear from the testimony of this venerable man,
+whose authority is sufficient of itself to silence all objections
+against African capacity, and from the instances that have been
+produced, and the observations that have been made on the occasion, that
+if the minds of the Africans were unbroken by slavery; if they had the
+same expectations in life as other people, and the same opportunities of
+improvement, they would be equal; in all the various branches of
+science, to the Europeans, and that the argument that states them "to be
+an inferiour link of the chain of nature, and designed for servitude,"
+as far as it depends on the _inferiority of their capacities_, is
+wholly malevolent and false[072].
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 069: Phillis Wheatley, negro slave to Mr. John Wheatley, of
+Boston, in New-England.]
+
+
+[Footnote 070:
+Lest it should be doubted whether these Poems are genuine, we shall
+transcribe the names of those, who signed a certificate of their
+authenticity.
+
+
+His Excellency Thomas Hutchinson, Governor.
+The Honourable Andrew Oliver, Lieutenant Governor.
+
+The Hon. Thomas Hubbard
+The Hon. John Erving
+The Hon. James Pitts
+The Hon. Harrison Gray
+The Hon. James Bowdoin
+John Hancock, Esq.
+Joseph Green, Esq.
+Richard Carey, Esq.
+The Rev. Cha. Chauncy, D.D.
+The Rev. Mather Byles, D.D.
+The Rev. Ed. Pemberton, D.D.
+The Rev. Andrew Elliot, D.D.
+The Rev. Sam. Cooper, D.D.
+The Rev. Samuel Mather
+The Rev. John Moorhead
+Mr. John Wheatley, her Master.
+]
+
+
+[Footnote 071: In the Preface.]
+
+
+[Footnote 072: As to Mr. Hume's assertions with respect to African
+capacity, we have passed them over in silence, as they have been so
+admirably refuted by the learned Dr. Beattie, in his Essay on Truth, to
+which we refer the reader. The whole of this admirable refutation
+extends from p. 458. to 464.]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. VIII.
+
+The second argument, by which it is attempted to be proved, "that the
+Africans are an inferiour link of the chain of nature, and are designed
+for slavery," is drawn from _colour_, and from those other marks,
+which distinguish them from the inhabitants of Europe.
+
+To prove this with the greater facility, the _receivers_ divide in
+opinion. Some of them contend that the Africans, from these
+circumstances, are the descendants of Cain[073]: others, that they are
+the posterity of Ham; and that as it was declared by divine inspiration,
+that these should be servants to the rest of the world, so they are
+designed for slavery; and that the reducing of them to such a situation
+is only the accomplishment of the will of heaven: while the rest,
+considering them from the same circumstances as a totally distinct
+species of men, conclude them to be an inferiour link of the chain of
+nature, and deduce the inference described.
+
+To answer these arguments in the clearest and fullest manner, we are
+under the necessity of making two suppositions, first, that the
+scriptures are true; secondly, that they are false.
+
+If then the scriptures are true, it is evident that the posterity of
+Cain were extinguished in the flood. Thus one of the arguments is no
+more.
+
+With respect to the curse of Ham, it appears also that it was limited;
+that it did not extend to the posterity of all his sons, but only to the
+descendants of him who was called Canaan[074]: by which it was foretold
+that the Canaanites, a part of the posterity of Ham, should serve the
+posterity of Shem and Japhet. Now how does it appear that these wretched
+Africans are the descendants of Canaan?--By those marks, it will be
+said, which distinguish them from the rest of the world.--But where are
+these marks to be found in the divine writings? In what page is it said,
+that the Canaanites were to be known by their _colour_, their
+_features_, their _form_, or the very _hair of their heads_,
+which is brought into the account?--But alas! so far are the
+divine writings from giving any such account, that they shew the
+assertion to be false. They shew that the descendants of Cush[075] were
+of the colour, to which the advocates for slavery allude; and of course,
+that there was no such limitation of colour to the posterity of Canaan,
+or the inheritors of the curse.
+
+Suppose we should now shew, upon the most undeniable evidence[076], that
+those of the wretched Africans, who are singled out as inheriting the
+curse, are the descendants of Cush or Phut; and that we should shew
+farther, that but a single remnant of Canaan, which was afterwards
+ruined, was ever in Africa at all.--Here all is consternation.--
+
+But unfortunately again for the argument, though wonderfully for the
+confirmation that the scriptures are of divine original, the whole
+prophecy has been completed. A part of the descendants of Canaan were
+hewers of wood and drawers of water, and became tributary and subject to
+the Israelites, or the descendants of Shem. The Greeks afterwards, as
+well as the Romans, who were both the descendants of Japhet, not only
+subdued those who were settled in Syria and Palestine, but pursued and
+conquered all such as were then remaining. These were the Tyrians and
+Carthaginians: the former of whom were ruined by Alexander and the
+Greeks, the latter by Scipio and the Romans.
+
+It appears then that the second argument is wholly inapplicable and
+false: that it is false in its _application_, because those, who
+were the objects of the curse, were a totally distinct people: that it
+is false in its _proof_, because no such distinguishing marks, as
+have been specified, are to be found in the divine writings: and that,
+if the proof could be made out, it would be now _inapplicable_, as
+the curse has been long completed.
+
+With respect to the third argument, we must now suppose that the
+scriptures are false; that mankind did not all spring from the same
+original; that there are different species of men. Now what must we
+justly conclude from such a supposition? Must we conclude that one
+species is inferiour to another, and that the inferiority depends upon
+their _colour_, or their _features_, or their _form_?--No--We
+must now consult the analogy of nature, and the conclusion will be this:
+"that as she tempered the bodies of the different species of men in a
+different degree, to enable them to endure the respective climates of
+their habitation, so she gave them a variety of colour and appearance
+with a like benevolent design."
+
+To sum up the whole. If the scriptures are true, it is evident that the
+posterity of _Cain_ are no more; that the curse of _Ham_ has
+been accomplished; and that, as all men were derived from the same
+stock, so this variety of appearance in men must either have proceeded
+from some interposition of the Deity; or from a co-operation of certain
+causes, which have an effect upon the human frame, and have the power of
+changing it more or less from its primitive appearance, as they happen
+to be more or less numerous or powerful than those, which acted upon the
+frame of man in the first seat of his habitation. If from the
+interposition of the Deity, then we must conclude that he, who bringeth
+good out of evil, produced it for their convenience. If, from the
+co-operation of the causes before related, what argument may not be
+found against any society of men, who should happen to differ, in the
+points alluded to, from ourselves?
+
+If, on the other hand, the scriptures are false, then it is evident,
+that there was neither such a person as _Cain_, nor _Ham_, nor
+_Canaan_; and that nature bestowed such colour, features, and form,
+upon the different species of men, as were best adapted to their
+situation.
+
+Thus, on which ever supposition it is founded, the whole argument must
+fall. And indeed it is impossible that it can stand, even in the eye of
+common sense. For if you admit the _form_ of men as a justification
+of slavery, you may subjugate your own brother: if _features_, then
+you must quarrel with all the world: if _colour_, where are you to
+stop? It is evident, that if you travel from the equator to the northern
+pole, you will find a regular gradation of colour from black to white.
+Now if you can justly take him for your slave, who is of the deepest
+die, what hinders you from taking him also, who only differs from the
+former but by a shade. Thus you may proceed, taking each in a regular
+succession to the poles. But who are you, that thus take into slavery so
+many people? Where do you live yourself? Do you live in _Spain_, or
+in _France_, or in _Britain_? If in either of these countries,
+take care lest the _whiter natives of the north_ should have a
+claim upon yourself.--But the argument is too ridiculous to be farther
+noticed.
+
+Having now silenced the whole argument, we might immediately proceed to
+the discussion of other points, without even declaring our opinion as to
+which of the suppositions may be right, on which it has been refuted;
+but we do not think ourselves at liberty to do this. The present age
+would rejoice to find that the scriptures had no foundation, and would
+anxiously catch at the writings of him, who should mention them in a
+doubtful manner. We shall therefore declare our sentiments, by asserting
+that they are true, and that all mankind, however various their
+appearances are derived from the same stock.
+
+To prove this, we shall not produce those innumerable arguments, by
+which the scriptures have stood the test of ages, but advert to a single
+fact. It is an universal law, observable throughout the whole creation,
+_that if two animals of a different species propagate, their offspring
+is unable to continue its own species_. By this admirable law, the
+different species are preserved distinct; every possibility of confusion
+is prevented, and the world is forbidden to be over-run by a race of
+monsters. Now, if we apply this law to those of the human kind, who are
+said to be of a distinct species from each other, it immediately fails.
+The _mulattoe_ is as capable of continuing his own species as his
+father; a clear and irrefragable proof, that the scripture[077] account
+of the creation is true, and that "God, who hath made the world, hath
+made of one blood[078] all the nations of men that dwell on all the face
+of the earth."
+
+But if this be the case, it will be said that mankind were originally of
+one colour; and it will be asked at the same time, what it is probable
+that the colour was, and how they came to assume so various an
+appearance? To, each of these we shall make that reply, which we
+conceive to be the most rational.
+
+As mankind were originally of the same stock, so it is evident that they
+were originally of the same colour. But how shall we attempt to
+ascertain it? Shall we _Englishmen_ say, that it was the same as
+that which we now find to be peculiar to ourselves?--No--This would be
+a vain and partial consideration, and would betray our judgment to have
+arisen from that false fondness, which habituates us to suppose, that
+every thing belonging to ourselves is the perfectest and the best. Add
+to this, that we should always be liable to a just reproof from every
+inhabitant of the globe, whose colour was different from our own;
+because he would justly say, that he had as good a right to imagine that
+his own was the primitive colour, as that of any other people.
+
+How then shall we attempt to ascertain it? Shall we look into the
+various climates of the earth, see the colour that generally prevails in
+the inhabitants of each, and apply the rule? This will be certainly free
+from partiality, and will afford us a better prospect of success: for as
+every particular district has its particular colour, so it is evident
+that the complexion of Noah and his sons, from whom the rest of the
+world were descended, was the same as that, which is peculiar to the
+country, which was the seat of their habitation. This, by such a mode of
+decision, will be found a dark olive; a beautiful colour, and a just
+medium between white and black. That this was the primitive colour, is
+highly probable from the observations that have been made; and, if
+admitted, will afford a valuable lesson to the Europeans, to be cautious
+how they deride those of the opposite complexion, as there is great
+reason to presume, _that the purest white[079] is as far removed from
+the primitive colour as the deepest black_.
+
+We come now to the grand question, which is, that if mankind were
+originally of this or any other colour, how came it to pass, that they
+should wear so various an appearance? We reply, as we have had occasion
+to say before, either _by the interposition of the Deity_; or _by
+a co-operation of certain causes, which have an effect upon the human
+frame, and have the power of changing it more or less from its primitive
+appearance, as they are more or less numerous or powerful than those,
+which acted upon the frame of man in the first seat of his
+habitation_.
+
+With respect to the Divine interposition, two epochs have been assigned,
+when this difference of colour has been imagined to have been so
+produced. The first is that, which has been related, when the curse was
+pronounced on a branch of the posterity of _Ham_. But this argument
+has been already refuted; for if the particular colour alluded to were
+assigned at this period, it was assigned to the descendants of
+_Canaan_, to distinguish them from those of his other brothers, and
+was therefore _limited_ to the former. But the descendants of
+_Cush_[080], as we have shewn before, partook of the same colour; a
+clear proof, that it was neither assigned to them on this occasion, nor
+at this period.
+
+The second epoch is that, when mankind were dispersed on the building of
+_Babel_. It has been thought, that both _national features and
+colour_ might probably have been given them at this time, because
+these would have assisted the confusion of language, by causing them to
+disperse into tribes, and would have united more firmly the individuals
+of each, after the dispersion had taken place. But this is improbable:
+first, because there is great reason to presume that Moses, who has
+mentioned the confusion of language, would have mentioned these
+circumstances also, if they had actually contributed to bring about so
+singular an event: secondly, because the confusion of language was
+sufficient of itself to have accomplished this; and we cannot suppose
+that the Deity could have done any thing in vain: and thirdly, because,
+if mankind had been dispersed, each tribe in its peculiar hue, it is
+impossible to conceive, that they could have wandered and settled in
+such a manner, as to exhibit that regular gradation of colour from the
+equator to the poles, so conspicuous at the present day.
+
+These are the only periods, which there has been even the shadow of a
+probability for assigning; and we may therefore conclude that the
+preceding observations, together with such circumstances as will appear
+in the present chapter, will amount to a demonstration, that the
+difference of colour was never caused by any interposition of the Deity,
+and that it must have proceeded therefore from that _incidental
+co-operation of causes_, which has been before related.
+
+What these causes are, it is out of the power of human wisdom positively
+to assert: there are facts, however, which, if properly weighed and put
+together, will throw considerable light upon the subject. These we shall
+submit to the perusal of the reader, and shall deduce from them such
+inferences only, as almost every person must make in his own mind, on
+their recital.
+
+The first point, that occurs to be ascertained, is, "What part of the
+skin is the seat of colour?" The old anatomists usually divided the skin
+into two parts, or lamina; the exteriour and thinnest, called by the
+Greeks _Epidermis_, by the Romans _Cuticula_, and hence by us
+_Cuticle_; and the interiour, called by the former _Derma_,
+and by the latter _Cutis_, or _true skin_. Hence they must
+necessarily have supposed, that, as the _true skin_ was in every
+respect the same in all human subjects, however various their external
+hue, so the seat of colour must have existed in the _Cuticle_, or
+upper surface.
+
+Malphigi, an eminent Italian physician, of the last century, was the
+first person who discovered that the skin was divided into three lamina,
+or parts; the _Cuticle_, the _true skin_, and a certain
+coagulated substance situated between both, which he distinguished by
+the title of _Mucosum Corpus_; a title retained by anatomists to
+the present day: which coagulated substance adhered so firmly to the
+_Cuticle_, as, in all former anatomical preparations, to have come
+off with it, and, from this circumstance to have led the ancient
+anatomists to believe, that there were but two lamina, or divisible
+portions in the human skin.
+
+This discovery was sufficient to ascertain the point in question: for it
+appeared afterwards that the _Cuticle_, when divided according to
+this discovery from the other lamina, was semi-transparent; that the
+cuticle of the blackest negroe was of the same transparency and colour,
+as that of the purest white; and hence, the _true skins_ of both
+being invariably the same, that the _mucosum corpus_ was the seat
+of colour.
+
+This has been farther confirmed by all subsequent anatomical
+experiments, by which it appears, that, whatever is the colour of this
+intermediate coagulated substance, nearly the same is the apparent
+colour of the upper surface of the skin. Neither can it be otherwise;
+for the _Cuticle_, from its transparency, must necessarily transmit
+the colour of the substance beneath it, in the same manner, though not
+in the same degree, as the _cornea_ transmits the colour of the
+_iris_ of the eye. This transparency is a matter of ocular
+demonstration in white people. It is conspicuous in every blush; for no
+one can imagine, that the cuticle becomes red, as often as this happens:
+nor is it less discoverable in the veins, which are so easy to be
+discerned; for no one can suppose, that the blue streaks, which he
+constantly sees in the fairest complexions, are painted, as it were, on
+the surface of the upper skin. From these, and a variety of other
+observations[081], no maxim is more true in physiology, than that _on
+the mucosum corpus depends the colour of the human body_; or, in
+other words, that the _mucosum corpus_ being of a different colour
+in different inhabitants of the globe, and appearing through the cuticle
+or upper surface of the skin, gives them that various appearance, which
+strikes us so forcibly in contemplating the human race.
+
+As this can be incontrovertibly ascertained, it is evident, that
+whatever causes cooperate in producing this different appearance, they
+produce it by acting upon the _mucosum corpus_, which, from the
+almost incredible manner in which the cuticle[082] is perforated, is as
+accessible as the cuticle itself. These causes are probably those
+various qualities of things, which, combined with the influence of the
+sun, contribute to form what we call _climate_. For when any person
+considers, that the mucous substance, before-mentioned, is found to vary
+in its colour, as the _climates_ vary from the equator to the
+poles, his mind must be instantly struck with the hypothesis, and he
+must adopt it without any hesitation, as the genuine cause of the
+phænomenon.
+
+This fact[083], _of the variation of the mucous substance according to
+the situation of the place_, has been clearly ascertained in the
+numerous anatomical experiments that have been made; in which, subjects
+of all nations have come under consideration. The natives of many of the
+kingdoms and isles of _Asia_, are found to have their _corpus
+mucosum_ black. Those of _Africa_, situated near the line, of
+the same colour. Those of the maritime parts of the same continent, of a
+dusky brown, nearly approaching to it; and the colour becomes lighter or
+darker in proportion as the distance from the equator is either greater
+or less. The Europeans are the fairest inhabitants of the world. Those
+situated in the most southern regions of _Europe_, have in their
+_corpus mucosum_ a tinge of the dark hue of their _African_
+neighbours: hence the epidemick complexion, prevalent among them, is
+nearly of the colour of the pickled Spanish olive; while in this
+country, and those situated nearer the north pole, it appears to be
+nearly, if not absolutely, white.
+
+These are facts[084], which anatomy has established; and we acknowledge
+them to be such, that we cannot divest ourselves of the idea, that
+_climate_ has a considerable share in producing a difference of
+colour. Others, we know, have invented other hypotheses, but all of them
+have been instantly refuted, as unable to explain the difficulties for
+which they were advanced, and as absolutely contrary to fact: and the
+inventors themselves have been obliged, almost as soon as they have
+proposed them, to acknowledge them deficient.
+
+The only objection of any consequence, that has ever been made to the
+hypothesis of _climate_, is this, _that people under the same
+parallels are not exactly of the same colour_. But this is no
+objection in fact: for it does not follow that those countries, which
+are at an equal distance from the equator, should have their climates
+the same. Indeed nothing is more contrary to experience than this.
+Climate depends upon a variety of accidents. High mountains, in the
+neighbourhood of a place, make it cooler, by chilling the air that is
+carried over them by the winds. Large spreading succulent plants, if
+among the productions of the soil, have the same effect: they afford
+agreeable cooling shades, and a moist atmosphere from their continual
+exhalations, by which the ardour of the sun is considerably abated.
+While the soil, on the other hand, if of a sandy nature, retains the
+heat in an uncommon degree, and makes the summers considerably hotter
+than those which are found to exist in the same latitude, where the soil
+is different. To this proximity of what may be termed _burning
+sands_, and to the sulphurous and metallick particles, which are
+continually exhaling from the bowels of the earth, is ascribed the
+different degree of blackness, by which some _African_ nations are
+distinguishable from each other, though under the same parallels. To
+these observations we may add, that though the inhabitants of the same
+parallel are not exactly of the same hue, yet they differ only by shades
+of the same colour; or, to speak with more precision, that there are no
+two people, in such a situation, one of whom is white, and the other
+black. To sum up the whole--Suppose we were to take a common globe; to
+begin at the equator; to paint every country along the meridian line in
+succession from thence to the poles; and to paint them with the same
+colour which prevails in the respective inhabitants of each, we should
+see the black, with which we had been obliged to begin, insensibly
+changing to an olive, and the olive, through as many intermediate
+colours, to a white: and if, on the other hand, we should complete any
+one of the parallels according to the same plan, we should see a
+difference perhaps in the appearance of some of the countries through
+which it ran, though the difference would consist wholly in shades of
+the same colour.
+
+The argument therefore, which is brought against the hypothesis, is so
+far from being, an objection, that we shall consider it one of the first
+arguments in its favour: for if _climate_ has really an influence
+on the _mucous substance_ of the body, it is evident, that we must
+not only expect to see a gradation of colour in the inhabitants from the
+equator to the poles, but also different[085] shades of the same colour
+in the inhabitants of the same parallel.
+
+To this argument, we shall add one that is incontrovertible, which is,
+that when the _black_ inhabitants of _Africa_ are transplanted
+to _colder_, or the _white_ inhabitants of _Europe_ to _hotter_
+climates, their children, _born there_, are of a _different
+colour from themselves_; that is, lighter in the first, and
+darker in the second instance.
+
+As a proof of the first, we shall give the words of the Abbé
+Raynal[086], in his admired publication. "The children," says he, "which
+they, (the _Africans_) procreate in _America_, are not so
+black as their parents were. After each generation the difference
+becomes more palpable. It is possible, that after a numerous succession
+of generations, the men come from _Africa_ would not be
+distinguished from those of the country, into which they may have been
+transplanted."
+
+This circumstance we have had the pleasure of hearing confirmed by a
+variety of persons, who have been witnesses of the fact; but
+particularly by many intelligent[087] Africans, who have been parents
+themselves in _America_, and who have declared that the difference
+is so palpable in the _northern provinces_, that not only they
+themselves have constantly observed it, but that they have heard it
+observed by others.
+
+Neither is this variation in the children from the colour of their
+parents improbable. _The children of the blackest Africans are born
+white_[088]. In this state they continue for about a month, when they
+change to a pale yellow. In process of time they become brown. Their
+skin still continues to increase in darkness with their age, till it
+becomes of a dirty, sallow black, and at length, after a certain period
+of years, glossy and shining. Now, if climate has any influence on the
+_mucous substance_ of the body, this variation in the children from
+the colour of their parents is an event, which must be reasonably
+expected: for being born white, and not having equally powerful causes
+to act upon them in colder, as their parents had in the hotter climates
+which they left, it must necessarily follow, that the same affect cannot
+possibly be produced.
+
+Hence also, if the hypothesis be admitted, may be deduced the reason,
+why even those children, who have been brought from their country at an
+early age into colder regions, have been observed[089] to be of a
+lighter colour than those who have remained at home till they arrived at
+a state of manhood. For having undergone some of the changes which we
+mentioned to have attended their countrymen from infancy to a certain
+age, and having been taken away before the rest could be completed,
+these farther changes, which would have taken place had they remained at
+home, seem either to have been checked in their progress, or weakened in
+their degree, by a colder climate.
+
+We come now to the second and opposite case; for a proof of which we
+shall appeal to the words of Dr. Mitchell[090], in the Philosophical
+Transactions. "The _Spaniards_ who have inhabited _America_
+under the torrid zone for any time, are become as dark coloured as our
+native _Indians_ of _Virginia_, of which, _I myself have
+been a witness_; and were they not to intermarry with the
+_Europeans_, but lead the same rude and barbarous lives with the
+_Indians_, it is very probable that, in a succession of many
+generations, they would become as dark in complexion."
+
+To this instance we shall add one, which is mentioned by a late
+writer[091], who describing the _African_ coast, and the
+_European_ settlements there, has the following passage. "There are
+several other small _Portuguese_ settlements, and one of some note
+at _Mitomba_, a river in _Sierra Leon_. The people here
+called _Portuguese_, are principally persons bred from a mixture of
+the first _Portuguese discoverers_ with the natives, and now
+become, in their _complexion_ and _woolly quality_ of their
+hair, _perfect negroes_, retaining however a smattering of the
+_Portuguese_ language."
+
+These facts, with respect to the colonists of the _Europeans_, are
+of the highest importance in the present case, and deserve a serious
+attention. For when we know to a certainty from whom they are descended;
+when we know that they were, at the time of their transplantation, of
+the same colour as those from whom they severally sprung; and when, on
+the other hand, we are credibly informed, that they have changed it for
+the native colour of the place which they now inhabit; the evidence in
+support of these facts is as great, as if a person, on the removal of
+two or three families into another climate, had determined to ascertain
+the circumstance; as if he had gone with them and watched their
+children; as if he had communicated his observations at his death to a
+successor; as if his successor had prosecuted the plan, and thus an
+uninterrupted chain of evidence had been kept up from their first
+removal to any determined period of succeeding time.
+
+But though these facts seem sufficient of themselves to confirm our
+opinion, they are not the only facts which can be adduced in its
+support. It can be shewn, that the members of the _very same
+family_, when divided from each other, and removed into different
+countries, have not only changed their family complexion, but that they
+have changed it to _as many different colours_ as they have gone
+into _different regions of the world_. We cannot have, perhaps, a
+more striking instance of this, than in the _Jews_. These people,
+are scattered over the face of the whole earth. They have preserved
+themselves distinct from the rest of the world by their religion; and,
+as they never intermarry with any but those of their own sect, so they
+have no mixture of blood in their veins, that they should differ from
+each other: and yet nothing is more true, than that the _English
+Jew_[092] is white, the _Portuguese_ swarthy, the _Armenian_
+olive, and the _Arabian_ copper; in short, that there appear
+to be as many different species of _Jews_, as there are countries
+in which they reside.
+
+To these facts we shall add the following observation, that if we can
+give credit to the ancient historians in general, a change from the
+darkest black to the purest white must have actually been accomplished.
+One instance, perhaps, may be thought sufficient. _Herodotus_[093]
+relates, that the _Colchi were black_, and that they had _crisped
+hair_. These people were a detachment of the _Æthiopian_ army
+under _Sesostris_, who followed him in his expedition, and settled
+in that part of the world, where _Colchis_ is usually represented
+to have been situated. Had not the same author informed us of this
+circumstance, we should have thought it strange[094], that a people of
+this description should have been found in such a latitude. Now as they
+were undoubtedly settled there, and as they were neither so totally
+destroyed, nor made any such rapid conquests, as that history should
+notice the event, there is great reason to presume, that their
+descendants continued in the same, or settled in the adjacent country;
+from whence it will follow, that they must have changed their complexion
+to that, which is observable in the inhabitants of this particular
+region at the present day; or, in other words, that the _black
+inhabitant of Colchis_ must have been changed into the _fair
+Circassian_[095].
+
+As we have now shewn it to be highly probable, from the facts which have
+been advanced, that climate is the cause of the difference of colour
+which prevails in the different inhabitants of the globe, we shall now
+shew its probability from so similar an effect produced on the _mucous
+substance_ before-mentioned by so similar a cause, that though the
+fact does not absolutely prove our conjecture to be right, yet it will
+give us a very lively conception of the manner, in which the phænomenon
+may be caused.
+
+This probability may be shewn in the case of _freckles_, which are
+to be seen in the face of children, but of such only, as have the
+thinnest and most transparent skins, and are occasioned by the rays of
+the sun, striking forcibly on the _mucous substance_ of the face,
+and drying the accumulating fluid. This accumulating fluid, or
+perspirable matter, is at first colourless; but being exposed to violent
+heat, or dried, becomes brown. Hence, the _mucosum corpus_ being
+tinged in various parts by this brown coagulated fluid, and the parts so
+tinged appearing through the _cuticle_, or upper surface of the
+skin, arises that spotted appearance, observable in the case recited.
+
+Now, if we were to conceive a black skin to be an _universal
+freckle_, or the rays of the sun to act so universally on the
+_mucous substance_ of a person's face, as to produce these spots so
+contiguous to each other that they should unite, we should then see, in
+imagination, a face similar to those, which are daily to be seen among
+black people: and if we were to conceive his body to be exposed or acted
+upon in the same manner, we should then see his body assuming a similar
+appearance; and thus we should see the whole man of a perfect black, or
+resembling one of the naked inhabitants of the torrid zone. Now as the
+feat of freckles and of blackness is the same; as their appearance is
+similar; and as the cause of the first is the ardour of the sun, it is
+therefore probable that the cause of the second is the same: hence, if
+we substitute for the word "_sun_," what is analogous to it, the
+word _climate_, the same effect may be supposed to be produced, and
+the conjecture to receive a sanction.
+
+Nor is it unlikely that the hypothesis, which considers the cause of
+freckles and of blackness as the same, may be right. For if blackness is
+occasioned by the rays of the sun striking forcibly and universally on
+the _mucous substance_ of the body, and drying the accumulating
+fluid, we can account for the different degrees of it to be found in the
+different inhabitants of the globe. For as the quantity of perspirable
+fluid, and the force of the solar rays is successively increased, as
+the climates are successively warmer, from any given parallel to the
+line, it follows that the fluid, with which the _mucous substance_
+will be stained, will be successively thicker and deeper coloured; and
+hence, as it appears through the cuticle, the complexion successively
+darker; or, what amounts to the same thing, there will be a difference
+of colour in the inhabitants of every successive parallel.
+
+From these, and the whole of the preceding observations on the subject,
+we may conclude, that as all the inhabitants of the earth cannot be
+otherwise than the children of the same parents, and as the difference
+of their appearance must have of course proceeded from incidental
+causes, these causes are a combination of those qualities, which we call
+_climate_; that the blackness of the _Africans_ is so far
+ingrafted in their constitution, in a course of many generations, that
+their children wholly inherit it, if brought up in the same spot, but
+that it is not so absolutely interwoven in their nature, that it cannot
+be removed, if they are born and settled in another; that _Noah_
+and his sons were probably of an _olive_ complexion; that those of
+their descendants, who went farther to the south, became of a deeper
+olive or _copper_; while those, who went still farther, became of a
+deeper copper or _black_; that those, on the other hand, who
+travelled farther to the north, became less olive or _brown_, while
+those who went still farther than the former, became less brown or
+_white_; and that if any man were to point out any one of the
+colours which prevails in the human complexion, as likely to furnish an
+argument, that the people of such a complexion were of a different
+species from the rest, it is probable that his own descendants, if
+removed to the climate to which this complexion is peculiar, would, in
+the course of a few generations, degenerate into the same colour.
+
+Having now replied to the argument, "that the Africans are an inferiour
+link of the chain of nature," as far as it depended on their
+_capacity_ and _colour_, we shall now only take notice of an
+expression, which the _receivers_ before-mentioned are pleased to
+make use of, "that they are made for slavery."
+
+Had the Africans been _made for slavery_, or to become the property
+of any society of men, it is clear, from the observations that have been
+made in the second part of this Essay, that they must have been created
+_devoid of reason_: but this is contrary to fact. It is clear
+also, that there must have been, many and evident signs of the
+_inferiority of their nature_, and that this society of men must
+have had a _natural right_ to their dominion: but this is equally
+false. No such signs of _inferiority_ are to be found in the one,
+and the right to dominion in the other is _incidental_: for in what
+volume of nature or religion is it written, that one society of men
+should _breed slaves_ for the benefit, of another? Nor is it less
+evident that they would have wanted many of those qualities which they
+have, and which brutes have not: they would have wanted that _spirit
+of liberty_, that _sense of ignominy and shame_[096], which so
+frequently drives them to the horrid extremity of finishing their own
+existence. Nor would they have been endowed with a _contemplative
+power_; for such a power would have been unnecessary to people in
+such a situation; or rather, its only use could have been to increase
+their pain. We cannot suppose therefore that God has made an order of
+beings, with such mental qualities and powers, for the sole purpose of
+being used as _beasts_, or _instruments_ of labour. And here,
+what a dreadful argument presents itself against you _receivers_?
+For if they have no understandings as you confess, then is your conduct
+impious, because, as they cannot perceive the intention of your
+punishment, your severities cannot make them better. But if, on the
+other hand, they have had understandings, (which has evidently appeared)
+then is your conduct equally impious, who, by destroying their faculties
+by the severity of your discipline, have reduced men; who had once the
+power of reason, to an equality with the brute creation.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 073: Genesis, ch. iv. 15.]
+
+
+[Footnote 074: Genesis, ch. ix. 25, 26, 27.]
+
+
+[Footnote 075: Jeremiah says, ch. xiii. 23, "Can the Æthiopian change
+his colour, or the leopard his spots?" Now the word, which is here
+translated _Æthiopian_, is in the original Hebrew "_the descendant of
+Cush_," which shews that this colour was not confined to the descendants
+of _Canaan_, as the advocates for slavery assert.]
+
+
+[Footnote 076: It is very extraordinary that the advocates for slavery
+should consider those Africans, whom they call negroes, as the
+descendants of _Canaan_, when few historical facts can be so well
+ascertained, as that out of the descendants of the four sons of Ham, the
+descendants of Canaan were the only people, (if we except the
+Carthaginians, who were a colony of Canaan, and were afterwards ruined)
+who did not settle in that quarter of the globe. Africa was
+incontrovertibly peopled by the posterity of the three other sons. We
+cannot shew this in a clearer manner, than in the words of the learned
+Mr. Bryant, in his letter to Mr. Granville Sharp on this subject.
+
+"We learn from scripture, that Ham had four sons, _Chus, Mizraim, Phut_,
+and _Canaan_, Gen. x. 5, 6. _Canaan_ occupied _Palestine_, and the
+country called by his name: _Mizraim, Egypt_: but _Phut_ passed deep
+into _Africa_, and, I believe, most of the nations in that part of the
+world are descended from him; at least more than from any other person."
+_Josephus_ says, "_that Phut was the founder of the nations in Libya,
+and the people were from him called (phoutoi) Phuti_." Antiq. L. 1. c.
+7. "By _Lybia_ he understands, as the _Greeks_ did, _Africa_ in general:
+for the particular country called _Lybia Proper_, was peopled by the
+_Lubim_, or _Lehabim_, one of the branches from _Mizraim_, (Labieim ex ou
+Libnes) Chron. Paschale, p. 29.
+
+"The sons of _Phut_ settled in _Mauritania_, where was a country called
+_Phutia_, and a river of the like denomination. Mauritaniæ Fluvius usque
+ad præsens Tempus _Phut_ dicitur, omnisq; circa eum Regio _Phutensis_.
+Hieron. Tradit. Hebroeæ.--Amnem, quem vocant _Fut_." Pliny, L. 5. c. 1.
+Some of this family settled above Ægypt, near Æthiopia, and were styled
+Troglodytæ. (phoud ex ou troglodotai). Syncellus, p. 47. Many of them
+passed inland, and peopled the Mediterranean country."
+
+"In process of time the sons of _Chus_ also, (after their expulsion from
+Egypt) made settlements upon the sea coast of _Africa_, and came into
+_Mauritania_. Hence we find traces of them also in the names of places,
+such as _Churis, Chusares_, upon the coast: and a river _Chusa_, and a
+city _Cotta_, together with a promontory, _Cotis_, in _Mauritania_, all
+denominated from _Chus_; who at different times, and by different
+people, was called _Chus, Cuth, Cosh_, and _Cotis_. The river _Cusa_ is
+mentioned by _Pliny_, Lib. 5. c. 1. and by _Ptolomy_."
+
+"Many ages after these settlements, there was another eruption of the
+_Cushites_ into these parts, under the name of _Saracens_ and _Moors_,
+who over-ran _Africa_, to the very extremity of Mount Atlas. They passed
+over and conquered _Spain_ to the north, and they extended themselves
+southward, as I said in my treatise, to the rivers _Senegal_ and
+_Gambia_, and as low as the _Gold Coast_. I mentioned this, because I do
+not think that they proceeded much farther: most of the nations to the
+_south_ being, as I imagine, of the race of _Phut_. The very country
+upon the river _Gambia_ on one side, is at this day called _Phuta_, of
+which _Bluet_, in his history of _Juba Ben Solomon_, gives an account."]
+
+
+[Footnote 077: When America was first discovered, it was thought by
+some, that the scripture account of the creation was false, and that
+there were different species of men, because they could never suppose
+that people, in so rude a state as the Americans, could have transported
+themselves to that continent from any parts of the known world. This
+opinion however was refuted by the celebrated Captain Cooke, who shewed
+that the traject between the continents of Asia and America, was as
+short as some, which people in as rude a state have been actually known
+to pass. This affords an excellent caution against an ill-judged and
+hasty censure of the divine writings, because every difficulty which may
+be started, cannot be instantly cleared up.]
+
+
+[Footnote 078: The divine writings, which assert that all men were
+derived from the _same stock_, shew also, in the same instance of
+_Cush_, (Footnote 075), that some of them had changed their original
+complexion.]
+
+
+[Footnote 079: The following are the grand colours discernible in
+mankind, between which there are many shades;
+
+White }         { Copper
+      }--Olive--{
+Brown }         { Black
+]
+
+
+[Footnote 080: See note, (Footnote 075). To this we may add, that the
+rest of the descendants of _Ham_, as far as they can be traced, are now
+also black, at well as many of the descendants of _Shem_.]
+
+
+[Footnote 081: Diseases have a great effect upon the _mucosum corpus_,
+but particularly the jaundice, which turns it yellow. Hence, being
+transmitted through the cuticle, the yellow appearance of the whole
+body. But this, even as a matter of ocular demonstration, is not
+confined solely to white people; negroes themselves, while affected with
+these or other disorders, changing their black colour for that which the
+disease has conveyed to the _mucous_ substance.]
+
+
+[Footnote 082: The cutaneous pores are so excessively small, that one
+grain of sand, (according to Dr. Lewenhoeck's calculations) would cover
+many hundreds of them.]
+
+
+[Footnote 083: We do not mean to insinuate that the same people have
+their _corpus mucosum_ sensibly vary, as often as they go into another
+latitude, but that the fact is true only of different people, who have
+been long established in different latitudes.]
+
+
+[Footnote 084: We beg leave to return our thanks here to a gentleman,
+eminent in the medical line, who furnished us with the above-mentioned
+facts.]
+
+
+[Footnote 085: Suppose we were to see two nations, contiguous to each
+other, of black and white inhabitants in the same parallel, even this
+would be no objection, for many circumstances are to be considered. A
+black people may have wandered into a white, and a white people into a
+black latitude, and they may not have been settled there a sufficient
+length of time for such a change to have been accomplished in their
+complexion, as that they should be like the old established inhabitants
+of the parallel, into which they have lately come.]
+
+
+[Footnote 086: Justamond's Abbe Raynal, v. 5. p. 193.]
+
+
+[Footnote 087: The author of this Essay made it his business to inquire
+of the most intelligent of those, whom he could meet with in London, as
+to the authenticity of the fact. All those from _America_ assured him
+that it was strictly true; those from the West-Indies, that they had
+never observed it there; but that they had found a sensible difference
+in themselves since they came to England.]
+
+
+[Footnote 088: This circumstance, which always happens, shews that they
+are descended from the same parents as ourselves; for had they been a
+distinct species of men, and the blackness entirely ingrafted in their
+constitution and frame, there is great reason to presume, that their
+children would have been born _black_.]
+
+
+[Footnote 089: This observation was communicated to us by the gentleman
+in the medical line, to whom we returned our thanks for certain
+anatomical facts.]
+
+
+[Footnote 090: Philos. Trans. No. 476. sect. 4.]
+
+
+[Footnote 091: Treatise upon the Trade from Great Britain to Africa, by
+an African merchant.]
+
+
+[Footnote 092: We mean such only as are _natives_ of the countries which
+we mention, and whose ancestors have been settled there for a certain
+period of time.]
+
+
+[Footnote 093: Herodotus. Euterpe. p. 80. Editio Stephani, printed
+1570.]
+
+
+[Footnote 094: This circumstance confirms what we said in a former note,
+(Footnote 085), that even if two nations were to be found in the same
+parallel, one of whom was black, and the other white, it would form no
+objection against the hypothesis of climate, as one of them might have
+been new settlers from a distant country.]
+
+
+[Footnote 095: Suppose, without the knowledge of any historian, they had
+made such considerable conquests, as to have settled themselves at the
+distance of 1000 miles in any one direction from _Colchis_, still they
+must have changed their colour. For had they gone in an Eastern or
+Western direction, they must have been of the same colour as the
+_Circassians_; if to the north, whiter; if to the south, of a copper.
+There are no people within that distance of _Colchis_, who are black.]
+
+
+[Footnote 096: There are a particular people among those transported
+from Africa to the colonies, who immediately on receiving punishment,
+destroy themselves. This is a fact which the _receivers_ are unable to
+contradict.]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. IX.
+
+The reader may perhaps think, that the _receivers_ have by this
+time expended all their arguments, but their store is not so easily
+exhausted. They are well aware that justice, nature, and religion, will
+continue, as they have ever uniformly done, to oppose their conduct.
+This has driven them to exert their ingenuity, and has occasioned that
+multiplicity of arguments to be found in the present question.
+
+These arguments are of a different complexion from the former. They
+consist in comparing the state of _slaves_ with that of some of the
+classes of _free_ men, and in certain scenes of felicity, which the
+former are said to enjoy.
+
+It is affirmed that the punishments which the Africans undergo, are less
+severe than the military; that their life is happier than that of the
+English peasant; that they have the advantages of manumission; that they
+have their little spots of ground, their holy-days, their dances; in
+short, that their life is a scene of festivity and mirth, and that they
+are much happier in the colonies than in their own country.
+
+These representations, which have been made out with much ingenuity and
+art, may have had their weight with the unwary; but they will never pass
+with men of consideration and sense, who are accustomed to estimate the
+probability of things, before they admit them to be true. Indeed the
+bare assertion, that their situation is even comfortable, contains its
+own refutation, or at least leads us to suspect that the person, who
+asserted it, has omitted some important considerations in the account.
+Such we shall shew to have been actually the case, and that the
+representations of the _receivers_, when stripped of their glossy
+ornaments, are but empty declamation.
+
+It is said, first, of _military punishments_, that they are more
+severe than those which the _Africans_ undergo. But this is a bare
+assertion without a proof. It is not shewn even by those, who assert it,
+how the fact can be made out. We are left therefore to draw the
+comparison ourselves, and to fill up those important considerations,
+which we have just said that the _receivers_ had omitted.
+
+That military punishments are severe we confess, but we deny that they
+are severer than those with which they are compared. Where is the
+military man, whose ears have been slit, whose limbs have been
+mutilated, or whose eyes have been beaten out? But let us even allow,
+that their punishments are equal in the degree of their severity: still
+they must lose by comparison. The soldier is never punished but after a
+fair and equitable trial, and the decision of a military court; the
+unhappy African, at the discretion of his Lord. The one knows what
+particular conduct will constitute an offence[097]; the other has no
+such information, as he is wholly at the disposal of passion and
+caprice, which may impose upon any action, however laudable, the
+appellation of a crime. The former has it of course in his power to
+avoid a punishment; the latter is never safe. The former is punished for
+a real, the latter, often, for an imaginary fault.
+
+Now will any person assert, on comparing the whole of those
+circumstances together, which relate to their respective punishments,
+that there can be any doubt, which of the two are in the worst
+situation, as to their penal systems?
+
+With respect to the declaration, that the life of an _African_ in
+the colonies is happier than that of an _English_ peasant, it is
+equally false. Indeed we can scarcely withhold our indignation, when we
+consider, how shamefully the situation of this latter class of men has
+been misrepresented, to elevate the former to a state of fictitious
+happiness. If the representations of the _receivers_ be true, it
+is evident that those of the most approved writers, who have placed a
+considerable share of happiness in the _cottage_, have been
+mistaken in their opinion; and that those of the rich, who have been
+heard to sigh, and envy the felicity of the _peasant_, have been
+treacherous to their own sensations.
+
+But which are we to believe on the occasion? Those, who endeavour to
+dress _vice_ in the habit of _virtue_, or those, who derive
+their opinion from their own feelings? The latter are surely to be
+believed; and we may conclude therefore, that the horrid picture which
+is given of the life of the _peasant_, has not so just a foundation
+as the _receivers_ would, lead us to suppose. For has he no
+pleasure in the thought, that he lives in his _own country_, and
+among his relations and friends? That he is actually _free_, and
+that his children will be the same? That he can never be _sold_ as
+a beast? That he can speak his mind _without the fear of the lash_?
+That he cannot even be struck _with impunity_? And that he
+partakes, equally with his superiours, of the _protection of the
+law_?--Now, there is no one of these advantages which the
+_African_ possesses, and no one, which the defenders of slavery
+take into their account.
+
+Of the other comparisons that are usually made, we may observe in
+general, that, as they consist in comparing the iniquitous practice of
+slavery with other iniquitous practices in force among other nations,
+they can neither raise it to the appearance of virtue, nor extenuate its
+guilt. The things compared are in these instances both of them evils
+alike. They call equally for redress[098], and are equally disgraceful
+to the governments which suffer them, if not encourage them, to exist.
+To attempt therefore to justify one species of iniquity by comparing it
+with another, is no justification at all; and is so far from answering
+the purpose, for which the comparison is intended, as to give us reason
+to suspect, that the _comparer_ has but little notion either of
+equity or honour.
+
+We come now to those scenes of felicity, which slaves are said to enjoy.
+The first advantage which they are said to experience, is that of
+_manumission_. But here the advocates for slavery conceal an
+important circumstance. They expatiate indeed on the charms of freedom,
+and contend that it must be a blessing in the eyes of those, upon whom
+it is conferred. We perfectly agree with them in this particular. But
+they do not tell us that these advantages are _confined_; that they
+are confined to some _favourite domestick_; that not _one in an
+hundred_ enjoy them; and that they are _never_ extended to
+those, who are employed in the _cultivation of the field_, as long
+as they can work. These are they, who are most to be pitied, who are
+destined to _perpetual_ drudgery; and of whom _no one whatever_
+has a chance of being freed from his situation, till death
+either releases him at once, or age renders him incapable of continuing
+his former labour. And here let it be remarked, _to the disgrace of
+the receivers_, that he is then made free, not--_as a reward for
+his past services_, but, as his labour is then of little or no
+value,--_to save the tax_[099].
+
+With the same artifice is mention also made of the little spots, or
+_gardens_, as they are called, which slaves are said to possess
+from the _liberality_ of _the receivers_. But people must not
+be led away by agreeable and pleasant sounds. They must not suppose that
+these gardens are made for _flowers_; or that they are places of
+_amusement_, in which they can spend their time in botanical
+researches and delights. Alas, they do not furnish them with a theme for
+such pleasing pursuits and speculations! They must be cultivated in
+those hours, which ought to be appropriated to rest[100]; and they must
+be cultivated, not for an amusement, but to make up, _if it be
+possible_, the great deficiency in their weekly allowance of
+provisions. Hence it appears, that the _receivers_ have no merit
+whatever in such an appropriation of land to their unfortunate slaves:
+for they are either under the necessity of doing this, or of
+_losing_ them by the jaws of famine. And it is a notorious fact,
+that, with their weekly allowance, and the produce of their spots
+together, it is often with the greatest difficulty that they preserve a
+wretched existence.
+
+The third advantage which they are said to experience, is that of
+_holy-days_, or days of respite from their usual discipline and
+fatigue. This is certainly a great indulgence, and ought to be recorded
+to the immortal honour of the _receivers_. We wish we could express
+their liberality in those handsome terms, in which it deserves to be
+represented, or applaud them sufficiently for deviating for once from
+the rigours of servile discipline. But we confess, that we are unequal
+to the task, and must therefore content ourselves with observing, that
+while the horse has _one_ day in _seven_ to refresh his limbs,
+the happy _African_[101] has but _one_ in _fifty-two_, as
+a relaxation from his labours.
+
+With respect to their _dances_, on which such a particular stress
+has been generally laid, we fear that people may have been as shamefully
+deceived, as in the former instances. For from the manner in which these
+are generally mentioned, we should almost be led to imagine, that they
+had certain hours allowed them for the purpose of joining in the dance,
+and that they had every comfort and convenience, that people are
+generally supposed to enjoy on such convivial occasions. But this is far
+from the case. Reason informs us, that it can never be. If they wish for
+such innocent recreations, they must enjoy them in the time that is
+allotted them for sleep; and so far are these dances from proceeding
+from any uncommon degree of happiness, which excites them to convivial
+society, that they proceed rather from an uncommon depression of
+spirits, which makes them even sacrifice their rest[102], for the sake
+of experiencing for a moment a more joyful oblivion of their cares. For
+suppose any one of the _receivers_, in the middle of a dance, were
+to address his slaves in the following manner: "_Africans!_ I begin
+at last to feel for your situation; and my conscience is severely hurt,
+whenever I reflect that I have been reducing those to a state of misery
+and pain, who have never given me offence. You seem to be fond of these
+exercises, but yet you are obliged to take them at such unseasonable
+hours, that they impair your health, which is sufficiently broken by the
+intolerable share of labour which I have hitherto imposed upon you. I
+will therefore make you a proposal. Will you be content to live in the
+colonies, and you shall have the half of every week entirely to
+yourselves? or will you choose to return to your miserable, wretched
+country?"--But what is that which strikes their ears? Which makes them
+motionless in an instant? Which interrupts the festive scene?--their
+country?--transporting sound!--Behold! they are now flying from the
+dance: you may see them running to the shore, and, frantick as it were
+with joy, demanding with open arms an instantaneous passage to their
+beloved native plains.
+
+Such are the _colonial delights_, by the representation of which
+the _receivers_ would persuade us, that the _Africans_ are
+taken from their country to a region of conviviality and mirth; and that
+like those, who leave their usual places of residence for a summer's
+amusement, they are conveyed to the colonies--_to bathe_,--_to
+dance_,--_to keep holy-day_,--_to be jovial_.--But there
+is something so truly ridiculous in the attempt to impose these scenes
+of felicity on the publick, as scenes which fall to the lot of slaves,
+that the _receivers_ must have been driven to great extremities, to
+hazard them to the eye of censure.
+
+The last point that remains to be considered, is the shameful assertion,
+that the _Africans_ are much _happier in the colonies, than in
+their own country_. But in what does this superiour happiness
+consist? In those real scenes, it must be replied, which have been just
+mentioned; for these, by the confession of the receivers, constitute the
+happiness they enjoy.--But it has been shewn that these have been
+unfairly represented; and, were they realized in the most extensive
+latitude, they would not confirm the fact. For if, upon a
+recapitulation, it consists in the pleasure of _manumission_, they
+surely must have passed their lives in a much more comfortable manner,
+who, like the _Africans at home_, have had no occasion for such a
+benefit at all. But the _receivers_, we presume, reason upon this
+principle, that we never know the value of a blessing but by its loss.
+This is generally true: but would any one of them make himself a
+_slave_ for years, that he might run the chance of the pleasures of
+_manumission_? Or that he might taste the charms of liberty with
+_a greater relish_? Nor is the assertion less false in every other
+consideration. For if their happiness consists in the few
+_holy-days_, which _in the colonies_ they are permitted to
+enjoy, what must be their situation _in their own country_, where
+the whole year is but one continued holy-day, or cessation from
+discipline and fatigue?--If in the possession of _a mean and
+contracted spot_, what must be their situation, where a whole region
+is their own, producing almost spontaneously the comforts of life, and
+requiring for its cultivation none of those hours, which should be
+appropriated to _sleep_?--If in the pleasures of the _colonial
+dance_, what must it be in _their own country_, where they may
+dance for ever; where there is no stated hour to interrupt their
+felicity, no intolerable labour immediately to succeed their
+recreations, and no overseer to receive them under the discipline of the
+lash?--If these therefore are the only circumstances, by which the
+assertion can be proved, we may venture to say, without fear of
+opposition, that it can never be proved at all.
+
+But these are not the only circumstances. It is said that they are
+barbarous at home.--But do you _receivers_ civilize them?--Your
+unwillingness to convert them to Christianity, because you suppose you
+must use them more kindly when converted, is but a bad argument in
+favour of the fact.
+
+It is affirmed again, that their manner of life, and their situation is
+such in their own country, that to say they are happy is a jest. "But
+who are you, who pretend to judge[103] of another man's happiness? That
+state which each man, under the guidance of his maker, forms for
+himself, and not one man for another? To know what constitutes mine or
+your happiness, is the sole prerogative of him who created us, and cast
+us in so various and different moulds. Did your slaves ever complain to
+you of their unhappiness, amidst their native woods and desarts? Or,
+rather, let me ask, did they ever cease complaining of their condition
+under you their lordly masters? Where they see, indeed, the
+accommodations of civil life, but see them all pass to others,
+themselves unbenefited by them. Be so gracious then, ye petty tyrants
+over human freedom, to let your slaves judge for themselves, what it is
+which makes their own happiness, and then see whether they do not place
+it _in the return to their own country_, rather than in the
+contemplation of your grandeur, of which their misery makes so large a
+part."
+
+But since you speak with so much confidence on the subject, let us ask
+you _receivers_ again, if you have ever been informed by your
+unfortunate slaves, that they had no connexions in the country from
+which they have forcibly been torn away: or, if you will take upon you
+to assert, that they never sigh, when they are alone; or that they never
+relate to each other their tales of misery and woe. But you judge of
+them, perhaps, in an happy moment, when you are dealing out to them
+their provisions for the week; and are but little aware, that, though
+the countenance may be cheered with a momentary smile, the heart may be
+exquisitely tortured. Were you to shew us, indeed, that there are laws,
+subject to no evasion, by which you are obliged to clothe and feed them
+in a comfortable manner; were you to shew us that they are
+protected[104] at all; or that even _one_ in a _thousand_ of
+those masters have suffered death[105], who have been guilty of
+_premeditated_ murder to their slaves, you would have a better
+claim to our belief: but you can neither produce the instances nor the
+laws. The people, of whom you speak, are _slaves_, are your own
+_property_, are wholly _at your own disposal_; and this idea
+is sufficient to overturn your assertions of their happiness.
+
+But we shall now mention a circumstance, which, in the present case,
+will have more weight than all the arguments which have hitherto been
+advanced. It is an opinion, which the _Africans_ universally
+entertain, that, as soon as death shall release them from the hands of
+their oppressors, they shall immediately be wafted back to their native
+plains, there to exist again, to enjoy the sight of their beloved
+countrymen, and to spend the whole of their new existence in scenes of
+tranquillity and delight; and so powerfully does this notion operate
+upon them, as to drive them frequently to the horrid extremity of
+putting a period to their lives. Now if these suicides are frequent,
+(which no person can deny) what are they but a proof, that the situation
+of those who destroy themselves must have been insupportably wretched:
+and if the thought of returning to their country after death, _when
+they have experienced the colonial joys_, constitutes their supreme
+felicity, what are they but a proof, that they think there is as much
+difference between the two situations, as there is between misery and
+delight?
+
+Nor is the assertion of the _receivers_ less liable to a refutation
+in the instance of those, who terminate their own existence, than of
+those, whom nature releases from their persecutions. They die with a
+smile upon their face, and their funerals are attended by a vast
+concourse of their countrymen, with every possible demonstration of
+joy[106]. But why this unusual mirth, if their departed brother has left
+an happy place? Or if he has been taken from the care of an indulgent
+master, who consulted his pleasures, and administered to his wants? But
+alas, it arises from hence, that _he is gone to his happy country_:
+a circumstance, sufficient of itself, to silence a myriad of those
+specious arguments, which the imagination has been racked, and will
+always be racked to produce, in favour of a system of tyranny and
+oppression.
+
+It remains only, that we should now conclude the chapter with a fact,
+which will shew that the account, which we have given of the situation
+of slaves, is strictly true, and will refute at the same time all the
+arguments which have hitherto been, and may yet be brought by the
+_receivers_, to prove that their treatment is humane. In one of the
+western colonies of the Europeans, [107]six hundred and fifty thousand
+slaves were imported within an hundred years; at the expiration of which
+time, their whole posterity were found to amount to one hundred and
+forty thousand. This fact will ascertain the treatment of itself. For
+how shamefully must these unfortunate people have been oppressed? What a
+dreadful havock must famine, fatigue, and cruelty, have made among them,
+when we consider, that the descendants of _six hundred and fifty
+thousand_ people in the prime of life, gradually imported within a
+century, are less numerous than those, which only _ten thousand_[108]
+would have produced in the same period, under common advantages,
+and in a country congenial to their constitutions?
+
+But the _receivers_ have probably great merit on the occasion. Let
+us therefore set it down to their humanity. Let us suppose for once,
+that this incredible waste of the human species proceeds from a
+benevolent design; that, sensible of the miseries of a servile state,
+they resolve to wear out, as fast as they possibly can, their
+unfortunate slaves, that their miseries may the sooner end, and that a
+wretched posterity may be prevented from sharing their parental
+condition. Now, whether this is the plan of reasoning which the
+_receivers_ adopt, we cannot take upon us to decide; but true it
+is, that the effect produced is exactly the same, as if they had
+reasoned wholly on this _benevolent_ principle.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 097: The articles of war are frequently read at the head of
+every regiment in the service, stating those particular actions which
+are to be considered as crimes.]
+
+
+[Footnote 098: We cannot omit here to mention one of the customs, which
+has been often brought as a palliation of slavery, and which prevailed
+but a little time ago, and we are doubtful whether it does not prevail
+now, in the metropolis of this country, of kidnapping men for the
+service of the East-India Company. Every subject, as long as he behaves
+well, has a right to the protection of government; and the tacit
+permission of such a scene of iniquity, when it becomes known, is as
+much a breach of duty in government, as the conduct of those subjects,
+who, on other occasions, would be termed, and punished as, rebellious.]
+
+
+[Footnote 099: The expences of every parish are defrayed by a poll-tax
+on negroes, to save which they pretend to liberate those who are past
+labour; but they still keep them employed in repairing fences, or in
+doing some trifling work on a scanty allowance. For to free a
+_field-negroe_, so long as he can work, is a maxim, which,
+notwithstanding the numerous boasted manumissions, no master _ever
+thinks of adopting_ in the colonies.]
+
+
+[Footnote 100: They must be cultivated always on a _Sunday_, and
+frequently in those hours which should be appropriated to _sleep_,
+or the wretched possessors must be inevitably _starved_.]
+
+
+[Footnote 101: They are allowed in general three holy-days at Christmas,
+but in Jamaica they have two also at Easter, and two at Whitsuntide: so
+that on the largest scale, they have only seven days in a year, or one
+day in fifty-two. But this is on a supposition, that the receivers do
+not break in upon the afternoons, which they are frequently too apt to
+do. If it should be said that Sunday is an holy-day, it is not true; it
+is so far an holy-day, that they do not work for their masters; but such
+an holy-day, that if they do not employ it in the cultivation of their
+little spots, they must _starved_.]
+
+
+[Footnote 102: These dances are usually in the middle of the night; and
+so desirous are these unfortunate people of obtaining but a joyful hour,
+that they not only often give up their sleep, but add to the labours of
+the day, by going several miles to obtain it.]
+
+
+[Footnote 103: Bishop of Glocester's sermon, preached before the society
+for the propagation of the gospel, at the anniversary meeting, on the
+21st of February, 1766.]
+
+
+[Footnote 104: There is a law, (but let the reader remark, that it
+prevails but in _one_ of the colonies), against mutilation. It took
+its rise from the frequency of the inhuman practice. But though a master
+cannot there chop off the limb of a slave with an axe, he may yet work,
+starve, and beat him to death with impunity.]
+
+
+[Footnote 105: _Two_ instances are recorded by the
+_receivers_, out of about _fifty-thousand_, where a white man
+has suffered death for the murder of a negroe; but the receivers do not
+tell us, that these suffered more because they were the pests of
+society, than because the _murder of slaves was a crime_.]
+
+
+[Footnote 106: A negroe-funeral is considered as a curious sight, and is
+attended with singing, dancing, musick, and every circumstance that can
+shew the attendants to be happy on the occasion.]
+
+
+[Footnote 107: In 96 years, ending in 1774, 800,000 slaves had been
+imported into the French part of St. Domingo, of which there remained
+only 290,000 in 1774. Of this last number only 140,000 were creoles, or
+natives of the island, i. e. of 650,000 slaves, the whole posterity were
+140,000. _Considerations sur la Colonie de St. Dominique_,(See
+errata--should be read as "_St. Domingue_") published by authority
+in 1777.]
+
+
+[Footnote 108: Ten thousand people under fair advantages, and in a soil
+congenial to their constitutions, and where the means of subsistence are
+easy, should produce in a century 160,000. This is the proportion in
+which the Americans increased; and the Africans in their own country
+increase in the same, if not in a greater proportion. Now as the climate
+of the colonies is as favourable to their health as that of their own
+country, the causes of the prodigious decrease in the one, and increase
+in the other, will be more conspicuous.]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. X.
+
+We have now taken a survey of the treatment which the unfortunate
+_Africans_ undergo, when they are put into the hands of the
+_receivers_. This treatment, by the four first chapters of the
+present part of this Essay, appears to be wholly insupportable, and to
+be such as no human being can apply to another, without the imputation
+of such crimes, as should make him tremble. But as many arguments are
+usually advanced by those who have any interest in the practice, by
+which they would either exculpate the treatment, or diminish its
+severity, we allotted the remaining chapters for their discussion. In
+these we considered the probability of such a treatment against the
+motives of interest; the credit that was to be given to those
+disinterested writers on the subject, who have recorded particular
+instances of barbarity; the inferiority of the _Africans_ to the
+human species; the comparisons that are generally made with respect to
+their situation; the positive scenes of felicity which they are said to
+enjoy, and every other argument, in short, that we have found to have
+ever been advanced in the defence of slavery. These have been all
+considered, and we may venture to pronounce, that, instead of answering
+the purpose for which they were intended, they serve only to bring such
+circumstances to light, as clearly shew, that if ingenuity were racked
+to invent a situation, that would be the most distressing and
+insupportable to the human race; it could never invent one, that would
+suit the description better, than the--_colonial slavery_.
+
+If this then be the case, and if slaves, notwithstanding all the
+arguments to the contrary, are exquisitely miserable, we ask you
+_receivers, by what right_ you reduce them to so wretched a
+situation?
+
+You reply, that you _buy them_; that your _money_ constitutes
+your _right_, and that, like all other things which you purchase,
+they are wholly at your own disposal.
+
+Upon this principle alone it was, that we professed to view your
+treatment, or examine your right, when we said, that "the question[109]
+resolved itself into two separate parts for discussion; into the
+_African_ commerce, as explained in the history of slavery, and the
+subsequent slavery in the colonies, _as founded on the equity of the
+commerce_." Now, since it appears that this commerce, upon the
+fullest investigation, is contrary to "_the principles[110] of law and
+government, the dictates of reason, the common maxims of equity, the
+laws of nature, the admonitions of conscience, and, in short, the whole
+doctrine of natural religion_," it is evident that the _right_,
+which is founded upon it, must be the same; and that if those
+things only are lawful in the sight of God, which are either
+virtuous in themselves, or proceed from virtuous principles, you _have
+no right over them at all_.
+
+You yourselves also confess this. For when we ask you, whether any human
+being has a right to sell you, you immediately answer, No; as if nature
+revolted at the thought, and as if it was so contradictory to your own
+feelings, as not to require consideration. But who are you, that have
+this exclusive charter of trading in the liberties of mankind? When did
+nature, or rather the Author of nature, make so partial a distinction
+between you and them? When did He say, that you should have the
+privilege of selling others, and that others should not have the
+privilege of selling you?
+
+Now since you confess, that no person whatever has a right to dispose of
+you in this manner, you must confess also, that those things are
+unlawful to be done to you, which are usually done in consequence of the
+sale. Let us suppose then, that in consequence of the _commerce_
+you were forced into a ship; that you were conveyed to another country;
+that you were sold there; that you were confined to incessant labour;
+that you were pinched by continual hunger and thirst; and subject to be
+whipped, cut, and mangled at discretion, and all this at the hands of
+those, whom you had never offended; would you not think that you had a
+right to resist their treatment? Would you not resist it with a safe
+conscience? And would you not be surprized, if your resistance should be
+termed rebellion?--By the former premises you must answer, yes.--Such
+then is the case with the wretched _Africans_. They have a right to
+resist your proceedings. They can resist them, and yet they cannot
+justly be considered as rebellious. For though we suppose them to have
+been guilty of crimes to one another; though we suppose them to have
+been the most abandoned and execrable of men, yet are they perfectly
+innocent with respect to you _receivers_. You have no right to
+touch even the hair of their heads without their own consent. It is not
+your money, that can invest you with a right. Human liberty can neither
+be bought nor sold. Every lash that you give them is unjust. It is a
+lash against nature and religion, and will surely stand recorded against
+you, since they are all, with respect to your _impious_ selves, in
+a state of nature; in a state of original dissociation; perfectly free.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 109: See Part II Chapter I second paragraph.]
+
+
+[Footnote 110: See Part II Chapter IX last paragraph.]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. XI.
+
+Having now considered both the _commerce_ and _slavery_, it
+remains only to collect such arguments as are scattered in different
+parts of the work, and to make such additional remarks, as present
+themselves on the subject.
+
+And first, let us ask you, who have studied the law of nature, and you,
+who are learned in the law of the land, if all property must not be
+inferiour in its nature to its possessor, or, in other words, (for it is
+a case, which every person must bring home to his own breast) if you
+suppose that any human being can have _a property in yourselves_?
+Let us ask you appraisers, who scientifically know the value of things,
+if any human creature is equivalent only to any of the trinkets that you
+wear, or at most, to any of the horses that you ride: or in other words,
+if you have ever considered the most costly things that you have valued,
+as _equivalent to yourselves?_ Let us ask you rationalists, if man,
+as a reasonable being, is not _accountable_ for his actions, and
+let us put the same question to you, who have studied the divine
+writings? Let us ask you parents, if ever you thought that you possessed
+an _authority_ as such, or if ever you expected a _duty_ from
+your sons; and let us ask you sons, if ever you felt an impulse in your
+own breasts to _obey_ your parents. Now, if you should all answer
+as we could wish, if you should all answer consistently with reason,
+nature, and the revealed voice of God, what a dreadful argument will
+present itself against the commerce and slavery of the human species,
+when we reflect, that no man whatever can be bought or reduced to the
+situation of a slave, _but he must instantly become a brute, he must
+instantly be reduced to the value of those things, which were made for
+his own use and convenience; he must instantly cease to be accountable
+for his actions, and his authority as a parent, and his duty as a son,
+must be instantly no more_.
+
+Neither does it escape our notice, when we are speaking of the fatal
+wound which every social duty must receive, how considerably
+Christianity suffers by the conduct of you _receivers_. For by
+prosecuting this impious commerce, you keep the _Africans_ in a
+state of perpetual ferocity and barbarism; and by prosecuting it in such
+a manner, as must represent your religion, as a system of robbery and
+oppression, you not only oppose the propagation of the gospel, as far as
+you are able yourselves, but throw the most certain impediments in the
+way of others, who might attempt the glorious and important task.
+
+Such also is the effect, which the subsequent slavery in the colonies
+must produce. For by your inhuman treatment of the unfortunate
+_Africans_ there, you create the same insuperable impediments to a
+conversion. For how must they detest the very name of _Christians_,
+when you _Christians_ are deformed by so many and dreadful vices?
+How must they detest that system of religion, which appears to resist
+the natural rights of men, and to give a sanction to brutality and
+murder?
+
+But, as we are now mentioning Christianity, we must pause for a little
+time, to make a few remarks on the arguments which are usually deduced
+from thence by the _receivers_, in defence of their system of
+oppression. For the reader may readily suppose, that, if they did not
+hesitate to bring the _Old_ Testament in support of their
+barbarities, they would hardly let the _New_ escape them.
+
+_St. Paul_, having converted _Onesimus_ to the Christian
+faith, who was a fugitive slave of _Philemon_, sent him back to his
+master. This circumstance has furnished the _receivers_ with a
+plea, that Christianity encourages slavery. But they have not only
+strained the passages which they produce in support of their assertions,
+but are ignorant of historical facts. The benevolent apostle, in the
+letter which he wrote to _Philemon_, the master of _Onesimus_,
+addresses him to the following effect: "I send him back to you, but not
+in his former capacity[111], _not now as a servant, but above a
+servant, a brother beloved_. In this manner I beseech you to receive
+him, for though I could _enjoin_ you to do it, yet I had rather it
+should be a matter of your _own will_, than of _necessity_."
+
+It appears that the same _Onesimus_, when he was sent back, was no
+longer _a slave_, that he was a minister of the gospel, that he was
+joined with _Tychicus_ in an ecclesiastical commission to the
+church of the _Colossians_, and was afterwards bishop of
+_Ephesus_. If language therefore has any meaning, and if history
+has recorded a fact which may be believed, there is no case more
+opposite to the doctrine of the _receivers_, than this which they
+produce in its support.
+
+It is said again, that Christianity, among the many important precepts
+which it contains, does not furnish us with one for the abolition of
+slavery. But the reason is obvious. Slavery at the time of the
+introduction of the gospel was universally prevalent, and if
+Christianity had abruptly declared, that the millions of slaves should
+have been made free, who were then in the world, it would have been
+universally rejected, as containing doctrines that were dangerous, if
+not destructive, to society. In order therefore that it might be
+universally received, it never meddled, by any positive precept, with
+the civil institutions of the times; but though it does not expressly
+say, that "you shall neither buy, nor sell, nor possess a slave," it is
+evident that, in its general tenour, it sufficiently militates against
+the custom.
+
+The first doctrine which it inculcates, is that of _brotherly
+love_. It commands good will towards men. It enjoins us to love our
+neighbours as ourselves, and to do unto all men, as we would that they
+should do unto us. And how can any man fulfil this scheme of universal
+benevolence, who reduces an unfortunate person _against his will_,
+to the _most insupportable_ of all human conditions; who considers
+him as his _private property_, and treats him, not as a brother,
+nor as one of the same parentage with himself, but as an _animal of
+the brute creation?_
+
+But the most important doctrine is that, by which we are assured that
+mankind are to exist in a future state, and to give an account of those
+actions, which they have severally done in the flesh. This strikes at
+the very root of slavery. For how can any man be justly called to an
+account for his actions, whose actions are not _at his own
+disposal?_ This is the case with the _proper_[112] slave. His
+liberty is absolutely bought and _appropriated_; and if the
+purchase is _just and equitable_, he is _under the necessity_
+of perpetrating any crime, which the purchaser may order him to commit,
+or, in other words, of ceasing to be _accountable for his actions_.
+
+These doctrines therefore are sufficient to shew, that slavery is
+incompatible, with the Christian system. The _Europeans_ considered
+them as such, when, at the close of the twelfth century, they resisted,
+their hereditary prejudices, and occasioned its abolition. Hence one,
+among many other proofs, that Christianity was the production of
+infinite wisdom; that though it did not take such express cognizance of
+the wicked national institutions of the times, as should hinder its
+reception, it should yet contain such doctrines, as, when it should be
+fully established, would be sufficient for the abolition of them all.
+
+Thus then is the argument of you _receivers_ ineffectual, and your
+conduct impious. For, by the prosecution of this wicked slavery and
+commerce, you not only oppose the propagation of that gospel which was
+ordered to be preached unto every creature, and bring it into contempt,
+but you oppose its tenets also: first, because you violate that law of
+_universal benevolence_, which was to take away those hateful
+distinctions of _Jew_ and _Gentile_, _Greek_ and _Barbarian,
+bond_ and _free_, which prevailed when the gospel was introduced;
+and secondly, because, as every man is to give an account of
+his actions hereafter, it is necessary that he should be _free_.
+
+Another argument yet remains, which, though nature will absolutely turn
+pale at the recital, cannot possibly be omitted. In those wars, which
+are made for the sake of procuring slaves, it is evident that the
+contest must be generally obstinate, and that great numbers must be
+slain on both sides, before the event can be determined. This we may
+reasonably apprehend to be the case: and we have shewn[113], that there
+have not been wanting instances, where the conquerors have been so
+incensed at the resistance they have found, that their spirit of
+vengeance has entirely got the better of their avarice, and they have
+murdered, in cool blood, every individual, without discrimination,
+either of age or sex. From these and other circumstances, we thought we
+had sufficient reason to conclude, that, where _ten_ were supposed
+to be taken, an _hundred_, including the victors and vanquished,
+might be supposed to perish. Now, as the annual exportation from
+_Africa_ consists of an hundred thousand men, and as the two
+orders, of those who are privately kidnapped by individuals, and of
+those, who are publickly seized by virtue of the authority of their
+prince, compose together, at least, nine-tenths of the _African_
+slaves, it follows, that about ten thousand consist of convicts and
+prisoners of war. The last order is the most numerous. Let us suppose
+then that only six thousand of this order are annually sent into
+servitude, and it will immediately appear that no less than
+_sixty-thousand_ people annually perish in those wars, which are
+made only for the purpose of procuring slaves. But that this number,
+which we believe to be by no means exaggerated, may be free from all
+objection, we will include those in the estimate, who die as they are
+travelling to the ships. Many of these unfortunate people have a journey
+of one thousand miles to perform on foot, and are driven like sheep
+through inhospitable woods and deserts, where they frequently die in
+great numbers, from fatigue and want. Now if to those, who thus perish
+on the _African_ continent, by war and travelling, we subjoin
+those[114], who afterwards perish on the voyage, and in the seasoning
+together, it will appear that, in every yearly attempt to supply the
+colonies, an _hundred thousand_ must perish, even before _one_
+useful individual can be obtained.
+
+Gracious God! how wicked, how beyond all example impious, must be that
+servitude, which cannot be carried on without the continual murder of so
+many and innocent persons! What punishment is not to be expected for
+such monstrous and unparalleled barbarities! For if the blood of one
+man, unjustly shed, cries with so loud a voice for the divine vengeance,
+how shall the cries and groans of an _hundred thousand_ men,
+_annually murdered_, ascend the celestial mansions, and bring down
+that punishment, which such enormities deserve! But do we mention
+punishment? Do we allude to that punishment, which shall be inflicted on
+men as individuals, in a future life? Do we allude to that awful day,
+which shall surely come, when the master shall behold his murdered
+negroe face to face? When a train of mutilated slaves shall be brought
+against him? When he shall stand confounded and abashed? Or, do we
+allude to that punishment, which may be inflicted on them here, as
+members of a wicked community? For as a body politick, if its members
+are ever so numerous, may be considered as an whole, acting of itself,
+and by itself, in all affairs in which it is concerned, so it is
+accountable, as such, for its conduct; and as these kinds of polities
+have only their existence here, so it is only in this world, that, as
+such, they can be punished.
+
+"Now, whether we consider the crime, with respect to the individuals
+immediately concerned in this most barbarous and cruel traffick, or
+whether we consider it as patronized[115] and encouraged by the laws of
+the land, it presents to our view an equal degree of enormity. A crime,
+founded on a dreadful pre-eminence in wickedness,--a crime, which being
+both of individuals and the nation, must sometime draw down upon us the
+heaviest judgment of Almighty God, who made of one blood all the sons of
+men, and who gave to all equally a natural right to liberty; and who,
+ruling all the kingdoms of the earth with equal providential justice,
+cannot suffer such deliberate, such monstrous iniquity, to pass long
+unpunished[116]."
+
+But alas! he seems already to have interfered on the occasion! The
+violent[117] and supernatural agitations of all the elements, which, for
+a series of years, have prevailed in those European settlements, where
+the unfortunate _Africans_ are retained in a state of slavery, and
+which have brought unspeakable calamities on the inhabitants, and
+publick losses on the states to which they severally belong, are so many
+awful visitations of God for this inhuman violation of his laws. And it
+is not perhaps unworthy of remark, that as the subjects of Great-Britain
+have two thirds of this impious commerce in their own hands, so they
+have suffered[118] in the same proportion, or more severely than the
+rest.
+
+How far these misfortunes may appear to be acts of providence, and to
+create an alarm to those who have been accustomed to refer every effect
+to its apparent cause; who have been habituated to stop there, and to
+overlook the finger of God; because it is slightly covered under the
+veil of secondary laws, we will not pretend to determine? but this we
+will assert with confidence, that the _Europeans_ have richly
+deserved them all; that the fear of sympathy, which can hardly be
+restrained on other melancholy occasions, seems to forget to flow at the
+relation of these; and that we can never, with any shadow of justice,
+with prosperity to the undertakers of those, whose success must be at
+the expence of the happiness of millions of their fellow-creatures.
+
+But this is sufficient. For if liberty is only an adventitious right; if
+men are by no means superiour to brutes; if every social duty is a
+curse; if cruelty is highly to be esteemed; if murder is strictly
+honourable, and Christianity is a lye; then it is evident, that the
+_African_ slavery may be pursued, without either the remorse of
+conscience, or the imputation of a crime. But if the contrary of this is
+true, which reason must immediately evince, it is evident that no custom
+established among men was ever more impious; since it is contrary to
+_reason, justice, nature, the principles of law and government, the
+whole doctrine, in short, of natural religion, and the revealed voice of
+God_.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 111: Epist. to Philemon.]
+
+
+[Footnote 112: The _African_ slave is of this description; and we
+could wish, in all our arguments on the present subject, to be
+understood as having spoken only of _proper slaves_. The slave who
+is condemned to the oar, to the fortifications, and other publick works,
+is in a different predicament. His liberty is not _appropriated_,
+and therefore none of those consequences can be justly drawn, which have
+been deduced in the present case.]
+
+
+[Footnote 113: See the description of an African battle (Footnote 049).]
+
+
+[Footnote 114: The lowest computation is 40,000, (Footnote 060).]
+
+
+[Footnote 115: The legislature has squandered away more money in the
+prosecution of the slave trade, within twenty years, than in any other
+trade whatever, having granted from the year 1750, to the year 1770, the
+sum of 300,000 pounds.]
+
+
+[Footnote 116: Sermon preached before the University of Cambridge, by
+the Rev. Peter Peckard.]
+
+
+[Footnote 117: The first noted earthquake at Jamaica, happened June the
+7th 1692, when Port Royal was totally sunk. This was succeeded by one in
+the year 1697, and by another in the year 1722, from which time to the
+present, these regions of the globe seem to have been severely visited,
+but particularly during the last six or seven years. See a general
+account of the calamities, occasioned by the late tremendous hurricanes
+and earthquakes in the West-Indian islands, by Mr. Fowler.]
+
+
+[Footnote 118: The many ships of war belonging to the British navy,
+which were lost with all their crews in these dreadful hurricanes, will
+sufficiently prove the fact.]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+FINIS.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of An Essay on the Slavery and Commerce
+of the Human Species, Particularly the African, by Thomas Clarkson
+
+*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 10611 ***
diff --git a/10611-h/10611-h.htm b/10611-h/10611-h.htm
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..ac761e3
--- /dev/null
+++ b/10611-h/10611-h.htm
@@ -0,0 +1,7738 @@
+<!DOCTYPE HTML PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD HTML 4.01 Transitional//EN">
+<html>
+  <head>
+    <meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content=
+    "text/html; charset=UTF-8">
+    <title>
+      The Project Gutenberg eBook of An essay on the slavery and
+      commerce of the human species, particularly the African by
+      THOMAS CLARKSON.
+    </title>
+    <style type="text/css">
+    <!--
+    * {  font-family: Times;}
+    P {  text-indent: 1em;
+         margin-top: .75em;
+         font-size: 14pt;
+         text-align: justify;
+         margin-bottom: .75em; }
+    H1,H2,H4,H5,H6 {     text-align: center; }
+    H3 {     text-align: left; }
+    HR { width: 65%; }
+    // -->
+        </style>
+    <style type="text/css">
+ hr.c4 {width: 45%;}
+ hr.c3 {width: 65%;}
+ div.c2 {font-weight: bold; text-align: center}
+ div.c1 {text-align: center}
+    </style>
+
+	</head>
+  <body>
+<div>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 10611 ***</div>
+
+	<center>
+<table width="80%" border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary="Bookspace">
+<tr><td>
+    <div class="c1">
+      <h1>
+        <br>
+        AN ESSAY<br>
+        ON THE SLAVERY AND COMMERCE<br>
+        OF THE HUMAN SPECIES,<br>
+        PARTICULARLY THE AFRICAN,
+      </h1>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+       
+    </p>
+    <div class="c1">
+      <h2>
+        TRANSLATED FROM A LATIN DISSERTATION,<br>
+        WHICH WAS HONOURED<br>
+        WITH THE FIRST PRIZE<br>
+        IN THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE,<br>
+        FOR THE YEAR 1785,<br>
+        WITH ADDITIONS.
+      </h2>
+    </div>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr>
+    <div class="c1">
+      <i>Neque premendo alium me extulisse velim</i>.-LIVY.
+    </div>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+
+    <div class="c2">
+      M.DCC.LXXXVI.
+    </div>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+     <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <a name="TO_THE"></a>
+    <h3>
+      TO THE<br>
+      RIGHT HONOURABLE<br>
+      WILLIAM CHARLES COLYEAR,<br>
+      EARL OF PORTMORE,<br>
+      VISCOUNT MILSINTOWN.
+    </h3>
+    <br>
+
+    <p>
+      <br>
+      MY LORD,
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The dignity of the subject of this little Treatise, not any
+      persuasion of its merits as a literary composition,
+      encourages me to offer it to your Lordship's patronage. The
+      cause of freedom has always been found sufficient, in every
+      age and country, to attract the notice of the generous and
+      humane; and it is therefore, in a more peculiar manner,
+      worthy of the attention and favour of a personage, who
+      holds a distinguished rank in that illustrious island, the
+      very air of which has been determined, upon a late
+      investigation of its laws, to be an antidote against
+      slavery. I feel a satisfaction in the opportunity, which
+      the publication of this treatise affords me, of
+      acknowledging your Lordship's civilities, which can only be
+      equalled by the respect, with which I am,
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      <br>
+      Your Lordship's,<br>
+      much obliged,<br>
+      and obedient servant,
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      THOMAS CLARKSON.
+    </p>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+
+    <h3>
+      Publisher's Commendations<a name="FNanchor119"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_119"><sup>[119]</sup></a>
+    </h3>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <h2>
+      THE PREFACE.
+    </h2>
+    <br>
+
+    <p>
+      As the subject of the following work has fortunately become
+      of late a topick of conversation, I cannot begin the
+      preface in a manner more satisfactory to the feelings of
+      the benevolent reader, than by giving an account of those
+      humane and worthy persons, who have endeavoured to draw
+      upon it that share of the publick attention which it has
+      obtained.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Among the well disposed individuals, of different nations
+      and ages, who have humanely exerted themselves to suppress
+      the abject personal slavery, introduced in the original
+      cultivation of the <i>European</i> colonies in the western
+      world, <i>Bartholomew de las Casas</i>, the pious bishop of
+      <i>Chiapa</i>, in the fifteenth century, seems to have been
+      the first. This amiable man, during his residence in
+      <i>Spanish America</i>, was so sensibly affected at the
+      treatment which the miserable Indians underwent that he
+      returned to <i>Spain</i>, to make a publick remonstrance
+      before the celebrated emperor <i>Charles</i> the fifth,
+      declaring, that heaven would one day call him to an account
+      for those cruelties, which he then had it in his power to
+      prevent. The speech which he made on the occasion, is now
+      extant, and is a most perfect picture of benevolence and
+      piety.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But his intreaties, by opposition of avarice, were rendered
+      ineffectual: and I do not find by any books which I have
+      read upon the subject, that any other person interfered
+      till the last century, when <i>Morgan Godwyn</i>, a
+      <i>British</i> clergyman, distinguished himself in the
+      cause.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The present age has also produced some zealous and able
+      opposers of the <i>colonial</i> slavery. For about the
+      middle of the present century, <i>John Woolman</i> and
+      <i>Anthony Benezet</i>, two respectable members of the
+      religious society called Quakers, devoted much of their
+      time to the subject. The former travelled through most
+      parts of <i>North America</i> on foot, to hold
+      conversations with the members of his own sect, on the
+      impiety of retaining those in a state of involuntary
+      servitude, who had never given them offence. The latter
+      kept a free school at <i>Philadelphia</i>, for the
+      education of black people. He took every opportunity of
+      pleading in their behalf. He published several treatises
+      against slavery,<a name="FNanchor001"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_001"><sup>[001]</sup></a> and gave an hearty
+      proof of his attachment to the cause, by leaving the whole
+      of his fortune in support of that school, to which he had
+      so generously devoted his time and attention when alive.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Till this time it does not appear, that any bodies of men,
+      had collectively interested themselves in endeavouring to
+      remedy the evil. But in the year 1754, the religious
+      society, called Quakers, publickly testified their
+      sentiments upon the subject,<a name="FNanchor002"></a><a
+      href="#Footnote_002"><sup>[002]</sup></a> declaring, that
+      "to live in ease and plenty by the toil of those, whom
+      fraud and violence had put into their power, was neither
+      consistent with Christianity nor common justice."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Impressed with these sentiments, many of this society
+      immediately liberated their slaves; and though such a
+      measure appeared to be attended with considerable loss to
+      the benevolent individuals, who unconditionally presented
+      them with their freedom, yet they adopted it with pleasure:
+      nobly considering, that to possess a little, in an
+      honourable way, was better than to possess much, through
+      the medium of injustice. Their example was gradually
+      followed by the rest. A general emancipation of the slaves
+      in the possession of Quakers, at length took place; and so
+      effectually did they serve the cause which they had
+      undertaken, that they denied the claim of membership in
+      their religious community, to all such as should hereafter
+      oppose the suggestions of justice in this particular,
+      either by retaining slaves in their possession, or by being
+      in any manner concerned in the slave trade: and it is a
+      fact, that through the vast tract of North America, there
+      is not at this day a single slave in the possession of an
+      acknowledged Quaker.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But though this measure appeared, as has been observed
+      before, to be attended with considerable loss to the
+      benevolent individuals who adopted it, yet, as virtue
+      seldom fails of obtaining its reward, it became ultimately
+      beneficial. Most of the slaves, who were thus
+      unconditionally freed, returned without any solicitation to
+      their former masters, to serve them, at stated wages; as
+      free men. The work, which they now did, was found to better
+      done than before. It was found also, that, a greater
+      quantity was done in the same time. Hence less than the
+      former number of labourers was sufficient. From these, and
+      a variety of circumstances, it appeared, that their
+      plantations were considerably more profitable when worked
+      by free men, than when worked, as before, by slaves; and
+      that they derived therefore, contrary to their
+      expectations, a considerable advantage from their
+      benevolence.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Animated by the example of the Quakers, the members of
+      other sects began to deliberate about adopting the same
+      measure. Some of those of the church of England, of the
+      Roman Catholicks, and of the Presbyterians and
+      Independants, freed their slaves; and there happened but
+      one instance, where the matter was debated, where it was
+      not immediately put in force. This was in
+      <i>Pennsylvania</i>. It was agitated in the synod of the
+      Presbyterians there, to oblige their members to liberate
+      their slaves. The question was negatived by a majority of
+      but one person; and this opposition seemed to arise rather
+      from a dislike to the attempt of forcing such a measure
+      upon the members of that community, than from any other
+      consideration. I have the pleasure of being credibly
+      informed, that the manumission of slaves, or the employment
+      of free men in the plantations, is now daily gaining ground
+      in North America. Should slavery be abolished there, (and
+      it is an event, which, from these circumstances, we may
+      reasonably expect to be produced in time) let it be
+      remembered, that the Quakers will have had the merit of its
+      abolition.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Nor have their brethren here been less assiduous in the
+      cause. As there are happily no slaves in this country, so
+      they have not had the same opportunity of shewing their
+      benevolence by a general emancipation. They have not
+      however omitted to shew it as far as they have been able.
+      At their religious meetings they have regularly inquired if
+      any of their members are concerned in the iniquitous
+      <i>African</i> trade. They have appointed a committee for
+      obtaining every kind of information on the subject, with a
+      view to its suppression, and, about three or four years
+      ago, petitioned parliament on the occasion for their
+      interference and support. I am sorry to add, that their
+      benevolent application was ineffectual, and that the
+      reformation of an evil, productive of consequences equally
+      impolitick and immoral, and generally acknowledged to have
+      long disgraced our national character, is yet left to the
+      unsupported efforts of piety morality and justice, against
+      interest violence and oppression; and these, I blush to
+      acknowledge, too strongly countenanced by the legislative
+      authority of a country, the basis of whose government is
+      <i>liberty</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Nothing can be more clearly shewn, than that an
+      inexhaustible mine of wealth is neglected in <i>Africa</i>,
+      for prosecution of this impious traffick; that, if proper
+      measures were taken, the revenue of this country might be
+      greatly improved, its naval strength increased, its
+      colonies in a more flourishing situation, the planters
+      richer, and a trade, which is now a scene of blood and
+      desolation, converted into one, which might be prosecuted
+      with <i>advantage</i> and <i>honour</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Such have been the exertions of the Quakers in the cause of
+      humanity and virtue. They are still prosecuting, as far as
+      they are able, their benevolent design; and I should stop
+      here and praise them for thus continuing their humane
+      endeavours, but that I conceive it to be unnecessary. They
+      are acting consistently with the principles of religion.
+      They will find a reward in their own consciences; and they
+      will receive more real pleasure from a single reflection on
+      their conduct, than they can possibly experience from the
+      praises of an host of writers.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      In giving this short account of those humane and worthy
+      persons, who have endeavoured to restore to their fellow
+      creatures the rights of nature, of which they had been
+      unjustly deprived, I would feel myself unjust, were I to
+      omit two zealous opposers of the <i>colonial</i> tyranny,
+      conspicuous at the present day.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The first is Mr. <i>Granville Sharp</i>. This Gentleman has
+      particularly distinguished himself in the cause of freedom.
+      It is a notorious fact, that, but a few years since, many
+      of the unfortunate black people, who had been brought from
+      the colonies into this country, were sold in the metropolis
+      to merchants and others, when their masters had no farther
+      occasion for their services; though it was always
+      understood that every person was free, as soon as he landed
+      on the British shore. In consequence of this notion, these
+      unfortunate black people, refused to go to the new masters,
+      to whom they were consigned. They were however seized, and
+      forcibly conveyed, under cover of the night, to ships then
+      lying in the <i>Thames</i>, to be retransported to the
+      colonies, and to be delivered again to the planters as
+      merchantable goods. The humane Mr. <i>Sharpe</i>, was the
+      means of putting a stop to this iniquitous traffick.
+      Whenever he gained information of people in such a
+      situation, he caused them to be brought on shore. At a
+      considerable expence he undertook their cause, and was
+      instrumental in obtaining the famous decree in the case of
+      <i>Somersett</i>, that as soon as any person whatever set
+      his foot in this country, he came under the protection of
+      the <i>British</i> laws, and was consequently free. Nor did
+      he interfere less honourably in that cruel and disgraceful
+      case, in the summer of the year 1781, when <i>an hundred
+      and thirty two</i> negroes, in their passage to the
+      colonies, were thrown into the sea alive, to defraud the
+      underwriters; but his pious endeavours were by no means
+      attended with the same success. To enumerate his many
+      laudable endeavours in the extirpation of tyranny and
+      oppression, would be to swell the preface into a volume:
+      suffice it to say, that he has written several books on the
+      subject, and one particularly, which he distinguishes by
+      the title of "<i>A Limitation of Slavery</i>."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The second is the <i>Rev. James Ramsay</i>. This gentleman
+      resided for many years in the <i>West-Indies</i>, in the
+      clerical office. He perused all the colonial codes of law,
+      with a view to find if there were any favourable clauses,
+      by which the grievances of slaves could be redressed; but
+      he was severely disappointed in his pursuits. He published
+      a treatise, since his return to England, called <i>An Essay
+      on the Treatment and Conversion of African Slaves in the
+      British Sugar Colonies</i>, which I recommend to the
+      perusal of the humane reader. This work reflects great
+      praise upon the author, since, in order to be of service to
+      this singularly oppressed part of the human species, he
+      compiled it at the expence of forfeiting that friendship,
+      which he had contracted with many in those parts, during a
+      series of years, and at the hazard, as I am credibly
+      informed, of suffering much, in his private property, as
+      well as of subjecting himself to the ill will and
+      persecution of numerous individuals.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      This Essay <i>on the Treatment and Conversion of African
+      Slaves</i>, contains so many important truths on the
+      colonial slavery, and has come so home to the planters,
+      (being written by a person who has a thorough knowledge of
+      the subject) as to have occasioned a considerable alarm.
+      Within the last eight months, two publications have
+      expressly appeared against it. One of them is intitled
+      "<i>Cursory Remarks</i> on Mr. Ramsay's Essay;" the other
+      an "<i>Apology for Negroe Slavery</i>." On each of these I
+      am bound, as writing on the subject, to make a few remarks.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The <i>cursory remarker</i> insinuates, that Mr. Ramsay's
+      account of the treatment is greatly exaggerated, if not
+      wholly false. To this I shall make the following reply. I
+      have the honour of knowing several disinterested gentlemen,
+      who have been acquainted with the West Indian islands for
+      years. I call them disinterested, because they have neither
+      had a concern in the <i>African</i> trade, nor in the
+      <i>colonial</i> slavery: and I have heard these unanimously
+      assert, that Mr. <i>Ramsay's</i> account is so far from
+      being exaggerated, or taken from the most dreary pictures
+      that he could find, that it is absolutely below the truth;
+      that he must have omitted many instances of cruelty, which
+      he had seen himself; and that they only wondered, how he
+      could have written with so much moderation upon the
+      subject. They allow the <i>Cursory Remarks</i> to be
+      excellent as a composition, but declare that it is
+      perfectly devoid of truth.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But the <i>cursory remarker</i> does not depend so much on
+      the circumstances which he has advanced, (nor can he, since
+      they have no other existence than in his own, brain) as on
+      the instrument <i>detraction</i>. This he has used with the
+      utmost virulence through the whole of his publication,
+      artfully supposing, that if he could bring Mr.
+      <i>Ramsay's</i> reputation into dispute, his work would
+      fall of course, as of no authenticity. I submit this simple
+      question to the reader. When a writer, in attempting to
+      silence a publication, attacks the character of its author,
+      rather than the principles of the work itself, is it not a
+      proof that the work itself is unquestionable, and that this
+      writer is at a loss to find an argument against it?
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But there is something so very ungenerous in this mode of
+      replication, as to require farther notice. For if this is
+      the mode to be adopted in literary disputes, what writer
+      can be safe? Or who is there, that will not be deterred
+      from taking up his pen in the cause of virtue? There are
+      circumstances in every person's life, which, if given to
+      the publick in a malevolent manner, and without
+      explanation, might essentially injure him in the eyes of
+      the world; though, were they explained, they would be even
+      reputable. The <i>cursory remarker</i> has adopted this
+      method of dispute; but Mr. <i>Ramsay</i> has explained
+      himself to the satisfaction of all parties, and has refuted
+      him in every point. The name of this <i>cursory
+      remarker</i> is <i>Tobin</i>: a name, which I feel myself
+      obliged to hand down with detestation, as far as I am able;
+      and with an hint to future writers, that they will do
+      themselves more credit, and serve more effectually the
+      cause which they undertake, if on such occasions they
+      attack the work, rather than the character of the writer,
+      who affords them a subject for their lucubrations.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Nor is this the only circumstance, which induces me to take
+      such particular notice of the <i>Cursory Remarks</i>. I
+      feel it incumbent upon me to rescue an injured person from
+      the cruel aspersions that have been thrown upon him, as I
+      have been repeatedly informed by those, who have the
+      pleasure of his acquaintance, that his character is
+      irreproachable. I am also interested myself. For if such
+      detraction is passed over in silence, my own reputation,
+      and not my work, may be attacked by an anonymous hireling
+      in the cause of slavery.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The <i>Apology for Negroe Slavery</i> is almost too
+      despicable a composition to merit a reply. I have only
+      therefore to observe, (as is frequently the case in a bad
+      cause, or where writers do not confine themselves to truth)
+      that the work refutes itself. This writer, speaking of the
+      slave-trade, asserts, that people are never kidnapped on
+      the coast of <i>Africa</i>. In speaking of the treatment of
+      slaves, he asserts again, that it is of the very mildest
+      nature, and that they live in the most comfortable and
+      happy manner imaginable. To prove each of his assertions,
+      he proposes the following regulations. That the
+      <i>stealing</i> of slaves from <i>Africa</i> should be
+      felony. That the <i>premeditated murder</i> of a slave by
+      any person on board, should come under the same
+      denomination. That when slaves arrive in the colonies,
+      lands should be allotted for their provisions, <i>in
+      proportion to their number</i>, or commissioners should see
+      that a <i>sufficient</i> quantity of <i>sound wholesome</i>
+      provisions is purchased. That they should not work on
+      <i>Sundays</i> and <i>other</i> holy-days. That extra
+      labour, or <i>night-work, out of crop</i>, should be
+      prohibited. That a <i>limited number</i> of stripes should
+      be inflicted upon them. That they should have
+      <i>annually</i> a suit of clothes. That old infirm slaves
+      should be <i>properly cared for</i>, &amp;c.-Now it can
+      hardly be conceived, that if this author had tried to
+      injure his cause, or contradict himself, he could not have
+      done it in a more effectual manner, than by this proposal
+      of these salutary regulations. For to say that slaves are
+      honourably obtained on the coast; to say that their
+      treatment is of the mildest nature, and yet to propose the
+      above-mentioned regulations as necessary, is to refute
+      himself more clearly, than I confess myself to be able to
+      do it: and I have only to request, that the regulations
+      proposed by this writer, in the defence of slavery, may be
+      considered as so many proofs of the assertions contained in
+      my own work.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      I shall close my account with an observation, which is of
+      great importance in the present case. Of all the
+      publications in favour of the slave-trade, or the
+      subsequent slavery in the colonies, there is not one, which
+      has not been written, either by a chaplain to the African
+      factories, or by a merchant, or by a planter, or by a
+      person whose interest has been connected in the cause which
+      he has taken upon him to defend. Of this description are
+      Mr. <i>Tobin</i>, and the <i>Apologist for Negroe
+      Slavery</i>. While on the other hand those, who have had as
+      competent a knowledge of the subject, but not the <i>same
+      interest</i> as themselves, have unanimously condemned it;
+      and many of them have written their sentiments upon it, at
+      the hazard of creating an innumerable host of enemies, and
+      of being subjected to the most malignant opposition. Now,
+      which of these are we to believe on the occasion? Are we to
+      believe those, who are parties concerned, who are
+      interested in the practice?-But the question does not admit
+      of a dispute.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Concerning my own work, it seems proper to observe, that
+      when, the original Latin Dissertation, as the title page
+      expresses, was honoured by the University of Cambridge with
+      the first of their annual prizes for the year 1785, I was
+      waited upon by some gentlemen of respectability and
+      consequence, who requested me to publish it in English. The
+      only objection which occurred to me was this; that having
+      been prevented, by an attention to other studies, from
+      obtaining that critical knowledge of my own language, which
+      was necessary for an English composition, I was fearful of
+      appearing before the publick eye: but that, as they
+      flattered me with the hope, that the publication of it
+      might be of use, I would certainly engage to publish it, if
+      they would allow me to postpone it for a little time, till
+      I was more in the habit of writing. They replied, that as
+      the publick attention was now excited to the case of the
+      unfortunate <i>Africans</i>, it would be serving the cause
+      with double the effect, if it were to be published within a
+      few months. This argument prevailed. Nothing but this
+      circumstance could have induced me to offer an English
+      composition to the inspection of an host of criticks: and I
+      trust therefore that this circumstance will plead much with
+      the benevolent reader, in favour of those faults, which he
+      may find in the present work.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Having thus promised to publish it, I was for some time
+      doubtful from which of the copies to translate. There were
+      two, the original, and an abridgement. The latter (as these
+      academical compositions are generally of a certain length)
+      was that which was sent down to Cambridge, and honoured
+      with the prize. I was determined however, upon consulting
+      with my friends, to translate from the former. This has
+      been faithfully done with but few<a name=
+      "FNanchor003"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_003"><sup>[003]</sup></a> additions. The reader
+      will probably perceive the Latin idiom in several passages
+      of the work, though I have endeavoured, as far as I have
+      been able, to avoid it. And I am so sensible of the
+      disadvantages under which it must yet lie, as a
+      translation, that I wish I had written upon the subject,
+      without any reference at all to the original copy.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It will perhaps be asked, from what authority I have
+      collected those facts, which relate to the colonial
+      slavery. I reply, that I have had the means of the very
+      best of information on the subject; having the pleasure of
+      being acquainted with many, both in the naval and military
+      departments, as well as with several others, who have been
+      long acquainted with <i>America</i> and the
+      <i>West-Indian</i> islands. The facts therefore which I
+      have related, are compiled from the disinterested accounts
+      of these gentlemen, all of whom, I have the happiness to
+      say, have coincided, in the minutest manner, in their
+      descriptions. It mud be remarked too, that they were
+      compiled, not from what these gentlemen heard, while they
+      were resident in those parts, but from what they actually
+      <i>saw</i>. Nor has a single instance been taken from any
+      book whatever upon the subject, except that which is
+      mentioned in the 235th page; and this book was published in
+      <i>France</i>, in the year 1777, by <i>authority</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      I have now the pleasure to say, that the accounts of these
+      disinterested gentlemen, whom I consulted on the occasion,
+      are confirmed by all the books which I have ever perused
+      upon slavery, except those which have been written by
+      <i>merchants, planters, &amp;c</i>. They are confirmed by
+      Sir <i>Hans Sloane's</i> Voyage to Barbadoes; <i>Griffith
+      Hughes's</i> History of the same island, printed 1750; an
+      Account of North America, by <i>Thomas Jeffries</i>, 1761;
+      all <i>Benezet's</i> works, &amp;c. &amp;c. and
+      particularly by Mr. <i>Ramsay's</i> Essay on the Treatment
+      and Conversion of the African Slaves in the British Sugar
+      Colonies; a work which is now firmly established; and, I
+      may add in a very extraordinary manner, in consequence of
+      the controversy which this gentleman has sustained with the
+      <i>Cursory Remarker</i>, by which several facts which were
+      mentioned in the original copy of my own work, before the
+      controversy began, and which had never appeared in any work
+      upon the subject, have been brought to light. Nor has it
+      received less support from a letter, published only last
+      week, from Capt. J.S. Smith, of the Royal Navy, to the Rev.
+      Mr. Hill; on the former of whom too high encomiums cannot
+      be bestowed, for standing forth in that noble and
+      disinterested manner, in behalf of an injured character.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      I have now only to solicit the reader again, that he will
+      make a favourable allowance for the present work, not only
+      from those circumstances which I have mentioned, but from
+      the consideration, that only two months are allowed by the
+      University for these their annual compositions. Should he
+      however be unpropitious to my request, I must console
+      myself with the reflection, (a reflection that will always
+      afford me pleasure, even amidst the censures of the great,)
+      that by undertaking the cause of the unfortunate
+      <i>Africans</i>, I have undertaken, as far as my abilities
+      would permit, the cause of injured innocence.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      London, June 1st 1786.
+    </p>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+
+    <h2>
+      CONTENTS.
+    </h2>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c4">
+    <br>
+     <a name="PART_I."></a>
+    <h2>
+      PART I.
+    </h2>
+    <h2>
+      The History of Slavery.
+    </h2>
+    <blockquote>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        <a href="#Part_101">Chap. I. Introduction.-Division of
+        slavery into voluntary and involuntary.-The latter the
+        subject of the present work.</a><br>
+        <br>
+      </p>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        <a href="#Part_102">Chap. II. The first class of
+        involuntary slaves among the ancients, from
+        war.-Conjecture concerning their antiquity.</a><br>
+      </p>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        <a href="#Part_103">Chap. III. The second class from
+        piracy.-Short history of piracy.-The dance
+        carpoea.-Considerations from hence on the former
+        topick.-Three orders of involuntary slaves among the
+        ancients.</a><br>
+      </p>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        <a href="#Part_104">Chap. IV. Their personal
+        treatment.-Exception in &AElig;gypt.-Exception at
+        Athens.</a><br>
+      </p>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        <a href="#Part_105">Chap. V. The causes of such treatment
+        among the ancients in general.-Additional causes among
+        the Greeks and Romans.-A refutation of their
+        principles.-Remarks on the writings of
+        &AElig;sop.</a><br>
+      </p>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        <a href="#Part_106">Chap. VI. The ancient
+        slave-trade.-Its antiquity.-&AElig;gypt the first market
+        recorded for this species of traffick.-Cyprus the
+        second.-The agreement of the writings of Moses and Homer
+        on the subject.-The universal prevalence of the
+        trade.</a><br>
+      </p>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        <a href="#Part_107">Chap. VII. The decline of this
+        commerce and slavery in Europe.-The causes of their
+        decline.</a><br>
+      </p>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        <a href="#Part_108">Chap. VIII. Their revival in
+        Africa.-Short history of their revival.-Five classes of
+        involuntary slaves among the moderns.-Cruel instance of
+        the Dutch colonists at the Cape.</a><br>
+      </p>
+    </blockquote>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c4">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+     <a name="PART_II."></a>
+    <h2>
+      PART II.
+    </h2>
+    <h2>
+      The African Commerce or Slave-Trade.
+    </h2>
+    <blockquote>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        <a href="#Part_201">Chap. I. The history of mankind from
+        their first situation to a state of government.</a><br>
+      </p>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        <a href="#Part_202">Chap. II. An account of the first
+        governments.</a><br>
+      </p>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        <a href="#Part_203">Chap. III. Liberty a natural
+        right.-That of government adventitious.-Government, its
+        nature.-Its end.</a><br>
+      </p>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        <a href="#Part_204">Chap. IV. Mankind cannot be
+        considered as property.-An objection answered.</a><br>
+      </p>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        <a href="#Part_205">Chap. V. Division of the commerce
+        into two parts, as it relates to those who sell, and
+        those who purchase the human species into slavery.-The
+        right of the sellers examined with respect to the two
+        orders of African slaves, "of those who are publickly
+        seized by virtue of the authority of their prince, and of
+        those, who are kidnapped by individuals."</a><br>
+      </p>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        <a href="#Part_206">Chap. VI. Their right with respect to
+        convicts.-From the proportion of the punishment to the
+        offence.-From its object and end.</a><br>
+      </p>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        <a href="#Part_207">Chap. VII. Their right with respect
+        to prisoners of war.-The jus captivitatis, or right of
+        capture explained.-Its injustice.-Farther explication of
+        the right of capture, in answer to some supposed
+        objections.</a><br>
+      </p>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        <a href="#Part_208">Chap. VIII. Additional remarks on the
+        two orders that were first mentioned.-The number which
+        they annually contain.-A description of an African
+        battle.-Additional remarks on prisoners of war.-On
+        convicts.</a><br>
+      </p>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        <a href="#Part_209">Chap. IX. The right of the purchasers
+        examined.-Conclusion.</a><br>
+      </p>
+    </blockquote>
+    <br>
+     <br>
+    <hr class="c4">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+     <a name="PART_III."></a>
+    <h2>
+      PART III.
+    </h2>
+    <h2>
+      The Slavery of the Africans in the European Colonies.
+    </h2>
+    <blockquote>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        <a href="#Part_301">Chap. I. Imaginary scene in
+        Africa.-Imaginary conversation with an African.-His ideas
+        of Christianity.-A Description of a body of slaves going
+        to the ships.-Their embarkation.</a><br>
+      </p>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        <a href="#Part_302">Chap. II. Their treatment on
+        board.-The number that annually perish in the
+        voyage.-Horrid instance at sea.-Their debarkation in the
+        colonies.-Horrid instance on the shore.</a><br>
+      </p>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        <a href="#Part_303">Chap. III. The condition of their
+        posterity in the colonies.-The lex nativitatis
+        explained.-Its injustice.</a><br>
+      </p>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        <a href="#Part_304">Chap. IV. The seasoning in the
+        colonies.-The number that annually die in the
+        seasoning.-The employment of the survivors.-The colonial
+        discipline.-Its tendency to produce cruelty.-Horrid
+        instance of this effect.-Immoderate labour, and its
+        consequences.-Want of food and its consequences.-Severity
+        and its consequences.-The forlorn situation of slaves.-An
+        appeal to the memory of Alfred.</a><br>
+      </p>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        <a href="#Part_305">Chap. V. The contents of the two
+        preceding Chapters denied by the purchasers.-Their first
+        argument refuted.-Their second refuted.-Their third
+        refuted.<br>
+        </a>
+      </p>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        <a href="#Part_306">Chap. VI. Three arguments, which they
+        bring in vindication of their treatment, refuted.</a><br>
+      </p>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        <a href="#Part_307">Chap. VII. The argument, that the
+        Africans are an inferiour link of the chain of nature, as
+        far as it relates to their genius, refuted.-The causes of
+        this apparent inferiority.-Short dissertation on African
+        genius.-Poetry of an African girl.</a><br>
+      </p>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        <a href="#Part_308">Chap. VIII. The argument, that they
+        are an inferiour link of the chain of nature, as far as
+        it relates to colour, &amp;c. refuted.-Examination of the
+        divine writings in this particular.-Dissertation on the
+        colour.</a><br>
+      </p>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        <a href="#Part_309">Chap. IX. Other arguments of the
+        purchasers examined.-Their comparisons unjust.-Their
+        assertions, with respect to the happy situation of the
+        Africans in the colonies, without foundation.-Their
+        happiness examined with respect to manumission.-With
+        respect to holy-days.-Dances, &amp;c.-An estimate made at
+        St. Domingo.</a><br>
+      </p>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        <a href="#Part_310">Chap. X. The right of the purchasers
+        over their slaves refuted upon their own
+        principles.</a><br>
+      </p>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        <a href="#Part_311">Chap. XI. Dreadful arguments against
+        this commerce and slavery of the human species.-How the
+        Deity seems already to punish us for this inhuman
+        violation of his laws.-Conclusion.</a><br>
+      </p>
+    </blockquote>
+    <br>
+     <br>
+    <hr class="c4">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+
+    <h3>
+      ERRATA.
+    </h3>
+    <blockquote>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        For <i>Dominique</i>, (Footnote 107) read
+        <i>Domingue</i>.<br>
+        <br>
+      </p>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        N. B.<br>
+        A Latin note has been inserted by mistake, under the
+        quotation of Diodorus Siculus (Footnote 017). The reader
+        will find the original Greek of the same signification,
+        in the same author, at page 49, Editio Stephani.
+      </p>
+    </blockquote>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c4">
+    <br>
+
+    <h2>
+      AN ESSAY<br>
+      <br>
+      ON THE SLAVERY and COMMERCE<br>
+      <br>
+      OF THE HUMAN SPECIES.<br>
+      <br>
+       IN THREE PARTS.
+    </h2>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <h2>
+      PART I.
+    </h2>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <h2>
+      THE HISTORY OF SLAVERY.
+    </h2>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <a name="Part_101"></a>
+    <h2>
+      <a href="#PART_I.">CHAP. I.</a>
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      When civilized, as well as barbarous nations, have been
+      found, through a long succession of ages, uniformly to
+      concur in the same customs, there seems to arise a
+      presumption, that such customs are not only eminently
+      useful, but are founded also on the principles of justice.
+      Such is the case with respect to <i>Slavery</i>: it has had
+      the concurrence of all the nations, which history has
+      recorded, and the repeated practice of ages from the
+      remotest antiquity, in its favour. Here then is an
+      argument, deduced from the general consent and agreement of
+      mankind, in favour of the proposed subject: but alas! when
+      we reflect that the people, thus reduced to a state of
+      servitude, have had the same feelings with ourselves; when
+      we reflect that they have had the same propensities to
+      pleasure, and the same aversions from pain; another
+      argument seems immediately to arise in opposition to the
+      former, deduced from our own feelings and that divine
+      sympathy, which nature has implanted in our breasts, for
+      the most useful and generous of purposes. To ascertain the
+      truth therefore, where two such opposite sources of
+      argument occur; where the force of custom pleads strongly
+      on the one hand, and the feelings of humanity on the other;
+      is a matter of much importance, as the dignity of human
+      nature is concerned, and the rights and liberties of
+      mankind will be involved in its discussion.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It will be necessary, before this point can be determined,
+      to consult the History of Slavery, and to lay before the
+      reader, in as concise a manner as possible, a general view
+      of it from its earliest appearance to the present day.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The first, whom we shall mention here to have been reduced
+      to a state of servitude, may be comprehended in that class,
+      which is usually denominated the <i>Mercenary</i>. It
+      consisted of free-born citizens, who, from the various
+      contingencies of fortune, had become so poor, as to have
+      recourse for their support to the service of the rich. Of
+      this kind were those, both among the Egyptians and the
+      Jews, who are recorded in the sacred writings.<a name=
+      "FNanchor004"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_004"><sup>[004]</sup></a> The Grecian
+      <i>Thetes</i><a name="FNanchor005"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_005"><sup>[005]</sup></a> also were of this
+      description, as well as those among the Romans, from whom
+      the class receives its appellation, the
+      <i>Mercenarii</i>.<a name="FNanchor006"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_006"><sup>[006]</sup></a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      We may observe of the above-mentioned, that their situation
+      was in many instances similar to that of our own servants.
+      There was an express contract between the parties; they
+      could, most of them, demand their discharge, if they were
+      ill used by their respective masters; and they were treated
+      therefore with more humanity than those, whom we usually
+      distinguish in our language by the appellation of
+      <i>Slaves</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      As this class of servants was composed of men, who had been
+      reduced to such a situation by the contingencies of
+      fortune, and not by their own misconduct; so there was
+      another among the ancients, composed entirely of those, who
+      had suffered the loss of liberty from their own imprudence.
+      To this class may be reduced the Grecian <i>Prodigals</i>,
+      who were detained in the service of their creditors, till
+      the fruits of their labour were equivalent to their debts;
+      the <i>delinquents</i>, who were sentenced to the oar; and
+      the German <i>enthusiasts</i>, as mentioned by Tacitus, who
+      were so immoderately charmed with gaming, as, when every
+      thing else was gone, to have staked their liberty and their
+      very selves. "The loser," says he, "goes into a voluntary
+      servitude, and though younger and stronger than the person
+      with whom he played, patiently suffers himself to be bound
+      and sold. Their perseverance in so bad a custom is stiled
+      honour. The slaves, thus obtained, are immediately
+      exchanged away in commerce, that the winner may get rid of
+      the scandal of his victory."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      To enumerate other instances, would be unnecessary; it will
+      be sufficient to observe, that the servants of this class
+      were in a far more wretched situation, than those of the
+      former; their drudgery was more intense; their treatment
+      more severe; and there was no retreat at pleasure, from the
+      frowns and lashes of their despotick masters.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Having premised this, we may now proceed to a general
+      division of slavery, into <i>voluntary</i> and
+      <i>involuntary</i>. The <i>voluntary</i> will comprehend
+      the two classes, which we have already mentioned; for, in
+      the first instance, there was a <i>contract</i>, founded on
+      <i>consent</i>; and, in the second, there was a
+      <i>choice</i> of engaging or not in those practices, the
+      known consequences of which were servitude. The
+      <i>involuntary</i>; on the other hand, will comprehend
+      those, who were forced, without any such <i>condition</i>
+      or <i>choice</i>, into a situation, which as it tended to
+      degrade a part of the human species, and to class it with
+      the brutal, must have been, of all human situations, the
+      most wretched and insupportable. These are they, whom we
+      shall consider solely in the present work. We shall
+      therefore take our leave of the former, as they were
+      mentioned only, that we might state the question with
+      greater accuracy, and, be the better enabled to reduce it
+      to its proper limits.
+    </p>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+     <a name="Part_102"></a>
+    <h2>
+      <a href="#PART_I.">CHAP. II.</a>
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      The first that will be mentioned, of the
+      <i>involuntary</i>, were <i>prisoners of war</i>.<a name=
+      "FNanchor007"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_007"><sup>[007]</sup></a> "It was a law,
+      established from time immemorial among the nations of
+      antiquity, to oblige those to undergo the severities of
+      servitude, whom victory had thrown into their hands."
+      Conformably with this, we find all the Eastern nations
+      unanimous in the practice. The same custom prevailed among
+      the people of the West; for as the Helots became the slaves
+      of the Spartans, from the right of conquest only, so
+      prisoners of war were reduced to the same situation by the
+      rest of the inhabitants of Greece. By the same principles
+      that actuated these, were the Romans also influenced. Their
+      History will confirm the fact: for how many cities are
+      recorded to have been taken; how many armies to have been
+      vanquished in the field, and the wretched survivors, in
+      both instances, to have been doomed to servitude? It
+      remains only now to observe, in shewing this custom to have
+      been universal, that all those nations which assisted in
+      overturning the Roman Empire, though many and various,
+      adopted the same measures; for we find it a general maxim
+      in their polity, that whoever should fall into their hands
+      as a prisoner of war, should immediately be reduced to the
+      condition of a slave.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It may here, perhaps, be not unworthy of remark, that the
+      <i>involuntary</i> were of greater antiquity than the
+      <i>voluntary</i> slaves. The latter are first mentioned in
+      the time of Pharaoh: they could have arisen only in a state
+      of society; when property, after its division, had become
+      so unequal, as to multiply the wants of individuals; and
+      when government, after its establishment, had given
+      security to the possessor by the punishment of crimes.
+      Whereas the former seem to be dated with more propriety
+      from the days of Nimrod; who gave rise probably to that
+      inseparable idea of <i>victory</i> and <i>servitude</i>,
+      which we find among the nations of antiquity, and which has
+      existed uniformly since, in one country or another, to the
+      present day.<a name="FNanchor008"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_008"><sup>[008]</sup></a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Add to this, that they might have arisen even in a state of
+      nature, and have been coequal with the quarrels of mankind.
+    </p>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+     <a name="Part_103"></a>
+    <h2>
+      <a href="#PART_I.">CHAP. III.</a>
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      But it was not victory alone, or any presupposed right,
+      founded in the damages of war, that afforded a pretence for
+      invading the liberties of mankind: the honourable light, in
+      which <i>piracy</i> was considered in the uncivilized ages
+      of the world, contributed not a little to the
+      <i>slavery</i> of the human species. Piracy had a very
+      early beginning. "The Grecians,"<a name=
+      "FNanchor009"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_009"><sup>[009]</sup></a> says Thucydides, "in
+      their primitive state, as well as the contemporary
+      barbarians, who inhabited the sea coasts and islands, gave
+      themselves wholly to it; it was, in short, their only
+      profession and support." The writings of Homer are
+      sufficient of themselves to establish this account. They
+      shew it to have been a common practice at so early a period
+      as that of the Trojan war; and abound with many lively
+      descriptions of it; which, had they been as groundless as
+      they are beautiful, would have frequently spared the sigh
+      of the reader of sensibility and reflection.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The piracies, which were thus practised in the early ages,
+      may be considered as <i>publick</i> or <i>private</i>. In
+      the former, whole crews embarked for the benefit<a name=
+      "FNanchor010"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_010"><sup>[010]</sup></a> of their respective
+      tribes. They made descents on the sea coasts, carried off
+      cattle, surprized whole villages, put many of the
+      inhabitants to the sword, and carried others into slavery.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      In the latter, individuals only were concerned, and the
+      emolument was their own. These landed from their ships,
+      and, going up into the country, concealed themselves in the
+      woods and thickets; where they waited every opportunity of
+      catching the unfortunate shepherd or husbandman alone. In
+      this situation they sallied out upon him, dragged him on
+      board, conveyed him to a foreign market, and sold him for a
+      slave.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      To this kind of piracy Ulysses alludes, in opposition to
+      the former, which he had been just before mentioning, in
+      his question to Eumoeus.
+    </p>
+    "Did pirates wait, till all thy friends were gone,<br>
+    To catch thee singly with thy flocks alone;<br>
+    Say, did they force thee from thy fleecy care,<br>
+    And from thy fields transport and sell thee here?"<a name=
+    "FNanchor011"></a><a href=
+    "#Footnote_011"><sup>[011]</sup></a><br>
+
+    <p>
+      But no picture, perhaps, of this mode of depredation, is
+      equal to that, with which Xenophon<a name=
+      "FNanchor012"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_012"><sup>[012]</sup></a> presents us in the
+      simple narrative of a dance. He informs us that the Grecian
+      army had concluded a peace with the Paphlagonians, and that
+      they entertained their embassadors in consequence with a
+      banquet, and the exhibition of various feats of activity.
+      "When the Thracians," says he, "had performed the parts
+      allotted them in this entertainment, some Aenianian and
+      Magnetian soldiers rose up, and, accoutred in their proper
+      arms, exhibited that dance, which is called <i>Karpoea</i>.
+      The figure of it is thus. One of them, in the character of
+      an husbandman, is seen to till his land, and is observed,
+      as he drives his plough, to look frequently behind him, as
+      if apprehensive of danger. Another immediately appears in
+      fight, in the character of a robber. The husbandman, having
+      seen him previously advancing, snatches up his arms. A
+      battle ensues before the plough. The whole of this
+      performance is kept in perfect time with the musick of the
+      flute. At length the robber, having got the better of the
+      husbandman, binds him, and drives him off with his team.
+      Sometimes it happens that the husbandman subdues the
+      robber: in this case the scene is only reversed, as the
+      latter is then bound and driven, off by the former."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It is scarcely necessary to observe, that this dance was a
+      representation of the general manners of men, in the more
+      uncivilized ages of the world; shewing that the husbandman
+      and shepherd lived in continual alarm, and that there were
+      people in those ages, who derived their pleasures and
+      fortunes from <i>kidnapping</i> and <i>enslaving</i> their
+      fellow creatures.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      We may now take notice of a circumstance in this narration,
+      which will lead us to a review of our first assertion on
+      this point, "that the honourable light, in which
+      <i>piracy</i> was considered in the times of barbarism,
+      contributed not a little to the <i>slavery</i> of the human
+      species." The robber is represented here as frequently
+      defeated in his attempts, and as reduced to that deplorable
+      situation, to which he was endeavouring to bring another.
+      This shews the frequent difficulty and danger of his
+      undertakings: people would not tamely resign their lives or
+      liberties, without a struggle. They were sometimes
+      prepared; were superior often, in many points of view, to
+      these invaders of their liberty; there were an hundred
+      accidental circumstances frequently in their favour. These
+      adventures therefore required all the skill, strength,
+      agility, valour, and every thing, in short, that may be
+      supposed to constitute heroism, to conduct them with
+      success. Upon this idea piratical expeditions first came
+      into repute, and their frequency afterwards, together with
+      the danger and fortitude, that were inseparably connected
+      with them, brought them into such credit among the
+      barbarous nations of antiquity, that of all human
+      professions, piracy was the most honourable.<a name=
+      "FNanchor013"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_013"><sup>[013]</sup></a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The notions then, which were thus annexed to piratical
+      expeditions, did not fail to produce those consequences,
+      which we have mentioned before. They afforded an
+      opportunity to the views of avarice and ambition, to
+      conceal themselves under the mask of virtue. They excited a
+      spirit of enterprize, of all others the most irresistible,
+      as it subsisted on the strongest principles of action,
+      emolument and honour. Thus could the vilest of passions be
+      gratified with impunity. People were robbed, stolen,
+      murdered, under the pretended idea that these were
+      reputable adventures: every enormity in short was
+      committed, and dressed up in the habiliments of honour.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But as the notions of men in the less barbarous ages, which
+      followed, became more corrected and refined, the practice
+      of piracy began gradually to disappear. It had hitherto
+      been supported on the grand columns of <i>emolument</i> and
+      <i>honour</i>. When the latter therefore was removed, it
+      received a considerable shock; but, alas! it had still a
+      pillar for its support! <i>avarice</i>, which exists in all
+      states, and which is ready to turn every invention to its
+      own ends, strained hard for its preservation. It had been
+      produced in the ages of barbarism; it had been pointed out
+      in those ages as lucrative, and under this notion it was
+      continued. People were still stolen; many were intercepted
+      (some, in their pursuits of pleasure, others, in the
+      discharge of their several occupations) by their own
+      countrymen; who previously laid in wait for them, and sold
+      them afterwards for slaves; while others seized by
+      merchants, who traded on the different coasts, were torn
+      from their friends and connections, and carried into
+      slavery. The merchants of Thessaly, if we can credit
+      Aristophanes<a name="FNanchor014"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_014"><sup>[014]</sup></a> who never spared the
+      vices of the times, were particularly infamous for the
+      latter kind of depredation; the Athenians were notorious
+      for the former; for they had practised these robberies to
+      such an alarming degree of danger to individuals, that it
+      was found necessary to enact a law,<a name=
+      "FNanchor015"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_015"><sup>[015]</sup></a> which punished
+      kidnappers with death.-But this is sufficient for our
+      present purpose; it will enable us to assert, that there
+      were two classes of <i>involuntary</i> slaves among the
+      ancients, "of those who were taken publickly in a state of
+      war, and of those who were privately stolen in a state of
+      innocence and peace." We may now add, that the children and
+      descendents of these composed a third.
+    </p>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+     <a name="Part_104"></a>
+    <h2>
+      <a href="#PART_I.">CHAP. IV.</a>
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      It will be proper to say something here concerning the
+      situation of the unfortunate men, who were thus doomed to a
+      life of servitude. To enumerate their various employments,
+      and to describe the miseries which they endured in
+      consequence, either from the severity, or the long and
+      constant application of their labour, would exceed the
+      bounds we have proposed to the present work. We shall
+      confine ourselves to their <i>personal treatment</i>, as
+      depending on the power of their masters, and the protection
+      of the law. Their treatment, if considered in this light,
+      will equally excite our pity and abhorrence. They were
+      beaten, starved, tortured, murdered at discretion: they
+      were dead in a civil sense; they had neither name nor
+      tribe; were incapable of a judicial process; were in short
+      without appeal. Poor unfortunate men! to be deprived of all
+      possible protection! to suffer the bitterest of injuries
+      without the possibility of redress! to be condemned
+      unheard! to be murdered with impunity! to be considered as
+      dead in that state, the very members of which they were
+      supporting by their labours!
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Yet such was their general situation: there were two places
+      however, where their condition, if considered in this point
+      of view, was more tolerable. The &AElig;gyptian slave,
+      though perhaps of all others the greatest drudge, yet if he
+      had time to reach the temple<a name="FNanchor016"></a><a
+      href="#Footnote_016"><sup>[016]</sup></a> of Hercules,
+      found a certain retreat from the persecution of his master;
+      and he received additional comfort from the reflection,
+      that his life, whether he could reach it or not, could not
+      be taken with impunity. Wise and salutary law!<a name=
+      "FNanchor017"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_017"><sup>[017]</sup></a> how often must it have
+      curbed the insolence of power, and stopped those passions
+      in their progress, which had otherwise been destructive to
+      the slave!
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But though the persons of slaves were thus greatly secured
+      in &AElig;gypt, yet there was no place so favourable to
+      them as Athens. They were allowed a greater liberty of
+      speech;<a name="FNanchor018"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_018"><sup>[018]</sup></a> they had their
+      convivial meetings, their amours, their hours of
+      relaxation, pleasantry, and mirth; they were treated, in
+      short, with so much humanity in general, as to occasion
+      that observation of Demosthenes, in his second Philippick,
+      "that the condition of a slave, at Athens, was preferable
+      to that of a free citizen, in many other countries." But if
+      any exception happened (which was sometimes the case) from
+      the general treatment described; if persecution took the
+      place of lenity, and made the fangs of servitude more
+      pointed than before,<a name="FNanchor019"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_019"><sup>[019]</sup></a> they had then their
+      temple, like the &AElig;gyptian, for refuge; where the
+      legislature was so attentive, as to examine their
+      complaints, and to order them, if they were founded in
+      justice, to be sold to another master. Nor was this all:
+      they had a privilege infinitely greater than the whole of
+      these. They were allowed an opportunity of working for
+      themselves, and if their diligence had procured them a sum
+      equivalent with their ransom, they could immediately, on
+      paying it down,<a name="FNanchor020"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_020"><sup>[020]</sup></a> demand their freedom
+      for ever. This law was, of all others, the most important;
+      as the prospect of liberty, which it afforded, must have
+      been a continual source of the most pleasing reflections,
+      and have greatly sweetened the draught, even of the most
+      bitter slavery.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Thus then, to the eternal honour of &AElig;gypt and Athens,
+      they were the only places that we can find, where slaves
+      were considered with any humanity at all. The rest of the
+      world seemed to vie with each other, in the debasement and
+      oppression of these unfortunate people. They used them with
+      as much severity as they chose; they measured their
+      treatment only by their own passion and caprice; and, by
+      leaving them on every occasion, without the possibility of
+      an appeal, they rendered their situation the most
+      melancholy and intolerable, that can possibly be conceived.
+    </p>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+     <a name="Part_105"></a>
+    <h2>
+      <a href="#PART_I.">CHAP. V.</a>
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      As we have mentioned the barbarous and inhuman treatment
+      that generally fell to the lot of slaves, it may not be
+      amiss to inquire into the various circumstances by which it
+      was produced.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The first circumstance, from whence it originated, was the
+      <i>commerce</i>: for if men could be considered as
+      <i>possessions</i>; if, like <i>cattle</i>, they could be
+      <i>bought</i> and <i>sold</i>, it will not be difficult to
+      suppose, that they could be held in the same consideration,
+      or treated in the same manner. The commerce therefore,
+      which was begun in the primitive ages of the world, by
+      classing them with the brutal species, and by habituating
+      the mind to consider the terms of <i>brute</i> and
+      <i>slave</i> as <i>synonimous</i>, soon caused them to be
+      viewed in a low and despicable light, and as greatly
+      inferiour to the human species. Hence proceeded that
+      treatment, which might not unreasonably be supposed to
+      arise from so low an estimation. They were tamed, like
+      beasts, by the stings of hunger and the lash, and their
+      education was directed to the same end, to make them
+      commodious instruments of labour for their possessors.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      This <i>treatment</i>, which thus proceeded in the ages of
+      barbarism, from the low estimation, in which slaves were
+      unfortunately held from the circumstances of the commerce,
+      did not fail of producing, in the same instant, its
+      <i>own</i> effect. It depressed their minds; it numbed
+      their faculties; and, by preventing those sparks of genius
+      from blazing forth, which had otherwise been conspicuous;
+      it gave them the appearance of being endued with inferiour
+      capacities than the rest of mankind. This effect of the
+      <i>treatment</i> had made so considerable a progress, as to
+      have been a matter of observation in the days of Homer.
+    </p>
+    For half <i>his</i> senses Jove conveys away,<br>
+    <i>Whom</i> once he dooms to see the <i>servile</i> day.<a
+    name="FNanchor021"></a><a href=
+    "#Footnote_021"><sup>[021]</sup></a><br>
+
+    <p>
+      Thus then did the <i>commerce</i>, by classing them
+      originally with <i>brutes</i>, and the consequent
+      <i>treatment</i>, by cramping their <i>abilities</i>, and
+      hindering them from becoming <i>conspicuous</i>, give to
+      these unfortunate people, at a very early period, the most
+      unfavourable <i>appearance</i>. The rising generations, who
+      received both the commerce and treatment from their
+      ancestors, and who had always been accustomed to behold
+      their <i>effects</i>, did not consider these <i>effects</i>
+      as <i>incidental</i>: they judged only from what they saw;
+      they believed the <i>appearances</i> to be <i>real</i>; and
+      hence arose the combined principle, that slaves were an
+      <i>inferiour</i> order of men, and perfectly void of
+      <i>understanding</i>. Upon this <i>principle</i> it was,
+      that the former treatment began to be fully confirmed and
+      established; and as this <i>principle</i> was handed down
+      and disseminated, so it became, in succeeding ages, an
+      <i>excuse</i> for any severity, that despotism might
+      suggest.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      We may observe here, that as all nations had this excuse in
+      common, as arising from the <i>circumstances</i>
+      above-mentioned, so the Greeks first, and the Romans
+      afterwards, had an <i>additional excuse</i>, as arising
+      from their own <i>vanity</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The former having conquered Troy, and having united
+      themselves under one common name and interest, began, from
+      that period, to distinguish the rest of the world by the
+      title of <i>barbarians</i>; inferring by such an
+      appellation, "that they were men who were only noble in
+      their own country; that they had no right, from their
+      <i>nature</i>, to authority or command; that, on the
+      contrary, so low were their capacities, they were
+      <i>destined</i> by nature <i>to obey</i>, and to live in a
+      state of perpetual drudgery and subjugation."<a name=
+      "FNanchor022"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_022"><sup>[022]</sup></a> Conformable with this
+      opinion was the treatment, which was accordingly prescribed
+      to a <i>barbarian</i>. The philosopher Aristotle himself,
+      in the advice which he gave to his pupil Alexander, before
+      he went upon his Asiatick expedition, intreated him to "use
+      the Greeks, as it became a <i>general</i>, but the
+      <i>barbarians</i>, as it became a <i>master</i>; consider,
+      says he, the former as <i>friends</i> and
+      <i>domesticks</i>; but the latter, as <i>brutes</i> and
+      <i>plants</i>;"<a name="FNanchor023"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_023"><sup>[023]</sup></a> inferring that the
+      Greeks, from the superiority of their capacities, had a
+      <i>natural</i> right to dominion, and that the rest of the
+      world, from the inferiority of their own, were to be
+      considered and treated as the <i>irrational</i> part of the
+      creation.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Now, if we consider that this was the treatment, which they
+      judged to be absolutely proper for people of this
+      description, and that their slaves were uniformly those,
+      whom they termed <i>barbarians</i>; being generally such,
+      as were either kidnapped from <i>Barbary</i>, or purchased
+      from the <i>barbarian</i> conquerors in their wars with one
+      another; we shall immediately see, with what an additional
+      excuse their own vanity had furnished them for the sallies
+      of caprice and passion.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      To refute these cruel sentiments of the ancients, and to
+      shew that their slaves were by no means an inferiour order
+      of beings than themselves, may perhaps be considered as an
+      unnecessary task; particularly, as having shewn, that the
+      causes of this inferiour appearance were <i>incidental</i>,
+      arising, on the one hand, from the combined effects of the
+      <i>treatment</i> and <i>commerce</i>, and, on the other,
+      from <i>vanity</i> and <i>pride</i>, we seem to have
+      refuted them already. But we trust that some few
+      observations, in vindication of these unfortunate people,
+      will neither be unacceptable nor improper.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      How then shall we begin the refutation? Shall we say with
+      Seneca, who saw many of the slaves in question, "What is a
+      <i>knight</i>, or a <i>libertine</i>, or a <i>slave</i>?
+      Are they not names, assumed either from <i>injury</i> or
+      <i>ambition</i>?" Or, shall we say with him on another
+      occasion, "Let us consider that he, whom we call our slave,
+      is born in the same manner as ourselves; that he enjoys the
+      same sky, with all its heavenly luminaries; that he
+      breathes, that he lives, in the same manner as ourselves,
+      and, in the same manner, that he expires." These
+      considerations, we confess, would furnish us with a
+      plentiful source of arguments in the case before us; but we
+      decline their assistance. How then shall we begin? Shall we
+      enumerate the many instances of fidelity, patience, or
+      valour, that are recorded of the <i>servile</i> race? Shall
+      we enumerate the many important services, that they
+      rendered both to the individuals and the community, under
+      whom they lived? Here would be a second source, from whence
+      we could collect sufficient materials to shew, that there
+      was no inferiority in their nature. But we decline to use
+      them. We shall content ourselves with some few instances,
+      that relate to the <i>genius</i> only: we shall mention the
+      names of those of a <i>servile</i> condition, whose
+      writings, having escaped the wreck of time, and having been
+      handed down even to the present age, are now to be seen, as
+      so many living monuments, that neither the Grecian, nor
+      Roman genius, was superiour to their own.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The first, whom we shall mention here, is the famous
+      &AElig;sop. He was a Phrygian by birth, and lived in the
+      time of Croesus, king of Lydia, to whom he dedicated his
+      fables. The writings of this great man, in whatever light
+      we consider them, will be equally entitled to our
+      admiration. But we are well aware, that the very mention of
+      him as a writer of fables, may depreciate him in the eyes
+      of some. To such we shall propose a question, "Whether this
+      species of writing has not been more beneficial to mankind;
+      or whether it has not produced more important events, than
+      any other?"
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      With respect to the first consideration, it is evident that
+      these fables, as consisting of plain and simple
+      transactions, are particularly easy to be understood; as
+      conveyed in images, they please and seduce the mind; and,
+      as containing a <i>moral</i>, easily deducible on the side
+      of virtue; that they afford, at the same time, the most
+      weighty precepts of philosophy. Here then are the two grand
+      points of composition, "a manner of expression to be
+      apprehended by the lowest capacities, and, (what is
+      considered as a victory in the art) an happy conjunction of
+      utility and pleasure."<a name="FNanchor024"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_024"><sup>[024]</sup></a> Hence Quintilian
+      recommends them, as singularly useful, and as admirably
+      adapted, to the puerile age; as a just gradation between
+      the language of the nurse and the preceptor, and as
+      furnishing maxims of prudence and virtue, at a time when
+      the speculative principles of philosophy are too difficult
+      to be understood. Hence also having been introduced by most
+      civilized nations into their system of education, they have
+      produced that general benefit, to which we at first
+      alluded. Nor have they been of less consequence in
+      maturity; but particularly to those of inferiour
+      capacities, or little erudition, whom they have frequently
+      served as a guide to conduct them in life, and as a medium,
+      through which an explanation might be made, on many and
+      important occasions.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      With respect to the latter consideration, which is easily
+      deducible from hence, we shall only appeal to the wonderful
+      effect, which the fable, pronounced by Demosthenes against
+      Philip of Macedon, produced among his hearers; or to the
+      fable, which was spoken by Menenius Agrippa to the Roman
+      populace; by which an illiterate multitude were brought
+      back to their duty as citizens, when no other species of
+      oratory could prevail.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      To these truly <i>ingenious</i>, and <i>philosophical</i>
+      works of &AElig;sop, we shall add those of his imitator
+      Phoedrus, which in purity and elegance of style, are
+      inferiour to none. We shall add also the Lyrick
+      <i>Poetry</i> of Alcman, which is no <i>servile</i>
+      composition; the sublime <i>Morals</i> of Epictetus, and
+      the incomparable <i>comedies</i> of Terence.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Thus then does it appear, that the <i>excuse</i> which was
+      uniformly started in defence of the <i>treatment</i> of
+      slaves, had no foundation whatever either in truth or
+      justice. The instances that we have mentioned above, are
+      sufficient to shew, that there was no inferiority, either
+      in their <i>nature</i>, or their understandings: and at the
+      same time that they refute the principles of the ancients,
+      they afford a valuable lesson to those, who have been
+      accustomed to form too precipitate a judgment on the
+      abilities of men: for, alas! how often has <i>secret
+      anguish</i> depressed the spirits of those, whom they have
+      frequently censured, from their gloomy and dejected
+      appearance! and how often, on the other hand, has their
+      judgment resulted from their own <i>vanity</i> and
+      <i>pride</i>!
+    </p>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+     <a name="Part_106"></a>
+    <h2>
+      <a href="#PART_I.">CHAP. VI.</a>
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      We proceed now to the consideration of the <i>commerce</i>:
+      in consequence of which, people, endued with the same
+      feelings and faculties as ourselves, were made subject to
+      the laws and limitations of <i>possession</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      This commerce of the human species was of a very early
+      date. It was founded on the idea that men were
+      <i>property</i>; and, as this idea was coeval with the
+      first order of <i>involuntary</i> slaves, it must have
+      arisen, (if the date, which we previously affixed to that
+      order, be right) in the first practices of barter. The
+      Story of Joseph, as recorded in the sacred writings, whom
+      his brothers sold from an envious suspicion of his future
+      greatness, is an ample testimony of the truth of this
+      conjecture. It shews that there were men, even at that
+      early period, who travelled up and down as merchants,
+      collecting not only balm, myrrh, spicery, and other wares,
+      but the human species also, for the purposes of traffick.
+      The instant determination of the brothers, on the first
+      sight of the merchants, <i>to sell him</i>, and the
+      immediate acquiescence of these, who purchased him for a
+      foreign market, prove that this commerce had been then
+      established, not only in that part of the country, where
+      this transaction happened, but in that also, whither the
+      merchants were then travelling with their camels, namely,
+      &AElig;gypt: and they shew farther, that, as all customs
+      require time for their establishment, so it must have
+      existed in the ages, previous to that of Pharaoh; that is,
+      in those ages, in which we fixed the first date of
+      <i>involuntary</i> servitude. This commerce then, as
+      appears by the present instance, existed in the earliest
+      practices of barter, and had descended to the
+      &AElig;gyptians, through as long a period of time, as was
+      sufficient to have made it, in the times alluded to, an
+      established custom. Thus was &AElig;gypt, in those days,
+      the place of the greatest resort; the grand emporium of
+      trade, to which people were driving their merchandize, as
+      to a centre; and thus did it afford, among other
+      opportunities of traffick, the <i>first market</i> that is
+      recorded, for the sale of the human species.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      This market, which was thus supplied by the constant
+      concourse of merchants, who resorted to it from various
+      parts, could not fail, by these means, to have been
+      considerable. It received, afterwards, an additional supply
+      from those piracies, which we mentioned to have existed in
+      the uncivilized ages of the world, and which, in fact, it
+      greatly promoted and encouraged; and it became, from these
+      united circumstances, so famous, as to have been known,
+      within a few centuries from the time of Pharaoh, both to
+      the Grecian colonies in Asia, and the Grecian islands.
+      Homer mentions Cyprus and &AElig;gypt as the common markets
+      for slaves, about the times of the Trojan war. Thus
+      Antinous, offended with Ulysses, threatens to send him to
+      one of these places, if he does not instantly depart from
+      his table.<a name="FNanchor025"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_025"><sup>[025]</sup></a> The same poet also, in
+      his hymn to Bacchus,<a name="FNanchor026"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_026"><sup>[026]</sup></a> mentions them again,
+      but in a more unequivocal manner, as the common markets for
+      slaves. He takes occasion, in that hymn, to describe the
+      pirates method of scouring the coast, from the circumstance
+      of their having kidnapped Bacchus, as a noble youth, for
+      whom they expected an immense ransom. The captain of the
+      vessel, having dragged him on board, is represented as
+      addressing himself thus, to the steersman:
+    </p>
+    "Haul in the tackle, hoist aloft the sail,<br>
+    Then take your helm, and watch the doubtful gale!<br>
+    To mind the captive prey, be our's the care,<br>
+    While you to <i>&AElig;gypt</i> or to <i>Cyprus</i>
+    steer;<br>
+    There shall he go, unless his friends he'll tell,<br>
+    Whose ransom-gifts will pay us full as well."<br>
+
+    <p>
+      It may not perhaps be considered as a digression, to
+      mention in few words, by itself, the wonderful concordance
+      of the writings of Moses and Homer with the case before us:
+      not that the former, from their divine authority, want
+      additional support, but because it cannot be unpleasant to
+      see them confirmed by a person, who, being one of the
+      earliest writers, and living in a very remote age, was the
+      first that could afford us any additional proof of the
+      circumstances above-mentioned. &AElig;gypt is represented,
+      in the first book of the sacred writings, as a market for
+      slaves, and, in the <a name="FNanchor027"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_027"><sup>[027]</sup></a>second, as famous for
+      the severity of its servitude. <a name="FNanchor028"></a><a
+      href="#Footnote_028"><sup>[028]</sup></a>The same line,
+      which we have already cited from Homer, conveys to us the
+      same ideas. It points it out as a market for the human
+      species, and by the epithet of "<i>bitter</i> &AElig;gypt,"
+      (<a name="FNanchor029"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_029"><sup>[029]</sup></a>which epithet is
+      peculiarly annexed to it on this occasion) alludes in the
+      strongest manner to that severity and rigour, of which the
+      sacred historian transmitted us the first account.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But, to return. Though &AElig;gypt was the first market
+      recorded for this species of traffick; and though
+      &AElig;gypt, and Cyprus afterwards, were particularly
+      distinguished for it, in the times of the Trojan war; yet
+      they were not the only places, even at that period, where
+      men were bought and sold. The Odyssey of Homer shews that
+      it was then practised in many of the islands of the
+      &AElig;gean sea; and the Iliad, that it had taken place
+      among those Grecians on the continent of Europe, who had
+      embarked from thence on the Trojan expedition. This appears
+      particularly at the end of the seventh book. A fleet is
+      described there, as having just arrived from Lemnos, with a
+      supply of wine for the Grecian camp. The merchants are
+      described also, as immediately exposing it to sale, and as
+      receiving in exchange, among other articles of barter,
+      "<i>a number of slaves</i>."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It will now be sufficient to observe, that, as other states
+      arose, and as circumstances contributed to make them known,
+      this custom is discovered to have existed among them; that
+      it travelled over all Asia; that it spread through the
+      Grecian and Roman world; was in use among the barbarous
+      nations, which overturned the Roman empire; and was
+      practised therefore, at the same period, throughout all
+      Europe.
+    </p>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+     <a name="Part_107"></a>
+    <h2>
+      <a href="#PART_I.">CHAP. VII.</a>
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      This <i>slavery</i> and <i>commerce</i>, which had
+      continued for so long a time, and which was thus practised
+      in Europe at so late a period as that, which succeeded the
+      grand revolutions in the western world, began, as the
+      northern nations were settled in their conquests, to
+      decline, and, on their full establishment, were abolished.
+      A difference of opinion has arisen respecting the cause of
+      their abolition; some having asserted, that they were the
+      necessary consequences of the <i>feudal system</i>; while
+      others, superiour both in number and in argument, have
+      maintained that they were the natural effects of
+      <i>Christianity</i>. The mode of argument, which the former
+      adopt on this occasion, is as follows. "The multitude of
+      little states, which sprang up from one great one at this
+      &AElig;ra, occasioned infinite bickerings and matter for
+      contention. There was not a state or seignory, which did
+      not want all the hands they could muster, either to defend
+      their own right, or to dispute that of their neighbours.
+      Thus every man was taken into the service: whom they armed
+      they must trust: and there could be no trust but in free
+      men. Thus the barrier between the two natures was thrown
+      down, and <i>slavery</i> was no more heard of, in the
+      <i>west</i>."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      That this was not the <i>necessary</i> consequence of such
+      a situation, is apparent. The political state of Greece, in
+      its early history, was the same as that of Europe, when
+      divided, by the feudal system, into an infinite number of
+      small and independent kingdoms. There was the same matter
+      therefore for contention, and the same call for all the
+      hands that could be mustered: the Grecians, in short, in
+      <i>heroick</i>, were in the same situation in these
+      respects as the <i>feudal barons</i> in the <i>Gothick</i>
+      times. Had this therefore been a <i>necessary</i> effect,
+      there had been a cessation of servitude in Greece, in those
+      ages, in which we have already shewn that it existed.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But with respect to <i>Christianity</i>, many and great are
+      the arguments, that it occasioned so desirable an event. It
+      taught, "that all men were originally equal; that the Deity
+      was no respecter of persons, and that, as all men were to
+      give an account of their actions hereafter, it was
+      necessary that they should be free." These doctrines could
+      not fail of having their proper influence on those, who
+      first embraced <i>Christianity</i>, from a
+      <i>conviction</i> of its truth; and on those of their
+      descendents afterwards, who, by engaging in the
+      <i>crusades</i>, and hazarding their lives and fortunes
+      there, shewed, at least, an <i>attachment</i> to that
+      religion. We find them accordingly actuated by these
+      principles: we have a positive proof, that the <i>feudal
+      system</i> had no share in the honour of suppressing
+      slavery, but that <i>Christianity</i> was the only cause;
+      for the greatest part of the <i>charters</i> which were
+      granted for the freedom of slaves in those times (many of
+      which are still extant) were granted, "<i>pro amore Dei,
+      pro mercede anim&aelig;</i>." They were founded, in short,
+      on religious considerations, "that they might procure the
+      favour of the Deity, which they conceived themselves to
+      have forfeited, by the subjugation of those, whom they
+      found to be the objects of the divine benevolence and
+      attention equally with themselves."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      These considerations, which had thus their first origin in
+      <i>Christianity</i>, began to produce their effects, as the
+      different nations were converted; and procured that general
+      liberty at last, which, at the close of the twelfth
+      century, was conspicuous in the west of Europe. What a
+      glorious and important change! Those, who would have had
+      otherwise no hopes, but that their miseries would be
+      terminated by death, were then freed from their servile
+      condition; those, who, by the laws of war, would have had
+      otherwise an immediate prospect of servitude from the hands
+      of their imperious conquerors, were then <i>exchanged</i>;
+      a custom, which has happily descended to the present day.
+      Thus, "a numerous class of men, who formerly had no
+      political existence, and were employed merely as
+      instruments of labour, became useful citizens, and
+      contributed towards augmenting the force or riches of the
+      society, which adopted them as members;" and thus did the
+      greater part of the Europeans, by their conduct on this
+      occasion, assert not only liberty for themselves, but for
+      their fellow-creatures also.
+    </p>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+     <a name="Part_108"></a>
+    <h2>
+      <a href="#PART_I.">CHAP. VIII.</a>
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      But if men therefore, at a time when under the influence of
+      religion they exercised their serious thoughts, abolished
+      slavery, how impious must they appear, who revived it; and
+      what arguments will not present themselves against their
+      conduct!<a name="FNanchor030"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_030"><sup>[030]</sup></a> The Portuguese, within
+      two centuries after its suppression in Europe, in imitation
+      of those <i>piracies</i>, which we have shewn to have
+      existed in the <i>uncivilized</i> ages of the world, made
+      their descents on Africa, and committing depredations on
+      the coast,<a name="FNanchor031"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_031"><sup>[031]</sup></a> <i>first</i> carried
+      the wretched inhabitants into slavery.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      This practice, however trifling and partial it might appear
+      at first, soon became serious and general. A melancholy
+      instance of the depravity of human nature; as it shews,
+      that neither the laws nor religion of any country, however
+      excellent the forms of each, are sufficient to bind the
+      consciences of some; but that there are always men, of
+      every age, country, and persuasion, who are ready to
+      sacrifice their dearest principles at the shrine of gain.
+      Our own ancestors, together with the Spaniards, French, and
+      most of the maritime powers of Europe, soon followed the
+      <i>piratical</i> example; and thus did the Europeans, to
+      their eternal infamy, renew a custom, which their
+      <i>own</i> ancestors had so lately exploded, from a
+      <i>conscientiousness</i> of its <i>impiety</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The unfortunate Africans, terrified at these repeated
+      depredations, fled in confusion from the coast, and sought,
+      in the interiour parts of the country, a retreat from the
+      persecution of their invaders. But, alas, they were
+      miserably disappointed! There are few retreats, that can
+      escape the penetrating eye of avarice. The Europeans still
+      pursued them; they entered their rivers; sailed up into the
+      heart of the country; surprized the unfortunate Africans
+      again; and carried them into slavery.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But this conduct, though successful at first, defeated
+      afterwards its own ends. It created a more general alarm,
+      and pointed out, at the same instant, the best method of
+      security from future depredations. The banks of the rivers
+      were accordingly deserted, as the coasts had been before;
+      and thus were the <i>Christian</i> invaders left without a
+      prospect of their prey.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      In this situation however, expedients were not wanting.
+      They now formed to themselves the resolution of settling in
+      the country; of securing themselves by fortified ports; of
+      changing their system of force into that of pretended
+      liberality; and of opening, by every species of bribery and
+      corruption, a communication with the natives. These plans
+      were put into immediate execution. The Europeans erected
+      their forts;<a name="FNanchor032"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_032"><sup>[032]</sup></a> landed their
+      merchandize; and endeavoured, by a peaceable deportment, by
+      presents, and by every appearance of munificence, to seduce
+      the attachment and confidence of the Africans. These
+      schemes had the desired effect. The gaudy trappings of
+      European art, not only caught their attention, but excited
+      their curiosity: they dazzled the eyes and bewitched the
+      senses, not only of those, to whom they were given, but of
+      those, to whom they were shewn. Thus followed a speedy
+      intercourse with each other, and a confidence, highly
+      favourable to the views of avarice or ambition.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It was now time for the Europeans to embrace the
+      opportunity, which this intercourse had thus afforded them,
+      of carrying their schemes into execution, and of fixing
+      them on such a permanent foundation, as should secure them
+      future success. They had already discovered, in the
+      different interviews obtained, the chiefs of the African
+      tribes. They paid their court therefore to these, and so
+      compleatly intoxicated their senses with the luxuries,
+      which they brought from home, as to be able to seduce them
+      to their designs. A treaty of peace and commerce was
+      immediately concluded: it was agreed, that the kings, on
+      their part, should, from this period, sentence <i>prisoners
+      of war</i> and <i>convicts</i> to <i>European
+      servitude</i>; and that the Europeans should supply them,
+      in return, with the luxuries of the north. This agreement
+      immediately took place; and thus begun that
+      <i>commerce</i>, which makes so considerable a figure at
+      the present day.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But happy had the Africans been, if those only, who had
+      been justly convicted of crimes, or taken in a just war,
+      had been sentenced to the severities of servitude! How many
+      of those miseries, which afterwards attended them, had been
+      never known; and how would their history have saved those
+      sighs and emotions of pity, which must now ever accompany
+      its perusal. The Europeans, on the establishment of their
+      western colonies, required a greater number of slaves than
+      a strict adherence to the treaty could produce. The princes
+      therefore had only the choice of relinquishing the
+      commerce, or of consenting to become unjust. They had long
+      experienced the emoluments of the trade; they had acquired
+      a taste for the luxuries it afforded; and they now beheld
+      an opportunity of gratifying it, but in a more extentive
+      manner. <i>Avarice</i> therefore, which was too powerful
+      for <i>justice</i> on this occasion, immediately turned the
+      scale: not only those, who were fairly convicted of
+      offences, were now sentenced to servitude, but even those
+      who were <i>suspected</i>. New crimes were invented, that
+      new punishments might succeed. Thus was every appearance
+      soon construed into reality; every shadow into a substance;
+      and often virtue into a crime.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Such also was the case with respect to prisoners of war.
+      Not only those were now delivered into slavery, who were
+      taken in a state of publick enmity and injustice, but those
+      also, who, conscious of no injury whatever, were taken in
+      the <i>arbitrary</i> skirmishes of these <i>venal</i>
+      sovereigns. War was now made, not as formerly, from the
+      motives of retaliation and defence, but for the sake of
+      obtaining prisoners alone, and the advantages resulting
+      from their sale. If a ship from Europe came but into sight,
+      it was now considered as a sufficient motive for a war, and
+      as a signal only for an instantaneous commencement of
+      hostilities.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But if the African kings could be capable of such
+      injustice, what vices are there, that their consciences
+      would restrain, or what enormities, that we might not
+      expect to be committed? When men once consent to be unjust,
+      they lose, at the same instant with their virtue, a
+      considerable portion of that sense of shame, which, till
+      then, had been found a successful protector against the
+      sallies of vice. From that awful period, almost every
+      expectation is forlorn: the heart is left unguarded: its
+      great protector is no more: the vices therefore, which so
+      long encompassed it in vain, obtain an easy victory: in
+      crouds they pour into the defenceless avenues, and take
+      possession of the soul: there is nothing now too vile for
+      them to meditate, too impious to perform. Such was the
+      situation of the despotick sovereigns of Africa. They had
+      once ventured to pass the bounds of virtue, and they soon
+      proceeded to enormity. This was particularly conspicuous in
+      that general conduct, which they uniformly observed, after
+      any unsuccessful conflict. Influenced only by the venal
+      motives of European traffick, they first made war upon the
+      neighbouring tribes, contrary to every principle of
+      justice; and if, by the flight of the enemy, or by other
+      contingencies, they were disappointed of their prey, they
+      made no hesitation of immediately turning their arms
+      against their own subjects. The first villages they came
+      to, were always marked on this occasion, as the first
+      objects of their avarice. They were immediately surrounded,
+      were afterwards set on fire, and the wretched inhabitants
+      seized, as they were escaping from the flames. These,
+      consisting of whole families, fathers, brothers, husbands,
+      wives, and children, were instantly driven in chains to the
+      merchants, and consigned to slavery.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      To these calamities, which thus arose from the tyranny of
+      the kings, we may now subjoin those, which arose from the
+      avarice of private persons. Many were kidnapped by their
+      own countrymen, who, encouraged by the merchants of Europe,
+      previously lay in wait for them, and sold them afterwards
+      for slaves; while the seamen of the different ships, by
+      every possible artifice, enticed others on board, and
+      transported them to the regions of servitude.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      As these practices are in full force at the present day, it
+      appears that there are four orders of <i>involuntary</i>
+      slaves on the African continent; of <a name=
+      "FNanchor033"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_033"><sup>[033]</sup></a><i>convicts</i>; of
+      <i>prisoners of war</i>; of those, who are publickly seized
+      by virtue of the <i>authority</i> of their prince; and of
+      those, who are privately <i>kidnapped</i> by individuals.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It remains only to observe on this head, that in the sale
+      and purchase of these the African commerce or <i>Slave
+      Trade</i> consists; that they are delivered to the
+      merchants of Europe in exchange for their various
+      commodities; that these transport them to their colonies in
+      the west, where their <i>slavery</i> takes place; and that
+      a fifth order arises there, composed of all such as are
+      born to the native Africans, after their transportation and
+      slavery have commenced.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Having thus explained as much of the history of modern
+      servitude, as is sufficient for the prosecution of our
+      design, we should have closed our account here, but that a
+      work, just published, has furnished us with a singular
+      anecdote of the colonists of a neighbouring nation, which
+      we cannot but relate. The learned <a name=
+      "FNanchor034"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_034"><sup>[034]</sup></a>author, having
+      described the method which the Dutch colonists at the Cape
+      make use of to take the Hottentots and enslave them, takes
+      occasion, in many subsequent parts of the work, to mention
+      the dreadful effects of the practice of slavery; which, as
+      he justly remarks, "leads to all manner of misdemeanours
+      and wickedness. Pregnant women," says he, "and children in
+      their tenderest years, were not at this time, neither
+      indeed are they ever, exempt from the effects of the hatred
+      and spirit of vengeance constantly harboured by the
+      colonists, with respect to the <a name="FNanchor035"></a><a
+      href="#Footnote_035"><sup>[035]</sup></a>Boshies-man
+      nation; <i>excepting such indeed as are marked out to be
+      carried away into bondage</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      "Does a colonist at any time get sight of a Boshies-man, he
+      takes fire immediately, and spirits up his horse and dogs,
+      in order to hunt him with more ardour and fury than he
+      would a wolf, or any other wild beast? On an open plain, a
+      few colonists on horseback are always sure to get the
+      better of the greatest number of Boshies-men that can be
+      brought together; as the former always keep at the distance
+      of about an hundred, or an hundred and fifty paces (just as
+      they find it convenient) and charging their heavy fire-arms
+      with a very large kind of shot, jump off their horses, and
+      rest their pieces in their usual manner on their ramrods,
+      in order that they may shoot with the greater certainty; so
+      that the balls discharged by them will sometimes, as I have
+      been assured, go through the bodies of six, seven, or eight
+      of the enemy at a time, especially as these latter know no
+      better than to keep close together in a body."-
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      "And not only is the capture of the Hottentots considered
+      by them merely as a party of pleasure, but in cold blood
+      they destroy the bands which nature has knit between their
+      husbands, and their wives and children, &amp;c."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      With what horrour do these passages seem to strike us! What
+      indignation do they seem to raise in our breasts, when we
+      reflect, that a part of the human species are considered as
+      <i>game</i>, and that <i>parties of pleasure</i> are made
+      for their <i>destruction</i>! The lion does not imbrue his
+      claws in blood, unless called upon by hunger, or provoked
+      by interruption; whereas the merciless Dutch, more savage
+      than the brutes themselves, not only murder their
+      fellow-creatures without any provocation or necessity, but
+      even make a diversion of their sufferings, and enjoy their
+      pain.
+    </p>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <h2>
+      PART II.
+    </h2>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <a name="THE_AFRICAN_COMMERCE,"></a>
+    <h2>
+      THE AFRICAN COMMERCE,<br>
+      <br>
+      <br>
+      OR<br>
+      <br>
+      <br>
+      SLAVE TRADE.
+    </h2>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+     <a name="Part_201"></a>
+    <h2>
+      <a href="#PART_II.">CHAP. I.</a>
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      As we explained the History of Slavery in the first part of
+      this Essay, as far as it was necessary for our purpose, we
+      shall now take the question into consideration, which we
+      proposed at first as the subject of our inquiry, viz. how
+      far the commerce and slavery of the human species, as
+      revived by some of the nations of Europe in the persons of
+      the unfortunate Africans, and as revived, in a great
+      measure, on the principles of antiquity, are consistent
+      with the laws of nature, or the common notions of equity,
+      as established among men.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      This question resolves itself into two separate parts for
+      discussion, into <i>the African commerce (as explained in
+      the history of slavery)</i> and <i>the subsequent slavery
+      in the colonies, as founded on the equity of the
+      commerce</i>. The former, of course, will be first
+      examined. For this purpose we shall inquire into the rise,
+      nature, and design of government. Such an inquiry will be
+      particularly useful in the present place; it will afford us
+      that general knowledge of subordination and liberty, which
+      is necessary in the case before us, and will be found, as
+      it were, a source, to which we may frequently refer for
+      many and valuable arguments.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It appears that mankind were originally free, and that they
+      possessed an equal right to the soil and produce of the
+      earth. For proof of this, we need only appeal to the
+      <i>divine</i> writings; to the <i>golden age</i> of the
+      poets, which, like other fables of the times, had its
+      origin in truth; and to the institution of the
+      <i>Saturnalia</i>, and of other similar festivals; all of
+      which are so many monuments of this original equality of
+      men. Hence then there was no rank, no distinction, no
+      superiour. Every man wandered where he chose, changing his
+      residence, as a spot attracted his fancy, or suited his
+      convenience, uncontrouled by his neighbour, unconnected
+      with any but his family. Hence also (as every thing was
+      common) he collected what he chose without injury, and
+      enjoyed without injury what he had collected. Such was the
+      first situation of mankind;<a name="FNanchor036"></a><a
+      href="#Footnote_036"><sup>[036]</sup></a> a state of
+      <i>dissociation</i> and <i>independence</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      In this dissociated state it is impossible that men could
+      have long continued. The dangers to which they must have
+      frequently been exposed, by the attacks of fierce and
+      rapacious beasts, by the proedatory attempts of their own
+      species, and by the disputes of contiguous and independent
+      families; these, together with their inability to defend,
+      themselves, on many such occasions, must have incited them
+      to unite. Hence then was <i>society</i> formed on the grand
+      principles of preservation and defence: and as these
+      principles began to operate, in the different parts of the
+      earth, where the different families had roamed, a great
+      number of these <i>societies</i> began to be formed and
+      established; which, taking to themselves particular names
+      from particular occurrences, began to be perfectly distinct
+      from one another.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      As the individuals, of whom these societies were composed,
+      had associated only for their defence, so they experienced,
+      at first, no change in their condition. They were still
+      independent and free; they were still without discipline or
+      laws; they had every thing still in common; they pursued
+      the same, manner of life; wandering only, in <i>herds</i>,
+      as the earth gave them or refused them sustenance, and
+      doing, as a <i>publick body</i>, what they had been
+      accustomed to do as <i>individuals</i> before. This was the
+      exact situation of the Get&aelig; and Scythians,<a name=
+      "FNanchor037"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_037"><sup>[037]</sup></a> of the Lybians and
+      Goetulians<a name="FNanchor038"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_038"><sup>[038]</sup></a> of the Italian
+      Aborigines,<a name="FNanchor039"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_039"><sup>[039]</sup></a> and of the Huns and
+      Alans.<a name="FNanchor040"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_040"><sup>[040]</sup></a> They had left their
+      original state of <i>dissociation</i>, and had stepped into
+      that, which has been just described. Thus was the second
+      situation of men a state of <i>independent society</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Having thus joined themselves together, and having formed
+      themselves into several large and distinct bodies, they
+      could not fail of submitting soon to a more considerable
+      change. Their numbers must have rapidly increased, and
+      their societies, in process of time, have become so
+      populous, as frequently to have experienced the want of
+      subsistence, and many of the commotions and tumults of
+      intestine strife. For these inconveniences however there
+      were remedies to be found. <i>Agriculture</i> would furnish
+      them with that subsistence and support, which the earth,
+      from the rapid increase of its inhabitants, had become
+      unable spontaneously to produce. An <i>assignation</i> of
+      <i>property</i> would not only enforce an application, but
+      excite an emulation, to labour; and <i>government</i> would
+      at once afford a security to the acquisitions of the
+      industrious, and heal the intestine disorders of the
+      community, by the introduction of laws.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Such then were the remedies, that were gradually applied.
+      The <i>societies</i>, which had hitherto seen their
+      members, undistinguished either by authority or rank,
+      admitted now of magistratical pre-eminence. They were
+      divided into tribes; to every tribe was allotted a
+      particular district for its support, and to every
+      individual his particular spot. The Germans,<a name=
+      "FNanchor041"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_041"><sup>[041]</sup></a> who consisted of many
+      and various nations, were exactly in this situation. They
+      had advanced a step beyond the Scythians, Goetulians, and
+      those, whom we described before; and thus was the third
+      situation of mankind a state of <i>subordinate society</i>.
+    </p>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+     <a name="Part_202"></a>
+    <h2>
+      <a href="#PART_II.">CHAP. II.</a>
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      As we have thus traced the situation of man from unbounded
+      liberty to subordination, it will be proper to carry our
+      inquiries farther, and to consider, who first obtained the
+      pre-eminence in these <i>primoeval societies</i>, and by
+      what particular methods it was obtained.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      There were only two ways, by which such an event could have
+      been produced, by <i>compulsion</i> or <i>consent</i>. When
+      mankind first saw the necessity of government, it is
+      probable that many had conceived the desire of ruling. To
+      be placed in a new situation, to be taken from the common
+      herd, to be the first, distinguished among men, were
+      thoughts, that must have had their charms. Let us suppose
+      then, that these thoughts had worked so unusually on the
+      passions of any particular individual, as to have driven
+      him to the extravagant design of obtaining the preeminence
+      by force. How could his design have been accomplished? How
+      could he forcibly have usurped the jurisdiction at a time,
+      when, all being equally free, there was not a single
+      person, whose assistance he could command? Add to this,
+      that, in a state of universal liberty, force had been
+      repaid by force, and the attempt had been fatal to the
+      usurper.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      As <i>empire</i> then could never have been gained at first
+      by <i>compulsion</i>, so it could only have been obtained
+      by <i>consent</i>; and as men were then going to make an
+      important sacrifice, for the sake of their <i>mutual</i>
+      happiness, so he alone could have obtained it, (not whose
+      <i>ambition</i> had greatly distinguished him from the
+      rest) but in whose <i>wisdom, justice, prudence</i>, and
+      <i>virtue</i>, the whole community could confide.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      To confirm this reasoning, we shall appeal, as before, to
+      facts; and shall consult therefore the history of those
+      nations, which having just left their former state of
+      <i>independent society</i>, were the very people that
+      established <i>subordination</i> and <i>government</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The commentaries of C&aelig;sar afford us the following
+      accounts of the ancient Gauls. When any of their kings,
+      either by death, or deposition, made a vacancy in the regal
+      office, the whole nation was immediately convened for the
+      appointment of a successor. In these national conventions
+      were the regal offices conferred. Every individual had a
+      voice on the occasion, and every individual was free. The
+      person upon whom the general approbation appeared to fall,
+      was immediately advanced to pre-eminence in the state. He
+      was uniformly one, whose actions had made him eminent;
+      whose conduct had gained him previous applause; whose
+      valour the very assembly, that elected him, had themselves
+      witnessed in the field; whose prudence, wisdom and justice,
+      having rendered him signally serviceable, had endeared him
+      to his tribe. For this reason, their kingdoms were not
+      hereditary; the son did not always inherit the virtues of
+      the sire; and they were determined that he alone should
+      possess authority, in whose virtues they could confide. Nor
+      was this all. So sensible were they of the important
+      sacrifice they had made; so extremely jealous even of the
+      name of superiority and power, that they limited, by a
+      variety of laws, the authority of the very person, whom
+      they had just elected, from a confidence of his integrity;
+      Ambiorix himself confessing, "that his people had as much
+      power over him, as he could possibly have over his people."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The same custom, as appears from Tacitus, prevailed also
+      among the Germans. They had their national councils, like
+      the Gauls; in which the regal and ducal offices were
+      confirmed according to the majority of voices. They elected
+      also, on these occasions, those only, whom their virtue, by
+      repeated trial, had unequivocally distinguished from the
+      rest; and they limited their authority so far, as neither
+      to leave them the power of inflicting imprisonment or
+      stripes, nor of exercising any penal jurisdiction. But as
+      punishment was necessary in a state of civil society, "it
+      was permitted to the priests alone, that it might appear to
+      have been inflicted, by the order of the gods, and not by
+      any superiour authority in man."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The accounts which we have thus given of the ancient
+      Germans and Gauls, will be found also to be equally true of
+      those people, which had arrived at the same state of
+      subordinate society. We might appeal, for a testimony of
+      this, to the history of the Goths; to the history of the
+      Franks and Saxons; to, the history, in short, of all those
+      nations, from which the different governments, now
+      conspicuous in Europe, have undeniably sprung. And we might
+      appeal, as a farther proof, to the Americans, who are
+      represented by many of the moderns, from their own ocular
+      testimony, as observing the same customs at the present
+      day.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It remains only to observe, that as these customs prevailed
+      among the different nations described, in their early state
+      of subordinate society, and as they were moreover the
+      customs of their respective ancestors, it appears that they
+      must have been handed down, both by tradition and use, from
+      the first introduction of <i>government</i>.
+    </p>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+     <a name="Part_203"></a>
+    <h2>
+      <a href="#PART_II.">CHAP. III.</a>
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      We may now deduce those general maxims concerning
+      <i>subordination</i>, and <i>liberty</i>, which we
+      mentioned to have been essentially connected with the
+      subject, and which some, from speculation only, and without
+      any allusion to facts, have been bold enough to deny.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It appears first, that <i>liberty</i> is a <i>natural</i>,
+      and <i>government</i> an <i>adventitious</i> right, because
+      all men were originally free.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It appears secondly, that government is a <i>contract</i><a
+      name="FNanchor042"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_042"><sup>[042]</sup></a> because, in these
+      primeval subordinate societies, we have seen it voluntarily
+      conferred on the one hand, and accepted on the other. We
+      have seen it subject to various restrictions. We have seen
+      its articles, which could then only be written by tradition
+      and use, as perfect and binding as those, which are now
+      committed to letters. We have seen it, in short, partaking
+      of the <i>federal</i> nature, as much as it could in a
+      state, which wanted the means of recording its
+      transactions.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It appear thirdly, that the grand object of the
+      <i>contrast</i>, is the <i>happiness</i> of the people;
+      because they gave the supremacy to him alone, who had been
+      conspicuous for the splendour of his abilities, or the
+      integrity of his life: that the power of the multitude
+      being directed by the <i>wisdom</i> and <i>justice</i> of
+      the prince, they might experience the most effectual
+      protection from injury, the highest advantages of society,
+      the greatest possible <i>happiness</i>.
+    </p>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+     <a name="Part_204"></a>
+    <h2>
+      <a href="#PART_II.">CHAP. IV.</a>
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      Having now collected the materials that are necessary for
+      the prosecution of our design, we shall immediately enter
+      upon the discussion.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      If any man had originally been endued with power, as with
+      other faculties, so that the rest of mankind had discovered
+      in themselves an <i>innate necessity</i> of obeying this
+      particular person; it is evident that he and his
+      descendants, from the superiority of their nature, would
+      have had a claim upon men for obedience, and a natural
+      right to command: but as the right to empire is
+      <i>adventitious</i>; as all were originally free; as nature
+      made every man's body and mind <i>his own</i>; it is
+      evident that no just man can be consigned to
+      <i>slavery</i>, without his own <i>consent</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Neither can men, by the same principles, be considered as
+      lands, goods, or houses, among <i>possessions</i>. It is
+      necessary that all <i>property</i> should be inferiour to
+      its <i>possessor</i>. But how does the <i>slave</i> differ
+      from his <i>master</i>, but by <i>chance</i>? For though
+      the mark, with which the latter is pleased to brand him,
+      shews, at the first sight, the difference of their
+      <i>fortune</i>; what mark can be found in his
+      <i>nature</i>, that can warrant a distinction?
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      To this consideration we shall add the following, that if
+      men can justly become the property of each other, their
+      children, like the offspring of cattle, must inherit their
+      <i>paternal</i> lot. Now, as the actions of the father and
+      the child must be thus at the sole disposal of their common
+      master, it is evident, that the <i>authority</i> of the
+      one, as a <i>parent</i>, and the <i>duty</i> of the other,
+      as a <i>child</i>, must be instantly annihilated; rights
+      and obligations, which, as they are sounded in nature, are
+      implanted in our feelings, and are established by the voice
+      of God, must contain in their annihilation a solid argument
+      to prove, that there cannot be any <i>property</i> whatever
+      in the <i>human species</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      We may consider also, as a farther confirmation, that it is
+      impossible, in the nature of things, that <i>liberty</i>
+      can be <i>bought</i> or <i>sold</i>! It is neither
+      <i>saleable</i>, nor <i>purchasable</i>. For if any one man
+      can have an absolute property in the liberty of another,
+      or, in other words, if he, who is called a <i>master</i>,
+      can have a <i>just</i> right to command the actions of him,
+      who is called a <i>slave</i>, it is evident that the latter
+      cannot be accountable for those crimes, which the former
+      may order him to commit. Now as every reasonable being is
+      accountable for his actions, it is evident, that such a
+      right cannot <i>justly</i> exist, and that human liberty,
+      of course, is beyond the possibility either of <i>sale</i>
+      or <i>purchase</i>. Add to this, that, whenever you sell
+      the liberty of a man, you have the power only of alluding
+      to the <i>body</i>: the <i>mind</i> cannot be confined or
+      bound: it will be free, though its mansion be beset with
+      chains. But if, in every sale of the <i>human species</i>,
+      you are under the necessity of considering your slave in
+      this abstracted light; of alluding only to the body, and of
+      making no allusion to the mind; you are under the necessity
+      also of treating him, in the same moment, as a
+      <i>brute</i>, and of abusing therefore that nature, which
+      cannot otherwise be considered, than in the double capacity
+      of <i>soul</i> and <i>body</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But some person, perhaps, will make an objection to one of
+      the former arguments. "If men, from <i>superiority</i> of
+      their nature, cannot be considered, like lands, goods, or
+      houses, among possessions, so neither can cattle: for being
+      endued with life, motion, and sensibility, they are
+      evidently <i>superiour</i> to these." But this objection
+      will receive its answer from those observations which have
+      been already made; and will discover the true reason, why
+      cattle are justly to be estimated as property. For first,
+      the right to empire over brutes, is <i>natural</i>, and not
+      <i>adventitious</i>, like the right to empire over men.
+      There are, secondly, many and evident signs of the
+      <i>inferiority</i> of their nature; and thirdly, their
+      liberty can be bought and sold, because, being void of
+      reason, they cannot be <i>accountable</i> for their
+      actions.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      We might stop here for a considerable time, and deduce many
+      valuable lessons from the remarks that have been made, but
+      that such a circumstance might be considered as a
+      digression. There is one, however, which, as it is so
+      intimately connected with the subject, we cannot but
+      deduce. We are taught to treat men in a different manner
+      from brutes, because they are so manifestly superiour in
+      their nature; we are taught to treat brutes in a different
+      manner from stones, for the same reason; and thus, by
+      giving to every created thing its due respect, to answer
+      the views of Providence, which did not create a variety of
+      natures without a purpose or design.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But if these things are so, how evidently against reason,
+      nature, and every thing human and divine, must they act,
+      who not only force men into <i>slavery</i>, against their
+      own <i>consent</i>; but treat them altogether as
+      <i>brutes</i>, and make the <i>natural liberty</i> of man
+      an article of publick commerce! and by what arguments can
+      they possibly defend that commerce, which cannot be carried
+      on, in any single instance, without a flagrant violation of
+      the laws of nature and of God?
+    </p>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+     <a name="Part_205"></a>
+    <h2>
+      <a href="#PART_II.">CHAP. V.</a>
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      That we may the more accurately examine the arguments that
+      are advanced on this occasion, it will be proper to divide
+      the <i>commerce</i> into two parts; first, as it relates to
+      those who <i>sell</i>, and secondly, as it relates to those
+      who <i>purchase</i>, the <i>human species</i> into slavery.
+      To the former part of which, having given every previous
+      and necessary information in the history of servitude, we
+      shall immediately proceed.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Let us inquire first, by what particular right the
+      <i>liberties</i> of the harmless people are invaded by the
+      <i>prince</i>. "By the <i>right of empire</i>," it will be
+      answered; "because he possesses dominion and power by their
+      own approbation and consent." But subjects, though under
+      the dominion, are not the <i>property</i>, of the prince.
+      They cannot be considered as his <i>possessions</i>. Their
+      <i>natures</i> are both the same; they are both born in the
+      same manner; are subject to the same disorders; must apply
+      to the same remedies for a cure; are equally partakers of
+      the grave: an <i>incidental</i> distinction accompanies
+      them through life, and this-is all.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      We may add to this, that though the prince possesses
+      dominion and power, by the consent and approbation of his
+      subjects, he possesses it only for the most <i>salutary</i>
+      ends. He may tyrannize, if he can: he may alter the
+      <i>form</i> of his government: he cannot, however, alter
+      its <i>nature</i> and <i>end</i>. These will be immutably
+      the same, though the whole system of its administration
+      should be changed; and he will be still bound to
+      <i>defend</i> the lives and properties of his subjects, and
+      to make them <i>happy</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Does he defend those therefore, whom he invades at
+      discretion with the sword? Does he protect the property of
+      those, whose houses and effects he consigns at discretion
+      to the flames? Does he make those happy, whom he seizes, as
+      they are trying to escape the general devastation, and
+      compels with their wives and families to a wretched
+      <i>servitude?</i> He acts surely, as if the use of empire
+      consisted in violence and oppression; as if he, that was
+      most exalted, ought, of necessity, to be most unjust. Here
+      then the voice of <i>nature</i> and <i>justice</i> is
+      against him. He breaks that law of <i>nature</i>, which
+      ordains, "that no just man shall be given into slavery,
+      against his own <i>consent</i>:" he violates the first law
+      of <i>justice</i>, as established among men, "that no
+      person shall do harm to another without a previous and
+      sufficient <i>provocation</i>;" and he violates also the
+      sacred condition of <i>empire</i>, made with his ancestors,
+      and necessarily understood in every species of government,
+      "that, the power of the multitude being given up to the
+      wisdom and justice of the prince, they may experience, in
+      return, the most effectual protection from injury, the
+      highest advantages of society, the greatest possible
+      <i>happiness</i>."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But if kings then, to whom their own people have granted
+      dominion and power, are unable to invade the liberties of
+      their harmless subjects, without the highest
+      <i>injustice</i>; how can those private persons be
+      justified, who treacherously lie in wait for their
+      fellow-creatures, and sell them into slavery? What
+      arguments can they possibly bring in their defence? What
+      treaty of empire can they produce, by which their innocent
+      victims ever resigned to them the least portion of their
+      <i>liberty</i>? In vain will they plead the
+      <i>antiquity</i> of the custom: in vain will the
+      <i>honourable</i> light, in which <i>piracy</i> was
+      considered in the ages of barbarism, afford them an excuse.
+      Impious and abandoned men! ye invade the liberties of
+      those, who, (with respect to your impious selves) are in a
+      state of <i>nature</i>, in a state of original
+      <i>dissociation</i>, perfectly <i>independent</i>,
+      perfectly <i>free</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It appears then, that the two orders of slaves, which have
+      been mentioned in the history of the African servitude, "of
+      those who are publickly seized by virtue of the authority
+      of their prince; and of those, who are privately kidnapped
+      by individuals," are collected by means of violence and
+      oppression; by means, repugnant to <i>nature</i>, the
+      principles of <i>government</i>, and the common notions of
+      <i>equity</i>, as established among men.
+    </p>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+     <a name="Part_206"></a>
+    <h2>
+      <a href="#PART_II.">CHAP. VI.</a>
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      We come now to the third order of <i>involuntary</i>
+      slaves, "to convicts." The only argument that the sellers
+      advance here, is this, "that they have been found guilty of
+      offences, and that the punishment is just." But before the
+      equity of the sentence can be allowed two questions must be
+      decided, whether the punishment is <i>proportioned</i> to
+      the offence, and what is its particular <i>object</i> and
+      <i>end</i>?
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      To decide the first, we may previously observe, that the
+      African servitude comprehends <i>banishment</i>, a
+      <i>deprivation</i> of <i>liberty</i>, and many
+      <i>corporal</i> sufferings.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      On <i>banishment</i>, the following observations will
+      suffice. Mankind have their <i>local</i> attachments. They
+      have a particular regard for the spot, in which they were
+      born and nurtured. Here it was, that they first drew their
+      infant-breath: here, that they were cherished and
+      supported: here, that they passed those scenes of
+      childhood, which, free from care and anxiety, are the
+      happiest in the life of man; scenes, which accompany them
+      through life; which throw themselves frequently into their
+      thoughts, and produce the most agreeable sensations. These
+      then are weighty considerations; and how great this regard
+      is, may be evidenced from our own feelings; from the
+      testimony of some, who, when remote from their country,
+      and, in the hour of danger and distress, have found their
+      thoughts unusually directed, by some impulse or other, to
+      their native spot; and from the example of others, who,
+      having braved the storms and adversities of life, either
+      repair to it for the remainder of their days, or desire
+      even to be conveyed to it, when existence is no more.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But separately from these their <i>local</i>, they have
+      also their <i>personal</i> attachments; their regard for
+      particular men. There are ties of blood; there are ties of
+      friendship. In the former case, they must of necessity be
+      attached: the constitution of their nature demands it. In
+      the latter, it is impossible to be otherwise, since
+      friendship is founded on an harmony of temper, on a
+      concordance of sentiments and manners, on habits of
+      confidence, and a mutual exchange of favours.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      We may now mention, as perfectly distinct both from their
+      <i>local</i> and <i>personal</i>, the <i>national</i>
+      attachments of mankind, their regard for the whole body of
+      the people, among whom they were born and educated. This
+      regard is particularly conspicuous in the conduct of such,
+      as, being thus <i>nationally</i> connected, reside in
+      foreign parts. How anxiously do they meet together! how
+      much do they enjoy the fight of others of their countrymen,
+      whom fortune places in their way! what an eagerness do they
+      show to serve them, though not born on the same particular
+      spot, though not connected by consanguinity or friendship,
+      though unknown to them before! Neither is this affection
+      wonderful, since they are creatures of the same education;
+      of the same principles; of the same manners and habits;
+      cast, as it were, in the same mould; and marked with the
+      same impression.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      If men therefore are thus separately attached to the
+      several objects described, it is evident that a separate
+      exclusion from either must afford them considerable pain.
+      What then must be their sufferings, to be forced for ever
+      from their country, which includes them all? Which contains
+      the <i>spot</i>, in which they were born and nurtured;
+      which contains their <i>relations</i> and <i>friends</i>;
+      which contains the whole body of the <i>people</i>, among
+      whom they were bred and educated. In these sufferings,
+      which arise to men, both in bidding, and in having bid,
+      adieu to all that they esteem as dear and valuable,
+      <i>banishment</i> consists in part; and we may agree
+      therefore with the ancients, without adding other
+      melancholy circumstances to the account, that it is no
+      inconsiderable punishment of itself.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      With respect to the <i>loss</i> of <i>liberty</i>, which is
+      the second consideration in the punishment, it is evident
+      that men bear nothing worse; that there is nothing, that
+      they lay more at heart; and that they have shewn, by many
+      and memorable instances, that even death is to be
+      preferred. How many could be named here, who, having
+      suffered the <i>loss</i> of <i>liberty</i>, have put a
+      period to their existence! How many, that have willingly
+      undergone the hazard of their lives to destroy a tyrant!
+      How many, that have even gloried to perish in the attempt!
+      How many bloody and publick wars have been undertaken (not
+      to mention the numerous <i>servile</i> insurrections, with
+      which history is stained) for the cause of <i>freedom</i>!
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But if nothing is dearer than <i>liberty</i> to men, with
+      which, the barren rock is able to afford its joys, and
+      without which, the glorious fun shines upon them but in
+      vain, and all the sweets and delicacies of life are
+      tasteless and unenjoyed; what punishment can be more severe
+      than the loss of so great a blessing? But if to this
+      <i>deprivation</i> of <i>liberty</i>, we add the agonizing
+      pangs of <i>banishment</i>; and if to the complicated
+      stings of both, we add the incessant <i>stripes,
+      wounds</i>, and <i>miseries</i>, which are undergone by
+      those, who are sold into this horrid <i>servitude</i>; what
+      crime can we possibly imagine to be so enormous, as to be
+      worthy of so great a punishment?
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      How contrary then to reason, justice, and nature, must
+      those act, who apply this, the severest of human
+      punishments, to the most insignificant offence! yet such is
+      the custom with the Africans: for, from the time, in which
+      the Europeans first intoxicated the African princes with
+      their foreign draughts, no crime has been committed, no
+      shadow of a crime devised, that has not immediately been
+      punished with <i>servitude</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But for what purpose is the punishment applied? Is it
+      applied to amend the manners of the criminal, and thus
+      render him a better subject? No, for if you banish him, he
+      can no longer be a subject, and you can no longer therefore
+      be solicitous for his morals. Add to this, that if you
+      banish him to a place, where he is to experience the
+      hardships of want and hunger (so powerfully does hunger
+      compel men to the perpetration of crimes) you force him
+      rather to corrupt, than amend his manners, and to be
+      wicked, when he might otherwise be just.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Is it applied then, that others may be deterred from the
+      same proceedings, and that crimes may become less frequent?
+      No, but that <i>avarice</i> may be gratified; that the
+      prince may experience the emoluments of the sale: for,
+      horrid and melancholy thought! the more crimes his subjects
+      commit, the richer is he made; the more <i>abandoned</i>
+      the subject, the <i>happier</i> is the prince!
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Neither can we allow that the punishment thus applied,
+      tends in any degree to answer <i>publick happiness</i>; for
+      if men can be sentenced to slavery, right or wrong; if
+      shadows can be turned into substances, and virtues into
+      crimes; it is evident that none can be happy, because none
+      can be secure.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But if the punishment is infinitely greater than the
+      offence, (which has been shewn before) and if it is
+      inflicted, neither to amend the criminal, nor to deter
+      others from the same proceedings, nor to advance, in any
+      degree, the happiness of the publick, it is scarce
+      necessary to observe, that it is totally unjust, since it
+      is repugnant to <i>reason</i>, the dictates of
+      <i>nature</i>, and the very principles of
+      <i>government</i>.
+    </p>
+    <br>
+     <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+     <a name="Part_207"></a>
+    <h2>
+      <a href="#PART_II.">CHAP. VII.</a>
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      We come now to the fourth and last order of slaves, to
+      <i>prisoners of war</i>. As the <i>sellers</i> lay a
+      particular stress on this order of men, and infer much,
+      from its <i>antiquity</i>, in support of the justice of
+      their cause, we shall examine the principle, on which it
+      subsisted among the ancients. But as this principle was the
+      same among all nations, and as a citation from many of
+      their histories would not be less tedious than unnecessary,
+      we shall select the example of the Romans for the
+      consideration of the case.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The law, by which prisoners of war were said to be
+      sentenced to servitude, was the <i>law of nations.</i><a
+      name="FNanchor043"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_043"><sup>[043]</sup></a> It was so called from
+      the universal concurrence of nations in the custom. It had
+      two points in view, the <i>persons</i> of the
+      <i>captured</i>, and their <i>effects</i>; both of which it
+      immediately sentenced, without any of the usual forms of
+      law, to be the property of the <i>captors</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The principle, on which the law was established, was the
+      <i>right of capture</i>. When any of the contending parties
+      had overcome their opponents, and were about to destroy
+      them, the right was considered to commence; a right, which
+      the victors conceived themselves to have, to recall their
+      swords, and, from the consideration of having saved the
+      lives of the vanquished, when they could have taken them by
+      the laws of war, to commute <i>blood</i> for
+      <i>service</i>. Hence the Roman lawyer, Pomponius, deduces
+      the etymology of <i>slave</i> in the Roman language. "They
+      were called <i>servi</i>,<a name="FNanchor044"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_044"><sup>[044]</sup></a>, says he from the
+      following circumstance. It was usual with our commanders to
+      take them prisoners, and sell them: now this circumstance
+      implies, that they must have been previously
+      <i>preserved</i>, and hence the name." Such then was the
+      <i>right of capture</i>. It was a right, which the
+      circumstance of <i>taking</i> the vanquished, that is, of
+      <i>preserving</i> them alive, gave the conquerors to their
+      persons. By this right, as always including the idea of a
+      previous preservation from death, the vanquished were said
+      <i>to be slaves</i>;<a name="FNanchor045"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_045"><sup>[045]</sup></a> and, "as all slaves,"
+      says Justinian, "are themselves in the power of others, and
+      of course can have nothing of their own, so their effects
+      followed the condition of their persons, and became the
+      property of the captors."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      To examine this right, by which the vanquished were said to
+      be slaves, we shall use the words of a celebrated Roman
+      author, and apply them to the present case.<a name=
+      "FNanchor046"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_046"><sup>[046]</sup></a> "If it is lawful,"
+      says he, "to deprive a man of his life, it is certainly not
+      inconsistent with nature to rob him;" to rob him of his
+      liberty. We admit the conclusion to be just, if the
+      supposition be the same: we allow, if men have a right to
+      commit that, which is considered as a greater crime, that
+      they have a right, at the same instant, to commit that,
+      which is considered as a less. But what shall we say to the
+      <i>hypothesis</i>? We deny it to be true. The voice of
+      nature is against it. It is not lawful to kill, but on
+      <i>necessity</i>. Had there been a necessity, where had the
+      wretched captive survived to be broken with chains and
+      servitude? The very act of saving his life is an argument
+      to prove, that no such necessity existed. The
+      <i>conclusion</i> is therefore false. The captors had no
+      right to the <i>lives</i> of the captured, and of course
+      none to their <i>liberty</i>: they had no right to their
+      <i>blood</i>, and of course none to their <i>service</i>.
+      Their right therefore had no foundation in justice. It was
+      founded on a principle, contrary to the law of nature, and
+      of course contrary to that law, which people, under
+      different governments, are bound to observe to one another.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It is scarce necessary to observe, as a farther testimony
+      of the injustice of the measure, that the Europeans, after
+      the introduction of Christianity, exploded this principle
+      of the ancients, as frivolous and false; that they spared
+      the lives of the vanquished, not from the sordid motives of
+      <i>avarice</i>, but from a conscientiousness, that homicide
+      could only be justified by <i>necessity</i>; that they
+      introduced an <i>exchange</i> of prisoners, and, by many
+      and wise regulations, deprived war of many of its former
+      horrours.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But the advocates for slavery, unable to defend themselves
+      against these arguments, have fled to other resources, and,
+      ignorant of history, have denied that the <i>right of
+      capture</i> was the true principle, on which slavery
+      subsisted among the ancients. They reason thus. "The
+      learned Grotius, and others, have considered slavery as the
+      just consequence of a private war, (supposing the war to be
+      just and the opponents in a state of nature), upon the
+      principles of <i>reparation</i> and <i>punishment</i>. Now
+      as the law of nature, which is the rule of conduct to
+      individuals in such a situation, is applicable to members
+      of a different community, there is reason to presume, that
+      these principles were applied by the ancients to their
+      prisoners of war; that their <i>effects</i> were
+      confiscated by the right of <i>reparation</i>, and their
+      <i>persons</i> by the right of <i>punishment</i>."-
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But, such a presumption is false. The <i>right of
+      capture</i> was the only argument, that the ancients
+      adduced in their defence. Hence Polybius; "What must they,
+      (the Mantinenses) suffer, to receive the punishment they
+      deserve? Perhaps it will be said, <i>that they must be
+      sold, when they are taken, with their wives and children
+      into slavery</i>: But this is not to be considered as a
+      punishment, since even those suffer it, by the laws of war,
+      who have done nothing that is base." The truth is, that
+      both the <i>offending</i> and the <i>offended</i> parties,
+      whenever they were victorious, inflicted slavery alike. But
+      if the <i>offending</i> party inflicted slavery on the
+      persons of the vanquished, by what right did they inflict
+      it? It must be answered from the presumption
+      before-mentioned, "by the right of <i>reparation</i>, or of
+      <i>punishment:</i>" an answer plainly absurd and
+      contradictory, as it supposes the <i>aggressor</i> to have
+      a <i>right</i>, which the <i>injured</i> only could
+      possess.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Neither is the argument less fallacious than the
+      presumption, in applying these principles, which in a
+      <i>publick</i> war could belong to the <i>publick</i> only,
+      to the persons of the <i>individuals</i> that were taken.
+      This calls us again to the history of the ancients, and, as
+      the rights of reparation and punishment could extend to
+      those only, who had been injured, to select a particular
+      instance for the consideration of the case.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      As the Romans had been injured without a previous
+      provocation by the conduct of Hannibal at Saguntum, we may
+      take the treaty into consideration, which they made with
+      the Carthaginians, when the latter, defeated at Zama, sued
+      for peace. It consisted of three articles.<a name=
+      "FNanchor047"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_047"><sup>[047]</sup></a> By the first, the
+      Carthaginians were to be free, and to enjoy their own
+      constitution and laws. By the second, they were to pay a
+      considerable sum of money, as a reparation for the damages
+      and expence of war: and, by the third, they were to deliver
+      up their elephants and ships of war, and to be subject to
+      various restrictions, as a punishment. With these terms
+      they complied, and the war was finished.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Thus then did the Romans make that distinction between
+      <i>private</i> and <i>publick</i> war, which was necessary
+      to be made, and which the argument is fallacious in not
+      supposing. The treasury of the vanquished was marked as the
+      means of <i>reparation</i>; and as this treasury was
+      supplied, in a great measure, by the imposition of taxes,
+      and was, wholly, the property of the <i>publick</i>, so the
+      <i>publick</i> made the reparation that was due. The
+      <i>elephants</i> also, and <i>ships of war</i>, which were
+      marked as the means of <i>punishment</i>, were
+      <i>publick</i> property; and as they were considerable
+      instruments of security and defence to their possessors,
+      and of annoyance to an enemy, so their loss, added to the
+      restrictions of the treaty, operated as a great and
+      <i>publick</i> punishment. But with respect to the
+      Carthaginian prisoners, who had been taken in the war, they
+      were retained in <i>servitude:</i> not upon the principles
+      of <i>reparation</i> and <i>punishment</i>, because the
+      Romans had already received, by their own confession in the
+      treaty, a sufficient satisfaction: not upon these
+      principles, because they were inapplicable to
+      <i>individuals:</i> the legionary soldier in the service of
+      the injured, who took his prisoner, was not the person, to
+      whom the <i>injury had been done</i>, any more than the
+      soldier in the service of the aggressors, who was taken,
+      was the person, who had <i>committed the offence:</i> but
+      they were retained in servitude by the <i>right of
+      capture</i>; because, when both parties had sent their
+      military into the field to determine the dispute, it was at
+      the <i>private</i> choice of the legionary soldier
+      before-mentioned, whether he would spare the life of his
+      conquered opponent, when he was thought to be entitled to
+      take it, if he had chosen, by the laws of war.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      To produce more instances, as an illustration of the
+      subject, or to go farther into the argument, would be to
+      trespass upon the patience, as well as understanding of the
+      reader. In <i>a state of nature</i>, where a man is
+      supposed to commit an injury, and to be unconnected with
+      the rest of the world, the act is <i>private</i>, and the
+      right, which the injured acquires, can extend only to
+      <i>himself:</i> but in <i>a state of society</i>, where any
+      member or members of a particular community give offence to
+      those of another, and they are patronized by the state, to
+      which they belong, the case is altered; the act becomes
+      immediately <i>publick</i>, and the <i>publick</i> alone
+      are to experience the consequences of their injustice. For
+      as no particular member of the community, if considered as
+      an individual, is guilty, except the person, by whom the
+      injury was done, it would be contrary to reason and
+      justice, to apply the principles of <i>reparation</i> and
+      <i>punishment</i>, which belong to the people as a
+      collective body, to any individual of the community, who
+      should happen to be taken. Now, as the principles of
+      <i>reparation</i> and <i>punishment</i> are thus
+      inapplicable to the prisoners, taken in a <i>publick</i>
+      war, and as the <i>right of capture</i>, as we have shewn
+      before, is insufficient to intitle the victors to the
+      <i>service</i> of the vanquished, it is evident that
+      <i>slavery</i> cannot justly exist at all, since there are
+      no other maxims, on which it can be founded, even in the
+      most equitable wars.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But if these things are so; if slavery cannot be defended
+      even in the most <i>equitable</i> wars, what arguments will
+      not be found against that servitude, which arises from
+      those, that are <i>unjust?</i> Which arises from those
+      African wars, that relate to the present subject? The
+      African princes, corrupted by the merchants of Europe, seek
+      every opportunity of quarrelling with one another. Every
+      spark is blown into a flame; and war is undertaken from no
+      other consideration, than that <i>of procuring slaves:</i>
+      while the Europeans, on the other hand, happy in the
+      quarrels which they have thus excited, supply them with
+      arms and ammunition for the accomplishment of their horrid
+      purpose. Thus has Africa, for the space of two hundred
+      years, been the scene of the most iniquitous and bloody
+      wars; and thus have many thousands of men, in the most
+      iniquitous manner, been sent into servitude.
+    </p>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+     <a name="Part_208"></a>
+    <h2>
+      <a href="#PART_II.">CHAP. VIII.</a>
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      We shall beg leave, before we proceed to the arguments of
+      the <i>purchasers</i>, to add the following observations to
+      the substance of the three preceding chapters.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      As the two orders of men, of those who are privately
+      kidnapped by individuals, and of those who are publickly
+      seized by virtue of the authority of their prince, compose
+      together, at least,<a name="FNanchor048"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_048"><sup>[048]</sup></a> nine tenths of the
+      African slaves, they cannot contain, upon a moderate
+      computation, less than ninety thousand men annually
+      transported: an immense number, but easily to be credited,
+      when we reflect that thousands are employed for the purpose
+      of stealing the unwary, and that these diabolical practices
+      are in force, so far has European <i>injustice</i> been
+      spread, at the distance of a thousand miles from the
+      factories on the coast. The <i>slave merchants</i>, among
+      whom a quantity of European goods is previously divided,
+      travel into the heart of the country to this amazing
+      distance. Some of them attend the various markets, that are
+      established through so large an extent of territory, to
+      purchase the kidnapped people, whom the
+      <i>slave-hunters</i> are continually bringing in; while the
+      rest, subdividing their merchandize among the petty
+      sovereigns with whom they deal, receive, by an immediate
+      exertion of fraud and violence, the stipulated number.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Now, will any man assert, in opposition to the arguments
+      before advanced, that out of this immense body of men, thus
+      annually collected and transported, there is even
+      <i>one</i>, over whom the original or subsequent seller can
+      have any power or right? Whoever asserts this, in the first
+      instance, must, contradict his own feelings, and must
+      consider <i>himself</i> as a just object of prey, whenever
+      any daring invader shall think it proper to attack
+      <i>him</i>. And, in the second instance, the very idea
+      which the African princes entertain of their villages, as
+      <i>parks</i> or <i>reservoirs</i>, stocked only for their
+      own convenience, and of their subjects, as <i>wild
+      beasts</i>, whom they may pursue and take at pleasure, is
+      so shocking, that it need only be mentioned, to be
+      instantly reprobated by the reader.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The order of slaves, which is next to the former in respect
+      to the number of people whom it contains, is that of
+      prisoners of war. This order, if the former statement be
+      true, is more inconsiderable than is generally imagined;
+      but whoever reflects on the prodigious slaughter that is
+      constantly made in every African skirmish, cannot be
+      otherwise than of this opinion: he will find, that where
+      <i>ten</i> are taken, he has every reason to presume that
+      an <i>hundred</i> perish. In some of these skirmishes,
+      though they have been begun for the express purpose of
+      <i>procuring slaves</i>, the conquerors have suffered but
+      few of the vanquished to escape the fury of the sword; and
+      there have not been wanting instances, where they have been
+      so incensed at the resistance they have found, that their
+      spirit of vengeance has entirely got the better of their
+      avarice, and they have murdered, in cool blood, every
+      individual, without discrimination, either of age or sex.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The following<a name="FNanchor049"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_049"><sup>[049]</sup></a> is an account of one
+      of these skirmishes, as described by a person, who was
+      witness to the scene. "I was sent, with several others, in
+      a small sloop up the river Niger, to purchase slaves: we
+      had some free negroes with us in the practice; and as the
+      vessels are liable to frequent attacks from the negroes on
+      one side of the river, or the Moors on the other, they are
+      all armed. As we rode at anchor a long way up the river, we
+      observed a large number of negroes in huts by the river's
+      side, and for our own safety kept a wary eye on them. Early
+      next morning we saw from our masthead a numerous body
+      approaching, with apparently but little order, but in close
+      array. They approached very fast, and fell furiously on the
+      inhabitants of the town, who seemed to be quite
+      <i>surprized</i>, but nevertheless, as soon as they could
+      get together, fought stoutly. They had some fire-arms, but
+      made very little use of them, as they came directly to
+      close fighting with their spears, lances, and sabres. Many
+      of the invaders were mounted on small horses; and both
+      parties fought for about half an hour with the fiercest
+      animosity, exerting much more courage and perseverance than
+      I had ever before been witness to amongst them. The women
+      and children of the town clustered together to the water's
+      edge, running shrieking up and down with terrour, waiting
+      the event of the combat, till their party gave way and took
+      to the water, to endeavour to swim over to the Barbary
+      side. They were closely pursued even into the river by the
+      victors, who, though they came for the purpose of
+      <i>getting slaves</i>, gave no quarter, <i>their cruelty
+      even prevailing over their avarice</i>. They made no
+      prisoners, but put all to the sword without mercy. Horrible
+      indeed was the carnage of the vanquished on this occasion,
+      and as we were within two or three hundred yards of them,
+      their cries and shrieks affected us extremely. We had got
+      up our anchor at the beginning of the fray, and now stood
+      close in to the spot, where the victors having followed the
+      vanquished into the water, were continually dragging out
+      and murdering those, whom by reason of their wounds they
+      easily overtook. The very children, whom they took in great
+      numbers, did not escape the massacre. Enraged at their
+      barbarity, we fired our guns loaden with grape shot, and a
+      volley of small arms among them, which effectually checked
+      their ardour, and obliged them to retire to a distance from
+      the shore; from whence a few round cannon shot soon removed
+      them into the woods. The whole river was black over with
+      the heads of the fugitives, who were swimming for their
+      lives. These poor wretches, fearing <i>us</i> as much as
+      their conquerors, dived when we fired, and cried most
+      lamentably for mercy. Having now effectually favoured their
+      retreat, we stood backwards and forwards, and took up
+      several that were wounded and tired. All whose wounds had
+      disabled them from swimming, were either butchered or
+      drowned, before we got up to them. With a justice and
+      generosity, <i>never I believe before heard of among
+      slavers</i>, we gave those their liberty whom we had taken
+      up, setting them on shore on the Barbary side, among the
+      poor residue of their companions, who had survived the
+      slaughter of the morning."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      We shall make but two remarks on this horrid instance of
+      African cruelty. It adds, first, a considerable weight to
+      the statements that have been made; and confirms, secondly,
+      the conclusions that were drawn in the preceding chapter.
+      For if we even allow the right of capture to be just, and
+      the principles of reparation and punishment to be
+      applicable to the individuals of a community, yet would the
+      former be unjust, and the latter inapplicable, in the
+      present case. Every African war is a robbery; and we may
+      add, to our former expression, when we said, "that thus
+      have many thousands of men, in the most iniquitous manner,
+      been sent into servitude," that we believe there are few of
+      this order, who are not as much the examples of injustice,
+      as the people that have been kidnapped; and who do not
+      additionally convey, when we consider them as prisoners of
+      war, an idea of the most complicated scene of murder.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The order of <i>convicts</i>, as it exists almost solely
+      among those princes, whose dominions are contiguous to the
+      European factories, is from this circumstance so
+      inconsiderable, when compared with either of the preceding,
+      that we should not have mentioned it again, but that we
+      were unwilling to omit any additional argument that
+      occurred against it.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It has been shewn already, that the punishment of slavery
+      is inflicted from no other motive, than that of gratifying
+      the <i>avarice</i> of the prince, a confederation so
+      detestable, as to be sufficient of itself to prove it to be
+      unjust; and that it is so disproportionate, from its
+      <i>nature</i>, to the offence, as to afford an additional
+      proof of its injustice. We shall add now, as a second
+      argument, its disproportion from its <i>continuance:</i>
+      and we shall derive a third from the consideration, that,
+      in civil society, every violation of the laws of the
+      community is an offence against the <i>state</i>.<a name=
+      "FNanchor050"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_050"><sup>[050]</sup></a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Let us suppose then an African prince, disdaining for once
+      the idea of emolument: let us suppose him for once inflamed
+      with the love of his country, and resolving to punish from
+      this principle alone, "that by exhibiting an example of
+      terrour, he may preserve that <i>happiness of the
+      publick</i>, which he is bound to secure and defend by the
+      very nature of his contract; or, in other words, that he
+      may answer the end of government." If actuated then by this
+      principle, he should adjudge slavery to an offender, as a
+      just punishment for his offence, for whose benefit must the
+      convict labour? If it be answered, "for the benefit of the
+      state," we allow that the punishment, in whatever light it
+      is considered, will be found to be equitable: but if it be
+      answered, "for the benefit of any <i>individual whom he
+      pleases to appoint</i>," we deny it to be just. The state<a
+      name="FNanchor051"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_051"><sup>[051]</sup></a> alone is considered to
+      have been injured, and as <i>injuries cannot possibly be
+      transferred</i>, the state alone can justly receive the
+      advantages of his labour. But if the African prince, when
+      he thus condemns him to labour for the benefit of an
+      <i>unoffended individual</i>, should at the same time
+      sentence him to become his <i>property</i>; that is, if he
+      should make the person and life of the convict at the
+      absolute disposal of him, for whom he has sentenced him to
+      labour; it is evident that, in addition to his former
+      injustice, he is usurping a power, which no ruler or rulers
+      of a state can possess, and which the great Creator of the
+      universe never yet gave to any order whatever of created
+      beings.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      That this reasoning is true, and that civilized nations
+      have considered it as such, will be best testified by their
+      practice. We may appeal here to that <i>slavery</i>, which
+      is now adjudged to delinquents, as a punishment, among many
+      of the states of Europe. These delinquents are sentenced to
+      labour at the <i>oar</i>, to work in <i>mines</i>, and on
+      <i>fortifications</i>, to cut and clear <i>rivers</i>, to
+      make and repair <i>roads</i>, and to perform other works of
+      national utility. They are employed, in short, in the
+      <i>publick</i> work; because, as the crimes they have
+      committed are considered to have been crimes against the
+      publick, no individual can justly receive the emoluments of
+      their labour; and they are neither <i>sold</i>, nor made
+      capable of being <i>transferred</i>, because no government
+      whatsoever is invested with such a power.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Thus then may that slavery, in which only the idea of
+      <i>labour</i> is included, be perfectly equitable, and the
+      delinquent will always receive his punishment as a man;
+      whereas in that, which additionally includes the idea of
+      <i>property</i>, and to undergo which, the delinquent must
+      previously change his nature, and become a <i>brute</i>;
+      there is an inconsistency, which no arguments can
+      reconcile, and a contradiction to every principle of
+      nature, which a man need only to appeal to his own feelings
+      immediately to evince. And we will venture to assert, from
+      the united observations that have been made upon the
+      subject, in opposition to any arguments that may be
+      advanced, that there is scarcely one of those, who are
+      called African convicts, on whom the prince has a right to
+      inflict a punishment at all; and that there is no one
+      whatever, whom he has a power of sentencing to labour for
+      the benefit of an unoffended individual, and much less whom
+      he has a right to sell.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Having now fully examined the arguments of the
+      <i>sellers</i>,<a name="FNanchor052"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_052"><sup>[052]</sup></a> and having made such
+      additional remarks as were necessary, we have only to add,
+      that we cannot sufficiently express our detestation at
+      their conduct. Were the reader coolly to reflect upon the
+      case of but <i>one</i> of the unfortunate men, who are
+      annually the victims of <i>avarice</i>, and consider his
+      situation in life, as a father, an husband, or a friend, we
+      are sure, that even on such a partial reflection, he must
+      experience considerable pain. What then must be his
+      feelings, when he is told, that, since the slave-trade
+      began, <i>nine millions</i> <a name="FNanchor053"></a><a
+      href="#Footnote_053"><sup>[053]</sup></a> of men have been
+      torn from their dearest connections, and sold into slavery.
+      If at this recital his indignation should arise, let him
+      consider it as the genuine production of nature; that she
+      recoiled at the horrid thought, and that she applied
+      instantly a torch to his breast to kindle his resentment;
+      and if, during his indignation, she should awaken the sigh
+      of sympathy, or seduce the tear of commiseration from his
+      eye, let him consider each as an additional argument
+      against the iniquity of the <i>sellers</i>.
+    </p>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+     <a name="Part_209"></a>
+    <h2>
+      <a href="#PART_II.">CHAP. IX.</a>
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      It remains only now to examine by what arguments those, who
+      <i>receive</i> or <i>purchase</i> their fellow-creatures
+      into slavery, defend the <i>commerce</i>. Their first plea
+      is, "that they receive those with propriety, who are
+      convicted of crimes, because they are delivered into their
+      hands by <i>their own magistrates</i>." But what is this to
+      you <i>receivers</i>? Have the unfortunate <i>convicts</i>
+      been guilty of injury to <i>you</i>? Have they broken
+      <i>your</i> treaties? Have they plundered <i>your</i>
+      ships? Have they carried <i>your</i> wives and children
+      into slavery, that <i>you</i> should thus retaliate? Have
+      they offended <i>you</i> even by word or gesture?
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But if the African convicts are innocent with respect to
+      you; if you have not even the shadow of a claim upon their
+      persons; by what right do you receive them? "By the laws of
+      the Africans," you will say; "by which it is positively
+      allowed."-But can <i>laws</i> alter the nature of vice?
+      They may give it a sanction perhaps: it will still be
+      immutably the same, and, though dressed in the outward
+      habiliments of <i>honour</i>, will still be
+      <i>intrinsically base</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But alas! you do not only attempt to defend yourselves by
+      these arguments, but even dare to give your actions the
+      appearance of lenity, and assume <i>merit</i> from your
+      <i>baseness</i>! and how first ought you particularly to
+      blush, when you assert, "that prisoners of war are only
+      purchased from the hands of their conquerors, <i>to deliver
+      them from death</i>." Ridiculous defence! can the most
+      credulous believe it? You entice the Africans to war; you
+      foment their quarrels; you supply them with arms and
+      ammunition, and all-from the <i>motives of benevolence</i>.
+      Does a man set fire to an house, for the purpose of
+      rescuing the inhabitants from the flames? But if they are
+      only purchased, to <i>deliver them from death</i>; why,
+      when they are delivered into your hands, as protectors, do
+      you torture them with hunger? Why do you kill them with
+      fatigue? Why does the whip deform their bodies, or the
+      knife their limbs? Why do you sentence them to death? to a
+      death, infinitely more excruciating than that from which
+      you so kindly saved them? What answer do you make to this?
+      for if you had not humanely preserved them from the hands
+      of their conquerors, a quick death perhaps, and that in the
+      space of a moment, had freed them from their pain: but on
+      account of your <i>favour</i> and <i>benevolence</i>, it is
+      known, that they have lingered years in pain and agony, and
+      have been sentenced, at last, to a dreadful death for the
+      most insignificant offence.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Neither can we allow the other argument to be true, on
+      which you found your merit; "that you take them from their
+      country for their own convenience; because Africa, scorched
+      with incessant heat, and subject to the most violent rains
+      and tempests, is unwholesome, and unfit to be inhabited."
+      Preposterous men! do you thus judge from your own feelings?
+      Do you thus judge from your own constitution and frame? But
+      if you suppose that the Africans are incapable of enduring
+      their own climate, because you cannot endure it yourselves;
+      why do you receive them into slavery? Why do you not
+      measure them here by the same standard? For if you are
+      unable to bear hunger and thirst, chains and imprisonment,
+      wounds and torture, why do you not suppose them incapable
+      of enduring the same treatment? Thus then is your argument
+      turned against yourselves. But consider the answer which
+      the Scythians gave the &AElig;gyptians, when they contended
+      about the antiquity of their original,<a name=
+      "FNanchor054"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_054"><sup>[054]</sup></a> "That nature, when
+      she first distinguished countries by different degrees of
+      heat and cold, tempered the bodies of animals, at the same
+      instant, to endure the different situations: that as the
+      climate of Scythia was severer than that of &AElig;gypt, so
+      were the bodies of the Scythians harder, and as capable of
+      enduring the severity of their atmosphere, as the
+      &AElig;gyptians the temperateness of their own."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But you may say perhaps, that, though they are capable of
+      enduring their own climate, yet their situation is
+      frequently uncomfortable, and even wretched: that Africa is
+      infested with locusts, and insects of various kinds; that
+      they settle in swarms upon the trees, destroy the verdure,
+      consume the fruit, and deprive the inhabitants of their
+      food. But the same answer may be applied as before; "that
+      the same kind Providence, who tempered the body of the
+      animal, tempered also the body of the tree; that he gave it
+      a quality to recover the bite of the locust, which he sent;
+      and to reassume, in a short interval of time, its former
+      glory." And that such is the case experience has shewn: for
+      the very trees that have been infested, and stripped of
+      their bloom and verdure, so surprizingly quick is
+      vegetation, appear in a few days, as if an insect had been
+      utterly unknown.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      We may add to these observations, from the testimony of
+      those who have written the History of Africa from their own
+      inspection, that no country is more luxurious in prospects,
+      none more fruitful, none more rich in herds and flocks, and
+      none, where the comforts of life, can be gained with so
+      little trouble.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But you say again, as a confirmation of these your former
+      arguments, (by which you would have it understood, that the
+      Africans themselves are sensible of the goodness of your
+      intentions) "that they do not appear to go with you against
+      their will." Impudent and base assertion! Why then do you
+      load them with chains? Why keep you your daily and nightly
+      watches? But alas, as a farther, though a more melancholy
+      proof, of the falsehood of your assertions, how many, when
+      on board your ships, have put a period to their existence?
+      How many have leaped into the sea? How many have pined to
+      death, that, even at the expence of their lives, they might
+      fly from your <i>benevolence</i>?
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Do you call them obstinate then, because they refuse your
+      favours? Do you call them ungrateful, because they make you
+      this return? How much rather ought you receivers to blush!
+      How much rather ought you receivers to be considered as
+      abandoned and execrable; who, when you usurp the dominion
+      over those, who are as free and independent as yourselves,
+      break the first law of justice, which ordains, "that no
+      person shall do harm to another, without a previous
+      provocation;" who offend against the dictates of nature,
+      which commands, "that no just man shall be given or
+      received into slavery against his own consent;" and who
+      violate the very laws of the empire that you assume, by
+      consigning your subjects to misery.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Now, as a famous Heathen philosopher observes, from whose
+      mouth you shall be convicted,<a name="FNanchor055"></a><a
+      href="#Footnote_055"><sup>[055]</sup></a> "there is a
+      considerable difference, whether an injury is done, during
+      any perturbation of mind, which is generally short and
+      momentary; or whether it is done with any previous
+      meditation and design; for, those crimes, which proceed
+      from any sudden commotion of the mind, are less than those,
+      which are studied and prepared," how great and enormous are
+      your crimes to be considered, who plan your African voyages
+      at a time, when your reason is found, and your senses are
+      awake; who coolly and deliberately equip your vessels; and
+      who spend years, and even lives, in the traffick of
+      <i>human liberty</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But if the arguments of those, who <i>sell</i> or
+      <i>deliver</i> men into slavery, (as we have shewn before)
+      and of those, who <i>receive</i> or <i>purchase</i> them,
+      (as we have now shewn) are wholly false; it is evident that
+      this <i>commerce</i>, is not only beyond the possibility of
+      defence, but is justly to be accounted wicked, and justly
+      impious, since it is contrary to the principles of
+      <i>law</i> and <i>government</i>, the dictates of
+      <i>reason</i>, the common maxims of <i>equity</i>, the laws
+      of <i>nature</i>, the admonitions of <i>conscience</i>,
+      and, in short, the whole doctrine of <i>natural
+      religion</i>.
+    </p>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+
+    <h2>
+      PART III.
+    </h2>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <h2>
+      THE<br>
+       SLAVERY of the AFRICANS<br>
+       IN THE<br>
+       EUROPEAN COLONIES.
+    </h2>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <a name="Part_301"></a>
+    <h2>
+      <a href="#PART_III.">CHAP. I.</a>
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      Having confined ourselves wholly, in the second part of
+      this Essay, to the consideration of the <i>commerce</i>, we
+      shall now proceed to the consideration of the
+      <i>slavery</i> that is founded upon it. As this slavery
+      will be conspicuous in the <i>treatment</i>, which the
+      unfortunate Africans uniformly undergo, when they are put
+      into the hands of the <i>receivers</i>, we shall describe
+      the manner in which they are accustomed to be used from
+      this period.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      To place this in the clearest, and most conspicuous point
+      of view, we shall throw a considerable part of our
+      information on this head into the form of a narrative: we
+      shall suppose ourselves, in short, on the continent of
+      Africa, and relate a scene, which, from its agreement with
+      unquestionable facts, might not unreasonably be presumed to
+      have been presented to our view, had we been really there.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      And first, let us turn our eyes to the cloud of dust that
+      is before us. It seems to advance rapidly, and, accompanied
+      with dismal shrieks and yellings, to make the very air,
+      that is above it, tremble as it rolls along. What can
+      possibly be the cause? Let us inquire of that melancholy
+      African, who seems to walk dejected near the shore; whose
+      eyes are stedfastly fixed on the approaching object, and
+      whose heart, if we can judge from the appearance of his
+      countenance, must be greatly agitated.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      "Alas!" says the unhappy African, "the cloud that you see
+      approaching, is a train of wretched slaves. They are going
+      to the ships behind you. They are destined for the English
+      colonies, and, if you will stay here but for a little time,
+      you will see them pass. They were last night drawn up upon
+      the plain which you see before you, where they were branded
+      upon the breast with an <i>hot iron</i>; and when they had
+      undergone the whole of the treatment which is customary on
+      these occasions, and which I am informed that you
+      Englishmen at home use to the <i>cattle</i> which you buy,
+      they were returned to their prison. As I have some dealings
+      with the members of the factory which you see at a little
+      distance, (though thanks to the Great Spirit, I never dealt
+      in the <i>liberty</i> of my fellow creatures) I gained
+      admittance there. I learned the history of some of the
+      unfortunate people, whom I saw confined, and will explain
+      to you, if my eye should catch them as they pass, the real
+      causes of their servitude."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Scarcely were these words spoken, when they came distinctly
+      into sight. They appeared to advance in a long column, but
+      in a very irregular manner. There were three only in the
+      front, and these were chained together. The rest that
+      followed seemed to be chained by pairs, but by pressing
+      forward, to avoid the lash of the drivers, the breadth of
+      the column began to be greatly extended, and ten or more
+      were observed abreast.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      While we were making these remarks, the intelligent African
+      thus resumed his discourse. "The first three whom you
+      observe, at the head of the train, to be chained together,
+      are prisoners of war. As soon as the ships that are behind
+      you arrived, the news was dispatched into the inland
+      country; when one of the petty kings immediately assembled
+      his subjects, and attacked a neighbouring tribe. The
+      wretched people, though they were surprized, made a
+      formidable resistance, as they resolved, almost all of
+      them, rather to lose their lives, than survive their
+      liberty. The person whom you see in the middle, is the
+      father of the two young men, who are chained to him on each
+      side. His wife and two of his children were killed in the
+      attack, and his father being wounded, and, on account of
+      his age, <i>incapable of servitude</i>, was left bleeding
+      on the spot where this transaction happened."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      "With respect to those who are now passing us, and are
+      immediately behind the former, I can give you no other
+      intelligence, than that some of them, to about the number
+      of thirty, were taken in the same skirmish. Their tribe was
+      said to have been numerous before the attack; these however
+      are <i>all that are left alive</i>. But with respect to the
+      unhappy man, who is now opposite to us, and whom you may
+      distinguish, as he is now looking back and wringing his
+      hands in despair, I can inform you with more precision. He
+      is an unfortunate convict. He lived only about five days
+      journey from the factory. He went out with his king to
+      hunt, and was one of his train; but, through too great an
+      anxiety to afford his royal master diversion, he roused the
+      game from the covert rather sooner than was expected. The
+      king, exasperated at this circumstance, immediately
+      sentenced him to slavery. His wife and children, fearing
+      lest the tyrant should extend the punishment to themselves,
+      <i>which is not unusual</i>, fled directly to the woods,
+      where they were all devoured."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      "The people, whom you see close behind the unhappy convict,
+      form a numerous body, and reach a considerable way. They
+      speak a language, which no person in this part of Africa
+      can understand, and their features, as you perceive, are so
+      different from those of the rest, that they almost appear a
+      distinct race of men. From this circumstance I recollect
+      them. They are the subjects of a very distant prince, who
+      agreed with the <i>slave merchants, for a quantity of
+      spirituous liquors</i>, to furnish him with a stipulated
+      number of slaves. He accordingly surrounded, and set fire
+      to one of his own villages in the night, and seized these
+      people, who were unfortunately the inhabitants, as they
+      were escaping from the flames. I first saw them as the
+      merchants were driving them in, about two days ago. They
+      came in a large body, and were tied together at the neck
+      with leather thongs, which permitted them to walk at the
+      distance of about a yard from one another. Many of them
+      were loaden with elephants teeth, which had been purchased
+      at the same time. All of them had bags, made of skin, upon
+      their shoulders; for as they were to travel, in their way
+      from the great mountains, through barren sands and
+      inhospitable woods for many days together, they were
+      obliged to carry water and provisions with them.
+      Notwithstanding this, many of them perished, some by
+      hunger, but the greatest number by fatigue, as the place
+      from whence they came, is at such an amazing distance from
+      this, and the obstacles, from the nature of the country, so
+      great, that the journey could scarcely be completed in
+      seven moons."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      When this relation was finished, and we had been looking
+      stedfastly for some time on the croud that was going by, we
+      lost sight of that peculiarity of feature, which we had
+      before remarked. We then discovered that the inhabitants of
+      the depopulated village had all of them passed us, and that
+      the part of the train, to which we were now opposite, was a
+      numerous body of kidnapped people. Here we indulged our
+      imagination. We thought we beheld in one of them a father,
+      in another an husband, and in another a son, each of whom
+      was forced from his various and tender connections, and
+      without even the opportunity of bidding them adieu. While
+      we were engaged in these and other melancholy reflections,
+      the whole body of slaves had entirely passed us. We turned
+      almost insensibly to look at them again, when we discovered
+      an unhappy man at the end of the train, who could scarcely
+      keep pace with the rest. His feet seemed to have suffered
+      much from long and constant travelling, for he was limping
+      painfully along.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      "This man," resumes the African. "has travelled a
+      considerable way. He lived at a great distance from hence,
+      and had a large family, for whom he was daily to provide.
+      As he went out one night to a neighbouring spring, to
+      procure water for his thirsty children, he was kidnapped by
+      two <i>slave hunters</i>, who sold him in the morning to
+      some country merchants for a <i>bar of iron</i>. These
+      drove him with other slaves, procured almost in the same
+      manner, to the nearest market, where the English merchants,
+      to whom the train that has just now passed us belongs,
+      purchased him and two others, by means of their travelling
+      agents, for a <i>pistol</i>. His wife and children have
+      been long waiting for his return. But he is gone for ever
+      from their sight: and they must be now disconsolate, as
+      they must be certain by his delay, that he has fallen into
+      the hands of the <i>Christians</i>".
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      "And now, as I have mentioned the name of
+      <i>Christians</i>, a name, by which the Europeans
+      distinguish themselves from us, I could wish to be informed
+      of the meaning which such an appellation may convey. They
+      consider themselves as <i>men</i>, but us unfortunate
+      Africans, whom they term <i>Heathens</i>, as the
+      <i>beasts</i> that serve us. But ah! how different is the
+      fact! What is <i>Christianity</i>, but a system of
+      <i>murder</i> and <i>oppression</i>? The cries and yells of
+      the unfortunate people, who are now soon to embark for the
+      regions of servitude, have already pierced my heart. Have
+      you not heard me sigh, while we have been talking? Do you
+      not see the tears that now trickle down my cheeks? and yet
+      these hardened <i>Christians</i> are unable to be moved at
+      all: nay, they will scourge them amidst their groans, and
+      even smile, while they are torturing them to death. Happy,
+      happy Heathenism! which can detest the vices of
+      Christianity, and feel for the distresses of mankind."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      "But" we reply, "You are totally mistaken:
+      <i>Christianity</i> is the most perfect and lovely of moral
+      systems. It blesses even the hand of persecution itself,
+      and returns good for evil. But the people against whom you
+      so justly declaim; are not <i>Christians</i>. They are
+      <i>infidels</i>. They are <i>monsters</i>. They are out of
+      the common course of nature. Their countrymen at home are
+      generous and brave. They support the sick, the lame, and
+      the blind. They fly to the succour of the distressed. They
+      have noble and stately buildings for the sole purpose of
+      benevolence. They are in short, of all nations, the most
+      remarkable for humanity and justice."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      "But why then," replies the honest African, "do they suffer
+      this? Why is Africa a scene of blood and desolation? Why
+      are her children wrested from her, to administer to the
+      luxuries and greatness of those whom they never offended?
+      And why are these dismal cries in vain?"
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      "Alas!" we reply again, "can the cries and groans, with
+      which the air now trembles, be heard across this extensive
+      continent? Can the southern winds convey them to the ear of
+      Britain? If they could reach the generous Englishman at
+      home, they would pierce his heart, as they have already
+      pierced your own. He would sympathize with you in your
+      distress. He would be enraged at the conduct of his
+      countrymen, and resist their tyranny."-
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But here a shriek unusually loud, accompanied with a
+      dreadful rattling of chains, interrupted the discourse. The
+      wretched Africans were just about to embark: they had
+      turned their face to their country, as if to take a last
+      adieu, and, with arms uplifted to the sky, were making the
+      very atmosphere resound with their prayers and
+      imprecations.
+    </p>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+     <a name="Part_302"></a>
+    <h2>
+      <a href="#PART_III.">CHAP. II.</a>
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      The foregoing scene, though it may be said to be imaginary,
+      is strictly consistent with fact. It is a scene, to which
+      the reader himself may have been witness, if he has ever
+      visited the place, where it is supposed to lie; as no
+      circumstance whatever has been inserted in it, for which
+      the fullest and most undeniable evidence cannot be
+      produced. We shall proceed now to describe, in general
+      terms, the treatment which the wretched Africans undergo,
+      from the time of their embarkation.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      When the African slaves, who are collected from various
+      quarters, for the purposes of sale, are delivered over to
+      the <i>receivers</i>, they are conducted in the manner
+      above described to the ships. Their situation on board is
+      beyond all description: for here they are crouded, hundreds
+      of them together, into such a small compass, as would
+      scarcely be thought sufficient to accommodate twenty, if
+      considered as <i>free men</i>. This confinement soon
+      produces an effect, that may be easily imagined. It
+      generates a pestilential air, which, co-operating with, bad
+      provisions, occasions such a sickness and mortality among
+      them, that not less than <i>twenty thousand</i><a name=
+      "FNanchor056"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_056"><sup>[056]</sup></a> are generally taken
+      off in every yearly transportation.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Thus confined in a pestilential prison, and almost entirely
+      excluded from the chearful face of day, it remains for the
+      sickly survivors to linger out a miserable existence, till
+      the voyage is finished. But are no farther evils to be
+      expected in the interim particularly if we add to their
+      already wretched situation the indignities that are daily
+      offered them, and the regret which they must constantly
+      feel, at being for ever forced from their connexions? These
+      evils are but too apparent. Some of them have resolved,
+      and, notwithstanding the threats of the <i>receivers</i>,
+      have carried their resolves into execution, to starve
+      themselves to death. Others, when they have been brought
+      upon deck for air, if the least opportunity has offered,
+      have leaped into the sea, and terminated their miseries at
+      once. Others, in a fit of despair, have attempted to rise,
+      and regain their liberty. But here what a scene of
+      barbarity has constantly ensued. Some of them have been
+      instantly killed upon the spot; some have been taken from
+      the hold, have been bruised and mutilated in the most
+      barbarous and shocking manner, and have been returned
+      bleeding to their companions, as a sad example of
+      resistance; while others, tied to the ropes of the ship,
+      and mangled alternately with the whip and knife, have been
+      left in that horrid situation, till they have expired.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But this is not the only inhuman treatment which they are
+      frequently obliged to undergo; for if there should be any
+      necessity, from tempestuous weather, for lightening the
+      ship; or if it should be presumed on the voyage, that the
+      provisions will fall short before the port can be made,
+      they are, many of them, thrown into the sea, without any
+      compunction of mind on the part of the <i>receivers</i>,
+      and without any other regret for their loss, than that
+      which <i>avarice</i> inspires. Wretched survivors! what
+      must be their feelings at such a sight! how must they
+      tremble to think of that servitude which is approaching,
+      when the very <i>dogs</i> of the <i>receivers</i> have been
+      retained on board, and preferred to their unoffending
+      countrymen. But indeed so lightly are these unhappy people
+      esteemed, that their lives have been even taken away upon
+      speculation: there has been an instance, within the last
+      five years, of <i>one hundred and thirty two</i> of them
+      being thrown into the sea, because it was supposed that, by
+      this <i>trick</i>, their value could be recovered from the
+      insurers.<a name="FNanchor057"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_057"><sup>[057]</sup></a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But if the ship should arrive safe at its destined port, a
+      circumstance which does not always happen, (for some have
+      been blown up, and many lost) the wretched Africans do not
+      find an alleviation of their sorrow. Here they are again
+      exposed to sale. Here they are again subjected to the
+      inspection of other brutal <i>receivers</i>, who examine
+      and treat them with an inhumanity, at which even avarice
+      should blush. To this mortifying circumstance is added
+      another, that they are picked out, as the purchaser
+      pleases, without any consideration whether the wife is
+      separated from her husband, or the mother from her son: and
+      if these cruel instances of separation should happen; if
+      relations, when they find themselves about to be parted,
+      should cling together; or if filial, conjugal, or parental
+      affection, should detain them but a moment longer in each
+      other's arms, than these <i>second receivers</i> should
+      think sufficient, the lash instantly severs them from their
+      embraces.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      We cannot close our account of the treatment, which the
+      wretched Africans undergo while in the hands of the
+      <i>first receivers</i>, without mentioning an instance of
+      wanton, barbarity, which happened some time ago;
+      particularly as it may be inserted with propriety in the
+      present place, and may give the reader a better idea of the
+      cruelties, to which they are continually exposed, than any
+      that he may have yet conceived. To avoid making a mistake,
+      we shall take the liberty that has been allowed us, and
+      transcribe it from a little manuscript account, with which
+      we have been favoured by a person of the strictest
+      integrity, and who was at that time in the place where the
+      transaction happened.<a name="FNanchor058"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_058"><sup>[058]</sup></a> "Not long after,"
+      says he, (continuing his account) "the perpetrator of a
+      cruel murder, committed in open day light, in the most
+      publick part of a town, which was the seat of government,
+      escaped every other notice than the curses of a few of the
+      more humane witnesses of his barbarity. An officer of a
+      Guinea ship, who had the care of a number of new slaves,
+      and was returning from the <i>sale-yard</i> to the vessel
+      with such as remained unsold; observed a stout fellow among
+      them rather slow in his motions, which he therefore
+      quickened with his rattan. The slave soon afterwards fell
+      down, and was raised by the same application. Moving
+      forwards a few yards, he fell down again; and this being
+      taken as a proof of his sullen perverse spirit, the enraged
+      officer furiously repeated his blows, till he expired at
+      his feet. The brute coolly ordered some of the surviving
+      slaves to carry the dead body to the water's side, where,
+      without any ceremony or delay, being thrown into the sea,
+      the tragedy was supposed to have been immediately finished
+      by the not more inhuman sharks, with which the harbour then
+      abounded. These voracious fish were supposed to have
+      followed the vessels from the coast of Africa, in which ten
+      thousand slaves were imported in that one season, being
+      allured by the stench, and daily fed by the dead carcasses
+      thrown overboard on the voyage."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      If the reader should observe here, that cattle are better
+      protected in this country, than slaves in the colonies, his
+      observation will be just. The beast which is driven to
+      market, is defended by law from the goad of the driver;
+      whereas the wretched African, though an human being, and
+      whose feelings receive of course a double poignancy from
+      the power of reflection, is unnoticed in this respect in
+      the colonial code, and may be goaded and beaten till he
+      expires.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      We may now take our leave of the <i>first receivers</i>.
+      Their crime has been already estimated; and to reason
+      farther upon it, would be unnecessary. For where the
+      conduct of men is so manifestly impious, there can be no
+      need, either of a single argument or a reflection; as every
+      reader of sensibility will anticipate them in his own
+      feelings.
+    </p>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+     <a name="Part_303"></a>
+    <h2>
+      <a href="#PART_III.">CHAP. III.</a>
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      When the wretched Africans are thus put into the hands of
+      the <i>second receivers</i>, they are conveyed to the
+      plantations, where they are totally considered as
+      <i>cattle</i>, or <i>beasts of labour</i>; their very
+      children, if any should be born to them in that situation,
+      being previously destined to the condition of their
+      parents. But here a question arises, which, will interrupt
+      the thread of the narration for a little time, viz. how far
+      their descendants, who compose the fifth order of slaves,
+      are justly reduced to servitude, and upon what principles
+      the <i>receivers</i> defend their conduct.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Authors have been at great pains to inquire, why, in the
+      ancient servitude, the child has uniformly followed the
+      condition of the mother. But we conceive that they would
+      have saved themselves much trouble, and have done
+      themselves more credit, if instead of, endeavouring to
+      reconcile the custom with <i>heathen</i> notions, or their
+      own laboured conjectures, they had shewn its inconsistency
+      with reason and nature, and its repugnancy to common
+      justice. Suffice it to say, that the whole theory of the
+      ancients, with respect to the descendants slaves, may be
+      reduced to this principle, "that as the parents, by
+      becoming <i>property</i>, were wholly considered as
+      <i>cattle</i>, their children, like <i>the progeny of
+      cattle</i>, inherited their parental lot."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Such also is the excuse of the tyrannical <i>receivers</i>
+      before-mentioned. They allege, that they have purchased the
+      parents, that they can sell and dispose of them as they
+      please, that they possess them under the same laws and
+      limitations as their cattle, and that their children, like
+      the progeny of these, become their property <i>by
+      birth</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But the absurdity of the argument will immediately appear.
+      It depends wholly on the supposition, that the parents are
+      <i>brutes</i>. If they are <i>brutes</i>, we shall
+      instantly cease to contend: if they are <i>men</i>, which
+      we think it not difficult to prove, the argument must
+      immediately fall, as we have already shewn that there
+      cannot justly be any <i>property</i> whatever in the
+      <i>human species</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It has appeared also, in the second part of this Essay,
+      that as nature made, every man's body and mind <i>his
+      own</i>, so no <i>just</i> person can be reduced to slavery
+      against his own <i>consent</i>. Do the unfortunate
+      offspring ever <i>consent</i> to be slaves?-They are slaves
+      from their birth.-Are they <i>guilty</i> of crimes, that
+      they lose their freedom?-They are slaves when they cannot
+      speak.-Are their <i>parents</i> abandoned? The crimes of
+      the parents cannot justly extend to the children.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Thus then must the tyrannical <i>receivers</i>, who presume
+      to sentence the children of slaves to servitude, if they
+      mean to dispute upon the justice of their cause; either
+      allow them to have been <i>brutes</i> from their birth, or
+      to have been guilty of crimes at a time, when they were
+      incapable of offending the very <i>King of Kings</i>.
+    </p>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+     <a name="Part_304"></a>
+    <h2>
+      <a href="#PART_III.">CHAP. IV.</a>
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      But to return to the narration. When the wretched Africans
+      are conveyed to the plantations, they are considered as
+      <i>beasts of labour</i>, and are put to their respective
+      work. Having led, in their own country, a life of indolence
+      and ease, where the earth brings forth spontaneously the
+      comforts of life, and spares frequently the toil and
+      trouble of cultivation, they can hardly be expected to
+      endure the drudgeries of servitude. Calculations are
+      accordingly made upon their lives. It is conjectured, that
+      if three in four survive what is called the
+      <i>seasoning</i>, the bargain is highly favourable. This
+      seasoning is said to expire, when the two first years of
+      their servitude are completed: It is the time which an
+      African must take to be so accustomed to the colony, as to
+      be able to endure the common labour of a plantation, and to
+      be put into the <i>gang</i>. At the end of this period the
+      calculations become verified, twenty thousand<a name=
+      "FNanchor059"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_059"><sup>[059]</sup></a> of those, who are
+      annually imported, dying before the seasoning is over. This
+      is surely an horrid and awful consideration: and thus does
+      it appear, (and let it be remembered, that it is the lowest
+      calculation that has been ever made upon the subject) that
+      out of every annual supply that is shipped from the coast
+      of Africa, <i>forty thousand lives</i><a name=
+      "FNanchor060"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_060"><sup>[060]</sup></a> are regularly
+      expended, even before it can be said, that there is really
+      any additional stock for the colonies.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      When the seasoning is over, and the survivors are thus
+      enabled to endure the usual task of slaves, they are
+      considered as real and substantial supplies. From this
+      period<a name="FNanchor061"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_061"><sup>[061]</sup></a> therefore we shall
+      describe their situation.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      They are summoned at five in the morning to begin their
+      work. This work may be divided into two kinds, the culture
+      of the fields, and the collection of grass for cattle. The
+      last is the most laborious and intolerable employment; as
+      the grass can only be collected blade by blade, and is to
+      be fetched frequently twice a day at a considerable
+      distance from the plantation. In these two occupations they
+      are jointly taken up, with no other intermission than that
+      of taking their subsistence twice, till nine at night. They
+      then separate for their respective huts, when they gather
+      sticks, prepare their supper, and attend their families.
+      This employs them till midnight, when they go to rest. Such
+      is their daily way of life for rather more than half the
+      year. They are <i>sixteen</i> hours, including two
+      intervals at meals, in the service of their masters: they
+      are employed <i>three</i> afterwards in their own necessary
+      concerns; <i>five</i> only remain for sleep, and their day
+      is finished.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      During the remaining portion of the year, or the time of
+      crop, the nature, as well as the time of their employment,
+      is considerably changed. The whole gang is generally
+      divided into two or three bodies. One of these, besides the
+      ordinary labour of the day, is kept in turn at the mills,
+      that are constantly going, during the whole of the night.
+      This is a dreadful encroachment upon their time of rest,
+      which was before too short to permit them perfectly to
+      refresh their wearied limbs, and actually reduces their
+      sleep, as long as this season lasts, to about three hours
+      and an half a night, upon a moderate computation.<a name=
+      "FNanchor062"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_062"><sup>[062]</sup></a> Those who can keep
+      their eyes open during their nightly labour, and are
+      willing to resist the drowsiness that is continually coming
+      upon them, are presently worn out; while some of those, who
+      are overcome, and who feed the mill between asleep and
+      awake, suffer, for thus obeying the calls of nature, by the
+      loss of a limb.<a name="FNanchor063"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_063"><sup>[063]</sup></a> In this manner they
+      go on, with little or no respite from their work, till the
+      crop season is over, when the year (from the time of our
+      first description) is completed.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      To support<a name="FNanchor064"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_064"><sup>[064]</sup></a> a life of such
+      unparalleled drudgery, we should at least expect: to find,
+      that they were comfortably clothed, and plentifully fed.
+      But sad reverse! they have scarcely a covering to defend
+      themselves against the inclemency of the night. Their
+      provisions are frequently bad, and are always dealt out to
+      them with such a sparing hand, that the means of a bare
+      livelihood are not placed within the reach of four out of
+      five of these unhappy people. It is a fact, that many of
+      the disorders of slaves are contracted from eating the
+      vegetables, which their little spots produce, before they
+      are sufficiently ripe: a clear indication, that the calls
+      of hunger are frequently so pressing, as not to suffer them
+      to wait, till they can really enjoy them.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      This, situation, of a want of the common necessaries of
+      life, added to that of hard and continual labour, must be
+      sufficiently painful of itself. How then must the pain be
+      sharpened, if it be accompanied with severity! if an
+      unfortunate slave does not come into the field exactly at
+      the appointed time, if, drooping with sickness or fatigue,
+      he appears to work unwillingly, or if the bundle of grass
+      that he has been collecting, appears too small in the eye
+      of the overseer, he is equally sure of experiencing the
+      whip. This instrument erases the skin, and cuts out small
+      portions of the flesh at almost every stroke; and is so
+      frequently applied, that the smack of it is all day long in
+      the ears of those, who are in the vicinity of the
+      plantations. This severity of masters, or managers, to
+      their slaves, which is considered only as common
+      discipline, is attended with bad effects. It enables them
+      to behold instances of cruelty without commiseration, and
+      to be guilty of them without remorse. Hence those many acts
+      of deliberate mutilation, that have taken place on the
+      slightest occasions: hence those many acts of inferiour,
+      though shocking, barbarity, that have taken place without
+      any occasion at all: the very slitting<a name=
+      "FNanchor065"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_065"><sup>[065]</sup></a> of ears has been
+      considered as an operation, so perfectly devoid of pain, as
+      to have been performed for no other reason than that for
+      which a brand is set upon cattle, <i>as a mark of
+      property</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But this is not the only effect, which this severity
+      produces: for while it hardens their hearts, and makes them
+      insensible of the misery of their fellow-creatures, it
+      begets a turn for wanton cruelty. As a proof of this, we
+      shall mention one, among the many instances that occur,
+      where ingenuity has been exerted in contriving modes of
+      torture. "An iron coffin, with holes in it, was kept by a
+      certain colonist, as an auxiliary to the lash. In this the
+      poor victim of the master's resentment was inclosed, and
+      placed sufficiently near a fire, to occasion extreme pain,
+      and consequently shrieks and groans, until the revenge of
+      the master was satiated, without any other inconvenience on
+      his part, than a temporary suspension of the slave's
+      labour. Had he been flogged to death, or his limbs
+      mutilated, the interest of the brutal tyrant would have
+      suffered a more irreparable loss.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      "In mentioning, this instance, we do not mean to insinuate,
+      that it is common. We know that it was reprobated by many.
+      All that we would infer from it is, that where men are
+      habituated to a system of severity, they become <i>wantonly
+      cruel</i>, and that the mere toleration of such an
+      instrument of torture, in any country, is a clear
+      indication, <i>that this wretched class of men do not there
+      enjoy the protection of any laws, that may be pretended to
+      have been enacted in their favour</i>."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Such then is the general situation of the unfortunate
+      Africans. They are beaten and tortured at discretion. They
+      are badly clothed. They are miserably fed. Their drudgery
+      is intense and incessant and their rest short. For scarcely
+      are their heads reclined, scarcely have their bodies a
+      respite from the labour of the day, or the cruel hand of
+      the overseer, but they are summoned to renew their sorrows.
+      In this manner they go on from year to year, in a state of
+      the lowest degradation, without a single law to protect
+      them, without the possibility of redress, without a hope
+      that their situation will be changed, unless death should
+      terminate the scene.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Having described the general situation of these unfortunate
+      people, we shall now take notice of the common consequences
+      that are found to attend it, and relate them separately, as
+      they result either from long and painful <i>labour</i>, a
+      <i>want</i> of the common necessaries of life, or continual
+      <i>severity</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Oppressed by a daily task of such immoderate labour as
+      human nature is utterly unable to perform, many of them run
+      away from their masters. They fly to the recesses of the
+      mountains, where they choose rather to live upon any thing
+      that the soil affords them, nay, the very soil itself, than
+      return to that <i>happy situation</i>, which is represented
+      by the <i>receivers</i>, as the condition of a slave.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It sometimes happens, that the manager of a mountain
+      plantation, falls in with one of these; he immediately
+      seizes him, and threatens to carry him to his former
+      master, unless he will consent to live on the mountain and
+      cultivate his ground. When his plantation is put in order,
+      he carries the delinquent home, abandons him to all the
+      suggestions of despotick rage, and accepts a reward for his
+      <i>honesty</i>. The unhappy wretch is chained, scourged,
+      tortured; and all this, because he obeyed the dictates of
+      nature, and wanted to be free. And who is there, that would
+      not have done the same thing, in the same situation? Who is
+      there, that has once known the charms of liberty; that
+      would not fly from despotism? And yet, by the impious laws
+      of the <i>receivers</i>, the absence<a name=
+      "FNanchor066"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_066"><sup>[066]</sup></a> of six months from the
+      lash of tyranny is-<i>death</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But this law is even mild, when compared with another
+      against the same offence, which was in force sometime ago,
+      and which we fear is even now in force, in some of those
+      colonies which this account of the treatment comprehends.
+      "Advertisements have frequently appeared there, offering a
+      reward for the apprehending of fugitive slaves either alive
+      or <i>dead</i>. The following instance was given us by a
+      person of unquestionable veracity, under whose own
+      observation it fell. As he was travelling in one of the
+      colonies alluded to, he observed some people in pursuit of
+      a poor wretch, who was seeking in the wilderness an asylum
+      from his labours. He heard the discharge of a gun, and soon
+      afterwards stopping at an house for refreshment, the head
+      of the fugitive, still reeking with blood, was brought in
+      and laid upon a table with exultation. The production of
+      such a trophy was the proof <i>required by law</i> to
+      entitle the heroes to their reward." Now reader determine
+      if you can, who were the most execrable; the rulers of the
+      state in authorizing murder, or the people in being bribed
+      to commit it.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      This is one of the common consequences of that immoderate
+      share of labour, which is imposed upon them; nor is that,
+      which is the result of a scanty allowance of food, less to
+      be lamented. The wretched African is often so deeply
+      pierced by the excruciating fangs of hunger, as almost to
+      be driven to despair. What is he to do in such a trying
+      situation? Let him apply to the <i>receivers</i>. Alas! the
+      majesty of <i>receivership</i> is too sacred for the
+      appeal, and the intrusion would be fatal. Thus attacked on
+      the one hand, and shut out from every possibility of relief
+      on the other, he has only the choice of being starved, or
+      of relieving his necessities by taking a small portion of
+      the fruits of his own labour. Horrid crime! to be found
+      eating the cane, which probably his own hands have planted,
+      and to be eating it, because his necessities were pressing!
+      This crime however is of such a magnitude, as always to be
+      accompanied with the whip; and so unmercifully has it been
+      applied on such an occasion, as to have been the cause, in
+      wet weather, of the delinquent's death. But the smart of
+      the whip has not been the only pain that the wretched
+      Africans have experienced. Any thing that passion could
+      seize, and convert into an instrument of punishment, has
+      been used; and, horrid to relate! the very knife has not
+      been overlooked in the fit of phrenzy. Ears have been slit,
+      eyes have been beaten out, and bones have been broken; and
+      so frequently has this been the case, that it has been a
+      matter of constant lamentation with disinterested people,
+      who out of curiosity have attended the markets<a name=
+      "FNanchor067"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_067"><sup>[067]</sup></a> to which these unhappy
+      people weekly resort, that they have not been able to turn
+      their eyes on any group of them whatever, but they have
+      beheld these inhuman marks of passion, despotism, and
+      caprice.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But these instances of barbarity have not been able to
+      deter them from similar proceedings. And indeed, how can it
+      be expected that they should? They have still the same
+      appetite to be satisfied as before, and to drive them to
+      desperation. They creep out clandestinely by night, and go
+      in search of food into their master's, or some neighbouring
+      plantation. But here they are almost equally sure of
+      suffering. The watchman, who will be punished himself, if
+      he neglects his duty, frequently seizes them in the fact.
+      No excuse or intreaty will avail; he must punish them for
+      an example, and he must punish them, not with a stick, nor
+      with a whip, but with a cutlass. Thus it happens, that
+      these unhappy slaves, if they are taken, are either sent
+      away mangled in a barbarous manner, or are killed upon the
+      spot.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      We may now mention the consequences of the severity. The
+      wretched Africans, daily subjected to the lash, and
+      unmercifully whipt and beaten on every trifling occasion,
+      have been found to resist their opposers. Unpardonable
+      crime! that they should have the feelings of nature! that
+      their breasts should glow with resentment on an injury!
+      that they should be so far overcome, as to resist those,
+      whom <i>they are under no obligations to obey</i>, and
+      whose only title to their services consists in <i>a
+      violation of the rights of men</i>! What has been the
+      consequence?-But here let us spare the feelings of the
+      reader, (we wish we could spare our own) and let us only
+      say, without a recital of the cruelty, <i>that they have
+      been murdered at the discretion of their masters</i>. For
+      let the reader observe, that the life of an African is only
+      valued at a price, that would scarcely purchase an horse;
+      that the master has a power of murdering his slave, if he
+      pays but a trifling fine; and that the murder must be
+      attended with uncommon circumstances of horrour, if it even
+      produces an inquiry.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Immortal Alfred! father of our invaluable constitution!
+      parent of the civil blessings we enjoy! how ought thy laws
+      to excite our love and veneration, who hast forbidden us,
+      thy posterity, to tremble at the frown of tyrants! how
+      ought they to perpetuate thy name, as venerable, to the
+      remotest ages, who has secured, even to the meanest
+      servant, a fair and impartial trial! How much does nature
+      approve thy laws, as consistent with her own feelings,
+      while she absolutely turns pale, trembles, and recoils, at
+      the institutions of these <i>receivers</i>! Execrable men!
+      you do not murder the horse, on which you only ride; you do
+      not mutilate the cow, which only affords you her milk; you
+      do not torture the dog, which is but a partial servant of
+      your pleasures: but these unfortunate men, from whom, you
+      derive your very pleasures and your fortunes, you torture,
+      mutilate, murder at discretion! Sleep then you
+      <i>receivers</i>, if you can, while you scarcely allow
+      these unfortunate people to rest at all! feast if you can,
+      and indulge your genius, while you daily apply to these
+      unfortunate people the stings of severity and hunger! exult
+      in riches, at which even avarice ought to shudder, and,
+      which humanity must detest!
+    </p>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+     <a name="Part_305"></a>
+    <h2>
+      <a href="#PART_III.">CHAP. V.</a>
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      Some people may suppose, from the melancholy account that
+      has been given in the preceding chapter, that we have been
+      absolutely dealing in romance: that the scene exhibited is
+      rather a dreary picture of the imagination, than a
+      representation of fact. Would to heaven, for the honour of
+      human nature, that this were really the case! We wish we
+      could say, that we have no testimony to produce for any of
+      our assertions, and that our description of the general
+      treatment of slaves has been greatly exaggerated.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But the <i>receivers</i>, notwithstanding the ample and
+      disinterested evidence, that can be brought on the
+      occasion, do not admit the description to be true. They say
+      first, "that if the slavery were such as has been now
+      represented, no human being could possibly support it
+      long." Melancholy truth! the wretched Africans generally
+      perish in their prime. Let them reflect upon the prodigious
+      supplies that are <i>annually</i> required, and their
+      argument will be nothing less than a confession, that the
+      slavery has been justly depicted.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      They appeal next to every man's own reason, and desire him
+      to think seriously, whether "self-interest will not always
+      restrain the master from acts of cruelty to the slave, and
+      whether such accounts therefore, as the foregoing, do not
+      contain within themselves, their own refutation." We
+      answer, "No." For if this restraining principle be as
+      powerful as it is imagined, why does not the general
+      conduct of men afford us a better picture? What is
+      imprudence, or what is vice, but a departure from every
+      man's own interest, and yet these are the characteristicks
+      of more than half the world?-
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      -But, to come more closely to the present case,
+      <i>self-interest</i> will be found but a weak barrier
+      against the sallies of <i>passion</i>: particularly where
+      it has been daily indulged in its greatest latitude, and
+      there are no laws to restrain its calamitous effects. If
+      the observation be true, that passion is a short madness,
+      then it is evident that self-interest, and every other
+      consideration, must be lost, so long as it continues. We
+      cannot have a stronger instance of this, than in a
+      circumstance related in the second part of this Essay,
+      "that though the Africans have gone to war for the express
+      purpose of procuring slaves, yet so great has been their
+      resentment at the resistance they have frequently found,
+      that their <i>passion</i> has entirely got the better of
+      their <i>interest</i>, and they have murdered all without
+      any discrimination, either of age or sex." Such may be
+      presumed to be the case with the no less savage
+      <i>receivers</i>. Impressed with the most haughty and
+      tyrannical notions, easily provoked, accustomed to indulge
+      their anger, and, above all, habituated to scenes of
+      cruelty, and unawed by the fear of laws, they will hardly
+      be found to be exempt from the common failings of human
+      nature, and to spare an unlucky slave, at a time when men
+      of cooler temper, and better regulated passions, are so
+      frequently blind to their own interest.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But if <i>passion</i> may be supposed to be generally more
+      than a ballance for <i>interest</i>, how must the scale be
+      turned in favour of the melancholy picture exhibited, when
+      we reflect that <i>self-preservation</i> additionally steps
+      in, and demands the most <i>rigorous severity</i>. For when
+      we consider that where there is <i>one</i> master, there
+      are <i>fifty</i> slaves; that the latter have been all
+      forcibly torn from their country, and are retained in their
+      present situation by violence; that they are perpetually at
+      war in their hearts with their oppressors, and are
+      continually cherishing the seeds of revenge; it is evident
+      that even <i>avarice</i> herself, however cool and
+      deliberate, however free from passion and caprice, must
+      sacrifice her own sordid feelings, and adopt a system of
+      tyranny and oppression, which it must be ruinous to pursue.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Thus then, if no picture had been drawn of the situation of
+      slaves, and it had been left solely to every man's sober
+      judgment to determine, what it might probably be, he would
+      conclude, that if the situation were justly described, the
+      page must be frequently stained with acts of uncommon
+      cruelty.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It remains only to make a reply to an objection, that is
+      usually advanced against particular instances of cruelty to
+      slaves, as recorded by various writers. It is said that
+      "some of these are so inconceivably, and beyond all example
+      inhuman, that their very excess above the common measure of
+      cruelty shews them at once exaggerated and incredible." But
+      their credibility shall be estimated by a supposition. Let
+      us suppose that the following instance had been recorded by
+      a writer of the highest reputation, "that the master of a
+      ship, bound to the western colonies with slaves, on a
+      presumption that many of them would die, selected an
+      <i>hundred and thirty two</i> of the most sickly, and
+      ordered them to be thrown into the sea, to recover their
+      value from the insurers, and, above all, that the fatal
+      order was put into execution." What would the reader have
+      thought on the occasion? Would he have believed the fact?
+      It would have surely staggered his faith; because he could
+      never have heard that any <i>one</i> man ever was, and
+      could never have supposed that any <i>one</i> man ever
+      could be, guilty of the murder of <i>such a number</i> of
+      his fellow creatures. But when he is informed that such a
+      fact as this came before a court<a name=
+      "FNanchor068"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_068"><sup>[068]</sup></a> of justice in this
+      very country; that it happened within the last five years;
+      that hundreds can come forwards and say, that they heard
+      the melancholy evidence with tears; what bounds is he to
+      place to his belief? The great God, who looks down upon all
+      his creatures with the same impartial eye, seems to have
+      infatuated the parties concerned, that they might bring the
+      horrid circumstance to light, that it might be recorded in
+      the annals of a publick court, as an authentick specimen of
+      the treatment which the unfortunate Africans undergo, and
+      at the same time, as an argument to shew, that there is no
+      species of cruelty, that is recorded to have been exercised
+      upon these wretched people, so enormous that it may not
+      <i>readily be believed</i>.
+    </p>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+     <a name="Part_306"></a>
+    <h2>
+      <a href="#PART_III.">CHAP. VI.</a>
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      If the treatment then, as before described, is confirmed by
+      reason, and the great credit that is due to disinterested
+      writers on the subject; if the unfortunate Africans are
+      used, as if their flesh were stone, and their vitals brass;
+      by what arguments do you <i>receivers</i> defend your
+      conduct?
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      You say that a great part of your savage treatment consists
+      in punishment for real offences, and frequently for such
+      offences, as all civilized nations have concurred in
+      punishing. The first charge that you exhibit against them
+      is specifick, it is that of <i>theft</i>. But how much
+      rather ought you <i>receivers</i> to blush, who reduce them
+      to such a situation! who reduce them to the dreadful
+      alternative, that they must either <i>steal</i> or
+      <i>perish</i>! How much rather ought you <i>receivers</i>
+      to be considered as <i>robbers</i> yourselves, who cause
+      these unfortunate people to be <i>stolen</i>! And how much
+      greater is your crime, who are <i>robbers of human
+      liberty</i>!
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The next charge which you exhibit against them, is general,
+      it is that of <i>rebellion</i>; a crime of such a latitude,
+      that you can impose it upon almost every action, and of
+      such a nature, that you always annex to it the most
+      excruciating pain. But what a contradiction is this to
+      common sense! Have the wretched Africans formally resigned
+      their freedom? Have you any other claim upon their
+      obedience, than that of force? If then they are your
+      subjects, you violate the laws of government, by making
+      them unhappy. But if they are not your subjects, then, even
+      though they should resist your proceedings, they are not
+      <i>rebellious</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But what do you say to that long catalogue of offences,
+      which you punish, and of which no people but yourselves
+      take cognizance at all? You say that the wisdom of
+      legislation has inserted it in the colonial laws, and that
+      you punish by authority. But do you allude to that
+      execrable code, that <i>authorises murder</i>? that tempts
+      an unoffended person to kill the slave, that abhors and
+      flies your service? that delegates a power, which no host
+      of men, which not all the world, can possess?-
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Or,-What do you say to that daily unmerited severity, which
+      you consider only as common discipline? Here you say that
+      the Africans are vicious, that they are all of them
+      ill-disposed, that you must of necessity be severe. But can
+      they be well-disposed to their oppressors? In their own
+      country they were just, generous, hospitable: qualities,
+      which all the African historians allow them eminently to
+      possess. If then they are vicious, they must have
+      contracted many of their vices from yourselves; and as to
+      their own native vices, if any have been imported with
+      them, are they not amiable, when compared with yours?
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Thus then do the excuses, which have been hitherto made by
+      the <i>receivers</i>, force a relation of such
+      circumstances, as makes their conduct totally inexcusable,
+      and, instead of diminishing at all, highly aggravates their
+      guilt.
+    </p>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+     <a name="Part_307"></a>
+    <h2>
+      <a href="#PART_III.">CHAP. VII.</a>
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      We come now to that other system of reasoning, which is
+      always applied, when the former is confuted; "that the
+      Africans are an inferiour link of the chain of nature, and
+      are made for slavery."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      This assertion is proved by two arguments; the first of
+      which was advanced also by the ancients, and is drawn from
+      the <i>inferiority of their capacities</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Let us allow then for a moment, that they appear to have no
+      parts, that they appear to be void of understanding. And is
+      this wonderful, when, you <i>receivers</i> depress their
+      senses by hunger? Is this wonderful, when by incessant
+      labour, the continual application of the lash, and the most
+      inhuman treatment that imagination can devise, you
+      overwhelm their genius, and hinder it from breaking
+      forth?-No,-You confound their abilities by the severity of
+      their servitude: for as a spark of fire, if crushed by too
+      great a weight of incumbent fuel, cannot be blown into a
+      flame, but suddenly expires, so the human mind, if
+      depressed by rigorous servitude, cannot be excited to a
+      display of those faculties, which might otherwise have
+      shone with the brightest lustre.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Neither is it wonderful in another point of view. For what
+      is it that awakens the abilities of men, and distinguishes
+      them from the common herd? Is it not often the amiable hope
+      of becoming serviceable to individuals, or the state? Is it
+      not often the hope of riches, or of power? Is it not
+      frequently the hope of temporary honours, or a lasting
+      fame? These principles have all a wonderful effect upon the
+      mind. They call upon it to exert its faculties, and bring
+      those talents to the publick view, which had otherwise been
+      concealed. But the unfortunate Africans have no such
+      incitements as these, that they should shew their genius.
+      They have no hope of riches, power, honours, fame. They
+      have no hope but this, that their miseries will be soon
+      terminated by death.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      And here we cannot but censure and expose the murmurings of
+      the unthinking and the gay; who, going on in a continual
+      round of pleasure and prosperity, repine at the will of
+      Providence, as exhibited in the shortness of human
+      duration. But let a weak and infirm old age overtake them:
+      let them experience calamities: let them feel but half the
+      miseries which the wretched Africans undergo, and they will
+      praise the goodness of Providence, who hath made them
+      mortal; who hath prescribed certain ordinary bounds to the
+      life of man; and who, by such a limitation, hath given all
+      men this comfortable hope, that however persecuted in life,
+      a time will come, in the common course of nature, when
+      their sufferings will have an end.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Such then is the nature of this servitude, that we can
+      hardly expect to find in those, who undergo it, even the
+      glimpse of genius. For if their minds are in a continual
+      state of depression, and if they have no expectations in
+      life to awaken their abilities, and make them eminent, we
+      cannot be surprized if a sullen gloomy stupidity should be
+      the leading mark in their character; or if they should
+      appear inferiour to those, who do not only enjoy the
+      invaluable blessings of freedom, but have every prospect
+      before their eyes, that can allure them to exert their
+      faculties. Now, if to these considerations we add, that the
+      wretched Africans are torn from their country in a state of
+      nature, and that in general, as long as their slavery
+      continues, every obstacle is placed in the way of their
+      improvement, we shall have a sufficient answer to any
+      argument that may be drawn from the inferiority of their
+      capacities.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It appears then, from the circumstances that have been
+      mentioned, that to form a true judgment of the abilities of
+      these unfortunate people, we must either take a general
+      view of them before their slavery commences, or confine our
+      attention to such, as, after it has commenced, have had any
+      opportunity given them of shewing their genius either in
+      arts or letters. If, upon such a fair and impartial view,
+      there should be any reason to suppose, that they are at all
+      inferiour to others in the same situation, the argument
+      will then gain some of that weight and importance, which it
+      wants at present.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      In their own country, where we are to see them first, we
+      must expect that the prospect will be unfavourable. They
+      are mostly in a savage state. Their powers of mind are
+      limited to few objects. Their ideas are consequently few.
+      It appears, however, that they follow the same mode of
+      life, and exercise the same arts, as the ancestors of those
+      very Europeans, who boast of their great superiority, are
+      described to have done in the same uncultivated state. This
+      appears from the Nubian's Geography, the writings of Leo,
+      the Moor, and all the subsequent histories, which those,
+      who have visited the African continent, have written from
+      their own inspection. Hence three conclusions; that their
+      abilities are sufficient for their situation;-that they are
+      as great, as those of other people have been, in the same
+      stage of society;-and that they are as great as those of
+      any civilized people whatever, when the degree of the
+      barbarism of the one is drawn into a comparison with that
+      of the civilization of the other.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Let us now follow them to the colonies. They are carried
+      over in the unfavourable situation described. It is
+      observed here, that though their abilities cannot be
+      estimated high from a want of cultivation, they are yet
+      various, and that they vary in proportion as the nation,
+      from which they have been brought, has advanced more or
+      less in the scale of social life. This observation, which
+      is so frequently made, is of great importance: for if their
+      abilities expand in proportion to the improvement of their
+      state, it is a clear indication, that if they were equally
+      improved, they would be equally ingenious.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But here, before we consider any opportunities that may be
+      afforded them, let it be remembered that even their most
+      polished situation may be called barbarous, and that this
+      circumstance, should they appear less docile than others,
+      may be considered as a sufficient answer to any objection
+      that may be made to their capacities. Notwithstanding this,
+      when they are put to the mechanical arts, they do not
+      discover a want of ingenuity. They attain them in as short
+      a time as the Europeans, and arrive at a degree of
+      excellence equal to that of their teachers. This is a fact,
+      almost universally known, and affords us this proof, that
+      having learned with facility such of the mechanical arts,
+      as they have been taught, they are capable of attaining any
+      other, at least, of the same class, if they should receive
+      but the same instruction.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      With respect to the liberal arts, their proficiency is
+      certainly less; but not less in proportion to their time
+      and opportunity of study; not less, because they are less
+      capable of attaining them, but because they have seldom or
+      ever an opportunity of learning them at all. It is yet
+      extraordinary that their talents appear, even in some of
+      these sciences, in which they are totally uninstructed.
+      Their abilities in musick are such, as to have been
+      generally noticed. They play frequently upon a variety of
+      instruments, without any other assistance than their own
+      ingenuity. They have also tunes of their own composition.
+      Some of these have been imported among us; are now in use;
+      and are admired for their sprightliness and ease, though
+      the ungenerous and prejudiced importer has concealed their
+      original.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Neither are their talents in poetry less conspicuous. Every
+      occurrence, if their spirits are not too greatly depressed,
+      is turned into a song. These songs are said to be
+      incoherent and nonsensical. But this proceeds principally
+      from two causes, an improper conjunction of words, arising
+      from an ignorance of the language in which they compose;
+      and a wildness of thought, arising from the different
+      manner, in which the organs of rude and civilized people
+      will be struck by the same object. And as to their want of
+      harmony and rhyme, which is the last objection, the
+      difference of pronunciation is the cause. Upon the whole,
+      as they are perfectly consistent with their own ideas, and
+      are strictly musical as pronounced by themselves, they
+      afford us as high a proof of their poetical powers, as the
+      works of the most acknowledged poets.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But where these impediments have been removed, where they
+      have received an education, and have known and pronounced
+      the language with propriety, these defects have vanished,
+      and their productions have been less objectionable. For a
+      proof of this, we appeal to the writings of an African
+      girl,<a name="FNanchor069"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_069"><sup>[069]</sup></a> who made no
+      contemptible appearance in this species of composition. She
+      was kidnapped when only eight years old, and, in the year
+      1761, was transported to America, where she was sold with
+      other slaves. She had no school education there, but
+      receiving some little instruction from the family, with
+      whom she was so fortunate as to live, she obtained such a
+      knowledge of the English language within sixteen months
+      from the time of her arrival, as to be able to speak it and
+      read it to the astonishment of those who heard her. She
+      soon afterwards learned to write, and, having a great
+      inclination to learn the Latin tongue, she was indulged by
+      her master, and made a progress. Her Poetical works were
+      published with his permission, in the year 1773. They
+      contain thirty-eight pieces on different subjects. We shall
+      beg leave to make a short extract from two or three of
+      them, for the observation of the reader.
+    </p>
+    <br>
+    <div class="c1">
+      <blockquote>
+        <b>From an Hymn to the Evening</b>.<a name=
+        "FNanchor070"></a><a href=
+        "#Footnote_070"><sup>[070]</sup></a><br>
+        <br>
+         "Fill'd with the praise of him who gives the light,<br>
+        And draws the sable curtains of the night,<br>
+        Let placid slumbers sooth each weary mind,<br>
+        At morn to wake more heav'nly and refin'd;<br>
+        So shall the labours of the day begin,<br>
+        More pure and guarded from the snares of sin.<br>
+        - - &amp;c. &amp;c."<br>
+      </blockquote>
+    </div>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c4">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <div class="c1">
+      <blockquote>
+        <b>From an Hymn to the Morning</b>.<br>
+        <br>
+         "Aurora hail! and all the thousand dies,<br>
+        That deck thy progress through the vaulted skies!<br>
+        The morn awakes, and wide extends her rays,<br>
+        On ev'ry leaf the gentle zephyr plays.<br>
+        Harmonious lays the feather'd race resume,<br>
+        Dart the bright eye, and shake the painted plume.<br>
+        - - &amp;c. &amp;c."<br>
+      </blockquote>
+    </div>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c4">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <div class="c1">
+      <blockquote>
+        <b>From Thoughts on Imagination</b>.<br>
+        <br>
+         "Now here, now there, the roving <i>fancy</i> flies,<br>
+        Till some lov'd object strikes her wand'ring eyes,<br>
+        Whose silken fetters all the senses bind,<br>
+        And soft captivity involves the mind.<br>
+        <br>
+        "<i>Imagination!</i> who can sing thy force,<br>
+        Or who describe the swiftness of thy course?<br>
+        Soaring through air to find the bright abode,<br>
+        Th' empyreal palace of the thund'ring God,<br>
+        We on thy pinions can surpass the wind,<br>
+        And leave the rolling universe behind:<br>
+        From star to star the mental opticks rove,<br>
+        Measure the skies, and range the realms above.<br>
+        There in one view we grasp the mighty whole,<br>
+        Or with new worlds amaze th' unbounded soul.<br>
+        - - &amp;c. &amp;c."<br>
+      </blockquote>
+    </div>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c4">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+
+    <p>
+      Such is the poetry which we produce as a proof of our
+      assertions. How far it has succeeded, the reader may by
+      this time have determined in his own mind. We shall
+      therefore only beg leave to accompany it with this
+      observation, that if the authoress <i>was designed for
+      slavery</i>, (as the argument must confess) the greater
+      part of the inhabitants of Britain must lose their claim to
+      freedom.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      To this poetry we shall only add, as a farther proof of
+      their abilities, the Prose compositions of Ignatius Sancho,
+      who received some little education. His letters are too
+      well known, to make any extract, or indeed any farther
+      mention of him, necessary. If other examples of African
+      genius should be required, suffice it to say, that they can
+      be produced in abundance; and that if we were allowed to
+      enumerate instances of African gratitude, patience,
+      fidelity, honour, as so many instances of good sense, and a
+      sound understanding, we fear that thousands of the
+      enlightened Europeans would have occasion to blush.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But an objection will be made here, that the two persons
+      whom we have particularized by name, are prodigies, and
+      that if we were to live for many years, we should scarcely
+      meet with two other Africans of the same description. But
+      we reply, that considering their situation as before
+      described, two persons, above mediocrity in the literary
+      way, are as many as can be expected within a certain period
+      of years; and farther, that if these are prodigies, they
+      are only such prodigies as every day would produce, if they
+      had the same opportunities of acquiring knowledge as other
+      people, and the same expectations in life to excite their
+      genius. This has been constantly and solemnly asserted by
+      the pious Benezet,<a name="FNanchor071"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_071"><sup>[071]</sup></a> whom we have
+      mentioned before, as having devoted a considerable part of
+      his time to their instruction. This great man, for we
+      cannot but mention him with veneration, had a better
+      opportunity of knowing them than any person whatever, and
+      he always uniformly declared, that he could never find a
+      difference between their capacities and those of other
+      people; that they were as capable of reasoning as any
+      individual Europeans; that they were as capable of the
+      highest intellectual attainments; in short, that their
+      abilities were equal, and that they only wanted to be
+      equally cultivated, to afford specimens of as fine
+      productions.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Thus then does it appear from the testimony of this
+      venerable man, whose authority is sufficient of itself to
+      silence all objections against African capacity, and from
+      the instances that have been produced, and the observations
+      that have been made on the occasion, that if the minds of
+      the Africans were unbroken by slavery; if they had the same
+      expectations in life as other people, and the same
+      opportunities of improvement, they would be equal; in all
+      the various branches of science, to the Europeans, and that
+      the argument that states them "to be an inferiour link of
+      the chain of nature, and designed for servitude," as far as
+      it depends on the <i>inferiority of their capacities</i>,
+      is wholly malevolent and false.<a name="FNanchor072"></a><a
+      href="#Footnote_072"><sup>[072]</sup></a>
+    </p>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+     <a name="Part_308"></a>
+    <h2>
+      <a href="#PART_III.">CHAP. VIII.</a>
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      The second argument, by which it is attempted to be proved,
+      "that the Africans are an inferiour link of the chain of
+      nature, and are designed for slavery," is drawn from
+      <i>colour</i>, and from those other marks, which
+      distinguish them from the inhabitants of Europe.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      To prove this with the greater facility, the
+      <i>receivers</i> divide in opinion. Some of them contend
+      that the Africans, from these circumstances, are the
+      descendants of Cain:<a name="FNanchor073"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_073"><sup>[073]</sup></a> others, that they are
+      the posterity of Ham; and that as it was declared by divine
+      inspiration, that these should be servants to the rest of
+      the world, so they are designed for slavery; and that the
+      reducing of them to such a situation is only the
+      accomplishment of the will of heaven: while the rest,
+      considering them from the same circumstances as a totally
+      distinct species of men, conclude them to be an inferiour
+      link of the chain of nature, and deduce the inference
+      described.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      To answer these arguments in the clearest and fullest
+      manner, we are under the necessity of making two
+      suppositions, first, that the scriptures are true;
+      secondly, that they are false.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      If then the scriptures are true, it is evident that the
+      posterity of Cain were extinguished in the flood. Thus one
+      of the arguments is no more.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      With respect to the curse of Ham, it appears also that it
+      was limited; that it did not extend to the posterity of all
+      his sons, but only to the descendants of him who was called
+      Canaan:<a name="FNanchor074"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_074"><sup>[074]</sup></a> by which it was
+      foretold that the Canaanites, a part of the posterity of
+      Ham, should serve the posterity of Shem and Japhet. Now how
+      does it appear that these wretched Africans are the
+      descendants of Canaan?-By those marks, it will be said,
+      which distinguish them from the rest of the world.-But
+      where are these marks to be found in the divine writings?
+      In what page is it said, that the Canaanites were to be
+      known by their <i>colour</i>, their <i>features</i>, their
+      <i>form</i>, or the very <i>hair of their heads</i>, which
+      is brought into the account?-But alas! so far are the
+      divine writings from giving any such account, that they
+      shew the assertion to be false. They shew that the
+      descendants of Cush<a name="FNanchor075"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_075"><sup>[075]</sup></a> were of the colour, to
+      which the advocates for slavery allude; and of course, that
+      there was no such limitation of colour to the posterity of
+      Canaan, or the inheritors of the curse.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Suppose we should now shew, upon the most undeniable
+      evidence,<a name="FNanchor076"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_076"><sup>[076]</sup></a> that those of the
+      wretched Africans, who are singled out as inheriting the
+      curse, are the descendants of Cush or Phut; and that we
+      should shew farther, that but a single remnant of Canaan,
+      which was afterwards ruined, was ever in Africa at
+      all.-Here all is consternation.-
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But unfortunately again for the argument, though
+      wonderfully for the confirmation that the scriptures are of
+      divine original, the whole prophecy has been completed. A
+      part of the descendants of Canaan were hewers of wood and
+      drawers of water, and became tributary and subject to the
+      Israelites, or the descendants of Shem. The Greeks
+      afterwards, as well as the Romans, who were both the
+      descendants of Japhet, not only subdued those who were
+      settled in Syria and Palestine, but pursued and conquered
+      all such as were then remaining. These were the Tyrians and
+      Carthaginians: the former of whom were ruined by Alexander
+      and the Greeks, the latter by Scipio and the Romans.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It appears then that the second argument is wholly
+      inapplicable and false: that it is false in its
+      <i>application</i>, because those, who were the objects of
+      the curse, were a totally distinct people: that it is false
+      in its <i>proof</i>, because no such distinguishing marks,
+      as have been specified, are to be found in the divine
+      writings: and that, if the proof could be made out, it
+      would be now <i>inapplicable</i>, as the curse has been
+      long completed.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      With respect to the third argument, we must now suppose
+      that the scriptures are false; that mankind did not all
+      spring from the same original; that there are different
+      species of men. Now what must we justly conclude from such
+      a supposition? Must we conclude that one species is
+      inferiour to another, and that the inferiority depends upon
+      their <i>colour</i>, or their <i>features</i>, or their
+      <i>form</i>?-No-We must now consult the analogy of nature,
+      and the conclusion will be this: "that as she tempered the
+      bodies of the different species of men in a different
+      degree, to enable them to endure the respective climates of
+      their habitation, so she gave them a variety of colour and
+      appearance with a like benevolent design."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      To sum up the whole. If the scriptures are true, it is
+      evident that the posterity of <i>Cain</i> are no more; that
+      the curse of <i>Ham</i> has been accomplished; and that, as
+      all men were derived from the same stock, so this variety
+      of appearance in men must either have proceeded from some
+      interposition of the Deity; or from a co-operation of
+      certain causes, which have an effect upon the human frame,
+      and have the power of changing it more or less from its
+      primitive appearance, as they happen to be more or less
+      numerous or powerful than those, which acted upon the frame
+      of man in the first seat of his habitation. If from the
+      interposition of the Deity, then we must conclude that he,
+      who bringeth good out of evil, produced it for their
+      convenience. If, from the co-operation of the causes before
+      related, what argument may not be found against any society
+      of men, who should happen to differ, in the points alluded
+      to, from ourselves?
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      If, on the other hand, the scriptures are false, then it is
+      evident, that there was neither such a person as
+      <i>Cain</i>, nor <i>Ham</i>, nor <i>Canaan</i>; and that
+      nature bestowed such colour, features, and form, upon the
+      different species of men, as were best adapted to their
+      situation.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Thus, on which ever supposition it is founded, the whole
+      argument must fall. And indeed it is impossible that it can
+      stand, even in the eye of common sense. For if you admit
+      the <i>form</i> of men as a justification of slavery, you
+      may subjugate your own brother: if <i>features</i>, then
+      you must quarrel with all the world: if <i>colour</i>,
+      where are you to stop? It is evident, that if you travel
+      from the equator to the northern pole, you will find a
+      regular gradation of colour from black to white. Now if you
+      can justly take him for your slave, who is of the deepest
+      die, what hinders you from taking him also, who only
+      differs from the former but by a shade. Thus you may
+      proceed, taking each in a regular succession to the poles.
+      But who are you, that thus take into slavery so many
+      people? Where do you live yourself? Do you live in
+      <i>Spain</i>, or in <i>France</i>, or in <i>Britain</i>? If
+      in either of these countries, take care lest the <i>whiter
+      natives of the north</i> should have a claim upon
+      yourself.-But the argument is too ridiculous to be farther
+      noticed.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Having now silenced the whole argument, we might
+      immediately proceed to the discussion of other points,
+      without even declaring our opinion as to which of the
+      suppositions may be right, on which it has been refuted;
+      but we do not think ourselves at liberty to do this. The
+      present age would rejoice to find that the scriptures had
+      no foundation, and would anxiously catch at the writings of
+      him, who should mention them in a doubtful manner. We shall
+      therefore declare our sentiments, by asserting that they
+      are true, and that all mankind, however various their
+      appearances are derived from the same stock.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      To prove this, we shall not produce those innumerable
+      arguments, by which the scriptures have stood the test of
+      ages, but advert to a single fact. It is an universal law,
+      observable throughout the whole creation, <i>that if two
+      animals of a different species propagate, their offspring
+      is unable to continue its own species</i>. By this
+      admirable law, the different species are preserved
+      distinct; every possibility of confusion is prevented, and
+      the world is forbidden to be over-run by a race of
+      monsters. Now, if we apply this law to those of the human
+      kind, who are said to be of a distinct species from each
+      other, it immediately fails. The <i>mulattoe</i> is as
+      capable of continuing his own species as his father; a
+      clear and irrefragable proof, that the scripture<a name=
+      "FNanchor077"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_077"><sup>[077]</sup></a> account of the
+      creation is true, and that "God, who hath made the world,
+      hath made of one blood<a name="FNanchor078"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_078"><sup>[078]</sup></a> all the nations of men
+      that dwell on all the face of the earth."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But if this be the case, it will be said that mankind were
+      originally of one colour; and it will be asked at the same
+      time, what it is probable that the colour was, and how they
+      came to assume so various an appearance? To, each of these
+      we shall make that reply, which we conceive to be the most
+      rational.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      As mankind were originally of the same stock, so it is
+      evident that they were originally of the same colour. But
+      how shall we attempt to ascertain it? Shall we
+      <i>Englishmen</i> say, that it was the same as that which
+      we now find to be peculiar to ourselves?-No-This would be a
+      vain and partial consideration, and would betray our
+      judgment to have arisen from that false fondness, which
+      habituates us to suppose, that every thing belonging to
+      ourselves is the perfectest and the best. Add to this, that
+      we should always be liable to a just reproof from every
+      inhabitant of the globe, whose colour was different from
+      our own; because he would justly say, that he had as good a
+      right to imagine that his own was the primitive colour, as
+      that of any other people.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      How then shall we attempt to ascertain it? Shall we look
+      into the various climates of the earth, see the colour that
+      generally prevails in the inhabitants of each, and apply
+      the rule? This will be certainly free from partiality, and
+      will afford us a better prospect of success: for as every
+      particular district has its particular colour, so it is
+      evident that the complexion of Noah and his sons, from whom
+      the rest of the world were descended, was the same as that,
+      which is peculiar to the country, which was the seat of
+      their habitation. This, by such a mode of decision, will be
+      found a dark olive; a beautiful colour, and a just medium
+      between white and black. That this was the primitive
+      colour, is highly probable from the observations that have
+      been made; and, if admitted, will afford a valuable lesson
+      to the Europeans, to be cautious how they deride those of
+      the opposite complexion, as there is great reason to
+      presume, <i>that the purest white</i><a name=
+      "FNanchor079"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_079"><sup>[079]</sup></a> <i>is as far removed
+      from the primitive colour as the deepest black</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      We come now to the grand question, which is, that if
+      mankind were originally of this or any other colour, how
+      came it to pass, that they should wear so various an
+      appearance? We reply, as we have had occasion to say
+      before, either <i>by the interposition of the Deity</i>; or
+      <i>by a co-operation of certain causes, which have an
+      effect upon the human frame, and have the power of changing
+      it more or less from its primitive appearance, as they are
+      more or less numerous or powerful than those, which acted
+      upon the frame of man in the first seat of his
+      habitation</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      With respect to the Divine interposition, two epochs have
+      been assigned, when this difference of colour has been
+      imagined to have been so produced. The first is that, which
+      has been related, when the curse was pronounced on a branch
+      of the posterity of <i>Ham</i>. But this argument has been
+      already refuted; for if the particular colour alluded to
+      were assigned at this period, it was assigned to the
+      descendants of <i>Canaan</i>, to distinguish them from
+      those of his other brothers, and was therefore
+      <i>limited</i> to the former. But the descendants of
+      <i>Cush</i>,<a name="FNanchor080"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_080"><sup>[080]</sup></a> as we have shewn
+      before, partook of the same colour; a clear proof, that it
+      was neither assigned to them on this occasion, nor at this
+      period.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The second epoch is that, when mankind were dispersed on
+      the building of <i>Babel</i>. It has been thought, that
+      both <i>national features and colour</i> might probably
+      have been given them at this time, because these would have
+      assisted the confusion of language, by causing them to
+      disperse into tribes, and would have united more firmly the
+      individuals of each, after the dispersion had taken place.
+      But this is improbable: first, because there is great
+      reason to presume that Moses, who has mentioned the
+      confusion of language, would have mentioned these
+      circumstances also, if they had actually contributed to
+      bring about so singular an event: secondly, because the
+      confusion of language was sufficient of itself to have
+      accomplished this; and we cannot suppose that the Deity
+      could have done any thing in vain: and thirdly, because, if
+      mankind had been dispersed, each tribe in its peculiar hue,
+      it is impossible to conceive, that they could have wandered
+      and settled in such a manner, as to exhibit that regular
+      gradation of colour from the equator to the poles, so
+      conspicuous at the present day.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      These are the only periods, which there has been even the
+      shadow of a probability for assigning; and we may therefore
+      conclude that the preceding observations, together with
+      such circumstances as will appear in the present chapter,
+      will amount to a demonstration, that the difference of
+      colour was never caused by any interposition of the Deity,
+      and that it must have proceeded therefore from that
+      <i>incidental co-operation of causes</i>, which has been
+      before related.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      What these causes are, it is out of the power of human
+      wisdom positively to assert: there are facts, however,
+      which, if properly weighed and put together, will throw
+      considerable light upon the subject. These we shall submit
+      to the perusal of the reader, and shall deduce from them
+      such inferences only, as almost every person must make in
+      his own mind, on their recital.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The first point, that occurs to be ascertained, is, "What
+      part of the skin is the seat of colour?" The old anatomists
+      usually divided the skin into two parts, or lamina; the
+      exteriour and thinnest, called by the Greeks
+      <i>Epidermis</i>, by the Romans <i>Cuticula</i>, and hence
+      by us <i>Cuticle</i>; and the interiour, called by the
+      former <i>Derma</i>, and by the latter <i>Cutis</i>, or
+      <i>true skin</i>. Hence they must necessarily have
+      supposed, that, as the <i>true skin</i> was in every
+      respect the same in all human subjects, however various
+      their external hue, so the seat of colour must have existed
+      in the <i>Cuticle</i>, or upper surface.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Malphigi, an eminent Italian physician, of the last
+      century, was the first person who discovered that the skin
+      was divided into three lamina, or parts; the
+      <i>Cuticle</i>, the <i>true skin</i>, and a certain
+      coagulated substance situated between both, which he
+      distinguished by the title of <i>Mucosum Corpus</i>; a
+      title retained by anatomists to the present day: which
+      coagulated substance adhered so firmly to the
+      <i>Cuticle</i>, as, in all former anatomical preparations,
+      to have come off with it, and, from this circumstance to
+      have led the ancient anatomists to believe, that there were
+      but two lamina, or divisible portions in the human skin.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      This discovery was sufficient to ascertain the point in
+      question: for it appeared afterwards that the
+      <i>Cuticle</i>, when divided according to this discovery
+      from the other lamina, was semi-transparent; that the
+      cuticle of the blackest negroe was of the same transparency
+      and colour, as that of the purest white; and hence, the
+      <i>true skins</i> of both being invariably the same, that
+      the <i>mucosum corpus</i> was the seat of colour.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      This has been farther confirmed by all subsequent
+      anatomical experiments, by which it appears, that, whatever
+      is the colour of this intermediate coagulated substance,
+      nearly the same is the apparent colour of the upper surface
+      of the skin. Neither can it be otherwise; for the
+      <i>Cuticle</i>, from its transparency, must necessarily
+      transmit the colour of the substance beneath it, in the
+      same manner, though not in the same degree, as the
+      <i>cornea</i> transmits the colour of the <i>iris</i> of
+      the eye. This transparency is a matter of ocular
+      demonstration in white people. It is conspicuous in every
+      blush; for no one can imagine, that the cuticle becomes
+      red, as often as this happens: nor is it less discoverable
+      in the veins, which are so easy to be discerned; for no one
+      can suppose, that the blue streaks, which he constantly
+      sees in the fairest complexions, are painted, as it were,
+      on the surface of the upper skin. From these, and a variety
+      of other observations,<a name="FNanchor081"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_081"><sup>[081]</sup></a> no maxim is more true
+      in physiology, than that <i>on the mucosum corpus depends
+      the colour of the human body</i>; or, in other words, that
+      the <i>mucosum corpus</i> being of a different colour in
+      different inhabitants of the globe, and appearing through
+      the cuticle or upper surface of the skin, gives them that
+      various appearance, which strikes us so forcibly in
+      contemplating the human race.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      As this can be incontrovertibly ascertained, it is evident,
+      that whatever causes cooperate in producing this different
+      appearance, they produce it by acting upon the <i>mucosum
+      corpus</i>, which, from the almost incredible manner in
+      which the cuticle<a name="FNanchor082"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_082"><sup>[082]</sup></a> is perforated, is as
+      accessible as the cuticle itself. These causes are probably
+      those various qualities of things, which, combined with the
+      influence of the sun, contribute to form what we call
+      <i>climate</i>. For when any person considers, that the
+      mucous substance, before-mentioned, is found to vary in its
+      colour, as the <i>climates</i> vary from the equator to the
+      poles, his mind must be instantly struck with the
+      hypothesis, and he must adopt it without any hesitation, as
+      the genuine cause of the ph&aelig;nomenon.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      This fact,<a name="FNanchor083"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_083"><sup>[083]</sup></a> <i>of the variation
+      of the mucous substance according to the situation of the
+      place</i>, has been clearly ascertained in the numerous
+      anatomical experiments that have been made; in which,
+      subjects of all nations have come under consideration. The
+      natives of many of the kingdoms and isles of <i>Asia</i>,
+      are found to have their <i>corpus mucosum</i> black. Those
+      of <i>Africa</i>, situated near the line, of the same
+      colour. Those of the maritime parts of the same continent,
+      of a dusky brown, nearly approaching to it; and the colour
+      becomes lighter or darker in proportion as the distance
+      from the equator is either greater or less. The Europeans
+      are the fairest inhabitants of the world. Those situated in
+      the most southern regions of <i>Europe</i>, have in their
+      <i>corpus mucosum</i> a tinge of the dark hue of their
+      <i>African</i> neighbours: hence the epidemick complexion,
+      prevalent among them, is nearly of the colour of the
+      pickled Spanish olive; while in this country, and those
+      situated nearer the north pole, it appears to be nearly, if
+      not absolutely, white.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      These are facts,<a name="FNanchor084"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_084"><sup>[084]</sup></a> which anatomy has
+      established; and we acknowledge them to be such, that we
+      cannot divest ourselves of the idea, that <i>climate</i>
+      has a considerable share in producing a difference of
+      colour. Others, we know, have invented other hypotheses,
+      but all of them have been instantly refuted, as unable to
+      explain the difficulties for which they were advanced, and
+      as absolutely contrary to fact: and the inventors
+      themselves have been obliged, almost as soon as they have
+      proposed them, to acknowledge them deficient.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The only objection of any consequence, that has ever been
+      made to the hypothesis of <i>climate</i>, is this, <i>that
+      people under the same parallels are not exactly of the same
+      colour</i>. But this is no objection in fact: for it does
+      not follow that those countries, which are at an equal
+      distance from the equator, should have their climates the
+      same. Indeed nothing is more contrary to experience than
+      this. Climate depends upon a variety of accidents. High
+      mountains, in the neighbourhood of a place, make it cooler,
+      by chilling the air that is carried over them by the winds.
+      Large spreading succulent plants, if among the productions
+      of the soil, have the same effect: they afford agreeable
+      cooling shades, and a moist atmosphere from their continual
+      exhalations, by which the ardour of the sun is considerably
+      abated. While the soil, on the other hand, if of a sandy
+      nature, retains the heat in an uncommon degree, and makes
+      the summers considerably hotter than those which are found
+      to exist in the same latitude, where the soil is different.
+      To this proximity of what may be termed <i>burning
+      sands</i>, and to the sulphurous and metallick particles,
+      which are continually exhaling from the bowels of the
+      earth, is ascribed the different degree of blackness, by
+      which some <i>African</i> nations are distinguishable from
+      each other, though under the same parallels. To these
+      observations we may add, that though the inhabitants of the
+      same parallel are not exactly of the same hue, yet they
+      differ only by shades of the same colour; or, to speak with
+      more precision, that there are no two people, in such a
+      situation, one of whom is white, and the other black. To
+      sum up the whole-Suppose we were to take a common globe; to
+      begin at the equator; to paint every country along the
+      meridian line in succession from thence to the poles; and
+      to paint them with the same colour which prevails in the
+      respective inhabitants of each, we should see the black,
+      with which we had been obliged to begin, insensibly
+      changing to an olive, and the olive, through as many
+      intermediate colours, to a white: and if, on the other
+      hand, we should complete any one of the parallels according
+      to the same plan, we should see a difference perhaps in the
+      appearance of some of the countries through which it ran,
+      though the difference would consist wholly in shades of the
+      same colour.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The argument therefore, which is brought against the
+      hypothesis, is so far from being, an objection, that we
+      shall consider it one of the first arguments in its favour:
+      for if <i>climate</i> has really an influence on the
+      <i>mucous substance</i> of the body, it is evident, that we
+      must not only expect to see a gradation of colour in the
+      inhabitants from the equator to the poles, but also
+      different<a name="FNanchor085"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_085"><sup>[085]</sup></a> shades of the same
+      colour in the inhabitants of the same parallel.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      To this argument, we shall add one that is
+      incontrovertible, which is, that when the <i>black</i>
+      inhabitants of <i>Africa</i> are transplanted to
+      <i>colder</i>, or the <i>white</i> inhabitants of
+      <i>Europe</i> to <i>hotter</i> climates, their children,
+      <i>born there</i>, are of a <i>different colour from
+      themselves</i>; that is, lighter in the first, and darker
+      in the second instance.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      As a proof of the first, we shall give the words of the
+      Abb&eacute; Raynal,<a name="FNanchor086"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_086"><sup>[086]</sup></a> in his admired
+      publication. "The children," says he, "which they, (the
+      <i>Africans</i>) procreate in <i>America</i>, are not so
+      black as their parents were. After each generation the
+      difference becomes more palpable. It is possible, that
+      after a numerous succession of generations, the men come
+      from <i>Africa</i> would not be distinguished from those of
+      the country, into which they may have been transplanted."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      This circumstance we have had the pleasure of hearing
+      confirmed by a variety of persons, who have been witnesses
+      of the fact; but particularly by many intelligent<a name=
+      "FNanchor087"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_087"><sup>[087]</sup></a> Africans, who have
+      been parents themselves in <i>America</i>, and who have
+      declared that the difference is so palpable in the
+      <i>northern provinces</i>, that not only they themselves
+      have constantly observed it, but that they have heard it
+      observed by others.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Neither is this variation in the children from the colour
+      of their parents improbable. <i>The children of the
+      blackest Africans are born white.</i><a name=
+      "FNanchor088"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_088"><sup>[088]</sup></a> In this state they
+      continue for about a month, when they change to a pale
+      yellow. In process of time they become brown. Their skin
+      still continues to increase in darkness with their age,
+      till it becomes of a dirty, sallow black, and at length,
+      after a certain period of years, glossy and shining. Now,
+      if climate has any influence on the <i>mucous substance</i>
+      of the body, this variation in the children from the colour
+      of their parents is an event, which must be reasonably
+      expected: for being born white, and not having equally
+      powerful causes to act upon them in colder, as their
+      parents had in the hotter climates which they left, it must
+      necessarily follow, that the same affect cannot possibly be
+      produced.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Hence also, if the hypothesis be admitted, may be deduced
+      the reason, why even those children, who have been brought
+      from their country at an early age into colder regions,
+      have been observed<a name="FNanchor089"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_089"><sup>[089]</sup></a> to be of a lighter
+      colour than those who have remained at home till they
+      arrived at a state of manhood. For having undergone some of
+      the changes which we mentioned to have attended their
+      countrymen from infancy to a certain age, and having been
+      taken away before the rest could be completed, these
+      farther changes, which would have taken place had they
+      remained at home, seem either to have been checked in their
+      progress, or weakened in their degree, by a colder climate.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      We come now to the second and opposite case; for a proof of
+      which we shall appeal to the words of Dr. Mitchell,<a name=
+      "FNanchor090"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_090"><sup>[090]</sup></a> in the Philosophical
+      Transactions. "The <i>Spaniards</i> who have inhabited
+      <i>America</i> under the torrid zone for any time, are
+      become as dark coloured as our native <i>Indians</i> of
+      <i>Virginia</i>, of which, <i>I myself have been a
+      witness</i>; and were they not to intermarry with the
+      <i>Europeans</i>, but lead the same rude and barbarous
+      lives with the <i>Indians</i>, it is very probable that, in
+      a succession of many generations, they would become as dark
+      in complexion."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      To this instance we shall add one, which is mentioned by a
+      late writer,<a name="FNanchor091"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_091"><sup>[091]</sup></a> who describing the
+      <i>African</i> coast, and the <i>European</i> settlements
+      there, has the following passage. "There are several other
+      small <i>Portuguese</i> settlements, and one of some note
+      at <i>Mitomba</i>, a river in <i>Sierra Leon</i>. The
+      people here called <i>Portuguese</i>, are principally
+      persons bred from a mixture of the first <i>Portuguese
+      discoverers</i> with the natives, and now become, in their
+      <i>complexion</i> and <i>woolly quality</i> of their hair,
+      <i>perfect negroes</i>, retaining however a smattering of
+      the <i>Portuguese</i> language."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      These facts, with respect to the colonists of the
+      <i>Europeans</i>, are of the highest importance in the
+      present case, and deserve a serious attention. For when we
+      know to a certainty from whom they are descended; when we
+      know that they were, at the time of their transplantation,
+      of the same colour as those from whom they severally
+      sprung; and when, on the other hand, we are credibly
+      informed, that they have changed it for the native colour
+      of the place which they now inhabit; the evidence in
+      support of these facts is as great, as if a person, on the
+      removal of two or three families into another climate, had
+      determined to ascertain the circumstance; as if he had gone
+      with them and watched their children; as if he had
+      communicated his observations at his death to a successor;
+      as if his successor had prosecuted the plan, and thus an
+      uninterrupted chain of evidence had been kept up from their
+      first removal to any determined period of succeeding time.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But though these facts seem sufficient of themselves to
+      confirm our opinion, they are not the only facts which can
+      be adduced in its support. It can be shewn, that the
+      members of the <i>very same family</i>, when divided from
+      each other, and removed into different countries, have not
+      only changed their family complexion, but that they have
+      changed it to <i>as many different colours</i> as they have
+      gone into <i>different regions of the world</i>. We cannot
+      have, perhaps, a more striking instance of this, than in
+      the <i>Jews</i>. These people, are scattered over the face
+      of the whole earth. They have preserved themselves distinct
+      from the rest of the world by their religion; and, as they
+      never intermarry with any but those of their own sect, so
+      they have no mixture of blood in their veins, that they
+      should differ from each other: and yet nothing is more
+      true, than that the <i>English Jew</i><a name=
+      "FNanchor092"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_092"><sup>[092]</sup></a> is white, the
+      <i>Portuguese</i> swarthy, the <i>Armenian</i> olive, and
+      the <i>Arabian</i> copper; in short, that there appear to
+      be as many different species of <i>Jews</i>, as there are
+      countries in which they reside.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      To these facts we shall add the following observation, that
+      if we can give credit to the ancient historians in general,
+      a change from the darkest black to the purest white must
+      have actually been accomplished. One instance, perhaps, may
+      be thought sufficient. <i>Herodotus</i><a name=
+      "FNanchor093"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_093"><sup>[093]</sup></a> relates, that the
+      <i>Colchi were black</i>, and that they had <i>crisped
+      hair</i>. These people were a detachment of the
+      <i>&AElig;thiopian</i> army under <i>Sesostris</i>, who
+      followed him in his expedition, and settled in that part of
+      the world, where <i>Colchis</i> is usually represented to
+      have been situated. Had not the same author informed us of
+      this circumstance, we should have thought it strange<a name=
+      "FNanchor094">, </a><a href="#Footnote_094"><sup>[094]</sup></a>
+      that a people of this
+      description should have been found in such a latitude. Now
+      as they were undoubtedly settled there, and as they were
+      neither so totally destroyed, nor made any such rapid
+      conquests, as that history should notice the event, there
+      is great reason to presume, that their descendants
+      continued in the same, or settled in the adjacent country;
+      from whence it will follow, that they must have changed
+      their complexion to that, which is observable in the
+      inhabitants of this particular region at the present day;
+      or, in other words, that the <i>black inhabitant of
+      Colchis</i> must have been changed into the <i>fair
+      Circassian</i>.<a name="FNanchor095"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_095"><sup>[095]</sup></a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      As we have now shewn it to be highly probable, from the
+      facts which have been advanced, that climate is the cause
+      of the difference of colour which prevails in the different
+      inhabitants of the globe, we shall now shew its probability
+      from so similar an effect produced on the <i>mucous
+      substance</i> before-mentioned by so similar a cause, that
+      though the fact does not absolutely prove our conjecture to
+      be right, yet it will give us a very lively conception of
+      the manner, in which the ph&aelig;nomenon may be caused.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      This probability may be shewn in the case of
+      <i>freckles</i>, which are to be seen in the face of
+      children, but of such only, as have the thinnest and most
+      transparent skins, and are occasioned by the rays of the
+      sun, striking forcibly on the <i>mucous substance</i> of
+      the face, and drying the accumulating fluid. This
+      accumulating fluid, or perspirable matter, is at first
+      colourless; but being exposed to violent heat, or dried,
+      becomes brown. Hence, the <i>mucosum corpus</i> being
+      tinged in various parts by this brown coagulated fluid, and
+      the parts so tinged appearing through the <i>cuticle</i>,
+      or upper surface of the skin, arises that spotted
+      appearance, observable in the case recited.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Now, if we were to conceive a black skin to be an
+      <i>universal freckle</i>, or the rays of the sun to act so
+      universally on the <i>mucous substance</i> of a person's
+      face, as to produce these spots so contiguous to each other
+      that they should unite, we should then see, in imagination,
+      a face similar to those, which are daily to be seen among
+      black people: and if we were to conceive his body to be
+      exposed or acted upon in the same manner, we should then
+      see his body assuming a similar appearance; and thus we
+      should see the whole man of a perfect black, or resembling
+      one of the naked inhabitants of the torrid zone. Now as the
+      feat of freckles and of blackness is the same; as their
+      appearance is similar; and as the cause of the first is the
+      ardour of the sun, it is therefore probable that the cause
+      of the second is the same: hence, if we substitute for the
+      word "<i>sun</i>," what is analogous to it, the word
+      <i>climate</i>, the same effect may be supposed to be
+      produced, and the conjecture to receive a sanction.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Nor is it unlikely that the hypothesis, which considers the
+      cause of freckles and of blackness as the same, may be
+      right. For if blackness is occasioned by the rays of the
+      sun striking forcibly and universally on the <i>mucous
+      substance</i> of the body, and drying the accumulating
+      fluid, we can account for the different degrees of it to be
+      found in the different inhabitants of the globe. For as the
+      quantity of perspirable fluid, and the force of the solar
+      rays is successively increased, as the climates are
+      successively warmer, from any given parallel to the line,
+      it follows that the fluid, with which the <i>mucous
+      substance</i> will be stained, will be successively thicker
+      and deeper coloured; and hence, as it appears through the
+      cuticle, the complexion successively darker; or, what
+      amounts to the same thing, there will be a difference of
+      colour in the inhabitants of every successive parallel.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      From these, and the whole of the preceding observations on
+      the subject, we may conclude, that as all the inhabitants
+      of the earth cannot be otherwise than the children of the
+      same parents, and as the difference of their appearance
+      must have of course proceeded from incidental causes, these
+      causes are a combination of those qualities, which we call
+      <i>climate</i>; that the blackness of the <i>Africans</i>
+      is so far ingrafted in their constitution, in a course of
+      many generations, that their children wholly inherit it, if
+      brought up in the same spot, but that it is not so
+      absolutely interwoven in their nature, that it cannot be
+      removed, if they are born and settled in another; that
+      <i>Noah</i> and his sons were probably of an <i>olive</i>
+      complexion; that those of their descendants, who went
+      farther to the south, became of a deeper olive or
+      <i>copper</i>; while those, who went still farther, became
+      of a deeper copper or <i>black</i>; that those, on the
+      other hand, who travelled farther to the north, became less
+      olive or <i>brown</i>, while those who went still farther
+      than the former, became less brown or <i>white</i>; and
+      that if any man were to point out any one of the colours
+      which prevails in the human complexion, as likely to
+      furnish an argument, that the people of such a complexion
+      were of a different species from the rest, it is probable
+      that his own descendants, if removed to the climate to
+      which this complexion is peculiar, would, in the course of
+      a few generations, degenerate into the same colour.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Having now replied to the argument, "that the Africans are
+      an inferiour link of the chain of nature," as far as it
+      depended on their <i>capacity</i> and <i>colour</i>, we
+      shall now only take notice of an expression, which the
+      <i>receivers</i> before-mentioned are pleased to make use
+      of, "that they are made for slavery."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Had the Africans been <i>made for slavery</i>, or to become
+      the property of any society of men, it is clear, from the
+      observations that have been made in the second part of this
+      Essay, that they must have been created <i>devoid of
+      reason</i>: but this is contrary to fact. It is clear also,
+      that there must have been, many and evident signs of the
+      <i>inferiority of their nature</i>, and that this society
+      of men must have had a <i>natural right</i> to their
+      dominion: but this is equally false. No such signs of
+      <i>inferiority</i> are to be found in the one, and the
+      right to dominion in the other is <i>incidental</i>: for in
+      what volume of nature or religion is it written, that one
+      society of men should <i>breed slaves</i> for the benefit,
+      of another? Nor is it less evident that they would have
+      wanted many of those qualities which they have, and which
+      brutes have not: they would have wanted that <i>spirit of
+      liberty</i>, that <i>sense of ignominy and shame,</i><a
+      name="FNanchor096"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_096"><sup>[096]</sup></a> which so frequently
+      drives them to the horrid extremity of finishing their own
+      existence. Nor would they have been endowed with a
+      <i>contemplative power</i>; for such a power would have
+      been unnecessary to people in such a situation; or rather,
+      its only use could have been to increase their pain. We
+      cannot suppose therefore that God has made an order of
+      beings, with such mental qualities and powers, for the sole
+      purpose of being used as <i>beasts</i>, or
+      <i>instruments</i> of labour. And here, what a dreadful
+      argument presents itself against you <i>receivers</i>? For
+      if they have no understandings as you confess, then is your
+      conduct impious, because, as they cannot perceive the
+      intention of your punishment, your severities cannot make
+      them better. But if, on the other hand, they have had
+      understandings, (which has evidently appeared) then is your
+      conduct equally impious, who, by destroying their faculties
+      by the severity of your discipline, have reduced men; who
+      had once the power of reason, to an equality with the brute
+      creation.
+    </p>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+     <a name="Part_309"></a>
+    <h2>
+      <a href="#PART_III.">CHAP. IX.</a>
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      The reader may perhaps think, that the <i>receivers</i>
+      have by this time expended all their arguments, but their
+      store is not so easily exhausted. They are well aware that
+      justice, nature, and religion, will continue, as they have
+      ever uniformly done, to oppose their conduct. This has
+      driven them to exert their ingenuity, and has occasioned
+      that multiplicity of arguments to be found in the present
+      question.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      These arguments are of a different complexion from the
+      former. They consist in comparing the state of
+      <i>slaves</i> with that of some of the classes of
+      <i>free</i> men, and in certain scenes of felicity, which
+      the former are said to enjoy.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It is affirmed that the punishments which the Africans
+      undergo, are less severe than the military; that their life
+      is happier than that of the English peasant; that they have
+      the advantages of manumission; that they have their little
+      spots of ground, their holy-days, their dances; in short,
+      that their life is a scene of festivity and mirth, and that
+      they are much happier in the colonies than in their own
+      country.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      These representations, which have been made out with much
+      ingenuity and art, may have had their weight with the
+      unwary; but they will never pass with men of consideration
+      and sense, who are accustomed to estimate the probability
+      of things, before they admit them to be true. Indeed the
+      bare assertion, that their situation is even comfortable,
+      contains its own refutation, or at least leads us to
+      suspect that the person, who asserted it, has omitted some
+      important considerations in the account. Such we shall shew
+      to have been actually the case, and that the
+      representations of the <i>receivers</i>, when stripped of
+      their glossy ornaments, are but empty declamation.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It is said, first, of <i>military punishments</i>, that
+      they are more severe than those which the <i>Africans</i>
+      undergo. But this is a bare assertion without a proof. It
+      is not shewn even by those, who assert it, how the fact can
+      be made out. We are left therefore to draw the comparison
+      ourselves, and to fill up those important considerations,
+      which we have just said that the <i>receivers</i> had
+      omitted.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      That military punishments are severe we confess, but we
+      deny that they are severer than those with which they are
+      compared. Where is the military man, whose ears have been
+      slit, whose limbs have been mutilated, or whose eyes have
+      been beaten out? But let us even allow, that their
+      punishments are equal in the degree of their severity:
+      still they must lose by comparison. The soldier is never
+      punished but after a fair and equitable trial, and the
+      decision of a military court; the unhappy African, at the
+      discretion of his Lord. The one knows what particular
+      conduct will constitute an offence;<a name=
+      "FNanchor097"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_097"><sup>[097]</sup></a> the other has no such
+      information, as he is wholly at the disposal of passion and
+      caprice, which may impose upon any action, however
+      laudable, the appellation of a crime. The former has it of
+      course in his power to avoid a punishment; the latter is
+      never safe. The former is punished for a real, the latter,
+      often, for an imaginary fault.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Now will any person assert, on comparing the whole of those
+      circumstances together, which relate to their respective
+      punishments, that there can be any doubt, which of the two
+      are in the worst situation, as to their penal systems?
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      With respect to the declaration, that the life of an
+      <i>African</i> in the colonies is happier than that of an
+      <i>English</i> peasant, it is equally false. Indeed we can
+      scarcely withhold our indignation, when we consider, how
+      shamefully the situation of this latter class of men has
+      been misrepresented, to elevate the former to a state of
+      fictitious happiness. If the representations of the
+      <i>receivers</i> be true, it is evident that those of the
+      most approved writers, who have placed a considerable share
+      of happiness in the <i>cottage</i>, have been mistaken in
+      their opinion; and that those of the rich, who have been
+      heard to sigh, and envy the felicity of the <i>peasant</i>,
+      have been treacherous to their own sensations.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But which are we to believe on the occasion? Those, who
+      endeavour to dress <i>vice</i> in the habit of
+      <i>virtue</i>, or those, who derive their opinion from
+      their own feelings? The latter are surely to be believed;
+      and we may conclude therefore, that the horrid picture
+      which is given of the life of the <i>peasant</i>, has not
+      so just a foundation as the <i>receivers</i> would, lead us
+      to suppose. For has he no pleasure in the thought, that he
+      lives in his <i>own country</i>, and among his relations
+      and friends? That he is actually <i>free</i>, and that his
+      children will be the same? That he can never be <i>sold</i>
+      as a beast? That he can speak his mind <i>without the fear
+      of the lash</i>? That he cannot even be struck <i>with
+      impunity</i>? And that he partakes, equally with his
+      superiours, of the <i>protection of the law</i>?-Now, there
+      is no one of these advantages which the <i>African</i>
+      possesses, and no one, which the defenders of slavery take
+      into their account.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Of the other comparisons that are usually made, we may
+      observe in general, that, as they consist in comparing the
+      iniquitous practice of slavery with other iniquitous
+      practices in force among other nations, they can neither
+      raise it to the appearance of virtue, nor extenuate its
+      guilt. The things compared are in these instances both of
+      them evils alike. They call equally for redress,<a name=
+      "FNanchor098"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_098"><sup>[098]</sup></a> and are equally
+      disgraceful to the governments which suffer them, if not
+      encourage them, to exist. To attempt therefore to justify
+      one species of iniquity by comparing it with another, is no
+      justification at all; and is so far from answering the
+      purpose, for which the comparison is intended, as to give
+      us reason to suspect, that the <i>comparer</i> has but
+      little notion either of equity or honour.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      We come now to those scenes of felicity, which slaves are
+      said to enjoy. The first advantage which they are said to
+      experience, is that of <i>manumission</i>. But here the
+      advocates for slavery conceal an important circumstance.
+      They expatiate indeed on the charms of freedom, and contend
+      that it must be a blessing in the eyes of those, upon whom
+      it is conferred. We perfectly agree with them in this
+      particular. But they do not tell us that these advantages
+      are <i>confined</i>; that they are confined to some
+      <i>favourite domestick</i>; that not <i>one in an
+      hundred</i> enjoy them; and that they are <i>never</i>
+      extended to those, who are employed in the <i>cultivation
+      of the field</i>, as long as they can work. These are they,
+      who are most to be pitied, who are destined to
+      <i>perpetual</i> drudgery; and of whom <i>no one
+      whatever</i> has a chance of being freed from his
+      situation, till death either releases him at once, or age
+      renders him incapable of continuing his former labour. And
+      here let it be remarked, <i>to the disgrace of the
+      receivers</i>, that he is then made free, not-<i>as a
+      reward for his past services</i>, but, as his labour is
+      then of little or no value,-<i>to save the tax.</i><a name=
+      "FNanchor099"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_099"><sup>[099]</sup></a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      With the same artifice is mention also made of the little
+      spots, or <i>gardens</i>, as they are called, which slaves
+      are said to possess from the <i>liberality</i> of <i>the
+      receivers</i>. But people must not be led away by agreeable
+      and pleasant sounds. They must not suppose that these
+      gardens are made for <i>flowers</i>; or that they are
+      places of <i>amusement</i>, in which they can spend their
+      time in botanical researches and delights. Alas, they do
+      not furnish them with a theme for such pleasing pursuits
+      and speculations! They must be cultivated in those hours,
+      which ought to be appropriated to rest;<a name=
+      "FNanchor100"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_100"><sup>[100]</sup></a> and they must be
+      cultivated, not for an amusement, but to make up, <i>if it
+      be possible</i>, the great deficiency in their weekly
+      allowance of provisions. Hence it appears, that the
+      <i>receivers</i> have no merit whatever in such an
+      appropriation of land to their unfortunate slaves: for they
+      are either under the necessity of doing this, or of
+      <i>losing</i> them by the jaws of famine. And it is a
+      notorious fact, that, with their weekly allowance, and the
+      produce of their spots together, it is often with the
+      greatest difficulty that they preserve a wretched
+      existence.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The third advantage which they are said to experience, is
+      that of <i>holy-days</i>, or days of respite from their
+      usual discipline and fatigue. This is certainly a great
+      indulgence, and ought to be recorded to the immortal honour
+      of the <i>receivers</i>. We wish we could express their
+      liberality in those handsome terms, in which it deserves to
+      be represented, or applaud them sufficiently for deviating
+      for once from the rigours of servile discipline. But we
+      confess, that we are unequal to the task, and must
+      therefore content ourselves with observing, that while the
+      horse has <i>one</i> day in <i>seven</i> to refresh his
+      limbs, the happy <i>African</i><a name="FNanchor101"></a><a
+      href="#Footnote_101"><sup>[101]</sup></a> has but
+      <i>one</i> in <i>fifty-two</i>, as a relaxation from his
+      labours.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      With respect to their <i>dances</i>, on which such a
+      particular stress has been generally laid, we fear that
+      people may have been as shamefully deceived, as in the
+      former instances. For from the manner in which these are
+      generally mentioned, we should almost be led to imagine,
+      that they had certain hours allowed them for the purpose of
+      joining in the dance, and that they had every comfort and
+      convenience, that people are generally supposed to enjoy on
+      such convivial occasions. But this is far from the case.
+      Reason informs us, that it can never be. If they wish for
+      such innocent recreations, they must enjoy them in the time
+      that is allotted them for sleep; and so far are these
+      dances from proceeding from any uncommon degree of
+      happiness, which excites them to convivial society, that
+      they proceed rather from an uncommon depression of spirits,
+      which makes them even sacrifice their rest,<a name=
+      "FNanchor102"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_102"><sup>[102]</sup></a> for the sake of
+      experiencing for a moment a more joyful oblivion of their
+      cares. For suppose any one of the <i>receivers</i>, in the
+      middle of a dance, were to address his slaves in the
+      following manner: "<i>Africans!</i> I begin at last to feel
+      for your situation; and my conscience is severely hurt,
+      whenever I reflect that I have been reducing those to a
+      state of misery and pain, who have never given me offence.
+      You seem to be fond of these exercises, but yet you are
+      obliged to take them at such unseasonable hours, that they
+      impair your health, which is sufficiently broken by the
+      intolerable share of labour which I have hitherto imposed
+      upon you. I will therefore make you a proposal. Will you be
+      content to live in the colonies, and you shall have the
+      half of every week entirely to yourselves? or will you
+      choose to return to your miserable, wretched country?"-But
+      what is that which strikes their ears? Which makes them
+      motionless in an instant? Which interrupts the festive
+      scene?-their country?-transporting sound!-Behold! they are
+      now flying from the dance: you may see them running to the
+      shore, and, frantick as it were with joy, demanding with
+      open arms an instantaneous passage to their beloved native
+      plains.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Such are the <i>colonial delights</i>, by the
+      representation of which the <i>receivers</i> would persuade
+      us, that the <i>Africans</i> are taken from their country
+      to a region of conviviality and mirth; and that like those,
+      who leave their usual places of residence for a summer's
+      amusement, they are conveyed to the colonies-<i>to
+      bathe</i>,-<i>to dance</i>,-<i>to keep holy-day</i>,-<i>to
+      be jovial</i>.-But there is something so truly ridiculous
+      in the attempt to impose these scenes of felicity on the
+      publick, as scenes which fall to the lot of slaves, that
+      the <i>receivers</i> must have been driven to great
+      extremities, to hazard them to the eye of censure.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The last point that remains to be considered, is the
+      shameful assertion, that the <i>Africans</i> are much
+      <i>happier in the colonies, than in their own country</i>.
+      But in what does this superiour happiness consist? In those
+      real scenes, it must be replied, which have been just
+      mentioned; for these, by the confession of the receivers,
+      constitute the happiness they enjoy.-But it has been shewn
+      that these have been unfairly represented; and, were they
+      realized in the most extensive latitude, they would not
+      confirm the fact. For if, upon a recapitulation, it
+      consists in the pleasure of <i>manumission</i>, they surely
+      must have passed their lives in a much more comfortable
+      manner, who, like the <i>Africans at home</i>, have had no
+      occasion for such a benefit at all. But the
+      <i>receivers</i>, we presume, reason upon this principle,
+      that we never know the value of a blessing but by its loss.
+      This is generally true: but would any one of them make
+      himself a <i>slave</i> for years, that he might run the
+      chance of the pleasures of <i>manumission</i>? Or that he
+      might taste the charms of liberty with <i>a greater
+      relish</i>? Nor is the assertion less false in every other
+      consideration. For if their happiness consists in the few
+      <i>holy-days</i>, which <i>in the colonies</i> they are
+      permitted to enjoy, what must be their situation <i>in
+      their own country</i>, where the whole year is but one
+      continued holy-day, or cessation from discipline and
+      fatigue?-If in the possession of <i>a mean and contracted
+      spot</i>, what must be their situation, where a whole
+      region is their own, producing almost spontaneously the
+      comforts of life, and requiring for its cultivation none of
+      those hours, which should be appropriated to
+      <i>sleep</i>?-If in the pleasures of the <i>colonial
+      dance</i>, what must it be in <i>their own country</i>,
+      where they may dance for ever; where there is no stated
+      hour to interrupt their felicity, no intolerable labour
+      immediately to succeed their recreations, and no overseer
+      to receive them under the discipline of the lash?-If these
+      therefore are the only circumstances, by which the
+      assertion can be proved, we may venture to say, without
+      fear of opposition, that it can never be proved at all.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But these are not the only circumstances. It is said that
+      they are barbarous at home.-But do you <i>receivers</i>
+      civilize them?-Your unwillingness to convert them to
+      Christianity, because you suppose you must use them more
+      kindly when converted, is but a bad argument in favour of
+      the fact.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It is affirmed again, that their manner of life, and their
+      situation is such in their own country, that to say they
+      are happy is a jest. "But who are you, who pretend to
+      judge<a name="FNanchor103"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_103"><sup>[103]</sup></a> of another man's
+      happiness? That state which each man, under the guidance of
+      his maker, forms for himself, and not one man for another?
+      To know what constitutes mine or your happiness, is the
+      sole prerogative of him who created us, and cast us in so
+      various and different moulds. Did your slaves ever complain
+      to you of their unhappiness, amidst their native woods and
+      desarts? Or, rather, let me ask, did they ever cease
+      complaining of their condition under you their lordly
+      masters? Where they see, indeed, the accommodations of
+      civil life, but see them all pass to others, themselves
+      unbenefited by them. Be so gracious then, ye petty tyrants
+      over human freedom, to let your slaves judge for
+      themselves, what it is which makes their own happiness, and
+      then see whether they do not place it <i>in the return to
+      their own country</i>, rather than in the contemplation of
+      your grandeur, of which their misery makes so large a
+      part."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But since you speak with so much confidence on the subject,
+      let us ask you <i>receivers</i> again, if you have ever
+      been informed by your unfortunate slaves, that they had no
+      connexions in the country from which they have forcibly
+      been torn away: or, if you will take upon you to assert,
+      that they never sigh, when they are alone; or that they
+      never relate to each other their tales of misery and woe.
+      But you judge of them, perhaps, in an happy moment, when
+      you are dealing out to them their provisions for the week;
+      and are but little aware, that, though the countenance may
+      be cheered with a momentary smile, the heart may be
+      exquisitely tortured. Were you to shew us, indeed, that
+      there are laws, subject to no evasion, by which you are
+      obliged to clothe and feed them in a comfortable manner;
+      were you to shew us that they are protected<a name=
+      "FNanchor104"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_104"><sup>[104]</sup></a> at all; or that even
+      <i>one</i> in a <i>thousand</i> of those masters have
+      suffered death,<a name="FNanchor105"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_105"><sup>[105]</sup></a> who have been guilty
+      of <i>premeditated</i> murder to their slaves, you would
+      have a better claim to our belief: but you can neither
+      produce the instances nor the laws. The people, of whom you
+      speak, are <i>slaves</i>, are your own <i>property</i>, are
+      wholly <i>at your own disposal</i>; and this idea is
+      sufficient to overturn your assertions of their happiness.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But we shall now mention a circumstance, which, in the
+      present case, will have more weight than all the arguments
+      which have hitherto been advanced. It is an opinion, which
+      the <i>Africans</i> universally entertain, that, as soon as
+      death shall release them from the hands of their
+      oppressors, they shall immediately be wafted back to their
+      native plains, there to exist again, to enjoy the sight of
+      their beloved countrymen, and to spend the whole of their
+      new existence in scenes of tranquillity and delight; and so
+      powerfully does this notion operate upon them, as to drive
+      them frequently to the horrid extremity of putting a period
+      to their lives. Now if these suicides are frequent, (which
+      no person can deny) what are they but a proof, that the
+      situation of those who destroy themselves must have been
+      insupportably wretched: and if the thought of returning to
+      their country after death, <i>when they have experienced
+      the colonial joys</i>, constitutes their supreme felicity,
+      what are they but a proof, that they think there is as much
+      difference between the two situations, as there is between
+      misery and delight?
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Nor is the assertion of the <i>receivers</i> less liable to
+      a refutation in the instance of those, who terminate their
+      own existence, than of those, whom nature releases from
+      their persecutions. They die with a smile upon their face,
+      and their funerals are attended by a vast concourse of
+      their countrymen, with every possible demonstration of
+      joy.<a name="FNanchor106"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_106"><sup>[106]</sup></a> But why this unusual
+      mirth, if their departed brother has left an happy place?
+      Or if he has been taken from the care of an indulgent
+      master, who consulted his pleasures, and administered to
+      his wants? But alas, it arises from hence, that <i>he is
+      gone to his happy country</i>: a circumstance, sufficient
+      of itself, to silence a myriad of those specious arguments,
+      which the imagination has been racked, and will always be
+      racked to produce, in favour of a system of tyranny and
+      oppression.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It remains only, that we should now conclude the chapter
+      with a fact, which will shew that the account, which we
+      have given of the situation of slaves, is strictly true,
+      and will refute at the same time all the arguments which
+      have hitherto been, and may yet be brought by the
+      <i>receivers</i>, to prove that their treatment is humane.
+      In one of the western colonies of the Europeans, <a name=
+      "FNanchor107"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_107"><sup>[107]</sup></a>six hundred and fifty
+      thousand slaves were imported within an hundred years; at
+      the expiration of which time, their whole posterity were
+      found to amount to one hundred and forty thousand. This
+      fact will ascertain the treatment of itself. For how
+      shamefully must these unfortunate people have been
+      oppressed? What a dreadful havock must famine, fatigue, and
+      cruelty, have made among them, when we consider, that the
+      descendants of <i>six hundred and fifty thousand</i> people
+      in the prime of life, gradually imported within a century,
+      are less numerous than those, which only <i>ten
+      thousand</i><a name="FNanchor108"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_108"><sup>[108]</sup></a> would have produced in
+      the same period, under common advantages, and in a country
+      congenial to their constitutions?
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But the <i>receivers</i> have probably great merit on the
+      occasion. Let us therefore set it down to their humanity.
+      Let us suppose for once, that this incredible waste of the
+      human species proceeds from a benevolent design; that,
+      sensible of the miseries of a servile state, they resolve
+      to wear out, as fast as they possibly can, their
+      unfortunate slaves, that their miseries may the sooner end,
+      and that a wretched posterity may be prevented from sharing
+      their parental condition. Now, whether this is the plan of
+      reasoning which the <i>receivers</i> adopt, we cannot take
+      upon us to decide; but true it is, that the effect produced
+      is exactly the same, as if they had reasoned wholly on this
+      <i>benevolent</i> principle.
+    </p>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+     <a name="Part_310"></a>
+    <h2>
+      <a href="#PART_III.">CHAP. X.</a>
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      We have now taken a survey of the treatment which the
+      unfortunate <i>Africans</i> undergo, when they are put into
+      the hands of the <i>receivers</i>. This treatment, by the
+      four first chapters of the present part of this Essay,
+      appears to be wholly insupportable, and to be such as no
+      human being can apply to another, without the imputation of
+      such crimes, as should make him tremble. But as many
+      arguments are usually advanced by those who have any
+      interest in the practice, by which they would either
+      exculpate the treatment, or diminish its severity, we
+      allotted the remaining chapters for their discussion. In
+      these we considered the probability of such a treatment
+      against the motives of interest; the credit that was to be
+      given to those disinterested writers on the subject, who
+      have recorded particular instances of barbarity; the
+      inferiority of the <i>Africans</i> to the human species;
+      the comparisons that are generally made with respect to
+      their situation; the positive scenes of felicity which they
+      are said to enjoy, and every other argument, in short, that
+      we have found to have ever been advanced in the defence of
+      slavery. These have been all considered, and we may venture
+      to pronounce, that, instead of answering the purpose for
+      which they were intended, they serve only to bring such
+      circumstances to light, as clearly shew, that if ingenuity
+      were racked to invent a situation, that would be the most
+      distressing and insupportable to the human race; it could
+      never invent one, that would suit the description better,
+      than the-<i>colonial slavery</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      If this then be the case, and if slaves, notwithstanding
+      all the arguments to the contrary, are exquisitely
+      miserable, we ask you <i>receivers, by what right</i> you
+      reduce them to so wretched a situation?
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      You reply, that you <i>buy them</i>; that your <i>money</i>
+      constitutes your <i>right</i>, and that, like all other
+      things which you purchase, they are wholly at your own
+      disposal.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Upon this principle alone it was, that we professed to view
+      your treatment, or examine your right, when we said, that
+      "the question<a name="FNanchor109"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_109"><sup>[109]</sup></a> resolved itself into
+      two separate parts for discussion; into the <i>African</i>
+      commerce, as explained in the history of slavery, and the
+      subsequent slavery in the colonies, <i>as founded on the
+      equity of the commerce</i>." Now, since it appears that
+      this commerce, upon the fullest investigation, is contrary
+      to "<i>the principles<a name="FNanchor110"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_110"><sup>[110]</sup></a> of law and government,
+      the dictates of reason, the common maxims of equity, the
+      laws of nature, the admonitions of conscience, and, in
+      short, the whole doctrine of natural religion</i>," it is
+      evident that the <i>right</i>, which is founded upon it,
+      must be the same; and that if those things only are lawful
+      in the sight of God, which are either virtuous in
+      themselves, or proceed from virtuous principles, you
+      <i>have no right over them at all</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      You yourselves also confess this. For when we ask you,
+      whether any human being has a right to sell you, you
+      immediately answer, No; as if nature revolted at the
+      thought, and as if it was so contradictory to your own
+      feelings, as not to require consideration. But who are you,
+      that have this exclusive charter of trading in the
+      liberties of mankind? When did nature, or rather the Author
+      of nature, make so partial a distinction between you and
+      them? When did He say, that you should have the privilege
+      of selling others, and that others should not have the
+      privilege of selling you?
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Now since you confess, that no person whatever has a right
+      to dispose of you in this manner, you must confess also,
+      that those things are unlawful to be done to you, which are
+      usually done in consequence of the sale. Let us suppose
+      then, that in consequence of the <i>commerce</i> you were
+      forced into a ship; that you were conveyed to another
+      country; that you were sold there; that you were confined
+      to incessant labour; that you were pinched by continual
+      hunger and thirst; and subject to be whipped, cut, and
+      mangled at discretion, and all this at the hands of those,
+      whom you had never offended; would you not think that you
+      had a right to resist their treatment? Would you not resist
+      it with a safe conscience? And would you not be surprized,
+      if your resistance should be termed rebellion?-By the
+      former premises you must answer, yes.-Such then is the case
+      with the wretched <i>Africans</i>. They have a right to
+      resist your proceedings. They can resist them, and yet they
+      cannot justly be considered as rebellious. For though we
+      suppose them to have been guilty of crimes to one another;
+      though we suppose them to have been the most abandoned and
+      execrable of men, yet are they perfectly innocent with
+      respect to you <i>receivers</i>. You have no right to touch
+      even the hair of their heads without their own consent. It
+      is not your money, that can invest you with a right. Human
+      liberty can neither be bought nor sold. Every lash that you
+      give them is unjust. It is a lash against nature and
+      religion, and will surely stand recorded against you, since
+      they are all, with respect to your <i>impious</i> selves,
+      in a state of nature; in a state of original dissociation;
+      perfectly free.
+    </p>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+     <a name="Part_311"></a>
+    <h2>
+      <a href="#PART_III.">CHAP. XI.</a>
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      Having now considered both the <i>commerce</i> and
+      <i>slavery</i>, it remains only to collect such arguments
+      as are scattered in different parts of the work, and to
+      make such additional remarks, as present themselves on the
+      subject.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      And first, let us ask you, who have studied the law of
+      nature, and you, who are learned in the law of the land, if
+      all property must not be inferiour in its nature to its
+      possessor, or, in other words, (for it is a case, which
+      every person must bring home to his own breast) if you
+      suppose that any human being can have <i>a property in
+      yourselves</i>? Let us ask you appraisers, who
+      scientifically know the value of things, if any human
+      creature is equivalent only to any of the trinkets that you
+      wear, or at most, to any of the horses that you ride: or in
+      other words, if you have ever considered the most costly
+      things that you have valued, as <i>equivalent to
+      yourselves?</i> Let us ask you rationalists, if man, as a
+      reasonable being, is not <i>accountable</i> for his
+      actions, and let us put the same question to you, who have
+      studied the divine writings? Let us ask you parents, if
+      ever you thought that you possessed an <i>authority</i> as
+      such, or if ever you expected a <i>duty</i> from your sons;
+      and let us ask you sons, if ever you felt an impulse in
+      your own breasts to <i>obey</i> your parents. Now, if you
+      should all answer as we could wish, if you should all
+      answer consistently with reason, nature, and the revealed
+      voice of God, what a dreadful argument will present itself
+      against the commerce and slavery of the human species, when
+      we reflect, that no man whatever can be bought or reduced
+      to the situation of a slave, <i>but he must instantly
+      become a brute, he must instantly be reduced to the value
+      of those things, which were made for his own use and
+      convenience; he must instantly cease to be accountable for
+      his actions, and his authority as a parent, and his duty as
+      a son, must be instantly no more</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Neither does it escape our notice, when we are speaking of
+      the fatal wound which every social duty must receive, how
+      considerably Christianity suffers by the conduct of you
+      <i>receivers</i>. For by prosecuting this impious commerce,
+      you keep the <i>Africans</i> in a state of perpetual
+      ferocity and barbarism; and by prosecuting it in such a
+      manner, as must represent your religion, as a system of
+      robbery and oppression, you not only oppose the propagation
+      of the gospel, as far as you are able yourselves, but throw
+      the most certain impediments in the way of others, who
+      might attempt the glorious and important task.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Such also is the effect, which the subsequent slavery in
+      the colonies must produce. For by your inhuman treatment of
+      the unfortunate <i>Africans</i> there, you create the same
+      insuperable impediments to a conversion. For how must they
+      detest the very name of <i>Christians</i>, when you
+      <i>Christians</i> are deformed by so many and dreadful
+      vices? How must they detest that system of religion, which
+      appears to resist the natural rights of men, and to give a
+      sanction to brutality and murder?
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But, as we are now mentioning Christianity, we must pause
+      for a little time, to make a few remarks on the arguments
+      which are usually deduced from thence by the
+      <i>receivers</i>, in defence of their system of oppression.
+      For the reader may readily suppose, that, if they did not
+      hesitate to bring the <i>Old</i> Testament in support of
+      their barbarities, they would hardly let the <i>New</i>
+      escape them.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      <i>St. Paul</i>, having converted <i>Onesimus</i> to the
+      Christian faith, who was a fugitive slave of
+      <i>Philemon</i>, sent him back to his master. This
+      circumstance has furnished the <i>receivers</i> with a
+      plea, that Christianity encourages slavery. But they have
+      not only strained the passages which they produce in
+      support of their assertions, but are ignorant of historical
+      facts. The benevolent apostle, in the letter which he wrote
+      to <i>Philemon</i>, the master of <i>Onesimus</i>,
+      addresses him to the following effect: "I send him back to
+      you, but not in his former capacity,<a name=
+      "FNanchor111"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_111"><sup>[111]</sup></a> <i>not now as a
+      servant, but above a servant, a brother beloved</i>. In
+      this manner I beseech you to receive him, for though I
+      could <i>enjoin</i> you to do it, yet I had rather it
+      should be a matter of your <i>own will</i>, than of
+      <i>necessity</i>."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It appears that the same <i>Onesimus</i>, when he was sent
+      back, was no longer <i>a slave</i>, that he was a minister
+      of the gospel, that he was joined with <i>Tychicus</i> in
+      an ecclesiastical commission to the church of the
+      <i>Colossians</i>, and was afterwards bishop of
+      <i>Ephesus</i>. If language therefore has any meaning, and
+      if history has recorded a fact which may be believed, there
+      is no case more opposite to the doctrine of the
+      <i>receivers</i>, than this which they produce in its
+      support.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It is said again, that Christianity, among the many
+      important precepts which it contains, does not furnish us
+      with one for the abolition of slavery. But the reason is
+      obvious. Slavery at the time of the introduction of the
+      gospel was universally prevalent, and if Christianity had
+      abruptly declared, that the millions of slaves should have
+      been made free, who were then in the world, it would have
+      been universally rejected, as containing doctrines that
+      were dangerous, if not destructive, to society. In order
+      therefore that it might be universally received, it never
+      meddled, by any positive precept, with the civil
+      institutions of the times; but though it does not expressly
+      say, that "you shall neither buy, nor sell, nor possess a
+      slave," it is evident that, in its general tenour, it
+      sufficiently militates against the custom.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The first doctrine which it inculcates, is that of
+      <i>brotherly love</i>. It commands good will towards men.
+      It enjoins us to love our neighbours as ourselves, and to
+      do unto all men, as we would that they should do unto us.
+      And how can any man fulfil this scheme of universal
+      benevolence, who reduces an unfortunate person <i>against
+      his will</i>, to the <i>most insupportable</i> of all human
+      conditions; who considers him as his <i>private
+      property</i>, and treats him, not as a brother, nor as one
+      of the same parentage with himself, but as an <i>animal of
+      the brute creation?</i>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But the most important doctrine is that, by which we are
+      assured that mankind are to exist in a future state, and to
+      give an account of those actions, which they have severally
+      done in the flesh. This strikes at the very root of
+      slavery. For how can any man be justly called to an account
+      for his actions, whose actions are not <i>at his own
+      disposal?</i> This is the case with the <i>proper</i><a
+      name="FNanchor112"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_112"><sup>[112]</sup></a> slave. His liberty is
+      absolutely bought and <i>appropriated</i>; and if the
+      purchase is <i>just and equitable</i>, he is <i>under the
+      necessity</i> of perpetrating any crime, which the
+      purchaser may order him to commit, or, in other words, of
+      ceasing to be <i>accountable for his actions</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      These doctrines therefore are sufficient to shew, that
+      slavery is incompatible, with the Christian system. The
+      <i>Europeans</i> considered them as such, when, at the
+      close of the twelfth century, they resisted, their
+      hereditary prejudices, and occasioned its abolition. Hence
+      one, among many other proofs, that Christianity was the
+      production of infinite wisdom; that though it did not take
+      such express cognizance of the wicked national institutions
+      of the times, as should hinder its reception, it should yet
+      contain such doctrines, as, when it should be fully
+      established, would be sufficient for the abolition of them
+      all.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Thus then is the argument of you <i>receivers</i>
+      ineffectual, and your conduct impious. For, by the
+      prosecution of this wicked slavery and commerce, you not
+      only oppose the propagation of that gospel which was
+      ordered to be preached unto every creature, and bring it
+      into contempt, but you oppose its tenets also: first,
+      because you violate that law of <i>universal
+      benevolence</i>, which was to take away those hateful
+      distinctions of <i>Jew</i> and <i>Gentile</i>, <i>Greek</i>
+      and <i>Barbarian, bond</i> and <i>free</i>, which prevailed
+      when the gospel was introduced; and secondly, because, as
+      every man is to give an account of his actions hereafter,
+      it is necessary that he should be <i>free</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Another argument yet remains, which, though nature will
+      absolutely turn pale at the recital, cannot possibly be
+      omitted. In those wars, which are made for the sake of
+      procuring slaves, it is evident that the contest must be
+      generally obstinate, and that great numbers must be slain
+      on both sides, before the event can be determined. This we
+      may reasonably apprehend to be the case: and we have
+      shewn,<a name="FNanchor113"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_113"><sup>[113]</sup></a> that there have not
+      been wanting instances, where the conquerors have been so
+      incensed at the resistance they have found, that their
+      spirit of vengeance has entirely got the better of their
+      avarice, and they have murdered, in cool blood, every
+      individual, without discrimination, either of age or sex.
+      From these and other circumstances, we thought we had
+      sufficient reason to conclude, that, where <i>ten</i> were
+      supposed to be taken, an <i>hundred</i>, including the
+      victors and vanquished, might be supposed to perish. Now,
+      as the annual exportation from <i>Africa</i> consists of an
+      hundred thousand men, and as the two orders, of those who
+      are privately kidnapped by individuals, and of those, who
+      are publickly seized by virtue of the authority of their
+      prince, compose together, at least, nine-tenths of the
+      <i>African</i> slaves, it follows, that about ten thousand
+      consist of convicts and prisoners of war. The last order is
+      the most numerous. Let us suppose then that only six
+      thousand of this order are annually sent into servitude,
+      and it will immediately appear that no less than
+      <i>sixty-thousand</i> people annually perish in those wars,
+      which are made only for the purpose of procuring slaves.
+      But that this number, which we believe to be by no means
+      exaggerated, may be free from all objection, we will
+      include those in the estimate, who die as they are
+      travelling to the ships. Many of these unfortunate people
+      have a journey of one thousand miles to perform on foot,
+      and are driven like sheep through inhospitable woods and
+      deserts, where they frequently die in great numbers, from
+      fatigue and want. Now if to those, who thus perish on the
+      <i>African</i> continent, by war and travelling, we subjoin
+      those,<a name="FNanchor114"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_114"><sup>[114]</sup></a> who afterwards perish
+      on the voyage, and in the seasoning together, it will
+      appear that, in every yearly attempt to supply the
+      colonies, an <i>hundred thousand</i> must perish, even
+      before <i>one</i> useful individual can be obtained.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Gracious God! how wicked, how beyond all example impious,
+      must be that servitude, which cannot be carried on without
+      the continual murder of so many and innocent persons! What
+      punishment is not to be expected for such monstrous and
+      unparalleled barbarities! For if the blood of one man,
+      unjustly shed, cries with so loud a voice for the divine
+      vengeance, how shall the cries and groans of an <i>hundred
+      thousand</i> men, <i>annually murdered</i>, ascend the
+      celestial mansions, and bring down that punishment, which
+      such enormities deserve! But do we mention punishment? Do
+      we allude to that punishment, which shall be inflicted on
+      men as individuals, in a future life? Do we allude to that
+      awful day, which shall surely come, when the master shall
+      behold his murdered negroe face to face? When a train of
+      mutilated slaves shall be brought against him? When he
+      shall stand confounded and abashed? Or, do we allude to
+      that punishment, which may be inflicted on them here, as
+      members of a wicked community? For as a body politick, if
+      its members are ever so numerous, may be considered as an
+      whole, acting of itself, and by itself, in all affairs in
+      which it is concerned, so it is accountable, as such, for
+      its conduct; and as these kinds of polities have only their
+      existence here, so it is only in this world, that, as such,
+      they can be punished.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      "Now, whether we consider the crime, with respect to the
+      individuals immediately concerned in this most barbarous
+      and cruel traffick, or whether we consider it as
+      patronized<a name="FNanchor115"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_115"><sup>[115]</sup></a> and encouraged by the
+      laws of the land, it presents to our view an equal degree
+      of enormity. A crime, founded on a dreadful pre-eminence in
+      wickedness,-a crime, which being both of individuals and
+      the nation, must sometime draw down upon us the heaviest
+      judgment of Almighty God, who made of one blood all the
+      sons of men, and who gave to all equally a natural right to
+      liberty; and who, ruling all the kingdoms of the earth with
+      equal providential justice, cannot suffer such deliberate,
+      such monstrous iniquity, to pass long unpunished."<a name=
+      "FNanchor116"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_116"><sup>[116]</sup></a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But alas! he seems already to have interfered on the
+      occasion! The violent<a name="FNanchor117"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_117"><sup>[117]</sup></a> and supernatural
+      agitations of all the elements, which, for a series of
+      years, have prevailed in those European settlements, where
+      the unfortunate <i>Africans</i> are retained in a state of
+      slavery, and which have brought unspeakable calamities on
+      the inhabitants, and publick losses on the states to which
+      they severally belong, are so many awful visitations of God
+      for this inhuman violation of his laws. And it is not
+      perhaps unworthy of remark, that as the subjects of
+      Great-Britain have two thirds of this impious commerce in
+      their own hands, so they have suffered<a name=
+      "FNanchor118"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_118"><sup>[118]</sup></a> in the same
+      proportion, or more severely than the rest.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      How far these misfortunes may appear to be acts of
+      providence, and to create an alarm to those who have been
+      accustomed to refer every effect to its apparent cause; who
+      have been habituated to stop there, and to overlook the
+      finger of God; because it is slightly covered under the
+      veil of secondary laws, we will not pretend to determine?
+      but this we will assert with confidence, that the
+      <i>Europeans</i> have richly deserved them all; that the
+      fear of sympathy, which can hardly be restrained on other
+      melancholy occasions, seems to forget to flow at the
+      relation of these; and that we can never, with any shadow
+      of justice, with prosperity to the undertakers of those,
+      whose success must be at the expence of the happiness of
+      millions of their fellow-creatures.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But this is sufficient. For if liberty is only an
+      adventitious right; if men are by no means superiour to
+      brutes; if every social duty is a curse; if cruelty is
+      highly to be esteemed; if murder is strictly honourable,
+      and Christianity is a lye; then it is evident, that the
+      <i>African</i> slavery may be pursued, without either the
+      remorse of conscience, or the imputation of a crime. But if
+      the contrary of this is true, which reason must immediately
+      evince, it is evident that no custom established among men
+      was ever more impious; since it is contrary to <i>reason,
+      justice, nature, the principles of law and government, the
+      whole doctrine, in short, of natural religion, and the
+      revealed voice of God</i>.
+    </p>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <h2>
+      FINIS.
+    </h2>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+
+    <h2>
+      Footnotes:
+    </h2>
+    <br>
+     <a name="Footnote_001"></a><a href="#FNanchor001">[001]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      A Description of Guinea, with an Inquiry into the Rise and
+      Progress of the Slave Trade, &amp;c.-A Caution to Great
+      Britain and her Colonies, in a short Representation of the
+      calamitous State of the enslaved Negroes in the British
+      Dominions. Besides several smaller pieces.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_002"></a><a href="#FNanchor002">[002]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      They had censured the <i>African Trade</i> in the year
+      1727, but had taken no publick notice of the
+      <i>colonial</i> slavery till this time.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_003"></a><a href="#FNanchor003">[003]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      The instance of the <i>Dutch</i> colonists at the Cape, in
+      the first part of the Essay; the description of an African
+      battle, in the second; and the poetry of a negroe girl in
+      the third, are the only considerable additions that have
+      been made.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_004"></a><a href="#FNanchor004">[004]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Genesis, Ch. 47. Leviticus XXV. v. 39, 40.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_005"></a><a href="#FNanchor005">[005]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      The <i>Thetes</i> appear very early in the Grecian
+      History.--kai tines auto kouroi epont'Ithakes exairetoi; he
+      eoi autou thentes te Dmoes(?) te; Od. Homer. D. 642. They
+      were afterwards so much in use that, "Murioi depou
+      apedidonto eautous ose douleuein kata sungraphen," till
+      Solon suppressed the custom in Athens.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_006"></a><a href="#FNanchor006">[006]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      The mention of these is frequent among the classics; they
+      were called in general <i>mercenarii</i>, from the
+      circumstances of their <i>hire</i>, as "quibus, non
+      mal&egrave; pr&aelig;cipiunt, qui ita jubent uti, ut
+      <i>mercenariis</i>, operam exigendam, justa proebenda.
+      Cicero de off." But they are sometimes mentioned in the law
+      books by the name of <i>liberi</i>, from the circumstances
+      of their <i>birth</i>, to distinguish them from the
+      <i>alieni</i>, or foreigners, as Justinian. D. 7. 8. 4.-Id.
+      21. 1. 25. &amp;c. &amp;c. &amp;c.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_007"></a><a href="#FNanchor007">[007]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      "Nomos en pasin anthropois aidios esin, otan polemounton
+      polis alo, ton elonton einai kai ta somata ton en te
+      poleis, kai ta chremata." Xenoph. Kyrou Paid. L. 7. fin.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_008"></a><a href="#FNanchor008">[008]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      "Proud Nimrod first the bloody chace began,<br>
+      A mighty hunter, and his prey was man."<br>
+      -POPE.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_009"></a><a href="#FNanchor009">[009]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Thucydides. L. 1. sub initio.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_010"></a><a href="#FNanchor010">[010]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Idem.-"the strongest," says he, "engaging in these
+      adventures, Kerdous tou spheterou auton eneka kai tois
+      asthenesi trophes."
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_011"></a><a href="#FNanchor011">[011]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Homer. Odyss. L. 15. 385.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_012"></a><a href="#FNanchor012">[012]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Xenoph. Kyrou Anab. L. 6. sub initio.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_013"></a><a href="#FNanchor013">[013]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      ouk echontos po Aischynen toutou tou ergou pherontos de ti
+      kai Doxes mallon. Thucydides, L. 1. sub initio.<br>
+      kai euklees touto oi Kilikes enomizon. Sextus
+      Empiricus.<br>
+      ouk adoxon all'endoxon touto. Schol. &amp;c. &amp;c.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_014"></a><a href="#FNanchor014">[014]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Aristoph. Plut. Act. 2. Scene 5.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_015"></a><a href="#FNanchor015">[015]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Zenoph. Apomnemon, L. 1.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_016"></a><a href="#FNanchor016">[016]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Herodotus. L. 2. 113.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_017"></a><a href="#FNanchor017">[017]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      "Apud &AElig;gyptios, si quis servum sponte occiderat,
+      eum<br>
+      morte damnari &aelig;que ac si liberum occidisset, jubebant
+      leges &amp;c."<br>
+      Diodorus Sic. L. 1.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_018"></a><a href="#FNanchor018">[018]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      "Atq id ne vos miremini, Homines servulos<br>
+      Potare, amare, atq ad coenam condicere.<br>
+      Licet hoc Athenis.<br>
+      Plautus. Sticho."
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_019"></a><a href="#FNanchor019">[019]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      "Be me kratison esin eis to Theseion<br>
+      Dramein, ekei d'eos an eurombou prasin<br>
+      menein" Aristoph. Hor&aelig;.<br>
+      <br>
+      Kaka toiade paskousin oude prasin<br>
+      Aitousin. Eupolis. poleis.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_020"></a><a href="#FNanchor020">[020]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      To this privilege Plautus alludes in his <i>Casina</i>,
+      where he introduces a slave, speaking in the following
+      manner. "Quid tu me ver&ograve; libertate territas?<br>
+      Quod si tu nolis, siliusque etiam tuus<br>
+      Vobis <i>invitis</i>, atq amborum <i>ingratiis</i>,<br>
+      <i>Una libella liber possum fieri</i>."
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_021"></a><a href="#FNanchor021">[021]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Homer. Odys. P. 322. In the latest edition of Homer, the
+      word, which we have translated <i>senses</i>, is
+      <i>Aretae</i>, or <i>virtue</i>, but the old and proper
+      reading is <i>Noos</i>, as appears from Plato de Legibus,
+      ch. 6, where he quotes it on a similar occasion.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_022"></a><a href="#FNanchor022">[022]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Aristotle. Polit. Ch. 2. et inseq.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_023"></a><a href="#FNanchor023">[023]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Ellesin hegemonikos, tois de Barbarois despotikos krasthar
+      kai ton men os philon kai oikeion epimeleisthai, tois de os
+      zoois he phytois prospheresthai. Plutarch. de Fortun.
+      Alexand. Orat. 1.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_024"></a><a href="#FNanchor024">[024]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Omne tulit punctum, qui miscuit utile dulci. Horace.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_025"></a><a href="#FNanchor025">[025]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      me tacha pikren Aigypton kai Kypron idnai. Hom. Odyss. L.
+      17. 448.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_026"></a><a href="#FNanchor026">[026]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      L. 26.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_027"></a><a href="#FNanchor027">[027]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Exodus. Ch. 1.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_028"></a><a href="#FNanchor028">[028]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Vide note 1st. (Here shown as footnote 025).
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_029"></a><a href="#FNanchor029">[029]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      This strikes us the more forcibly, as it is stiled
+      <i>eurreiten</i> and <i>perikallea</i>, "<i>beautiful and
+      well watered</i>," in all other passages where it is
+      mentioned, but this.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_030"></a><a href="#FNanchor030">[030]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      The following short history of the African servitude, is
+      taken from Astley's Collection of Voyages, and from the
+      united testimonies of Smyth, Adanson, Bosman, Moore, and
+      others, who were agents to the different factories
+      established there; who resided many years in the country;
+      and published their respective histories at their return.
+      These writers, if they are partial at all, may be
+      considered as favourable rather to their own countrymen,
+      than the unfortunate Africans.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_031"></a><a href="#FNanchor031">[031]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      We would not wish to be understood, that slavery was
+      unknown in Africa before the <i>piratical</i> expeditions
+      of the <i>Portuguese</i>, as it appears from the
+      <i>Nubian's Geography</i>, that both the slavery and
+      commerce had been established among the natives with one
+      another. We mean only to assert, that the <i>Portuguese</i>
+      were the first of the <i>Europeans</i>, who made their
+      <i>piratical</i> expeditions, and shewed the way to that
+      <i>slavery</i>, which now makes so disgraceful a figure in
+      the western colonies of the <i>Europeans</i>. In the term
+      "Europeans," wherever it shall occur in the remaining part
+      of this first dissertation, we include the
+      <i>Portuguese</i>, and <i>those nations only</i>, who
+      followed their example.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_032"></a><a href="#FNanchor032">[032]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      The <i>Portuguese</i> erected their first fort at
+      <i>D'Elmina</i>, in the year 1481, about forty years after
+      Alonzo Gonzales had pointed the Southern Africans out to
+      his countrymen as articles of commerce.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_033"></a><a href="#FNanchor033">[033]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      In the ancient servitude, we reckoned <i>convicts</i> among
+      the <i>voluntary</i> slaves, because they had it in their
+      power, by a virtuous conduct, to have avoided so melancholy
+      a situation; in the <i>African</i>, we include them in the
+      <i>involuntary</i>, because, as virtues are frequently
+      construed into crimes, from the venal motives of the
+      traffick, no person whatever possesses such a <i>power</i>
+      or <i>choice</i>.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_034"></a><a href="#FNanchor034">[034]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Andrew Sparrman, M.D. professor of Physick at Stockholm,
+      fellow of the Royal Academy of Sciences in Sweden, and
+      inspector of its cabinet of natural history, whose voyage
+      was translated into English, and published in 1785.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_035"></a><a href="#FNanchor035">[035]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Boshies-man, or <i>wild Hottentot</i>.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_036"></a><a href="#FNanchor036">[036]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      This conclusion concerning the dissociated state of
+      mankind, is confirmed by all the early writers, with whose
+      descriptions of primitive times no other conclusion is
+      reconcileable.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_037"></a><a href="#FNanchor037">[037]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Justin. L. 2. C. 2.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_038"></a><a href="#FNanchor038">[038]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Sallust. Bell. Jug.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_039"></a><a href="#FNanchor039">[039]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Sallust. Bell. Catil.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_040"></a><a href="#FNanchor040">[040]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Ammianus Marcellinus. L. 31. C. 2. et. inseq.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_041"></a><a href="#FNanchor041">[041]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Agri pro Numero Cultorum ab universis per vicos occupantur,
+      quos mox inter se secundum dignationem partiuntur. Tacitus.
+      C. 26. de Mor. Germ.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_042"></a><a href="#FNanchor042">[042]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      The author has lately read a work, intitled Paley's Moral
+      and Political Philosophy, which, in this one respect,
+      favours those which have been hinted at, as it denies that
+      government was a contract. "No social compact was ever made
+      in fact,"-"it is to suppose it possible to call savages out
+      of caves and deserts, to deliberate upon topicks, which the
+      experience and studies, and the refinements of civil life
+      alone suggest. Therefore no government in the universe
+      begun from this original." But there are no grounds for so
+      absurd a supposition; for government, and of course the
+      social compact, does not appear to have been introduced at
+      the time, when families coming out of their caves and
+      deserts, or, in other words, quitting their former
+      <i>dissociated</i> state, joined themselves together. They
+      had lived a considerable time in <i>society</i>, like the
+      Lybians and G&aelig;tulians before-mentioned, and had felt
+      many of the disadvantages of a want of discipline and laws,
+      before government was introduced at all. The author of this
+      Essay, before he took into consideration the origin of
+      government, was determined, in a matter of such importance,
+      to be biassed by no opinion whatever, and much less to
+      indulge himself in speculation. He was determined solely to
+      adhere to fact, and, by looking into the accounts left us
+      of those governments which were in their infancy, and, of
+      course in the least complicated state, to attempt to
+      discover their foundation: he cannot say therefore, that
+      upon a very minute perusal of the excellent work before
+      quoted, he has been so far convinced, as to retract in the
+      least from his sentiments on this head, and to give up
+      maxims, which are drawn from historical facts, for those,
+      which are the result of speculation. He may observe here,
+      that whether government was a <i>contract</i> or not, it
+      will not affect the reasoning of the present Essay; since
+      where ever the contract is afterwards mentioned, it is
+      inferred only that its object was "the <i>happiness of the
+      people</i>," which is confessedly the end of government.
+      Notwithstanding this, he is under the necessity of
+      inserting this little note, though he almost feels himself
+      ungrateful in contradicting a work, which has afforded him
+      so much entertainment.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_043"></a><a href="#FNanchor043">[043]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      <i>Jure Gentium</i> servi nostri sunt, qui ab hostibus
+      capiuntur. Justinian, L. 1. 5. 5. 1.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_044"></a><a href="#FNanchor044">[044]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      <i>Serverum</i> appellatio ex eo fluxit, quod imperatores
+      nostri captivos vendere, ac per hoc <i>servare</i>, nec
+      occidere solent.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_045"></a><a href="#FNanchor045">[045]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Nam sive victoribus <i>jure captivitatis</i> servissent,
+      &amp;c. Justin, L. 4. 3. et passim apud scriptores
+      antiquos.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_046"></a><a href="#FNanchor046">[046]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Neque est contra naturam spoliare eum, si possis, quem
+      honestum est necare. Cicero de officiis. L. 3. 6.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_047"></a><a href="#FNanchor047">[047]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      1. Ut liberi suis legibus viverent. Livy, L. 30. 37.<br>
+      2. Decem millia talentum argenti descripta pensionibus
+      &aelig;quis in annos quinquaginta solverent. Ibid.<br>
+      3. Et naves rostratas, pr&aelig;ter decem triremes,
+      traderent, elephantosque, quos haberent domitos; neque
+      domarent alios; Bellum neve in Africa, neve extra Africam,
+      injussu P. R. gererent, &amp;c. Ibid.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_048"></a><a href="#FNanchor048">[048]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      The total annual exportation from Africa, is estimated here
+      at 100,000 men, two thirds of whom are exported by the
+      British merchants alone. This estimate is less than that
+      which is usually made, and has been published. The author
+      has been informed by disinterested people, who were in most
+      of the West India islands during the late war, and who
+      conversed with many of the most intelligent of the negroes,
+      for the purpose of inquiring by what methods they had
+      originally been reduced to slavery, that they did not find
+      even two in twenty, who had been reduced to that situation,
+      by any other means than those mentioned above. The author,
+      desirous of a farther confirmation of this circumstance,
+      stopped the press till he had written to another friend,
+      who had resided twenty years in the West-Indies, and whose
+      opinion he had not yet asked. The following is an extract
+      from the answer. "I do not among many hundreds recollect to
+      have seen but one or two slaves, of those imported from
+      Africa, who had any scars to shew, that they had been in
+      war. They are generally such as are kidnapped, or sold by
+      their tyrants, after the destruction of a village. In
+      short, I am firmly of opinion, that crimes and war together
+      do not furnish one slave in an hundred of the numbers
+      introduced into the European colonies. Of consequence the
+      trade itself, were it possible to suppose convicts or
+      prisoners of war to be justly sentenced to servitude, is
+      accountable for ninety-nine in every hundred slaves, whom
+      it supplies. It an insult to the publick, to attempt to
+      palliate the method of procuring them."
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_049"></a><a href="#FNanchor049">[049]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      The writer of the letter of which this is a faithful
+      extract, and who was known to the author of the present
+      Essay, was a long time on the African coast. He had once
+      the misfortune to be shipwrecked there, and to be taken by
+      the natives, who conveyed him and his companions a
+      considerable way up into the country. The hardships which
+      he underwent in the march, his treatment during his
+      captivity, the scenes to which he was witness, while he
+      resided among the inland Africans, as well as while in the
+      African trade, gave occasion to a series of very
+      interesting letters. These letters were sent to the author
+      of the present Essay, with liberty to make what use of them
+      he chose, by the gentleman to whom they were written.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_050"></a><a href="#FNanchor050">[050]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Were this not the case, the government of a country could
+      have no right to take cognizance of crimes, and punish
+      them, but every individual, if injured, would have a right
+      to punish the aggressor with his own hand, which is
+      contrary to the notions of all civilized men, whether among
+      the ancients or the moderns.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_051"></a><a href="#FNanchor051">[051]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      This same notion is entertained even by the African
+      princes, who do not permit the person injured to revenge
+      his injury, or to receive the convict as his slave. But if
+      the very person who has been <i>injured</i>, does not
+      possess him, much less ought any other person whatsoever.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_052"></a><a href="#FNanchor052">[052]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      There are instances on the African continent, of
+      <i>parents</i> selling their <i>children</i>. As the slaves
+      of this description are so few, and are so irregularly
+      obtained, we did not think it worth our while to consider
+      them as forming an order; and, as God never gave the parent
+      a power over his child to make him <i>miserable</i>, we
+      trust that any farther mention of them will be unnecessary.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_053"></a><a href="#FNanchor053">[053]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Abb&egrave; Raynal, Hist. Phil. vol. 4. P. 154.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_054"></a><a href="#FNanchor054">[054]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Justin, L. 2. C. 1.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_055"></a><a href="#FNanchor055">[055]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Cicero de Officiis. L. 1. C. 8.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_056"></a><a href="#FNanchor056">[056]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      It is universally allowed, that at least one fifth of the
+      exported negroes perish in the passage. This estimate is
+      made from the time in which they are put on board, to the
+      time when they are disposed of in the colonies. The French
+      are supposed to lose the greatest number in the voyage, but
+      particularly from this circumstance, because their slave
+      ships are in general so very large, that many of the slaves
+      that have been put on board sickly, die before the cargo
+      can be completed.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_057"></a><a href="#FNanchor057">[057]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      This instance happened in a ship, commanded by one
+      Collingwood. On the 29th of November, 1781, fifty-four of
+      them were thrown into the sea alive; on the 30th forty-two
+      more; and in about three days afterwards, twenty-six. Ten
+      others, who were brought upon the deck for the same
+      purpose, did not wait to be hand-cuffed, but bravely leaped
+      into the sea, and shared the fate of their companions. It
+      is a fact, that the people on board this ship had not been
+      put upon short allowance. The excuse which this execrable
+      wretch made on board for his conduct, was the following,
+      "<i>that if the slaves, who were then sickly, had died a
+      natural death, the loss would have been the owners; but as
+      they were thrown alive into the sea, it would fall upon the
+      underwriters</i>."
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_058"></a><a href="#FNanchor058">[058]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      This gentleman is at present resident in England. The
+      author of this Essay applied to him for some information on
+      the treatment of slaves, so far as his own knowledge was
+      concerned. He was so obliging as to furnish him with the
+      written account alluded to, interspersed only with such
+      instances, as he himself could undertake to answer for. The
+      author, as he has never met with these instances before,
+      and as they are of such high authority, intends to
+      transcribe two or three of them, and insert them in the
+      fourth chapter. They will be found in inverted commas.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_059"></a><a href="#FNanchor059">[059]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      One third of the whole number imported, is often computed
+      to be lost in the seasoning, which, in round numbers, will
+      be 27000. The loss in the seasoning depends, in a great
+      measure, on two circumstances, viz. on the number of what
+      are called refuse slaves that are imported, and on the
+      quantity of new land in the colony. In the French windward
+      islands of Martinico, and Guadaloupe, which are cleared and
+      highly cultivated, and in our old small islands, one
+      fourth, including refuse slaves, is considered as a general
+      proportion. But in St. Domingo, where there is a great deal
+      of new land annually taken into culture, and in other
+      colonies in the same situation, the general proportion,
+      including refuse slaves, is found to be one third. This
+      therefore is a lower estimate than the former, and reduces
+      the number to about 23000. We may observe, that this is the
+      common estimate, but we have reduced it to 20000 to make it
+      free from all objection.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_060"></a><a href="#FNanchor060">[060]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Including the number that perish on the voyage, and in the
+      seasoning. It is generally thought that not half the number
+      purchased can be considered as an additional stock, and of
+      course that 50,000 are consumed within the first two years
+      from their embarkation.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_061"></a><a href="#FNanchor061">[061]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      That part of the account, that has been hitherto given,
+      extends to all the Europeans and their colonists, who are
+      concerned in this horrid practice. But we are sorry that we
+      must now make a distinction, and confine the remaining
+      part, of it to the colonists of the British West India
+      islands, and to those of the southern provinces of North
+      America. As the employment of slaves is different in the
+      two parts of the world last mentioned, we shall content
+      ourselves with describing it, as it exists in one of them,
+      and we shall afterwards annex such treatment and such
+      consequences as are applicable to both. We have only to
+      add, that the reader must not consider our account as
+      <i>universally</i>, but only generally, true.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_062"></a><a href="#FNanchor062">[062]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      This computation is made on a supposition, that the gang is
+      divided into three bodies; we call it therefore moderate,
+      because the gang is frequently divided into two bodies,
+      which must therefore set up alternately <i>every other
+      night</i>.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_063"></a><a href="#FNanchor063">[063]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      An hand or arm being frequently ground off.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_064"></a><a href="#FNanchor064">[064]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      The reader will scarcely believe it, but it is a fact, that
+      a slave's annual allowance from his master, for provisions,
+      clothing, medicines when sick, &amp;c. is limited, upon an
+      average, to thirty shillings.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_065"></a><a href="#FNanchor065">[065]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      "A boy having received six slaves as a present from his
+      father, immediately slit their ears, and for the following
+      reason, that as his father was a whimsical man, he might
+      claim them again, unless they were marked." We do not
+      mention this instance as a confirmation of the passage to
+      which it is annexed, but only to shew, how cautious we
+      ought to be in giving credit to what may be advanced in any
+      work written in defence of slavery, by any native of the
+      colonies: for being trained up to scenes of cruelty from
+      his cradle, he may, consistently with his own feelings,
+      represent that treatment as mild, at which we, who have
+      never been used to see them, should absolutely shudder.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_066"></a><a href="#FNanchor066">[066]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      In this case he is considered as a criminal against the
+      state. The <i>marshal</i>, an officer answering to our
+      sheriff, superintends his execution, and the master
+      receives the value of the slave from the publick treasury.
+      We may observe here, that in all cases where the delinquent
+      is a criminal of the state, he is executed, and his value
+      is received in the same manner; He is tried and condemned
+      by two or three justices of the peace, and without any
+      intervention of a <i>jury</i>.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_067"></a><a href="#FNanchor067">[067]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Particularly in Jamaica. These observations were made by
+      disinterested people, who were there for three or four
+      years during the late war.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_068"></a><a href="#FNanchor068">[068]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      The action was brought by the owners against the
+      underwriters, to recover the value of the <i>murdered</i>
+      slaves. It was tried at Guildhall.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_069"></a><a href="#FNanchor069">[069]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Phillis Wheatley, negro slave to Mr. John Wheatley, of
+      Boston, in New-England.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_070"></a><a href="#FNanchor070">[070]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Lest it should be doubted whether these Poems are genuine,
+      we shall transcribe the names of those, who signed a
+      certificate of their authenticity.<br>
+      <br>
+      His Excellency Thomas Hutchinson, Governor.<br>
+      The Honourable Andrew Oliver, Lieutenant Governor.<br>
+      <br>
+      <br>
+      <br>
+      The Hon. Thomas Hubbard<br>
+      The Hon. John Erving<br>
+      The Hon. James Pitts<br>
+      The Hon. Harrison Gray<br>
+      The Hon. James Bowdoin<br>
+      John Hancock, Esq.<br>
+      Joseph Green, Esq.<br>
+      Richard Carey, Esq.<br>
+      The Rev. Cha. Chauncy, D.D.<br>
+      The Rev. Mather Byles, D.D.<br>
+      The Rev. Ed. Pemberton, D.D.<br>
+      The Rev. Andrew Elliot, D.D.<br>
+      The Rev. Sam. Cooper, D.D.<br>
+      The Rev. Samuel Mather<br>
+      The Rev. John Moorhead<br>
+      Mr. John Wheatley, her Master.<br>
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_071"></a><a href="#FNanchor071">[071]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      In the Preface.
+    </blockquote>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+     <a name="Footnote_072"></a><a href="#FNanchor072">[072]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      As to Mr. Hume's assertions with respect to African
+      capacity, we have passed them over in silence, as they have
+      been so admirably refuted by the learned Dr. Beattie, in
+      his Essay on Truth, to which we refer the reader. The whole
+      of this admirable refutation extends from p. 458. to 464.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_073"></a><a href="#FNanchor073">[073]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Genesis, ch. iv. 15.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_074"></a><a href="#FNanchor074">[074]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Genesis, ch. ix. 25, 26, 27.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_075"></a><a href="#FNanchor075">[075]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Jeremiah says, ch. xiii. 23, "Can the &AElig;thiopian
+      change his colour, or the leopard his spots?" Now the word,
+      which is here translated <i>&AElig;thiopian</i>, is in the
+      original Hebrew "<i>the descendant of Cush</i>," which
+      shews that this colour was not confined to the descendants
+      of <i>Canaan</i>, as the advocates for slavery assert.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_076"></a><a href="#FNanchor076">[076]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      It is very extraordinary that the advocates for slavery
+      should consider those Africans, whom they call negroes, as
+      the descendants of <i>Canaan</i>, when few historical facts
+      can be so well ascertained, as that out of the descendants
+      of the four sons of Ham, the descendants of Canaan were the
+      only people, (if we except the Carthaginians, who were a
+      colony of Canaan, and were afterwards ruined) who did not
+      settle in that quarter of the globe. Africa was
+      incontrovertibly peopled by the posterity of the three
+      other sons. We cannot shew this in a clearer manner, than
+      in the words of the learned Mr. Bryant, in his letter to
+      Mr. Granville Sharp on this subject.<br>
+      <br>
+      "We learn from scripture, that Ham had four sons, <i>Chus,
+      Mizraim, Phut</i>, and <i>Canaan</i>, Gen. x. 5, 6.
+      <i>Canaan</i> occupied <i>Palestine</i>, and the country
+      called by his name: <i>Mizraim, Egypt</i>: but <i>Phut</i>
+      passed deep into <i>Africa</i>, and, I believe, most of the
+      nations in that part of the world are descended from him;
+      at least more than from any other person." <i>Josephus</i>
+      says, "<i>that Phut was the founder of the nations in
+      Libya, and the people were from him called (phoutoi)
+      Phuti</i>." Antiq. L. 1. c. 7. "By <i>Lybia</i> he
+      understands, as the <i>Greeks</i> did, <i>Africa</i> in
+      general: for the particular country called <i>Lybia
+      Proper</i>, was peopled by the <i>Lubim</i>, or
+      <i>Lehabim</i>, one of the branches from <i>Mizraim</i>,
+      (Labieim ex ou Libnes) Chron. Paschale, p. 29.<br>
+      <br>
+      "The sons of <i>Phut</i> settled in <i>Mauritania</i>,
+      where was a country called <i>Phutia</i>, and a river of
+      the like denomination. Mauritani&aelig; Fluvius usque ad
+      pr&aelig;sens Tempus <i>Phut</i> dicitur, omnisq; circa eum
+      Regio <i>Phutensis</i>. Hieron. Tradit.
+      Hebroe&aelig;.-Amnem, quem vocant <i>Fut</i>." Pliny, L. 5.
+      c. 1. Some of this family settled above &AElig;gypt, near
+      &AElig;thiopia, and were styled Troglodyt&aelig;. (phoud ex
+      ou troglodotai.) Syncellus, p. 47. Many of them passed
+      inland, and peopled the Mediterranean country."<br>
+      <br>
+      "In process of time the sons of <i>Chus</i> also, (after
+      their expulsion from Egypt) made settlements upon the sea
+      coast of <i>Africa</i>, and came into <i>Mauritania</i>.
+      Hence we find traces of them also in the names of places,
+      such as <i>Churis, Chusares</i>, upon the coast: and a
+      river <i>Chusa</i>, and a city <i>Cotta</i>, together with
+      a promontory, <i>Cotis</i>, in <i>Mauritania</i>, all
+      denominated from <i>Chus</i>; who at different times, and
+      by different people, was called <i>Chus, Cuth, Cosh</i>,
+      and <i>Cotis</i>. The river <i>Cusa</i> is mentioned by
+      <i>Pliny</i>, Lib. 5. c. 1. and by <i>Ptolomy</i>."<br>
+      <br>
+      "Many ages after these settlements, there was another
+      eruption of the <i>Cushites</i> into these parts, under the
+      name of <i>Saracens</i> and <i>Moors</i>, who over-ran
+      <i>Africa</i>, to the very extremity of Mount Atlas. They
+      passed over and conquered <i>Spain</i> to the north, and
+      they extended themselves southward, as I said in my
+      treatise, to the rivers <i>Senegal</i> and <i>Gambia</i>,
+      and as low as the <i>Gold Coast</i>. I mentioned this,
+      because I do not think that they proceeded much farther:
+      most of the nations to the <i>south</i> being, as I
+      imagine, of the race of <i>Phut</i>. The very country upon
+      the river <i>Gambia</i> on one side, is at this day called
+      <i>Phuta</i>, of which <i>Bluet</i>, in his history of
+      <i>Juba Ben Solomon</i>, gives an account."
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_077"></a><a href="#FNanchor077">[077]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      When America was first discovered, it was thought by some,
+      that the scripture account of the creation was false, and
+      that there were different species of men, because they
+      could never suppose that people, in so rude a state as the
+      Americans, could have transported themselves to that
+      continent from any parts of the known world. This opinion
+      however was refuted by the celebrated Captain Cooke, who
+      shewed that the traject between the continents of Asia and
+      America, was as short as some, which people in as rude a
+      state have been actually known to pass. This affords an
+      excellent caution against an ill-judged and hasty censure
+      of the divine writings, because every difficulty which may
+      be started, cannot be instantly cleared up.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_078"></a><a href="#FNanchor078">[078]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      The divine writings, which assert that all men were derived
+      from the <i>same stock</i>, shew also, in the same instance
+      of <i>Cush</i>, (Footnote 075), that some of them had
+      changed their original complexion.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_079"></a><a href="#FNanchor079">[079]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      The following are the grand colours discernible in mankind,
+      between which there are many shades;<br>
+      <br>
+      <tt>White }         { Copper<br>
+            } -Olive- {<br>
+      Brown }         { Black<br>
+      </tt>
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_080"></a><a href="#FNanchor080">[080]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      See note, (Footnote 075). To this we may add, that the rest
+      of the descendants of <i>Ham</i>, as far as they can be
+      traced, are now also black, at well as many of the
+      descendants of <i>Shem</i>.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_081"></a><a href="#FNanchor081">[081]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Diseases have a great effect upon the <i>mucosum
+      corpus</i>, but particularly the jaundice, which turns it
+      yellow. Hence, being transmitted through the cuticle, the
+      yellow appearance of the whole body. But this, even as a
+      matter of ocular demonstration, is not confined solely to
+      white people; negroes themselves, while affected with these
+      or other disorders, changing their black colour for that
+      which the disease has conveyed to the <i>mucous</i>
+      substance.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_082"></a><a href="#FNanchor082">[082]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      The cutaneous pores are so excessively small, that one
+      grain of sand, (according to Dr. Lewenhoeck's calculations)
+      would cover many hundreds of them.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_083"></a><a href="#FNanchor083">[083]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      We do not mean to insinuate that the same people have their
+      <i>corpus mucosum</i> sensibly vary, as often as they go
+      into another latitude, but that the fact is true only of
+      different people, who have been long established in
+      different latitudes.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_084"></a><a href="#FNanchor084">[084]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      We beg leave to return our thanks here to a gentleman,
+      eminent in the medical line, who furnished us with the
+      above-mentioned facts.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_085"></a><a href="#FNanchor085">[085]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Suppose we were to see two nations, contiguous to each
+      other, of black and white inhabitants in the same parallel,
+      even this would be no objection, for many circumstances are
+      to be considered. A black people may have wandered into a
+      white, and a white people into a black latitude, and they
+      may not have been settled there a sufficient length of time
+      for such a change to have been accomplished in their
+      complexion, as that they should be like the old established
+      inhabitants of the parallel, into which they have lately
+      come.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_086"></a><a href="#FNanchor086">[086]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Justamond's Abbe Raynal, v. 5. p. 193.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_087"></a><a href="#FNanchor087">[087]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      The author of this Essay made it his business to inquire of
+      the most intelligent of those, whom he could meet with in
+      London, as to the authenticity of the fact. All those from
+      <i>America</i> assured him that it was strictly true; those
+      from the West-Indies, that they had never observed it
+      there; but that they had found a sensible difference in
+      themselves since they came to England.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_088"></a><a href="#FNanchor088">[088]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      This circumstance, which always happens, shews that they
+      are descended from the same parents as ourselves; for had
+      they been a distinct species of men, and the blackness
+      entirely ingrafted in their constitution and frame, there
+      is great reason to presume, that their children would have
+      been born <i>black</i>.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_089"></a><a href="#FNanchor089">[089]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      This observation was communicated to us by the gentleman in
+      the medical line, to whom we returned our thanks for
+      certain anatomical facts.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_090"></a><a href="#FNanchor090">[090]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Philos. Trans. No. 476. sect. 4.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_091"></a><a href="#FNanchor091">[091]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Treatise upon the Trade from Great Britain to Africa, by an
+      African merchant.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_092"></a><a href="#FNanchor092">[092]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      We mean such only as are <i>natives</i> of the countries
+      which we mention, and whose ancestors have been settled
+      there for a certain period of time.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_093"></a><a href="#FNanchor093">[093]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Herodotus. Euterpe. p. 80. Editio Stephani, printed 1570.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_094"></a><a href="#FNanchor094">[094]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      This circumstance confirms what we said in a former note,
+      (Footnote 085), that even if two nations were to be found
+      in the same parallel, one of whom was black, and the other
+      white, it would form no objection against the hypothesis of
+      climate, as one of them might have been new settlers from a
+      distant country.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_095"></a><a href="#FNanchor095">[095]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Suppose, without the knowledge of any historian, they had
+      made such considerable conquests, as to have settled
+      themselves at the distance of 1000 miles in any one
+      direction from <i>Colchis</i>, still they must have changed
+      their colour. For had they gone in an Eastern or Western
+      direction, they must have been of the same colour as the
+      <i>Circassians</i>; if to the north, whiter; if to the
+      south, of a copper. There are no people within that
+      distance of <i>Colchis</i>, who are black.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_096"></a><a href="#FNanchor096">[096]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      There are a particular people among those transported from
+      Africa to the colonies, who immediately on receiving
+      punishment, destroy themselves. This is a fact which the
+      <i>receivers</i> are unable to contradict.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_097"></a><a href="#FNanchor097">[097]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      The articles of war are frequently read at the head of
+      every regiment in the service, stating those particular
+      actions which are to be considered as crimes.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_098"></a><a href="#FNanchor098">[098]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      We cannot omit here to mention one of the customs, which
+      has been often brought as a palliation of slavery, and
+      which prevailed but a little time ago, and we are doubtful
+      whether it does not prevail now, in the metropolis of this
+      country, of kidnapping men for the service of the
+      East-India Company. Every subject, as long as he behaves
+      well, has a right to the protection of government; and the
+      tacit permission of such a scene of iniquity, when it
+      becomes known, is as much a breach of duty in government,
+      as the conduct of those subjects, who, on other occasions,
+      would be termed, and punished as, rebellious.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_099"></a><a href="#FNanchor099">[099]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      The expences of every parish are defrayed by a poll-tax on
+      negroes, to save which they pretend to liberate those who
+      are past labour; but they still keep them employed in
+      repairing fences, or in doing some trifling work on a
+      scanty allowance. For to free a <i>field-negroe</i>, so
+      long as he can work, is a maxim, which, notwithstanding the
+      numerous boasted manumissions, no master <i>ever thinks of
+      adopting</i> in the colonies.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_100"></a><a href="#FNanchor100">[100]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      They must be cultivated always on a <i>Sunday</i>, and
+      frequently in those hours which should be appropriated to
+      <i>sleep</i>, or the wretched possessors must be inevitably
+      <i>starved</i>.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_101"></a><a href="#FNanchor101">[101]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      They are allowed in general three holy-days at Christmas,
+      but in Jamaica they have two also at Easter, and two at
+      Whitsuntide: so that on the largest scale, they have only
+      seven days in a year, or one day in fifty-two. But this is
+      on a supposition, that the receivers do not break in upon
+      the afternoons, which they are frequently too apt to do. If
+      it should be said that Sunday is an holy-day, it is not
+      true; it is so far an holy-day, that they do not work for
+      their masters; but such an holy-day, that if they do not
+      employ it in the cultivation of their little spots, they
+      must <i>starved</i>.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_102"></a><a href="#FNanchor102">[102]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      These dances are usually in the middle of the night; and so
+      desirous are these unfortunate people of obtaining but a
+      joyful hour, that they not only often give up their sleep,
+      but add to the labours of the day, by going several miles
+      to obtain it.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_103"></a><a href="#FNanchor103">[103]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Bishop of Glocester's sermon, preached before the society
+      for the propagation of the gospel, at the anniversary
+      meeting, on the 21st of February, 1766.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_104"></a><a href="#FNanchor104">[104]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      There is a law, (but let the reader remark, that it
+      prevails but in <i>one</i> of the colonies), against
+      mutilation. It took its rise from the frequency of the
+      inhuman practice. But though a master cannot there chop off
+      the limb of a slave with an axe, he may yet work, starve,
+      and beat him to death with impunity.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_105"></a><a href="#FNanchor105">[105]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      <i>Two</i> instances are recorded by the <i>receivers</i>,
+      out of about <i>fifty-thousand</i>, where a white man has
+      suffered death for the murder of a negroe; but the
+      receivers do not tell us, that these suffered more because
+      they were the pests of society, than because the <i>murder
+      of slaves was a crime</i>.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_106"></a><a href="#FNanchor106">[106]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      A negroe-funeral is considered as a curious sight, and is
+      attended with singing, dancing, musick, and every
+      circumstance that can shew the attendants to be happy on
+      the occasion.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_107"></a><a href="#FNanchor107">[107]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      In 96 years, ending in 1774, 800,000 slaves had been
+      imported into the French part of St. Domingo, of which
+      there remained only 290,000 in 1774. Of this last number
+      only 140,000 were creoles, or natives of the island, i. e.
+      of 650,000 slaves, the whole posterity were 140,000.
+      <i>Considerations sur la Colonie de St. Dominique</i>,(See
+      errata-should be read as "<i>St. Domingue</i>") published
+      by authority in 1777.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_108"></a><a href="#FNanchor108">[108]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Ten thousand people under fair advantages, and in a soil
+      congenial to their constitutions, and where the means of
+      subsistence are easy, should produce in a century 160,000.
+      This is the proportion in which the Americans increased;
+      and the Africans in their own country increase in the same,
+      if not in a greater proportion. Now as the climate of the
+      colonies is as favourable to their health as that of their
+      own country, the causes of the prodigious decrease in the
+      one, and increase in the other, will be more conspicuous.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_109"></a><a href="#FNanchor109">[109]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      See Part II Chapter I second paragraph.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_110"></a><a href="#FNanchor110">[110]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      See Part II Chapter IX last paragraph.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_111"></a><a href="#FNanchor111">[111]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Epist. to Philemon.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_112"></a><a href="#FNanchor112">[112]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      The <i>African</i> slave is of this description; and we
+      could wish, in all our arguments on the present subject, to
+      be understood as having spoken only of <i>proper
+      slaves</i>. The slave who is condemned to the oar, to the
+      fortifications, and other publick works, is in a different
+      predicament. His liberty is not <i>appropriated</i>, and
+      therefore none of those consequences can be justly drawn,
+      which have been deduced in the present case.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_113"></a><a href="#FNanchor113">[113]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      See the description of an African battle (Footnote 049).
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_114"></a><a href="#FNanchor114">[114]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      The lowest computation is 40,000, (Footnote 060).
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_115"></a><a href="#FNanchor115">[115]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      The legislature has squandered away more money in the
+      prosecution of the slave trade, within twenty years, than
+      in any other trade whatever, having granted from the year
+      1750, to the year 1770, the sum of 300,000 pounds.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_116"></a><a href="#FNanchor116">[116]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Sermon preached before the University of Cambridge, by the
+      Rev. Peter Peckard.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_117"></a><a href="#FNanchor117">[117]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      The first noted earthquake at Jamaica, happened June the
+      7th 1692, when Port Royal was totally sunk. This was
+      succeeded by one in the year 1697, and by another in the
+      year 1722, from which time to the present, these regions of
+      the globe seem to have been severely visited, but
+      particularly during the last six or seven years. See a
+      general account of the calamities, occasioned by the late
+      tremendous hurricanes and earthquakes in the West-Indian
+      islands, by Mr. Fowler.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_118"></a><a href="#FNanchor118">[118]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      The many ships of war belonging to the British navy, which
+      were lost with all their crews in these dreadful
+      hurricanes, will sufficiently prove the fact.
+    </blockquote>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <h3>
+      Publisher's Commendations
+    </h3>
+    <a name="Footnote_119"></a><a href="#FNanchor119">[119]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        Books Printed and Sold by J. PHILLIPS,<br>
+        <br>
+        ESSAY on the TREATMENT and CONVERSION of<br>
+        AFRICAN SLAVES in the BRITISH Sugar Colonies.<br>
+        By the Rev. J. RAMSAY, Vicar of Teston in<br>
+        Kent, who resided many Years in the West-Indies.<br>
+        In One Volume, Octavo. Price 5s bound,<br>
+        or 4s in Boards.<br>
+        <br>
+        An INQUIRY into the Effects of putting a Stop<br>
+        to the African Slave Trade, and of granting Liberty<br>
+        to the Slaves in the British Sugar Colonies.<br>
+        By J. RAMSAY. Price 6d.<br>
+        <br>
+        A REPLY to the Personal Invectives and Objections<br>
+        contained in two Answers, published by<br>
+        certain anonymous Persons, to an Essay on the<br>
+        Treatment and Conversion of African Slaves, in<br>
+        the British Colonies. By JAMES RAMSAY. Price 2s.<br>
+        <br>
+        A LETTER from Capt. J.S. SMITH, to the<br>
+        Rev. Mr. HILL, on the State of the Negroe Slaves;<br>
+        to which are added an Introduction, and Remarks<br>
+        on Free Negroes, &amp;c. by J. RAMSAY. Price 6d.<br>
+        <br>
+        THOUGHTS on the Slavery of the Negroes.<br>
+        Price 4d.<br>
+        <br>
+        The CASE of our Fellow-Creatures, the Oppressed<br>
+        Africans, respectfully recommended to the serious<br>
+        Consideration of the Legislature of Great-Britain,<br>
+        by the People called Quakers. Price 2d.<br>
+        <br>
+        A SERIOUS ADDRESS to the Rulers of America,<br>
+        on the Inconsistency of their Conduct respecting<br>
+        Slavery. Price 3d.<br>
+        <br>
+        A CAUTION to GREAT BRITAIN and her<br>
+        Colonies, in a short Representation of the calamitous<br>
+        State of the enslaved Negroes in the British<br>
+        Dominions. By ANTHONY BENEZET. Price 6d.<br>
+        <br>
+        A Description of Guinea, its Situation, Produce,<br>
+        and the general Disposition of its Inhabitants; with<br>
+        an Inquiry into the Rise and Progress of the Slave<br>
+        Trade, &amp;c. By ANTHONY BENEZET. Bound 2s. 6d.<br>
+      </p>
+    </blockquote>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+		</td></tr>
+</table>
+</center>
+
+  <div>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 10611 ***</div>
+</body>
+</html>
diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..6312041
--- /dev/null
+++ b/LICENSE.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,11 @@
+This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements,
+metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be
+in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES.
+
+Procedures for determining public domain status are described in
+the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org.
+
+No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in
+jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize
+this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright
+status under the laws that apply to them.
diff --git a/README.md b/README.md
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..53c1f9d
--- /dev/null
+++ b/README.md
@@ -0,0 +1,2 @@
+Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for
+eBook #10611 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/10611)
diff --git a/old/10611-8.txt b/old/10611-8.txt
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..cb84793
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/10611-8.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,6353 @@
+The Project Gutenberg EBook of An Essay on the Slavery and Commerce of the
+Human Species, Particularly the African, by Thomas Clarkson
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: An Essay on the Slavery and Commerce of the Human Species, Particularly the African
+       Translated from a Latin Dissertation, Which Was Honoured With the First Prize in the University of Cambridge, for the Year 1785, With Additions
+
+Author: Thomas Clarkson
+
+Release Date: January 6, 2004 [EBook #10611]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ESSAY ON SLAVERY ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Carlo Traverso, David Gundry and PG Distributed Proofreaders
+from images generously made available by the Biblioth que nationale
+de France (BnF/Gallica) at http://gallica.bnf.fr.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+AN ESSAY ON THE SLAVERY AND COMMERCE OF THE HUMAN SPECIES,
+PARTICULARLY THE AFRICAN,
+
+TRANSLATED FROM A LATIN DISSERTATION, WHICH WAS HONOURED WITH
+THE FIRST PRIZE IN THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE, FOR THE YEAR 1785,
+WITH ADDITIONS.
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+_Neque premendo alium me extulisse velim_.--LIVY.
+
+
+
+M.DCC.LXXXVI.
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+TO THE
+RIGHT HONOURABLE
+WILLIAM CHARLES COLYEAR,
+EARL OF PORTMORE,
+VISCOUNT MILSINTOWN.
+
+
+MY LORD,
+
+The dignity of the subject of this little Treatise, not any persuasion
+of its merits as a literary composition, encourages me to offer it to
+your Lordship's patronage. The cause of freedom has always been found
+sufficient, in every age and country, to attract the notice of the
+generous and humane; and it is therefore, in a more peculiar manner,
+worthy of the attention and favour of a personage, who holds a
+distinguished rank in that illustrious island, the very air of which has
+been determined, upon a late investigation of its laws, to be an
+antidote against slavery. I feel a satisfaction in the opportunity,
+which the publication of this treatise affords me, of acknowledging your
+Lordship's civilities, which can only be equalled by the respect, with
+which I am,
+
+Your Lordship's,
+much obliged,
+and obedient servant,
+
+THOMAS CLARKSON.
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+Books Printed and Sold by J. PHILLIPS,
+
+ESSAY on the TREATMENT and CONVERSION of
+AFRICAN SLAVES in the BRITISH Sugar Colonies.
+By the Rev. J. RAMSAY, Vicar of Teston in
+Kent, who resided many Years in the West-Indies.
+In One Volume, Octavo. Price 5s bound,
+or 4s in Boards.
+
+An INQUIRY into the Effects of putting a Stop
+to the African Slave Trade, and of granting Liberty
+to the Slaves in the British Sugar Colonies.
+By J. RAMSAY. Price 6d.
+
+A REPLY to the Personal Invectives and Objections
+contained in two Answers, published by
+certain anonymous Persons, to an Essay on the
+Treatment and Conversion of African Slaves, in
+the British Colonies. By JAMES RAMSAY. Price 2s.
+
+A LETTER from Capt. J.S. SMITH, to the
+Rev. Mr. HILL, on the State of the Negroe Slaves;
+to which are added an Introduction, and Remarks
+on Free Negroes, &c. by J. RAMSAY. Price 6d.
+
+THOUGHTS on the Slavery of the Negroes.
+Price 4d.
+
+The CASE of our Fellow-Creatures, the Oppressed
+Africans, respectfully recommended to the serious
+Consideration of the Legislature of Great-Britain,
+by the People called Quakers. Price 2d.
+
+A SERIOUS ADDRESS to the Rulers of America,
+on the Inconsistency of their Conduct respecting
+Slavery. Price 3d.
+
+A CAUTION to GREAT BRITAIN and her
+Colonies, in a short Representation of the calamitous
+State of the enslaved Negroes in the British
+Dominions. By ANTHONY BENEZET. Price 6d.
+
+A Description of Guinea, its Situation, Produce,
+and the general Disposition of its Inhabitants; with
+an Inquiry into the Rise and Progress of the Slave
+Trade, &c. By ANTHONY BENEZET. Bound 2s. 6d.
+
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+THE PREFACE.
+
+
+As the subject of the following work has fortunately become of late a
+topick of conversation, I cannot begin the preface in a manner more
+satisfactory to the feelings of the benevolent reader, than by giving an
+account of those humane and worthy persons, who have endeavoured to draw
+upon it that share of the publick attention which it has obtained.
+
+Among the well disposed individuals, of different nations and ages, who
+have humanely exerted themselves to suppress the abject personal slavery,
+introduced in the original cultivation of the _European_ colonies
+in the western world, _Bartholomew de las Casas_, the pious bishop
+of _Chiapa_, in the fifteenth century, seems to have been the
+first. This amiable man, during his residence in _Spanish America_,
+was so sensibly affected at the treatment which the miserable Indians
+underwent that he returned to _Spain_, to make a publick remonstrance
+before the celebrated emperor _Charles_ the fifth, declaring, that
+heaven would one day call him to an account for those cruelties, which
+he then had it in his power to prevent. The speech which he made on the
+occasion, is now extant, and is a most perfect picture of benevolence
+and piety.
+
+But his intreaties, by opposition of avarice, were rendered ineffectual:
+and I do not find by any books which I have read upon the subject, that
+any other person interfered till the last century, when _Morgan
+Godwyn_, a _British_ clergyman, distinguished himself in the
+cause.
+
+The present age has also produced some zealous and able opposers of the
+_colonial_ slavery. For about the middle of the present century, _John
+Woolman_ and _Anthony Benezet_, two respectable members of the
+religious society called Quakers, devoted much of their time to the
+subject. The former travelled through most parts of _North America_
+on foot, to hold conversations with the members of his own sect, on the
+impiety of retaining those in a state of involuntary servitude, who had
+never given them offence. The latter kept a free school at
+_Philadelphia_, for the education of black people. He took every
+opportunity of pleading in their behalf. He published several treatises
+against slavery,[001] and gave an hearty proof of his attachment to the
+cause, by leaving the whole of his fortune in support of that school, to
+which he had so generously devoted his time and attention when alive.
+
+Till this time it does not appear, that any bodies of men, had
+collectively interested themselves in endeavouring to remedy the evil.
+But in the year 1754, the religious society, called Quakers, publickly
+testified their sentiments upon the subject,[002] declaring, that "to
+live in ease and plenty by the toil of those, whom fraud and violence
+had put into their power, was neither consistent with Christianity nor
+common justice."
+
+Impressed with these sentiments, many of this society immediately
+liberated their slaves; and though such a measure appeared to be
+attended with considerable loss to the benevolent individuals, who
+unconditionally presented them with their freedom, yet they adopted it
+with pleasure: nobly considering, that to possess a little, in an
+honourable way, was better than to possess much, through the medium of
+injustice. Their example was gradually followed by the rest. A general
+emancipation of the slaves in the possession of Quakers, at length took
+place; and so effectually did they serve the cause which they had
+undertaken, that they denied the claim of membership in their religious
+community, to all such as should hereafter oppose the suggestions of
+justice in this particular, either by retaining slaves in their
+possession, or by being in any manner concerned in the slave trade: and
+it is a fact, that through the vast tract of North America, there is not
+at this day a single slave in the possession of an acknowledged Quaker.
+
+But though this measure appeared, as has been observed before, to be
+attended with considerable loss to the benevolent individuals who
+adopted it, yet, as virtue seldom fails of obtaining its reward, it
+became ultimately beneficial. Most of the slaves, who were thus
+unconditionally freed, returned without any solicitation to their former
+masters, to serve them, at stated wages; as free men. The work, which
+they now did, was found to better done than before. It was found also,
+that, a greater quantity was done in the same time. Hence less than the
+former number of labourers was sufficient. From these, and a variety of
+circumstances, it appeared, that their plantations were considerably
+more profitable when worked by free men, than when worked, as before, by
+slaves; and that they derived therefore, contrary to their expectations,
+a considerable advantage from their benevolence.
+
+Animated by the example of the Quakers, the members of other sects began
+to deliberate about adopting the same measure. Some of those of the
+church of England, of the Roman Catholicks, and of the Presbyterians and
+Independants, freed their slaves; and there happened but one instance,
+where the matter was debated, where it was not immediately put in force.
+This was in _Pennsylvania_. It was agitated in the synod of the
+Presbyterians there, to oblige their members to liberate their slaves.
+The question was negatived by a majority of but one person; and this
+opposition seemed to arise rather from a dislike to the attempt of
+forcing such a measure upon the members of that community, than from any
+other consideration. I have the pleasure of being credibly informed,
+that the manumission of slaves, or the employment of free men in the
+plantations, is now daily gaining ground in North America. Should
+slavery be abolished there, (and it is an event, which, from these
+circumstances, we may reasonably expect to be produced in time) let it
+be remembered, that the Quakers will have had the merit of its
+abolition.
+
+Nor have their brethren here been less assiduous in the cause. As there
+are happily no slaves in this country, so they have not had the same
+opportunity of shewing their benevolence by a general emancipation. They
+have not however omitted to shew it as far as they have been able. At
+their religious meetings they have regularly inquired if any of their
+members are concerned in the iniquitous _African_ trade. They have
+appointed a committee for obtaining every kind of information on the
+subject, with a view to its suppression, and, about three or four years
+ago, petitioned parliament on the occasion for their interference and
+support. I am sorry to add, that their benevolent application was
+ineffectual, and that the reformation of an evil, productive of
+consequences equally impolitick and immoral, and generally acknowledged
+to have long disgraced our national character, is yet left to the
+unsupported efforts of piety morality and justice, against interest
+violence and oppression; and these, I blush to acknowledge, too strongly
+countenanced by the legislative authority of a country, the basis of
+whose government is _liberty_.
+
+Nothing can be more clearly shewn, than that an inexhaustible mine of
+wealth is neglected in _Africa_, for prosecution of this impious
+traffick; that, if proper measures were taken, the revenue of this
+country might be greatly improved, its naval strength increased, its
+colonies in a more flourishing situation, the planters richer, and a
+trade, which is now a scene of blood and desolation, converted into one,
+which might be prosecuted with _advantage_ and _honour_.
+
+Such have been the exertions of the Quakers in the cause of humanity
+and virtue. They are still prosecuting, as far as they are able, their
+benevolent design; and I should stop here and praise them for thus
+continuing their humane endeavours, but that I conceive it to be
+unnecessary. They are acting consistently with the principles of
+religion. They will find a reward in their own consciences; and they
+will receive more real pleasure from a single reflection on their
+conduct, than they can possibly experience from the praises of an host
+of writers.
+
+In giving this short account of those humane and worthy persons, who
+have endeavoured to restore to their fellow creatures the rights of
+nature, of which they had been unjustly deprived, I would feel myself
+unjust, were I to omit two zealous opposers of the _colonial_ tyranny,
+conspicuous at the present day.
+
+The first is Mr. _Granville Sharp_. This Gentleman has particularly
+distinguished himself in the cause of freedom. It is a notorious fact,
+that, but a few years since, many of the unfortunate black people, who
+had been brought from the colonies into this country, were sold in the
+metropolis to merchants and others, when their masters had no farther
+occasion for their services; though it was always understood that every
+person was free, as soon as he landed on the British shore. In
+consequence of this notion, these unfortunate black people, refused to
+go to the new masters, to whom they were consigned. They were however
+seized, and forcibly conveyed, under cover of the night, to ships then
+lying in the _Thames_, to be retransported to the colonies, and to be
+delivered again to the planters as merchantable goods. The humane Mr.
+_Sharpe_, was the means of putting a stop to this iniquitous traffick.
+Whenever he gained information of people in such a situation, he caused
+them to be brought on shore. At a considerable expence he undertook
+their cause, and was instrumental in obtaining the famous decree in the
+case of _Somersett_, that as soon as any person whatever set his foot in
+this country, he came under the protection of the _British_ laws, and was
+consequently free. Nor did he interfere less honourably in that cruel
+and disgraceful case, in the summer of the year 1781, when _an hundred
+and thirty two_ negroes, in their passage to the colonies, were thrown
+into the sea alive, to defraud the underwriters; but his pious
+endeavours were by no means attended with the same success. To enumerate
+his many laudable endeavours in the extirpation of tyranny and
+oppression, would be to swell the preface into a volume: suffice it to
+say, that he has written several books on the subject, and one
+particularly, which he distinguishes by the title of "_A Limitation of
+Slavery_."
+
+The second is the _Rev. James Ramsay_. This gentleman resided for
+many years in the _West-Indies_, in the clerical office. He perused
+all the colonial codes of law, with a view to find if there were any
+favourable clauses, by which the grievances of slaves could be
+redressed; but he was severely disappointed in his pursuits. He
+published a treatise, since his return to England, called _An Essay on
+the Treatment and Conversion of African Slaves in the British Sugar
+Colonies_, which I recommend to the perusal of the humane reader.
+This work reflects great praise upon the author, since, in order to be
+of service to this singularly oppressed part of the human species, he
+compiled it at the expence of forfeiting that friendship, which he had
+contracted with many in those parts, during a series of years, and at
+the hazard, as I am credibly informed, of suffering much, in his private
+property, as well as of subjecting himself to the ill will and
+persecution of numerous individuals.
+
+This Essay _on the Treatment and Conversion of African Slaves_,
+contains so many important truths on the colonial slavery, and has come
+so home to the planters, (being written by a person who has a thorough
+knowledge of the subject) as to have occasioned a considerable alarm.
+Within the last eight months, two publications have expressly appeared
+against it. One of them is intitled "_Cursory Remarks_ on Mr.
+Ramsay's Essay;" the other an "_Apology for Negroe Slavery_." On
+each of these I am bound, as writing on the subject, to make a few
+remarks.
+
+The _cursory remarker_ insinuates, that Mr. Ramsay's account of the
+treatment is greatly exaggerated, if not wholly false. To this I shall
+make the following reply. I have the honour of knowing several
+disinterested gentlemen, who have been acquainted with the West Indian
+islands for years. I call them disinterested, because they have neither
+had a concern in the _African_ trade, nor in the _colonial_
+slavery: and I have heard these unanimously assert, that Mr.
+_Ramsay's_ account is so far from being exaggerated, or taken from
+the most dreary pictures that he could find, that it is absolutely below
+the truth; that he must have omitted many instances of cruelty, which he
+had seen himself; and that they only wondered, how he could have written
+with so much moderation upon the subject. They allow the _Cursory
+Remarks_ to be excellent as a composition, but declare that it is
+perfectly devoid of truth.
+
+But the _cursory remarker_ does not depend so much on the
+circumstances which he has advanced, (nor can he, since they have no
+other existence than in his own, brain) as on the instrument
+_detraction_. This he has used with the utmost virulence through
+the whole of his publication, artfully supposing, that if he could bring
+Mr. _Ramsay's_ reputation into dispute, his work would fall of
+course, as of no authenticity. I submit this simple question to the
+reader. When a writer, in attempting to silence a publication, attacks
+the character of its author, rather than the principles of the work
+itself, is it not a proof that the work itself is unquestionable, and
+that this writer is at a loss to find an argument against it?
+
+But there is something so very ungenerous in this mode of replication,
+as to require farther notice. For if this is the mode to be adopted in
+literary disputes, what writer can be safe? Or who is there, that will
+not be deterred from taking up his pen in the cause of virtue? There are
+circumstances in every person's life, which, if given to the publick in
+a malevolent manner, and without explanation, might essentially injure
+him in the eyes of the world; though, were they explained, they would be
+even reputable. The _cursory remarker_ has adopted this method of
+dispute; but Mr. _Ramsay_ has explained himself to the satisfaction
+of all parties, and has refuted him in every point. The name of this
+_cursory remarker_ is _Tobin_: a name, which I feel myself
+obliged to hand down with detestation, as far as I am able; and with an
+hint to future writers, that they will do themselves more credit, and
+serve more effectually the cause which they undertake, if on such
+occasions they attack the work, rather than the character of the writer,
+who affords them a subject for their lucubrations.
+
+Nor is this the only circumstance, which induces me to take such
+particular notice of the _Cursory Remarks_. I feel it incumbent
+upon me to rescue an injured person from the cruel aspersions that have
+been thrown upon him, as I have been repeatedly informed by those, who
+have the pleasure of his acquaintance, that his character is
+irreproachable. I am also interested myself. For if such detraction is
+passed over in silence, my own reputation, and not my work, may be
+attacked by an anonymous hireling in the cause of slavery.
+
+The _Apology for Negroe Slavery_ is almost too despicable a
+composition to merit a reply. I have only therefore to observe, (as is
+frequently the case in a bad cause, or where writers do not confine
+themselves to truth) that the work refutes itself. This writer, speaking
+of the slave-trade, asserts, that people are never kidnapped on the
+coast of _Africa_. In speaking of the treatment of slaves, he
+asserts again, that it is of the very mildest nature, and that they live
+in the most comfortable and happy manner imaginable. To prove each of
+his assertions, he proposes the following regulations. That the
+_stealing_ of slaves from _Africa_ should be felony. That the
+_premeditated murder_ of a slave by any person on board, should
+come under the same denomination. That when slaves arrive in the
+colonies, lands should be allotted for their provisions, _in
+proportion to their number_, or commissioners should see that a
+_sufficient_ quantity of _sound wholesome_ provisions is
+purchased. That they should not work on _Sundays_ and _other_
+holy-days. That extra labour, or _night-work, out of crop_, should
+be prohibited. That a _limited number_ of stripes should be
+inflicted upon them. That they should have _annually_ a suit of
+clothes. That old infirm slaves should be _properly cared for_,
+&c.--Now it can hardly be conceived, that if this author had tried to
+injure his cause, or contradict himself, he could not have done it in a
+more effectual manner, than by this proposal of these salutary
+regulations. For to say that slaves are honourably obtained on the
+coast; to say that their treatment is of the mildest nature, and yet to
+propose the above-mentioned regulations as necessary, is to refute
+himself more clearly, than I confess myself to be able to do it: and I
+have only to request, that the regulations proposed by this writer, in
+the defence of slavery, may be considered as so many proofs of the
+assertions contained in my own work.
+
+I shall close my account with an observation, which is of great
+importance in the present case. Of all the publications in favour of the
+slave-trade, or the subsequent slavery in the colonies, there is not
+one, which has not been written, either by a chaplain to the African
+factories, or by a merchant, or by a planter, or by a person whose
+interest has been connected in the cause which he has taken upon him to
+defend. Of this description are Mr. _Tobin_, and the _Apologist
+for Negroe Slavery_. While on the other hand those, who have had as
+competent a knowledge of the subject, but not the _same interest_
+as themselves, have unanimously condemned it; and many of them have
+written their sentiments upon it, at the hazard of creating an
+innumerable host of enemies, and of being subjected to the most
+malignant opposition. Now, which of these are we to believe on the
+occasion? Are we to believe those, who are parties concerned, who are
+interested in the practice?--But the question does not admit of a
+dispute.
+
+Concerning my own work, it seems proper to observe, that when, the
+original Latin Dissertation, as the title page expresses, was honoured
+by the University of Cambridge with the first of their annual prizes for
+the year 1785, I was waited upon by some gentlemen of respectability and
+consequence, who requested me to publish it in English. The only
+objection which occurred to me was this; that having been prevented, by
+an attention to other studies, from obtaining that critical knowledge of
+my own language, which was necessary for an English composition, I was
+fearful of appearing before the publick eye: but that, as they flattered
+me with the hope, that the publication of it might be of use, I would
+certainly engage to publish it, if they would allow me to postpone it
+for a little time, till I was more in the habit of writing. They
+replied, that as the publick attention was now excited to the case of
+the unfortunate _Africans_, it would be serving the cause with
+double the effect, if it were to be published within a few months. This
+argument prevailed. Nothing but this circumstance could have induced me
+to offer an English composition to the inspection of an host of
+criticks: and I trust therefore that this circumstance will plead much
+with the benevolent reader, in favour of those faults, which he may find
+in the present work.
+
+Having thus promised to publish it, I was for some time doubtful from
+which of the copies to translate. There were two, the original, and an
+abridgement. The latter (as these academical compositions are generally
+of a certain length) was that which was sent down to Cambridge, and
+honoured with the prize. I was determined however, upon consulting with
+my friends, to translate from the former. This has been faithfully done
+with but few[003] additions. The reader will probably perceive the Latin
+idiom in several passages of the work, though I have endeavoured, as far
+as I have been able, to avoid it. And I am so sensible of the
+disadvantages under which it must yet lie, as a translation, that I wish
+I had written upon the subject, without any reference at all to the
+original copy.
+
+It will perhaps be asked, from what authority I have collected those
+facts, which relate to the colonial slavery. I reply, that I have had
+the means of the very best of information on the subject; having the
+pleasure of being acquainted with many, both in the naval and military
+departments, as well as with several others, who have been long
+acquainted with _America_ and the _West-Indian_ islands. The
+facts therefore which I have related, are compiled from the
+disinterested accounts of these gentlemen, all of whom, I have the
+happiness to say, have coincided, in the minutest manner, in their
+descriptions. It mud be remarked too, that they were compiled, not from
+what these gentlemen heard, while they were resident in those parts, but
+from what they actually _saw_. Nor has a single instance been taken
+from any book whatever upon the subject, except that which is mentioned
+in the 235th page; and this book was published in _France_, in the
+year 1777, by _authority_.
+
+I have now the pleasure to say, that the accounts of these disinterested
+gentlemen, whom I consulted on the occasion, are confirmed by all the
+books which I have ever perused upon slavery, except those which have
+been written by _merchants, planters, &c_. They are confirmed by
+Sir _Hans Sloane's_ Voyage to Barbadoes; _Griffith Hughes's_
+History of the same island, printed 1750; an Account of North America,
+by _Thomas Jeffries_, 1761; all _Benezet's_ works, &c. &c. and
+particularly by Mr. _Ramsay's_ Essay on the Treatment and
+Conversion of the African Slaves in the British Sugar Colonies; a work
+which is now firmly established; and, I may add in a very extraordinary
+manner, in consequence of the controversy which this gentleman has
+sustained with the _Cursory Remarker_, by which several facts which
+were mentioned in the original copy of my own work, before the
+controversy began, and which had never appeared in any work upon the
+subject, have been brought to light. Nor has it received less support
+from a letter, published only last week, from Capt. J.S. Smith, of the
+Royal Navy, to the Rev. Mr. Hill; on the former of whom too high
+encomiums cannot be bestowed, for standing forth in that noble and
+disinterested manner, in behalf of an injured character.
+
+I have now only to solicit the reader again, that he will make a
+favourable allowance for the present work, not only from those
+circumstances which I have mentioned, but from the consideration, that
+only two months are allowed by the University for these their annual
+compositions. Should he however be unpropitious to my request, I must
+console myself with the reflection, (a reflection that will always
+afford me pleasure, even amidst the censures of the great,) that by
+undertaking the cause of the unfortunate _Africans_, I have
+undertaken, as far as my abilities would permit, the cause of injured
+innocence.
+
+London, June 1st 1786.
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 001: A Description of Guinea, with an Inquiry into the Rise
+and Progress of the Slave Trade, &c.--A Caution to Great Britain and her
+Colonies, in a short Representation of the calamitous State of the
+enslaved Negroes in the British Dominions. Besides several smaller
+pieces.]
+
+
+[Footnote 002: They had censured the _African Trade_ in the year
+1727, but had taken no publick notice of the _colonial_ slavery
+till this time.]
+
+
+[Footnote 003: The instance of the _Dutch_ colonists at the Cape,
+in the first part of the Essay; the description of an African battle, in
+the second; and the poetry of a negroe girl in the third, are the only
+considerable additions that have been made.]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+CONTENTS.
+
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+PART I.
+
+The History of Slavery.
+
+    CHAP. I. Introduction.--Division of slavery into voluntary and
+    involuntary.--The latter the subject of the present work.--Chap. II.
+    The first class of involuntary slaves among the ancients, from
+    war.--Conjecture concerning their antiquity.--Chap. III. The second
+    class from piracy.--Short history of piracy.--The dance
+    carpoea.--Considerations from hence on the former topick.--Three
+    orders of involuntary slaves among the ancients.--Chap. IV. Their
+    personal treatment.--Exception in Ægypt.--Exception at
+    Athens.--Chap. V. The causes of such treatment among the ancients in
+    general.--Additional causes among the Greeks and Romans.--A
+    refutation of their principles.--Remarks on the writings of
+    Æsop.--Chap. VI. The ancient slave-trade.--Its antiquity.--Ægypt
+    the first market recorded for this species of traffick.--Cyprus the
+    second.--The agreement of the writings of Moses and Homer on the
+    subject.--The universal prevalence of the trade.--Chap. VII. The
+    decline of this commerce and slavery in Europe.--The causes of
+    their decline.--Chap. VIII. Their revival in Africa.--Short history
+    of their revival.--Five classes of involuntary slaves among the
+    moderns.--Cruel instance of the Dutch colonists at the Cape.
+
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+PART II.
+
+The African Commerce or Slave-Trade.
+
+    CHAP. I. The history of mankind from their first situation to a
+    state of government.--Chap. II. An account of the first
+    governments.--Chap. III. Liberty a natural right.--That of
+    government adventitious.--Government, its nature.--Its end.--Chap.
+    IV. Mankind cannot be considered as property.--An objection
+    answered.--Chap. V. Division of the commerce into two parts, as it
+    relates to those who sell, and those who purchase the human species
+    into slavery.--The right of the sellers examined with respect to
+    the two orders of African slaves, "of those who are publickly seized
+    by virtue of the authority of their prince, and of those, who are
+    kidnapped by individuals."--Chap. VI. Their right with respect to
+    convicts.--From the proportion of the punishment to the
+    offence.--From its object and end.--Chap. VII. Their right with
+    respect to prisoners of war.--The jus captivitatis, or right of
+    capture explained.--Its injustice.--Farther explication of the
+    right of capture, in answer to some supposed objections.--Chap.
+    VIII. Additional remarks on the two orders that were first
+    mentioned.--The number which they annually contain.--A description
+    of an African battle.--Additional remarks on prisoners of war.--On
+    convicts.--Chap. IX. The right of the purchasers
+    examined.--Conclusion.
+
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+PART III.
+
+The Slavery of the Africans in the European
+Colonies.
+
+    CHAP. I. Imaginary scene in Africa.--Imaginary conversation with an
+    African.--His ideas of Christianity.--A Description of a body of
+    slaves going to the ships.--Their embarkation.--Chap. II. Their
+    treatment on board.--The number that annually perish in the
+    voyage.--Horrid instance at sea.--Their debarkation in the
+    colonies.--Horrid instance on the shore.--Chap. III. The condition
+    of their posterity in the colonies.--The lex nativitatis
+    explained.--Its injustice.--Chap. IV. The seasoning in the
+    colonies.--The number that annually die in the seasoning.--The
+    employment of the survivors.--The colonial discipline.--Its
+    tendency to produce cruelty.--Horrid instance of this
+    effect.--Immoderate labour, and its consequences.--Want of food
+    and its consequences.--Severity and its consequences.--The forlorn
+    situation of slaves.--An appeal to the memory of Alfred.--Chap. V.
+    The contents of the two preceding chapters denied by the
+    purchasers.--Their first argument refuted.--Their second
+    refuted.--Their third refuted.--Chap. VI. Three arguments, which
+    they bring in vindication of their treatment, refuted.--Chap. VII.
+    The argument, that the Africans are an inferiour link of the chain
+    of nature, as far as it relates to their genius, refuted.--The
+    causes of this apparent inferiority.--Short dissertation on African
+    genius.--Poetry of an African girl.--Chap. VIII. The argument, that
+    they are an inferiour link of the chain of nature, as far as it
+    relates to colour, &c. refuted.--Examination of the divine writings
+    in this particular.--Dissertation on the colour.--Chap. IX. Other
+    arguments of the purchasers examined.--Their comparisons
+    unjust.--Their assertions, with respect to the happy situation of
+    the Africans in the colonies, without foundation.--Their happiness
+    examined with respect to manumission.--With respect to
+    holy-days.--Dances, &c.--An estimate made at St. Domingo.--Chap. X.
+    The right of the purchasers over their slaves refuted upon their own
+    principles.--Chap. XI. Dreadful arguments against this commerce and
+    slavery of the human species.--How the Deity seems already to punish
+    us for this inhuman violation of his laws.--Conclusion.
+
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+ERRATA.
+
+    For _Dominique_, (Footnote 107) read _Domingue_.
+
+    N. B. In page 18 a Latin note has been inserted by mistake, under
+    the quotation of Diodorus Siculus. The reader will find the original
+    Greek of the same signification, in the same author, at page 49.
+    Editio Stephani.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+AN ESSAY
+
+ON THE SLAVERY and COMMERCE
+
+OF THE HUMAN SPECIES.
+
+
+IN THREE PARTS.
+
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+
+PART I.
+
+THE HISTORY OF SLAVERY.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. I.
+
+When civilized, as well as barbarous nations, have been found, through a
+long succession of ages, uniformly to concur in the same customs, there
+seems to arise a presumption, that such customs are not only eminently
+useful, but are founded also on the principles of justice. Such is the
+case with respect to _Slavery_: it has had the concurrence of all
+the nations, which history has recorded, and the repeated practice of
+ages from the remotest antiquity, in its favour. Here then is an
+argument, deduced from the general consent and agreement of mankind, in
+favour of the proposed subject: but alas! when we reflect that the
+people, thus reduced to a state of servitude, have had the same feelings
+with ourselves; when we reflect that they have had the same propensities
+to pleasure, and the same aversions from pain; another argument seems
+immediately to arise in opposition to the former, deduced from our own
+feelings and that divine sympathy, which nature has implanted in our
+breasts, for the most useful and generous of purposes. To ascertain the
+truth therefore, where two such opposite sources of argument occur;
+where the force of custom pleads strongly on the one hand, and the
+feelings of humanity on the other; is a matter of much importance, as
+the dignity of human nature is concerned, and the rights and liberties
+of mankind will be involved in its discussion.
+
+It will be necessary, before this point can be determined, to consult
+the History of Slavery, and to lay before the reader, in as concise a
+manner as possible, a general view of it from its earliest appearance to
+the present day.
+
+The first, whom we shall mention here to have been reduced to a state of
+servitude, may be comprehended in that class, which is usually
+denominated the _Mercenary_. It consisted of free-born citizens,
+who, from the various contingencies of fortune, had become so poor, as
+to have recourse for their support to the service of the rich. Of this
+kind were those, both among the Egyptians and the Jews, who are recorded
+in the sacred writings.[004] The Grecian _Thetes_[005] also were of
+this description, as well as those among the Romans, from whom the class
+receives its appellation, the [006]_Mercenarii_.
+
+We may observe of the above-mentioned, that their situation was in many
+instances similar to that of our own servants. There was an express
+contract between the parties; they could, most of them, demand their
+discharge, if they were ill used by their respective masters; and they
+were treated therefore with more humanity than those, whom we usually
+distinguish in our language by the appellation of _Slaves_.
+
+As this class of servants was composed of men, who had been reduced to
+such a situation by the contingencies of fortune, and not by their own
+misconduct; so there was another among the ancients, composed entirely
+of those, who had suffered the loss of liberty from their own
+imprudence. To this class may be reduced the Grecian _Prodigals_,
+who were detained in the service of their creditors, till the fruits of
+their labour were equivalent to their debts; the _delinquents_, who
+were sentenced to the oar; and the German _enthusiasts_, as
+mentioned by Tacitus, who were so immoderately charmed with gaming, as,
+when every thing else was gone, to have staked their liberty and their
+very selves. "The loser," says he, "goes into a voluntary servitude, and
+though younger and stronger than the person with whom he played,
+patiently suffers himself to be bound and sold. Their perseverance in
+so bad a custom is stiled honour. The slaves, thus obtained, are
+immediately exchanged away in commerce, that the winner may get rid of
+the scandal of his victory."
+
+To enumerate other instances, would be unnecessary; it will be
+sufficient to observe, that the servants of this class were in a far
+more wretched situation, than those of the former; their drudgery was
+more intense; their treatment more severe; and there was no retreat at
+pleasure, from the frowns and lashes of their despotick masters.
+
+Having premised this, we may now proceed to a general division of
+slavery, into _voluntary_ and _involuntary_. The _voluntary_
+will comprehend the two classes, which we have already mentioned;
+for, in the first instance, there was a _contract_, founded
+on _consent_; and, in the second, there was a _choice_ of
+engaging or not in those practices, the known consequences of which
+were servitude. The _involuntary_; on the other hand, will
+comprehend those, who were forced, without any such _condition_ or
+_choice_, into a situation, which as it tended to degrade a part of
+the human species, and to class it with the brutal, must have been, of
+all human situations, the most wretched and insupportable. These are
+they, whom we shall consider solely in the present work. We shall
+therefore take our leave of the former, as they were mentioned only,
+that we might state the question with greater accuracy, and, be the
+better enabled to reduce it to its proper limits.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 004: Genesis, Ch. 47. Leviticus XXV. v. 39, 40.]
+
+
+[Footnote 005: The _Thetes_ appear very early in the Grecian
+History.--kai tines auto kouroi epont'Ithakes exairetoi; he eoi autou
+thentes te Dmoes(?) te; Od. Homer. D. 642. They were afterwards so much
+in use that, "Murioi depou apedidonto eautous ose douleuein kata
+sungraphen," till Solon suppressed the custom in Athens.]
+
+
+[Footnote 006: The mention of these is frequent among the classics; they
+were called in general _mercenarii_, from the circumstances of
+their _hire_, as "quibus, non malè præcipiunt, qui ita jubent uti,
+ut _mercenariis_, operam exigendam, justa proebenda. Cicero de
+off." But they are sometimes mentioned in the law books by the name of
+_liberi_, from the circumstances of their _birth_, to distinguish
+them from the _alieni_, or foreigners, as Justinian. D. 7. 8. 4.
+--Id. 21. 1. 25. &c. &c. &c.]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. II.
+
+The first that will be mentioned, of the _involuntary_, were
+_prisoners of war_.[007] "It was a law, established from time
+immemorial among the nations of antiquity, to oblige those to undergo
+the severities of servitude, whom victory had thrown into their hands."
+Conformably with this, we find all the Eastern nations unanimous in the
+practice. The same custom prevailed among the people of the West; for as
+the Helots became the slaves of the Spartans, from the right of conquest
+only, so prisoners of war were reduced to the same situation by the rest
+of the inhabitants of Greece. By the same principles that actuated
+these, were the Romans also influenced. Their History will confirm the
+fact: for how many cities are recorded to have been taken; how many
+armies to have been vanquished in the field, and the wretched survivors,
+in both instances, to have been doomed to servitude? It remains only now
+to observe, in shewing this custom to have been universal, that all
+those nations which assisted in overturning the Roman Empire, though
+many and various, adopted the same measures; for we find it a general
+maxim in their polity, that whoever should fall into their hands as a
+prisoner of war, should immediately be reduced to the condition of a
+slave.
+
+It may here, perhaps, be not unworthy of remark, that the
+_involuntary_ were of greater antiquity than the _voluntary_
+slaves. The latter are first mentioned in the time of Pharaoh: they
+could have arisen only in a state of society; when property, after its
+division, had become so unequal, as to multiply the wants of
+individuals; and when government, after its establishment, had given
+security to the possessor by the punishment of crimes. Whereas the
+former seem to be dated with more propriety from the days of Nimrod; who
+gave rise probably to that inseparable idea of _victory_ and
+_servitude_, which we find among the nations of antiquity, and
+which has existed uniformly since, in one country or another, to the
+present day.[008]
+
+Add to this, that they might have arisen even in a state of nature, and
+have been coequal with the quarrels of mankind.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 007: "Nomos en pasin anthropois aidios esin, otan polemounton
+polis alo, ton elonton einai kai ta somata ton en te poleis, kai ta
+chremata." Xenoph. Kyrou Paid. L. 7. fin.]
+
+
+[Footnote 008:
+
+"Proud Nimrod first the bloody chace began,
+A mighty hunter, and his prey was man."
+
+--POPE.]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. III.
+
+But it was not victory alone, or any presupposed right, founded in the
+damages of war, that afforded a pretence for invading the liberties of
+mankind: the honourable light, in which _piracy_ was considered in
+the uncivilized ages of the world, contributed not a little to the
+_slavery_ of the human species. Piracy had a very early beginning.
+"The Grecians,"[009] says Thucydides, "in their primitive state, as well
+as the contemporary barbarians, who inhabited the sea coasts and
+islands, gave themselves wholly to it; it was, in short, their only
+profession and support." The writings of Homer are sufficient of
+themselves to establish this account. They shew it to have been a common
+practice at so early a period as that of the Trojan war; and abound with
+many lively descriptions of it; which, had they been as groundless as
+they are beautiful, would have frequently spared the sigh of the reader
+of sensibility and reflection.
+
+The piracies, which were thus practised in the early ages, may be
+considered as _publick_ or _private_. In the former, whole
+crews embarked for the benefit[010] of their respective tribes. They
+made descents on the sea coasts, carried off cattle, surprized whole
+villages, put many of the inhabitants to the sword, and carried others
+into slavery.
+
+In the latter, individuals only were concerned, and the emolument was
+their own. These landed from their ships, and, going up into the
+country, concealed themselves in the woods and thickets; where they
+waited every opportunity of catching the unfortunate shepherd or
+husbandman alone. In this situation they sallied out upon him, dragged
+him on board, conveyed him to a foreign market, and sold him for a
+slave.
+
+To this kind of piracy Ulysses alludes, in opposition to the former,
+which he had been just before mentioning, in his question to Eumoeus.
+
+
+"Did pirates wait, till all thy friends were gone,
+To catch thee singly with thy flocks alone;
+Say, did they force thee from thy fleecy care,
+And from thy fields transport and sell thee here?"[011]
+
+
+But no picture, perhaps, of this mode of depredation, is equal to that,
+with which[012] Xenophon presents us in the simple narrative of a dance.
+He informs us that the Grecian army had concluded a peace with the
+Paphlagonians, and that they entertained their embassadors in
+consequence with a banquet, and the exhibition of various feats of
+activity. "When the Thracians," says he, "had performed the parts
+allotted them in this entertainment, some Aenianian and Magnetian
+soldiers rose up, and, accoutred in their proper arms, exhibited that
+dance, which is called _Karpoea_. The figure of it is thus. One of
+them, in the character of an husbandman, is seen to till his land, and
+is observed, as he drives his plough, to look frequently behind him, as
+if apprehensive of danger. Another immediately appears in fight, in
+the character of a robber. The husbandman, having seen him previously
+advancing, snatches up his arms. A battle ensues before the plough. The
+whole of this performance is kept in perfect time with the musick of the
+flute. At length the robber, having got the better of the husbandman,
+binds him, and drives him off with his team. Sometimes it happens that
+the husbandman subdues the robber: in this case the scene is only
+reversed, as the latter is then bound and driven, off by the former."
+
+It is scarcely necessary to observe, that this dance was a
+representation of the general manners of men, in the more uncivilized
+ages of the world; shewing that the husbandman and shepherd lived in
+continual alarm, and that there were people in those ages, who derived
+their pleasures and fortunes from _kidnapping_ and _enslaving_
+their fellow creatures.
+
+We may now take notice of a circumstance in this narration, which will
+lead us to a review of our first assertion on this point, "that the
+honourable light, in which _piracy_ was considered in the times of
+barbarism, contributed not a little to the _slavery_ of the human
+species." The robber is represented here as frequently defeated in his
+attempts, and as reduced to that deplorable situation, to which he was
+endeavouring to bring another. This shews the frequent difficulty and
+danger of his undertakings: people would not tamely resign their lives
+or liberties, without a struggle. They were sometimes prepared; were
+superior often, in many points of view, to these invaders of their
+liberty; there were an hundred accidental circumstances frequently in
+their favour. These adventures therefore required all the skill,
+strength, agility, valour, and every thing, in short, that may be
+supposed to constitute heroism, to conduct them with success. Upon this
+idea piratical expeditions first came into repute, and their frequency
+afterwards, together with the danger and fortitude, that were
+inseparably connected with them, brought them into such credit among the
+barbarous nations of antiquity, that of all human professions, piracy
+was the most honourable.[013]
+
+The notions then, which were thus annexed to piratical expeditions, did
+not fail to produce those consequences, which we have mentioned before.
+They afforded an opportunity to the views of avarice and ambition, to
+conceal themselves under the mask of virtue. They excited a spirit of
+enterprize, of all others the most irresistible, as it subsisted on the
+strongest principles of action, emolument and honour. Thus could the
+vilest of passions be gratified with impunity. People were robbed,
+stolen, murdered, under the pretended idea that these were reputable
+adventures: every enormity in short was committed, and dressed up in the
+habiliments of honour.
+
+But as the notions of men in the less barbarous ages, which followed,
+became more corrected and refined, the practice of piracy began
+gradually to disappear. It had hitherto been supported on the grand
+columns of _emolument_ and _honour_. When the latter therefore
+was removed, it received a considerable shock; but, alas! it had still a
+pillar for its support! _avarice_, which exists in all states, and
+which is ready to turn every invention to its own ends, strained hard
+for its preservation. It had been produced in the ages of barbarism; it
+had been pointed out in those ages as lucrative, and under this notion
+it was continued. People were still stolen; many were intercepted (some,
+in their pursuits of pleasure, others, in the discharge of their several
+occupations) by their own countrymen; who previously laid in wait for
+them, and sold them afterwards for slaves; while others seized by
+merchants, who traded on the different coasts, were torn from their
+friends and connections, and carried into slavery. The merchants of
+Thessaly, if we can credit Aristophanes[014] who never spared the vices
+of the times, were particularly infamous for the latter kind of
+depredation; the Athenians were notorious for the former; for they had
+practised these robberies to such an alarming degree of danger to
+individuals, that it was found necessary to enact a law[015], which
+punished kidnappers with death.--But this is sufficient for our present
+purpose; it will enable us to assert, that there were two classes of
+_involuntary_ slaves among the ancients, "of those who were taken
+publickly in a state of war, and of those who were privately stolen in
+a state of innocence and peace." We may now add, that the children and
+descendents of these composed a third.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 009: Thucydides. L. 1. sub initio.]
+
+
+[Footnote 010: Idem.--"the strongest," says he, "engaging in these
+adventures, Kerdous tou spheterou auton eneka kai tois asthenesi trophes."]
+
+
+[Footnote 011: Homer. Odyss. L. 15. 385.]
+
+
+[Footnote 012: Xenoph. Kyrou Anab. L. 6. sub initio.]
+
+
+[Footnote 013: ouk echontos po Aischynen toutou tou ergou pherontos de
+ti kai Doxes mallon. Thucydides, L. 1. sub initio. kai euklees touto
+oi Kilikes enomizon. Sextus Empiricus. ouk adoxon all'endoxon touto.
+Schol. &c. &c.]
+
+
+[Footnote 014: Aristoph. Plut. Act. 2. Scene 5.]
+
+
+[Footnote 015: Zenoph. Apomnemon, L. 1.]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. IV.
+
+It will be proper to say something here concerning the situation of the
+unfortunate men, who were thus doomed to a life of servitude. To
+enumerate their various employments, and to describe the miseries which
+they endured in consequence, either from the severity, or the long and
+constant application of their labour, would exceed the bounds we have
+proposed to the present work. We shall confine ourselves to their
+_personal treatment_, as depending on the power of their masters, and
+the protection of the law. Their treatment, if considered in this light,
+will equally excite our pity and abhorrence. They were beaten, starved,
+tortured, murdered at discretion: they were dead in a civil sense; they
+had neither name nor tribe; were incapable of a judicial process; were
+in short without appeal. Poor unfortunate men! to be deprived of all
+possible protection! to suffer the bitterest of injuries without the
+possibility of redress! to be condemned unheard! to be murdered with
+impunity! to be considered as dead in that state, the very members of
+which they were supporting by their labours!
+
+Yet such was their general situation: there were two places however,
+where their condition, if considered in this point of view, was more
+tolerable. The Ægyptian slave, though perhaps of all others the greatest
+drudge, yet if he had time to reach the temple[016] of Hercules, found a
+certain retreat from the persecution of his master; and he received
+additional comfort from the reflection, that his life, whether he could
+reach it or not, could not be taken with impunity. Wise and salutary
+law![017] how often must it have curbed the insolence of power, and
+stopped those passions in their progress, which had otherwise been
+destructive to the slave!
+
+But though the persons of slaves were thus greatly secured in Ægypt, yet
+there was no place so favourable to them as Athens. They were allowed a
+greater liberty of speech;[018] they had their convivial meetings, their
+amours, their hours of relaxation, pleasantry, and mirth; they were
+treated, in short, with so much humanity in general, as to occasion that
+observation of Demosthenes, in his second Philippick, "that the
+condition of a slave, at Athens, was preferable to that of a free
+citizen, in many other countries." But if any exception happened (which
+was sometimes the case) from the general treatment described; if
+persecution took the place of lenity, and made the fangs of servitude
+more pointed than before,[019] they had then their temple, like the
+Ægyptian, for refuge; where the legislature was so attentive, as to
+examine their complaints, and to order them, if they were founded in
+justice, to be sold to another master. Nor was this all: they had a
+privilege infinitely greater than the whole of these. They were allowed
+an opportunity of working for themselves, and if their diligence had
+procured them a sum equivalent with their ransom, they could
+immediately, on paying it down,[020] demand their freedom for ever. This
+law was, of all others, the most important; as the prospect of liberty,
+which it afforded, must have been a continual source of the most
+pleasing reflections, and have greatly sweetened the draught, even of
+the most bitter slavery.
+
+Thus then, to the eternal honour of Ægypt and Athens, they were the only
+places that we can find, where slaves were considered with any humanity
+at all. The rest of the world seemed to vie with each other, in the
+debasement and oppression of these unfortunate people. They used them
+with as much severity as they chose; they measured their treatment only
+by their own passion and caprice; and, by leaving them on every
+occasion, without the possibility of an appeal, they rendered their
+situation the most melancholy and intolerable, that can possibly be
+conceived.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 016: Herodotus. L. 2. 113.]
+
+
+[Footnote 017: "Apud Ægyptios, si quis servum sponte occiderat, eum
+morte damnari æque ac si liberum occidisset, jubebant leges &c."
+Diodorus Sic. L. 1.]
+
+
+[Footnote 018:
+
+"Atq id ne vos miremini, Homines servulos
+Potare, amare, atq ad coenam condicere.
+Licet hoc Athenis.
+Plautus. Sticho."
+]
+
+
+[Footnote 019:
+"Be me kratison esin eis to Theseion
+Dramein, ekei d'eos an eurombou prasin
+menein" Aristoph. Horæ.
+
+Kaka toiade paskousin oude prasin
+Aitousin. Eupolis. poleis.]
+
+
+[Footnote 020: To this privilege Plautus alludes in his _Casina_,
+where he introduces a slave, speaking in the following manner.
+
+"Quid tu me verò libertate territas?
+Quod si tu nolis, siliusque etiam tuus
+Vobis _invitis_, atq amborum _ingratiis_,
+_Una libella liber possum fieri_."
+]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. V.
+
+As we have mentioned the barbarous and inhuman treatment that generally
+fell to the lot of slaves, it may not be amiss to inquire into the
+various circumstances by which it was produced.
+
+The first circumstance, from whence it originated, was the
+_commerce_: for if men could be considered as _possessions_;
+if, like _cattle_, they could be _bought_ and _sold_, it
+will not be difficult to suppose, that they could be held in the same
+consideration, or treated in the same manner. The commerce therefore,
+which was begun in the primitive ages of the world, by classing them
+with the brutal species, and by habituating the mind to consider the
+terms of _brute_ and _slave_ as _synonimous_, soon caused
+them to be viewed in a low and despicable light, and as greatly
+inferiour to the human species. Hence proceeded that treatment, which
+might not unreasonably be supposed to arise from so low an estimation.
+They were tamed, like beasts, by the stings of hunger and the lash, and
+their education was directed to the same end, to make them commodious
+instruments of labour for their possessors.
+
+This _treatment_, which thus proceeded in the ages of barbarism,
+from the low estimation, in which slaves were unfortunately held from
+the circumstances of the commerce, did not fail of producing, in the
+same instant, its _own_ effect. It depressed their minds; it numbed
+their faculties; and, by preventing those sparks of genius from blazing
+forth, which had otherwise been conspicuous; it gave them the appearance
+of being endued with inferiour capacities than the rest of mankind. This
+effect of the _treatment_ had made so considerable a progress, as
+to have been a matter of observation in the days of Homer.
+
+
+For half _his_ senses Jove conveys away,
+_Whom_ once he dooms to see the _servile_ day.[021]
+
+
+Thus then did the _commerce_, by classing them originally with
+_brutes_, and the consequent _treatment_, by cramping their
+_abilities_, and hindering them from becoming _conspicuous_,
+give to these unfortunate people, at a very early period, the most
+unfavourable _appearance_. The rising generations, who received
+both the commerce and treatment from their ancestors, and who had always
+been accustomed to behold their _effects_, did not consider these
+_effects_ as _incidental_: they judged only from what they
+saw; they believed the _appearances_ to be _real_; and hence
+arose the combined principle, that slaves were an _inferiour_ order
+of men, and perfectly void of _understanding_. Upon this
+_principle_ it was, that the former treatment began to be fully
+confirmed and established; and as this _principle_ was handed down
+and disseminated, so it became, in succeeding ages, an _excuse_ for
+any severity, that despotism might suggest.
+
+We may observe here, that as all nations had this excuse in common, as
+arising from the _circumstances_ above-mentioned, so the Greeks
+first, and the Romans afterwards, had an _additional excuse_, as
+arising from their own _vanity_.
+
+The former having conquered Troy, and having united themselves under one
+common name and interest, began, from that period, to distinguish the
+rest of the world by the title of _barbarians_; inferring by such
+an appellation, "that they were men who were only noble in their own
+country; that they had no right, from their _nature_, to authority
+or command; that, on the contrary, so low were their capacities, they
+were _destined_ by nature _to obey_, and to live in a state of
+perpetual drudgery and subjugation."[022] Conformable with this opinion
+was the treatment, which was accordingly prescribed to a
+_barbarian_. The philosopher Aristotle himself, in the advice which
+he gave to his pupil Alexander, before he went upon his Asiatick
+expedition, intreated him to "use the Greeks, as it became a
+_general_, but the _barbarians_, as it became a _master_;
+consider, says he, the former as _friends_ and _domesticks_;
+but the latter, as _brutes_ and _plants_;"[023] inferring that
+the Greeks, from the superiority of their capacities, had a
+_natural_ right to dominion, and that the rest of the world, from
+the inferiority of their own, were to be considered and treated as the
+_irrational_ part of the creation.
+
+Now, if we consider that this was the treatment, which they judged to be
+absolutely proper for people of this description, and that their slaves
+were uniformly those, whom they termed _barbarians_; being
+generally such, as were either kidnapped from _Barbary_, or
+purchased from the _barbarian_ conquerors in their wars with one
+another; we shall immediately see, with what an additional excuse their
+own vanity had furnished them for the sallies of caprice and passion.
+
+To refute these cruel sentiments of the ancients, and to shew that their
+slaves were by no means an inferiour order of beings than themselves,
+may perhaps be considered as an unnecessary task; particularly, as
+having shewn, that the causes of this inferiour appearance were
+_incidental_, arising, on the one hand, from the combined effects
+of the _treatment_ and _commerce_, and, on the other, from
+_vanity_ and _pride_, we seem to have refuted them already.
+But we trust that some few observations, in vindication of these
+unfortunate people, will neither be unacceptable nor improper.
+
+How then shall we begin the refutation? Shall we say with Seneca, who
+saw many of the slaves in question, "What is a _knight_, or a
+_libertine_, or a _slave_? Are they not names, assumed either
+from _injury_ or _ambition_?" Or, shall we say with him on
+another occasion, "Let us consider that he, whom we call our slave, is
+born in the same manner as ourselves; that he enjoys the same sky, with
+all its heavenly luminaries; that he breathes, that he lives, in the
+same manner as ourselves, and, in the same manner, that he expires."
+These considerations, we confess, would furnish us with a plentiful
+source of arguments in the case before us; but we decline their
+assistance. How then shall we begin? Shall we enumerate the many
+instances of fidelity, patience, or valour, that are recorded of the
+_servile_ race? Shall we enumerate the many important services,
+that they rendered both to the individuals and the community, under whom
+they lived? Here would be a second source, from whence we could collect
+sufficient materials to shew, that there was no inferiority in their
+nature. But we decline to use them. We shall content ourselves with some
+few instances, that relate to the _genius_ only: we shall mention
+the names of those of a _servile_ condition, whose writings, having
+escaped the wreck of time, and having been handed down even to the
+present age, are now to be seen, as so many living monuments, that
+neither the Grecian, nor Roman genius, was superiour to their own.
+
+The first, whom we shall mention here, is the famous Æsop. He was a
+Phrygian by birth, and lived in the time of Croesus, king of Lydia, to
+whom he dedicated his fables. The writings of this great man, in
+whatever light we consider them, will be equally entitled to our
+admiration. But we are well aware, that the very mention of him as a
+writer of fables, may depreciate him in the eyes of some. To such we
+shall propose a question, "Whether this species of writing has not been
+more beneficial to mankind; or whether it has not produced more
+important events, than any other?"
+
+With respect to the first consideration, it is evident that these
+fables, as consisting of plain and simple transactions, are particularly
+easy to be understood; as conveyed in images, they please and seduce the
+mind; and, as containing a _moral_, easily deducible on the side of
+virtue; that they afford, at the same time, the most weighty precepts of
+philosophy. Here then are the two grand points of composition, "a manner
+of expression to be apprehended by the lowest capacities, and, (what is
+considered as a victory in the art) an happy conjunction of utility and
+pleasure."[024] Hence Quintilian recommends them, as singularly useful,
+and as admirably adapted, to the puerile age; as a just gradation
+between the language of the nurse and the preceptor, and as furnishing
+maxims of prudence and virtue, at a time when the speculative principles
+of philosophy are too difficult to be understood. Hence also having been
+introduced by most civilized nations into their system of education,
+they have produced that general benefit, to which we at first alluded.
+Nor have they been of less consequence in maturity; but particularly to
+those of inferiour capacities, or little erudition, whom they have
+frequently served as a guide to conduct them in life, and as a medium,
+through which an explanation might be made, on many and important
+occasions.
+
+With respect to the latter consideration, which is easily deducible from
+hence, we shall only appeal to the wonderful effect, which the fable,
+pronounced by Demosthenes against Philip of Macedon, produced among his
+hearers; or to the fable, which was spoken by Menenius Agrippa to the
+Roman populace; by which an illiterate multitude were brought back to
+their duty as citizens, when no other species of oratory could prevail.
+
+To these truly _ingenious_, and _philosophical_ works of Æsop,
+we shall add those of his imitator Phoedrus, which in purity and
+elegance of style, are inferiour to none. We shall add also the Lyrick
+_Poetry_ of Alcman, which is no _servile_ composition; the
+sublime _Morals_ of Epictetus, and the incomparable _comedies_
+of Terence.
+
+Thus then does it appear, that the _excuse_ which was uniformly
+started in defence of the _treatment_ of slaves, had no foundation
+whatever either in truth or justice. The instances that we have
+mentioned above, are sufficient to shew, that there was no inferiority,
+either in their _nature_, or their understandings: and at the same
+time that they refute the principles of the ancients, they afford a
+valuable lesson to those, who have been accustomed to form too
+precipitate a judgment on the abilities of men: for, alas! how often has
+_secret anguish_ depressed the spirits of those, whom they have
+frequently censured, from their gloomy and dejected appearance! and how
+often, on the other hand, has their judgment resulted from their own
+_vanity_ and _pride_!
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 021: Homer. Odys. P. 322. In the latest edition of Homer, the
+word, which we have translated _senses_, is _Aretae_, or
+_virtue_, but the old and proper reading is _Noos_, as appears
+from Plato de Legibus, ch. 6, where he quotes it on a similar occasion.]
+
+
+[Footnote 022: Aristotle. Polit. Ch. 2. et inseq.]
+
+
+[Footnote 023: Ellesin hegemonikos, tois de Barbarois despotikos krasthar
+kai ton men os philon kai oikeion epimeleisthai, tois de os
+zoois he phytois prospheresthai. Plutarch. de Fortun. Alexand. Orat. 1.]
+
+
+[Footnote 024: Omne tulit punctum, qui miscuit utile dulci. Horace.]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. VI.
+
+We proceed now to the consideration of the _commerce_: in
+consequence of which, people, endued with the same feelings and
+faculties as ourselves, were made subject to the laws and limitations of
+_possession_.
+
+This commerce of the human species was of a very early date. It was
+founded on the idea that men were _property_; and, as this idea was
+coeval with the first order of _involuntary_ slaves, it must have
+arisen, (if the date, which we previously affixed to that order, be
+right) in the first practices of barter. The Story of Joseph, as
+recorded in the sacred writings, whom his brothers sold from an envious
+suspicion of his future greatness, is an ample testimony of the truth of
+this conjecture. It shews that there were men, even at that early
+period, who travelled up and down as merchants, collecting not only
+balm, myrrh, spicery, and other wares, but the human species also, for
+the purposes of traffick. The instant determination of the brothers, on
+the first sight of the merchants, _to sell him_, and the immediate
+acquiescence of these, who purchased him for a foreign market, prove
+that this commerce had been then established, not only in that part of
+the country, where this transaction happened, but in that also, whither
+the merchants were then travelling with their camels, namely, Ægypt: and
+they shew farther, that, as all customs require time for their
+establishment, so it must have existed in the ages, previous to that of
+Pharaoh; that is, in those ages, in which we fixed the first date of
+_involuntary_ servitude. This commerce then, as appears by the
+present instance, existed in the earliest practices of barter, and had
+descended to the Ægyptians, through as long a period of time, as was
+sufficient to have made it, in the times alluded to, an established
+custom. Thus was Ægypt, in those days, the place of the greatest resort;
+the grand emporium of trade, to which people were driving their
+merchandize, as to a centre; and thus did it afford, among other
+opportunities of traffick, the _first market_ that is recorded, for
+the sale of the human species.
+
+This market, which was thus supplied by the constant concourse of
+merchants, who resorted to it from various parts, could not fail, by
+these means, to have been considerable. It received, afterwards, an
+additional supply from those piracies, which we mentioned to have
+existed in the uncivilized ages of the world, and which, in fact, it
+greatly promoted and encouraged; and it became, from these united
+circumstances, so famous, as to have been known, within a few centuries
+from the time of Pharaoh, both to the Grecian colonies in Asia, and the
+Grecian islands. Homer mentions Cyprus and Ægypt as the common markets
+for slaves, about the times of the Trojan war. Thus Antinous, offended
+with Ulysses, threatens to send him to one of these places, if he does
+not instantly depart from his table.[025] The same poet also, in his
+hymn to Bacchus[026], mentions them again, but in a more unequivocal
+manner, as the common markets for slaves. He takes occasion, in that
+hymn, to describe the pirates method of scouring the coast, from the
+circumstance of their having kidnapped Bacchus, as a noble youth, for
+whom they expected an immense ransom. The captain of the vessel, having
+dragged him on board, is represented as addressing himself thus, to the
+steersman:
+
+
+"Haul in the tackle, hoist aloft the sail,
+Then take your helm, and watch the doubtful gale!
+To mind the captive prey, be our's the care,
+While you to _Ægypt_ or to _Cyprus_ steer;
+There shall he go, unless his friends he'll tell,
+Whose ransom-gifts will pay us full as well."
+
+
+It may not perhaps be considered as a digression, to mention in few
+words, by itself, the wonderful concordance of the writings of Moses and
+Homer with the case before us: not that the former, from their divine
+authority, want additional support, but because it cannot be unpleasant
+to see them confirmed by a person, who, being one of the earliest
+writers, and living in a very remote age, was the first that could
+afford us any additional proof of the circumstances above-mentioned.
+Ægypt is represented, in the first book of the sacred writings, as a
+market for slaves, and, in the [027]second, as famous for the severity
+of its servitude. [028]The same line, which we have already cited from
+Homer, conveys to us the same ideas. It points it out as a market for
+the human species, and by the epithet of "_bitter_ Ægypt,"
+([029]which epithet is peculiarly annexed to it on this occasion)
+alludes in the strongest manner to that severity and rigour, of which
+the sacred historian transmitted us the first account.
+
+But, to return. Though Ægypt was the first market recorded for this
+species of traffick; and though Ægypt, and Cyprus afterwards, were
+particularly distinguished for it, in the times of the Trojan war; yet
+they were not the only places, even at that period, where men were
+bought and sold. The Odyssey of Homer shews that it was then practised
+in many of the islands of the Ægean sea; and the Iliad, that it had
+taken place among those Grecians on the continent of Europe, who had
+embarked from thence on the Trojan expedition. This appears particularly
+at the end of the seventh book. A fleet is described there, as having
+just arrived from Lemnos, with a supply of wine for the Grecian camp.
+The merchants are described also, as immediately exposing it to sale,
+and as receiving in exchange, among other articles of barter, "_a
+number of slaves_."
+
+It will now be sufficient to observe, that, as other states arose, and
+as circumstances contributed to make them known, this custom is
+discovered to have existed among them; that it travelled over all Asia;
+that it spread through the Grecian and Roman world; was in use among the
+barbarous nations, which overturned the Roman empire; and was practised
+therefore, at the same period, throughout all Europe.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 025: me tacha pikren Aigypton kai Kypron idnai. Hom.
+Odyss. L. 17. 448.]
+
+
+[Footnote 026: L. 26.]
+
+
+[Footnote 027: Exodus. Ch. 1.]
+
+
+[Footnote 028: Vide note 1st. (Here shown as footnote 025).]
+
+
+[Footnote 029: This strikes us the more forcibly, as it is stiled
+_eurreiten_ and _perikallea_, "_beautiful and well watered_,"
+in all other passages where it is mentioned, but this.]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. VII.
+
+This _slavery_ and _commerce_, which had continued for so long
+a time, and which was thus practised in Europe at so late a period as
+that, which succeeded the grand revolutions in the western world, began,
+as the northern nations were settled in their conquests, to decline,
+and, on their full establishment, were abolished. A difference of
+opinion has arisen respecting the cause of their abolition; some having
+asserted, that they were the necessary consequences of the _feudal
+system_; while others, superiour both in number and in argument, have
+maintained that they were the natural effects of _Christianity_.
+The mode of argument, which the former adopt on this occasion, is as
+follows. "The multitude of little states, which sprang up from one great
+one at this Æra, occasioned infinite bickerings and matter for
+contention. There was not a state or seignory, which did not want all
+the hands they could muster, either to defend their own right, or to
+dispute that of their neighbours. Thus every man was taken into the
+service: whom they armed they must trust: and there could be no trust
+but in free men. Thus the barrier between the two natures was thrown
+down, and _slavery_ was no more heard of, in the _west_."
+
+That this was not the _necessary_ consequence of such a situation,
+is apparent. The political state of Greece, in its early history, was
+the same as that of Europe, when divided, by the feudal system, into an
+infinite number of small and independent kingdoms. There was the same
+matter therefore for contention, and the same call for all the hands
+that could be mustered: the Grecians, in short, in _heroick_, were
+in the same situation in these respects as the _feudal barons_ in
+the _Gothick_ times. Had this therefore been a _necessary_
+effect, there had been a cessation of servitude in Greece, in those
+ages, in which we have already shewn that it existed.
+
+But with respect to _Christianity_, many and great are the
+arguments, that it occasioned so desirable an event. It taught, "that
+all men were originally equal; that the Deity was no respecter of
+persons, and that, as all men were to give an account of their actions
+hereafter, it was necessary that they should be free." These doctrines
+could not fail of having their proper influence on those, who first
+embraced _Christianity_, from a _conviction_ of its truth; and
+on those of their descendents afterwards, who, by engaging in the
+_crusades_, and hazarding their lives and fortunes there, shewed,
+at least, an _attachment_ to that religion. We find them
+accordingly actuated by these principles: we have a positive proof, that
+the _feudal system_ had no share in the honour of suppressing
+slavery, but that _Christianity_ was the only cause; for the
+greatest part of the _charters_ which were granted for the freedom
+of slaves in those times (many of which are still extant) were granted,
+"_pro amore Dei, pro mercede animæ_." They were founded, in short,
+on religious considerations, "that they might procure the favour of the
+Deity, which they conceived themselves to have forfeited, by the
+subjugation of those, whom they found to be the objects of the divine
+benevolence and attention equally with themselves."
+
+These considerations, which had thus their first origin in
+_Christianity_, began to produce their effects, as the different
+nations were converted; and procured that general liberty at last,
+which, at the close of the twelfth century, was conspicuous in the west
+of Europe. What a glorious and important change! Those, who would have
+had otherwise no hopes, but that their miseries would be terminated by
+death, were then freed from their servile condition; those, who, by the
+laws of war, would have had otherwise an immediate prospect of servitude
+from the hands of their imperious conquerors, were then
+_exchanged_; a custom, which has happily descended to the present
+day. Thus, "a numerous class of men, who formerly had no political
+existence, and were employed merely as instruments of labour, became
+useful citizens, and contributed towards augmenting the force or riches
+of the society, which adopted them as members;" and thus did the greater
+part of the Europeans, by their conduct on this occasion, assert not
+only liberty for themselves, but for their fellow-creatures also.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. VIII.
+
+But if men therefore, at a time when under the influence of religion
+they exercised their serious thoughts, abolished slavery, how impious
+must they appear, who revived it; and what arguments will not present
+themselves against their conduct![030] The Portuguese, within two
+centuries after its suppression in Europe, in imitation of those
+_piracies_, which we have shewn to have existed in the _uncivilized_
+ages of the world, made their descents on Africa, and committing
+depredations on the coast,[031] _first_ carried the wretched
+inhabitants into slavery.
+
+This practice, however trifling and partial it might appear at first,
+soon became serious and general. A melancholy instance of the depravity
+of human nature; as it shews, that neither the laws nor religion of any
+country, however excellent the forms of each, are sufficient to bind the
+consciences of some; but that there are always men, of every age,
+country, and persuasion, who are ready to sacrifice their dearest
+principles at the shrine of gain. Our own ancestors, together with the
+Spaniards, French, and most of the maritime powers of Europe, soon
+followed the _piratical_ example; and thus did the Europeans, to their
+eternal infamy, renew a custom, which their _own_ ancestors had so
+lately exploded, from a _conscientiousness_ of its _impiety_.
+
+The unfortunate Africans, terrified at these repeated depredations, fled
+in confusion from the coast, and sought, in the interiour parts of the
+country, a retreat from the persecution of their invaders. But, alas,
+they were miserably disappointed! There are few retreats, that can
+escape the penetrating eye of avarice. The Europeans still pursued them;
+they entered their rivers; sailed up into the heart of the country;
+surprized the unfortunate Africans again; and carried them into slavery.
+
+But this conduct, though successful at first, defeated afterwards its
+own ends. It created a more general alarm, and pointed out, at the same
+instant, the best method of security from future depredations. The banks
+of the rivers were accordingly deserted, as the coasts had been before;
+and thus were the _Christian_ invaders left without a prospect of
+their prey.
+
+In this situation however, expedients were not wanting. They now formed
+to themselves the resolution of settling in the country; of securing
+themselves by fortified ports; of changing their system of force into
+that of pretended liberality; and of opening, by every species of
+bribery and corruption, a communication with the natives. These plans
+were put into immediate execution. The Europeans erected their
+forts[032]; landed their merchandize; and endeavoured, by a peaceable
+deportment, by presents, and by every appearance of munificence, to
+seduce the attachment and confidence of the Africans. These schemes had
+the desired effect. The gaudy trappings of European art, not only caught
+their attention, but excited their curiosity: they dazzled the eyes and
+bewitched the senses, not only of those, to whom they were given, but of
+those, to whom they were shewn. Thus followed a speedy intercourse with
+each other, and a confidence, highly favourable to the views of avarice
+or ambition.
+
+It was now time for the Europeans to embrace the opportunity, which this
+intercourse had thus afforded them, of carrying their schemes into
+execution, and of fixing them on such a permanent foundation, as should
+secure them future success. They had already discovered, in the
+different interviews obtained, the chiefs of the African tribes. They
+paid their court therefore to these, and so compleatly intoxicated their
+senses with the luxuries, which they brought from home, as to be able to
+seduce them to their designs. A treaty of peace and commerce was
+immediately concluded: it was agreed, that the kings, on their part,
+should, from this period, sentence _prisoners of war_ and _convicts_
+to _European servitude_; and that the Europeans should supply them, in
+return, with the luxuries of the north. This agreement immediately took
+place; and thus begun that _commerce_, which makes so considerable a
+figure at the present day.
+
+But happy had the Africans been, if those only, who had been justly
+convicted of crimes, or taken in a just war, had been sentenced to the
+severities of servitude! How many of those miseries, which afterwards
+attended them, had been never known; and how would their history have
+saved those sighs and emotions of pity, which must now ever accompany
+its perusal. The Europeans, on the establishment of their western
+colonies, required a greater number of slaves than a strict adherence to
+the treaty could produce. The princes therefore had only the choice of
+relinquishing the commerce, or of consenting to become unjust. They had
+long experienced the emoluments of the trade; they had acquired a taste
+for the luxuries it afforded; and they now beheld an opportunity of
+gratifying it, but in a more extentive manner. _Avarice_ therefore,
+which was too powerful for _justice_ on this occasion, immediately
+turned the scale: not only those, who were fairly convicted of offences,
+were now sentenced to servitude, but even those who were _suspected_.
+New crimes were invented, that new punishments might succeed. Thus was
+every appearance soon construed into reality; every shadow into a
+substance; and often virtue into a crime.
+
+Such also was the case with respect to prisoners of war. Not only those
+were now delivered into slavery, who were taken in a state of publick
+enmity and injustice, but those also, who, conscious of no injury
+whatever, were taken in the _arbitrary_ skirmishes of these _venal_
+sovereigns. War was now made, not as formerly, from the motives of
+retaliation and defence, but for the sake of obtaining prisoners alone,
+and the advantages resulting from their sale. If a ship from Europe came
+but into sight, it was now considered as a sufficient motive for a war,
+and as a signal only for an instantaneous commencement of hostilities.
+
+But if the African kings could be capable of such injustice, what vices
+are there, that their consciences would restrain, or what enormities,
+that we might not expect to be committed? When men once consent to be
+unjust, they lose, at the same instant with their virtue, a considerable
+portion of that sense of shame, which, till then, had been found a
+successful protector against the sallies of vice. From that awful
+period, almost every expectation is forlorn: the heart is left
+unguarded: its great protector is no more: the vices therefore, which so
+long encompassed it in vain, obtain an easy victory: in crouds they pour
+into the defenceless avenues, and take possession of the soul: there is
+nothing now too vile for them to meditate, too impious to perform. Such
+was the situation of the despotick sovereigns of Africa. They had once
+ventured to pass the bounds of virtue, and they soon proceeded to
+enormity. This was particularly conspicuous in that general conduct,
+which they uniformly observed, after any unsuccessful conflict.
+Influenced only by the venal motives of European traffick, they first
+made war upon the neighbouring tribes, contrary to every principle of
+justice; and if, by the flight of the enemy, or by other contingencies,
+they were disappointed of their prey, they made no hesitation of
+immediately turning their arms against their own subjects. The first
+villages they came to, were always marked on this occasion, as the first
+objects of their avarice. They were immediately surrounded, were
+afterwards set on fire, and the wretched inhabitants seized, as they
+were escaping from the flames. These, consisting of whole families,
+fathers, brothers, husbands, wives, and children, were instantly driven
+in chains to the merchants, and consigned to slavery.
+
+To these calamities, which thus arose from the tyranny of the kings, we
+may now subjoin those, which arose from the avarice of private persons.
+Many were kidnapped by their own countrymen, who, encouraged by the
+merchants of Europe, previously lay in wait for them, and sold them
+afterwards for slaves; while the seamen of the different ships, by every
+possible artifice, enticed others on board, and transported them to the
+regions of servitude.
+
+As these practices are in full force at the present day, it appears that
+there are four orders of _involuntary_ slaves on the African
+continent; of [033]_convicts_; of _prisoners of war_; of
+those, who are publickly seized by virtue of the _authority_ of
+their prince; and of those, who are privately _kidnapped_ by
+individuals.
+
+It remains only to observe on this head, that in the sale and purchase
+of these the African commerce or _Slave Trade_ consists; that they
+are delivered to the merchants of Europe in exchange for their various
+commodities; that these transport them to their colonies in the west,
+where their _slavery_ takes place; and that a fifth order arises
+there, composed of all such as are born to the native Africans, after
+their transportation and slavery have commenced.
+
+Having thus explained as much of the history of modern servitude, as is
+sufficient for the prosecution of our design, we should have closed our
+account here, but that a work, just published, has furnished us with a
+singular anecdote of the colonists of a neighbouring nation, which we
+cannot but relate. The learned [034]author, having described the method
+which the Dutch colonists at the Cape make use of to take the Hottentots
+and enslave them, takes occasion, in many subsequent parts of the work,
+to mention the dreadful effects of the practice of slavery; which, as he
+justly remarks, "leads to all manner of misdemeanours and wickedness.
+Pregnant women," says he, "and children in their tenderest years, were
+not at this time, neither indeed are they ever, exempt from the effects
+of the hatred and spirit of vengeance constantly harboured by the
+colonists, with respect to the [035]Boshies-man nation; _excepting such
+indeed as are marked out to be carried away into bondage_.
+
+"Does a colonist at any time get sight of a Boshies-man, he takes fire
+immediately, and spirits up his horse and dogs, in order to hunt him
+with more ardour and fury than he would a wolf, or any other wild beast?
+On an open plain, a few colonists on horseback are always sure to get
+the better of the greatest number of Boshies-men that can be brought
+together; as the former always keep at the distance of about an hundred,
+or an hundred and fifty paces (just as they find it convenient) and
+charging their heavy fire-arms with a very large kind of shot, jump off
+their horses, and rest their pieces in their usual manner on their
+ramrods, in order that they may shoot with the greater certainty; so
+that the balls discharged by them will sometimes, as I have been
+assured, go through the bodies of six, seven, or eight of the enemy at a
+time, especially as these latter know no better than to keep close
+together in a body."--
+
+"And not only is the capture of the Hottentots considered by them merely
+as a party of pleasure, but in cold blood they destroy the bands which
+nature has knit between their husbands, and their wives and children,
+&c."
+
+With what horrour do these passages seem to strike us! What indignation
+do they seem to raise in our breasts, when we reflect, that a part of
+the human species are considered as _game_, and that _parties of
+pleasure_ are made for their _destruction_! The lion does not
+imbrue his claws in blood, unless called upon by hunger, or provoked by
+interruption; whereas the merciless Dutch, more savage than the brutes
+themselves, not only murder their fellow-creatures without any
+provocation or necessity, but even make a diversion of their sufferings,
+and enjoy their pain.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 030: The following short history of the African servitude, is
+taken from Astley's Collection of Voyages, and from the united
+testimonies of Smyth, Adanson, Bosman, Moore, and others, who were
+agents to the different factories established there; who resided many
+years in the country; and published their respective histories at their
+return. These writers, if they are partial at all, may be considered as
+favourable rather to their own countrymen, than the unfortunate
+Africans.]
+
+
+[Footnote 031: We would not wish to be understood, that slavery was
+unknown in Africa before the _piratical_ expeditions of the
+_Portuguese_, as it appears from the _Nubian's Geography_,
+that both the slavery and commerce had been established among the
+natives with one another. We mean only to assert, that the
+_Portuguese_ were the first of the _Europeans_, who made their
+_piratical_ expeditions, and shewed the way to that _slavery_,
+which now makes so disgraceful a figure in the western colonies of the
+_Europeans_. In the term "Europeans," wherever it shall occur in
+the remaining part of this first dissertation, we include the
+_Portuguese_, and _those nations only_, who followed their
+example.]
+
+
+[Footnote 032: The _Portuguese_ erected their first fort at
+_D'Elmina_, in the year 1481, about forty years after Alonzo
+Gonzales had pointed the Southern Africans out to his countrymen
+as articles of commerce.]
+
+
+[Footnote 033: In the ancient servitude, we reckoned _convicts_
+among the _voluntary_ slaves, because they had it in their power,
+by a virtuous conduct, to have avoided so melancholy a situation; in the
+_African_, we include them in the _involuntary_, because, as
+virtues are frequently construed into crimes, from the venal motives of
+the traffick, no person whatever possesses such a _power_ or
+_choice_.]
+
+[Footnote 034: Andrew Sparrman, M.D. professor of Physick at Stockholm,
+fellow of the Royal Academy of Sciences in Sweden, and inspector of its
+cabinet of natural history, whose voyage was translated into English,
+and published in 1785.]
+
+
+[Footnote 035: Boshies-man, or _wild Hottentot_.]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+End of the First Part.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+
+PART II.
+
+
+
+THE AFRICAN COMMERCE,
+
+OR
+
+SLAVE TRADE.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. I.
+
+As we explained the History of Slavery in the first part of this Essay,
+as far as it was necessary for our purpose, we shall now take the
+question into consideration, which we proposed at first as the subject
+of our inquiry, viz. how far the commerce and slavery of the human
+species, as revived by some of the nations of Europe in the persons of
+the unfortunate Africans, and as revived, in a great measure, on the
+principles of antiquity, are consistent with the laws of nature, or the
+common notions of equity, as established among men.
+
+This question resolves itself into two separate parts for discussion,
+into _the African commerce (as explained in the history of
+slavery)_ and _the subsequent slavery in the colonies, as founded
+on the equity of the commerce_. The former, of course, will be first
+examined. For this purpose we shall inquire into the rise, nature, and
+design of government. Such an inquiry will be particularly useful in the
+present place; it will afford us that general knowledge of subordination
+and liberty, which is necessary in the case before us, and will be
+found, as it were, a source, to which we may frequently refer for many
+and valuable arguments.
+
+It appears that mankind were originally free, and that they possessed an
+equal right to the soil and produce of the earth. For proof of this, we
+need only appeal to the _divine_ writings; to the _golden age_
+of the poets, which, like other fables of the times, had its origin in
+truth; and to the institution of the _Saturnalia_, and of other
+similar festivals; all of which are so many monuments of this original
+equality of men. Hence then there was no rank, no distinction, no
+superiour. Every man wandered where he chose, changing his residence, as
+a spot attracted his fancy, or suited his convenience, uncontrouled by
+his neighbour, unconnected with any but his family. Hence also (as every
+thing was common) he collected what he chose without injury, and enjoyed
+without injury what he had collected. Such was the first situation of
+mankind; [036]a state of _dissociation_ and _independence_.
+
+In this dissociated state it is impossible that men could have long
+continued. The dangers to which they must have frequently been exposed,
+by the attacks of fierce and rapacious beasts, by the proedatory
+attempts of their own species, and by the disputes of contiguous and
+independent families; these, together with their inability to defend,
+themselves, on many such occasions, must have incited them to unite.
+Hence then was _society_ formed on the grand principles of
+preservation and defence: and as these principles began to operate, in
+the different parts of the earth, where the different families had
+roamed, a great number of these _societies_ began to be formed and
+established; which, taking to themselves particular names from
+particular occurrences, began to be perfectly distinct from one another.
+
+As the individuals, of whom these societies were composed, had
+associated only for their defence, so they experienced, at first, no
+change in their condition. They were still independent and free; they
+were still without discipline or laws; they had every thing still in
+common; they pursued the same, manner of life; wandering only, in
+_herds_, as the earth gave them or refused them sustenance, and
+doing, as a _publick body_, what they had been accustomed to do as
+_individuals_ before. This was the exact situation of the Getæ and
+Scythians[037], of the Lybians and Goetulians[038], of the Italian
+Aborigines[039], and of the Huns and Alans[040]. They had left their
+original state of _dissociation_, and had stepped into that, which
+has been just described. Thus was the second situation of men a state of
+_independent society_.
+
+Having thus joined themselves together, and having formed themselves
+into several large and distinct bodies, they could not fail of
+submitting soon to a more considerable change. Their numbers must have
+rapidly increased, and their societies, in process of time, have become
+so populous, as frequently to have experienced the want of subsistence,
+and many of the commotions and tumults of intestine strife. For these
+inconveniences however there were remedies to be found.
+_Agriculture_ would furnish them with that subsistence and support,
+which the earth, from the rapid increase of its inhabitants, had become
+unable spontaneously to produce. An _assignation_ of _property_
+would not only enforce an application, but excite an emulation,
+to labour; and _government_ would at once afford a security
+to the acquisitions of the industrious, and heal the intestine
+disorders of the community, by the introduction of laws.
+
+Such then were the remedies, that were gradually applied. The
+_societies_, which had hitherto seen their members, undistinguished
+either by authority or rank, admitted now of magistratical pre-eminence.
+They were divided into tribes; to every tribe was allotted a particular
+district for its support, and to every individual his particular spot.
+The Germans[041], who consisted of many and various nations, were
+exactly in this situation. They had advanced a step beyond the
+Scythians, Goetulians, and those, whom we described before; and thus was
+the third situation of mankind a state of _subordinate society_.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 036: This conclusion concerning the dissociated state of
+mankind, is confirmed by all the early writers, with whose descriptions
+of primitive times no other conclusion is reconcileable.]
+
+
+[Footnote 037: Justin. L. 2. C. 2.]
+
+
+[Footnote 038: Sallust. Bell. Jug.]
+
+
+[Footnote 039: Sallust. Bell. Catil.]
+
+
+[Footnote 040: Ammianus Marcellinus. L. 31. C. 2. et. inseq.]
+
+
+[Footnote 041: Agri pro Numero Cultorum ab universis per vicos
+occupantur, quos mox inter se secundum dignationem partiuntur. Tacitus.
+C. 26. de Mor. Germ.]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. II.
+
+As we have thus traced the situation of man from unbounded liberty to
+subordination, it will be proper to carry our inquiries farther, and to
+consider, who first obtained the pre-eminence in these _primoeval
+societies_, and by what particular methods it was obtained.
+
+There were only two ways, by which such an event could have been
+produced, by _compulsion_ or _consent_. When mankind first saw
+the necessity of government, it is probable that many had conceived the
+desire of ruling. To be placed in a new situation, to be taken from the
+common herd, to be the first, distinguished among men, were thoughts,
+that must have had their charms. Let us suppose then, that these
+thoughts had worked so unusually on the passions of any particular
+individual, as to have driven him to the extravagant design of obtaining
+the preeminence by force. How could his design have been accomplished?
+How could he forcibly have usurped the jurisdiction at a time, when, all
+being equally free, there was not a single person, whose assistance he
+could command? Add to this, that, in a state of universal liberty, force
+had been repaid by force, and the attempt had been fatal to the usurper.
+
+As _empire_ then could never have been gained at first by
+_compulsion_, so it could only have been obtained by _consent_;
+and as men were then going to make an important sacrifice,
+for the sake of their _mutual_ happiness, so he alone could
+have obtained it, (not whose _ambition_ had greatly distinguished
+him from the rest) but in whose _wisdom, justice, prudence_,
+and _virtue_, the whole community could confide.
+
+To confirm this reasoning, we shall appeal, as before, to facts; and
+shall consult therefore the history of those nations, which having just
+left their former state of _independent society_, were the very
+people that established _subordination_ and _government_.
+
+The commentaries of Cæsar afford us the following accounts of the
+ancient Gauls. When any of their kings, either by death, or deposition,
+made a vacancy in the regal office, the whole nation was immediately
+convened for the appointment of a successor. In these national
+conventions were the regal offices conferred. Every individual had a
+voice on the occasion, and every individual was free. The person upon
+whom the general approbation appeared to fall, was immediately advanced
+to pre-eminence in the state. He was uniformly one, whose actions had
+made him eminent; whose conduct had gained him previous applause; whose
+valour the very assembly, that elected him, had themselves witnessed in
+the field; whose prudence, wisdom and justice, having rendered him
+signally serviceable, had endeared him to his tribe. For this reason,
+their kingdoms were not hereditary; the son did not always inherit the
+virtues of the sire; and they were determined that he alone should
+possess authority, in whose virtues they could confide. Nor was this
+all. So sensible were they of the important sacrifice they had made; so
+extremely jealous even of the name of superiority and power, that they
+limited, by a variety of laws, the authority of the very person, whom
+they had just elected, from a confidence of his integrity; Ambiorix
+himself confessing, "that his people had as much power over him, as he
+could possibly have over his people."
+
+The same custom, as appears from Tacitus, prevailed also among the
+Germans. They had their national councils, like the Gauls; in which the
+regal and ducal offices were confirmed according to the majority of
+voices. They elected also, on these occasions, those only, whom their
+virtue, by repeated trial, had unequivocally distinguished from the
+rest; and they limited their authority so far, as neither to leave them
+the power of inflicting imprisonment or stripes, nor of exercising any
+penal jurisdiction. But as punishment was necessary in a state of civil
+society, "it was permitted to the priests alone, that it might appear to
+have been inflicted, by the order of the gods, and not by any superiour
+authority in man."
+
+The accounts which we have thus given of the ancient Germans and Gauls,
+will be found also to be equally true of those people, which had arrived
+at the same state of subordinate society. We might appeal, for a
+testimony of this, to the history of the Goths; to the history of the
+Franks and Saxons; to, the history, in short, of all those nations, from
+which the different governments, now conspicuous in Europe, have
+undeniably sprung. And we might appeal, as a farther proof, to the
+Americans, who are represented by many of the moderns, from their own
+ocular testimony, as observing the same customs at the present day.
+
+It remains only to observe, that as these customs prevailed among the
+different nations described, in their early state of subordinate
+society, and as they were moreover the customs of their respective
+ancestors, it appears that they must have been handed down, both by
+tradition and use, from the first introduction of _government_.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. III.
+
+We may now deduce those general maxims concerning _subordination_,
+and _liberty_, which we mentioned to have been essentially
+connected with the subject, and which some, from speculation only, and
+without any allusion to facts, have been bold enough to deny.
+
+It appears first, that _liberty_ is a _natural_, and
+_government_ an _adventitious_ right, because all men were
+originally free.
+
+It appears secondly, that government is a [042]_contract_ because,
+in these primeval subordinate societies, we have seen it voluntarily
+conferred on the one hand, and accepted on the other. We have seen it
+subject to various restrictions. We have seen its articles, which could
+then only be written by tradition and use, as perfect and binding as
+those, which are now committed to letters. We have seen it, in short,
+partaking of the _federal_ nature, as much as it could in a state,
+which wanted the means of recording its transactions.
+
+It appear thirdly, that the grand object of the _contrast_, is the
+_happiness_ of the people; because they gave the supremacy to him
+alone, who had been conspicuous for the splendour of his abilities, or
+the integrity of his life: that the power of the multitude being
+directed by the _wisdom_ and _justice_ of the prince, they
+might experience the most effectual protection from injury, the highest
+advantages of society, the greatest possible _happiness_.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 042: The author has lately read a work, intitled Paley's Moral
+and Political Philosophy, which, in this one respect, favours those
+which have been hinted at, as it denies that government was a contract.
+"No social compact was ever made in fact,"--"it is to suppose it
+possible to call savages out of caves and deserts, to deliberate upon
+topicks, which the experience and studies, and the refinements of civil
+life alone suggest. Therefore no government in the universe begun from
+this original." But there are no grounds for so absurd a supposition;
+for government, and of course the social compact, does not appear to
+have been introduced at the time, when families coming out of their
+caves and deserts, or, in other words, quitting their former
+_dissociated_ state, joined themselves together. They had lived a
+considerable time in _society_, like the Lybians and Gætulians
+before-mentioned, and had felt many of the disadvantages of a want of
+discipline and laws, before government was introduced at all. The author
+of this Essay, before he took into consideration the origin of
+government, was determined, in a matter of such importance, to be
+biassed by no opinion whatever, and much less to indulge himself in
+speculation. He was determined solely to adhere to fact, and, by looking
+into the accounts left us of those governments which were in their
+infancy, and, of course in the least complicated state, to attempt to
+discover their foundation: he cannot say therefore, that upon a very
+minute perusal of the excellent work before quoted, he has been so far
+convinced, as to retract in the least from his sentiments on this head,
+and to give up maxims, which are drawn from historical facts, for those,
+which are the result of speculation. He may observe here, that whether
+government was a _contract_ or not, it will not affect the
+reasoning of the present Essay; since where ever the contract is
+afterwards mentioned, it is inferred only that its object was "the
+_happiness of the people_," which is confessedly the end of
+government. Notwithstanding this, he is under the necessity of inserting
+this little note, though he almost feels himself ungrateful in
+contradicting a work, which has afforded him so much entertainment.]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. IV.
+
+Having now collected the materials that are necessary for the
+prosecution of our design, we shall immediately enter upon the
+discussion.
+
+If any man had originally been endued with power, as with other
+faculties, so that the rest of mankind had discovered in themselves an
+_innate necessity_ of obeying this particular person; it is evident
+that he and his descendants, from the superiority of their nature, would
+have had a claim upon men for obedience, and a natural right to command:
+but as the right to empire is _adventitious_; as all were
+originally free; as nature made every man's body and mind _his
+own_; it is evident that no just man can be consigned to
+_slavery_, without his own _consent_.
+
+Neither can men, by the same principles, be considered as lands, goods,
+or houses, among _possessions_. It is necessary that all
+_property_ should be inferiour to its _possessor_. But how
+does the _slave_ differ from his _master_, but by _chance_?
+For though the mark, with which the latter is pleased to
+brand him, shews, at the first sight, the difference of their
+_fortune_; what mark can be found in his _nature_, that can
+warrant a distinction?
+
+To this consideration we shall add the following, that if men can justly
+become the property of each other, their children, like the offspring of
+cattle, must inherit their _paternal_ lot. Now, as the actions of
+the father and the child must be thus at the sole disposal of their
+common master, it is evident, that the _authority_ of the one, as a
+_parent_, and the _duty_ of the other, as a _child_, must
+be instantly annihilated; rights and obligations, which, as they are
+sounded in nature, are implanted in our feelings, and are established by
+the voice of God, must contain in their annihilation a solid argument to
+prove, that there cannot be any _property_ whatever in the _human
+species_.
+
+We may consider also, as a farther confirmation, that it is impossible,
+in the nature of things, that _liberty_ can be _bought_ or
+_sold_! It is neither _saleable_, nor _purchasable_. For
+if any one man can have an absolute property in the liberty of another,
+or, in other words, if he, who is called a _master_, can have a
+_just_ right to command the actions of him, who is called a
+_slave_, it is evident that the latter cannot be accountable for
+those crimes, which the former may order him to commit. Now as every
+reasonable being is accountable for his actions, it is evident, that
+such a right cannot _justly_ exist, and that human liberty, of
+course, is beyond the possibility either of _sale_ or _purchase_.
+Add to this, that, whenever you sell the liberty of a man,
+you have the power only of alluding to the _body_: the _mind_
+cannot be confined or bound: it will be free, though its
+mansion be beset with chains. But if, in every sale of the _human
+species_, you are under the necessity of considering your slave in
+this abstracted light; of alluding only to the body, and of making no
+allusion to the mind; you are under the necessity also of treating him,
+in the same moment, as a _brute_, and of abusing therefore that
+nature, which cannot otherwise be considered, than in the double
+capacity of _soul_ and _body_.
+
+But some person, perhaps, will make an objection to one of the former
+arguments. "If men, from _superiority_ of their nature, cannot be
+considered, like lands, goods, or houses, among possessions, so neither
+can cattle: for being endued with life, motion, and sensibility, they
+are evidently _superiour_ to these." But this objection will
+receive its answer from those observations which have been already made;
+and will discover the true reason, why cattle are justly to be estimated
+as property. For first, the right to empire over brutes, is
+_natural_, and not _adventitious_, like the right to empire
+over men. There are, secondly, many and evident signs of the
+_inferiority_ of their nature; and thirdly, their liberty can be
+bought and sold, because, being void of reason, they cannot be
+_accountable_ for their actions.
+
+We might stop here for a considerable time, and deduce many valuable
+lessons from the remarks that have been made, but that such a
+circumstance might be considered as a digression. There is one, however,
+which, as it is so intimately connected with the subject, we cannot but
+deduce. We are taught to treat men in a different manner from brutes,
+because they are so manifestly superiour in their nature; we are taught
+to treat brutes in a different manner from stones, for the same reason;
+and thus, by giving to every created thing its due respect, to answer
+the views of Providence, which did not create a variety of natures
+without a purpose or design.
+
+But if these things are so, how evidently against reason, nature, and
+every thing human and divine, must they act, who not only force men into
+_slavery_, against their own _consent_; but treat them altogether
+as _brutes_, and make the _natural liberty_ of man an article
+of publick commerce! and by what arguments can they possibly
+defend that commerce, which cannot be carried on, in any single
+instance, without a flagrant violation of the laws of nature and of God?
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. V.
+
+That we may the more accurately examine the arguments that are advanced
+on this occasion, it will be proper to divide the _commerce_ into
+two parts; first, as it relates to those who _sell_, and secondly,
+as it relates to those who _purchase_, the _human species_
+into slavery. To the former part of which, having given every previous
+and necessary information in the history of servitude, we shall
+immediately proceed.
+
+Let us inquire first, by what particular right the _liberties_ of
+the harmless people are invaded by the _prince_. "By the _right
+of empire_," it will be answered; "because he possesses dominion and
+power by their own approbation and consent." But subjects, though under
+the dominion, are not the _property_, of the prince. They cannot be
+considered as his _possessions_. Their _natures_ are both the
+same; they are both born in the same manner; are subject to the same
+disorders; must apply to the same remedies for a cure; are equally
+partakers of the grave: an _incidental_ distinction accompanies
+them through life, and this--is all.
+
+We may add to this, that though the prince possesses dominion and power,
+by the consent and approbation of his subjects, he possesses it only for
+the most _salutary_ ends. He may tyrannize, if he can: he may alter
+the _form_ of his government: he cannot, however, alter its
+_nature_ and _end_. These will be immutably the same, though
+the whole system of its administration should be changed; and he will be
+still bound to _defend_ the lives and properties of his subjects,
+and to make them _happy_.
+
+Does he defend those therefore, whom he invades at discretion with the
+sword? Does he protect the property of those, whose houses and effects
+he consigns at discretion to the flames? Does he make those happy, whom
+he seizes, as they are trying to escape the general devastation, and
+compels with their wives and families to a wretched _servitude?_ He
+acts surely, as if the use of empire consisted in violence and
+oppression; as if he, that was most exalted, ought, of necessity, to be
+most unjust. Here then the voice of _nature_ and _justice_ is
+against him. He breaks that law of _nature_, which ordains, "that no
+just man shall be given into slavery, against his own _consent_:"
+he violates the first law of _justice_, as established among men,
+"that no person shall do harm to another without a previous and
+sufficient _provocation_;" and he violates also the sacred
+condition of _empire_, made with his ancestors, and necessarily
+understood in every species of government, "that, the power of the
+multitude being given up to the wisdom and justice of the prince, they
+may experience, in return, the most effectual protection from injury,
+the highest advantages of society, the greatest possible
+_happiness_."
+
+But if kings then, to whom their own people have granted dominion and
+power, are unable to invade the liberties of their harmless subjects,
+without the highest _injustice_; how can those private persons be
+justified, who treacherously lie in wait for their fellow-creatures, and
+sell them into slavery? What arguments can they possibly bring in
+their defence? What treaty of empire can they produce, by which their
+innocent victims ever resigned to them the least portion of their
+_liberty_? In vain will they plead the _antiquity_ of the
+custom: in vain will the _honourable_ light, in which _piracy_
+was considered in the ages of barbarism, afford them an excuse. Impious
+and abandoned men! ye invade the liberties of those, who, (with respect
+to your impious selves) are in a state of _nature_, in a state of
+original _dissociation_, perfectly _independent_, perfectly
+_free_.
+
+It appears then, that the two orders of slaves, which have been
+mentioned in the history of the African servitude, "of those who are
+publickly seized by virtue of the authority of their prince; and of
+those, who are privately kidnapped by individuals," are collected by
+means of violence and oppression; by means, repugnant to _nature_,
+the principles of _government_, and the common notions of
+_equity_, as established among men.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. VI.
+
+We come now to the third order of _involuntary_ slaves, "to
+convicts." The only argument that the sellers advance here, is this,
+"that they have been found guilty of offences, and that the punishment
+is just." But before the equity of the sentence can be allowed two
+questions must be decided, whether the punishment is _proportioned_
+to the offence, and what is its particular _object_ and _end_?
+
+To decide the first, we may previously observe, that the African
+servitude comprehends _banishment_, a _deprivation_ of _liberty_,
+and many _corporal_ sufferings.
+
+On _banishment_, the following observations will suffice. Mankind
+have their _local_ attachments. They have a particular regard for
+the spot, in which they were born and nurtured. Here it was, that they
+first drew their infant-breath: here, that they were cherished and
+supported: here, that they passed those scenes of childhood, which, free
+from care and anxiety, are the happiest in the life of man; scenes,
+which accompany them through life; which throw themselves frequently
+into their thoughts, and produce the most agreeable sensations. These
+then are weighty considerations; and how great this regard is, may be
+evidenced from our own feelings; from the testimony of some, who, when
+remote from their country, and, in the hour of danger and distress, have
+found their thoughts unusually directed, by some impulse or other, to
+their native spot; and from the example of others, who, having braved
+the storms and adversities of life, either repair to it for the
+remainder of their days, or desire even to be conveyed to it, when
+existence is no more.
+
+But separately from these their _local_, they have also their
+_personal_ attachments; their regard for particular men. There are
+ties of blood; there are ties of friendship. In the former case, they
+must of necessity be attached: the constitution of their nature demands
+it. In the latter, it is impossible to be otherwise, since friendship is
+founded on an harmony of temper, on a concordance of sentiments and
+manners, on habits of confidence, and a mutual exchange of favours.
+
+We may now mention, as perfectly distinct both from their _local_
+and_ personal_, the _national_ attachments of mankind, their
+regard for the whole body of the people, among whom they were born and
+educated. This regard is particularly conspicuous in the conduct of
+such, as, being thus _nationally_ connected, reside in foreign
+parts. How anxiously do they meet together! how much do they enjoy the
+fight of others of their countrymen, whom fortune places in their way!
+what an eagerness do they show to serve them, though not born on the
+same particular spot, though not connected by consanguinity or
+friendship, though unknown to them before! Neither is this affection
+wonderful, since they are creatures of the same education; of the same
+principles; of the same manners and habits; cast, as it were, in the
+same mould; and marked with the same impression.
+
+If men therefore are thus separately attached to the several objects
+described, it is evident that a separate exclusion from either must
+afford them considerable pain. What then must be their sufferings, to be
+forced for ever from their country, which includes them all? Which
+contains the _spot_, in which they were born and nurtured; which
+contains their _relations_ and _friends_; which contains the
+whole body of the _people_, among whom they were bred and educated.
+In these sufferings, which arise to men, both in bidding, and in having
+bid, adieu to all that they esteem as dear and valuable,
+_banishment_ consists in part; and we may agree therefore with the
+ancients, without adding other melancholy circumstances to the account,
+that it is no inconsiderable punishment of itself.
+
+With respect to the _loss_ of _liberty_, which is the second
+consideration in the punishment, it is evident that men bear nothing
+worse; that there is nothing, that they lay more at heart; and that they
+have shewn, by many and memorable instances, that even death is to be
+preferred. How many could be named here, who, having suffered the
+_loss_ of _liberty_, have put a period to their existence! How
+many, that have willingly undergone the hazard of their lives to destroy
+a tyrant! How many, that have even gloried to perish in the attempt! How
+many bloody and publick wars have been undertaken (not to mention the
+numerous _servile_ insurrections, with which history is stained)
+for the cause of _freedom_!
+
+But if nothing is dearer than _liberty_ to men, with which, the
+barren rock is able to afford its joys, and without which, the glorious
+fun shines upon them but in vain, and all the sweets and delicacies of
+life are tasteless and unenjoyed; what punishment can be more severe
+than the loss of so great a blessing? But if to this _deprivation_
+of _liberty_, we add the agonizing pangs of _banishment_; and
+if to the complicated stings of both, we add the incessant _stripes,
+wounds_, and _miseries_, which are undergone by those, who are
+sold into this horrid _servitude_; what crime can we possibly
+imagine to be so enormous, as to be worthy of so great a punishment?
+
+How contrary then to reason, justice, and nature, must those act, who
+apply this, the severest of human punishments, to the most insignificant
+offence! yet such is the custom with the Africans: for, from the time,
+in which the Europeans first intoxicated the African princes with their
+foreign draughts, no crime has been committed, no shadow of a crime
+devised, that has not immediately been punished with _servitude_.
+
+But for what purpose is the punishment applied? Is it applied to amend
+the manners of the criminal, and thus render him a better subject? No,
+for if you banish him, he can no longer be a subject, and you can no
+longer therefore be solicitous for his morals. Add to this, that if you
+banish him to a place, where he is to experience the hardships of want
+and hunger (so powerfully does hunger compel men to the perpetration of
+crimes) you force him rather to corrupt, than amend his manners, and to
+be wicked, when he might otherwise be just.
+
+Is it applied then, that others may be deterred from the same
+proceedings, and that crimes may become less frequent? No, but that
+_avarice_ may be gratified; that the prince may experience the
+emoluments of the sale: for, horrid and melancholy thought! the more
+crimes his subjects commit, the richer is he made; the more
+_abandoned_ the subject, the _happier_ is the prince!
+
+Neither can we allow that the punishment thus applied, tends in any
+degree to answer _publick happiness_; for if men can be sentenced
+to slavery, right or wrong; if shadows can be turned into substances,
+and virtues into crimes; it is evident that none can be happy, because
+none can be secure.
+
+But if the punishment is infinitely greater than the offence, (which has
+been shewn before) and if it is inflicted, neither to amend the
+criminal, nor to deter others from the same proceedings, nor to advance,
+in any degree, the happiness of the publick, it is scarce necessary to
+observe, that it is totally unjust, since it is repugnant to
+_reason_, the dictates of _nature_, and the very principles of
+_government_.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. VII.
+
+We come now to the fourth and last order of slaves, to _prisoners of
+war_. As the _sellers_ lay a particular stress on this order of
+men, and infer much, from its _antiquity_, in support of the
+justice of their cause, we shall examine the principle, on which it
+subsisted among the ancients. But as this principle was the same among
+all nations, and as a citation from many of their histories would not be
+less tedious than unnecessary, we shall select the example of the Romans
+for the consideration of the case.
+
+The law, by which prisoners of war were said to be sentenced to
+servitude, was the _law of nations_[043]. It was so called from the
+universal concurrence of nations in the custom. It had two points in
+view, the _persons_ of the _captured_, and their _effects_; both
+of which it immediately sentenced, without any of the usual
+forms of law, to be the property of the _captors_.
+
+The principle, on which the law was established, was the _right of
+capture_. When any of the contending parties had overcome their
+opponents, and were about to destroy them, the right was considered to
+commence; a right, which the victors conceived themselves to have, to
+recall their swords, and, from the consideration of having saved the
+lives of the vanquished, when they could have taken them by the laws of
+war, to commute _blood_ for _service_. Hence the Roman lawyer,
+Pomponius, deduces the etymology of _slave_ in the Roman language.
+"They were called _servi_[044], says he, from the following
+circumstance. It was usual with our commanders to take them prisoners,
+and sell them: now this circumstance implies, that they must have been
+previously _preserved_, and hence the name." Such then was the
+_right of capture_. It was a right, which the circumstance of
+_taking_ the vanquished, that is, of _preserving_ them alive,
+gave the conquerors to their persons. By this right, as always including
+the idea of a previous preservation from death, the vanquished were said
+_to be slaves_[045]; and, "as all slaves," says Justinian, "are
+themselves in the power of others, and of course can have nothing of
+their own, so their effects followed the condition of their persons, and
+became the property of the captors."
+
+To examine this right, by which the vanquished were said to be slaves,
+we shall use the words of a celebrated Roman author, and apply them to
+the present case[046]. "If it is lawful," says he, "to deprive a man of
+his life, it is certainly not inconsistent with nature to rob him;" to
+rob him of his liberty. We admit the conclusion to be just, if the
+supposition be the same: we allow, if men have a right to commit that,
+which is considered as a greater crime, that they have a right, at the
+same instant, to commit that, which is considered as a less. But what
+shall we say to the _hypothesis_? We deny it to be true. The voice
+of nature is against it. It is not lawful to kill, but on
+_necessity_. Had there been a necessity, where had the wretched
+captive survived to be broken with chains and servitude? The very act of
+saving his life is an argument to prove, that no such necessity existed.
+The _conclusion_ is therefore false. The captors had no right to
+the _lives_ of the captured, and of course none to their
+_liberty_: they had no right to their _blood_, and of course
+none to their _service_. Their right therefore had no foundation in
+justice. It was founded on a principle, contrary to the law of nature,
+and of course contrary to that law, which people, under different
+governments, are bound to observe to one another.
+
+It is scarce necessary to observe, as a farther testimony of the
+injustice of the measure, that the Europeans, after the introduction of
+Christianity, exploded this principle of the ancients, as frivolous and
+false; that they spared the lives of the vanquished, not from the sordid
+motives of _avarice_, but from a conscientiousness, that homicide
+could only be justified by _necessity_; that they introduced an
+_exchange_ of prisoners, and, by many and wise regulations,
+deprived war of many of its former horrours.
+
+But the advocates for slavery, unable to defend themselves against these
+arguments, have fled to other resources, and, ignorant of history, have
+denied that the _right of capture_ was the true principle, on which
+slavery subsisted among the ancients. They reason thus. "The learned
+Grotius, and others, have considered slavery as the just consequence of
+a private war, (supposing the war to be just and the opponents in a
+state of nature), upon the principles of _reparation_ and
+_punishment_. Now as the law of nature, which is the rule of
+conduct to individuals in such a situation, is applicable to members of
+a different community, there is reason to presume, that these principles
+were applied by the ancients to their prisoners of war; that their
+_effects_ were confiscated by the right of _reparation_, and
+their _persons_ by the right of _punishment_."--
+
+But, such a presumption is false. The _right of capture_ was the
+only argument, that the ancients adduced in their defence. Hence
+Polybius; "What must they, (the Mantinenses) suffer, to receive the
+punishment they deserve? Perhaps it will be said, _that they must be
+sold, when they are taken, with their wives and children into
+slavery_: But this is not to be considered as a punishment, since
+even those suffer it, by the laws of war, who have done nothing that is
+base." The truth is, that both the _offending_ and the _offended_
+parties, whenever they were victorious, inflicted slavery
+alike. But if the _offending_ party inflicted slavery on
+the persons of the vanquished, by what right did they inflict it? It
+must be answered from the presumption before-mentioned, "by the right of
+_reparation_, or of _punishment:_" an answer plainly absurd
+and contradictory, as it supposes the _aggressor_ to have a
+_right_, which the _injured_ only could possess.
+
+Neither is the argument less fallacious than the presumption, in
+applying these principles, which in a _publick_ war could belong to
+the _publick_ only, to the persons of the _individuals_ that
+were taken. This calls us again to the history of the ancients, and, as
+the rights of reparation and punishment could extend to those only, who
+had been injured, to select a particular instance for the consideration
+of the case.
+
+As the Romans had been injured without a previous provocation by the
+conduct of Hannibal at Saguntum, we may take the treaty into
+consideration, which they made with the Carthaginians, when the latter,
+defeated at Zama, sued for peace. It consisted of three articles[047].
+By the first, the Carthaginians were to be free, and to enjoy their own
+constitution and laws. By the second, they were to pay a considerable
+sum of money, as a reparation for the damages and expence of war: and,
+by the third, they were to deliver up their elephants and ships of war,
+and to be subject to various restrictions, as a punishment. With these
+terms they complied, and the war was finished.
+
+Thus then did the Romans make that distinction between _private_
+and _publick_ war, which was necessary to be made, and which the
+argument is fallacious in not supposing. The treasury of the vanquished
+was marked as the means of _reparation_; and as this treasury was
+supplied, in a great measure, by the imposition of taxes, and was,
+wholly, the property of the _publick_, so the _publick_ made
+the reparation that was due. The _elephants_ also, and _ships of
+war_, which were marked as the means of _punishment_, were
+_publick_ property; and as they were considerable instruments of
+security and defence to their possessors, and of annoyance to an enemy,
+so their loss, added to the restrictions of the treaty, operated as a
+great and _publick_ punishment. But with respect to the
+Carthaginian prisoners, who had been taken in the war, they were
+retained in _servitude:_ not upon the principles of _reparation_
+and _punishment_, because the Romans had already received,
+by their own confession in the treaty, a sufficient satisfaction:
+not upon these principles, because they were inapplicable
+to _individuals:_ the legionary soldier in the service of the
+injured, who took his prisoner, was not the person, to whom the
+_injury had been done_, any more than the soldier in the service of
+the aggressors, who was taken, was the person, who had _committed the
+offence:_ but they were retained in servitude by the _right of
+capture_; because, when both parties had sent their military into the
+field to determine the dispute, it was at the _private_ choice of
+the legionary soldier before-mentioned, whether he would spare the life
+of his conquered opponent, when he was thought to be entitled to take
+it, if he had chosen, by the laws of war.
+
+To produce more instances, as an illustration of the subject, or to go
+farther into the argument, would be to trespass upon the patience, as
+well as understanding of the reader. In _a state of nature_, where
+a man is supposed to commit an injury, and to be unconnected with the
+rest of the world, the act is _private_, and the right, which the
+injured acquires, can extend only to _himself:_ but in _a state
+of society_, where any member or members of a particular community
+give offence to those of another, and they are patronized by the state,
+to which they belong, the case is altered; the act becomes immediately
+_publick_, and the _publick_ alone are to experience the
+consequences of their injustice. For as no particular member of the
+community, if considered as an individual, is guilty, except the person,
+by whom the injury was done, it would be contrary to reason and justice,
+to apply the principles of _reparation_ and _punishment_,
+which belong to the people as a collective body, to any individual of
+the community, who should happen to be taken. Now, as the principles of
+_reparation_ and _punishment_ are thus inapplicable to the
+prisoners, taken in a _publick_ war, and as the _right of
+capture_, as we have shewn before, is insufficient to intitle the
+victors to the _service_ of the vanquished, it is evident that
+_slavery_ cannot justly exist at all, since there are no other
+maxims, on which it can be founded, even in the most equitable wars.
+
+But if these things are so; if slavery cannot be defended even in the
+most _equitable_ wars, what arguments will not be found against
+that servitude, which arises from those, that are _unjust?_ Which
+arises from those African wars, that relate to the present subject? The
+African princes, corrupted by the merchants of Europe, seek every
+opportunity of quarrelling with one another. Every spark is blown into a
+flame; and war is undertaken from no other consideration, than that
+_of procuring slaves:_ while the Europeans, on the other hand,
+happy in the quarrels which they have thus excited, supply them with
+arms and ammunition for the accomplishment of their horrid purpose. Thus
+has Africa, for the space of two hundred years, been the scene of the
+most iniquitous and bloody wars; and thus have many thousands of men, in
+the most iniquitous manner, been sent into servitude.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 043: _Jure Gentium_ servi nostri sunt, qui ab hostibus
+capiuntur. Justinian, L. 1. 5. 5. 1.]
+
+
+[Footnote 044: _Serverum_ appellatio ex eo fluxit, quod imperatores
+nostri captivos vendere, ac per hoc _servare_, nec occidere
+solent.]
+
+
+[Footnote 045: Nam sive victoribus _jure captivitatis_ servissent,
+&c. Justin, L. 4. 3. et passim apud scriptores antiquos.]
+
+
+[Footnote 046: Neque est contra naturam spoliare eum, si possis, quem
+honestum est necare. Cicero de officiis. L. 3. 6.]
+
+
+[Footnote 047: 1. Ut liberi suis legibus viverent. Livy, L. 30. 37. 2.
+Decem millia talentum argenti descripta pensionibus æquis in annos
+quinquaginta solverent. Ibid. 3. Et naves rostratas, præter decem
+triremes, traderent, elephantosque, quos haberent domitos; neque
+domarent alios; Bellum neve in Africa, neve extra Africam, injussu P. R.
+gererent, &c. Ibid.]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. VIII.
+
+We shall beg leave, before we proceed to the arguments of the
+_purchasers_, to add the following observations to the substance of
+the three preceding chapters.
+
+As the two orders of men, of those who are privately kidnapped by
+individuals, and of those who are publickly seized by virtue of the
+authority of their prince, compose together, at least[048], nine tenths
+of the African slaves, they cannot contain, upon a moderate computation,
+less than ninety thousand men annually transported: an immense number,
+but easily to be credited, when we reflect that thousands are employed
+for the purpose of stealing the unwary, and that these diabolical
+practices are in force, so far has European _injustice_ been
+spread, at the distance of a thousand miles from the factories on the
+coast. The _slave merchants_, among whom a quantity of European
+goods is previously divided, travel into the heart of the country to
+this amazing distance. Some of them attend the various markets, that are
+established through so large an extent of territory, to purchase the
+kidnapped people, whom the _slave-hunters_ are continually bringing
+in; while the rest, subdividing their merchandize among the petty
+sovereigns with whom they deal, receive, by an immediate exertion of
+fraud and violence, the stipulated number.
+
+Now, will any man assert, in opposition to the arguments before
+advanced, that out of this immense body of men, thus annually collected
+and transported, there is even _one_, over whom the original or
+subsequent seller can have any power or right? Whoever asserts this, in
+the first instance, must, contradict his own feelings, and must consider
+_himself_ as a just object of prey, whenever any daring invader
+shall think it proper to attack _him_. And, in the second instance,
+the very idea which the African princes entertain of their villages, as
+_parks_ or _reservoirs_, stocked only for their own convenience,
+and of their subjects, as _wild beasts_, whom they may pursue
+and take at pleasure, is so shocking, that it need only be
+mentioned, to be instantly reprobated by the reader.
+
+The order of slaves, which is next to the former in respect to the
+number of people whom it contains, is that of prisoners of war. This
+order, if the former statement be true, is more inconsiderable than is
+generally imagined; but whoever reflects on the prodigious slaughter
+that is constantly made in every African skirmish, cannot be otherwise
+than of this opinion: he will find, that where _ten_ are taken, he
+has every reason to presume that an _hundred_ perish. In some of
+these skirmishes, though they have been begun for the express purpose of
+_procuring slaves_, the conquerors have suffered but few of the
+vanquished to escape the fury of the sword; and there have not been
+wanting instances, where they have been so incensed at the resistance
+they have found, that their spirit of vengeance has entirely got the
+better of their avarice, and they have murdered, in cool blood, every
+individual, without discrimination, either of age or sex.
+
+The following[049] is an account of one of these skirmishes, as
+described by a person, who was witness to the scene. "I was sent, with
+several others, in a small sloop up the river Niger, to purchase slaves:
+we had some free negroes with us in the practice; and as the vessels are
+liable to frequent attacks from the negroes on one side of the river, or
+the Moors on the other, they are all armed. As we rode at anchor a long
+way up the river, we observed a large number of negroes in huts by the
+river's side, and for our own safety kept a wary eye on them. Early next
+morning we saw from our masthead a numerous body approaching, with
+apparently but little order, but in close array. They approached very
+fast, and fell furiously on the inhabitants of the town, who seemed to
+be quite _surprized_, but nevertheless, as soon as they could get
+together, fought stoutly. They had some fire-arms, but made very little
+use of them, as they came directly to close fighting with their spears,
+lances, and sabres. Many of the invaders were mounted on small horses;
+and both parties fought for about half an hour with the fiercest
+animosity, exerting much more courage and perseverance than I had ever
+before been witness to amongst them. The women and children of the town
+clustered together to the water's edge, running shrieking up and down
+with terrour, waiting the event of the combat, till their party gave
+way and took to the water, to endeavour to swim over to the Barbary
+side. They were closely pursued even into the river by the victors, who,
+though they came for the purpose of _getting slaves_, gave no
+quarter, _their cruelty even prevailing over their avarice_. They
+made no prisoners, but put all to the sword without mercy. Horrible
+indeed was the carnage of the vanquished on this occasion, and as we
+were within two or three hundred yards of them, their cries and shrieks
+affected us extremely. We had got up our anchor at the beginning of the
+fray, and now stood close in to the spot, where the victors having
+followed the vanquished into the water, were continually dragging out
+and murdering those, whom by reason of their wounds they easily
+overtook. The very children, whom they took in great numbers, did not
+escape the massacre. Enraged at their barbarity, we fired our guns
+loaden with grape shot, and a volley of small arms among them, which
+effectually checked their ardour, and obliged them to retire to a
+distance from the shore; from whence a few round cannon shot soon
+removed them into the woods. The whole river was black over with the
+heads of the fugitives, who were swimming for their lives. These poor
+wretches, fearing _us_ as much as their conquerors, dived when we
+fired, and cried most lamentably for mercy. Having now effectually
+favoured their retreat, we stood backwards and forwards, and took up
+several that were wounded and tired. All whose wounds had disabled them
+from swimming, were either butchered or drowned, before we got up to
+them. With a justice and generosity, _never I believe before heard of
+among slavers_, we gave those their liberty whom we had taken up,
+setting them on shore on the Barbary side, among the poor residue of
+their companions, who had survived the slaughter of the morning."
+
+We shall make but two remarks on this horrid instance of African
+cruelty. It adds, first, a considerable weight to the statements that
+have been made; and confirms, secondly, the conclusions that were drawn
+in the preceding chapter. For if we even allow the right of capture to be
+just, and the principles of reparation and punishment to be applicable
+to the individuals of a community, yet would the former be unjust, and
+the latter inapplicable, in the present case. Every African war is a
+robbery; and we may add, to our former expression, when we said, "that
+thus have many thousands of men, in the most iniquitous manner, been
+sent into servitude," that we believe there are few of this order, who
+are not as much the examples of injustice, as the people that have been
+kidnapped; and who do not additionally convey, when we consider them as
+prisoners of war, an idea of the most complicated scene of murder.
+
+The order of _convicts_, as it exists almost solely among those
+princes, whose dominions are contiguous to the European factories, is
+from this circumstance so inconsiderable, when compared with either of
+the preceding, that we should not have mentioned it again, but that we
+were unwilling to omit any additional argument that occurred against it.
+
+It has been shewn already, that the punishment of slavery is inflicted
+from no other motive, than that of gratifying the _avarice_ of the
+prince, a confederation so detestable, as to be sufficient of itself to
+prove it to be unjust; and that it is so disproportionate, from its
+_nature_, to the offence, as to afford an additional proof of its
+injustice. We shall add now, as a second argument, its disproportion
+from its _continuance:_ and we shall derive a third from the
+consideration, that, in civil society, every violation of the laws of
+the community is an offence against the _state_[050].
+
+Let us suppose then an African prince, disdaining for once the idea of
+emolument: let us suppose him for once inflamed with the love of his
+country, and resolving to punish from this principle alone, "that by
+exhibiting an example of terrour, he may preserve that _happiness of
+the publick_, which he is bound to secure and defend by the very
+nature of his contract; or, in other words, that he may answer the end
+of government." If actuated then by this principle, he should adjudge
+slavery to an offender, as a just punishment for his offence, for whose
+benefit must the convict labour? If it be answered, "for the benefit of
+the state," we allow that the punishment, in whatever light it is
+considered, will be found to be equitable: but if it be answered, "for
+the benefit of any _individual whom he pleases to appoint_," we
+deny it to be just. The state[051] alone is considered to have been
+injured, and as _injuries cannot possibly be transferred_, the
+state alone can justly receive the advantages of his labour. But if the
+African prince, when he thus condemns him to labour for the benefit of
+an _unoffended individual_, should at the same time sentence him to
+become his _property_; that is, if he should make the person and
+life of the convict at the absolute disposal of him, for whom he has
+sentenced him to labour; it is evident that, in addition to his former
+injustice, he is usurping a power, which no ruler or rulers of a state
+can possess, and which the great Creator of the universe never yet gave
+to any order whatever of created beings.
+
+That this reasoning is true, and that civilized nations have considered
+it as such, will be best testified by their practice. We may appeal here
+to that _slavery_, which is now adjudged to delinquents, as a
+punishment, among many of the states of Europe. These delinquents are
+sentenced to labour at the _oar_, to work in _mines_, and on
+_fortifications_, to cut and clear _rivers_, to make and
+repair _roads_, and to perform other works of national utility.
+They are employed, in short, in the _publick_ work; because, as the
+crimes they have committed are considered to have been crimes against
+the publick, no individual can justly receive the emoluments of their
+labour; and they are neither _sold_, nor made capable of being
+_transferred_, because no government whatsoever is invested with
+such a power.
+
+Thus then may that slavery, in which only the idea of _labour_ is
+included, be perfectly equitable, and the delinquent will always receive
+his punishment as a man; whereas in that, which additionally includes
+the idea of _property_, and to undergo which, the delinquent must
+previously change his nature, and become a _brute_; there is an
+inconsistency, which no arguments can reconcile, and a contradiction to
+every principle of nature, which a man need only to appeal to his own
+feelings immediately to evince. And we will venture to assert, from the
+united observations that have been made upon the subject, in opposition
+to any arguments that may be advanced, that there is scarcely one of
+those, who are called African convicts, on whom the prince has a right
+to inflict a punishment at all; and that there is no one whatever, whom
+he has a power of sentencing to labour for the benefit of an unoffended
+individual, and much less whom he has a right to sell.
+
+Having now fully examined the arguments of the _sellers_[052], and
+having made such additional remarks as were necessary, we have only to
+add, that we cannot sufficiently express our detestation at their
+conduct. Were the reader coolly to reflect upon the case of but
+_one_ of the unfortunate men, who are annually the victims of
+_avarice_, and consider his situation in life, as a father, an
+husband, or a friend, we are sure, that even on such a partial
+reflection, he must experience considerable pain. What then must be his
+feelings, when he is told, that, since the slave-trade began,
+[053]_nine millions_ of men have been torn from their dearest
+connections, and sold into slavery. If at this recital his indignation
+should arise, let him consider it as the genuine production of nature;
+that she recoiled at the horrid thought, and that she applied instantly
+a torch to his breast to kindle his resentment; and if, during his
+indignation, she should awaken the sigh of sympathy, or seduce the tear
+of commiseration from his eye, let him consider each as an additional
+argument against the iniquity of the _sellers_.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 048: The total annual exportation from Africa, is estimated
+here at 100,000 men, two thirds of whom are exported by the British
+merchants alone. This estimate is less than that which is usually made,
+and has been published. The author has been informed by disinterested
+people, who were in most of the West India islands during the late war,
+and who conversed with many of the most intelligent of the negroes, for
+the purpose of inquiring by what methods they had originally been
+reduced to slavery, that they did not find even two in twenty, who had
+been reduced to that situation, by any other means than those mentioned
+above. The author, desirous of a farther confirmation of this
+circumstance, stopped the press till he had written to another friend,
+who had resided twenty years in the West-Indies, and whose opinion he
+had not yet asked. The following is an extract from the answer. "I do
+not among many hundreds recollect to have seen but one or two slaves, of
+those imported from Africa, who had any scars to shew, that they had
+been in war. They are generally such as are kidnapped, or sold by their
+tyrants, after the destruction of a village. In short, I am firmly of
+opinion, that crimes and war together do not furnish one slave in an
+hundred of the numbers introduced into the European colonies. Of
+consequence the trade itself, were it possible to suppose convicts or
+prisoners of war to be justly sentenced to servitude, is accountable for
+ninety-nine in every hundred slaves, whom it supplies. It an insult to
+the publick, to attempt to palliate the method of procuring them."]
+
+
+[Footnote 049: The writer of the letter of which this is a faithful
+extract, and who was known to the author of the present Essay, was a
+long time on the African coast. He had once the misfortune to be
+shipwrecked there, and to be taken by the natives, who conveyed him and
+his companions a considerable way up into the country. The hardships
+which he underwent in the march, his treatment during his captivity, the
+scenes to which he was witness, while he resided among the inland
+Africans, as well as while in the African trade, gave occasion to a
+series of very interesting letters. These letters were sent to the
+author of the present Essay, with liberty to make what use of them he
+chose, by the gentleman to whom they were written.]
+
+
+[Footnote 050: Were this not the case, the government of a country could
+have no right to take cognizance of crimes, and punish them, but every
+individual, if injured, would have a right to punish the aggressor with
+his own hand, which is contrary to the notions of all civilized men,
+whether among the ancients or the moderns.]
+
+
+[Footnote 051: This same notion is entertained even by the African
+princes, who do not permit the person injured to revenge his injury, or
+to receive the convict as his slave. But if the very person who has been
+_injured_, does not possess him, much less ought any other person
+whatsoever.]
+
+
+[Footnote 052: There are instances on the African continent, of
+_parents_ selling their _children_. As the slaves of this
+description are so few, and are so irregularly obtained, we did not
+think it worth our while to consider them as forming an order; and, as
+God never gave the parent a power over his child to make him
+_miserable_, we trust that any farther mention of them will be
+unnecessary.]
+
+
+[Footnote 053: Abbè Raynal, Hist. Phil. vol. 4. P. 154.]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. IX.
+
+It remains only now to examine by what arguments those, who
+_receive_ or _purchase_ their fellow-creatures into slavery,
+defend the _commerce_. Their first plea is, "that they receive
+those with propriety, who are convicted of crimes, because they are
+delivered into their hands by _their own magistrates_." But what is
+this to you _receivers_? Have the unfortunate _convicts_ been
+guilty of injury to _you_? Have they broken _your_ treaties?
+Have they plundered _your_ ships? Have they carried _your_
+wives and children into slavery, that _you_ should thus retaliate?
+Have they offended _you_ even by word or gesture?
+
+But if the African convicts are innocent with respect to you; if you
+have not even the shadow of a claim upon their persons; by what right do
+you receive them? "By the laws of the Africans," you will say; "by which
+it is positively allowed."--But can _laws_ alter the nature of
+vice? They may give it a sanction perhaps: it will still be immutably
+the same, and, though dressed in the outward habiliments of
+_honour_, will still be _intrinsically base_.
+
+But alas! you do not only attempt to defend yourselves by these
+arguments, but even dare to give your actions the appearance of lenity,
+and assume _merit_ from your _baseness_! and how first ought
+you particularly to blush, when you assert, "that prisoners of war are
+only purchased from the hands of their conquerors, _to deliver them
+from death_." Ridiculous defence! can the most credulous believe it?
+You entice the Africans to war; you foment their quarrels; you supply
+them with arms and ammunition, and all--from the _motives of
+benevolence_. Does a man set fire to an house, for the purpose of
+rescuing the inhabitants from the flames? But if they are only
+purchased, to _deliver them from death_; why, when they are
+delivered into your hands, as protectors, do you torture them with
+hunger? Why do you kill them with fatigue? Why does the whip deform
+their bodies, or the knife their limbs? Why do you sentence them to
+death? to a death, infinitely more excruciating than that from which you
+so kindly saved them? What answer do you make to this? for if you had
+not humanely preserved them from the hands of their conquerors, a quick
+death perhaps, and that in the space of a moment, had freed them from
+their pain: but on account of your _favour_ and _benevolence_,
+it is known, that they have lingered years in pain and agony, and have
+been sentenced, at last, to a dreadful death for the most insignificant
+offence.
+
+Neither can we allow the other argument to be true, on which you found
+your merit; "that you take them from their country for their own
+convenience; because Africa, scorched with incessant heat, and subject
+to the most violent rains and tempests, is unwholesome, and unfit to be
+inhabited." Preposterous men! do you thus judge from your own feelings?
+Do you thus judge from your own constitution and frame? But if you
+suppose that the Africans are incapable of enduring their own climate,
+because you cannot endure it yourselves; why do you receive them into
+slavery? Why do you not measure them here by the same standard? For if
+you are unable to bear hunger and thirst, chains and imprisonment,
+wounds and torture, why do you not suppose them incapable of enduring
+the same treatment? Thus then is your argument turned against
+yourselves. But consider the answer which the Scythians gave the
+Ægyptians, when they contended about the antiquity of their
+original[054], "That nature, when she first distinguished countries by
+different degrees of heat and cold, tempered the bodies of animals, at
+the same instant, to endure the different situations: that as the
+climate of Scythia was severer than that of Ægypt, so were the bodies of
+the Scythians harder, and as capable of enduring the severity of their
+atmosphere, as the Ægyptians the temperateness of their own."
+
+But you may say perhaps, that, though they are capable of enduring their
+own climate, yet their situation is frequently uncomfortable, and even
+wretched: that Africa is infested with locusts, and insects of various
+kinds; that they settle in swarms upon the trees, destroy the verdure,
+consume the fruit, and deprive the inhabitants of their food. But the
+same answer may be applied as before; "that the same kind Providence,
+who tempered the body of the animal, tempered also the body of the tree;
+that he gave it a quality to recover the bite of the locust, which he
+sent; and to reassume, in a short interval of time, its former glory."
+And that such is the case experience has shewn: for the very trees that
+have been infested, and stripped of their bloom and verdure, so
+surprizingly quick is vegetation, appear in a few days, as if an insect
+had been utterly unknown.
+
+We may add to these observations, from the testimony of those who have
+written the History of Africa from their own inspection, that no country
+is more luxurious in prospects, none more fruitful, none more rich in
+herds and flocks, and none, where the comforts of life, can be gained
+with so little trouble.
+
+But you say again, as a confirmation of these your former arguments, (by
+which you would have it understood, that the Africans themselves are
+sensible of the goodness of your intentions) "that they do not appear to
+go with you against their will." Impudent and base assertion! Why then
+do you load them with chains? Why keep you your daily and nightly
+watches? But alas, as a farther, though a more melancholy proof, of the
+falsehood of your assertions, how many, when on board your ships, have
+put a period to their existence? How many have leaped into the sea? How
+many have pined to death, that, even at the expence of their lives, they
+might fly from your _benevolence_?
+
+Do you call them obstinate then, because they refuse your favours? Do
+you call them ungrateful, because they make you this return? How much
+rather ought you receivers to blush! How much rather ought you receivers
+to be considered as abandoned and execrable; who, when you usurp the
+dominion over those, who are as free and independent as yourselves,
+break the first law of justice, which ordains, "that no person shall do
+harm to another, without a previous provocation;" who offend against
+the dictates of nature, which commands, "that no just man shall be given
+or received into slavery against his own consent;" and who violate the
+very laws of the empire that you assume, by consigning your subjects to
+misery.
+
+Now, as a famous Heathen philosopher observes, from whose mouth you
+shall be convicted[055], "there is a considerable difference, whether an
+injury is done, during any perturbation of mind, which is generally
+short and momentary; or whether it is done with any previous meditation
+and design; for, those crimes, which proceed from any sudden commotion
+of the mind, are less than those, which are studied and prepared," how
+great and enormous are your crimes to be considered, who plan your
+African voyages at a time, when your reason is found, and your senses
+are awake; who coolly and deliberately equip your vessels; and who spend
+years, and even lives, in the traffick of _human liberty_.
+
+But if the arguments of those, who _sell_ or _deliver_ men
+into slavery, (as we have shewn before) and of those, who _receive_
+or _purchase_ them, (as we have now shewn) are wholly false; it is
+evident that this _commerce_, is not only beyond the possibility of
+defence, but is justly to be accounted wicked, and justly impious, since
+it is contrary to the principles of _law_ and _government_,
+the dictates of _reason_, the common maxims of _equity_, the
+laws of _nature_, the admonitions of _conscience_, and, in
+short, the whole doctrine of _natural religion_.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 054: Justin, L. 2. C. 1.]
+
+
+[Footnote 055: Cicero de Officiis. L. 1. C. 8.]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+
+PART III.
+
+
+
+THE
+
+SLAVERY of the AFRICANS
+
+IN THE
+
+EUROPEAN COLONIES.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. I.
+ Having confined ourselves wholly, in the second part of this Essay, to
+the consideration of the _commerce_, we shall now proceed to the
+consideration of the _slavery_ that is founded upon it. As this
+slavery will be conspicuous in the _treatment_, which the
+unfortunate Africans uniformly undergo, when they are put into the hands
+of the _receivers_, we shall describe the manner in which they are
+accustomed to be used from this period.
+
+To place this in the clearest, and most conspicuous point of view, we
+shall throw a considerable part of our information on this head into the
+form of a narrative: we shall suppose ourselves, in short, on the
+continent of Africa, and relate a scene, which, from its agreement with
+unquestionable facts, might not unreasonably be presumed to have been
+presented to our view, had we been really there.
+
+And first, let us turn our eyes to the cloud of dust that is before us.
+It seems to advance rapidly, and, accompanied with dismal shrieks and
+yellings, to make the very air, that is above it, tremble as it rolls
+along. What can possibly be the cause? Let us inquire of that melancholy
+African, who seems to walk dejected near the shore; whose eyes are
+stedfastly fixed on the approaching object, and whose heart, if we can
+judge from the appearance of his countenance, must be greatly agitated.
+
+"Alas!" says the unhappy African, "the cloud that you see approaching,
+is a train of wretched slaves. They are going to the ships behind you.
+They are destined for the English colonies, and, if you will stay here
+but for a little time, you will see them pass. They were last night
+drawn up upon the plain which you see before you, where they were
+branded upon the breast with an _hot iron_; and when they had
+undergone the whole of the treatment which is customary on these
+occasions, and which I am informed that you Englishmen at home use to
+the _cattle_ which you buy, they were returned to their prison. As
+I have some dealings with the members of the factory which you see at a
+little distance, (though thanks to the Great Spirit, I never dealt in
+the _liberty_ of my fellow creatures) I gained admittance there. I
+learned the history of some of the unfortunate people, whom I saw
+confined, and will explain to you, if my eye should catch them as they
+pass, the real causes of their servitude."
+
+Scarcely were these words spoken, when they came distinctly into sight.
+They appeared to advance in a long column, but in a very irregular
+manner. There were three only in the front, and these were chained
+together. The rest that followed seemed to be chained by pairs, but by
+pressing forward, to avoid the lash of the drivers, the breadth of the
+column began to be greatly extended, and ten or more were observed
+abreast.
+
+While we were making these remarks, the intelligent African thus resumed
+his discourse. "The first three whom you observe, at the head of the
+train, to be chained together, are prisoners of war. As soon as the
+ships that are behind you arrived, the news was dispatched into the
+inland country; when one of the petty kings immediately assembled his
+subjects, and attacked a neighbouring tribe. The wretched people, though
+they were surprized, made a formidable resistance, as they resolved,
+almost all of them, rather to lose their lives, than survive their
+liberty. The person whom you see in the middle, is the father of the two
+young men, who are chained to him on each side. His wife and two of his
+children were killed in the attack, and his father being wounded, and,
+on account of his age, _incapable of servitude_, was left bleeding
+on the spot where this transaction happened."
+
+"With respect to those who are now passing us, and are immediately
+behind the former, I can give you no other intelligence, than that some
+of them, to about the number of thirty, were taken in the same skirmish.
+Their tribe was said to have been numerous before the attack; these
+however are _all that are left alive_. But with respect to the
+unhappy man, who is now opposite to us, and whom you may distinguish, as
+he is now looking back and wringing his hands in despair, I can inform
+you with more precision. He is an unfortunate convict. He lived only
+about five days journey from the factory. He went out with his king to
+hunt, and was one of his train; but, through too great an anxiety to
+afford his royal master diversion, he roused the game from the covert
+rather sooner than was expected. The king, exasperated at this
+circumstance, immediately sentenced him to slavery. His wife and
+children, fearing lest the tyrant should extend the punishment to
+themselves, _which is not unusual_, fled directly to the woods,
+where they were all devoured."
+
+"The people, whom you see close behind the unhappy convict, form a
+numerous body, and reach a considerable way. They speak a language,
+which no person in this part of Africa can understand, and their
+features, as you perceive, are so different from those of the rest, that
+they almost appear a distinct race of men. From this circumstance I
+recollect them. They are the subjects of a very distant prince, who
+agreed with the _slave merchants, for a quantity of spirituous
+liquors_, to furnish him with a stipulated number of slaves. He
+accordingly surrounded, and set fire to one of his own villages in the
+night, and seized these people, who were unfortunately the inhabitants,
+as they were escaping from the flames. I first saw them as the merchants
+were driving them in, about two days ago. They came in a large body, and
+were tied together at the neck with leather thongs, which permitted
+them to walk at the distance of about a yard from one another. Many of
+them were loaden with elephants teeth, which had been purchased at the
+same time. All of them had bags, made of skin, upon their shoulders; for
+as they were to travel, in their way from the great mountains, through
+barren sands and inhospitable woods for many days together, they were
+obliged to carry water and provisions with them. Notwithstanding this,
+many of them perished, some by hunger, but the greatest number by
+fatigue, as the place from whence they came, is at such an amazing
+distance from this, and the obstacles, from the nature of the country,
+so great, that the journey could scarcely be completed in seven moons."
+
+When this relation was finished, and we had been looking stedfastly for
+some time on the croud that was going by, we lost sight of that
+peculiarity of feature, which we had before remarked. We then discovered
+that the inhabitants of the depopulated village had all of them passed
+us, and that the part of the train, to which we were now opposite, was a
+numerous body of kidnapped people. Here we indulged our imagination. We
+thought we beheld in one of them a father, in another an husband, and in
+another a son, each of whom was forced from his various and tender
+connections, and without even the opportunity of bidding them adieu.
+While we were engaged in these and other melancholy reflections, the
+whole body of slaves had entirely passed us. We turned almost insensibly
+to look at them again, when we discovered an unhappy man at the end of
+the train, who could scarcely keep pace with the rest. His feet seemed
+to have suffered much from long and constant travelling, for he was
+limping painfully along.
+
+"This man," resumes the African. "has travelled a considerable way. He
+lived at a great distance from hence, and had a large family, for whom
+he was daily to provide. As he went out one night to a neighbouring
+spring, to procure water for his thirsty children, he was kidnapped by
+two _slave hunters_, who sold him in the morning to some country
+merchants for a _bar of iron_. These drove him with other slaves,
+procured almost in the same manner, to the nearest market, where the
+English merchants, to whom the train that has just now passed us
+belongs, purchased him and two others, by means of their travelling
+agents, for a _pistol_. His wife and children have been long
+waiting for his return. But he is gone for ever from their sight: and
+they must be now disconsolate, as they must be certain by his delay,
+that he has fallen into the hands of the _Christians_".
+
+"And now, as I have mentioned the name of _Christians_, a name, by
+which the Europeans distinguish themselves from us, I could wish to be
+informed of the meaning which such an appellation may convey. They
+consider themselves as _men_, but us unfortunate Africans, whom
+they term _Heathens_, as the _beasts_ that serve us. But ah!
+how different is the fact! What is _Christianity_, but a system
+of _murder_ and _oppression_? The cries and yells of the
+unfortunate people, who are now soon to embark for the regions of
+servitude, have already pierced my heart. Have you not heard me sigh,
+while we have been talking? Do you not see the tears that now trickle
+down my cheeks? and yet these hardened _Christians_ are unable to
+be moved at all: nay, they will scourge them amidst their groans, and
+even smile, while they are torturing them to death. Happy, happy
+Heathenism! which can detest the vices of Christianity, and feel for
+the distresses of mankind."
+
+"But" we reply, "You are totally mistaken: _Christianity_ is the
+most perfect and lovely of moral systems. It blesses even the hand of
+persecution itself, and returns good for evil. But the people against
+whom you so justly declaim; are not _Christians_. They are
+_infidels_. They are _monsters_. They are out of the common
+course of nature. Their countrymen at home are generous and brave. They
+support the sick, the lame, and the blind. They fly to the succour of
+the distressed. They have noble and stately buildings for the sole
+purpose of benevolence. They are in short, of all nations, the most
+remarkable for humanity and justice."
+
+"But why then," replies the honest African, "do they suffer this? Why is
+Africa a scene of blood and desolation? Why are her children wrested
+from her, to administer to the luxuries and greatness of those whom they
+never offended? And why are these dismal cries in vain?"
+
+"Alas!" we reply again, "can the cries and groans, with which the air
+now trembles, be heard across this extensive continent? Can the southern
+winds convey them to the ear of Britain? If they could reach the
+generous Englishman at home, they would pierce his heart, as they have
+already pierced your own. He would sympathize with you in your distress.
+He would be enraged at the conduct of his countrymen, and resist their
+tyranny."--
+
+But here a shriek unusually loud, accompanied with a dreadful rattling
+of chains, interrupted the discourse. The wretched Africans were just
+about to embark: they had turned their face to their country, as if to
+take a last adieu, and, with arms uplifted to the sky, were making the
+very atmosphere resound with their prayers and imprecations.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. II.
+
+The foregoing scene, though it may be said to be imaginary, is strictly
+consistent with fact. It is a scene, to which the reader himself may
+have been witness, if he has ever visited the place, where it is
+supposed to lie; as no circumstance whatever has been inserted in it,
+for which the fullest and most undeniable evidence cannot be produced.
+We shall proceed now to describe, in general terms, the treatment which
+the wretched Africans undergo, from the time of their embarkation.
+
+When the African slaves, who are collected from various quarters, for
+the purposes of sale, are delivered over to the _receivers_, they
+are conducted in the manner above described to the ships. Their
+situation on board is beyond all description: for here they are crouded,
+hundreds of them together, into such a small compass, as would scarcely
+be thought sufficient to accommodate twenty, if considered as _free
+men_. This confinement soon produces an effect, that may be easily
+imagined. It generates a pestilential air, which, co-operating with, bad
+provisions, occasions such a sickness and mortality among them, that not
+less than _twenty thousand_[056] are generally taken off in every
+yearly transportation.
+
+Thus confined in a pestilential prison, and almost entirely excluded
+from the chearful face of day, it remains for the sickly survivors to
+linger out a miserable existence, till the voyage is finished. But are
+no farther evils to be expected in the interim particularly if we add to
+their already wretched situation the indignities that are daily offered
+them, and the regret which they must constantly feel, at being for ever
+forced from their connexions? These evils are but too apparent. Some of
+them have resolved, and, notwithstanding the threats of the
+_receivers_, have carried their resolves into execution, to starve
+themselves to death. Others, when they have been brought upon deck for
+air, if the least opportunity has offered, have leaped into the sea, and
+terminated their miseries at once. Others, in a fit of despair, have
+attempted to rise, and regain their liberty. But here what a scene of
+barbarity has constantly ensued. Some of them have been instantly killed
+upon the spot; some have been taken from the hold, have been bruised and
+mutilated in the most barbarous and shocking manner, and have been
+returned bleeding to their companions, as a sad example of resistance;
+while others, tied to the ropes of the ship, and mangled alternately
+with the whip and knife, have been left in that horrid situation, till
+they have expired.
+
+But this is not the only inhuman treatment which they are frequently
+obliged to undergo; for if there should be any necessity, from
+tempestuous weather, for lightening the ship; or if it should be
+presumed on the voyage, that the provisions will fall short before the
+port can be made, they are, many of them, thrown into the sea, without
+any compunction of mind on the part of the _receivers_, and without
+any other regret for their loss, than that which _avarice_
+inspires. Wretched survivors! what must be their feelings at such a
+sight! how must they tremble to think of that servitude which is
+approaching, when the very _dogs_ of the _receivers_ have been
+retained on board, and preferred to their unoffending countrymen. But
+indeed so lightly are these unhappy people esteemed, that their lives
+have been even taken away upon speculation: there has been an instance,
+within the last five years, of _one hundred and thirty two_ of them
+being thrown into the sea, because it was supposed that, by this
+_trick_, their value could be recovered from the insurers[057].
+
+But if the ship should arrive safe at its destined port, a circumstance
+which does not always happen, (for some have been blown up, and many
+lost) the wretched Africans do not find an alleviation of their sorrow.
+Here they are again exposed to sale. Here they are again subjected to
+the inspection of other brutal _receivers_, who examine and treat
+them with an inhumanity, at which even avarice should blush. To this
+mortifying circumstance is added another, that they are picked out, as
+the purchaser pleases, without any consideration whether the wife is
+separated from her husband, or the mother from her son: and if these
+cruel instances of separation should happen; if relations, when they
+find themselves about to be parted, should cling together; or if filial,
+conjugal, or parental affection, should detain them but a moment longer
+in each other's arms, than these _second receivers_ should think
+sufficient, the lash instantly severs them from their embraces.
+
+We cannot close our account of the treatment, which the wretched
+Africans undergo while in the hands of the _first receivers_,
+without mentioning an instance of wanton, barbarity, which happened some
+time ago; particularly as it may be inserted with propriety in the
+present place, and may give the reader a better idea of the cruelties,
+to which they are continually exposed, than any that he may have yet
+conceived. To avoid making a mistake, we shall take the liberty that has
+been allowed us, and transcribe it from a little manuscript account,
+with which we have been favoured by a person of the strictest integrity,
+and who was at that time in the place where the transaction
+happened[058]. "Not long after," says he, (continuing his account) "the
+perpetrator of a cruel murder, committed in open day light, in the most
+publick part of a town, which was the seat of government, escaped every
+other notice than the curses of a few of the more humane witnesses of
+his barbarity. An officer of a Guinea ship, who had the care of a number
+of new slaves, and was returning from the _sale-yard_ to the
+vessel with such as remained unsold; observed a stout fellow among them
+rather slow in his motions, which he therefore quickened with his
+rattan. The slave soon afterwards fell down, and was raised by the same
+application. Moving forwards a few yards, he fell down again; and this
+being taken as a proof of his sullen perverse spirit, the enraged
+officer furiously repeated his blows, till he expired at his feet. The
+brute coolly ordered some of the surviving slaves to carry the dead body
+to the water's side, where, without any ceremony or delay, being thrown
+into the sea, the tragedy was supposed to have been immediately finished
+by the not more inhuman sharks, with which the harbour then abounded.
+These voracious fish were supposed to have followed the vessels from
+the coast of Africa, in which ten thousand slaves were imported in that
+one season, being allured by the stench, and daily fed by the dead
+carcasses thrown overboard on the voyage."
+
+If the reader should observe here, that cattle are better protected in
+this country, than slaves in the colonies, his observation will be just.
+The beast which is driven to market, is defended by law from the goad of
+the driver; whereas the wretched African, though an human being, and
+whose feelings receive of course a double poignancy from the power of
+reflection, is unnoticed in this respect in the colonial code, and may
+be goaded and beaten till he expires.
+
+We may now take our leave of the _first receivers_. Their crime has
+been already estimated; and to reason farther upon it, would be
+unnecessary. For where the conduct of men is so manifestly impious,
+there can be no need, either of a single argument or a reflection; as
+every reader of sensibility will anticipate them in his own feelings.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 056: It is universally allowed, that at least one fifth of the
+exported negroes perish in the passage. This estimate is made from the
+time in which they are put on board, to the time when they are disposed
+of in the colonies. The French are supposed to lose the greatest number
+in the voyage, but particularly from this circumstance, because their
+slave ships are in general so very large, that many of the slaves that
+have been put on board sickly, die before the cargo can be completed.]
+
+
+[Footnote 057: This instance happened in a ship, commanded by one
+Collingwood. On the 29th of November, 1781, fifty-four of them were
+thrown into the sea alive; on the 30th forty-two more; and in about
+three days afterwards, twenty-six. Ten others, who were brought upon the
+deck for the same purpose, did not wait to be hand-cuffed, but bravely
+leaped into the sea, and shared the fate of their companions. It is a
+fact, that the people on board this ship had not been put upon short
+allowance. The excuse which this execrable wretch made on board for his
+conduct, was the following, "_that if the slaves, who were then
+sickly, had died a natural death, the loss would have been the owners;
+but as they were thrown alive into the sea, it would fall upon the
+underwriters_."]
+
+
+[Footnote 058: This gentleman is at present resident in England. The
+author of this Essay applied to him for some information on the
+treatment of slaves, so far as his own knowledge was concerned. He was
+so obliging as to furnish him with the written account alluded to,
+interspersed only with such instances, as he himself could undertake to
+answer for. The author, as he has never met with these instances before,
+and as they are of such high authority, intends to transcribe two or
+three of them, and insert them in the fourth chapter. They will be found
+in inverted commas.]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. III.
+
+When the wretched Africans are thus put into the hands of the _second
+receivers_, they are conveyed to the plantations, where they are
+totally considered as _cattle_, or _beasts of labour_; their
+very children, if any should be born to them in that situation, being
+previously destined to the condition of their parents. But here a
+question arises, which, will interrupt the thread of the narration for a
+little time, viz. how far their descendants, who compose the fifth order
+of slaves, are justly reduced to servitude, and upon what principles the
+_receivers_ defend their conduct.
+
+Authors have been at great pains to inquire, why, in the ancient
+servitude, the child has uniformly followed the condition of the mother.
+But we conceive that they would have saved themselves much trouble, and
+have done themselves more credit, if instead of, endeavouring to
+reconcile the custom with _heathen_ notions, or their own laboured
+conjectures, they had shewn its inconsistency with reason and nature,
+and its repugnancy to common justice. Suffice it to say, that the whole
+theory of the ancients, with respect to the descendants slaves, may be
+reduced to this principle, "that as the parents, by becoming
+_property_, were wholly considered as _cattle_, their children,
+like _the progeny of cattle_, inherited their parental lot."
+
+Such also is the excuse of the tyrannical _receivers_
+before-mentioned. They allege, that they have purchased the parents,
+that they can sell and dispose of them as they please, that they possess
+them under the same laws and limitations as their cattle, and that their
+children, like the progeny of these, become their property _by
+birth_.
+
+But the absurdity of the argument will immediately appear. It depends
+wholly on the supposition, that the parents are _brutes_. If they
+are _brutes_, we shall instantly cease to contend: if they are
+_men_, which we think it not difficult to prove, the argument must
+immediately fall, as we have already shewn that there cannot justly be
+any _property_ whatever in the _human species_.
+
+It has appeared also, in the second part of this Essay, that as nature
+made, every man's body and mind _his own_, so no _just_ person
+can be reduced to slavery against his own _consent_. Do the
+unfortunate offspring ever _consent_ to be slaves?--They are slaves
+from their birth.--Are they _guilty_ of crimes, that they lose
+their freedom?--They are slaves when they cannot speak.--Are their
+_parents_ abandoned? The crimes of the parents cannot justly extend
+to the children.
+
+Thus then must the tyrannical _receivers_, who presume to sentence
+the children of slaves to servitude, if they mean to dispute upon the
+justice of their cause; either allow them to have been _brutes_
+from their birth, or to have been guilty of crimes at a time, when they
+were incapable of offending the very _King of Kings_.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. IV.
+
+But to return to the narration. When the wretched Africans are conveyed
+to the plantations, they are considered as _beasts of labour_, and
+are put to their respective work. Having led, in their own country, a
+life of indolence and ease, where the earth brings forth spontaneously
+the comforts of life, and spares frequently the toil and trouble of
+cultivation, they can hardly be expected to endure the drudgeries of
+servitude. Calculations are accordingly made upon their lives. It is
+conjectured, that if three in four survive what is called the
+_seasoning_, the bargain is highly favourable. This seasoning is
+said to expire, when the two first years of their servitude are
+completed: It is the time which an African must take to be so accustomed
+to the colony, as to be able to endure the common labour of a
+plantation, and to be put into the _gang_. At the end of this
+period the calculations become verified, _twenty thousand_[059] of
+those, who are annually imported, dying before the seasoning is over.
+This is surely an horrid and awful consideration: and thus does it
+appear, (and let it be remembered, that it is the lowest calculation
+that has been ever made upon the subject) that out of every annual
+supply that is shipped from the coast of Africa, _forty thousand
+lives_[060] are regularly expended, even before it can be said, that
+there is really any additional stock for the colonies.
+
+When the seasoning is over, and the survivors are thus enabled to endure
+the usual task of slaves, they are considered as real and substantial
+supplies. From this period[061] therefore we shall describe their
+situation.
+
+They are summoned at five in the morning to begin their work. This work
+may be divided into two kinds, the culture of the fields, and the
+collection of grass for cattle. The last is the most laborious and
+intolerable employment; as the grass can only be collected blade by
+blade, and is to be fetched frequently twice a day at a considerable
+distance from the plantation. In these two occupations they are jointly
+taken up, with no other intermission than that of taking their
+subsistence twice, till nine at night. They then separate for their
+respective huts, when they gather sticks, prepare their supper, and
+attend their families. This employs them till midnight, when they go to
+rest. Such is their daily way of life for rather more than half the
+year. They are _sixteen_ hours, including two intervals at meals,
+in the service of their masters: they are employed _three_
+afterwards in their own necessary concerns; _five_ only remain for
+sleep, and their day is finished.
+
+During the remaining portion of the year, or the time of crop, the
+nature, as well as the time of their employment, is considerably
+changed. The whole gang is generally divided into two or three bodies.
+One of these, besides the ordinary labour of the day, is kept in turn at
+the mills, that are constantly going, during the whole of the night.
+This is a dreadful encroachment upon their time of rest, which was
+before too short to permit them perfectly to refresh their wearied
+limbs, and actually reduces their sleep, as long as this season lasts,
+to about three hours and an half a night, upon a moderate
+computation[062]. Those who can keep their eyes open during their
+nightly labour, and are willing to resist the drowsiness that is
+continually coming upon them, are presently worn out; while some of
+those, who are overcome, and who feed the mill between asleep and awake,
+suffer, for thus obeying the calls of nature, by the loss of a
+limb[063]. In this manner they go on, with little or no respite from
+their work, till the crop season is over, when the year (from the time
+of our first description) is completed.
+
+To support[064] a life of such unparalleled drudgery, we should at least
+expect: to find, that they were comfortably clothed, and plentifully
+fed. But sad reverse! they have scarcely a covering to defend themselves
+against the inclemency of the night. Their provisions are frequently
+bad, and are always dealt out to them with such a sparing hand, that the
+means of a bare livelihood are not placed within the reach of four out
+of five of these unhappy people. It is a fact, that many of the
+disorders of slaves are contracted from eating the vegetables, which
+their little spots produce, before they are sufficiently ripe: a clear
+indication, that the calls of hunger are frequently so pressing, as not
+to suffer them to wait, till they can really enjoy them.
+
+This, situation, of a want of the common necessaries of life, added to
+that of hard and continual labour, must be sufficiently painful of
+itself. How then must the pain be sharpened, if it be accompanied with
+severity! if an unfortunate slave does not come into the field exactly
+at the appointed time, if, drooping with sickness or fatigue, he appears
+to work unwillingly, or if the bundle of grass that he has been
+collecting, appears too small in the eye of the overseer, he is equally
+sure of experiencing the whip. This instrument erases the skin, and cuts
+out small portions of the flesh at almost every stroke; and is so
+frequently applied, that the smack of it is all day long in the ears of
+those, who are in the vicinity of the plantations. This severity of
+masters, or managers, to their slaves, which is considered only as
+common discipline, is attended with bad effects. It enables them to
+behold instances of cruelty without commiseration, and to be guilty of
+them without remorse. Hence those many acts of deliberate mutilation,
+that have taken place on the slightest occasions: hence those many acts
+of inferiour, though shocking, barbarity, that have taken place without
+any occasion at all: the very slitting[065] of ears has been considered
+as an operation, so perfectly devoid of pain, as to have been performed
+for no other reason than that for which a brand is set upon cattle,
+_as a mark of property_.
+
+But this is not the only effect, which this severity produces: for
+while it hardens their hearts, and makes them insensible of the misery
+of their fellow-creatures, it begets a turn for wanton cruelty. As a
+proof of this, we shall mention one, among the many instances that
+occur, where ingenuity has been exerted in contriving modes of torture.
+"An iron coffin, with holes in it, was kept by a certain colonist, as an
+auxiliary to the lash. In this the poor victim of the master's
+resentment was inclosed, and placed sufficiently near a fire, to
+occasion extreme pain, and consequently shrieks and groans, until the
+revenge of the master was satiated, without any other inconvenience on
+his part, than a temporary suspension of the slave's labour. Had he been
+flogged to death, or his limbs mutilated, the interest of the brutal
+tyrant would have suffered a more irreparable loss.
+
+"In mentioning, this instance, we do not mean to insinuate, that it is
+common. We know that it was reprobated by many. All that we would infer
+from it is, that where men are habituated to a system of severity, they
+become _wantonly cruel_, and that the mere toleration of such an
+instrument of torture, in any country, is a clear indication, _that
+this wretched class of men do not there enjoy the protection of any
+laws, that may be pretended to have been enacted in their favour_."
+
+Such then is the general situation of the unfortunate Africans. They are
+beaten and tortured at discretion. They are badly clothed. They are
+miserably fed. Their drudgery is intense and incessant and their rest
+short. For scarcely are their heads reclined, scarcely have their bodies
+a respite from the labour of the day, or the cruel hand of the overseer,
+but they are summoned to renew their sorrows. In this manner they go on
+from year to year, in a state of the lowest degradation, without a
+single law to protect them, without the possibility of redress, without
+a hope that their situation will be changed, unless death should
+terminate the scene.
+
+Having described the general situation of these unfortunate people, we
+shall now take notice of the common consequences that are found to
+attend it, and relate them separately, as they result either from long
+and painful _labour_, a _want_ of the common necessaries of
+life, or continual _severity_.
+
+Oppressed by a daily task of such immoderate labour as human nature is
+utterly unable to perform, many of them run away from their masters.
+They fly to the recesses of the mountains, where they choose rather to
+live upon any thing that the soil affords them, nay, the very soil
+itself, than return to that _happy situation_, which is represented
+by the _receivers_, as the condition of a slave.
+
+It sometimes happens, that the manager of a mountain plantation, falls
+in with one of these; he immediately seizes him, and threatens to carry
+him to his former master, unless he will consent to live on the mountain
+and cultivate his ground. When his plantation is put in order, he
+carries the delinquent home, abandons him to all the suggestions of
+despotick rage, and accepts a reward for his _honesty_. The unhappy
+wretch is chained, scourged, tortured; and all this, because he obeyed
+the dictates of nature, and wanted to be free. And who is there, that
+would not have done the same thing, in the same situation? Who is there,
+that has once known the charms of liberty; that would not fly from
+despotism? And yet, by the impious laws of the _receivers_, the
+absence[066] of six months from the lash of tyranny is--_death_.
+
+But this law is even mild, when compared with another against the same
+offence, which was in force sometime ago, and which we fear is even now
+in force, in some of those colonies which this account of the treatment
+comprehends. "Advertisements have frequently appeared there, offering a
+reward for the apprehending of fugitive slaves either alive or
+_dead_. The following instance was given us by a person of
+unquestionable veracity, under whose own observation it fell. As he was
+travelling in one of the colonies alluded to, he observed some people in
+pursuit of a poor wretch, who was seeking in the wilderness an asylum
+from his labours. He heard the discharge of a gun, and soon afterwards
+stopping at an house for refreshment, the head of the fugitive, still
+reeking with blood, was brought in and laid upon a table with
+exultation. The production of such a trophy was the proof _required by
+law_ to entitle the heroes to their reward." Now reader determine if
+you can, who were the most execrable; the rulers of the state in
+authorizing murder, or the people in being bribed to commit it.
+
+This is one of the common consequences of that immoderate share of
+labour, which is imposed upon them; nor is that, which is the result of
+a scanty allowance of food, less to be lamented. The wretched African is
+often so deeply pierced by the excruciating fangs of hunger, as almost
+to be driven to despair. What is he to do in such a trying situation?
+Let him apply to the _receivers_. Alas! the majesty of _receivership_
+is too sacred for the appeal, and the intrusion would be
+fatal. Thus attacked on the one hand, and shut out from every
+possibility of relief on the other, he has only the choice of being
+starved, or of relieving his necessities by taking a small portion of
+the fruits of his own labour. Horrid crime! to be found eating the
+cane, which probably his own hands have planted, and to be eating it,
+because his necessities were pressing! This crime however is of such a
+magnitude, as always to be accompanied with the whip; and so
+unmercifully has it been applied on such an occasion, as to have been
+the cause, in wet weather, of the delinquent's death. But the smart of
+the whip has not been the only pain that the wretched Africans have
+experienced. Any thing that passion could seize, and convert into an
+instrument of punishment, has been used; and, horrid to relate! the very
+knife has not been overlooked in the fit of phrenzy. Ears have been
+slit, eyes have been beaten out, and bones have been broken; and so
+frequently has this been the case, that it has been a matter of constant
+lamentation with disinterested people, who out of curiosity have
+attended the markets[067] to which these unhappy people weekly resort,
+that they have not been able to turn their eyes on any group of them
+whatever, but they have beheld these inhuman marks of passion,
+despotism, and caprice.
+
+But these instances of barbarity have not been able to deter them from
+similar proceedings. And indeed, how can it be expected that they
+should? They have still the same appetite to be satisfied as before, and
+to drive them to desperation. They creep out clandestinely by night, and
+go in search of food into their master's, or some neighbouring
+plantation. But here they are almost equally sure of suffering. The
+watchman, who will be punished himself, if he neglects his duty,
+frequently seizes them in the fact. No excuse or intreaty will avail; he
+must punish them for an example, and he must punish them, not with a
+stick, nor with a whip, but with a cutlass. Thus it happens, that these
+unhappy slaves, if they are taken, are either sent away mangled in a
+barbarous manner, or are killed upon the spot.
+
+We may now mention the consequences of the severity. The wretched
+Africans, daily subjected to the lash, and unmercifully whipt and beaten
+on every trifling occasion, have been found to resist their opposers.
+Unpardonable crime! that they should have the feelings of nature! that
+their breasts should glow with resentment on an injury! that they should
+be so far overcome, as to resist those, whom _they are under no
+obligations to obey_, and whose only title to their services consists
+in _a violation of the rights of men_! What has been the
+consequence?--But here let us spare the feelings of the reader, (we
+wish we could spare our own) and let us only say, without a recital of
+the cruelty, _that they have been murdered at the discretion of their
+masters_. For let the reader observe, that the life of an African is
+only valued at a price, that would scarcely purchase an horse; that the
+master has a power of murdering his slave, if he pays but a trifling
+fine; and that the murder must be attended with uncommon circumstances
+of horrour, if it even produces an inquiry.
+
+Immortal Alfred! father of our invaluable constitution! parent of the
+civil blessings we enjoy! how ought thy laws to excite our love and
+veneration, who hast forbidden us, thy posterity, to tremble at the
+frown of tyrants! how ought they to perpetuate thy name, as venerable,
+to the remotest ages, who has secured, even to the meanest servant, a
+fair and impartial trial! How much does nature approve thy laws, as
+consistent with her own feelings, while she absolutely turns pale,
+trembles, and recoils, at the institutions of these _receivers_!
+Execrable men! you do not murder the horse, on which you only ride; you
+do not mutilate the cow, which only affords you her milk; you do not
+torture the dog, which is but a partial servant of your pleasures: but
+these unfortunate men, from whom, you derive your very pleasures and
+your fortunes, you torture, mutilate, murder at discretion! Sleep then
+you _receivers_, if you can, while you scarcely allow these
+unfortunate people to rest at all! feast if you can, and indulge your
+genius, while you daily apply to these unfortunate people the stings of
+severity and hunger! exult in riches, at which even avarice ought to
+shudder, and, which humanity must detest!
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 059: One third of the whole number imported, is often computed
+to be lost in the seasoning, which, in round numbers, will be 27000. The
+loss in the seasoning depends, in a great measure, on two circumstances,
+viz. on the number of what are called refuse slaves that are imported,
+and on the quantity of new land in the colony. In the French windward
+islands of Martinico, and Guadaloupe, which are cleared and highly
+cultivated, and in our old small islands, one fourth, including refuse
+slaves, is considered as a general proportion. But in St. Domingo, where
+there is a great deal of new land annually taken into culture, and in
+other colonies in the same situation, the general proportion, including
+refuse slaves, is found to be one third. This therefore is a lower
+estimate than the former, and reduces the number to about 23000. We may
+observe, that this is the common estimate, but we have reduced it to
+20000 to make it free from all objection.]
+
+
+[Footnote 060: Including the number that perish on the voyage, and in
+the seasoning. It is generally thought that not half the number
+purchased can be considered as an additional stock, and of course that
+50,000 are consumed within the first two years from their embarkation.]
+
+
+[Footnote 061: That part of the account, that has been hitherto given,
+extends to all the Europeans and their colonists, who are concerned in
+this horrid practice. But we are sorry that we must now make a
+distinction, and confine the remaining part, of it to the colonists of
+the British West India islands, and to those of the southern provinces
+of North America. As the employment of slaves is different in the two
+parts of the world last mentioned, we shall content ourselves with
+describing it, as it exists in one of them, and we shall afterwards
+annex such treatment and such consequences as are applicable to both. We
+have only to add, that the reader must not consider our account as
+_universally_, but only _generally_, true.]
+
+
+[Footnote 062: This computation is made on a supposition, that the gang
+is divided into three bodies; we call it therefore moderate, because the
+gang is frequently divided into two bodies, which must therefore set up
+alternately _every other night_.]
+
+
+[Footnote 063: An hand or arm being frequently ground off.]
+
+
+[Footnote 064: The reader will scarcely believe it, but it is a fact,
+that a slave's annual allowance from his master, for provisions,
+clothing, medicines when sick, &c. is limited, upon an average, to
+thirty shillings.]
+
+
+[Footnote 065: "A boy having received six slaves as a present from his
+father, immediately slit their ears, and for the following reason, that
+as his father was a whimsical man, he might claim them again, unless
+they were marked." We do not mention this instance as a confirmation of
+the passage to which it is annexed, but only to shew, how cautious we
+ought to be in giving credit to what may be advanced in any work written
+in defence of slavery, by any native of the colonies: for being trained
+up to scenes of cruelty from his cradle, he may, consistently with his
+own feelings, represent that treatment as mild, at which we, who have
+never been used to see them, should absolutely shudder.]
+
+
+[Footnote 066: In this case he is considered as a criminal against the
+state. The _marshal_, an officer answering to our sheriff,
+superintends his execution, and the master receives the value of the
+slave from the publick treasury. We may observe here, that in all cases
+where the delinquent is a criminal of the state, he is executed, and his
+value is received in the same manner; He is tried and condemned by two
+or three justices of the peace, and without any intervention of a
+_jury_.]
+
+
+[Footnote 067: Particularly in Jamaica. These observations were made by
+disinterested people, who were there for three or four years during the
+late war.]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. V.
+
+Some people may suppose, from the melancholy account that has been given
+in the preceding chapter, that we have been absolutely dealing in
+romance: that the scene exhibited is rather a dreary picture of the
+imagination, than a representation of fact. Would to heaven, for the
+honour of human nature, that this were really the case! We wish we could
+say, that we have no testimony to produce for any of our assertions, and
+that our description of the general treatment of slaves has been greatly
+exaggerated.
+
+But the _receivers_, notwithstanding the ample and disinterested
+evidence, that can be brought on the occasion, do not admit the
+description to be true. They say first, "that if the slavery were such
+as has been now represented, no human being could possibly support it
+long." Melancholy truth! the wretched Africans generally perish in their
+prime. Let them reflect upon the prodigious supplies that are
+_annually_ required, and their argument will be nothing less than a
+confession, that the slavery has been justly depicted.
+
+They appeal next to every man's own reason, and desire him to think
+seriously, whether "self-interest will not always restrain the master
+from acts of cruelty to the slave, and whether such accounts therefore,
+as the foregoing, do not contain within themselves, their own
+refutation." We answer, "No." For if this restraining principle be as
+powerful as it is imagined, why does not the general conduct of men
+afford us a better picture? What is imprudence, or what is vice, but a
+departure from every man's own interest, and yet these are the
+characteristicks of more than half the world?--
+
+--But, to come more closely to the present case, _self-interest_
+will be found but a weak barrier against the sallies of _passion_:
+particularly where it has been daily indulged in its greatest latitude,
+and there are no laws to restrain its calamitous effects. If the
+observation be true, that passion is a short madness, then it is evident
+that self-interest, and every other consideration, must be lost, so long
+as it continues. We cannot have a stronger instance of this, than in a
+circumstance related in the second part of this Essay, "that though the
+Africans have gone to war for the express purpose of procuring slaves,
+yet so great has been their resentment at the resistance they have
+frequently found, that their _passion_ has entirely got the better
+of their _interest_, and they have murdered all without any
+discrimination, either of age or sex." Such may be presumed to be the
+case with the no less savage _receivers_. Impressed with the most
+haughty and tyrannical notions, easily provoked, accustomed to indulge
+their anger, and, above all, habituated to scenes of cruelty, and unawed
+by the fear of laws, they will hardly be found to be exempt from the
+common failings of human nature, and to spare an unlucky slave, at a
+time when men of cooler temper, and better regulated passions, are so
+frequently blind to their own interest.
+
+But if _passion_ may be supposed to be generally more than a
+ballance for _interest_, how must the scale be turned in favour of
+the melancholy picture exhibited, when we reflect that
+_self-preservation_ additionally steps in, and demands the most
+_rigorous severity_. For when we consider that where there is
+_one_ master, there are _fifty_ slaves; that the latter have
+been all forcibly torn from their country, and are retained in their
+present situation by violence; that they are perpetually at war in their
+hearts with their oppressors, and are continually cherishing the seeds
+of revenge; it is evident that even _avarice_ herself, however cool
+and deliberate, however free from passion and caprice, must sacrifice
+her own sordid feelings, and adopt a system of tyranny and oppression,
+which it must be ruinous to pursue.
+
+Thus then, if no picture had been drawn of the situation of slaves, and
+it had been left solely to every man's sober judgment to determine, what
+it might probably be, he would conclude, that if the situation were
+justly described, the page must be frequently stained with acts of
+uncommon cruelty.
+
+It remains only to make a reply to an objection, that is usually
+advanced against particular instances of cruelty to slaves, as recorded
+by various writers. It is said that "some of these are so inconceivably,
+and beyond all example inhuman, that their very excess above the common
+measure of cruelty shews them at once exaggerated and incredible." But
+their credibility shall be estimated by a supposition. Let us suppose
+that the following instance had been recorded by a writer of the highest
+reputation, "that the master of a ship, bound to the western colonies
+with slaves, on a presumption that many of them would die, selected an
+_hundred and thirty two_ of the most sickly, and ordered them to be
+thrown into the sea, to recover their value from the insurers, and,
+above all, that the fatal order was put into execution." What would the
+reader have thought on the occasion? Would he have believed the fact? It
+would have surely staggered his faith; because he could never have heard
+that any _one_ man ever was, and could never have supposed that any
+_one_ man ever could be, guilty of the murder of _such a
+number_ of his fellow creatures. But when he is informed that such a
+fact as this came before a court[068] of justice in this very country;
+that it happened within the last five years; that hundreds can come
+forwards and say, that they heard the melancholy evidence with tears;
+what bounds is he to place to his belief? The great God, who looks down
+upon all his creatures with the same impartial eye, seems to have
+infatuated the parties concerned, that they might bring the horrid
+circumstance to light, that it might be recorded in the annals of a
+publick court, as an authentick specimen of the treatment which the
+unfortunate Africans undergo, and at the same time, as an argument to
+shew, that there is no species of cruelty, that is recorded to have been
+exercised upon these wretched people, so enormous that it may not
+_readily be believed_.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 068: The action was brought by the owners against the
+underwriters, to recover the value of the _murdered_ slaves. It was
+tried at Guildhall.]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. VI.
+
+If the treatment then, as before described, is confirmed by reason, and
+the great credit that is due to disinterested writers on the subject; if
+the unfortunate Africans are used, as if their flesh were stone, and
+their vitals brass; by what arguments do you _receivers_ defend
+your conduct?
+
+You say that a great part of your savage treatment consists in
+punishment for real offences, and frequently for such offences, as all
+civilized nations have concurred in punishing. The first charge that you
+exhibit against them is specifick, it is that of _theft_. But how
+much rather ought you _receivers_ to blush, who reduce them to such
+a situation! who reduce them to the dreadful alternative, that they must
+either _steal_ or _perish_! How much rather ought you _receivers_
+to be considered as _robbers_ yourselves, who cause these
+unfortunate people to be _stolen_! And how much greater is
+your crime, who are _robbers of human liberty_!
+
+The next charge which you exhibit against them, is general, it is that
+of _rebellion_; a crime of such a latitude, that you can impose it
+upon almost every action, and of such a nature, that you always annex to
+it the most excruciating pain. But what a contradiction is this to
+common sense! Have the wretched Africans formally resigned their
+freedom? Have you any other claim upon their obedience, than that of
+force? If then they are your subjects, you violate the laws of
+government, by making them unhappy. But if they are not your subjects,
+then, even though they should resist your proceedings, they are not
+_rebellious_.
+
+But what do you say to that long catalogue of offences, which you
+punish, and of which no people but yourselves take cognizance at all?
+You say that the wisdom of legislation has inserted it in the colonial
+laws, and that you punish by authority. But do you allude to that
+execrable code, that _authorises murder_? that tempts an unoffended
+person to kill the slave, that abhors and flies your service? that
+delegates a power, which no host of men, which not all the world, can
+possess?--
+
+Or,--What do you say to that daily unmerited severity, which you
+consider only as common discipline? Here you say that the Africans are
+vicious, that they are all of them ill-disposed, that you must of
+necessity be severe. But can they be well-disposed to their oppressors?
+In their own country they were just, generous, hospitable: qualities,
+which all the African historians allow them eminently to possess. If
+then they are vicious, they must have contracted many of their vices
+from yourselves; and as to their own native vices, if any have been
+imported with them, are they not amiable, when compared with yours?
+
+Thus then do the excuses, which have been hitherto made by the
+_receivers_, force a relation of such circumstances, as makes their
+conduct totally inexcusable, and, instead of diminishing at all, highly
+aggravates their guilt.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. VII.
+
+We come now to that other system of reasoning, which is always applied,
+when the former is confuted; "that the Africans are an inferiour link of
+the chain of nature, and are made for slavery."
+
+This assertion is proved by two arguments; the first of which was
+advanced also by the ancients, and is drawn from the _inferiority of
+their capacities_.
+
+Let us allow then for a moment, that they appear to have no parts, that
+they appear to be void of understanding. And is this wonderful, when,
+you _receivers_ depress their senses by hunger? Is this wonderful,
+when by incessant labour, the continual application of the lash, and the
+most inhuman treatment that imagination can devise, you overwhelm their
+genius, and hinder it from breaking forth?--No,--You confound their
+abilities by the severity of their servitude: for as a spark of fire, if
+crushed by too great a weight of incumbent fuel, cannot be blown into a
+flame, but suddenly expires, so the human mind, if depressed by rigorous
+servitude, cannot be excited to a display of those faculties, which
+might otherwise have shone with the brightest lustre.
+
+Neither is it wonderful in another point of view. For what is it that
+awakens the abilities of men, and distinguishes them from the common
+herd? Is it not often the amiable hope of becoming serviceable to
+individuals, or the state? Is it not often the hope of riches, or of
+power? Is it not frequently the hope of temporary honours, or a lasting
+fame? These principles have all a wonderful effect upon the mind. They
+call upon it to exert its faculties, and bring those talents to the
+publick view, which had otherwise been concealed. But the unfortunate
+Africans have no such incitements as these, that they should shew their
+genius. They have no hope of riches, power, honours, fame. They have no
+hope but this, that their miseries will be soon terminated by death.
+
+And here we cannot but censure and expose the murmurings of the
+unthinking and the gay; who, going on in a continual round of pleasure
+and prosperity, repine at the will of Providence, as exhibited in the
+shortness of human duration. But let a weak and infirm old age overtake
+them: let them experience calamities: let them feel but half the
+miseries which the wretched Africans undergo, and they will praise the
+goodness of Providence, who hath made them mortal; who hath prescribed
+certain ordinary bounds to the life of man; and who, by such a
+limitation, hath given all men this comfortable hope, that however
+persecuted in life, a time will come, in the common course of nature,
+when their sufferings will have an end.
+
+Such then is the nature of this servitude, that we can hardly expect to
+find in those, who undergo it, even the glimpse of genius. For if their
+minds are in a continual state of depression, and if they have no
+expectations in life to awaken their abilities, and make them eminent,
+we cannot be surprized if a sullen gloomy stupidity should be the
+leading mark in their character; or if they should appear inferiour to
+those, who do not only enjoy the invaluable blessings of freedom, but
+have every prospect before their eyes, that can allure them to exert
+their faculties. Now, if to these considerations we add, that the
+wretched Africans are torn from their country in a state of nature, and
+that in general, as long as their slavery continues, every obstacle is
+placed in the way of their improvement, we shall have a sufficient
+answer to any argument that may be drawn from the inferiority of their
+capacities.
+
+It appears then, from the circumstances that have been mentioned, that
+to form a true judgment of the abilities of these unfortunate people, we
+must either take a general view of them before their slavery commences,
+or confine our attention to such, as, after it has commenced, have had
+any opportunity given them of shewing their genius either in arts or
+letters. If, upon such a fair and impartial view, there should be any
+reason to suppose, that they are at all inferiour to others in the same
+situation, the argument will then gain some of that weight and
+importance, which it wants at present.
+
+In their own country, where we are to see them first, we must expect
+that the prospect will be unfavourable. They are mostly in a savage
+state. Their powers of mind are limited to few objects. Their ideas are
+consequently few. It appears, however, that they follow the same mode of
+life, and exercise the same arts, as the ancestors of those very
+Europeans, who boast of their great superiority, are described to have
+done in the same uncultivated state. This appears from the Nubian's
+Geography, the writings of Leo, the Moor, and all the subsequent
+histories, which those, who have visited the African continent, have
+written from their own inspection. Hence three conclusions; that their
+abilities are sufficient for their situation;--that they are as great,
+as those of other people have been, in the same stage of society;--and
+that they are as great as those of any civilized people whatever, when
+the degree of the barbarism of the one is drawn into a comparison with
+that of the civilization of the other.
+
+Let us now follow them to the colonies. They are carried over in the
+unfavourable situation described. It is observed here, that though their
+abilities cannot be estimated high from a want of cultivation, they are
+yet various, and that they vary in proportion as the nation, from which
+they have been brought, has advanced more or less in the scale of social
+life. This observation, which is so frequently made, is of great
+importance: for if their abilities expand in proportion to the
+improvement of their state, it is a clear indication, that if they were
+equally improved, they would be equally ingenious.
+
+But here, before we consider any opportunities that may be afforded
+them, let it be remembered that even their most polished situation may
+be called barbarous, and that this circumstance, should they appear less
+docile than others, may be considered as a sufficient answer to any
+objection that may be made to their capacities. Notwithstanding this,
+when they are put to the mechanical arts, they do not discover a want of
+ingenuity. They attain them in as short a time as the Europeans, and
+arrive at a degree of excellence equal to that of their teachers. This
+is a fact, almost universally known, and affords us this proof, that
+having learned with facility such of the mechanical arts, as they have
+been taught, they are capable of attaining any other, at least, of the
+same class, if they should receive but the same instruction.
+
+With respect to the liberal arts, their proficiency is certainly less;
+but not less in proportion to their time and opportunity of study; not
+less, because they are less capable of attaining them, but because they
+have seldom or ever an opportunity of learning them at all. It is yet
+extraordinary that their talents appear, even in some of these sciences,
+in which they are totally uninstructed. Their abilities in musick are
+such, as to have been generally noticed. They play frequently upon a
+variety of instruments, without any other assistance than their own
+ingenuity. They have also tunes of their own composition. Some of these
+have been imported among us; are now in use; and are admired for their
+sprightliness and ease, though the ungenerous and prejudiced importer
+has concealed their original.
+
+Neither are their talents in poetry less conspicuous. Every occurrence,
+if their spirits are not too greatly depressed, is turned into a song.
+These songs are said to be incoherent and nonsensical. But this proceeds
+principally from two causes, an improper conjunction of words, arising
+from an ignorance of the language in which they compose; and a wildness
+of thought, arising from the different manner, in which the organs of
+rude and civilized people will be struck by the same object. And as to
+their want of harmony and rhyme, which is the last objection, the
+difference of pronunciation is the cause. Upon the whole, as they are
+perfectly consistent with their own ideas, and are strictly musical as
+pronounced by themselves, they afford us as high a proof of their
+poetical powers, as the works of the most acknowledged poets.
+
+But where these impediments have been removed, where they have received
+an education, and have known and pronounced the language with propriety,
+these defects have vanished, and their productions have been less
+objectionable. For a proof of this, we appeal to the writings of an
+African girl[069], who made no contemptible appearance in this species
+of composition. She was kidnapped when only eight years old, and, in the
+year 1761, was transported to America, where she was sold with other
+slaves. She had no school education there, but receiving some little
+instruction from the family, with whom she was so fortunate as to live,
+she obtained such a knowledge of the English language within sixteen
+months from the time of her arrival, as to be able to speak it and read
+it to the astonishment of those who heard her. She soon afterwards
+learned to write, and, having a great inclination to learn the Latin
+tongue, she was indulged by her master, and made a progress. Her
+Poetical works were published with his permission, in the year 1773.
+They contain thirty-eight pieces on different subjects. We shall beg
+leave to make a short extract from two or three of them, for the
+observation of the reader.
+
+
+_From an Hymn to the Evening_[070].
+
+
+
+"Fill'd with the praise of him who gives the light,
+And draws the sable curtains of the night,
+Let placid slumbers sooth each weary mind,
+At morn to wake more heav'nly and refin'd;
+So shall the labours of the day begin,
+More pure and guarded from the snares of sin.
+----&c. &c."
+
+
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+_From an Hymn to the Morning_.
+
+
+
+"Aurora hail! and all the thousand dies,
+That deck thy progress through the vaulted skies!
+The morn awakes, and wide extends her rays,
+On ev'ry leaf the gentle zephyr plays.
+Harmonious lays the feather'd race resume,
+Dart the bright eye, and shake the painted plume.
+----&c. &c."
+
+
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+_From Thoughts on Imagination_.
+
+
+
+"Now here, now there, the roving _fancy_ flies,
+Till some lov'd object strikes her wand'ring eyes,
+Whose silken fetters all the senses bind,
+And soft captivity involves the mind.
+
+"_Imagination!_ who can sing thy force,
+Or who describe the swiftness of thy course?
+Soaring through air to find the bright abode,
+Th' empyreal palace of the thund'ring God,
+We on thy pinions can surpass the wind,
+And leave the rolling universe behind:
+From star to star the mental opticks rove,
+Measure the skies, and range the realms above.
+There in one view we grasp the mighty whole,
+Or with new worlds amaze th' unbounded soul.
+----&c. &c."
+
+
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+Such is the poetry which we produce as a proof of our assertions. How
+far it has succeeded, the reader may by this time have determined in his
+own mind. We shall therefore only beg leave to accompany it with this
+observation, that if the authoress _was designed for slavery_, (as
+the argument must confess) the greater part of the inhabitants of
+Britain must lose their claim to freedom.
+
+To this poetry we shall only add, as a farther proof of their abilities,
+the Prose compositions of Ignatius Sancho, who received some little
+education. His letters are too well known, to make any extract, or
+indeed any farther mention of him, necessary. If other examples of
+African genius should be required, suffice it to say, that they can be
+produced in abundance; and that if we were allowed to enumerate
+instances of African gratitude, patience, fidelity, honour, as so many
+instances of good sense, and a sound understanding, we fear that
+thousands of the enlightened Europeans would have occasion to blush.
+
+But an objection will be made here, that the two persons whom we have
+particularized by name, are prodigies, and that if we were to live for
+many years, we should scarcely meet with two other Africans of the same
+description. But we reply, that considering their situation as before
+described, two persons, above mediocrity in the literary way, are as
+many as can be expected within a certain period of years; and farther,
+that if these are prodigies, they are only such prodigies as every day
+would produce, if they had the same opportunities of acquiring knowledge
+as other people, and the same expectations in life to excite their
+genius. This has been constantly and solemnly asserted by the pious
+Benezet[071], whom we have mentioned before, as having devoted a
+considerable part of his time to their instruction. This great man, for
+we cannot but mention him with veneration, had a better opportunity of
+knowing them than any person whatever, and he always uniformly declared,
+that he could never find a difference between their capacities and those
+of other people; that they were as capable of reasoning as any
+individual Europeans; that they were as capable of the highest
+intellectual attainments; in short, that their abilities were equal, and
+that they only wanted to be equally cultivated, to afford specimens of
+as fine productions.
+
+Thus then does it appear from the testimony of this venerable man,
+whose authority is sufficient of itself to silence all objections
+against African capacity, and from the instances that have been
+produced, and the observations that have been made on the occasion, that
+if the minds of the Africans were unbroken by slavery; if they had the
+same expectations in life as other people, and the same opportunities of
+improvement, they would be equal; in all the various branches of
+science, to the Europeans, and that the argument that states them "to be
+an inferiour link of the chain of nature, and designed for servitude,"
+as far as it depends on the _inferiority of their capacities_, is
+wholly malevolent and false[072].
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 069: Phillis Wheatley, negro slave to Mr. John Wheatley, of
+Boston, in New-England.]
+
+
+[Footnote 070:
+Lest it should be doubted whether these Poems are genuine, we shall
+transcribe the names of those, who signed a certificate of their
+authenticity.
+
+
+His Excellency Thomas Hutchinson, Governor.
+The Honourable Andrew Oliver, Lieutenant Governor.
+
+The Hon. Thomas Hubbard
+The Hon. John Erving
+The Hon. James Pitts
+The Hon. Harrison Gray
+The Hon. James Bowdoin
+John Hancock, Esq.
+Joseph Green, Esq.
+Richard Carey, Esq.
+The Rev. Cha. Chauncy, D.D.
+The Rev. Mather Byles, D.D.
+The Rev. Ed. Pemberton, D.D.
+The Rev. Andrew Elliot, D.D.
+The Rev. Sam. Cooper, D.D.
+The Rev. Samuel Mather
+The Rev. John Moorhead
+Mr. John Wheatley, her Master.
+]
+
+
+[Footnote 071: In the Preface.]
+
+
+[Footnote 072: As to Mr. Hume's assertions with respect to African
+capacity, we have passed them over in silence, as they have been so
+admirably refuted by the learned Dr. Beattie, in his Essay on Truth, to
+which we refer the reader. The whole of this admirable refutation
+extends from p. 458. to 464.]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. VIII.
+
+The second argument, by which it is attempted to be proved, "that the
+Africans are an inferiour link of the chain of nature, and are designed
+for slavery," is drawn from _colour_, and from those other marks,
+which distinguish them from the inhabitants of Europe.
+
+To prove this with the greater facility, the _receivers_ divide in
+opinion. Some of them contend that the Africans, from these
+circumstances, are the descendants of Cain[073]: others, that they are
+the posterity of Ham; and that as it was declared by divine inspiration,
+that these should be servants to the rest of the world, so they are
+designed for slavery; and that the reducing of them to such a situation
+is only the accomplishment of the will of heaven: while the rest,
+considering them from the same circumstances as a totally distinct
+species of men, conclude them to be an inferiour link of the chain of
+nature, and deduce the inference described.
+
+To answer these arguments in the clearest and fullest manner, we are
+under the necessity of making two suppositions, first, that the
+scriptures are true; secondly, that they are false.
+
+If then the scriptures are true, it is evident that the posterity of
+Cain were extinguished in the flood. Thus one of the arguments is no
+more.
+
+With respect to the curse of Ham, it appears also that it was limited;
+that it did not extend to the posterity of all his sons, but only to the
+descendants of him who was called Canaan[074]: by which it was foretold
+that the Canaanites, a part of the posterity of Ham, should serve the
+posterity of Shem and Japhet. Now how does it appear that these wretched
+Africans are the descendants of Canaan?--By those marks, it will be
+said, which distinguish them from the rest of the world.--But where are
+these marks to be found in the divine writings? In what page is it said,
+that the Canaanites were to be known by their _colour_, their
+_features_, their _form_, or the very _hair of their heads_,
+which is brought into the account?--But alas! so far are the
+divine writings from giving any such account, that they shew the
+assertion to be false. They shew that the descendants of Cush[075] were
+of the colour, to which the advocates for slavery allude; and of course,
+that there was no such limitation of colour to the posterity of Canaan,
+or the inheritors of the curse.
+
+Suppose we should now shew, upon the most undeniable evidence[076], that
+those of the wretched Africans, who are singled out as inheriting the
+curse, are the descendants of Cush or Phut; and that we should shew
+farther, that but a single remnant of Canaan, which was afterwards
+ruined, was ever in Africa at all.--Here all is consternation.--
+
+But unfortunately again for the argument, though wonderfully for the
+confirmation that the scriptures are of divine original, the whole
+prophecy has been completed. A part of the descendants of Canaan were
+hewers of wood and drawers of water, and became tributary and subject to
+the Israelites, or the descendants of Shem. The Greeks afterwards, as
+well as the Romans, who were both the descendants of Japhet, not only
+subdued those who were settled in Syria and Palestine, but pursued and
+conquered all such as were then remaining. These were the Tyrians and
+Carthaginians: the former of whom were ruined by Alexander and the
+Greeks, the latter by Scipio and the Romans.
+
+It appears then that the second argument is wholly inapplicable and
+false: that it is false in its _application_, because those, who
+were the objects of the curse, were a totally distinct people: that it
+is false in its _proof_, because no such distinguishing marks, as
+have been specified, are to be found in the divine writings: and that,
+if the proof could be made out, it would be now _inapplicable_, as
+the curse has been long completed.
+
+With respect to the third argument, we must now suppose that the
+scriptures are false; that mankind did not all spring from the same
+original; that there are different species of men. Now what must we
+justly conclude from such a supposition? Must we conclude that one
+species is inferiour to another, and that the inferiority depends upon
+their _colour_, or their _features_, or their _form_?--No--We
+must now consult the analogy of nature, and the conclusion will be this:
+"that as she tempered the bodies of the different species of men in a
+different degree, to enable them to endure the respective climates of
+their habitation, so she gave them a variety of colour and appearance
+with a like benevolent design."
+
+To sum up the whole. If the scriptures are true, it is evident that the
+posterity of _Cain_ are no more; that the curse of _Ham_ has
+been accomplished; and that, as all men were derived from the same
+stock, so this variety of appearance in men must either have proceeded
+from some interposition of the Deity; or from a co-operation of certain
+causes, which have an effect upon the human frame, and have the power of
+changing it more or less from its primitive appearance, as they happen
+to be more or less numerous or powerful than those, which acted upon the
+frame of man in the first seat of his habitation. If from the
+interposition of the Deity, then we must conclude that he, who bringeth
+good out of evil, produced it for their convenience. If, from the
+co-operation of the causes before related, what argument may not be
+found against any society of men, who should happen to differ, in the
+points alluded to, from ourselves?
+
+If, on the other hand, the scriptures are false, then it is evident,
+that there was neither such a person as _Cain_, nor _Ham_, nor
+_Canaan_; and that nature bestowed such colour, features, and form,
+upon the different species of men, as were best adapted to their
+situation.
+
+Thus, on which ever supposition it is founded, the whole argument must
+fall. And indeed it is impossible that it can stand, even in the eye of
+common sense. For if you admit the _form_ of men as a justification
+of slavery, you may subjugate your own brother: if _features_, then
+you must quarrel with all the world: if _colour_, where are you to
+stop? It is evident, that if you travel from the equator to the northern
+pole, you will find a regular gradation of colour from black to white.
+Now if you can justly take him for your slave, who is of the deepest
+die, what hinders you from taking him also, who only differs from the
+former but by a shade. Thus you may proceed, taking each in a regular
+succession to the poles. But who are you, that thus take into slavery so
+many people? Where do you live yourself? Do you live in _Spain_, or
+in _France_, or in _Britain_? If in either of these countries,
+take care lest the _whiter natives of the north_ should have a
+claim upon yourself.--But the argument is too ridiculous to be farther
+noticed.
+
+Having now silenced the whole argument, we might immediately proceed to
+the discussion of other points, without even declaring our opinion as to
+which of the suppositions may be right, on which it has been refuted;
+but we do not think ourselves at liberty to do this. The present age
+would rejoice to find that the scriptures had no foundation, and would
+anxiously catch at the writings of him, who should mention them in a
+doubtful manner. We shall therefore declare our sentiments, by asserting
+that they are true, and that all mankind, however various their
+appearances are derived from the same stock.
+
+To prove this, we shall not produce those innumerable arguments, by
+which the scriptures have stood the test of ages, but advert to a single
+fact. It is an universal law, observable throughout the whole creation,
+_that if two animals of a different species propagate, their offspring
+is unable to continue its own species_. By this admirable law, the
+different species are preserved distinct; every possibility of confusion
+is prevented, and the world is forbidden to be over-run by a race of
+monsters. Now, if we apply this law to those of the human kind, who are
+said to be of a distinct species from each other, it immediately fails.
+The _mulattoe_ is as capable of continuing his own species as his
+father; a clear and irrefragable proof, that the scripture[077] account
+of the creation is true, and that "God, who hath made the world, hath
+made of one blood[078] all the nations of men that dwell on all the face
+of the earth."
+
+But if this be the case, it will be said that mankind were originally of
+one colour; and it will be asked at the same time, what it is probable
+that the colour was, and how they came to assume so various an
+appearance? To, each of these we shall make that reply, which we
+conceive to be the most rational.
+
+As mankind were originally of the same stock, so it is evident that they
+were originally of the same colour. But how shall we attempt to
+ascertain it? Shall we _Englishmen_ say, that it was the same as
+that which we now find to be peculiar to ourselves?--No--This would be
+a vain and partial consideration, and would betray our judgment to have
+arisen from that false fondness, which habituates us to suppose, that
+every thing belonging to ourselves is the perfectest and the best. Add
+to this, that we should always be liable to a just reproof from every
+inhabitant of the globe, whose colour was different from our own;
+because he would justly say, that he had as good a right to imagine that
+his own was the primitive colour, as that of any other people.
+
+How then shall we attempt to ascertain it? Shall we look into the
+various climates of the earth, see the colour that generally prevails in
+the inhabitants of each, and apply the rule? This will be certainly free
+from partiality, and will afford us a better prospect of success: for as
+every particular district has its particular colour, so it is evident
+that the complexion of Noah and his sons, from whom the rest of the
+world were descended, was the same as that, which is peculiar to the
+country, which was the seat of their habitation. This, by such a mode of
+decision, will be found a dark olive; a beautiful colour, and a just
+medium between white and black. That this was the primitive colour, is
+highly probable from the observations that have been made; and, if
+admitted, will afford a valuable lesson to the Europeans, to be cautious
+how they deride those of the opposite complexion, as there is great
+reason to presume, _that the purest white[079] is as far removed from
+the primitive colour as the deepest black_.
+
+We come now to the grand question, which is, that if mankind were
+originally of this or any other colour, how came it to pass, that they
+should wear so various an appearance? We reply, as we have had occasion
+to say before, either _by the interposition of the Deity_; or _by
+a co-operation of certain causes, which have an effect upon the human
+frame, and have the power of changing it more or less from its primitive
+appearance, as they are more or less numerous or powerful than those,
+which acted upon the frame of man in the first seat of his
+habitation_.
+
+With respect to the Divine interposition, two epochs have been assigned,
+when this difference of colour has been imagined to have been so
+produced. The first is that, which has been related, when the curse was
+pronounced on a branch of the posterity of _Ham_. But this argument
+has been already refuted; for if the particular colour alluded to were
+assigned at this period, it was assigned to the descendants of
+_Canaan_, to distinguish them from those of his other brothers, and
+was therefore _limited_ to the former. But the descendants of
+_Cush_[080], as we have shewn before, partook of the same colour; a
+clear proof, that it was neither assigned to them on this occasion, nor
+at this period.
+
+The second epoch is that, when mankind were dispersed on the building of
+_Babel_. It has been thought, that both _national features and
+colour_ might probably have been given them at this time, because
+these would have assisted the confusion of language, by causing them to
+disperse into tribes, and would have united more firmly the individuals
+of each, after the dispersion had taken place. But this is improbable:
+first, because there is great reason to presume that Moses, who has
+mentioned the confusion of language, would have mentioned these
+circumstances also, if they had actually contributed to bring about so
+singular an event: secondly, because the confusion of language was
+sufficient of itself to have accomplished this; and we cannot suppose
+that the Deity could have done any thing in vain: and thirdly, because,
+if mankind had been dispersed, each tribe in its peculiar hue, it is
+impossible to conceive, that they could have wandered and settled in
+such a manner, as to exhibit that regular gradation of colour from the
+equator to the poles, so conspicuous at the present day.
+
+These are the only periods, which there has been even the shadow of a
+probability for assigning; and we may therefore conclude that the
+preceding observations, together with such circumstances as will appear
+in the present chapter, will amount to a demonstration, that the
+difference of colour was never caused by any interposition of the Deity,
+and that it must have proceeded therefore from that _incidental
+co-operation of causes_, which has been before related.
+
+What these causes are, it is out of the power of human wisdom positively
+to assert: there are facts, however, which, if properly weighed and put
+together, will throw considerable light upon the subject. These we shall
+submit to the perusal of the reader, and shall deduce from them such
+inferences only, as almost every person must make in his own mind, on
+their recital.
+
+The first point, that occurs to be ascertained, is, "What part of the
+skin is the seat of colour?" The old anatomists usually divided the skin
+into two parts, or lamina; the exteriour and thinnest, called by the
+Greeks _Epidermis_, by the Romans _Cuticula_, and hence by us
+_Cuticle_; and the interiour, called by the former _Derma_,
+and by the latter _Cutis_, or _true skin_. Hence they must
+necessarily have supposed, that, as the _true skin_ was in every
+respect the same in all human subjects, however various their external
+hue, so the seat of colour must have existed in the _Cuticle_, or
+upper surface.
+
+Malphigi, an eminent Italian physician, of the last century, was the
+first person who discovered that the skin was divided into three lamina,
+or parts; the _Cuticle_, the _true skin_, and a certain
+coagulated substance situated between both, which he distinguished by
+the title of _Mucosum Corpus_; a title retained by anatomists to
+the present day: which coagulated substance adhered so firmly to the
+_Cuticle_, as, in all former anatomical preparations, to have come
+off with it, and, from this circumstance to have led the ancient
+anatomists to believe, that there were but two lamina, or divisible
+portions in the human skin.
+
+This discovery was sufficient to ascertain the point in question: for it
+appeared afterwards that the _Cuticle_, when divided according to
+this discovery from the other lamina, was semi-transparent; that the
+cuticle of the blackest negroe was of the same transparency and colour,
+as that of the purest white; and hence, the _true skins_ of both
+being invariably the same, that the _mucosum corpus_ was the seat
+of colour.
+
+This has been farther confirmed by all subsequent anatomical
+experiments, by which it appears, that, whatever is the colour of this
+intermediate coagulated substance, nearly the same is the apparent
+colour of the upper surface of the skin. Neither can it be otherwise;
+for the _Cuticle_, from its transparency, must necessarily transmit
+the colour of the substance beneath it, in the same manner, though not
+in the same degree, as the _cornea_ transmits the colour of the
+_iris_ of the eye. This transparency is a matter of ocular
+demonstration in white people. It is conspicuous in every blush; for no
+one can imagine, that the cuticle becomes red, as often as this happens:
+nor is it less discoverable in the veins, which are so easy to be
+discerned; for no one can suppose, that the blue streaks, which he
+constantly sees in the fairest complexions, are painted, as it were, on
+the surface of the upper skin. From these, and a variety of other
+observations[081], no maxim is more true in physiology, than that _on
+the mucosum corpus depends the colour of the human body_; or, in
+other words, that the _mucosum corpus_ being of a different colour
+in different inhabitants of the globe, and appearing through the cuticle
+or upper surface of the skin, gives them that various appearance, which
+strikes us so forcibly in contemplating the human race.
+
+As this can be incontrovertibly ascertained, it is evident, that
+whatever causes cooperate in producing this different appearance, they
+produce it by acting upon the _mucosum corpus_, which, from the
+almost incredible manner in which the cuticle[082] is perforated, is as
+accessible as the cuticle itself. These causes are probably those
+various qualities of things, which, combined with the influence of the
+sun, contribute to form what we call _climate_. For when any person
+considers, that the mucous substance, before-mentioned, is found to vary
+in its colour, as the _climates_ vary from the equator to the
+poles, his mind must be instantly struck with the hypothesis, and he
+must adopt it without any hesitation, as the genuine cause of the
+phænomenon.
+
+This fact[083], _of the variation of the mucous substance according to
+the situation of the place_, has been clearly ascertained in the
+numerous anatomical experiments that have been made; in which, subjects
+of all nations have come under consideration. The natives of many of the
+kingdoms and isles of _Asia_, are found to have their _corpus
+mucosum_ black. Those of _Africa_, situated near the line, of
+the same colour. Those of the maritime parts of the same continent, of a
+dusky brown, nearly approaching to it; and the colour becomes lighter or
+darker in proportion as the distance from the equator is either greater
+or less. The Europeans are the fairest inhabitants of the world. Those
+situated in the most southern regions of _Europe_, have in their
+_corpus mucosum_ a tinge of the dark hue of their _African_
+neighbours: hence the epidemick complexion, prevalent among them, is
+nearly of the colour of the pickled Spanish olive; while in this
+country, and those situated nearer the north pole, it appears to be
+nearly, if not absolutely, white.
+
+These are facts[084], which anatomy has established; and we acknowledge
+them to be such, that we cannot divest ourselves of the idea, that
+_climate_ has a considerable share in producing a difference of
+colour. Others, we know, have invented other hypotheses, but all of them
+have been instantly refuted, as unable to explain the difficulties for
+which they were advanced, and as absolutely contrary to fact: and the
+inventors themselves have been obliged, almost as soon as they have
+proposed them, to acknowledge them deficient.
+
+The only objection of any consequence, that has ever been made to the
+hypothesis of _climate_, is this, _that people under the same
+parallels are not exactly of the same colour_. But this is no
+objection in fact: for it does not follow that those countries, which
+are at an equal distance from the equator, should have their climates
+the same. Indeed nothing is more contrary to experience than this.
+Climate depends upon a variety of accidents. High mountains, in the
+neighbourhood of a place, make it cooler, by chilling the air that is
+carried over them by the winds. Large spreading succulent plants, if
+among the productions of the soil, have the same effect: they afford
+agreeable cooling shades, and a moist atmosphere from their continual
+exhalations, by which the ardour of the sun is considerably abated.
+While the soil, on the other hand, if of a sandy nature, retains the
+heat in an uncommon degree, and makes the summers considerably hotter
+than those which are found to exist in the same latitude, where the soil
+is different. To this proximity of what may be termed _burning
+sands_, and to the sulphurous and metallick particles, which are
+continually exhaling from the bowels of the earth, is ascribed the
+different degree of blackness, by which some _African_ nations are
+distinguishable from each other, though under the same parallels. To
+these observations we may add, that though the inhabitants of the same
+parallel are not exactly of the same hue, yet they differ only by shades
+of the same colour; or, to speak with more precision, that there are no
+two people, in such a situation, one of whom is white, and the other
+black. To sum up the whole--Suppose we were to take a common globe; to
+begin at the equator; to paint every country along the meridian line in
+succession from thence to the poles; and to paint them with the same
+colour which prevails in the respective inhabitants of each, we should
+see the black, with which we had been obliged to begin, insensibly
+changing to an olive, and the olive, through as many intermediate
+colours, to a white: and if, on the other hand, we should complete any
+one of the parallels according to the same plan, we should see a
+difference perhaps in the appearance of some of the countries through
+which it ran, though the difference would consist wholly in shades of
+the same colour.
+
+The argument therefore, which is brought against the hypothesis, is so
+far from being, an objection, that we shall consider it one of the first
+arguments in its favour: for if _climate_ has really an influence
+on the _mucous substance_ of the body, it is evident, that we must
+not only expect to see a gradation of colour in the inhabitants from the
+equator to the poles, but also different[085] shades of the same colour
+in the inhabitants of the same parallel.
+
+To this argument, we shall add one that is incontrovertible, which is,
+that when the _black_ inhabitants of _Africa_ are transplanted
+to _colder_, or the _white_ inhabitants of _Europe_ to _hotter_
+climates, their children, _born there_, are of a _different
+colour from themselves_; that is, lighter in the first, and
+darker in the second instance.
+
+As a proof of the first, we shall give the words of the Abbé
+Raynal[086], in his admired publication. "The children," says he, "which
+they, (the _Africans_) procreate in _America_, are not so
+black as their parents were. After each generation the difference
+becomes more palpable. It is possible, that after a numerous succession
+of generations, the men come from _Africa_ would not be
+distinguished from those of the country, into which they may have been
+transplanted."
+
+This circumstance we have had the pleasure of hearing confirmed by a
+variety of persons, who have been witnesses of the fact; but
+particularly by many intelligent[087] Africans, who have been parents
+themselves in _America_, and who have declared that the difference
+is so palpable in the _northern provinces_, that not only they
+themselves have constantly observed it, but that they have heard it
+observed by others.
+
+Neither is this variation in the children from the colour of their
+parents improbable. _The children of the blackest Africans are born
+white_[088]. In this state they continue for about a month, when they
+change to a pale yellow. In process of time they become brown. Their
+skin still continues to increase in darkness with their age, till it
+becomes of a dirty, sallow black, and at length, after a certain period
+of years, glossy and shining. Now, if climate has any influence on the
+_mucous substance_ of the body, this variation in the children from
+the colour of their parents is an event, which must be reasonably
+expected: for being born white, and not having equally powerful causes
+to act upon them in colder, as their parents had in the hotter climates
+which they left, it must necessarily follow, that the same affect cannot
+possibly be produced.
+
+Hence also, if the hypothesis be admitted, may be deduced the reason,
+why even those children, who have been brought from their country at an
+early age into colder regions, have been observed[089] to be of a
+lighter colour than those who have remained at home till they arrived at
+a state of manhood. For having undergone some of the changes which we
+mentioned to have attended their countrymen from infancy to a certain
+age, and having been taken away before the rest could be completed,
+these farther changes, which would have taken place had they remained at
+home, seem either to have been checked in their progress, or weakened in
+their degree, by a colder climate.
+
+We come now to the second and opposite case; for a proof of which we
+shall appeal to the words of Dr. Mitchell[090], in the Philosophical
+Transactions. "The _Spaniards_ who have inhabited _America_
+under the torrid zone for any time, are become as dark coloured as our
+native _Indians_ of _Virginia_, of which, _I myself have
+been a witness_; and were they not to intermarry with the
+_Europeans_, but lead the same rude and barbarous lives with the
+_Indians_, it is very probable that, in a succession of many
+generations, they would become as dark in complexion."
+
+To this instance we shall add one, which is mentioned by a late
+writer[091], who describing the _African_ coast, and the
+_European_ settlements there, has the following passage. "There are
+several other small _Portuguese_ settlements, and one of some note
+at _Mitomba_, a river in _Sierra Leon_. The people here
+called _Portuguese_, are principally persons bred from a mixture of
+the first _Portuguese discoverers_ with the natives, and now
+become, in their _complexion_ and _woolly quality_ of their
+hair, _perfect negroes_, retaining however a smattering of the
+_Portuguese_ language."
+
+These facts, with respect to the colonists of the _Europeans_, are
+of the highest importance in the present case, and deserve a serious
+attention. For when we know to a certainty from whom they are descended;
+when we know that they were, at the time of their transplantation, of
+the same colour as those from whom they severally sprung; and when, on
+the other hand, we are credibly informed, that they have changed it for
+the native colour of the place which they now inhabit; the evidence in
+support of these facts is as great, as if a person, on the removal of
+two or three families into another climate, had determined to ascertain
+the circumstance; as if he had gone with them and watched their
+children; as if he had communicated his observations at his death to a
+successor; as if his successor had prosecuted the plan, and thus an
+uninterrupted chain of evidence had been kept up from their first
+removal to any determined period of succeeding time.
+
+But though these facts seem sufficient of themselves to confirm our
+opinion, they are not the only facts which can be adduced in its
+support. It can be shewn, that the members of the _very same
+family_, when divided from each other, and removed into different
+countries, have not only changed their family complexion, but that they
+have changed it to _as many different colours_ as they have gone
+into _different regions of the world_. We cannot have, perhaps, a
+more striking instance of this, than in the _Jews_. These people,
+are scattered over the face of the whole earth. They have preserved
+themselves distinct from the rest of the world by their religion; and,
+as they never intermarry with any but those of their own sect, so they
+have no mixture of blood in their veins, that they should differ from
+each other: and yet nothing is more true, than that the _English
+Jew_[092] is white, the _Portuguese_ swarthy, the _Armenian_
+olive, and the _Arabian_ copper; in short, that there appear
+to be as many different species of _Jews_, as there are countries
+in which they reside.
+
+To these facts we shall add the following observation, that if we can
+give credit to the ancient historians in general, a change from the
+darkest black to the purest white must have actually been accomplished.
+One instance, perhaps, may be thought sufficient. _Herodotus_[093]
+relates, that the _Colchi were black_, and that they had _crisped
+hair_. These people were a detachment of the _Æthiopian_ army
+under _Sesostris_, who followed him in his expedition, and settled
+in that part of the world, where _Colchis_ is usually represented
+to have been situated. Had not the same author informed us of this
+circumstance, we should have thought it strange[094], that a people of
+this description should have been found in such a latitude. Now as they
+were undoubtedly settled there, and as they were neither so totally
+destroyed, nor made any such rapid conquests, as that history should
+notice the event, there is great reason to presume, that their
+descendants continued in the same, or settled in the adjacent country;
+from whence it will follow, that they must have changed their complexion
+to that, which is observable in the inhabitants of this particular
+region at the present day; or, in other words, that the _black
+inhabitant of Colchis_ must have been changed into the _fair
+Circassian_[095].
+
+As we have now shewn it to be highly probable, from the facts which have
+been advanced, that climate is the cause of the difference of colour
+which prevails in the different inhabitants of the globe, we shall now
+shew its probability from so similar an effect produced on the _mucous
+substance_ before-mentioned by so similar a cause, that though the
+fact does not absolutely prove our conjecture to be right, yet it will
+give us a very lively conception of the manner, in which the phænomenon
+may be caused.
+
+This probability may be shewn in the case of _freckles_, which are
+to be seen in the face of children, but of such only, as have the
+thinnest and most transparent skins, and are occasioned by the rays of
+the sun, striking forcibly on the _mucous substance_ of the face,
+and drying the accumulating fluid. This accumulating fluid, or
+perspirable matter, is at first colourless; but being exposed to violent
+heat, or dried, becomes brown. Hence, the _mucosum corpus_ being
+tinged in various parts by this brown coagulated fluid, and the parts so
+tinged appearing through the _cuticle_, or upper surface of the
+skin, arises that spotted appearance, observable in the case recited.
+
+Now, if we were to conceive a black skin to be an _universal
+freckle_, or the rays of the sun to act so universally on the
+_mucous substance_ of a person's face, as to produce these spots so
+contiguous to each other that they should unite, we should then see, in
+imagination, a face similar to those, which are daily to be seen among
+black people: and if we were to conceive his body to be exposed or acted
+upon in the same manner, we should then see his body assuming a similar
+appearance; and thus we should see the whole man of a perfect black, or
+resembling one of the naked inhabitants of the torrid zone. Now as the
+feat of freckles and of blackness is the same; as their appearance is
+similar; and as the cause of the first is the ardour of the sun, it is
+therefore probable that the cause of the second is the same: hence, if
+we substitute for the word "_sun_," what is analogous to it, the
+word _climate_, the same effect may be supposed to be produced, and
+the conjecture to receive a sanction.
+
+Nor is it unlikely that the hypothesis, which considers the cause of
+freckles and of blackness as the same, may be right. For if blackness is
+occasioned by the rays of the sun striking forcibly and universally on
+the _mucous substance_ of the body, and drying the accumulating
+fluid, we can account for the different degrees of it to be found in the
+different inhabitants of the globe. For as the quantity of perspirable
+fluid, and the force of the solar rays is successively increased, as
+the climates are successively warmer, from any given parallel to the
+line, it follows that the fluid, with which the _mucous substance_
+will be stained, will be successively thicker and deeper coloured; and
+hence, as it appears through the cuticle, the complexion successively
+darker; or, what amounts to the same thing, there will be a difference
+of colour in the inhabitants of every successive parallel.
+
+From these, and the whole of the preceding observations on the subject,
+we may conclude, that as all the inhabitants of the earth cannot be
+otherwise than the children of the same parents, and as the difference
+of their appearance must have of course proceeded from incidental
+causes, these causes are a combination of those qualities, which we call
+_climate_; that the blackness of the _Africans_ is so far
+ingrafted in their constitution, in a course of many generations, that
+their children wholly inherit it, if brought up in the same spot, but
+that it is not so absolutely interwoven in their nature, that it cannot
+be removed, if they are born and settled in another; that _Noah_
+and his sons were probably of an _olive_ complexion; that those of
+their descendants, who went farther to the south, became of a deeper
+olive or _copper_; while those, who went still farther, became of a
+deeper copper or _black_; that those, on the other hand, who
+travelled farther to the north, became less olive or _brown_, while
+those who went still farther than the former, became less brown or
+_white_; and that if any man were to point out any one of the
+colours which prevails in the human complexion, as likely to furnish an
+argument, that the people of such a complexion were of a different
+species from the rest, it is probable that his own descendants, if
+removed to the climate to which this complexion is peculiar, would, in
+the course of a few generations, degenerate into the same colour.
+
+Having now replied to the argument, "that the Africans are an inferiour
+link of the chain of nature," as far as it depended on their
+_capacity_ and _colour_, we shall now only take notice of an
+expression, which the _receivers_ before-mentioned are pleased to
+make use of, "that they are made for slavery."
+
+Had the Africans been _made for slavery_, or to become the property
+of any society of men, it is clear, from the observations that have been
+made in the second part of this Essay, that they must have been created
+_devoid of reason_: but this is contrary to fact. It is clear
+also, that there must have been, many and evident signs of the
+_inferiority of their nature_, and that this society of men must
+have had a _natural right_ to their dominion: but this is equally
+false. No such signs of _inferiority_ are to be found in the one,
+and the right to dominion in the other is _incidental_: for in what
+volume of nature or religion is it written, that one society of men
+should _breed slaves_ for the benefit, of another? Nor is it less
+evident that they would have wanted many of those qualities which they
+have, and which brutes have not: they would have wanted that _spirit
+of liberty_, that _sense of ignominy and shame_[096], which so
+frequently drives them to the horrid extremity of finishing their own
+existence. Nor would they have been endowed with a _contemplative
+power_; for such a power would have been unnecessary to people in
+such a situation; or rather, its only use could have been to increase
+their pain. We cannot suppose therefore that God has made an order of
+beings, with such mental qualities and powers, for the sole purpose of
+being used as _beasts_, or _instruments_ of labour. And here,
+what a dreadful argument presents itself against you _receivers_?
+For if they have no understandings as you confess, then is your conduct
+impious, because, as they cannot perceive the intention of your
+punishment, your severities cannot make them better. But if, on the
+other hand, they have had understandings, (which has evidently appeared)
+then is your conduct equally impious, who, by destroying their faculties
+by the severity of your discipline, have reduced men; who had once the
+power of reason, to an equality with the brute creation.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 073: Genesis, ch. iv. 15.]
+
+
+[Footnote 074: Genesis, ch. ix. 25, 26, 27.]
+
+
+[Footnote 075: Jeremiah says, ch. xiii. 23, "Can the Æthiopian change
+his colour, or the leopard his spots?" Now the word, which is here
+translated _Æthiopian_, is in the original Hebrew "_the descendant of
+Cush_," which shews that this colour was not confined to the descendants
+of _Canaan_, as the advocates for slavery assert.]
+
+
+[Footnote 076: It is very extraordinary that the advocates for slavery
+should consider those Africans, whom they call negroes, as the
+descendants of _Canaan_, when few historical facts can be so well
+ascertained, as that out of the descendants of the four sons of Ham, the
+descendants of Canaan were the only people, (if we except the
+Carthaginians, who were a colony of Canaan, and were afterwards ruined)
+who did not settle in that quarter of the globe. Africa was
+incontrovertibly peopled by the posterity of the three other sons. We
+cannot shew this in a clearer manner, than in the words of the learned
+Mr. Bryant, in his letter to Mr. Granville Sharp on this subject.
+
+"We learn from scripture, that Ham had four sons, _Chus, Mizraim, Phut_,
+and _Canaan_, Gen. x. 5, 6. _Canaan_ occupied _Palestine_, and the
+country called by his name: _Mizraim, Egypt_: but _Phut_ passed deep
+into _Africa_, and, I believe, most of the nations in that part of the
+world are descended from him; at least more than from any other person."
+_Josephus_ says, "_that Phut was the founder of the nations in Libya,
+and the people were from him called (phoutoi) Phuti_." Antiq. L. 1. c.
+7. "By _Lybia_ he understands, as the _Greeks_ did, _Africa_ in general:
+for the particular country called _Lybia Proper_, was peopled by the
+_Lubim_, or _Lehabim_, one of the branches from _Mizraim_, (Labieim ex ou
+Libnes) Chron. Paschale, p. 29.
+
+"The sons of _Phut_ settled in _Mauritania_, where was a country called
+_Phutia_, and a river of the like denomination. Mauritaniæ Fluvius usque
+ad præsens Tempus _Phut_ dicitur, omnisq; circa eum Regio _Phutensis_.
+Hieron. Tradit. Hebroeæ.--Amnem, quem vocant _Fut_." Pliny, L. 5. c. 1.
+Some of this family settled above Ægypt, near Æthiopia, and were styled
+Troglodytæ. (phoud ex ou troglodotai). Syncellus, p. 47. Many of them
+passed inland, and peopled the Mediterranean country."
+
+"In process of time the sons of _Chus_ also, (after their expulsion from
+Egypt) made settlements upon the sea coast of _Africa_, and came into
+_Mauritania_. Hence we find traces of them also in the names of places,
+such as _Churis, Chusares_, upon the coast: and a river _Chusa_, and a
+city _Cotta_, together with a promontory, _Cotis_, in _Mauritania_, all
+denominated from _Chus_; who at different times, and by different
+people, was called _Chus, Cuth, Cosh_, and _Cotis_. The river _Cusa_ is
+mentioned by _Pliny_, Lib. 5. c. 1. and by _Ptolomy_."
+
+"Many ages after these settlements, there was another eruption of the
+_Cushites_ into these parts, under the name of _Saracens_ and _Moors_,
+who over-ran _Africa_, to the very extremity of Mount Atlas. They passed
+over and conquered _Spain_ to the north, and they extended themselves
+southward, as I said in my treatise, to the rivers _Senegal_ and
+_Gambia_, and as low as the _Gold Coast_. I mentioned this, because I do
+not think that they proceeded much farther: most of the nations to the
+_south_ being, as I imagine, of the race of _Phut_. The very country
+upon the river _Gambia_ on one side, is at this day called _Phuta_, of
+which _Bluet_, in his history of _Juba Ben Solomon_, gives an account."]
+
+
+[Footnote 077: When America was first discovered, it was thought by
+some, that the scripture account of the creation was false, and that
+there were different species of men, because they could never suppose
+that people, in so rude a state as the Americans, could have transported
+themselves to that continent from any parts of the known world. This
+opinion however was refuted by the celebrated Captain Cooke, who shewed
+that the traject between the continents of Asia and America, was as
+short as some, which people in as rude a state have been actually known
+to pass. This affords an excellent caution against an ill-judged and
+hasty censure of the divine writings, because every difficulty which may
+be started, cannot be instantly cleared up.]
+
+
+[Footnote 078: The divine writings, which assert that all men were
+derived from the _same stock_, shew also, in the same instance of
+_Cush_, (Footnote 075), that some of them had changed their original
+complexion.]
+
+
+[Footnote 079: The following are the grand colours discernible in
+mankind, between which there are many shades;
+
+White }         { Copper
+      }--Olive--{
+Brown }         { Black
+]
+
+
+[Footnote 080: See note, (Footnote 075). To this we may add, that the
+rest of the descendants of _Ham_, as far as they can be traced, are now
+also black, at well as many of the descendants of _Shem_.]
+
+
+[Footnote 081: Diseases have a great effect upon the _mucosum corpus_,
+but particularly the jaundice, which turns it yellow. Hence, being
+transmitted through the cuticle, the yellow appearance of the whole
+body. But this, even as a matter of ocular demonstration, is not
+confined solely to white people; negroes themselves, while affected with
+these or other disorders, changing their black colour for that which the
+disease has conveyed to the _mucous_ substance.]
+
+
+[Footnote 082: The cutaneous pores are so excessively small, that one
+grain of sand, (according to Dr. Lewenhoeck's calculations) would cover
+many hundreds of them.]
+
+
+[Footnote 083: We do not mean to insinuate that the same people have
+their _corpus mucosum_ sensibly vary, as often as they go into another
+latitude, but that the fact is true only of different people, who have
+been long established in different latitudes.]
+
+
+[Footnote 084: We beg leave to return our thanks here to a gentleman,
+eminent in the medical line, who furnished us with the above-mentioned
+facts.]
+
+
+[Footnote 085: Suppose we were to see two nations, contiguous to each
+other, of black and white inhabitants in the same parallel, even this
+would be no objection, for many circumstances are to be considered. A
+black people may have wandered into a white, and a white people into a
+black latitude, and they may not have been settled there a sufficient
+length of time for such a change to have been accomplished in their
+complexion, as that they should be like the old established inhabitants
+of the parallel, into which they have lately come.]
+
+
+[Footnote 086: Justamond's Abbe Raynal, v. 5. p. 193.]
+
+
+[Footnote 087: The author of this Essay made it his business to inquire
+of the most intelligent of those, whom he could meet with in London, as
+to the authenticity of the fact. All those from _America_ assured him
+that it was strictly true; those from the West-Indies, that they had
+never observed it there; but that they had found a sensible difference
+in themselves since they came to England.]
+
+
+[Footnote 088: This circumstance, which always happens, shews that they
+are descended from the same parents as ourselves; for had they been a
+distinct species of men, and the blackness entirely ingrafted in their
+constitution and frame, there is great reason to presume, that their
+children would have been born _black_.]
+
+
+[Footnote 089: This observation was communicated to us by the gentleman
+in the medical line, to whom we returned our thanks for certain
+anatomical facts.]
+
+
+[Footnote 090: Philos. Trans. No. 476. sect. 4.]
+
+
+[Footnote 091: Treatise upon the Trade from Great Britain to Africa, by
+an African merchant.]
+
+
+[Footnote 092: We mean such only as are _natives_ of the countries which
+we mention, and whose ancestors have been settled there for a certain
+period of time.]
+
+
+[Footnote 093: Herodotus. Euterpe. p. 80. Editio Stephani, printed
+1570.]
+
+
+[Footnote 094: This circumstance confirms what we said in a former note,
+(Footnote 085), that even if two nations were to be found in the same
+parallel, one of whom was black, and the other white, it would form no
+objection against the hypothesis of climate, as one of them might have
+been new settlers from a distant country.]
+
+
+[Footnote 095: Suppose, without the knowledge of any historian, they had
+made such considerable conquests, as to have settled themselves at the
+distance of 1000 miles in any one direction from _Colchis_, still they
+must have changed their colour. For had they gone in an Eastern or
+Western direction, they must have been of the same colour as the
+_Circassians_; if to the north, whiter; if to the south, of a copper.
+There are no people within that distance of _Colchis_, who are black.]
+
+
+[Footnote 096: There are a particular people among those transported
+from Africa to the colonies, who immediately on receiving punishment,
+destroy themselves. This is a fact which the _receivers_ are unable to
+contradict.]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. IX.
+
+The reader may perhaps think, that the _receivers_ have by this
+time expended all their arguments, but their store is not so easily
+exhausted. They are well aware that justice, nature, and religion, will
+continue, as they have ever uniformly done, to oppose their conduct.
+This has driven them to exert their ingenuity, and has occasioned that
+multiplicity of arguments to be found in the present question.
+
+These arguments are of a different complexion from the former. They
+consist in comparing the state of _slaves_ with that of some of the
+classes of _free_ men, and in certain scenes of felicity, which the
+former are said to enjoy.
+
+It is affirmed that the punishments which the Africans undergo, are less
+severe than the military; that their life is happier than that of the
+English peasant; that they have the advantages of manumission; that they
+have their little spots of ground, their holy-days, their dances; in
+short, that their life is a scene of festivity and mirth, and that they
+are much happier in the colonies than in their own country.
+
+These representations, which have been made out with much ingenuity and
+art, may have had their weight with the unwary; but they will never pass
+with men of consideration and sense, who are accustomed to estimate the
+probability of things, before they admit them to be true. Indeed the
+bare assertion, that their situation is even comfortable, contains its
+own refutation, or at least leads us to suspect that the person, who
+asserted it, has omitted some important considerations in the account.
+Such we shall shew to have been actually the case, and that the
+representations of the _receivers_, when stripped of their glossy
+ornaments, are but empty declamation.
+
+It is said, first, of _military punishments_, that they are more
+severe than those which the _Africans_ undergo. But this is a bare
+assertion without a proof. It is not shewn even by those, who assert it,
+how the fact can be made out. We are left therefore to draw the
+comparison ourselves, and to fill up those important considerations,
+which we have just said that the _receivers_ had omitted.
+
+That military punishments are severe we confess, but we deny that they
+are severer than those with which they are compared. Where is the
+military man, whose ears have been slit, whose limbs have been
+mutilated, or whose eyes have been beaten out? But let us even allow,
+that their punishments are equal in the degree of their severity: still
+they must lose by comparison. The soldier is never punished but after a
+fair and equitable trial, and the decision of a military court; the
+unhappy African, at the discretion of his Lord. The one knows what
+particular conduct will constitute an offence[097]; the other has no
+such information, as he is wholly at the disposal of passion and
+caprice, which may impose upon any action, however laudable, the
+appellation of a crime. The former has it of course in his power to
+avoid a punishment; the latter is never safe. The former is punished for
+a real, the latter, often, for an imaginary fault.
+
+Now will any person assert, on comparing the whole of those
+circumstances together, which relate to their respective punishments,
+that there can be any doubt, which of the two are in the worst
+situation, as to their penal systems?
+
+With respect to the declaration, that the life of an _African_ in
+the colonies is happier than that of an _English_ peasant, it is
+equally false. Indeed we can scarcely withhold our indignation, when we
+consider, how shamefully the situation of this latter class of men has
+been misrepresented, to elevate the former to a state of fictitious
+happiness. If the representations of the _receivers_ be true, it
+is evident that those of the most approved writers, who have placed a
+considerable share of happiness in the _cottage_, have been
+mistaken in their opinion; and that those of the rich, who have been
+heard to sigh, and envy the felicity of the _peasant_, have been
+treacherous to their own sensations.
+
+But which are we to believe on the occasion? Those, who endeavour to
+dress _vice_ in the habit of _virtue_, or those, who derive
+their opinion from their own feelings? The latter are surely to be
+believed; and we may conclude therefore, that the horrid picture which
+is given of the life of the _peasant_, has not so just a foundation
+as the _receivers_ would, lead us to suppose. For has he no
+pleasure in the thought, that he lives in his _own country_, and
+among his relations and friends? That he is actually _free_, and
+that his children will be the same? That he can never be _sold_ as
+a beast? That he can speak his mind _without the fear of the lash_?
+That he cannot even be struck _with impunity_? And that he
+partakes, equally with his superiours, of the _protection of the
+law_?--Now, there is no one of these advantages which the
+_African_ possesses, and no one, which the defenders of slavery
+take into their account.
+
+Of the other comparisons that are usually made, we may observe in
+general, that, as they consist in comparing the iniquitous practice of
+slavery with other iniquitous practices in force among other nations,
+they can neither raise it to the appearance of virtue, nor extenuate its
+guilt. The things compared are in these instances both of them evils
+alike. They call equally for redress[098], and are equally disgraceful
+to the governments which suffer them, if not encourage them, to exist.
+To attempt therefore to justify one species of iniquity by comparing it
+with another, is no justification at all; and is so far from answering
+the purpose, for which the comparison is intended, as to give us reason
+to suspect, that the _comparer_ has but little notion either of
+equity or honour.
+
+We come now to those scenes of felicity, which slaves are said to enjoy.
+The first advantage which they are said to experience, is that of
+_manumission_. But here the advocates for slavery conceal an
+important circumstance. They expatiate indeed on the charms of freedom,
+and contend that it must be a blessing in the eyes of those, upon whom
+it is conferred. We perfectly agree with them in this particular. But
+they do not tell us that these advantages are _confined_; that they
+are confined to some _favourite domestick_; that not _one in an
+hundred_ enjoy them; and that they are _never_ extended to
+those, who are employed in the _cultivation of the field_, as long
+as they can work. These are they, who are most to be pitied, who are
+destined to _perpetual_ drudgery; and of whom _no one whatever_
+has a chance of being freed from his situation, till death
+either releases him at once, or age renders him incapable of continuing
+his former labour. And here let it be remarked, _to the disgrace of
+the receivers_, that he is then made free, not--_as a reward for
+his past services_, but, as his labour is then of little or no
+value,--_to save the tax_[099].
+
+With the same artifice is mention also made of the little spots, or
+_gardens_, as they are called, which slaves are said to possess
+from the _liberality_ of _the receivers_. But people must not
+be led away by agreeable and pleasant sounds. They must not suppose that
+these gardens are made for _flowers_; or that they are places of
+_amusement_, in which they can spend their time in botanical
+researches and delights. Alas, they do not furnish them with a theme for
+such pleasing pursuits and speculations! They must be cultivated in
+those hours, which ought to be appropriated to rest[100]; and they must
+be cultivated, not for an amusement, but to make up, _if it be
+possible_, the great deficiency in their weekly allowance of
+provisions. Hence it appears, that the _receivers_ have no merit
+whatever in such an appropriation of land to their unfortunate slaves:
+for they are either under the necessity of doing this, or of
+_losing_ them by the jaws of famine. And it is a notorious fact,
+that, with their weekly allowance, and the produce of their spots
+together, it is often with the greatest difficulty that they preserve a
+wretched existence.
+
+The third advantage which they are said to experience, is that of
+_holy-days_, or days of respite from their usual discipline and
+fatigue. This is certainly a great indulgence, and ought to be recorded
+to the immortal honour of the _receivers_. We wish we could express
+their liberality in those handsome terms, in which it deserves to be
+represented, or applaud them sufficiently for deviating for once from
+the rigours of servile discipline. But we confess, that we are unequal
+to the task, and must therefore content ourselves with observing, that
+while the horse has _one_ day in _seven_ to refresh his limbs,
+the happy _African_[101] has but _one_ in _fifty-two_, as
+a relaxation from his labours.
+
+With respect to their _dances_, on which such a particular stress
+has been generally laid, we fear that people may have been as shamefully
+deceived, as in the former instances. For from the manner in which these
+are generally mentioned, we should almost be led to imagine, that they
+had certain hours allowed them for the purpose of joining in the dance,
+and that they had every comfort and convenience, that people are
+generally supposed to enjoy on such convivial occasions. But this is far
+from the case. Reason informs us, that it can never be. If they wish for
+such innocent recreations, they must enjoy them in the time that is
+allotted them for sleep; and so far are these dances from proceeding
+from any uncommon degree of happiness, which excites them to convivial
+society, that they proceed rather from an uncommon depression of
+spirits, which makes them even sacrifice their rest[102], for the sake
+of experiencing for a moment a more joyful oblivion of their cares. For
+suppose any one of the _receivers_, in the middle of a dance, were
+to address his slaves in the following manner: "_Africans!_ I begin
+at last to feel for your situation; and my conscience is severely hurt,
+whenever I reflect that I have been reducing those to a state of misery
+and pain, who have never given me offence. You seem to be fond of these
+exercises, but yet you are obliged to take them at such unseasonable
+hours, that they impair your health, which is sufficiently broken by the
+intolerable share of labour which I have hitherto imposed upon you. I
+will therefore make you a proposal. Will you be content to live in the
+colonies, and you shall have the half of every week entirely to
+yourselves? or will you choose to return to your miserable, wretched
+country?"--But what is that which strikes their ears? Which makes them
+motionless in an instant? Which interrupts the festive scene?--their
+country?--transporting sound!--Behold! they are now flying from the
+dance: you may see them running to the shore, and, frantick as it were
+with joy, demanding with open arms an instantaneous passage to their
+beloved native plains.
+
+Such are the _colonial delights_, by the representation of which
+the _receivers_ would persuade us, that the _Africans_ are
+taken from their country to a region of conviviality and mirth; and that
+like those, who leave their usual places of residence for a summer's
+amusement, they are conveyed to the colonies--_to bathe_,--_to
+dance_,--_to keep holy-day_,--_to be jovial_.--But there
+is something so truly ridiculous in the attempt to impose these scenes
+of felicity on the publick, as scenes which fall to the lot of slaves,
+that the _receivers_ must have been driven to great extremities, to
+hazard them to the eye of censure.
+
+The last point that remains to be considered, is the shameful assertion,
+that the _Africans_ are much _happier in the colonies, than in
+their own country_. But in what does this superiour happiness
+consist? In those real scenes, it must be replied, which have been just
+mentioned; for these, by the confession of the receivers, constitute the
+happiness they enjoy.--But it has been shewn that these have been
+unfairly represented; and, were they realized in the most extensive
+latitude, they would not confirm the fact. For if, upon a
+recapitulation, it consists in the pleasure of _manumission_, they
+surely must have passed their lives in a much more comfortable manner,
+who, like the _Africans at home_, have had no occasion for such a
+benefit at all. But the _receivers_, we presume, reason upon this
+principle, that we never know the value of a blessing but by its loss.
+This is generally true: but would any one of them make himself a
+_slave_ for years, that he might run the chance of the pleasures of
+_manumission_? Or that he might taste the charms of liberty with
+_a greater relish_? Nor is the assertion less false in every other
+consideration. For if their happiness consists in the few
+_holy-days_, which _in the colonies_ they are permitted to
+enjoy, what must be their situation _in their own country_, where
+the whole year is but one continued holy-day, or cessation from
+discipline and fatigue?--If in the possession of _a mean and
+contracted spot_, what must be their situation, where a whole region
+is their own, producing almost spontaneously the comforts of life, and
+requiring for its cultivation none of those hours, which should be
+appropriated to _sleep_?--If in the pleasures of the _colonial
+dance_, what must it be in _their own country_, where they may
+dance for ever; where there is no stated hour to interrupt their
+felicity, no intolerable labour immediately to succeed their
+recreations, and no overseer to receive them under the discipline of the
+lash?--If these therefore are the only circumstances, by which the
+assertion can be proved, we may venture to say, without fear of
+opposition, that it can never be proved at all.
+
+But these are not the only circumstances. It is said that they are
+barbarous at home.--But do you _receivers_ civilize them?--Your
+unwillingness to convert them to Christianity, because you suppose you
+must use them more kindly when converted, is but a bad argument in
+favour of the fact.
+
+It is affirmed again, that their manner of life, and their situation is
+such in their own country, that to say they are happy is a jest. "But
+who are you, who pretend to judge[103] of another man's happiness? That
+state which each man, under the guidance of his maker, forms for
+himself, and not one man for another? To know what constitutes mine or
+your happiness, is the sole prerogative of him who created us, and cast
+us in so various and different moulds. Did your slaves ever complain to
+you of their unhappiness, amidst their native woods and desarts? Or,
+rather, let me ask, did they ever cease complaining of their condition
+under you their lordly masters? Where they see, indeed, the
+accommodations of civil life, but see them all pass to others,
+themselves unbenefited by them. Be so gracious then, ye petty tyrants
+over human freedom, to let your slaves judge for themselves, what it is
+which makes their own happiness, and then see whether they do not place
+it _in the return to their own country_, rather than in the
+contemplation of your grandeur, of which their misery makes so large a
+part."
+
+But since you speak with so much confidence on the subject, let us ask
+you _receivers_ again, if you have ever been informed by your
+unfortunate slaves, that they had no connexions in the country from
+which they have forcibly been torn away: or, if you will take upon you
+to assert, that they never sigh, when they are alone; or that they never
+relate to each other their tales of misery and woe. But you judge of
+them, perhaps, in an happy moment, when you are dealing out to them
+their provisions for the week; and are but little aware, that, though
+the countenance may be cheered with a momentary smile, the heart may be
+exquisitely tortured. Were you to shew us, indeed, that there are laws,
+subject to no evasion, by which you are obliged to clothe and feed them
+in a comfortable manner; were you to shew us that they are
+protected[104] at all; or that even _one_ in a _thousand_ of
+those masters have suffered death[105], who have been guilty of
+_premeditated_ murder to their slaves, you would have a better
+claim to our belief: but you can neither produce the instances nor the
+laws. The people, of whom you speak, are _slaves_, are your own
+_property_, are wholly _at your own disposal_; and this idea
+is sufficient to overturn your assertions of their happiness.
+
+But we shall now mention a circumstance, which, in the present case,
+will have more weight than all the arguments which have hitherto been
+advanced. It is an opinion, which the _Africans_ universally
+entertain, that, as soon as death shall release them from the hands of
+their oppressors, they shall immediately be wafted back to their native
+plains, there to exist again, to enjoy the sight of their beloved
+countrymen, and to spend the whole of their new existence in scenes of
+tranquillity and delight; and so powerfully does this notion operate
+upon them, as to drive them frequently to the horrid extremity of
+putting a period to their lives. Now if these suicides are frequent,
+(which no person can deny) what are they but a proof, that the situation
+of those who destroy themselves must have been insupportably wretched:
+and if the thought of returning to their country after death, _when
+they have experienced the colonial joys_, constitutes their supreme
+felicity, what are they but a proof, that they think there is as much
+difference between the two situations, as there is between misery and
+delight?
+
+Nor is the assertion of the _receivers_ less liable to a refutation
+in the instance of those, who terminate their own existence, than of
+those, whom nature releases from their persecutions. They die with a
+smile upon their face, and their funerals are attended by a vast
+concourse of their countrymen, with every possible demonstration of
+joy[106]. But why this unusual mirth, if their departed brother has left
+an happy place? Or if he has been taken from the care of an indulgent
+master, who consulted his pleasures, and administered to his wants? But
+alas, it arises from hence, that _he is gone to his happy country_:
+a circumstance, sufficient of itself, to silence a myriad of those
+specious arguments, which the imagination has been racked, and will
+always be racked to produce, in favour of a system of tyranny and
+oppression.
+
+It remains only, that we should now conclude the chapter with a fact,
+which will shew that the account, which we have given of the situation
+of slaves, is strictly true, and will refute at the same time all the
+arguments which have hitherto been, and may yet be brought by the
+_receivers_, to prove that their treatment is humane. In one of the
+western colonies of the Europeans, [107]six hundred and fifty thousand
+slaves were imported within an hundred years; at the expiration of which
+time, their whole posterity were found to amount to one hundred and
+forty thousand. This fact will ascertain the treatment of itself. For
+how shamefully must these unfortunate people have been oppressed? What a
+dreadful havock must famine, fatigue, and cruelty, have made among them,
+when we consider, that the descendants of _six hundred and fifty
+thousand_ people in the prime of life, gradually imported within a
+century, are less numerous than those, which only _ten thousand_[108]
+would have produced in the same period, under common advantages,
+and in a country congenial to their constitutions?
+
+But the _receivers_ have probably great merit on the occasion. Let
+us therefore set it down to their humanity. Let us suppose for once,
+that this incredible waste of the human species proceeds from a
+benevolent design; that, sensible of the miseries of a servile state,
+they resolve to wear out, as fast as they possibly can, their
+unfortunate slaves, that their miseries may the sooner end, and that a
+wretched posterity may be prevented from sharing their parental
+condition. Now, whether this is the plan of reasoning which the
+_receivers_ adopt, we cannot take upon us to decide; but true it
+is, that the effect produced is exactly the same, as if they had
+reasoned wholly on this _benevolent_ principle.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 097: The articles of war are frequently read at the head of
+every regiment in the service, stating those particular actions which
+are to be considered as crimes.]
+
+
+[Footnote 098: We cannot omit here to mention one of the customs, which
+has been often brought as a palliation of slavery, and which prevailed
+but a little time ago, and we are doubtful whether it does not prevail
+now, in the metropolis of this country, of kidnapping men for the
+service of the East-India Company. Every subject, as long as he behaves
+well, has a right to the protection of government; and the tacit
+permission of such a scene of iniquity, when it becomes known, is as
+much a breach of duty in government, as the conduct of those subjects,
+who, on other occasions, would be termed, and punished as, rebellious.]
+
+
+[Footnote 099: The expences of every parish are defrayed by a poll-tax
+on negroes, to save which they pretend to liberate those who are past
+labour; but they still keep them employed in repairing fences, or in
+doing some trifling work on a scanty allowance. For to free a
+_field-negroe_, so long as he can work, is a maxim, which,
+notwithstanding the numerous boasted manumissions, no master _ever
+thinks of adopting_ in the colonies.]
+
+
+[Footnote 100: They must be cultivated always on a _Sunday_, and
+frequently in those hours which should be appropriated to _sleep_,
+or the wretched possessors must be inevitably _starved_.]
+
+
+[Footnote 101: They are allowed in general three holy-days at Christmas,
+but in Jamaica they have two also at Easter, and two at Whitsuntide: so
+that on the largest scale, they have only seven days in a year, or one
+day in fifty-two. But this is on a supposition, that the receivers do
+not break in upon the afternoons, which they are frequently too apt to
+do. If it should be said that Sunday is an holy-day, it is not true; it
+is so far an holy-day, that they do not work for their masters; but such
+an holy-day, that if they do not employ it in the cultivation of their
+little spots, they must _starved_.]
+
+
+[Footnote 102: These dances are usually in the middle of the night; and
+so desirous are these unfortunate people of obtaining but a joyful hour,
+that they not only often give up their sleep, but add to the labours of
+the day, by going several miles to obtain it.]
+
+
+[Footnote 103: Bishop of Glocester's sermon, preached before the society
+for the propagation of the gospel, at the anniversary meeting, on the
+21st of February, 1766.]
+
+
+[Footnote 104: There is a law, (but let the reader remark, that it
+prevails but in _one_ of the colonies), against mutilation. It took
+its rise from the frequency of the inhuman practice. But though a master
+cannot there chop off the limb of a slave with an axe, he may yet work,
+starve, and beat him to death with impunity.]
+
+
+[Footnote 105: _Two_ instances are recorded by the
+_receivers_, out of about _fifty-thousand_, where a white man
+has suffered death for the murder of a negroe; but the receivers do not
+tell us, that these suffered more because they were the pests of
+society, than because the _murder of slaves was a crime_.]
+
+
+[Footnote 106: A negroe-funeral is considered as a curious sight, and is
+attended with singing, dancing, musick, and every circumstance that can
+shew the attendants to be happy on the occasion.]
+
+
+[Footnote 107: In 96 years, ending in 1774, 800,000 slaves had been
+imported into the French part of St. Domingo, of which there remained
+only 290,000 in 1774. Of this last number only 140,000 were creoles, or
+natives of the island, i. e. of 650,000 slaves, the whole posterity were
+140,000. _Considerations sur la Colonie de St. Dominique_,(See
+errata--should be read as "_St. Domingue_") published by authority
+in 1777.]
+
+
+[Footnote 108: Ten thousand people under fair advantages, and in a soil
+congenial to their constitutions, and where the means of subsistence are
+easy, should produce in a century 160,000. This is the proportion in
+which the Americans increased; and the Africans in their own country
+increase in the same, if not in a greater proportion. Now as the climate
+of the colonies is as favourable to their health as that of their own
+country, the causes of the prodigious decrease in the one, and increase
+in the other, will be more conspicuous.]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. X.
+
+We have now taken a survey of the treatment which the unfortunate
+_Africans_ undergo, when they are put into the hands of the
+_receivers_. This treatment, by the four first chapters of the
+present part of this Essay, appears to be wholly insupportable, and to
+be such as no human being can apply to another, without the imputation
+of such crimes, as should make him tremble. But as many arguments are
+usually advanced by those who have any interest in the practice, by
+which they would either exculpate the treatment, or diminish its
+severity, we allotted the remaining chapters for their discussion. In
+these we considered the probability of such a treatment against the
+motives of interest; the credit that was to be given to those
+disinterested writers on the subject, who have recorded particular
+instances of barbarity; the inferiority of the _Africans_ to the
+human species; the comparisons that are generally made with respect to
+their situation; the positive scenes of felicity which they are said to
+enjoy, and every other argument, in short, that we have found to have
+ever been advanced in the defence of slavery. These have been all
+considered, and we may venture to pronounce, that, instead of answering
+the purpose for which they were intended, they serve only to bring such
+circumstances to light, as clearly shew, that if ingenuity were racked
+to invent a situation, that would be the most distressing and
+insupportable to the human race; it could never invent one, that would
+suit the description better, than the--_colonial slavery_.
+
+If this then be the case, and if slaves, notwithstanding all the
+arguments to the contrary, are exquisitely miserable, we ask you
+_receivers, by what right_ you reduce them to so wretched a
+situation?
+
+You reply, that you _buy them_; that your _money_ constitutes
+your _right_, and that, like all other things which you purchase,
+they are wholly at your own disposal.
+
+Upon this principle alone it was, that we professed to view your
+treatment, or examine your right, when we said, that "the question[109]
+resolved itself into two separate parts for discussion; into the
+_African_ commerce, as explained in the history of slavery, and the
+subsequent slavery in the colonies, _as founded on the equity of the
+commerce_." Now, since it appears that this commerce, upon the
+fullest investigation, is contrary to "_the principles[110] of law and
+government, the dictates of reason, the common maxims of equity, the
+laws of nature, the admonitions of conscience, and, in short, the whole
+doctrine of natural religion_," it is evident that the _right_,
+which is founded upon it, must be the same; and that if those
+things only are lawful in the sight of God, which are either
+virtuous in themselves, or proceed from virtuous principles, you _have
+no right over them at all_.
+
+You yourselves also confess this. For when we ask you, whether any human
+being has a right to sell you, you immediately answer, No; as if nature
+revolted at the thought, and as if it was so contradictory to your own
+feelings, as not to require consideration. But who are you, that have
+this exclusive charter of trading in the liberties of mankind? When did
+nature, or rather the Author of nature, make so partial a distinction
+between you and them? When did He say, that you should have the
+privilege of selling others, and that others should not have the
+privilege of selling you?
+
+Now since you confess, that no person whatever has a right to dispose of
+you in this manner, you must confess also, that those things are
+unlawful to be done to you, which are usually done in consequence of the
+sale. Let us suppose then, that in consequence of the _commerce_
+you were forced into a ship; that you were conveyed to another country;
+that you were sold there; that you were confined to incessant labour;
+that you were pinched by continual hunger and thirst; and subject to be
+whipped, cut, and mangled at discretion, and all this at the hands of
+those, whom you had never offended; would you not think that you had a
+right to resist their treatment? Would you not resist it with a safe
+conscience? And would you not be surprized, if your resistance should be
+termed rebellion?--By the former premises you must answer, yes.--Such
+then is the case with the wretched _Africans_. They have a right to
+resist your proceedings. They can resist them, and yet they cannot
+justly be considered as rebellious. For though we suppose them to have
+been guilty of crimes to one another; though we suppose them to have
+been the most abandoned and execrable of men, yet are they perfectly
+innocent with respect to you _receivers_. You have no right to
+touch even the hair of their heads without their own consent. It is not
+your money, that can invest you with a right. Human liberty can neither
+be bought nor sold. Every lash that you give them is unjust. It is a
+lash against nature and religion, and will surely stand recorded against
+you, since they are all, with respect to your _impious_ selves, in
+a state of nature; in a state of original dissociation; perfectly free.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 109: See Part II Chapter I second paragraph.]
+
+
+[Footnote 110: See Part II Chapter IX last paragraph.]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. XI.
+
+Having now considered both the _commerce_ and _slavery_, it
+remains only to collect such arguments as are scattered in different
+parts of the work, and to make such additional remarks, as present
+themselves on the subject.
+
+And first, let us ask you, who have studied the law of nature, and you,
+who are learned in the law of the land, if all property must not be
+inferiour in its nature to its possessor, or, in other words, (for it is
+a case, which every person must bring home to his own breast) if you
+suppose that any human being can have _a property in yourselves_?
+Let us ask you appraisers, who scientifically know the value of things,
+if any human creature is equivalent only to any of the trinkets that you
+wear, or at most, to any of the horses that you ride: or in other words,
+if you have ever considered the most costly things that you have valued,
+as _equivalent to yourselves?_ Let us ask you rationalists, if man,
+as a reasonable being, is not _accountable_ for his actions, and
+let us put the same question to you, who have studied the divine
+writings? Let us ask you parents, if ever you thought that you possessed
+an _authority_ as such, or if ever you expected a _duty_ from
+your sons; and let us ask you sons, if ever you felt an impulse in your
+own breasts to _obey_ your parents. Now, if you should all answer
+as we could wish, if you should all answer consistently with reason,
+nature, and the revealed voice of God, what a dreadful argument will
+present itself against the commerce and slavery of the human species,
+when we reflect, that no man whatever can be bought or reduced to the
+situation of a slave, _but he must instantly become a brute, he must
+instantly be reduced to the value of those things, which were made for
+his own use and convenience; he must instantly cease to be accountable
+for his actions, and his authority as a parent, and his duty as a son,
+must be instantly no more_.
+
+Neither does it escape our notice, when we are speaking of the fatal
+wound which every social duty must receive, how considerably
+Christianity suffers by the conduct of you _receivers_. For by
+prosecuting this impious commerce, you keep the _Africans_ in a
+state of perpetual ferocity and barbarism; and by prosecuting it in such
+a manner, as must represent your religion, as a system of robbery and
+oppression, you not only oppose the propagation of the gospel, as far as
+you are able yourselves, but throw the most certain impediments in the
+way of others, who might attempt the glorious and important task.
+
+Such also is the effect, which the subsequent slavery in the colonies
+must produce. For by your inhuman treatment of the unfortunate
+_Africans_ there, you create the same insuperable impediments to a
+conversion. For how must they detest the very name of _Christians_,
+when you _Christians_ are deformed by so many and dreadful vices?
+How must they detest that system of religion, which appears to resist
+the natural rights of men, and to give a sanction to brutality and
+murder?
+
+But, as we are now mentioning Christianity, we must pause for a little
+time, to make a few remarks on the arguments which are usually deduced
+from thence by the _receivers_, in defence of their system of
+oppression. For the reader may readily suppose, that, if they did not
+hesitate to bring the _Old_ Testament in support of their
+barbarities, they would hardly let the _New_ escape them.
+
+_St. Paul_, having converted _Onesimus_ to the Christian
+faith, who was a fugitive slave of _Philemon_, sent him back to his
+master. This circumstance has furnished the _receivers_ with a
+plea, that Christianity encourages slavery. But they have not only
+strained the passages which they produce in support of their assertions,
+but are ignorant of historical facts. The benevolent apostle, in the
+letter which he wrote to _Philemon_, the master of _Onesimus_,
+addresses him to the following effect: "I send him back to you, but not
+in his former capacity[111], _not now as a servant, but above a
+servant, a brother beloved_. In this manner I beseech you to receive
+him, for though I could _enjoin_ you to do it, yet I had rather it
+should be a matter of your _own will_, than of _necessity_."
+
+It appears that the same _Onesimus_, when he was sent back, was no
+longer _a slave_, that he was a minister of the gospel, that he was
+joined with _Tychicus_ in an ecclesiastical commission to the
+church of the _Colossians_, and was afterwards bishop of
+_Ephesus_. If language therefore has any meaning, and if history
+has recorded a fact which may be believed, there is no case more
+opposite to the doctrine of the _receivers_, than this which they
+produce in its support.
+
+It is said again, that Christianity, among the many important precepts
+which it contains, does not furnish us with one for the abolition of
+slavery. But the reason is obvious. Slavery at the time of the
+introduction of the gospel was universally prevalent, and if
+Christianity had abruptly declared, that the millions of slaves should
+have been made free, who were then in the world, it would have been
+universally rejected, as containing doctrines that were dangerous, if
+not destructive, to society. In order therefore that it might be
+universally received, it never meddled, by any positive precept, with
+the civil institutions of the times; but though it does not expressly
+say, that "you shall neither buy, nor sell, nor possess a slave," it is
+evident that, in its general tenour, it sufficiently militates against
+the custom.
+
+The first doctrine which it inculcates, is that of _brotherly
+love_. It commands good will towards men. It enjoins us to love our
+neighbours as ourselves, and to do unto all men, as we would that they
+should do unto us. And how can any man fulfil this scheme of universal
+benevolence, who reduces an unfortunate person _against his will_,
+to the _most insupportable_ of all human conditions; who considers
+him as his _private property_, and treats him, not as a brother,
+nor as one of the same parentage with himself, but as an _animal of
+the brute creation?_
+
+But the most important doctrine is that, by which we are assured that
+mankind are to exist in a future state, and to give an account of those
+actions, which they have severally done in the flesh. This strikes at
+the very root of slavery. For how can any man be justly called to an
+account for his actions, whose actions are not _at his own
+disposal?_ This is the case with the _proper_[112] slave. His
+liberty is absolutely bought and _appropriated_; and if the
+purchase is _just and equitable_, he is _under the necessity_
+of perpetrating any crime, which the purchaser may order him to commit,
+or, in other words, of ceasing to be _accountable for his actions_.
+
+These doctrines therefore are sufficient to shew, that slavery is
+incompatible, with the Christian system. The _Europeans_ considered
+them as such, when, at the close of the twelfth century, they resisted,
+their hereditary prejudices, and occasioned its abolition. Hence one,
+among many other proofs, that Christianity was the production of
+infinite wisdom; that though it did not take such express cognizance of
+the wicked national institutions of the times, as should hinder its
+reception, it should yet contain such doctrines, as, when it should be
+fully established, would be sufficient for the abolition of them all.
+
+Thus then is the argument of you _receivers_ ineffectual, and your
+conduct impious. For, by the prosecution of this wicked slavery and
+commerce, you not only oppose the propagation of that gospel which was
+ordered to be preached unto every creature, and bring it into contempt,
+but you oppose its tenets also: first, because you violate that law of
+_universal benevolence_, which was to take away those hateful
+distinctions of _Jew_ and _Gentile_, _Greek_ and _Barbarian,
+bond_ and _free_, which prevailed when the gospel was introduced;
+and secondly, because, as every man is to give an account of
+his actions hereafter, it is necessary that he should be _free_.
+
+Another argument yet remains, which, though nature will absolutely turn
+pale at the recital, cannot possibly be omitted. In those wars, which
+are made for the sake of procuring slaves, it is evident that the
+contest must be generally obstinate, and that great numbers must be
+slain on both sides, before the event can be determined. This we may
+reasonably apprehend to be the case: and we have shewn[113], that there
+have not been wanting instances, where the conquerors have been so
+incensed at the resistance they have found, that their spirit of
+vengeance has entirely got the better of their avarice, and they have
+murdered, in cool blood, every individual, without discrimination,
+either of age or sex. From these and other circumstances, we thought we
+had sufficient reason to conclude, that, where _ten_ were supposed
+to be taken, an _hundred_, including the victors and vanquished,
+might be supposed to perish. Now, as the annual exportation from
+_Africa_ consists of an hundred thousand men, and as the two
+orders, of those who are privately kidnapped by individuals, and of
+those, who are publickly seized by virtue of the authority of their
+prince, compose together, at least, nine-tenths of the _African_
+slaves, it follows, that about ten thousand consist of convicts and
+prisoners of war. The last order is the most numerous. Let us suppose
+then that only six thousand of this order are annually sent into
+servitude, and it will immediately appear that no less than
+_sixty-thousand_ people annually perish in those wars, which are
+made only for the purpose of procuring slaves. But that this number,
+which we believe to be by no means exaggerated, may be free from all
+objection, we will include those in the estimate, who die as they are
+travelling to the ships. Many of these unfortunate people have a journey
+of one thousand miles to perform on foot, and are driven like sheep
+through inhospitable woods and deserts, where they frequently die in
+great numbers, from fatigue and want. Now if to those, who thus perish
+on the _African_ continent, by war and travelling, we subjoin
+those[114], who afterwards perish on the voyage, and in the seasoning
+together, it will appear that, in every yearly attempt to supply the
+colonies, an _hundred thousand_ must perish, even before _one_
+useful individual can be obtained.
+
+Gracious God! how wicked, how beyond all example impious, must be that
+servitude, which cannot be carried on without the continual murder of so
+many and innocent persons! What punishment is not to be expected for
+such monstrous and unparalleled barbarities! For if the blood of one
+man, unjustly shed, cries with so loud a voice for the divine vengeance,
+how shall the cries and groans of an _hundred thousand_ men,
+_annually murdered_, ascend the celestial mansions, and bring down
+that punishment, which such enormities deserve! But do we mention
+punishment? Do we allude to that punishment, which shall be inflicted on
+men as individuals, in a future life? Do we allude to that awful day,
+which shall surely come, when the master shall behold his murdered
+negroe face to face? When a train of mutilated slaves shall be brought
+against him? When he shall stand confounded and abashed? Or, do we
+allude to that punishment, which may be inflicted on them here, as
+members of a wicked community? For as a body politick, if its members
+are ever so numerous, may be considered as an whole, acting of itself,
+and by itself, in all affairs in which it is concerned, so it is
+accountable, as such, for its conduct; and as these kinds of polities
+have only their existence here, so it is only in this world, that, as
+such, they can be punished.
+
+"Now, whether we consider the crime, with respect to the individuals
+immediately concerned in this most barbarous and cruel traffick, or
+whether we consider it as patronized[115] and encouraged by the laws of
+the land, it presents to our view an equal degree of enormity. A crime,
+founded on a dreadful pre-eminence in wickedness,--a crime, which being
+both of individuals and the nation, must sometime draw down upon us the
+heaviest judgment of Almighty God, who made of one blood all the sons of
+men, and who gave to all equally a natural right to liberty; and who,
+ruling all the kingdoms of the earth with equal providential justice,
+cannot suffer such deliberate, such monstrous iniquity, to pass long
+unpunished[116]."
+
+But alas! he seems already to have interfered on the occasion! The
+violent[117] and supernatural agitations of all the elements, which, for
+a series of years, have prevailed in those European settlements, where
+the unfortunate _Africans_ are retained in a state of slavery, and
+which have brought unspeakable calamities on the inhabitants, and
+publick losses on the states to which they severally belong, are so many
+awful visitations of God for this inhuman violation of his laws. And it
+is not perhaps unworthy of remark, that as the subjects of Great-Britain
+have two thirds of this impious commerce in their own hands, so they
+have suffered[118] in the same proportion, or more severely than the
+rest.
+
+How far these misfortunes may appear to be acts of providence, and to
+create an alarm to those who have been accustomed to refer every effect
+to its apparent cause; who have been habituated to stop there, and to
+overlook the finger of God; because it is slightly covered under the
+veil of secondary laws, we will not pretend to determine? but this we
+will assert with confidence, that the _Europeans_ have richly
+deserved them all; that the fear of sympathy, which can hardly be
+restrained on other melancholy occasions, seems to forget to flow at the
+relation of these; and that we can never, with any shadow of justice,
+with prosperity to the undertakers of those, whose success must be at
+the expence of the happiness of millions of their fellow-creatures.
+
+But this is sufficient. For if liberty is only an adventitious right; if
+men are by no means superiour to brutes; if every social duty is a
+curse; if cruelty is highly to be esteemed; if murder is strictly
+honourable, and Christianity is a lye; then it is evident, that the
+_African_ slavery may be pursued, without either the remorse of
+conscience, or the imputation of a crime. But if the contrary of this is
+true, which reason must immediately evince, it is evident that no custom
+established among men was ever more impious; since it is contrary to
+_reason, justice, nature, the principles of law and government, the
+whole doctrine, in short, of natural religion, and the revealed voice of
+God_.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 111: Epist. to Philemon.]
+
+
+[Footnote 112: The _African_ slave is of this description; and we
+could wish, in all our arguments on the present subject, to be
+understood as having spoken only of _proper slaves_. The slave who
+is condemned to the oar, to the fortifications, and other publick works,
+is in a different predicament. His liberty is not _appropriated_,
+and therefore none of those consequences can be justly drawn, which have
+been deduced in the present case.]
+
+
+[Footnote 113: See the description of an African battle (Footnote 049).]
+
+
+[Footnote 114: The lowest computation is 40,000, (Footnote 060).]
+
+
+[Footnote 115: The legislature has squandered away more money in the
+prosecution of the slave trade, within twenty years, than in any other
+trade whatever, having granted from the year 1750, to the year 1770, the
+sum of 300,000 pounds.]
+
+
+[Footnote 116: Sermon preached before the University of Cambridge, by
+the Rev. Peter Peckard.]
+
+
+[Footnote 117: The first noted earthquake at Jamaica, happened June the
+7th 1692, when Port Royal was totally sunk. This was succeeded by one in
+the year 1697, and by another in the year 1722, from which time to the
+present, these regions of the globe seem to have been severely visited,
+but particularly during the last six or seven years. See a general
+account of the calamities, occasioned by the late tremendous hurricanes
+and earthquakes in the West-Indian islands, by Mr. Fowler.]
+
+
+[Footnote 118: The many ships of war belonging to the British navy,
+which were lost with all their crews in these dreadful hurricanes, will
+sufficiently prove the fact.]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+FINIS.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of An Essay on the Slavery and Commerce
+of the Human Species, Particularly the African, by Thomas Clarkson
+
+*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ESSAY ON SLAVERY ***
+
+***** This file should be named 10611-8.txt or 10611-8.zip *****
+This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:
+        https://www.gutenberg.org/1/0/6/1/10611/
+
+Produced by Carlo Traverso, David Gundry and PG Distributed Proofreaders
+from images generously made available by the Biblioth que nationale
+de France (BnF/Gallica) at http://gallica.bnf.fr.
+
+
+Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions
+will be renamed.
+
+Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no
+one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation
+(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without
+permission and without paying copyright royalties.  Special rules,
+set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to
+copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to
+protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark.  Project
+Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you
+charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission.  If you
+do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the
+rules is very easy.  You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose
+such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and
+research.  They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do
+practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks.  Redistribution is
+subject to the trademark license, especially commercial
+redistribution.
+
+
+
+*** START: FULL LICENSE ***
+
+THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE
+PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK
+
+To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free
+distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
+(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project
+Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project
+Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at
+https://gutenberg.org/license).
+
+
+Section 1.  General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic works
+
+1.A.  By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
+and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
+(trademark/copyright) agreement.  If you do not agree to abide by all
+the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy
+all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession.
+If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the
+terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or
+entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.
+
+1.B.  "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark.  It may only be
+used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
+agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement.  There are a few
+things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works
+even without complying with the full terms of this agreement.  See
+paragraph 1.C below.  There are a lot of things you can do with Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement
+and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works.  See paragraph 1.E below.
+
+1.C.  The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation"
+or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic works.  Nearly all the individual works in the
+collection are in the public domain in the United States.  If an
+individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are
+located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from
+copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative
+works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg
+are removed.  Of course, we hope that you will support the Project
+Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by
+freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of
+this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with
+the work.  You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by
+keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project
+Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others.
+
+1.D.  The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
+what you can do with this work.  Copyright laws in most countries are in
+a constant state of change.  If you are outside the United States, check
+the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement
+before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or
+creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project
+Gutenberg-tm work.  The Foundation makes no representations concerning
+the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United
+States.
+
+1.E.  Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:
+
+1.E.1.  The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate
+access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently
+whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the
+phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project
+Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed,
+copied or distributed:
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+1.E.2.  If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived
+from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is
+posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied
+and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees
+or charges.  If you are redistributing or providing access to a work
+with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the
+work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1
+through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the
+Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or
+1.E.9.
+
+1.E.3.  If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted
+with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
+must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional
+terms imposed by the copyright holder.  Additional terms will be linked
+to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the
+permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work.
+
+1.E.4.  Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
+work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm.
+
+1.E.5.  Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
+electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
+prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
+active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
+Gutenberg-tm License.
+
+1.E.6.  You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
+compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any
+word processing or hypertext form.  However, if you provide access to or
+distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than
+"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version
+posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org),
+you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a
+copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon
+request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other
+form.  Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.
+
+1.E.7.  Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
+performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works
+unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
+
+1.E.8.  You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
+access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided
+that
+
+- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
+     the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method
+     you already use to calculate your applicable taxes.  The fee is
+     owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he
+     has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the
+     Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation.  Royalty payments
+     must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you
+     prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax
+     returns.  Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and
+     sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the
+     address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to
+     the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation."
+
+- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
+     you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
+     does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+     License.  You must require such a user to return or
+     destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium
+     and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of
+     Project Gutenberg-tm works.
+
+- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any
+     money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
+     electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days
+     of receipt of the work.
+
+- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
+     distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works.
+
+1.E.9.  If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set
+forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from
+both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael
+Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark.  Contact the
+Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.
+
+1.F.
+
+1.F.1.  Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
+effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
+public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm
+collection.  Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain
+"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or
+corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual
+property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a
+computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by
+your equipment.
+
+1.F.2.  LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right
+of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
+Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
+Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
+liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
+fees.  YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
+LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
+PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH F3.  YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
+TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
+LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
+INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
+DAMAGE.
+
+1.F.3.  LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
+defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
+receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
+written explanation to the person you received the work from.  If you
+received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with
+your written explanation.  The person or entity that provided you with
+the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a
+refund.  If you received the work electronically, the person or entity
+providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to
+receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund.  If the second copy
+is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further
+opportunities to fix the problem.
+
+1.F.4.  Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
+in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS," WITH NO OTHER
+WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO
+WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTIBILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.
+
+1.F.5.  Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
+warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages.
+If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the
+law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be
+interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by
+the applicable state law.  The invalidity or unenforceability of any
+provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions.
+
+1.F.6.  INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
+trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
+providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance
+with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production,
+promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works,
+harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees,
+that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do
+or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm
+work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any
+Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause.
+
+
+Section  2.  Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of
+electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers
+including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers.  It exists
+because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from
+people in all walks of life.
+
+Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
+assistance they need, is critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's
+goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will
+remain freely available for generations to come.  In 2001, the Project
+Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
+and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations.
+To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
+and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4
+and the Foundation web page at https://www.pglaf.org.
+
+
+Section 3.  Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
+Foundation
+
+The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit
+501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
+state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
+Revenue Service.  The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification
+number is 64-6221541.  Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at
+https://pglaf.org/fundraising.  Contributions to the Project Gutenberg
+Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent
+permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws.
+
+The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S.
+Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered
+throughout numerous locations.  Its business office is located at
+809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email
+business@pglaf.org.  Email contact links and up to date contact
+information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official
+page at https://pglaf.org
+
+For additional contact information:
+     Dr. Gregory B. Newby
+     Chief Executive and Director
+     gbnewby@pglaf.org
+
+Section 4.  Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
+Literary Archive Foundation
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide
+spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of
+increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
+freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest
+array of equipment including outdated equipment.  Many small donations
+($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
+status with the IRS.
+
+The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
+charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
+States.  Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
+considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
+with these requirements.  We do not solicit donations in locations
+where we have not received written confirmation of compliance.  To
+SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any
+particular state visit https://pglaf.org
+
+While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
+have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
+against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
+approach us with offers to donate.
+
+International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
+any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
+outside the United States.  U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.
+
+Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation
+methods and addresses.  Donations are accepted in a number of other
+ways including including checks, online payments and credit card
+donations.  To donate, please visit: https://pglaf.org/donate
+
+
+Section 5.  General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works.
+
+Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm
+concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared
+with anyone.  For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project
+Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support.
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed
+editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S.
+unless a copyright notice is included.  Thus, we do not necessarily
+keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition.
+
+Each eBook is in a subdirectory of the same number as the eBook's
+eBook number, often in several formats including plain vanilla ASCII,
+compressed (zipped), HTML and others.
+
+Corrected EDITIONS of our eBooks replace the old file and take over
+the old filename and etext number.  The replaced older file is renamed.
+VERSIONS based on separate sources are treated as new eBooks receiving
+new filenames and etext numbers.
+
+Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility:
+
+     https://www.gutenberg.org
+
+This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm,
+including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
+Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
+subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.
+
+EBooks posted prior to November 2003, with eBook numbers BELOW #10000,
+are filed in directories based on their release date.  If you want to
+download any of these eBooks directly, rather than using the regular
+search system you may utilize the following addresses and just
+download by the etext year.
+
+     https://www.gutenberg.org/etext06
+
+    (Or /etext 05, 04, 03, 02, 01, 00, 99,
+     98, 97, 96, 95, 94, 93, 92, 92, 91 or 90)
+
+EBooks posted since November 2003, with etext numbers OVER #10000, are
+filed in a different way.  The year of a release date is no longer part
+of the directory path.  The path is based on the etext number (which is
+identical to the filename).  The path to the file is made up of single
+digits corresponding to all but the last digit in the filename.  For
+example an eBook of filename 10234 would be found at:
+
+     https://www.gutenberg.org/1/0/2/3/10234
+
+or filename 24689 would be found at:
+     https://www.gutenberg.org/2/4/6/8/24689
+
+An alternative method of locating eBooks:
+     https://www.gutenberg.org/GUTINDEX.ALL
+
+
diff --git a/old/10611-8.zip b/old/10611-8.zip
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..ebcbcae
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/10611-8.zip
diff --git a/old/10611-h.zip b/old/10611-h.zip
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..2811c41
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/10611-h.zip
diff --git a/old/10611-h/10611-h.htm b/old/10611-h/10611-h.htm
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..d357190
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/10611-h/10611-h.htm
@@ -0,0 +1,8192 @@
+<!DOCTYPE HTML PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD HTML 4.01 Transitional//EN">
+<html>
+  <head>
+    <meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content=
+    "text/html; charset=iso-8859-1">
+    <title>
+      The Project Gutenberg eBook of An essay on the slavery and
+      commerce of the human species, particularly the African by
+      THOMAS CLARKSON.
+    </title>
+    <style type="text/css">
+    <!--
+    * {  font-family: Times;}
+    P {  text-indent: 1em;
+         margin-top: .75em;
+         font-size: 14pt;
+         text-align: justify;
+         margin-bottom: .75em; }
+    H1,H2,H4,H5,H6 {     text-align: center; }
+    H3 {     text-align: left; }
+    HR { width: 65%; }
+    // -->
+        </style>
+    <style type="text/css">
+ hr.c4 {width: 45%;}
+ hr.c3 {width: 65%;}
+ div.c2 {font-weight: bold; text-align: center}
+ div.c1 {text-align: center}
+    </style>
+
+	</head>
+  <body>
+
+
+<pre>
+
+The Project Gutenberg EBook of An Essay on the Slavery and Commerce of the
+Human Species, Particularly the African, by Thomas Clarkson
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: An Essay on the Slavery and Commerce of the Human Species, Particularly the African
+       Translated from a Latin Dissertation, Which Was Honoured With the First Prize in the University of Cambridge, for the Year 1785, With Additions
+
+Author: Thomas Clarkson
+
+Release Date: January 6, 2004 [EBook #10611]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ESSAY ON SLAVERY ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Carlo Traverso, David Gundry and PG Distributed Proofreaders
+from images generously made available by the Biblioth que nationale
+de France (BnF/Gallica) at http://gallica.bnf.fr.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+</pre>
+
+
+	<center>
+<table width="80%" border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary="Bookspace">
+<tr><td>
+    <div class="c1">
+      <h1>
+        <br>
+        AN ESSAY<br>
+        ON THE SLAVERY AND COMMERCE<br>
+        OF THE HUMAN SPECIES,<br>
+        PARTICULARLY THE AFRICAN,
+      </h1>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+       
+    </p>
+    <div class="c1">
+      <h2>
+        TRANSLATED FROM A LATIN DISSERTATION,<br>
+        WHICH WAS HONOURED<br>
+        WITH THE FIRST PRIZE<br>
+        IN THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE,<br>
+        FOR THE YEAR 1785,<br>
+        WITH ADDITIONS.
+      </h2>
+    </div>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr>
+    <div class="c1">
+      <i>Neque premendo alium me extulisse velim</i>.-LIVY.
+    </div>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+
+    <div class="c2">
+      M.DCC.LXXXVI.
+    </div>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+     <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <a name="TO_THE"></a>
+    <h3>
+      TO THE<br>
+      RIGHT HONOURABLE<br>
+      WILLIAM CHARLES COLYEAR,<br>
+      EARL OF PORTMORE,<br>
+      VISCOUNT MILSINTOWN.
+    </h3>
+    <br>
+
+    <p>
+      <br>
+      MY LORD,
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The dignity of the subject of this little Treatise, not any
+      persuasion of its merits as a literary composition,
+      encourages me to offer it to your Lordship's patronage. The
+      cause of freedom has always been found sufficient, in every
+      age and country, to attract the notice of the generous and
+      humane; and it is therefore, in a more peculiar manner,
+      worthy of the attention and favour of a personage, who
+      holds a distinguished rank in that illustrious island, the
+      very air of which has been determined, upon a late
+      investigation of its laws, to be an antidote against
+      slavery. I feel a satisfaction in the opportunity, which
+      the publication of this treatise affords me, of
+      acknowledging your Lordship's civilities, which can only be
+      equalled by the respect, with which I am,
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      <br>
+      Your Lordship's,<br>
+      much obliged,<br>
+      and obedient servant,
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      THOMAS CLARKSON.
+    </p>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+
+    <h3>
+      Publisher's Commendations<a name="FNanchor119"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_119"><sup>[119]</sup></a>
+    </h3>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <h2>
+      THE PREFACE.
+    </h2>
+    <br>
+
+    <p>
+      As the subject of the following work has fortunately become
+      of late a topick of conversation, I cannot begin the
+      preface in a manner more satisfactory to the feelings of
+      the benevolent reader, than by giving an account of those
+      humane and worthy persons, who have endeavoured to draw
+      upon it that share of the publick attention which it has
+      obtained.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Among the well disposed individuals, of different nations
+      and ages, who have humanely exerted themselves to suppress
+      the abject personal slavery, introduced in the original
+      cultivation of the <i>European</i> colonies in the western
+      world, <i>Bartholomew de las Casas</i>, the pious bishop of
+      <i>Chiapa</i>, in the fifteenth century, seems to have been
+      the first. This amiable man, during his residence in
+      <i>Spanish America</i>, was so sensibly affected at the
+      treatment which the miserable Indians underwent that he
+      returned to <i>Spain</i>, to make a publick remonstrance
+      before the celebrated emperor <i>Charles</i> the fifth,
+      declaring, that heaven would one day call him to an account
+      for those cruelties, which he then had it in his power to
+      prevent. The speech which he made on the occasion, is now
+      extant, and is a most perfect picture of benevolence and
+      piety.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But his intreaties, by opposition of avarice, were rendered
+      ineffectual: and I do not find by any books which I have
+      read upon the subject, that any other person interfered
+      till the last century, when <i>Morgan Godwyn</i>, a
+      <i>British</i> clergyman, distinguished himself in the
+      cause.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The present age has also produced some zealous and able
+      opposers of the <i>colonial</i> slavery. For about the
+      middle of the present century, <i>John Woolman</i> and
+      <i>Anthony Benezet</i>, two respectable members of the
+      religious society called Quakers, devoted much of their
+      time to the subject. The former travelled through most
+      parts of <i>North America</i> on foot, to hold
+      conversations with the members of his own sect, on the
+      impiety of retaining those in a state of involuntary
+      servitude, who had never given them offence. The latter
+      kept a free school at <i>Philadelphia</i>, for the
+      education of black people. He took every opportunity of
+      pleading in their behalf. He published several treatises
+      against slavery,<a name="FNanchor001"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_001"><sup>[001]</sup></a> and gave an hearty
+      proof of his attachment to the cause, by leaving the whole
+      of his fortune in support of that school, to which he had
+      so generously devoted his time and attention when alive.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Till this time it does not appear, that any bodies of men,
+      had collectively interested themselves in endeavouring to
+      remedy the evil. But in the year 1754, the religious
+      society, called Quakers, publickly testified their
+      sentiments upon the subject,<a name="FNanchor002"></a><a
+      href="#Footnote_002"><sup>[002]</sup></a> declaring, that
+      "to live in ease and plenty by the toil of those, whom
+      fraud and violence had put into their power, was neither
+      consistent with Christianity nor common justice."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Impressed with these sentiments, many of this society
+      immediately liberated their slaves; and though such a
+      measure appeared to be attended with considerable loss to
+      the benevolent individuals, who unconditionally presented
+      them with their freedom, yet they adopted it with pleasure:
+      nobly considering, that to possess a little, in an
+      honourable way, was better than to possess much, through
+      the medium of injustice. Their example was gradually
+      followed by the rest. A general emancipation of the slaves
+      in the possession of Quakers, at length took place; and so
+      effectually did they serve the cause which they had
+      undertaken, that they denied the claim of membership in
+      their religious community, to all such as should hereafter
+      oppose the suggestions of justice in this particular,
+      either by retaining slaves in their possession, or by being
+      in any manner concerned in the slave trade: and it is a
+      fact, that through the vast tract of North America, there
+      is not at this day a single slave in the possession of an
+      acknowledged Quaker.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But though this measure appeared, as has been observed
+      before, to be attended with considerable loss to the
+      benevolent individuals who adopted it, yet, as virtue
+      seldom fails of obtaining its reward, it became ultimately
+      beneficial. Most of the slaves, who were thus
+      unconditionally freed, returned without any solicitation to
+      their former masters, to serve them, at stated wages; as
+      free men. The work, which they now did, was found to better
+      done than before. It was found also, that, a greater
+      quantity was done in the same time. Hence less than the
+      former number of labourers was sufficient. From these, and
+      a variety of circumstances, it appeared, that their
+      plantations were considerably more profitable when worked
+      by free men, than when worked, as before, by slaves; and
+      that they derived therefore, contrary to their
+      expectations, a considerable advantage from their
+      benevolence.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Animated by the example of the Quakers, the members of
+      other sects began to deliberate about adopting the same
+      measure. Some of those of the church of England, of the
+      Roman Catholicks, and of the Presbyterians and
+      Independants, freed their slaves; and there happened but
+      one instance, where the matter was debated, where it was
+      not immediately put in force. This was in
+      <i>Pennsylvania</i>. It was agitated in the synod of the
+      Presbyterians there, to oblige their members to liberate
+      their slaves. The question was negatived by a majority of
+      but one person; and this opposition seemed to arise rather
+      from a dislike to the attempt of forcing such a measure
+      upon the members of that community, than from any other
+      consideration. I have the pleasure of being credibly
+      informed, that the manumission of slaves, or the employment
+      of free men in the plantations, is now daily gaining ground
+      in North America. Should slavery be abolished there, (and
+      it is an event, which, from these circumstances, we may
+      reasonably expect to be produced in time) let it be
+      remembered, that the Quakers will have had the merit of its
+      abolition.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Nor have their brethren here been less assiduous in the
+      cause. As there are happily no slaves in this country, so
+      they have not had the same opportunity of shewing their
+      benevolence by a general emancipation. They have not
+      however omitted to shew it as far as they have been able.
+      At their religious meetings they have regularly inquired if
+      any of their members are concerned in the iniquitous
+      <i>African</i> trade. They have appointed a committee for
+      obtaining every kind of information on the subject, with a
+      view to its suppression, and, about three or four years
+      ago, petitioned parliament on the occasion for their
+      interference and support. I am sorry to add, that their
+      benevolent application was ineffectual, and that the
+      reformation of an evil, productive of consequences equally
+      impolitick and immoral, and generally acknowledged to have
+      long disgraced our national character, is yet left to the
+      unsupported efforts of piety morality and justice, against
+      interest violence and oppression; and these, I blush to
+      acknowledge, too strongly countenanced by the legislative
+      authority of a country, the basis of whose government is
+      <i>liberty</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Nothing can be more clearly shewn, than that an
+      inexhaustible mine of wealth is neglected in <i>Africa</i>,
+      for prosecution of this impious traffick; that, if proper
+      measures were taken, the revenue of this country might be
+      greatly improved, its naval strength increased, its
+      colonies in a more flourishing situation, the planters
+      richer, and a trade, which is now a scene of blood and
+      desolation, converted into one, which might be prosecuted
+      with <i>advantage</i> and <i>honour</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Such have been the exertions of the Quakers in the cause of
+      humanity and virtue. They are still prosecuting, as far as
+      they are able, their benevolent design; and I should stop
+      here and praise them for thus continuing their humane
+      endeavours, but that I conceive it to be unnecessary. They
+      are acting consistently with the principles of religion.
+      They will find a reward in their own consciences; and they
+      will receive more real pleasure from a single reflection on
+      their conduct, than they can possibly experience from the
+      praises of an host of writers.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      In giving this short account of those humane and worthy
+      persons, who have endeavoured to restore to their fellow
+      creatures the rights of nature, of which they had been
+      unjustly deprived, I would feel myself unjust, were I to
+      omit two zealous opposers of the <i>colonial</i> tyranny,
+      conspicuous at the present day.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The first is Mr. <i>Granville Sharp</i>. This Gentleman has
+      particularly distinguished himself in the cause of freedom.
+      It is a notorious fact, that, but a few years since, many
+      of the unfortunate black people, who had been brought from
+      the colonies into this country, were sold in the metropolis
+      to merchants and others, when their masters had no farther
+      occasion for their services; though it was always
+      understood that every person was free, as soon as he landed
+      on the British shore. In consequence of this notion, these
+      unfortunate black people, refused to go to the new masters,
+      to whom they were consigned. They were however seized, and
+      forcibly conveyed, under cover of the night, to ships then
+      lying in the <i>Thames</i>, to be retransported to the
+      colonies, and to be delivered again to the planters as
+      merchantable goods. The humane Mr. <i>Sharpe</i>, was the
+      means of putting a stop to this iniquitous traffick.
+      Whenever he gained information of people in such a
+      situation, he caused them to be brought on shore. At a
+      considerable expence he undertook their cause, and was
+      instrumental in obtaining the famous decree in the case of
+      <i>Somersett</i>, that as soon as any person whatever set
+      his foot in this country, he came under the protection of
+      the <i>British</i> laws, and was consequently free. Nor did
+      he interfere less honourably in that cruel and disgraceful
+      case, in the summer of the year 1781, when <i>an hundred
+      and thirty two</i> negroes, in their passage to the
+      colonies, were thrown into the sea alive, to defraud the
+      underwriters; but his pious endeavours were by no means
+      attended with the same success. To enumerate his many
+      laudable endeavours in the extirpation of tyranny and
+      oppression, would be to swell the preface into a volume:
+      suffice it to say, that he has written several books on the
+      subject, and one particularly, which he distinguishes by
+      the title of "<i>A Limitation of Slavery</i>."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The second is the <i>Rev. James Ramsay</i>. This gentleman
+      resided for many years in the <i>West-Indies</i>, in the
+      clerical office. He perused all the colonial codes of law,
+      with a view to find if there were any favourable clauses,
+      by which the grievances of slaves could be redressed; but
+      he was severely disappointed in his pursuits. He published
+      a treatise, since his return to England, called <i>An Essay
+      on the Treatment and Conversion of African Slaves in the
+      British Sugar Colonies</i>, which I recommend to the
+      perusal of the humane reader. This work reflects great
+      praise upon the author, since, in order to be of service to
+      this singularly oppressed part of the human species, he
+      compiled it at the expence of forfeiting that friendship,
+      which he had contracted with many in those parts, during a
+      series of years, and at the hazard, as I am credibly
+      informed, of suffering much, in his private property, as
+      well as of subjecting himself to the ill will and
+      persecution of numerous individuals.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      This Essay <i>on the Treatment and Conversion of African
+      Slaves</i>, contains so many important truths on the
+      colonial slavery, and has come so home to the planters,
+      (being written by a person who has a thorough knowledge of
+      the subject) as to have occasioned a considerable alarm.
+      Within the last eight months, two publications have
+      expressly appeared against it. One of them is intitled
+      "<i>Cursory Remarks</i> on Mr. Ramsay's Essay;" the other
+      an "<i>Apology for Negroe Slavery</i>." On each of these I
+      am bound, as writing on the subject, to make a few remarks.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The <i>cursory remarker</i> insinuates, that Mr. Ramsay's
+      account of the treatment is greatly exaggerated, if not
+      wholly false. To this I shall make the following reply. I
+      have the honour of knowing several disinterested gentlemen,
+      who have been acquainted with the West Indian islands for
+      years. I call them disinterested, because they have neither
+      had a concern in the <i>African</i> trade, nor in the
+      <i>colonial</i> slavery: and I have heard these unanimously
+      assert, that Mr. <i>Ramsay's</i> account is so far from
+      being exaggerated, or taken from the most dreary pictures
+      that he could find, that it is absolutely below the truth;
+      that he must have omitted many instances of cruelty, which
+      he had seen himself; and that they only wondered, how he
+      could have written with so much moderation upon the
+      subject. They allow the <i>Cursory Remarks</i> to be
+      excellent as a composition, but declare that it is
+      perfectly devoid of truth.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But the <i>cursory remarker</i> does not depend so much on
+      the circumstances which he has advanced, (nor can he, since
+      they have no other existence than in his own, brain) as on
+      the instrument <i>detraction</i>. This he has used with the
+      utmost virulence through the whole of his publication,
+      artfully supposing, that if he could bring Mr.
+      <i>Ramsay's</i> reputation into dispute, his work would
+      fall of course, as of no authenticity. I submit this simple
+      question to the reader. When a writer, in attempting to
+      silence a publication, attacks the character of its author,
+      rather than the principles of the work itself, is it not a
+      proof that the work itself is unquestionable, and that this
+      writer is at a loss to find an argument against it?
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But there is something so very ungenerous in this mode of
+      replication, as to require farther notice. For if this is
+      the mode to be adopted in literary disputes, what writer
+      can be safe? Or who is there, that will not be deterred
+      from taking up his pen in the cause of virtue? There are
+      circumstances in every person's life, which, if given to
+      the publick in a malevolent manner, and without
+      explanation, might essentially injure him in the eyes of
+      the world; though, were they explained, they would be even
+      reputable. The <i>cursory remarker</i> has adopted this
+      method of dispute; but Mr. <i>Ramsay</i> has explained
+      himself to the satisfaction of all parties, and has refuted
+      him in every point. The name of this <i>cursory
+      remarker</i> is <i>Tobin</i>: a name, which I feel myself
+      obliged to hand down with detestation, as far as I am able;
+      and with an hint to future writers, that they will do
+      themselves more credit, and serve more effectually the
+      cause which they undertake, if on such occasions they
+      attack the work, rather than the character of the writer,
+      who affords them a subject for their lucubrations.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Nor is this the only circumstance, which induces me to take
+      such particular notice of the <i>Cursory Remarks</i>. I
+      feel it incumbent upon me to rescue an injured person from
+      the cruel aspersions that have been thrown upon him, as I
+      have been repeatedly informed by those, who have the
+      pleasure of his acquaintance, that his character is
+      irreproachable. I am also interested myself. For if such
+      detraction is passed over in silence, my own reputation,
+      and not my work, may be attacked by an anonymous hireling
+      in the cause of slavery.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The <i>Apology for Negroe Slavery</i> is almost too
+      despicable a composition to merit a reply. I have only
+      therefore to observe, (as is frequently the case in a bad
+      cause, or where writers do not confine themselves to truth)
+      that the work refutes itself. This writer, speaking of the
+      slave-trade, asserts, that people are never kidnapped on
+      the coast of <i>Africa</i>. In speaking of the treatment of
+      slaves, he asserts again, that it is of the very mildest
+      nature, and that they live in the most comfortable and
+      happy manner imaginable. To prove each of his assertions,
+      he proposes the following regulations. That the
+      <i>stealing</i> of slaves from <i>Africa</i> should be
+      felony. That the <i>premeditated murder</i> of a slave by
+      any person on board, should come under the same
+      denomination. That when slaves arrive in the colonies,
+      lands should be allotted for their provisions, <i>in
+      proportion to their number</i>, or commissioners should see
+      that a <i>sufficient</i> quantity of <i>sound wholesome</i>
+      provisions is purchased. That they should not work on
+      <i>Sundays</i> and <i>other</i> holy-days. That extra
+      labour, or <i>night-work, out of crop</i>, should be
+      prohibited. That a <i>limited number</i> of stripes should
+      be inflicted upon them. That they should have
+      <i>annually</i> a suit of clothes. That old infirm slaves
+      should be <i>properly cared for</i>, &amp;c.-Now it can
+      hardly be conceived, that if this author had tried to
+      injure his cause, or contradict himself, he could not have
+      done it in a more effectual manner, than by this proposal
+      of these salutary regulations. For to say that slaves are
+      honourably obtained on the coast; to say that their
+      treatment is of the mildest nature, and yet to propose the
+      above-mentioned regulations as necessary, is to refute
+      himself more clearly, than I confess myself to be able to
+      do it: and I have only to request, that the regulations
+      proposed by this writer, in the defence of slavery, may be
+      considered as so many proofs of the assertions contained in
+      my own work.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      I shall close my account with an observation, which is of
+      great importance in the present case. Of all the
+      publications in favour of the slave-trade, or the
+      subsequent slavery in the colonies, there is not one, which
+      has not been written, either by a chaplain to the African
+      factories, or by a merchant, or by a planter, or by a
+      person whose interest has been connected in the cause which
+      he has taken upon him to defend. Of this description are
+      Mr. <i>Tobin</i>, and the <i>Apologist for Negroe
+      Slavery</i>. While on the other hand those, who have had as
+      competent a knowledge of the subject, but not the <i>same
+      interest</i> as themselves, have unanimously condemned it;
+      and many of them have written their sentiments upon it, at
+      the hazard of creating an innumerable host of enemies, and
+      of being subjected to the most malignant opposition. Now,
+      which of these are we to believe on the occasion? Are we to
+      believe those, who are parties concerned, who are
+      interested in the practice?-But the question does not admit
+      of a dispute.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Concerning my own work, it seems proper to observe, that
+      when, the original Latin Dissertation, as the title page
+      expresses, was honoured by the University of Cambridge with
+      the first of their annual prizes for the year 1785, I was
+      waited upon by some gentlemen of respectability and
+      consequence, who requested me to publish it in English. The
+      only objection which occurred to me was this; that having
+      been prevented, by an attention to other studies, from
+      obtaining that critical knowledge of my own language, which
+      was necessary for an English composition, I was fearful of
+      appearing before the publick eye: but that, as they
+      flattered me with the hope, that the publication of it
+      might be of use, I would certainly engage to publish it, if
+      they would allow me to postpone it for a little time, till
+      I was more in the habit of writing. They replied, that as
+      the publick attention was now excited to the case of the
+      unfortunate <i>Africans</i>, it would be serving the cause
+      with double the effect, if it were to be published within a
+      few months. This argument prevailed. Nothing but this
+      circumstance could have induced me to offer an English
+      composition to the inspection of an host of criticks: and I
+      trust therefore that this circumstance will plead much with
+      the benevolent reader, in favour of those faults, which he
+      may find in the present work.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Having thus promised to publish it, I was for some time
+      doubtful from which of the copies to translate. There were
+      two, the original, and an abridgement. The latter (as these
+      academical compositions are generally of a certain length)
+      was that which was sent down to Cambridge, and honoured
+      with the prize. I was determined however, upon consulting
+      with my friends, to translate from the former. This has
+      been faithfully done with but few<a name=
+      "FNanchor003"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_003"><sup>[003]</sup></a> additions. The reader
+      will probably perceive the Latin idiom in several passages
+      of the work, though I have endeavoured, as far as I have
+      been able, to avoid it. And I am so sensible of the
+      disadvantages under which it must yet lie, as a
+      translation, that I wish I had written upon the subject,
+      without any reference at all to the original copy.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It will perhaps be asked, from what authority I have
+      collected those facts, which relate to the colonial
+      slavery. I reply, that I have had the means of the very
+      best of information on the subject; having the pleasure of
+      being acquainted with many, both in the naval and military
+      departments, as well as with several others, who have been
+      long acquainted with <i>America</i> and the
+      <i>West-Indian</i> islands. The facts therefore which I
+      have related, are compiled from the disinterested accounts
+      of these gentlemen, all of whom, I have the happiness to
+      say, have coincided, in the minutest manner, in their
+      descriptions. It mud be remarked too, that they were
+      compiled, not from what these gentlemen heard, while they
+      were resident in those parts, but from what they actually
+      <i>saw</i>. Nor has a single instance been taken from any
+      book whatever upon the subject, except that which is
+      mentioned in the 235th page; and this book was published in
+      <i>France</i>, in the year 1777, by <i>authority</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      I have now the pleasure to say, that the accounts of these
+      disinterested gentlemen, whom I consulted on the occasion,
+      are confirmed by all the books which I have ever perused
+      upon slavery, except those which have been written by
+      <i>merchants, planters, &amp;c</i>. They are confirmed by
+      Sir <i>Hans Sloane's</i> Voyage to Barbadoes; <i>Griffith
+      Hughes's</i> History of the same island, printed 1750; an
+      Account of North America, by <i>Thomas Jeffries</i>, 1761;
+      all <i>Benezet's</i> works, &amp;c. &amp;c. and
+      particularly by Mr. <i>Ramsay's</i> Essay on the Treatment
+      and Conversion of the African Slaves in the British Sugar
+      Colonies; a work which is now firmly established; and, I
+      may add in a very extraordinary manner, in consequence of
+      the controversy which this gentleman has sustained with the
+      <i>Cursory Remarker</i>, by which several facts which were
+      mentioned in the original copy of my own work, before the
+      controversy began, and which had never appeared in any work
+      upon the subject, have been brought to light. Nor has it
+      received less support from a letter, published only last
+      week, from Capt. J.S. Smith, of the Royal Navy, to the Rev.
+      Mr. Hill; on the former of whom too high encomiums cannot
+      be bestowed, for standing forth in that noble and
+      disinterested manner, in behalf of an injured character.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      I have now only to solicit the reader again, that he will
+      make a favourable allowance for the present work, not only
+      from those circumstances which I have mentioned, but from
+      the consideration, that only two months are allowed by the
+      University for these their annual compositions. Should he
+      however be unpropitious to my request, I must console
+      myself with the reflection, (a reflection that will always
+      afford me pleasure, even amidst the censures of the great,)
+      that by undertaking the cause of the unfortunate
+      <i>Africans</i>, I have undertaken, as far as my abilities
+      would permit, the cause of injured innocence.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      London, June 1st 1786.
+    </p>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+
+    <h2>
+      CONTENTS.
+    </h2>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c4">
+    <br>
+     <a name="PART_I."></a>
+    <h2>
+      PART I.
+    </h2>
+    <h2>
+      The History of Slavery.
+    </h2>
+    <blockquote>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        <a href="#Part_101">Chap. I. Introduction.-Division of
+        slavery into voluntary and involuntary.-The latter the
+        subject of the present work.</a><br>
+        <br>
+      </p>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        <a href="#Part_102">Chap. II. The first class of
+        involuntary slaves among the ancients, from
+        war.-Conjecture concerning their antiquity.</a><br>
+      </p>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        <a href="#Part_103">Chap. III. The second class from
+        piracy.-Short history of piracy.-The dance
+        carpoea.-Considerations from hence on the former
+        topick.-Three orders of involuntary slaves among the
+        ancients.</a><br>
+      </p>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        <a href="#Part_104">Chap. IV. Their personal
+        treatment.-Exception in &AElig;gypt.-Exception at
+        Athens.</a><br>
+      </p>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        <a href="#Part_105">Chap. V. The causes of such treatment
+        among the ancients in general.-Additional causes among
+        the Greeks and Romans.-A refutation of their
+        principles.-Remarks on the writings of
+        &AElig;sop.</a><br>
+      </p>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        <a href="#Part_106">Chap. VI. The ancient
+        slave-trade.-Its antiquity.-&AElig;gypt the first market
+        recorded for this species of traffick.-Cyprus the
+        second.-The agreement of the writings of Moses and Homer
+        on the subject.-The universal prevalence of the
+        trade.</a><br>
+      </p>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        <a href="#Part_107">Chap. VII. The decline of this
+        commerce and slavery in Europe.-The causes of their
+        decline.</a><br>
+      </p>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        <a href="#Part_108">Chap. VIII. Their revival in
+        Africa.-Short history of their revival.-Five classes of
+        involuntary slaves among the moderns.-Cruel instance of
+        the Dutch colonists at the Cape.</a><br>
+      </p>
+    </blockquote>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c4">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+     <a name="PART_II."></a>
+    <h2>
+      PART II.
+    </h2>
+    <h2>
+      The African Commerce or Slave-Trade.
+    </h2>
+    <blockquote>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        <a href="#Part_201">Chap. I. The history of mankind from
+        their first situation to a state of government.</a><br>
+      </p>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        <a href="#Part_202">Chap. II. An account of the first
+        governments.</a><br>
+      </p>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        <a href="#Part_203">Chap. III. Liberty a natural
+        right.-That of government adventitious.-Government, its
+        nature.-Its end.</a><br>
+      </p>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        <a href="#Part_204">Chap. IV. Mankind cannot be
+        considered as property.-An objection answered.</a><br>
+      </p>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        <a href="#Part_205">Chap. V. Division of the commerce
+        into two parts, as it relates to those who sell, and
+        those who purchase the human species into slavery.-The
+        right of the sellers examined with respect to the two
+        orders of African slaves, "of those who are publickly
+        seized by virtue of the authority of their prince, and of
+        those, who are kidnapped by individuals."</a><br>
+      </p>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        <a href="#Part_206">Chap. VI. Their right with respect to
+        convicts.-From the proportion of the punishment to the
+        offence.-From its object and end.</a><br>
+      </p>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        <a href="#Part_207">Chap. VII. Their right with respect
+        to prisoners of war.-The jus captivitatis, or right of
+        capture explained.-Its injustice.-Farther explication of
+        the right of capture, in answer to some supposed
+        objections.</a><br>
+      </p>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        <a href="#Part_208">Chap. VIII. Additional remarks on the
+        two orders that were first mentioned.-The number which
+        they annually contain.-A description of an African
+        battle.-Additional remarks on prisoners of war.-On
+        convicts.</a><br>
+      </p>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        <a href="#Part_209">Chap. IX. The right of the purchasers
+        examined.-Conclusion.</a><br>
+      </p>
+    </blockquote>
+    <br>
+     <br>
+    <hr class="c4">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+     <a name="PART_III."></a>
+    <h2>
+      PART III.
+    </h2>
+    <h2>
+      The Slavery of the Africans in the European Colonies.
+    </h2>
+    <blockquote>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        <a href="#Part_301">Chap. I. Imaginary scene in
+        Africa.-Imaginary conversation with an African.-His ideas
+        of Christianity.-A Description of a body of slaves going
+        to the ships.-Their embarkation.</a><br>
+      </p>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        <a href="#Part_302">Chap. II. Their treatment on
+        board.-The number that annually perish in the
+        voyage.-Horrid instance at sea.-Their debarkation in the
+        colonies.-Horrid instance on the shore.</a><br>
+      </p>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        <a href="#Part_303">Chap. III. The condition of their
+        posterity in the colonies.-The lex nativitatis
+        explained.-Its injustice.</a><br>
+      </p>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        <a href="#Part_304">Chap. IV. The seasoning in the
+        colonies.-The number that annually die in the
+        seasoning.-The employment of the survivors.-The colonial
+        discipline.-Its tendency to produce cruelty.-Horrid
+        instance of this effect.-Immoderate labour, and its
+        consequences.-Want of food and its consequences.-Severity
+        and its consequences.-The forlorn situation of slaves.-An
+        appeal to the memory of Alfred.</a><br>
+      </p>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        <a href="#Part_305">Chap. V. The contents of the two
+        preceding Chapters denied by the purchasers.-Their first
+        argument refuted.-Their second refuted.-Their third
+        refuted.<br>
+        </a>
+      </p>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        <a href="#Part_306">Chap. VI. Three arguments, which they
+        bring in vindication of their treatment, refuted.</a><br>
+      </p>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        <a href="#Part_307">Chap. VII. The argument, that the
+        Africans are an inferiour link of the chain of nature, as
+        far as it relates to their genius, refuted.-The causes of
+        this apparent inferiority.-Short dissertation on African
+        genius.-Poetry of an African girl.</a><br>
+      </p>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        <a href="#Part_308">Chap. VIII. The argument, that they
+        are an inferiour link of the chain of nature, as far as
+        it relates to colour, &amp;c. refuted.-Examination of the
+        divine writings in this particular.-Dissertation on the
+        colour.</a><br>
+      </p>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        <a href="#Part_309">Chap. IX. Other arguments of the
+        purchasers examined.-Their comparisons unjust.-Their
+        assertions, with respect to the happy situation of the
+        Africans in the colonies, without foundation.-Their
+        happiness examined with respect to manumission.-With
+        respect to holy-days.-Dances, &amp;c.-An estimate made at
+        St. Domingo.</a><br>
+      </p>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        <a href="#Part_310">Chap. X. The right of the purchasers
+        over their slaves refuted upon their own
+        principles.</a><br>
+      </p>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        <a href="#Part_311">Chap. XI. Dreadful arguments against
+        this commerce and slavery of the human species.-How the
+        Deity seems already to punish us for this inhuman
+        violation of his laws.-Conclusion.</a><br>
+      </p>
+    </blockquote>
+    <br>
+     <br>
+    <hr class="c4">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+
+    <h3>
+      ERRATA.
+    </h3>
+    <blockquote>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        For <i>Dominique</i>, (Footnote 107) read
+        <i>Domingue</i>.<br>
+        <br>
+      </p>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        N. B.<br>
+        A Latin note has been inserted by mistake, under the
+        quotation of Diodorus Siculus (Footnote 017). The reader
+        will find the original Greek of the same signification,
+        in the same author, at page 49, Editio Stephani.
+      </p>
+    </blockquote>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c4">
+    <br>
+
+    <h2>
+      AN ESSAY<br>
+      <br>
+      ON THE SLAVERY and COMMERCE<br>
+      <br>
+      OF THE HUMAN SPECIES.<br>
+      <br>
+       IN THREE PARTS.
+    </h2>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <h2>
+      PART I.
+    </h2>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <h2>
+      THE HISTORY OF SLAVERY.
+    </h2>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <a name="Part_101"></a>
+    <h2>
+      <a href="#PART_I.">CHAP. I.</a>
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      When civilized, as well as barbarous nations, have been
+      found, through a long succession of ages, uniformly to
+      concur in the same customs, there seems to arise a
+      presumption, that such customs are not only eminently
+      useful, but are founded also on the principles of justice.
+      Such is the case with respect to <i>Slavery</i>: it has had
+      the concurrence of all the nations, which history has
+      recorded, and the repeated practice of ages from the
+      remotest antiquity, in its favour. Here then is an
+      argument, deduced from the general consent and agreement of
+      mankind, in favour of the proposed subject: but alas! when
+      we reflect that the people, thus reduced to a state of
+      servitude, have had the same feelings with ourselves; when
+      we reflect that they have had the same propensities to
+      pleasure, and the same aversions from pain; another
+      argument seems immediately to arise in opposition to the
+      former, deduced from our own feelings and that divine
+      sympathy, which nature has implanted in our breasts, for
+      the most useful and generous of purposes. To ascertain the
+      truth therefore, where two such opposite sources of
+      argument occur; where the force of custom pleads strongly
+      on the one hand, and the feelings of humanity on the other;
+      is a matter of much importance, as the dignity of human
+      nature is concerned, and the rights and liberties of
+      mankind will be involved in its discussion.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It will be necessary, before this point can be determined,
+      to consult the History of Slavery, and to lay before the
+      reader, in as concise a manner as possible, a general view
+      of it from its earliest appearance to the present day.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The first, whom we shall mention here to have been reduced
+      to a state of servitude, may be comprehended in that class,
+      which is usually denominated the <i>Mercenary</i>. It
+      consisted of free-born citizens, who, from the various
+      contingencies of fortune, had become so poor, as to have
+      recourse for their support to the service of the rich. Of
+      this kind were those, both among the Egyptians and the
+      Jews, who are recorded in the sacred writings.<a name=
+      "FNanchor004"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_004"><sup>[004]</sup></a> The Grecian
+      <i>Thetes</i><a name="FNanchor005"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_005"><sup>[005]</sup></a> also were of this
+      description, as well as those among the Romans, from whom
+      the class receives its appellation, the
+      <i>Mercenarii</i>.<a name="FNanchor006"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_006"><sup>[006]</sup></a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      We may observe of the above-mentioned, that their situation
+      was in many instances similar to that of our own servants.
+      There was an express contract between the parties; they
+      could, most of them, demand their discharge, if they were
+      ill used by their respective masters; and they were treated
+      therefore with more humanity than those, whom we usually
+      distinguish in our language by the appellation of
+      <i>Slaves</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      As this class of servants was composed of men, who had been
+      reduced to such a situation by the contingencies of
+      fortune, and not by their own misconduct; so there was
+      another among the ancients, composed entirely of those, who
+      had suffered the loss of liberty from their own imprudence.
+      To this class may be reduced the Grecian <i>Prodigals</i>,
+      who were detained in the service of their creditors, till
+      the fruits of their labour were equivalent to their debts;
+      the <i>delinquents</i>, who were sentenced to the oar; and
+      the German <i>enthusiasts</i>, as mentioned by Tacitus, who
+      were so immoderately charmed with gaming, as, when every
+      thing else was gone, to have staked their liberty and their
+      very selves. "The loser," says he, "goes into a voluntary
+      servitude, and though younger and stronger than the person
+      with whom he played, patiently suffers himself to be bound
+      and sold. Their perseverance in so bad a custom is stiled
+      honour. The slaves, thus obtained, are immediately
+      exchanged away in commerce, that the winner may get rid of
+      the scandal of his victory."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      To enumerate other instances, would be unnecessary; it will
+      be sufficient to observe, that the servants of this class
+      were in a far more wretched situation, than those of the
+      former; their drudgery was more intense; their treatment
+      more severe; and there was no retreat at pleasure, from the
+      frowns and lashes of their despotick masters.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Having premised this, we may now proceed to a general
+      division of slavery, into <i>voluntary</i> and
+      <i>involuntary</i>. The <i>voluntary</i> will comprehend
+      the two classes, which we have already mentioned; for, in
+      the first instance, there was a <i>contract</i>, founded on
+      <i>consent</i>; and, in the second, there was a
+      <i>choice</i> of engaging or not in those practices, the
+      known consequences of which were servitude. The
+      <i>involuntary</i>; on the other hand, will comprehend
+      those, who were forced, without any such <i>condition</i>
+      or <i>choice</i>, into a situation, which as it tended to
+      degrade a part of the human species, and to class it with
+      the brutal, must have been, of all human situations, the
+      most wretched and insupportable. These are they, whom we
+      shall consider solely in the present work. We shall
+      therefore take our leave of the former, as they were
+      mentioned only, that we might state the question with
+      greater accuracy, and, be the better enabled to reduce it
+      to its proper limits.
+    </p>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+     <a name="Part_102"></a>
+    <h2>
+      <a href="#PART_I.">CHAP. II.</a>
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      The first that will be mentioned, of the
+      <i>involuntary</i>, were <i>prisoners of war</i>.<a name=
+      "FNanchor007"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_007"><sup>[007]</sup></a> "It was a law,
+      established from time immemorial among the nations of
+      antiquity, to oblige those to undergo the severities of
+      servitude, whom victory had thrown into their hands."
+      Conformably with this, we find all the Eastern nations
+      unanimous in the practice. The same custom prevailed among
+      the people of the West; for as the Helots became the slaves
+      of the Spartans, from the right of conquest only, so
+      prisoners of war were reduced to the same situation by the
+      rest of the inhabitants of Greece. By the same principles
+      that actuated these, were the Romans also influenced. Their
+      History will confirm the fact: for how many cities are
+      recorded to have been taken; how many armies to have been
+      vanquished in the field, and the wretched survivors, in
+      both instances, to have been doomed to servitude? It
+      remains only now to observe, in shewing this custom to have
+      been universal, that all those nations which assisted in
+      overturning the Roman Empire, though many and various,
+      adopted the same measures; for we find it a general maxim
+      in their polity, that whoever should fall into their hands
+      as a prisoner of war, should immediately be reduced to the
+      condition of a slave.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It may here, perhaps, be not unworthy of remark, that the
+      <i>involuntary</i> were of greater antiquity than the
+      <i>voluntary</i> slaves. The latter are first mentioned in
+      the time of Pharaoh: they could have arisen only in a state
+      of society; when property, after its division, had become
+      so unequal, as to multiply the wants of individuals; and
+      when government, after its establishment, had given
+      security to the possessor by the punishment of crimes.
+      Whereas the former seem to be dated with more propriety
+      from the days of Nimrod; who gave rise probably to that
+      inseparable idea of <i>victory</i> and <i>servitude</i>,
+      which we find among the nations of antiquity, and which has
+      existed uniformly since, in one country or another, to the
+      present day.<a name="FNanchor008"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_008"><sup>[008]</sup></a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Add to this, that they might have arisen even in a state of
+      nature, and have been coequal with the quarrels of mankind.
+    </p>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+     <a name="Part_103"></a>
+    <h2>
+      <a href="#PART_I.">CHAP. III.</a>
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      But it was not victory alone, or any presupposed right,
+      founded in the damages of war, that afforded a pretence for
+      invading the liberties of mankind: the honourable light, in
+      which <i>piracy</i> was considered in the uncivilized ages
+      of the world, contributed not a little to the
+      <i>slavery</i> of the human species. Piracy had a very
+      early beginning. "The Grecians,"<a name=
+      "FNanchor009"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_009"><sup>[009]</sup></a> says Thucydides, "in
+      their primitive state, as well as the contemporary
+      barbarians, who inhabited the sea coasts and islands, gave
+      themselves wholly to it; it was, in short, their only
+      profession and support." The writings of Homer are
+      sufficient of themselves to establish this account. They
+      shew it to have been a common practice at so early a period
+      as that of the Trojan war; and abound with many lively
+      descriptions of it; which, had they been as groundless as
+      they are beautiful, would have frequently spared the sigh
+      of the reader of sensibility and reflection.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The piracies, which were thus practised in the early ages,
+      may be considered as <i>publick</i> or <i>private</i>. In
+      the former, whole crews embarked for the benefit<a name=
+      "FNanchor010"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_010"><sup>[010]</sup></a> of their respective
+      tribes. They made descents on the sea coasts, carried off
+      cattle, surprized whole villages, put many of the
+      inhabitants to the sword, and carried others into slavery.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      In the latter, individuals only were concerned, and the
+      emolument was their own. These landed from their ships,
+      and, going up into the country, concealed themselves in the
+      woods and thickets; where they waited every opportunity of
+      catching the unfortunate shepherd or husbandman alone. In
+      this situation they sallied out upon him, dragged him on
+      board, conveyed him to a foreign market, and sold him for a
+      slave.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      To this kind of piracy Ulysses alludes, in opposition to
+      the former, which he had been just before mentioning, in
+      his question to Eumoeus.
+    </p>
+    "Did pirates wait, till all thy friends were gone,<br>
+    To catch thee singly with thy flocks alone;<br>
+    Say, did they force thee from thy fleecy care,<br>
+    And from thy fields transport and sell thee here?"<a name=
+    "FNanchor011"></a><a href=
+    "#Footnote_011"><sup>[011]</sup></a><br>
+
+    <p>
+      But no picture, perhaps, of this mode of depredation, is
+      equal to that, with which Xenophon<a name=
+      "FNanchor012"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_012"><sup>[012]</sup></a> presents us in the
+      simple narrative of a dance. He informs us that the Grecian
+      army had concluded a peace with the Paphlagonians, and that
+      they entertained their embassadors in consequence with a
+      banquet, and the exhibition of various feats of activity.
+      "When the Thracians," says he, "had performed the parts
+      allotted them in this entertainment, some Aenianian and
+      Magnetian soldiers rose up, and, accoutred in their proper
+      arms, exhibited that dance, which is called <i>Karpoea</i>.
+      The figure of it is thus. One of them, in the character of
+      an husbandman, is seen to till his land, and is observed,
+      as he drives his plough, to look frequently behind him, as
+      if apprehensive of danger. Another immediately appears in
+      fight, in the character of a robber. The husbandman, having
+      seen him previously advancing, snatches up his arms. A
+      battle ensues before the plough. The whole of this
+      performance is kept in perfect time with the musick of the
+      flute. At length the robber, having got the better of the
+      husbandman, binds him, and drives him off with his team.
+      Sometimes it happens that the husbandman subdues the
+      robber: in this case the scene is only reversed, as the
+      latter is then bound and driven, off by the former."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It is scarcely necessary to observe, that this dance was a
+      representation of the general manners of men, in the more
+      uncivilized ages of the world; shewing that the husbandman
+      and shepherd lived in continual alarm, and that there were
+      people in those ages, who derived their pleasures and
+      fortunes from <i>kidnapping</i> and <i>enslaving</i> their
+      fellow creatures.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      We may now take notice of a circumstance in this narration,
+      which will lead us to a review of our first assertion on
+      this point, "that the honourable light, in which
+      <i>piracy</i> was considered in the times of barbarism,
+      contributed not a little to the <i>slavery</i> of the human
+      species." The robber is represented here as frequently
+      defeated in his attempts, and as reduced to that deplorable
+      situation, to which he was endeavouring to bring another.
+      This shews the frequent difficulty and danger of his
+      undertakings: people would not tamely resign their lives or
+      liberties, without a struggle. They were sometimes
+      prepared; were superior often, in many points of view, to
+      these invaders of their liberty; there were an hundred
+      accidental circumstances frequently in their favour. These
+      adventures therefore required all the skill, strength,
+      agility, valour, and every thing, in short, that may be
+      supposed to constitute heroism, to conduct them with
+      success. Upon this idea piratical expeditions first came
+      into repute, and their frequency afterwards, together with
+      the danger and fortitude, that were inseparably connected
+      with them, brought them into such credit among the
+      barbarous nations of antiquity, that of all human
+      professions, piracy was the most honourable.<a name=
+      "FNanchor013"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_013"><sup>[013]</sup></a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The notions then, which were thus annexed to piratical
+      expeditions, did not fail to produce those consequences,
+      which we have mentioned before. They afforded an
+      opportunity to the views of avarice and ambition, to
+      conceal themselves under the mask of virtue. They excited a
+      spirit of enterprize, of all others the most irresistible,
+      as it subsisted on the strongest principles of action,
+      emolument and honour. Thus could the vilest of passions be
+      gratified with impunity. People were robbed, stolen,
+      murdered, under the pretended idea that these were
+      reputable adventures: every enormity in short was
+      committed, and dressed up in the habiliments of honour.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But as the notions of men in the less barbarous ages, which
+      followed, became more corrected and refined, the practice
+      of piracy began gradually to disappear. It had hitherto
+      been supported on the grand columns of <i>emolument</i> and
+      <i>honour</i>. When the latter therefore was removed, it
+      received a considerable shock; but, alas! it had still a
+      pillar for its support! <i>avarice</i>, which exists in all
+      states, and which is ready to turn every invention to its
+      own ends, strained hard for its preservation. It had been
+      produced in the ages of barbarism; it had been pointed out
+      in those ages as lucrative, and under this notion it was
+      continued. People were still stolen; many were intercepted
+      (some, in their pursuits of pleasure, others, in the
+      discharge of their several occupations) by their own
+      countrymen; who previously laid in wait for them, and sold
+      them afterwards for slaves; while others seized by
+      merchants, who traded on the different coasts, were torn
+      from their friends and connections, and carried into
+      slavery. The merchants of Thessaly, if we can credit
+      Aristophanes<a name="FNanchor014"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_014"><sup>[014]</sup></a> who never spared the
+      vices of the times, were particularly infamous for the
+      latter kind of depredation; the Athenians were notorious
+      for the former; for they had practised these robberies to
+      such an alarming degree of danger to individuals, that it
+      was found necessary to enact a law,<a name=
+      "FNanchor015"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_015"><sup>[015]</sup></a> which punished
+      kidnappers with death.-But this is sufficient for our
+      present purpose; it will enable us to assert, that there
+      were two classes of <i>involuntary</i> slaves among the
+      ancients, "of those who were taken publickly in a state of
+      war, and of those who were privately stolen in a state of
+      innocence and peace." We may now add, that the children and
+      descendents of these composed a third.
+    </p>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+     <a name="Part_104"></a>
+    <h2>
+      <a href="#PART_I.">CHAP. IV.</a>
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      It will be proper to say something here concerning the
+      situation of the unfortunate men, who were thus doomed to a
+      life of servitude. To enumerate their various employments,
+      and to describe the miseries which they endured in
+      consequence, either from the severity, or the long and
+      constant application of their labour, would exceed the
+      bounds we have proposed to the present work. We shall
+      confine ourselves to their <i>personal treatment</i>, as
+      depending on the power of their masters, and the protection
+      of the law. Their treatment, if considered in this light,
+      will equally excite our pity and abhorrence. They were
+      beaten, starved, tortured, murdered at discretion: they
+      were dead in a civil sense; they had neither name nor
+      tribe; were incapable of a judicial process; were in short
+      without appeal. Poor unfortunate men! to be deprived of all
+      possible protection! to suffer the bitterest of injuries
+      without the possibility of redress! to be condemned
+      unheard! to be murdered with impunity! to be considered as
+      dead in that state, the very members of which they were
+      supporting by their labours!
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Yet such was their general situation: there were two places
+      however, where their condition, if considered in this point
+      of view, was more tolerable. The &AElig;gyptian slave,
+      though perhaps of all others the greatest drudge, yet if he
+      had time to reach the temple<a name="FNanchor016"></a><a
+      href="#Footnote_016"><sup>[016]</sup></a> of Hercules,
+      found a certain retreat from the persecution of his master;
+      and he received additional comfort from the reflection,
+      that his life, whether he could reach it or not, could not
+      be taken with impunity. Wise and salutary law!<a name=
+      "FNanchor017"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_017"><sup>[017]</sup></a> how often must it have
+      curbed the insolence of power, and stopped those passions
+      in their progress, which had otherwise been destructive to
+      the slave!
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But though the persons of slaves were thus greatly secured
+      in &AElig;gypt, yet there was no place so favourable to
+      them as Athens. They were allowed a greater liberty of
+      speech;<a name="FNanchor018"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_018"><sup>[018]</sup></a> they had their
+      convivial meetings, their amours, their hours of
+      relaxation, pleasantry, and mirth; they were treated, in
+      short, with so much humanity in general, as to occasion
+      that observation of Demosthenes, in his second Philippick,
+      "that the condition of a slave, at Athens, was preferable
+      to that of a free citizen, in many other countries." But if
+      any exception happened (which was sometimes the case) from
+      the general treatment described; if persecution took the
+      place of lenity, and made the fangs of servitude more
+      pointed than before,<a name="FNanchor019"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_019"><sup>[019]</sup></a> they had then their
+      temple, like the &AElig;gyptian, for refuge; where the
+      legislature was so attentive, as to examine their
+      complaints, and to order them, if they were founded in
+      justice, to be sold to another master. Nor was this all:
+      they had a privilege infinitely greater than the whole of
+      these. They were allowed an opportunity of working for
+      themselves, and if their diligence had procured them a sum
+      equivalent with their ransom, they could immediately, on
+      paying it down,<a name="FNanchor020"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_020"><sup>[020]</sup></a> demand their freedom
+      for ever. This law was, of all others, the most important;
+      as the prospect of liberty, which it afforded, must have
+      been a continual source of the most pleasing reflections,
+      and have greatly sweetened the draught, even of the most
+      bitter slavery.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Thus then, to the eternal honour of &AElig;gypt and Athens,
+      they were the only places that we can find, where slaves
+      were considered with any humanity at all. The rest of the
+      world seemed to vie with each other, in the debasement and
+      oppression of these unfortunate people. They used them with
+      as much severity as they chose; they measured their
+      treatment only by their own passion and caprice; and, by
+      leaving them on every occasion, without the possibility of
+      an appeal, they rendered their situation the most
+      melancholy and intolerable, that can possibly be conceived.
+    </p>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+     <a name="Part_105"></a>
+    <h2>
+      <a href="#PART_I.">CHAP. V.</a>
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      As we have mentioned the barbarous and inhuman treatment
+      that generally fell to the lot of slaves, it may not be
+      amiss to inquire into the various circumstances by which it
+      was produced.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The first circumstance, from whence it originated, was the
+      <i>commerce</i>: for if men could be considered as
+      <i>possessions</i>; if, like <i>cattle</i>, they could be
+      <i>bought</i> and <i>sold</i>, it will not be difficult to
+      suppose, that they could be held in the same consideration,
+      or treated in the same manner. The commerce therefore,
+      which was begun in the primitive ages of the world, by
+      classing them with the brutal species, and by habituating
+      the mind to consider the terms of <i>brute</i> and
+      <i>slave</i> as <i>synonimous</i>, soon caused them to be
+      viewed in a low and despicable light, and as greatly
+      inferiour to the human species. Hence proceeded that
+      treatment, which might not unreasonably be supposed to
+      arise from so low an estimation. They were tamed, like
+      beasts, by the stings of hunger and the lash, and their
+      education was directed to the same end, to make them
+      commodious instruments of labour for their possessors.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      This <i>treatment</i>, which thus proceeded in the ages of
+      barbarism, from the low estimation, in which slaves were
+      unfortunately held from the circumstances of the commerce,
+      did not fail of producing, in the same instant, its
+      <i>own</i> effect. It depressed their minds; it numbed
+      their faculties; and, by preventing those sparks of genius
+      from blazing forth, which had otherwise been conspicuous;
+      it gave them the appearance of being endued with inferiour
+      capacities than the rest of mankind. This effect of the
+      <i>treatment</i> had made so considerable a progress, as to
+      have been a matter of observation in the days of Homer.
+    </p>
+    For half <i>his</i> senses Jove conveys away,<br>
+    <i>Whom</i> once he dooms to see the <i>servile</i> day.<a
+    name="FNanchor021"></a><a href=
+    "#Footnote_021"><sup>[021]</sup></a><br>
+
+    <p>
+      Thus then did the <i>commerce</i>, by classing them
+      originally with <i>brutes</i>, and the consequent
+      <i>treatment</i>, by cramping their <i>abilities</i>, and
+      hindering them from becoming <i>conspicuous</i>, give to
+      these unfortunate people, at a very early period, the most
+      unfavourable <i>appearance</i>. The rising generations, who
+      received both the commerce and treatment from their
+      ancestors, and who had always been accustomed to behold
+      their <i>effects</i>, did not consider these <i>effects</i>
+      as <i>incidental</i>: they judged only from what they saw;
+      they believed the <i>appearances</i> to be <i>real</i>; and
+      hence arose the combined principle, that slaves were an
+      <i>inferiour</i> order of men, and perfectly void of
+      <i>understanding</i>. Upon this <i>principle</i> it was,
+      that the former treatment began to be fully confirmed and
+      established; and as this <i>principle</i> was handed down
+      and disseminated, so it became, in succeeding ages, an
+      <i>excuse</i> for any severity, that despotism might
+      suggest.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      We may observe here, that as all nations had this excuse in
+      common, as arising from the <i>circumstances</i>
+      above-mentioned, so the Greeks first, and the Romans
+      afterwards, had an <i>additional excuse</i>, as arising
+      from their own <i>vanity</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The former having conquered Troy, and having united
+      themselves under one common name and interest, began, from
+      that period, to distinguish the rest of the world by the
+      title of <i>barbarians</i>; inferring by such an
+      appellation, "that they were men who were only noble in
+      their own country; that they had no right, from their
+      <i>nature</i>, to authority or command; that, on the
+      contrary, so low were their capacities, they were
+      <i>destined</i> by nature <i>to obey</i>, and to live in a
+      state of perpetual drudgery and subjugation."<a name=
+      "FNanchor022"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_022"><sup>[022]</sup></a> Conformable with this
+      opinion was the treatment, which was accordingly prescribed
+      to a <i>barbarian</i>. The philosopher Aristotle himself,
+      in the advice which he gave to his pupil Alexander, before
+      he went upon his Asiatick expedition, intreated him to "use
+      the Greeks, as it became a <i>general</i>, but the
+      <i>barbarians</i>, as it became a <i>master</i>; consider,
+      says he, the former as <i>friends</i> and
+      <i>domesticks</i>; but the latter, as <i>brutes</i> and
+      <i>plants</i>;"<a name="FNanchor023"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_023"><sup>[023]</sup></a> inferring that the
+      Greeks, from the superiority of their capacities, had a
+      <i>natural</i> right to dominion, and that the rest of the
+      world, from the inferiority of their own, were to be
+      considered and treated as the <i>irrational</i> part of the
+      creation.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Now, if we consider that this was the treatment, which they
+      judged to be absolutely proper for people of this
+      description, and that their slaves were uniformly those,
+      whom they termed <i>barbarians</i>; being generally such,
+      as were either kidnapped from <i>Barbary</i>, or purchased
+      from the <i>barbarian</i> conquerors in their wars with one
+      another; we shall immediately see, with what an additional
+      excuse their own vanity had furnished them for the sallies
+      of caprice and passion.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      To refute these cruel sentiments of the ancients, and to
+      shew that their slaves were by no means an inferiour order
+      of beings than themselves, may perhaps be considered as an
+      unnecessary task; particularly, as having shewn, that the
+      causes of this inferiour appearance were <i>incidental</i>,
+      arising, on the one hand, from the combined effects of the
+      <i>treatment</i> and <i>commerce</i>, and, on the other,
+      from <i>vanity</i> and <i>pride</i>, we seem to have
+      refuted them already. But we trust that some few
+      observations, in vindication of these unfortunate people,
+      will neither be unacceptable nor improper.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      How then shall we begin the refutation? Shall we say with
+      Seneca, who saw many of the slaves in question, "What is a
+      <i>knight</i>, or a <i>libertine</i>, or a <i>slave</i>?
+      Are they not names, assumed either from <i>injury</i> or
+      <i>ambition</i>?" Or, shall we say with him on another
+      occasion, "Let us consider that he, whom we call our slave,
+      is born in the same manner as ourselves; that he enjoys the
+      same sky, with all its heavenly luminaries; that he
+      breathes, that he lives, in the same manner as ourselves,
+      and, in the same manner, that he expires." These
+      considerations, we confess, would furnish us with a
+      plentiful source of arguments in the case before us; but we
+      decline their assistance. How then shall we begin? Shall we
+      enumerate the many instances of fidelity, patience, or
+      valour, that are recorded of the <i>servile</i> race? Shall
+      we enumerate the many important services, that they
+      rendered both to the individuals and the community, under
+      whom they lived? Here would be a second source, from whence
+      we could collect sufficient materials to shew, that there
+      was no inferiority in their nature. But we decline to use
+      them. We shall content ourselves with some few instances,
+      that relate to the <i>genius</i> only: we shall mention the
+      names of those of a <i>servile</i> condition, whose
+      writings, having escaped the wreck of time, and having been
+      handed down even to the present age, are now to be seen, as
+      so many living monuments, that neither the Grecian, nor
+      Roman genius, was superiour to their own.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The first, whom we shall mention here, is the famous
+      &AElig;sop. He was a Phrygian by birth, and lived in the
+      time of Croesus, king of Lydia, to whom he dedicated his
+      fables. The writings of this great man, in whatever light
+      we consider them, will be equally entitled to our
+      admiration. But we are well aware, that the very mention of
+      him as a writer of fables, may depreciate him in the eyes
+      of some. To such we shall propose a question, "Whether this
+      species of writing has not been more beneficial to mankind;
+      or whether it has not produced more important events, than
+      any other?"
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      With respect to the first consideration, it is evident that
+      these fables, as consisting of plain and simple
+      transactions, are particularly easy to be understood; as
+      conveyed in images, they please and seduce the mind; and,
+      as containing a <i>moral</i>, easily deducible on the side
+      of virtue; that they afford, at the same time, the most
+      weighty precepts of philosophy. Here then are the two grand
+      points of composition, "a manner of expression to be
+      apprehended by the lowest capacities, and, (what is
+      considered as a victory in the art) an happy conjunction of
+      utility and pleasure."<a name="FNanchor024"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_024"><sup>[024]</sup></a> Hence Quintilian
+      recommends them, as singularly useful, and as admirably
+      adapted, to the puerile age; as a just gradation between
+      the language of the nurse and the preceptor, and as
+      furnishing maxims of prudence and virtue, at a time when
+      the speculative principles of philosophy are too difficult
+      to be understood. Hence also having been introduced by most
+      civilized nations into their system of education, they have
+      produced that general benefit, to which we at first
+      alluded. Nor have they been of less consequence in
+      maturity; but particularly to those of inferiour
+      capacities, or little erudition, whom they have frequently
+      served as a guide to conduct them in life, and as a medium,
+      through which an explanation might be made, on many and
+      important occasions.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      With respect to the latter consideration, which is easily
+      deducible from hence, we shall only appeal to the wonderful
+      effect, which the fable, pronounced by Demosthenes against
+      Philip of Macedon, produced among his hearers; or to the
+      fable, which was spoken by Menenius Agrippa to the Roman
+      populace; by which an illiterate multitude were brought
+      back to their duty as citizens, when no other species of
+      oratory could prevail.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      To these truly <i>ingenious</i>, and <i>philosophical</i>
+      works of &AElig;sop, we shall add those of his imitator
+      Phoedrus, which in purity and elegance of style, are
+      inferiour to none. We shall add also the Lyrick
+      <i>Poetry</i> of Alcman, which is no <i>servile</i>
+      composition; the sublime <i>Morals</i> of Epictetus, and
+      the incomparable <i>comedies</i> of Terence.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Thus then does it appear, that the <i>excuse</i> which was
+      uniformly started in defence of the <i>treatment</i> of
+      slaves, had no foundation whatever either in truth or
+      justice. The instances that we have mentioned above, are
+      sufficient to shew, that there was no inferiority, either
+      in their <i>nature</i>, or their understandings: and at the
+      same time that they refute the principles of the ancients,
+      they afford a valuable lesson to those, who have been
+      accustomed to form too precipitate a judgment on the
+      abilities of men: for, alas! how often has <i>secret
+      anguish</i> depressed the spirits of those, whom they have
+      frequently censured, from their gloomy and dejected
+      appearance! and how often, on the other hand, has their
+      judgment resulted from their own <i>vanity</i> and
+      <i>pride</i>!
+    </p>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+     <a name="Part_106"></a>
+    <h2>
+      <a href="#PART_I.">CHAP. VI.</a>
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      We proceed now to the consideration of the <i>commerce</i>:
+      in consequence of which, people, endued with the same
+      feelings and faculties as ourselves, were made subject to
+      the laws and limitations of <i>possession</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      This commerce of the human species was of a very early
+      date. It was founded on the idea that men were
+      <i>property</i>; and, as this idea was coeval with the
+      first order of <i>involuntary</i> slaves, it must have
+      arisen, (if the date, which we previously affixed to that
+      order, be right) in the first practices of barter. The
+      Story of Joseph, as recorded in the sacred writings, whom
+      his brothers sold from an envious suspicion of his future
+      greatness, is an ample testimony of the truth of this
+      conjecture. It shews that there were men, even at that
+      early period, who travelled up and down as merchants,
+      collecting not only balm, myrrh, spicery, and other wares,
+      but the human species also, for the purposes of traffick.
+      The instant determination of the brothers, on the first
+      sight of the merchants, <i>to sell him</i>, and the
+      immediate acquiescence of these, who purchased him for a
+      foreign market, prove that this commerce had been then
+      established, not only in that part of the country, where
+      this transaction happened, but in that also, whither the
+      merchants were then travelling with their camels, namely,
+      &AElig;gypt: and they shew farther, that, as all customs
+      require time for their establishment, so it must have
+      existed in the ages, previous to that of Pharaoh; that is,
+      in those ages, in which we fixed the first date of
+      <i>involuntary</i> servitude. This commerce then, as
+      appears by the present instance, existed in the earliest
+      practices of barter, and had descended to the
+      &AElig;gyptians, through as long a period of time, as was
+      sufficient to have made it, in the times alluded to, an
+      established custom. Thus was &AElig;gypt, in those days,
+      the place of the greatest resort; the grand emporium of
+      trade, to which people were driving their merchandize, as
+      to a centre; and thus did it afford, among other
+      opportunities of traffick, the <i>first market</i> that is
+      recorded, for the sale of the human species.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      This market, which was thus supplied by the constant
+      concourse of merchants, who resorted to it from various
+      parts, could not fail, by these means, to have been
+      considerable. It received, afterwards, an additional supply
+      from those piracies, which we mentioned to have existed in
+      the uncivilized ages of the world, and which, in fact, it
+      greatly promoted and encouraged; and it became, from these
+      united circumstances, so famous, as to have been known,
+      within a few centuries from the time of Pharaoh, both to
+      the Grecian colonies in Asia, and the Grecian islands.
+      Homer mentions Cyprus and &AElig;gypt as the common markets
+      for slaves, about the times of the Trojan war. Thus
+      Antinous, offended with Ulysses, threatens to send him to
+      one of these places, if he does not instantly depart from
+      his table.<a name="FNanchor025"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_025"><sup>[025]</sup></a> The same poet also, in
+      his hymn to Bacchus,<a name="FNanchor026"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_026"><sup>[026]</sup></a> mentions them again,
+      but in a more unequivocal manner, as the common markets for
+      slaves. He takes occasion, in that hymn, to describe the
+      pirates method of scouring the coast, from the circumstance
+      of their having kidnapped Bacchus, as a noble youth, for
+      whom they expected an immense ransom. The captain of the
+      vessel, having dragged him on board, is represented as
+      addressing himself thus, to the steersman:
+    </p>
+    "Haul in the tackle, hoist aloft the sail,<br>
+    Then take your helm, and watch the doubtful gale!<br>
+    To mind the captive prey, be our's the care,<br>
+    While you to <i>&AElig;gypt</i> or to <i>Cyprus</i>
+    steer;<br>
+    There shall he go, unless his friends he'll tell,<br>
+    Whose ransom-gifts will pay us full as well."<br>
+
+    <p>
+      It may not perhaps be considered as a digression, to
+      mention in few words, by itself, the wonderful concordance
+      of the writings of Moses and Homer with the case before us:
+      not that the former, from their divine authority, want
+      additional support, but because it cannot be unpleasant to
+      see them confirmed by a person, who, being one of the
+      earliest writers, and living in a very remote age, was the
+      first that could afford us any additional proof of the
+      circumstances above-mentioned. &AElig;gypt is represented,
+      in the first book of the sacred writings, as a market for
+      slaves, and, in the <a name="FNanchor027"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_027"><sup>[027]</sup></a>second, as famous for
+      the severity of its servitude. <a name="FNanchor028"></a><a
+      href="#Footnote_028"><sup>[028]</sup></a>The same line,
+      which we have already cited from Homer, conveys to us the
+      same ideas. It points it out as a market for the human
+      species, and by the epithet of "<i>bitter</i> &AElig;gypt,"
+      (<a name="FNanchor029"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_029"><sup>[029]</sup></a>which epithet is
+      peculiarly annexed to it on this occasion) alludes in the
+      strongest manner to that severity and rigour, of which the
+      sacred historian transmitted us the first account.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But, to return. Though &AElig;gypt was the first market
+      recorded for this species of traffick; and though
+      &AElig;gypt, and Cyprus afterwards, were particularly
+      distinguished for it, in the times of the Trojan war; yet
+      they were not the only places, even at that period, where
+      men were bought and sold. The Odyssey of Homer shews that
+      it was then practised in many of the islands of the
+      &AElig;gean sea; and the Iliad, that it had taken place
+      among those Grecians on the continent of Europe, who had
+      embarked from thence on the Trojan expedition. This appears
+      particularly at the end of the seventh book. A fleet is
+      described there, as having just arrived from Lemnos, with a
+      supply of wine for the Grecian camp. The merchants are
+      described also, as immediately exposing it to sale, and as
+      receiving in exchange, among other articles of barter,
+      "<i>a number of slaves</i>."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It will now be sufficient to observe, that, as other states
+      arose, and as circumstances contributed to make them known,
+      this custom is discovered to have existed among them; that
+      it travelled over all Asia; that it spread through the
+      Grecian and Roman world; was in use among the barbarous
+      nations, which overturned the Roman empire; and was
+      practised therefore, at the same period, throughout all
+      Europe.
+    </p>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+     <a name="Part_107"></a>
+    <h2>
+      <a href="#PART_I.">CHAP. VII.</a>
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      This <i>slavery</i> and <i>commerce</i>, which had
+      continued for so long a time, and which was thus practised
+      in Europe at so late a period as that, which succeeded the
+      grand revolutions in the western world, began, as the
+      northern nations were settled in their conquests, to
+      decline, and, on their full establishment, were abolished.
+      A difference of opinion has arisen respecting the cause of
+      their abolition; some having asserted, that they were the
+      necessary consequences of the <i>feudal system</i>; while
+      others, superiour both in number and in argument, have
+      maintained that they were the natural effects of
+      <i>Christianity</i>. The mode of argument, which the former
+      adopt on this occasion, is as follows. "The multitude of
+      little states, which sprang up from one great one at this
+      &AElig;ra, occasioned infinite bickerings and matter for
+      contention. There was not a state or seignory, which did
+      not want all the hands they could muster, either to defend
+      their own right, or to dispute that of their neighbours.
+      Thus every man was taken into the service: whom they armed
+      they must trust: and there could be no trust but in free
+      men. Thus the barrier between the two natures was thrown
+      down, and <i>slavery</i> was no more heard of, in the
+      <i>west</i>."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      That this was not the <i>necessary</i> consequence of such
+      a situation, is apparent. The political state of Greece, in
+      its early history, was the same as that of Europe, when
+      divided, by the feudal system, into an infinite number of
+      small and independent kingdoms. There was the same matter
+      therefore for contention, and the same call for all the
+      hands that could be mustered: the Grecians, in short, in
+      <i>heroick</i>, were in the same situation in these
+      respects as the <i>feudal barons</i> in the <i>Gothick</i>
+      times. Had this therefore been a <i>necessary</i> effect,
+      there had been a cessation of servitude in Greece, in those
+      ages, in which we have already shewn that it existed.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But with respect to <i>Christianity</i>, many and great are
+      the arguments, that it occasioned so desirable an event. It
+      taught, "that all men were originally equal; that the Deity
+      was no respecter of persons, and that, as all men were to
+      give an account of their actions hereafter, it was
+      necessary that they should be free." These doctrines could
+      not fail of having their proper influence on those, who
+      first embraced <i>Christianity</i>, from a
+      <i>conviction</i> of its truth; and on those of their
+      descendents afterwards, who, by engaging in the
+      <i>crusades</i>, and hazarding their lives and fortunes
+      there, shewed, at least, an <i>attachment</i> to that
+      religion. We find them accordingly actuated by these
+      principles: we have a positive proof, that the <i>feudal
+      system</i> had no share in the honour of suppressing
+      slavery, but that <i>Christianity</i> was the only cause;
+      for the greatest part of the <i>charters</i> which were
+      granted for the freedom of slaves in those times (many of
+      which are still extant) were granted, "<i>pro amore Dei,
+      pro mercede anim&aelig;</i>." They were founded, in short,
+      on religious considerations, "that they might procure the
+      favour of the Deity, which they conceived themselves to
+      have forfeited, by the subjugation of those, whom they
+      found to be the objects of the divine benevolence and
+      attention equally with themselves."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      These considerations, which had thus their first origin in
+      <i>Christianity</i>, began to produce their effects, as the
+      different nations were converted; and procured that general
+      liberty at last, which, at the close of the twelfth
+      century, was conspicuous in the west of Europe. What a
+      glorious and important change! Those, who would have had
+      otherwise no hopes, but that their miseries would be
+      terminated by death, were then freed from their servile
+      condition; those, who, by the laws of war, would have had
+      otherwise an immediate prospect of servitude from the hands
+      of their imperious conquerors, were then <i>exchanged</i>;
+      a custom, which has happily descended to the present day.
+      Thus, "a numerous class of men, who formerly had no
+      political existence, and were employed merely as
+      instruments of labour, became useful citizens, and
+      contributed towards augmenting the force or riches of the
+      society, which adopted them as members;" and thus did the
+      greater part of the Europeans, by their conduct on this
+      occasion, assert not only liberty for themselves, but for
+      their fellow-creatures also.
+    </p>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+     <a name="Part_108"></a>
+    <h2>
+      <a href="#PART_I.">CHAP. VIII.</a>
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      But if men therefore, at a time when under the influence of
+      religion they exercised their serious thoughts, abolished
+      slavery, how impious must they appear, who revived it; and
+      what arguments will not present themselves against their
+      conduct!<a name="FNanchor030"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_030"><sup>[030]</sup></a> The Portuguese, within
+      two centuries after its suppression in Europe, in imitation
+      of those <i>piracies</i>, which we have shewn to have
+      existed in the <i>uncivilized</i> ages of the world, made
+      their descents on Africa, and committing depredations on
+      the coast,<a name="FNanchor031"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_031"><sup>[031]</sup></a> <i>first</i> carried
+      the wretched inhabitants into slavery.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      This practice, however trifling and partial it might appear
+      at first, soon became serious and general. A melancholy
+      instance of the depravity of human nature; as it shews,
+      that neither the laws nor religion of any country, however
+      excellent the forms of each, are sufficient to bind the
+      consciences of some; but that there are always men, of
+      every age, country, and persuasion, who are ready to
+      sacrifice their dearest principles at the shrine of gain.
+      Our own ancestors, together with the Spaniards, French, and
+      most of the maritime powers of Europe, soon followed the
+      <i>piratical</i> example; and thus did the Europeans, to
+      their eternal infamy, renew a custom, which their
+      <i>own</i> ancestors had so lately exploded, from a
+      <i>conscientiousness</i> of its <i>impiety</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The unfortunate Africans, terrified at these repeated
+      depredations, fled in confusion from the coast, and sought,
+      in the interiour parts of the country, a retreat from the
+      persecution of their invaders. But, alas, they were
+      miserably disappointed! There are few retreats, that can
+      escape the penetrating eye of avarice. The Europeans still
+      pursued them; they entered their rivers; sailed up into the
+      heart of the country; surprized the unfortunate Africans
+      again; and carried them into slavery.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But this conduct, though successful at first, defeated
+      afterwards its own ends. It created a more general alarm,
+      and pointed out, at the same instant, the best method of
+      security from future depredations. The banks of the rivers
+      were accordingly deserted, as the coasts had been before;
+      and thus were the <i>Christian</i> invaders left without a
+      prospect of their prey.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      In this situation however, expedients were not wanting.
+      They now formed to themselves the resolution of settling in
+      the country; of securing themselves by fortified ports; of
+      changing their system of force into that of pretended
+      liberality; and of opening, by every species of bribery and
+      corruption, a communication with the natives. These plans
+      were put into immediate execution. The Europeans erected
+      their forts;<a name="FNanchor032"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_032"><sup>[032]</sup></a> landed their
+      merchandize; and endeavoured, by a peaceable deportment, by
+      presents, and by every appearance of munificence, to seduce
+      the attachment and confidence of the Africans. These
+      schemes had the desired effect. The gaudy trappings of
+      European art, not only caught their attention, but excited
+      their curiosity: they dazzled the eyes and bewitched the
+      senses, not only of those, to whom they were given, but of
+      those, to whom they were shewn. Thus followed a speedy
+      intercourse with each other, and a confidence, highly
+      favourable to the views of avarice or ambition.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It was now time for the Europeans to embrace the
+      opportunity, which this intercourse had thus afforded them,
+      of carrying their schemes into execution, and of fixing
+      them on such a permanent foundation, as should secure them
+      future success. They had already discovered, in the
+      different interviews obtained, the chiefs of the African
+      tribes. They paid their court therefore to these, and so
+      compleatly intoxicated their senses with the luxuries,
+      which they brought from home, as to be able to seduce them
+      to their designs. A treaty of peace and commerce was
+      immediately concluded: it was agreed, that the kings, on
+      their part, should, from this period, sentence <i>prisoners
+      of war</i> and <i>convicts</i> to <i>European
+      servitude</i>; and that the Europeans should supply them,
+      in return, with the luxuries of the north. This agreement
+      immediately took place; and thus begun that
+      <i>commerce</i>, which makes so considerable a figure at
+      the present day.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But happy had the Africans been, if those only, who had
+      been justly convicted of crimes, or taken in a just war,
+      had been sentenced to the severities of servitude! How many
+      of those miseries, which afterwards attended them, had been
+      never known; and how would their history have saved those
+      sighs and emotions of pity, which must now ever accompany
+      its perusal. The Europeans, on the establishment of their
+      western colonies, required a greater number of slaves than
+      a strict adherence to the treaty could produce. The princes
+      therefore had only the choice of relinquishing the
+      commerce, or of consenting to become unjust. They had long
+      experienced the emoluments of the trade; they had acquired
+      a taste for the luxuries it afforded; and they now beheld
+      an opportunity of gratifying it, but in a more extentive
+      manner. <i>Avarice</i> therefore, which was too powerful
+      for <i>justice</i> on this occasion, immediately turned the
+      scale: not only those, who were fairly convicted of
+      offences, were now sentenced to servitude, but even those
+      who were <i>suspected</i>. New crimes were invented, that
+      new punishments might succeed. Thus was every appearance
+      soon construed into reality; every shadow into a substance;
+      and often virtue into a crime.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Such also was the case with respect to prisoners of war.
+      Not only those were now delivered into slavery, who were
+      taken in a state of publick enmity and injustice, but those
+      also, who, conscious of no injury whatever, were taken in
+      the <i>arbitrary</i> skirmishes of these <i>venal</i>
+      sovereigns. War was now made, not as formerly, from the
+      motives of retaliation and defence, but for the sake of
+      obtaining prisoners alone, and the advantages resulting
+      from their sale. If a ship from Europe came but into sight,
+      it was now considered as a sufficient motive for a war, and
+      as a signal only for an instantaneous commencement of
+      hostilities.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But if the African kings could be capable of such
+      injustice, what vices are there, that their consciences
+      would restrain, or what enormities, that we might not
+      expect to be committed? When men once consent to be unjust,
+      they lose, at the same instant with their virtue, a
+      considerable portion of that sense of shame, which, till
+      then, had been found a successful protector against the
+      sallies of vice. From that awful period, almost every
+      expectation is forlorn: the heart is left unguarded: its
+      great protector is no more: the vices therefore, which so
+      long encompassed it in vain, obtain an easy victory: in
+      crouds they pour into the defenceless avenues, and take
+      possession of the soul: there is nothing now too vile for
+      them to meditate, too impious to perform. Such was the
+      situation of the despotick sovereigns of Africa. They had
+      once ventured to pass the bounds of virtue, and they soon
+      proceeded to enormity. This was particularly conspicuous in
+      that general conduct, which they uniformly observed, after
+      any unsuccessful conflict. Influenced only by the venal
+      motives of European traffick, they first made war upon the
+      neighbouring tribes, contrary to every principle of
+      justice; and if, by the flight of the enemy, or by other
+      contingencies, they were disappointed of their prey, they
+      made no hesitation of immediately turning their arms
+      against their own subjects. The first villages they came
+      to, were always marked on this occasion, as the first
+      objects of their avarice. They were immediately surrounded,
+      were afterwards set on fire, and the wretched inhabitants
+      seized, as they were escaping from the flames. These,
+      consisting of whole families, fathers, brothers, husbands,
+      wives, and children, were instantly driven in chains to the
+      merchants, and consigned to slavery.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      To these calamities, which thus arose from the tyranny of
+      the kings, we may now subjoin those, which arose from the
+      avarice of private persons. Many were kidnapped by their
+      own countrymen, who, encouraged by the merchants of Europe,
+      previously lay in wait for them, and sold them afterwards
+      for slaves; while the seamen of the different ships, by
+      every possible artifice, enticed others on board, and
+      transported them to the regions of servitude.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      As these practices are in full force at the present day, it
+      appears that there are four orders of <i>involuntary</i>
+      slaves on the African continent; of <a name=
+      "FNanchor033"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_033"><sup>[033]</sup></a><i>convicts</i>; of
+      <i>prisoners of war</i>; of those, who are publickly seized
+      by virtue of the <i>authority</i> of their prince; and of
+      those, who are privately <i>kidnapped</i> by individuals.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It remains only to observe on this head, that in the sale
+      and purchase of these the African commerce or <i>Slave
+      Trade</i> consists; that they are delivered to the
+      merchants of Europe in exchange for their various
+      commodities; that these transport them to their colonies in
+      the west, where their <i>slavery</i> takes place; and that
+      a fifth order arises there, composed of all such as are
+      born to the native Africans, after their transportation and
+      slavery have commenced.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Having thus explained as much of the history of modern
+      servitude, as is sufficient for the prosecution of our
+      design, we should have closed our account here, but that a
+      work, just published, has furnished us with a singular
+      anecdote of the colonists of a neighbouring nation, which
+      we cannot but relate. The learned <a name=
+      "FNanchor034"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_034"><sup>[034]</sup></a>author, having
+      described the method which the Dutch colonists at the Cape
+      make use of to take the Hottentots and enslave them, takes
+      occasion, in many subsequent parts of the work, to mention
+      the dreadful effects of the practice of slavery; which, as
+      he justly remarks, "leads to all manner of misdemeanours
+      and wickedness. Pregnant women," says he, "and children in
+      their tenderest years, were not at this time, neither
+      indeed are they ever, exempt from the effects of the hatred
+      and spirit of vengeance constantly harboured by the
+      colonists, with respect to the <a name="FNanchor035"></a><a
+      href="#Footnote_035"><sup>[035]</sup></a>Boshies-man
+      nation; <i>excepting such indeed as are marked out to be
+      carried away into bondage</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      "Does a colonist at any time get sight of a Boshies-man, he
+      takes fire immediately, and spirits up his horse and dogs,
+      in order to hunt him with more ardour and fury than he
+      would a wolf, or any other wild beast? On an open plain, a
+      few colonists on horseback are always sure to get the
+      better of the greatest number of Boshies-men that can be
+      brought together; as the former always keep at the distance
+      of about an hundred, or an hundred and fifty paces (just as
+      they find it convenient) and charging their heavy fire-arms
+      with a very large kind of shot, jump off their horses, and
+      rest their pieces in their usual manner on their ramrods,
+      in order that they may shoot with the greater certainty; so
+      that the balls discharged by them will sometimes, as I have
+      been assured, go through the bodies of six, seven, or eight
+      of the enemy at a time, especially as these latter know no
+      better than to keep close together in a body."-
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      "And not only is the capture of the Hottentots considered
+      by them merely as a party of pleasure, but in cold blood
+      they destroy the bands which nature has knit between their
+      husbands, and their wives and children, &amp;c."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      With what horrour do these passages seem to strike us! What
+      indignation do they seem to raise in our breasts, when we
+      reflect, that a part of the human species are considered as
+      <i>game</i>, and that <i>parties of pleasure</i> are made
+      for their <i>destruction</i>! The lion does not imbrue his
+      claws in blood, unless called upon by hunger, or provoked
+      by interruption; whereas the merciless Dutch, more savage
+      than the brutes themselves, not only murder their
+      fellow-creatures without any provocation or necessity, but
+      even make a diversion of their sufferings, and enjoy their
+      pain.
+    </p>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <h2>
+      PART II.
+    </h2>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <a name="THE_AFRICAN_COMMERCE,"></a>
+    <h2>
+      THE AFRICAN COMMERCE,<br>
+      <br>
+      <br>
+      OR<br>
+      <br>
+      <br>
+      SLAVE TRADE.
+    </h2>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+     <a name="Part_201"></a>
+    <h2>
+      <a href="#PART_II.">CHAP. I.</a>
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      As we explained the History of Slavery in the first part of
+      this Essay, as far as it was necessary for our purpose, we
+      shall now take the question into consideration, which we
+      proposed at first as the subject of our inquiry, viz. how
+      far the commerce and slavery of the human species, as
+      revived by some of the nations of Europe in the persons of
+      the unfortunate Africans, and as revived, in a great
+      measure, on the principles of antiquity, are consistent
+      with the laws of nature, or the common notions of equity,
+      as established among men.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      This question resolves itself into two separate parts for
+      discussion, into <i>the African commerce (as explained in
+      the history of slavery)</i> and <i>the subsequent slavery
+      in the colonies, as founded on the equity of the
+      commerce</i>. The former, of course, will be first
+      examined. For this purpose we shall inquire into the rise,
+      nature, and design of government. Such an inquiry will be
+      particularly useful in the present place; it will afford us
+      that general knowledge of subordination and liberty, which
+      is necessary in the case before us, and will be found, as
+      it were, a source, to which we may frequently refer for
+      many and valuable arguments.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It appears that mankind were originally free, and that they
+      possessed an equal right to the soil and produce of the
+      earth. For proof of this, we need only appeal to the
+      <i>divine</i> writings; to the <i>golden age</i> of the
+      poets, which, like other fables of the times, had its
+      origin in truth; and to the institution of the
+      <i>Saturnalia</i>, and of other similar festivals; all of
+      which are so many monuments of this original equality of
+      men. Hence then there was no rank, no distinction, no
+      superiour. Every man wandered where he chose, changing his
+      residence, as a spot attracted his fancy, or suited his
+      convenience, uncontrouled by his neighbour, unconnected
+      with any but his family. Hence also (as every thing was
+      common) he collected what he chose without injury, and
+      enjoyed without injury what he had collected. Such was the
+      first situation of mankind;<a name="FNanchor036"></a><a
+      href="#Footnote_036"><sup>[036]</sup></a> a state of
+      <i>dissociation</i> and <i>independence</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      In this dissociated state it is impossible that men could
+      have long continued. The dangers to which they must have
+      frequently been exposed, by the attacks of fierce and
+      rapacious beasts, by the proedatory attempts of their own
+      species, and by the disputes of contiguous and independent
+      families; these, together with their inability to defend,
+      themselves, on many such occasions, must have incited them
+      to unite. Hence then was <i>society</i> formed on the grand
+      principles of preservation and defence: and as these
+      principles began to operate, in the different parts of the
+      earth, where the different families had roamed, a great
+      number of these <i>societies</i> began to be formed and
+      established; which, taking to themselves particular names
+      from particular occurrences, began to be perfectly distinct
+      from one another.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      As the individuals, of whom these societies were composed,
+      had associated only for their defence, so they experienced,
+      at first, no change in their condition. They were still
+      independent and free; they were still without discipline or
+      laws; they had every thing still in common; they pursued
+      the same, manner of life; wandering only, in <i>herds</i>,
+      as the earth gave them or refused them sustenance, and
+      doing, as a <i>publick body</i>, what they had been
+      accustomed to do as <i>individuals</i> before. This was the
+      exact situation of the Get&aelig; and Scythians,<a name=
+      "FNanchor037"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_037"><sup>[037]</sup></a> of the Lybians and
+      Goetulians<a name="FNanchor038"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_038"><sup>[038]</sup></a> of the Italian
+      Aborigines,<a name="FNanchor039"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_039"><sup>[039]</sup></a> and of the Huns and
+      Alans.<a name="FNanchor040"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_040"><sup>[040]</sup></a> They had left their
+      original state of <i>dissociation</i>, and had stepped into
+      that, which has been just described. Thus was the second
+      situation of men a state of <i>independent society</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Having thus joined themselves together, and having formed
+      themselves into several large and distinct bodies, they
+      could not fail of submitting soon to a more considerable
+      change. Their numbers must have rapidly increased, and
+      their societies, in process of time, have become so
+      populous, as frequently to have experienced the want of
+      subsistence, and many of the commotions and tumults of
+      intestine strife. For these inconveniences however there
+      were remedies to be found. <i>Agriculture</i> would furnish
+      them with that subsistence and support, which the earth,
+      from the rapid increase of its inhabitants, had become
+      unable spontaneously to produce. An <i>assignation</i> of
+      <i>property</i> would not only enforce an application, but
+      excite an emulation, to labour; and <i>government</i> would
+      at once afford a security to the acquisitions of the
+      industrious, and heal the intestine disorders of the
+      community, by the introduction of laws.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Such then were the remedies, that were gradually applied.
+      The <i>societies</i>, which had hitherto seen their
+      members, undistinguished either by authority or rank,
+      admitted now of magistratical pre-eminence. They were
+      divided into tribes; to every tribe was allotted a
+      particular district for its support, and to every
+      individual his particular spot. The Germans,<a name=
+      "FNanchor041"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_041"><sup>[041]</sup></a> who consisted of many
+      and various nations, were exactly in this situation. They
+      had advanced a step beyond the Scythians, Goetulians, and
+      those, whom we described before; and thus was the third
+      situation of mankind a state of <i>subordinate society</i>.
+    </p>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+     <a name="Part_202"></a>
+    <h2>
+      <a href="#PART_II.">CHAP. II.</a>
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      As we have thus traced the situation of man from unbounded
+      liberty to subordination, it will be proper to carry our
+      inquiries farther, and to consider, who first obtained the
+      pre-eminence in these <i>primoeval societies</i>, and by
+      what particular methods it was obtained.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      There were only two ways, by which such an event could have
+      been produced, by <i>compulsion</i> or <i>consent</i>. When
+      mankind first saw the necessity of government, it is
+      probable that many had conceived the desire of ruling. To
+      be placed in a new situation, to be taken from the common
+      herd, to be the first, distinguished among men, were
+      thoughts, that must have had their charms. Let us suppose
+      then, that these thoughts had worked so unusually on the
+      passions of any particular individual, as to have driven
+      him to the extravagant design of obtaining the preeminence
+      by force. How could his design have been accomplished? How
+      could he forcibly have usurped the jurisdiction at a time,
+      when, all being equally free, there was not a single
+      person, whose assistance he could command? Add to this,
+      that, in a state of universal liberty, force had been
+      repaid by force, and the attempt had been fatal to the
+      usurper.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      As <i>empire</i> then could never have been gained at first
+      by <i>compulsion</i>, so it could only have been obtained
+      by <i>consent</i>; and as men were then going to make an
+      important sacrifice, for the sake of their <i>mutual</i>
+      happiness, so he alone could have obtained it, (not whose
+      <i>ambition</i> had greatly distinguished him from the
+      rest) but in whose <i>wisdom, justice, prudence</i>, and
+      <i>virtue</i>, the whole community could confide.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      To confirm this reasoning, we shall appeal, as before, to
+      facts; and shall consult therefore the history of those
+      nations, which having just left their former state of
+      <i>independent society</i>, were the very people that
+      established <i>subordination</i> and <i>government</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The commentaries of C&aelig;sar afford us the following
+      accounts of the ancient Gauls. When any of their kings,
+      either by death, or deposition, made a vacancy in the regal
+      office, the whole nation was immediately convened for the
+      appointment of a successor. In these national conventions
+      were the regal offices conferred. Every individual had a
+      voice on the occasion, and every individual was free. The
+      person upon whom the general approbation appeared to fall,
+      was immediately advanced to pre-eminence in the state. He
+      was uniformly one, whose actions had made him eminent;
+      whose conduct had gained him previous applause; whose
+      valour the very assembly, that elected him, had themselves
+      witnessed in the field; whose prudence, wisdom and justice,
+      having rendered him signally serviceable, had endeared him
+      to his tribe. For this reason, their kingdoms were not
+      hereditary; the son did not always inherit the virtues of
+      the sire; and they were determined that he alone should
+      possess authority, in whose virtues they could confide. Nor
+      was this all. So sensible were they of the important
+      sacrifice they had made; so extremely jealous even of the
+      name of superiority and power, that they limited, by a
+      variety of laws, the authority of the very person, whom
+      they had just elected, from a confidence of his integrity;
+      Ambiorix himself confessing, "that his people had as much
+      power over him, as he could possibly have over his people."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The same custom, as appears from Tacitus, prevailed also
+      among the Germans. They had their national councils, like
+      the Gauls; in which the regal and ducal offices were
+      confirmed according to the majority of voices. They elected
+      also, on these occasions, those only, whom their virtue, by
+      repeated trial, had unequivocally distinguished from the
+      rest; and they limited their authority so far, as neither
+      to leave them the power of inflicting imprisonment or
+      stripes, nor of exercising any penal jurisdiction. But as
+      punishment was necessary in a state of civil society, "it
+      was permitted to the priests alone, that it might appear to
+      have been inflicted, by the order of the gods, and not by
+      any superiour authority in man."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The accounts which we have thus given of the ancient
+      Germans and Gauls, will be found also to be equally true of
+      those people, which had arrived at the same state of
+      subordinate society. We might appeal, for a testimony of
+      this, to the history of the Goths; to the history of the
+      Franks and Saxons; to, the history, in short, of all those
+      nations, from which the different governments, now
+      conspicuous in Europe, have undeniably sprung. And we might
+      appeal, as a farther proof, to the Americans, who are
+      represented by many of the moderns, from their own ocular
+      testimony, as observing the same customs at the present
+      day.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It remains only to observe, that as these customs prevailed
+      among the different nations described, in their early state
+      of subordinate society, and as they were moreover the
+      customs of their respective ancestors, it appears that they
+      must have been handed down, both by tradition and use, from
+      the first introduction of <i>government</i>.
+    </p>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+     <a name="Part_203"></a>
+    <h2>
+      <a href="#PART_II.">CHAP. III.</a>
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      We may now deduce those general maxims concerning
+      <i>subordination</i>, and <i>liberty</i>, which we
+      mentioned to have been essentially connected with the
+      subject, and which some, from speculation only, and without
+      any allusion to facts, have been bold enough to deny.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It appears first, that <i>liberty</i> is a <i>natural</i>,
+      and <i>government</i> an <i>adventitious</i> right, because
+      all men were originally free.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It appears secondly, that government is a <i>contract</i><a
+      name="FNanchor042"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_042"><sup>[042]</sup></a> because, in these
+      primeval subordinate societies, we have seen it voluntarily
+      conferred on the one hand, and accepted on the other. We
+      have seen it subject to various restrictions. We have seen
+      its articles, which could then only be written by tradition
+      and use, as perfect and binding as those, which are now
+      committed to letters. We have seen it, in short, partaking
+      of the <i>federal</i> nature, as much as it could in a
+      state, which wanted the means of recording its
+      transactions.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It appear thirdly, that the grand object of the
+      <i>contrast</i>, is the <i>happiness</i> of the people;
+      because they gave the supremacy to him alone, who had been
+      conspicuous for the splendour of his abilities, or the
+      integrity of his life: that the power of the multitude
+      being directed by the <i>wisdom</i> and <i>justice</i> of
+      the prince, they might experience the most effectual
+      protection from injury, the highest advantages of society,
+      the greatest possible <i>happiness</i>.
+    </p>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+     <a name="Part_204"></a>
+    <h2>
+      <a href="#PART_II.">CHAP. IV.</a>
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      Having now collected the materials that are necessary for
+      the prosecution of our design, we shall immediately enter
+      upon the discussion.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      If any man had originally been endued with power, as with
+      other faculties, so that the rest of mankind had discovered
+      in themselves an <i>innate necessity</i> of obeying this
+      particular person; it is evident that he and his
+      descendants, from the superiority of their nature, would
+      have had a claim upon men for obedience, and a natural
+      right to command: but as the right to empire is
+      <i>adventitious</i>; as all were originally free; as nature
+      made every man's body and mind <i>his own</i>; it is
+      evident that no just man can be consigned to
+      <i>slavery</i>, without his own <i>consent</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Neither can men, by the same principles, be considered as
+      lands, goods, or houses, among <i>possessions</i>. It is
+      necessary that all <i>property</i> should be inferiour to
+      its <i>possessor</i>. But how does the <i>slave</i> differ
+      from his <i>master</i>, but by <i>chance</i>? For though
+      the mark, with which the latter is pleased to brand him,
+      shews, at the first sight, the difference of their
+      <i>fortune</i>; what mark can be found in his
+      <i>nature</i>, that can warrant a distinction?
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      To this consideration we shall add the following, that if
+      men can justly become the property of each other, their
+      children, like the offspring of cattle, must inherit their
+      <i>paternal</i> lot. Now, as the actions of the father and
+      the child must be thus at the sole disposal of their common
+      master, it is evident, that the <i>authority</i> of the
+      one, as a <i>parent</i>, and the <i>duty</i> of the other,
+      as a <i>child</i>, must be instantly annihilated; rights
+      and obligations, which, as they are sounded in nature, are
+      implanted in our feelings, and are established by the voice
+      of God, must contain in their annihilation a solid argument
+      to prove, that there cannot be any <i>property</i> whatever
+      in the <i>human species</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      We may consider also, as a farther confirmation, that it is
+      impossible, in the nature of things, that <i>liberty</i>
+      can be <i>bought</i> or <i>sold</i>! It is neither
+      <i>saleable</i>, nor <i>purchasable</i>. For if any one man
+      can have an absolute property in the liberty of another,
+      or, in other words, if he, who is called a <i>master</i>,
+      can have a <i>just</i> right to command the actions of him,
+      who is called a <i>slave</i>, it is evident that the latter
+      cannot be accountable for those crimes, which the former
+      may order him to commit. Now as every reasonable being is
+      accountable for his actions, it is evident, that such a
+      right cannot <i>justly</i> exist, and that human liberty,
+      of course, is beyond the possibility either of <i>sale</i>
+      or <i>purchase</i>. Add to this, that, whenever you sell
+      the liberty of a man, you have the power only of alluding
+      to the <i>body</i>: the <i>mind</i> cannot be confined or
+      bound: it will be free, though its mansion be beset with
+      chains. But if, in every sale of the <i>human species</i>,
+      you are under the necessity of considering your slave in
+      this abstracted light; of alluding only to the body, and of
+      making no allusion to the mind; you are under the necessity
+      also of treating him, in the same moment, as a
+      <i>brute</i>, and of abusing therefore that nature, which
+      cannot otherwise be considered, than in the double capacity
+      of <i>soul</i> and <i>body</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But some person, perhaps, will make an objection to one of
+      the former arguments. "If men, from <i>superiority</i> of
+      their nature, cannot be considered, like lands, goods, or
+      houses, among possessions, so neither can cattle: for being
+      endued with life, motion, and sensibility, they are
+      evidently <i>superiour</i> to these." But this objection
+      will receive its answer from those observations which have
+      been already made; and will discover the true reason, why
+      cattle are justly to be estimated as property. For first,
+      the right to empire over brutes, is <i>natural</i>, and not
+      <i>adventitious</i>, like the right to empire over men.
+      There are, secondly, many and evident signs of the
+      <i>inferiority</i> of their nature; and thirdly, their
+      liberty can be bought and sold, because, being void of
+      reason, they cannot be <i>accountable</i> for their
+      actions.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      We might stop here for a considerable time, and deduce many
+      valuable lessons from the remarks that have been made, but
+      that such a circumstance might be considered as a
+      digression. There is one, however, which, as it is so
+      intimately connected with the subject, we cannot but
+      deduce. We are taught to treat men in a different manner
+      from brutes, because they are so manifestly superiour in
+      their nature; we are taught to treat brutes in a different
+      manner from stones, for the same reason; and thus, by
+      giving to every created thing its due respect, to answer
+      the views of Providence, which did not create a variety of
+      natures without a purpose or design.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But if these things are so, how evidently against reason,
+      nature, and every thing human and divine, must they act,
+      who not only force men into <i>slavery</i>, against their
+      own <i>consent</i>; but treat them altogether as
+      <i>brutes</i>, and make the <i>natural liberty</i> of man
+      an article of publick commerce! and by what arguments can
+      they possibly defend that commerce, which cannot be carried
+      on, in any single instance, without a flagrant violation of
+      the laws of nature and of God?
+    </p>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+     <a name="Part_205"></a>
+    <h2>
+      <a href="#PART_II.">CHAP. V.</a>
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      That we may the more accurately examine the arguments that
+      are advanced on this occasion, it will be proper to divide
+      the <i>commerce</i> into two parts; first, as it relates to
+      those who <i>sell</i>, and secondly, as it relates to those
+      who <i>purchase</i>, the <i>human species</i> into slavery.
+      To the former part of which, having given every previous
+      and necessary information in the history of servitude, we
+      shall immediately proceed.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Let us inquire first, by what particular right the
+      <i>liberties</i> of the harmless people are invaded by the
+      <i>prince</i>. "By the <i>right of empire</i>," it will be
+      answered; "because he possesses dominion and power by their
+      own approbation and consent." But subjects, though under
+      the dominion, are not the <i>property</i>, of the prince.
+      They cannot be considered as his <i>possessions</i>. Their
+      <i>natures</i> are both the same; they are both born in the
+      same manner; are subject to the same disorders; must apply
+      to the same remedies for a cure; are equally partakers of
+      the grave: an <i>incidental</i> distinction accompanies
+      them through life, and this-is all.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      We may add to this, that though the prince possesses
+      dominion and power, by the consent and approbation of his
+      subjects, he possesses it only for the most <i>salutary</i>
+      ends. He may tyrannize, if he can: he may alter the
+      <i>form</i> of his government: he cannot, however, alter
+      its <i>nature</i> and <i>end</i>. These will be immutably
+      the same, though the whole system of its administration
+      should be changed; and he will be still bound to
+      <i>defend</i> the lives and properties of his subjects, and
+      to make them <i>happy</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Does he defend those therefore, whom he invades at
+      discretion with the sword? Does he protect the property of
+      those, whose houses and effects he consigns at discretion
+      to the flames? Does he make those happy, whom he seizes, as
+      they are trying to escape the general devastation, and
+      compels with their wives and families to a wretched
+      <i>servitude?</i> He acts surely, as if the use of empire
+      consisted in violence and oppression; as if he, that was
+      most exalted, ought, of necessity, to be most unjust. Here
+      then the voice of <i>nature</i> and <i>justice</i> is
+      against him. He breaks that law of <i>nature</i>, which
+      ordains, "that no just man shall be given into slavery,
+      against his own <i>consent</i>:" he violates the first law
+      of <i>justice</i>, as established among men, "that no
+      person shall do harm to another without a previous and
+      sufficient <i>provocation</i>;" and he violates also the
+      sacred condition of <i>empire</i>, made with his ancestors,
+      and necessarily understood in every species of government,
+      "that, the power of the multitude being given up to the
+      wisdom and justice of the prince, they may experience, in
+      return, the most effectual protection from injury, the
+      highest advantages of society, the greatest possible
+      <i>happiness</i>."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But if kings then, to whom their own people have granted
+      dominion and power, are unable to invade the liberties of
+      their harmless subjects, without the highest
+      <i>injustice</i>; how can those private persons be
+      justified, who treacherously lie in wait for their
+      fellow-creatures, and sell them into slavery? What
+      arguments can they possibly bring in their defence? What
+      treaty of empire can they produce, by which their innocent
+      victims ever resigned to them the least portion of their
+      <i>liberty</i>? In vain will they plead the
+      <i>antiquity</i> of the custom: in vain will the
+      <i>honourable</i> light, in which <i>piracy</i> was
+      considered in the ages of barbarism, afford them an excuse.
+      Impious and abandoned men! ye invade the liberties of
+      those, who, (with respect to your impious selves) are in a
+      state of <i>nature</i>, in a state of original
+      <i>dissociation</i>, perfectly <i>independent</i>,
+      perfectly <i>free</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It appears then, that the two orders of slaves, which have
+      been mentioned in the history of the African servitude, "of
+      those who are publickly seized by virtue of the authority
+      of their prince; and of those, who are privately kidnapped
+      by individuals," are collected by means of violence and
+      oppression; by means, repugnant to <i>nature</i>, the
+      principles of <i>government</i>, and the common notions of
+      <i>equity</i>, as established among men.
+    </p>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+     <a name="Part_206"></a>
+    <h2>
+      <a href="#PART_II.">CHAP. VI.</a>
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      We come now to the third order of <i>involuntary</i>
+      slaves, "to convicts." The only argument that the sellers
+      advance here, is this, "that they have been found guilty of
+      offences, and that the punishment is just." But before the
+      equity of the sentence can be allowed two questions must be
+      decided, whether the punishment is <i>proportioned</i> to
+      the offence, and what is its particular <i>object</i> and
+      <i>end</i>?
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      To decide the first, we may previously observe, that the
+      African servitude comprehends <i>banishment</i>, a
+      <i>deprivation</i> of <i>liberty</i>, and many
+      <i>corporal</i> sufferings.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      On <i>banishment</i>, the following observations will
+      suffice. Mankind have their <i>local</i> attachments. They
+      have a particular regard for the spot, in which they were
+      born and nurtured. Here it was, that they first drew their
+      infant-breath: here, that they were cherished and
+      supported: here, that they passed those scenes of
+      childhood, which, free from care and anxiety, are the
+      happiest in the life of man; scenes, which accompany them
+      through life; which throw themselves frequently into their
+      thoughts, and produce the most agreeable sensations. These
+      then are weighty considerations; and how great this regard
+      is, may be evidenced from our own feelings; from the
+      testimony of some, who, when remote from their country,
+      and, in the hour of danger and distress, have found their
+      thoughts unusually directed, by some impulse or other, to
+      their native spot; and from the example of others, who,
+      having braved the storms and adversities of life, either
+      repair to it for the remainder of their days, or desire
+      even to be conveyed to it, when existence is no more.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But separately from these their <i>local</i>, they have
+      also their <i>personal</i> attachments; their regard for
+      particular men. There are ties of blood; there are ties of
+      friendship. In the former case, they must of necessity be
+      attached: the constitution of their nature demands it. In
+      the latter, it is impossible to be otherwise, since
+      friendship is founded on an harmony of temper, on a
+      concordance of sentiments and manners, on habits of
+      confidence, and a mutual exchange of favours.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      We may now mention, as perfectly distinct both from their
+      <i>local</i> and <i>personal</i>, the <i>national</i>
+      attachments of mankind, their regard for the whole body of
+      the people, among whom they were born and educated. This
+      regard is particularly conspicuous in the conduct of such,
+      as, being thus <i>nationally</i> connected, reside in
+      foreign parts. How anxiously do they meet together! how
+      much do they enjoy the fight of others of their countrymen,
+      whom fortune places in their way! what an eagerness do they
+      show to serve them, though not born on the same particular
+      spot, though not connected by consanguinity or friendship,
+      though unknown to them before! Neither is this affection
+      wonderful, since they are creatures of the same education;
+      of the same principles; of the same manners and habits;
+      cast, as it were, in the same mould; and marked with the
+      same impression.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      If men therefore are thus separately attached to the
+      several objects described, it is evident that a separate
+      exclusion from either must afford them considerable pain.
+      What then must be their sufferings, to be forced for ever
+      from their country, which includes them all? Which contains
+      the <i>spot</i>, in which they were born and nurtured;
+      which contains their <i>relations</i> and <i>friends</i>;
+      which contains the whole body of the <i>people</i>, among
+      whom they were bred and educated. In these sufferings,
+      which arise to men, both in bidding, and in having bid,
+      adieu to all that they esteem as dear and valuable,
+      <i>banishment</i> consists in part; and we may agree
+      therefore with the ancients, without adding other
+      melancholy circumstances to the account, that it is no
+      inconsiderable punishment of itself.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      With respect to the <i>loss</i> of <i>liberty</i>, which is
+      the second consideration in the punishment, it is evident
+      that men bear nothing worse; that there is nothing, that
+      they lay more at heart; and that they have shewn, by many
+      and memorable instances, that even death is to be
+      preferred. How many could be named here, who, having
+      suffered the <i>loss</i> of <i>liberty</i>, have put a
+      period to their existence! How many, that have willingly
+      undergone the hazard of their lives to destroy a tyrant!
+      How many, that have even gloried to perish in the attempt!
+      How many bloody and publick wars have been undertaken (not
+      to mention the numerous <i>servile</i> insurrections, with
+      which history is stained) for the cause of <i>freedom</i>!
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But if nothing is dearer than <i>liberty</i> to men, with
+      which, the barren rock is able to afford its joys, and
+      without which, the glorious fun shines upon them but in
+      vain, and all the sweets and delicacies of life are
+      tasteless and unenjoyed; what punishment can be more severe
+      than the loss of so great a blessing? But if to this
+      <i>deprivation</i> of <i>liberty</i>, we add the agonizing
+      pangs of <i>banishment</i>; and if to the complicated
+      stings of both, we add the incessant <i>stripes,
+      wounds</i>, and <i>miseries</i>, which are undergone by
+      those, who are sold into this horrid <i>servitude</i>; what
+      crime can we possibly imagine to be so enormous, as to be
+      worthy of so great a punishment?
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      How contrary then to reason, justice, and nature, must
+      those act, who apply this, the severest of human
+      punishments, to the most insignificant offence! yet such is
+      the custom with the Africans: for, from the time, in which
+      the Europeans first intoxicated the African princes with
+      their foreign draughts, no crime has been committed, no
+      shadow of a crime devised, that has not immediately been
+      punished with <i>servitude</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But for what purpose is the punishment applied? Is it
+      applied to amend the manners of the criminal, and thus
+      render him a better subject? No, for if you banish him, he
+      can no longer be a subject, and you can no longer therefore
+      be solicitous for his morals. Add to this, that if you
+      banish him to a place, where he is to experience the
+      hardships of want and hunger (so powerfully does hunger
+      compel men to the perpetration of crimes) you force him
+      rather to corrupt, than amend his manners, and to be
+      wicked, when he might otherwise be just.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Is it applied then, that others may be deterred from the
+      same proceedings, and that crimes may become less frequent?
+      No, but that <i>avarice</i> may be gratified; that the
+      prince may experience the emoluments of the sale: for,
+      horrid and melancholy thought! the more crimes his subjects
+      commit, the richer is he made; the more <i>abandoned</i>
+      the subject, the <i>happier</i> is the prince!
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Neither can we allow that the punishment thus applied,
+      tends in any degree to answer <i>publick happiness</i>; for
+      if men can be sentenced to slavery, right or wrong; if
+      shadows can be turned into substances, and virtues into
+      crimes; it is evident that none can be happy, because none
+      can be secure.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But if the punishment is infinitely greater than the
+      offence, (which has been shewn before) and if it is
+      inflicted, neither to amend the criminal, nor to deter
+      others from the same proceedings, nor to advance, in any
+      degree, the happiness of the publick, it is scarce
+      necessary to observe, that it is totally unjust, since it
+      is repugnant to <i>reason</i>, the dictates of
+      <i>nature</i>, and the very principles of
+      <i>government</i>.
+    </p>
+    <br>
+     <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+     <a name="Part_207"></a>
+    <h2>
+      <a href="#PART_II.">CHAP. VII.</a>
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      We come now to the fourth and last order of slaves, to
+      <i>prisoners of war</i>. As the <i>sellers</i> lay a
+      particular stress on this order of men, and infer much,
+      from its <i>antiquity</i>, in support of the justice of
+      their cause, we shall examine the principle, on which it
+      subsisted among the ancients. But as this principle was the
+      same among all nations, and as a citation from many of
+      their histories would not be less tedious than unnecessary,
+      we shall select the example of the Romans for the
+      consideration of the case.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The law, by which prisoners of war were said to be
+      sentenced to servitude, was the <i>law of nations.</i><a
+      name="FNanchor043"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_043"><sup>[043]</sup></a> It was so called from
+      the universal concurrence of nations in the custom. It had
+      two points in view, the <i>persons</i> of the
+      <i>captured</i>, and their <i>effects</i>; both of which it
+      immediately sentenced, without any of the usual forms of
+      law, to be the property of the <i>captors</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The principle, on which the law was established, was the
+      <i>right of capture</i>. When any of the contending parties
+      had overcome their opponents, and were about to destroy
+      them, the right was considered to commence; a right, which
+      the victors conceived themselves to have, to recall their
+      swords, and, from the consideration of having saved the
+      lives of the vanquished, when they could have taken them by
+      the laws of war, to commute <i>blood</i> for
+      <i>service</i>. Hence the Roman lawyer, Pomponius, deduces
+      the etymology of <i>slave</i> in the Roman language. "They
+      were called <i>servi</i>,<a name="FNanchor044"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_044"><sup>[044]</sup></a>, says he from the
+      following circumstance. It was usual with our commanders to
+      take them prisoners, and sell them: now this circumstance
+      implies, that they must have been previously
+      <i>preserved</i>, and hence the name." Such then was the
+      <i>right of capture</i>. It was a right, which the
+      circumstance of <i>taking</i> the vanquished, that is, of
+      <i>preserving</i> them alive, gave the conquerors to their
+      persons. By this right, as always including the idea of a
+      previous preservation from death, the vanquished were said
+      <i>to be slaves</i>;<a name="FNanchor045"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_045"><sup>[045]</sup></a> and, "as all slaves,"
+      says Justinian, "are themselves in the power of others, and
+      of course can have nothing of their own, so their effects
+      followed the condition of their persons, and became the
+      property of the captors."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      To examine this right, by which the vanquished were said to
+      be slaves, we shall use the words of a celebrated Roman
+      author, and apply them to the present case.<a name=
+      "FNanchor046"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_046"><sup>[046]</sup></a> "If it is lawful,"
+      says he, "to deprive a man of his life, it is certainly not
+      inconsistent with nature to rob him;" to rob him of his
+      liberty. We admit the conclusion to be just, if the
+      supposition be the same: we allow, if men have a right to
+      commit that, which is considered as a greater crime, that
+      they have a right, at the same instant, to commit that,
+      which is considered as a less. But what shall we say to the
+      <i>hypothesis</i>? We deny it to be true. The voice of
+      nature is against it. It is not lawful to kill, but on
+      <i>necessity</i>. Had there been a necessity, where had the
+      wretched captive survived to be broken with chains and
+      servitude? The very act of saving his life is an argument
+      to prove, that no such necessity existed. The
+      <i>conclusion</i> is therefore false. The captors had no
+      right to the <i>lives</i> of the captured, and of course
+      none to their <i>liberty</i>: they had no right to their
+      <i>blood</i>, and of course none to their <i>service</i>.
+      Their right therefore had no foundation in justice. It was
+      founded on a principle, contrary to the law of nature, and
+      of course contrary to that law, which people, under
+      different governments, are bound to observe to one another.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It is scarce necessary to observe, as a farther testimony
+      of the injustice of the measure, that the Europeans, after
+      the introduction of Christianity, exploded this principle
+      of the ancients, as frivolous and false; that they spared
+      the lives of the vanquished, not from the sordid motives of
+      <i>avarice</i>, but from a conscientiousness, that homicide
+      could only be justified by <i>necessity</i>; that they
+      introduced an <i>exchange</i> of prisoners, and, by many
+      and wise regulations, deprived war of many of its former
+      horrours.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But the advocates for slavery, unable to defend themselves
+      against these arguments, have fled to other resources, and,
+      ignorant of history, have denied that the <i>right of
+      capture</i> was the true principle, on which slavery
+      subsisted among the ancients. They reason thus. "The
+      learned Grotius, and others, have considered slavery as the
+      just consequence of a private war, (supposing the war to be
+      just and the opponents in a state of nature), upon the
+      principles of <i>reparation</i> and <i>punishment</i>. Now
+      as the law of nature, which is the rule of conduct to
+      individuals in such a situation, is applicable to members
+      of a different community, there is reason to presume, that
+      these principles were applied by the ancients to their
+      prisoners of war; that their <i>effects</i> were
+      confiscated by the right of <i>reparation</i>, and their
+      <i>persons</i> by the right of <i>punishment</i>."-
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But, such a presumption is false. The <i>right of
+      capture</i> was the only argument, that the ancients
+      adduced in their defence. Hence Polybius; "What must they,
+      (the Mantinenses) suffer, to receive the punishment they
+      deserve? Perhaps it will be said, <i>that they must be
+      sold, when they are taken, with their wives and children
+      into slavery</i>: But this is not to be considered as a
+      punishment, since even those suffer it, by the laws of war,
+      who have done nothing that is base." The truth is, that
+      both the <i>offending</i> and the <i>offended</i> parties,
+      whenever they were victorious, inflicted slavery alike. But
+      if the <i>offending</i> party inflicted slavery on the
+      persons of the vanquished, by what right did they inflict
+      it? It must be answered from the presumption
+      before-mentioned, "by the right of <i>reparation</i>, or of
+      <i>punishment:</i>" an answer plainly absurd and
+      contradictory, as it supposes the <i>aggressor</i> to have
+      a <i>right</i>, which the <i>injured</i> only could
+      possess.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Neither is the argument less fallacious than the
+      presumption, in applying these principles, which in a
+      <i>publick</i> war could belong to the <i>publick</i> only,
+      to the persons of the <i>individuals</i> that were taken.
+      This calls us again to the history of the ancients, and, as
+      the rights of reparation and punishment could extend to
+      those only, who had been injured, to select a particular
+      instance for the consideration of the case.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      As the Romans had been injured without a previous
+      provocation by the conduct of Hannibal at Saguntum, we may
+      take the treaty into consideration, which they made with
+      the Carthaginians, when the latter, defeated at Zama, sued
+      for peace. It consisted of three articles.<a name=
+      "FNanchor047"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_047"><sup>[047]</sup></a> By the first, the
+      Carthaginians were to be free, and to enjoy their own
+      constitution and laws. By the second, they were to pay a
+      considerable sum of money, as a reparation for the damages
+      and expence of war: and, by the third, they were to deliver
+      up their elephants and ships of war, and to be subject to
+      various restrictions, as a punishment. With these terms
+      they complied, and the war was finished.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Thus then did the Romans make that distinction between
+      <i>private</i> and <i>publick</i> war, which was necessary
+      to be made, and which the argument is fallacious in not
+      supposing. The treasury of the vanquished was marked as the
+      means of <i>reparation</i>; and as this treasury was
+      supplied, in a great measure, by the imposition of taxes,
+      and was, wholly, the property of the <i>publick</i>, so the
+      <i>publick</i> made the reparation that was due. The
+      <i>elephants</i> also, and <i>ships of war</i>, which were
+      marked as the means of <i>punishment</i>, were
+      <i>publick</i> property; and as they were considerable
+      instruments of security and defence to their possessors,
+      and of annoyance to an enemy, so their loss, added to the
+      restrictions of the treaty, operated as a great and
+      <i>publick</i> punishment. But with respect to the
+      Carthaginian prisoners, who had been taken in the war, they
+      were retained in <i>servitude:</i> not upon the principles
+      of <i>reparation</i> and <i>punishment</i>, because the
+      Romans had already received, by their own confession in the
+      treaty, a sufficient satisfaction: not upon these
+      principles, because they were inapplicable to
+      <i>individuals:</i> the legionary soldier in the service of
+      the injured, who took his prisoner, was not the person, to
+      whom the <i>injury had been done</i>, any more than the
+      soldier in the service of the aggressors, who was taken,
+      was the person, who had <i>committed the offence:</i> but
+      they were retained in servitude by the <i>right of
+      capture</i>; because, when both parties had sent their
+      military into the field to determine the dispute, it was at
+      the <i>private</i> choice of the legionary soldier
+      before-mentioned, whether he would spare the life of his
+      conquered opponent, when he was thought to be entitled to
+      take it, if he had chosen, by the laws of war.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      To produce more instances, as an illustration of the
+      subject, or to go farther into the argument, would be to
+      trespass upon the patience, as well as understanding of the
+      reader. In <i>a state of nature</i>, where a man is
+      supposed to commit an injury, and to be unconnected with
+      the rest of the world, the act is <i>private</i>, and the
+      right, which the injured acquires, can extend only to
+      <i>himself:</i> but in <i>a state of society</i>, where any
+      member or members of a particular community give offence to
+      those of another, and they are patronized by the state, to
+      which they belong, the case is altered; the act becomes
+      immediately <i>publick</i>, and the <i>publick</i> alone
+      are to experience the consequences of their injustice. For
+      as no particular member of the community, if considered as
+      an individual, is guilty, except the person, by whom the
+      injury was done, it would be contrary to reason and
+      justice, to apply the principles of <i>reparation</i> and
+      <i>punishment</i>, which belong to the people as a
+      collective body, to any individual of the community, who
+      should happen to be taken. Now, as the principles of
+      <i>reparation</i> and <i>punishment</i> are thus
+      inapplicable to the prisoners, taken in a <i>publick</i>
+      war, and as the <i>right of capture</i>, as we have shewn
+      before, is insufficient to intitle the victors to the
+      <i>service</i> of the vanquished, it is evident that
+      <i>slavery</i> cannot justly exist at all, since there are
+      no other maxims, on which it can be founded, even in the
+      most equitable wars.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But if these things are so; if slavery cannot be defended
+      even in the most <i>equitable</i> wars, what arguments will
+      not be found against that servitude, which arises from
+      those, that are <i>unjust?</i> Which arises from those
+      African wars, that relate to the present subject? The
+      African princes, corrupted by the merchants of Europe, seek
+      every opportunity of quarrelling with one another. Every
+      spark is blown into a flame; and war is undertaken from no
+      other consideration, than that <i>of procuring slaves:</i>
+      while the Europeans, on the other hand, happy in the
+      quarrels which they have thus excited, supply them with
+      arms and ammunition for the accomplishment of their horrid
+      purpose. Thus has Africa, for the space of two hundred
+      years, been the scene of the most iniquitous and bloody
+      wars; and thus have many thousands of men, in the most
+      iniquitous manner, been sent into servitude.
+    </p>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+     <a name="Part_208"></a>
+    <h2>
+      <a href="#PART_II.">CHAP. VIII.</a>
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      We shall beg leave, before we proceed to the arguments of
+      the <i>purchasers</i>, to add the following observations to
+      the substance of the three preceding chapters.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      As the two orders of men, of those who are privately
+      kidnapped by individuals, and of those who are publickly
+      seized by virtue of the authority of their prince, compose
+      together, at least,<a name="FNanchor048"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_048"><sup>[048]</sup></a> nine tenths of the
+      African slaves, they cannot contain, upon a moderate
+      computation, less than ninety thousand men annually
+      transported: an immense number, but easily to be credited,
+      when we reflect that thousands are employed for the purpose
+      of stealing the unwary, and that these diabolical practices
+      are in force, so far has European <i>injustice</i> been
+      spread, at the distance of a thousand miles from the
+      factories on the coast. The <i>slave merchants</i>, among
+      whom a quantity of European goods is previously divided,
+      travel into the heart of the country to this amazing
+      distance. Some of them attend the various markets, that are
+      established through so large an extent of territory, to
+      purchase the kidnapped people, whom the
+      <i>slave-hunters</i> are continually bringing in; while the
+      rest, subdividing their merchandize among the petty
+      sovereigns with whom they deal, receive, by an immediate
+      exertion of fraud and violence, the stipulated number.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Now, will any man assert, in opposition to the arguments
+      before advanced, that out of this immense body of men, thus
+      annually collected and transported, there is even
+      <i>one</i>, over whom the original or subsequent seller can
+      have any power or right? Whoever asserts this, in the first
+      instance, must, contradict his own feelings, and must
+      consider <i>himself</i> as a just object of prey, whenever
+      any daring invader shall think it proper to attack
+      <i>him</i>. And, in the second instance, the very idea
+      which the African princes entertain of their villages, as
+      <i>parks</i> or <i>reservoirs</i>, stocked only for their
+      own convenience, and of their subjects, as <i>wild
+      beasts</i>, whom they may pursue and take at pleasure, is
+      so shocking, that it need only be mentioned, to be
+      instantly reprobated by the reader.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The order of slaves, which is next to the former in respect
+      to the number of people whom it contains, is that of
+      prisoners of war. This order, if the former statement be
+      true, is more inconsiderable than is generally imagined;
+      but whoever reflects on the prodigious slaughter that is
+      constantly made in every African skirmish, cannot be
+      otherwise than of this opinion: he will find, that where
+      <i>ten</i> are taken, he has every reason to presume that
+      an <i>hundred</i> perish. In some of these skirmishes,
+      though they have been begun for the express purpose of
+      <i>procuring slaves</i>, the conquerors have suffered but
+      few of the vanquished to escape the fury of the sword; and
+      there have not been wanting instances, where they have been
+      so incensed at the resistance they have found, that their
+      spirit of vengeance has entirely got the better of their
+      avarice, and they have murdered, in cool blood, every
+      individual, without discrimination, either of age or sex.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The following<a name="FNanchor049"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_049"><sup>[049]</sup></a> is an account of one
+      of these skirmishes, as described by a person, who was
+      witness to the scene. "I was sent, with several others, in
+      a small sloop up the river Niger, to purchase slaves: we
+      had some free negroes with us in the practice; and as the
+      vessels are liable to frequent attacks from the negroes on
+      one side of the river, or the Moors on the other, they are
+      all armed. As we rode at anchor a long way up the river, we
+      observed a large number of negroes in huts by the river's
+      side, and for our own safety kept a wary eye on them. Early
+      next morning we saw from our masthead a numerous body
+      approaching, with apparently but little order, but in close
+      array. They approached very fast, and fell furiously on the
+      inhabitants of the town, who seemed to be quite
+      <i>surprized</i>, but nevertheless, as soon as they could
+      get together, fought stoutly. They had some fire-arms, but
+      made very little use of them, as they came directly to
+      close fighting with their spears, lances, and sabres. Many
+      of the invaders were mounted on small horses; and both
+      parties fought for about half an hour with the fiercest
+      animosity, exerting much more courage and perseverance than
+      I had ever before been witness to amongst them. The women
+      and children of the town clustered together to the water's
+      edge, running shrieking up and down with terrour, waiting
+      the event of the combat, till their party gave way and took
+      to the water, to endeavour to swim over to the Barbary
+      side. They were closely pursued even into the river by the
+      victors, who, though they came for the purpose of
+      <i>getting slaves</i>, gave no quarter, <i>their cruelty
+      even prevailing over their avarice</i>. They made no
+      prisoners, but put all to the sword without mercy. Horrible
+      indeed was the carnage of the vanquished on this occasion,
+      and as we were within two or three hundred yards of them,
+      their cries and shrieks affected us extremely. We had got
+      up our anchor at the beginning of the fray, and now stood
+      close in to the spot, where the victors having followed the
+      vanquished into the water, were continually dragging out
+      and murdering those, whom by reason of their wounds they
+      easily overtook. The very children, whom they took in great
+      numbers, did not escape the massacre. Enraged at their
+      barbarity, we fired our guns loaden with grape shot, and a
+      volley of small arms among them, which effectually checked
+      their ardour, and obliged them to retire to a distance from
+      the shore; from whence a few round cannon shot soon removed
+      them into the woods. The whole river was black over with
+      the heads of the fugitives, who were swimming for their
+      lives. These poor wretches, fearing <i>us</i> as much as
+      their conquerors, dived when we fired, and cried most
+      lamentably for mercy. Having now effectually favoured their
+      retreat, we stood backwards and forwards, and took up
+      several that were wounded and tired. All whose wounds had
+      disabled them from swimming, were either butchered or
+      drowned, before we got up to them. With a justice and
+      generosity, <i>never I believe before heard of among
+      slavers</i>, we gave those their liberty whom we had taken
+      up, setting them on shore on the Barbary side, among the
+      poor residue of their companions, who had survived the
+      slaughter of the morning."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      We shall make but two remarks on this horrid instance of
+      African cruelty. It adds, first, a considerable weight to
+      the statements that have been made; and confirms, secondly,
+      the conclusions that were drawn in the preceding chapter.
+      For if we even allow the right of capture to be just, and
+      the principles of reparation and punishment to be
+      applicable to the individuals of a community, yet would the
+      former be unjust, and the latter inapplicable, in the
+      present case. Every African war is a robbery; and we may
+      add, to our former expression, when we said, "that thus
+      have many thousands of men, in the most iniquitous manner,
+      been sent into servitude," that we believe there are few of
+      this order, who are not as much the examples of injustice,
+      as the people that have been kidnapped; and who do not
+      additionally convey, when we consider them as prisoners of
+      war, an idea of the most complicated scene of murder.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The order of <i>convicts</i>, as it exists almost solely
+      among those princes, whose dominions are contiguous to the
+      European factories, is from this circumstance so
+      inconsiderable, when compared with either of the preceding,
+      that we should not have mentioned it again, but that we
+      were unwilling to omit any additional argument that
+      occurred against it.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It has been shewn already, that the punishment of slavery
+      is inflicted from no other motive, than that of gratifying
+      the <i>avarice</i> of the prince, a confederation so
+      detestable, as to be sufficient of itself to prove it to be
+      unjust; and that it is so disproportionate, from its
+      <i>nature</i>, to the offence, as to afford an additional
+      proof of its injustice. We shall add now, as a second
+      argument, its disproportion from its <i>continuance:</i>
+      and we shall derive a third from the consideration, that,
+      in civil society, every violation of the laws of the
+      community is an offence against the <i>state</i>.<a name=
+      "FNanchor050"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_050"><sup>[050]</sup></a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Let us suppose then an African prince, disdaining for once
+      the idea of emolument: let us suppose him for once inflamed
+      with the love of his country, and resolving to punish from
+      this principle alone, "that by exhibiting an example of
+      terrour, he may preserve that <i>happiness of the
+      publick</i>, which he is bound to secure and defend by the
+      very nature of his contract; or, in other words, that he
+      may answer the end of government." If actuated then by this
+      principle, he should adjudge slavery to an offender, as a
+      just punishment for his offence, for whose benefit must the
+      convict labour? If it be answered, "for the benefit of the
+      state," we allow that the punishment, in whatever light it
+      is considered, will be found to be equitable: but if it be
+      answered, "for the benefit of any <i>individual whom he
+      pleases to appoint</i>," we deny it to be just. The state<a
+      name="FNanchor051"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_051"><sup>[051]</sup></a> alone is considered to
+      have been injured, and as <i>injuries cannot possibly be
+      transferred</i>, the state alone can justly receive the
+      advantages of his labour. But if the African prince, when
+      he thus condemns him to labour for the benefit of an
+      <i>unoffended individual</i>, should at the same time
+      sentence him to become his <i>property</i>; that is, if he
+      should make the person and life of the convict at the
+      absolute disposal of him, for whom he has sentenced him to
+      labour; it is evident that, in addition to his former
+      injustice, he is usurping a power, which no ruler or rulers
+      of a state can possess, and which the great Creator of the
+      universe never yet gave to any order whatever of created
+      beings.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      That this reasoning is true, and that civilized nations
+      have considered it as such, will be best testified by their
+      practice. We may appeal here to that <i>slavery</i>, which
+      is now adjudged to delinquents, as a punishment, among many
+      of the states of Europe. These delinquents are sentenced to
+      labour at the <i>oar</i>, to work in <i>mines</i>, and on
+      <i>fortifications</i>, to cut and clear <i>rivers</i>, to
+      make and repair <i>roads</i>, and to perform other works of
+      national utility. They are employed, in short, in the
+      <i>publick</i> work; because, as the crimes they have
+      committed are considered to have been crimes against the
+      publick, no individual can justly receive the emoluments of
+      their labour; and they are neither <i>sold</i>, nor made
+      capable of being <i>transferred</i>, because no government
+      whatsoever is invested with such a power.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Thus then may that slavery, in which only the idea of
+      <i>labour</i> is included, be perfectly equitable, and the
+      delinquent will always receive his punishment as a man;
+      whereas in that, which additionally includes the idea of
+      <i>property</i>, and to undergo which, the delinquent must
+      previously change his nature, and become a <i>brute</i>;
+      there is an inconsistency, which no arguments can
+      reconcile, and a contradiction to every principle of
+      nature, which a man need only to appeal to his own feelings
+      immediately to evince. And we will venture to assert, from
+      the united observations that have been made upon the
+      subject, in opposition to any arguments that may be
+      advanced, that there is scarcely one of those, who are
+      called African convicts, on whom the prince has a right to
+      inflict a punishment at all; and that there is no one
+      whatever, whom he has a power of sentencing to labour for
+      the benefit of an unoffended individual, and much less whom
+      he has a right to sell.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Having now fully examined the arguments of the
+      <i>sellers</i>,<a name="FNanchor052"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_052"><sup>[052]</sup></a> and having made such
+      additional remarks as were necessary, we have only to add,
+      that we cannot sufficiently express our detestation at
+      their conduct. Were the reader coolly to reflect upon the
+      case of but <i>one</i> of the unfortunate men, who are
+      annually the victims of <i>avarice</i>, and consider his
+      situation in life, as a father, an husband, or a friend, we
+      are sure, that even on such a partial reflection, he must
+      experience considerable pain. What then must be his
+      feelings, when he is told, that, since the slave-trade
+      began, <i>nine millions</i> <a name="FNanchor053"></a><a
+      href="#Footnote_053"><sup>[053]</sup></a> of men have been
+      torn from their dearest connections, and sold into slavery.
+      If at this recital his indignation should arise, let him
+      consider it as the genuine production of nature; that she
+      recoiled at the horrid thought, and that she applied
+      instantly a torch to his breast to kindle his resentment;
+      and if, during his indignation, she should awaken the sigh
+      of sympathy, or seduce the tear of commiseration from his
+      eye, let him consider each as an additional argument
+      against the iniquity of the <i>sellers</i>.
+    </p>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+     <a name="Part_209"></a>
+    <h2>
+      <a href="#PART_II.">CHAP. IX.</a>
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      It remains only now to examine by what arguments those, who
+      <i>receive</i> or <i>purchase</i> their fellow-creatures
+      into slavery, defend the <i>commerce</i>. Their first plea
+      is, "that they receive those with propriety, who are
+      convicted of crimes, because they are delivered into their
+      hands by <i>their own magistrates</i>." But what is this to
+      you <i>receivers</i>? Have the unfortunate <i>convicts</i>
+      been guilty of injury to <i>you</i>? Have they broken
+      <i>your</i> treaties? Have they plundered <i>your</i>
+      ships? Have they carried <i>your</i> wives and children
+      into slavery, that <i>you</i> should thus retaliate? Have
+      they offended <i>you</i> even by word or gesture?
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But if the African convicts are innocent with respect to
+      you; if you have not even the shadow of a claim upon their
+      persons; by what right do you receive them? "By the laws of
+      the Africans," you will say; "by which it is positively
+      allowed."-But can <i>laws</i> alter the nature of vice?
+      They may give it a sanction perhaps: it will still be
+      immutably the same, and, though dressed in the outward
+      habiliments of <i>honour</i>, will still be
+      <i>intrinsically base</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But alas! you do not only attempt to defend yourselves by
+      these arguments, but even dare to give your actions the
+      appearance of lenity, and assume <i>merit</i> from your
+      <i>baseness</i>! and how first ought you particularly to
+      blush, when you assert, "that prisoners of war are only
+      purchased from the hands of their conquerors, <i>to deliver
+      them from death</i>." Ridiculous defence! can the most
+      credulous believe it? You entice the Africans to war; you
+      foment their quarrels; you supply them with arms and
+      ammunition, and all-from the <i>motives of benevolence</i>.
+      Does a man set fire to an house, for the purpose of
+      rescuing the inhabitants from the flames? But if they are
+      only purchased, to <i>deliver them from death</i>; why,
+      when they are delivered into your hands, as protectors, do
+      you torture them with hunger? Why do you kill them with
+      fatigue? Why does the whip deform their bodies, or the
+      knife their limbs? Why do you sentence them to death? to a
+      death, infinitely more excruciating than that from which
+      you so kindly saved them? What answer do you make to this?
+      for if you had not humanely preserved them from the hands
+      of their conquerors, a quick death perhaps, and that in the
+      space of a moment, had freed them from their pain: but on
+      account of your <i>favour</i> and <i>benevolence</i>, it is
+      known, that they have lingered years in pain and agony, and
+      have been sentenced, at last, to a dreadful death for the
+      most insignificant offence.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Neither can we allow the other argument to be true, on
+      which you found your merit; "that you take them from their
+      country for their own convenience; because Africa, scorched
+      with incessant heat, and subject to the most violent rains
+      and tempests, is unwholesome, and unfit to be inhabited."
+      Preposterous men! do you thus judge from your own feelings?
+      Do you thus judge from your own constitution and frame? But
+      if you suppose that the Africans are incapable of enduring
+      their own climate, because you cannot endure it yourselves;
+      why do you receive them into slavery? Why do you not
+      measure them here by the same standard? For if you are
+      unable to bear hunger and thirst, chains and imprisonment,
+      wounds and torture, why do you not suppose them incapable
+      of enduring the same treatment? Thus then is your argument
+      turned against yourselves. But consider the answer which
+      the Scythians gave the &AElig;gyptians, when they contended
+      about the antiquity of their original,<a name=
+      "FNanchor054"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_054"><sup>[054]</sup></a> "That nature, when
+      she first distinguished countries by different degrees of
+      heat and cold, tempered the bodies of animals, at the same
+      instant, to endure the different situations: that as the
+      climate of Scythia was severer than that of &AElig;gypt, so
+      were the bodies of the Scythians harder, and as capable of
+      enduring the severity of their atmosphere, as the
+      &AElig;gyptians the temperateness of their own."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But you may say perhaps, that, though they are capable of
+      enduring their own climate, yet their situation is
+      frequently uncomfortable, and even wretched: that Africa is
+      infested with locusts, and insects of various kinds; that
+      they settle in swarms upon the trees, destroy the verdure,
+      consume the fruit, and deprive the inhabitants of their
+      food. But the same answer may be applied as before; "that
+      the same kind Providence, who tempered the body of the
+      animal, tempered also the body of the tree; that he gave it
+      a quality to recover the bite of the locust, which he sent;
+      and to reassume, in a short interval of time, its former
+      glory." And that such is the case experience has shewn: for
+      the very trees that have been infested, and stripped of
+      their bloom and verdure, so surprizingly quick is
+      vegetation, appear in a few days, as if an insect had been
+      utterly unknown.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      We may add to these observations, from the testimony of
+      those who have written the History of Africa from their own
+      inspection, that no country is more luxurious in prospects,
+      none more fruitful, none more rich in herds and flocks, and
+      none, where the comforts of life, can be gained with so
+      little trouble.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But you say again, as a confirmation of these your former
+      arguments, (by which you would have it understood, that the
+      Africans themselves are sensible of the goodness of your
+      intentions) "that they do not appear to go with you against
+      their will." Impudent and base assertion! Why then do you
+      load them with chains? Why keep you your daily and nightly
+      watches? But alas, as a farther, though a more melancholy
+      proof, of the falsehood of your assertions, how many, when
+      on board your ships, have put a period to their existence?
+      How many have leaped into the sea? How many have pined to
+      death, that, even at the expence of their lives, they might
+      fly from your <i>benevolence</i>?
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Do you call them obstinate then, because they refuse your
+      favours? Do you call them ungrateful, because they make you
+      this return? How much rather ought you receivers to blush!
+      How much rather ought you receivers to be considered as
+      abandoned and execrable; who, when you usurp the dominion
+      over those, who are as free and independent as yourselves,
+      break the first law of justice, which ordains, "that no
+      person shall do harm to another, without a previous
+      provocation;" who offend against the dictates of nature,
+      which commands, "that no just man shall be given or
+      received into slavery against his own consent;" and who
+      violate the very laws of the empire that you assume, by
+      consigning your subjects to misery.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Now, as a famous Heathen philosopher observes, from whose
+      mouth you shall be convicted,<a name="FNanchor055"></a><a
+      href="#Footnote_055"><sup>[055]</sup></a> "there is a
+      considerable difference, whether an injury is done, during
+      any perturbation of mind, which is generally short and
+      momentary; or whether it is done with any previous
+      meditation and design; for, those crimes, which proceed
+      from any sudden commotion of the mind, are less than those,
+      which are studied and prepared," how great and enormous are
+      your crimes to be considered, who plan your African voyages
+      at a time, when your reason is found, and your senses are
+      awake; who coolly and deliberately equip your vessels; and
+      who spend years, and even lives, in the traffick of
+      <i>human liberty</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But if the arguments of those, who <i>sell</i> or
+      <i>deliver</i> men into slavery, (as we have shewn before)
+      and of those, who <i>receive</i> or <i>purchase</i> them,
+      (as we have now shewn) are wholly false; it is evident that
+      this <i>commerce</i>, is not only beyond the possibility of
+      defence, but is justly to be accounted wicked, and justly
+      impious, since it is contrary to the principles of
+      <i>law</i> and <i>government</i>, the dictates of
+      <i>reason</i>, the common maxims of <i>equity</i>, the laws
+      of <i>nature</i>, the admonitions of <i>conscience</i>,
+      and, in short, the whole doctrine of <i>natural
+      religion</i>.
+    </p>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+
+    <h2>
+      PART III.
+    </h2>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <h2>
+      THE<br>
+       SLAVERY of the AFRICANS<br>
+       IN THE<br>
+       EUROPEAN COLONIES.
+    </h2>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <a name="Part_301"></a>
+    <h2>
+      <a href="#PART_III.">CHAP. I.</a>
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      Having confined ourselves wholly, in the second part of
+      this Essay, to the consideration of the <i>commerce</i>, we
+      shall now proceed to the consideration of the
+      <i>slavery</i> that is founded upon it. As this slavery
+      will be conspicuous in the <i>treatment</i>, which the
+      unfortunate Africans uniformly undergo, when they are put
+      into the hands of the <i>receivers</i>, we shall describe
+      the manner in which they are accustomed to be used from
+      this period.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      To place this in the clearest, and most conspicuous point
+      of view, we shall throw a considerable part of our
+      information on this head into the form of a narrative: we
+      shall suppose ourselves, in short, on the continent of
+      Africa, and relate a scene, which, from its agreement with
+      unquestionable facts, might not unreasonably be presumed to
+      have been presented to our view, had we been really there.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      And first, let us turn our eyes to the cloud of dust that
+      is before us. It seems to advance rapidly, and, accompanied
+      with dismal shrieks and yellings, to make the very air,
+      that is above it, tremble as it rolls along. What can
+      possibly be the cause? Let us inquire of that melancholy
+      African, who seems to walk dejected near the shore; whose
+      eyes are stedfastly fixed on the approaching object, and
+      whose heart, if we can judge from the appearance of his
+      countenance, must be greatly agitated.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      "Alas!" says the unhappy African, "the cloud that you see
+      approaching, is a train of wretched slaves. They are going
+      to the ships behind you. They are destined for the English
+      colonies, and, if you will stay here but for a little time,
+      you will see them pass. They were last night drawn up upon
+      the plain which you see before you, where they were branded
+      upon the breast with an <i>hot iron</i>; and when they had
+      undergone the whole of the treatment which is customary on
+      these occasions, and which I am informed that you
+      Englishmen at home use to the <i>cattle</i> which you buy,
+      they were returned to their prison. As I have some dealings
+      with the members of the factory which you see at a little
+      distance, (though thanks to the Great Spirit, I never dealt
+      in the <i>liberty</i> of my fellow creatures) I gained
+      admittance there. I learned the history of some of the
+      unfortunate people, whom I saw confined, and will explain
+      to you, if my eye should catch them as they pass, the real
+      causes of their servitude."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Scarcely were these words spoken, when they came distinctly
+      into sight. They appeared to advance in a long column, but
+      in a very irregular manner. There were three only in the
+      front, and these were chained together. The rest that
+      followed seemed to be chained by pairs, but by pressing
+      forward, to avoid the lash of the drivers, the breadth of
+      the column began to be greatly extended, and ten or more
+      were observed abreast.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      While we were making these remarks, the intelligent African
+      thus resumed his discourse. "The first three whom you
+      observe, at the head of the train, to be chained together,
+      are prisoners of war. As soon as the ships that are behind
+      you arrived, the news was dispatched into the inland
+      country; when one of the petty kings immediately assembled
+      his subjects, and attacked a neighbouring tribe. The
+      wretched people, though they were surprized, made a
+      formidable resistance, as they resolved, almost all of
+      them, rather to lose their lives, than survive their
+      liberty. The person whom you see in the middle, is the
+      father of the two young men, who are chained to him on each
+      side. His wife and two of his children were killed in the
+      attack, and his father being wounded, and, on account of
+      his age, <i>incapable of servitude</i>, was left bleeding
+      on the spot where this transaction happened."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      "With respect to those who are now passing us, and are
+      immediately behind the former, I can give you no other
+      intelligence, than that some of them, to about the number
+      of thirty, were taken in the same skirmish. Their tribe was
+      said to have been numerous before the attack; these however
+      are <i>all that are left alive</i>. But with respect to the
+      unhappy man, who is now opposite to us, and whom you may
+      distinguish, as he is now looking back and wringing his
+      hands in despair, I can inform you with more precision. He
+      is an unfortunate convict. He lived only about five days
+      journey from the factory. He went out with his king to
+      hunt, and was one of his train; but, through too great an
+      anxiety to afford his royal master diversion, he roused the
+      game from the covert rather sooner than was expected. The
+      king, exasperated at this circumstance, immediately
+      sentenced him to slavery. His wife and children, fearing
+      lest the tyrant should extend the punishment to themselves,
+      <i>which is not unusual</i>, fled directly to the woods,
+      where they were all devoured."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      "The people, whom you see close behind the unhappy convict,
+      form a numerous body, and reach a considerable way. They
+      speak a language, which no person in this part of Africa
+      can understand, and their features, as you perceive, are so
+      different from those of the rest, that they almost appear a
+      distinct race of men. From this circumstance I recollect
+      them. They are the subjects of a very distant prince, who
+      agreed with the <i>slave merchants, for a quantity of
+      spirituous liquors</i>, to furnish him with a stipulated
+      number of slaves. He accordingly surrounded, and set fire
+      to one of his own villages in the night, and seized these
+      people, who were unfortunately the inhabitants, as they
+      were escaping from the flames. I first saw them as the
+      merchants were driving them in, about two days ago. They
+      came in a large body, and were tied together at the neck
+      with leather thongs, which permitted them to walk at the
+      distance of about a yard from one another. Many of them
+      were loaden with elephants teeth, which had been purchased
+      at the same time. All of them had bags, made of skin, upon
+      their shoulders; for as they were to travel, in their way
+      from the great mountains, through barren sands and
+      inhospitable woods for many days together, they were
+      obliged to carry water and provisions with them.
+      Notwithstanding this, many of them perished, some by
+      hunger, but the greatest number by fatigue, as the place
+      from whence they came, is at such an amazing distance from
+      this, and the obstacles, from the nature of the country, so
+      great, that the journey could scarcely be completed in
+      seven moons."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      When this relation was finished, and we had been looking
+      stedfastly for some time on the croud that was going by, we
+      lost sight of that peculiarity of feature, which we had
+      before remarked. We then discovered that the inhabitants of
+      the depopulated village had all of them passed us, and that
+      the part of the train, to which we were now opposite, was a
+      numerous body of kidnapped people. Here we indulged our
+      imagination. We thought we beheld in one of them a father,
+      in another an husband, and in another a son, each of whom
+      was forced from his various and tender connections, and
+      without even the opportunity of bidding them adieu. While
+      we were engaged in these and other melancholy reflections,
+      the whole body of slaves had entirely passed us. We turned
+      almost insensibly to look at them again, when we discovered
+      an unhappy man at the end of the train, who could scarcely
+      keep pace with the rest. His feet seemed to have suffered
+      much from long and constant travelling, for he was limping
+      painfully along.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      "This man," resumes the African. "has travelled a
+      considerable way. He lived at a great distance from hence,
+      and had a large family, for whom he was daily to provide.
+      As he went out one night to a neighbouring spring, to
+      procure water for his thirsty children, he was kidnapped by
+      two <i>slave hunters</i>, who sold him in the morning to
+      some country merchants for a <i>bar of iron</i>. These
+      drove him with other slaves, procured almost in the same
+      manner, to the nearest market, where the English merchants,
+      to whom the train that has just now passed us belongs,
+      purchased him and two others, by means of their travelling
+      agents, for a <i>pistol</i>. His wife and children have
+      been long waiting for his return. But he is gone for ever
+      from their sight: and they must be now disconsolate, as
+      they must be certain by his delay, that he has fallen into
+      the hands of the <i>Christians</i>".
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      "And now, as I have mentioned the name of
+      <i>Christians</i>, a name, by which the Europeans
+      distinguish themselves from us, I could wish to be informed
+      of the meaning which such an appellation may convey. They
+      consider themselves as <i>men</i>, but us unfortunate
+      Africans, whom they term <i>Heathens</i>, as the
+      <i>beasts</i> that serve us. But ah! how different is the
+      fact! What is <i>Christianity</i>, but a system of
+      <i>murder</i> and <i>oppression</i>? The cries and yells of
+      the unfortunate people, who are now soon to embark for the
+      regions of servitude, have already pierced my heart. Have
+      you not heard me sigh, while we have been talking? Do you
+      not see the tears that now trickle down my cheeks? and yet
+      these hardened <i>Christians</i> are unable to be moved at
+      all: nay, they will scourge them amidst their groans, and
+      even smile, while they are torturing them to death. Happy,
+      happy Heathenism! which can detest the vices of
+      Christianity, and feel for the distresses of mankind."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      "But" we reply, "You are totally mistaken:
+      <i>Christianity</i> is the most perfect and lovely of moral
+      systems. It blesses even the hand of persecution itself,
+      and returns good for evil. But the people against whom you
+      so justly declaim; are not <i>Christians</i>. They are
+      <i>infidels</i>. They are <i>monsters</i>. They are out of
+      the common course of nature. Their countrymen at home are
+      generous and brave. They support the sick, the lame, and
+      the blind. They fly to the succour of the distressed. They
+      have noble and stately buildings for the sole purpose of
+      benevolence. They are in short, of all nations, the most
+      remarkable for humanity and justice."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      "But why then," replies the honest African, "do they suffer
+      this? Why is Africa a scene of blood and desolation? Why
+      are her children wrested from her, to administer to the
+      luxuries and greatness of those whom they never offended?
+      And why are these dismal cries in vain?"
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      "Alas!" we reply again, "can the cries and groans, with
+      which the air now trembles, be heard across this extensive
+      continent? Can the southern winds convey them to the ear of
+      Britain? If they could reach the generous Englishman at
+      home, they would pierce his heart, as they have already
+      pierced your own. He would sympathize with you in your
+      distress. He would be enraged at the conduct of his
+      countrymen, and resist their tyranny."-
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But here a shriek unusually loud, accompanied with a
+      dreadful rattling of chains, interrupted the discourse. The
+      wretched Africans were just about to embark: they had
+      turned their face to their country, as if to take a last
+      adieu, and, with arms uplifted to the sky, were making the
+      very atmosphere resound with their prayers and
+      imprecations.
+    </p>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+     <a name="Part_302"></a>
+    <h2>
+      <a href="#PART_III.">CHAP. II.</a>
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      The foregoing scene, though it may be said to be imaginary,
+      is strictly consistent with fact. It is a scene, to which
+      the reader himself may have been witness, if he has ever
+      visited the place, where it is supposed to lie; as no
+      circumstance whatever has been inserted in it, for which
+      the fullest and most undeniable evidence cannot be
+      produced. We shall proceed now to describe, in general
+      terms, the treatment which the wretched Africans undergo,
+      from the time of their embarkation.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      When the African slaves, who are collected from various
+      quarters, for the purposes of sale, are delivered over to
+      the <i>receivers</i>, they are conducted in the manner
+      above described to the ships. Their situation on board is
+      beyond all description: for here they are crouded, hundreds
+      of them together, into such a small compass, as would
+      scarcely be thought sufficient to accommodate twenty, if
+      considered as <i>free men</i>. This confinement soon
+      produces an effect, that may be easily imagined. It
+      generates a pestilential air, which, co-operating with, bad
+      provisions, occasions such a sickness and mortality among
+      them, that not less than <i>twenty thousand</i><a name=
+      "FNanchor056"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_056"><sup>[056]</sup></a> are generally taken
+      off in every yearly transportation.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Thus confined in a pestilential prison, and almost entirely
+      excluded from the chearful face of day, it remains for the
+      sickly survivors to linger out a miserable existence, till
+      the voyage is finished. But are no farther evils to be
+      expected in the interim particularly if we add to their
+      already wretched situation the indignities that are daily
+      offered them, and the regret which they must constantly
+      feel, at being for ever forced from their connexions? These
+      evils are but too apparent. Some of them have resolved,
+      and, notwithstanding the threats of the <i>receivers</i>,
+      have carried their resolves into execution, to starve
+      themselves to death. Others, when they have been brought
+      upon deck for air, if the least opportunity has offered,
+      have leaped into the sea, and terminated their miseries at
+      once. Others, in a fit of despair, have attempted to rise,
+      and regain their liberty. But here what a scene of
+      barbarity has constantly ensued. Some of them have been
+      instantly killed upon the spot; some have been taken from
+      the hold, have been bruised and mutilated in the most
+      barbarous and shocking manner, and have been returned
+      bleeding to their companions, as a sad example of
+      resistance; while others, tied to the ropes of the ship,
+      and mangled alternately with the whip and knife, have been
+      left in that horrid situation, till they have expired.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But this is not the only inhuman treatment which they are
+      frequently obliged to undergo; for if there should be any
+      necessity, from tempestuous weather, for lightening the
+      ship; or if it should be presumed on the voyage, that the
+      provisions will fall short before the port can be made,
+      they are, many of them, thrown into the sea, without any
+      compunction of mind on the part of the <i>receivers</i>,
+      and without any other regret for their loss, than that
+      which <i>avarice</i> inspires. Wretched survivors! what
+      must be their feelings at such a sight! how must they
+      tremble to think of that servitude which is approaching,
+      when the very <i>dogs</i> of the <i>receivers</i> have been
+      retained on board, and preferred to their unoffending
+      countrymen. But indeed so lightly are these unhappy people
+      esteemed, that their lives have been even taken away upon
+      speculation: there has been an instance, within the last
+      five years, of <i>one hundred and thirty two</i> of them
+      being thrown into the sea, because it was supposed that, by
+      this <i>trick</i>, their value could be recovered from the
+      insurers.<a name="FNanchor057"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_057"><sup>[057]</sup></a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But if the ship should arrive safe at its destined port, a
+      circumstance which does not always happen, (for some have
+      been blown up, and many lost) the wretched Africans do not
+      find an alleviation of their sorrow. Here they are again
+      exposed to sale. Here they are again subjected to the
+      inspection of other brutal <i>receivers</i>, who examine
+      and treat them with an inhumanity, at which even avarice
+      should blush. To this mortifying circumstance is added
+      another, that they are picked out, as the purchaser
+      pleases, without any consideration whether the wife is
+      separated from her husband, or the mother from her son: and
+      if these cruel instances of separation should happen; if
+      relations, when they find themselves about to be parted,
+      should cling together; or if filial, conjugal, or parental
+      affection, should detain them but a moment longer in each
+      other's arms, than these <i>second receivers</i> should
+      think sufficient, the lash instantly severs them from their
+      embraces.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      We cannot close our account of the treatment, which the
+      wretched Africans undergo while in the hands of the
+      <i>first receivers</i>, without mentioning an instance of
+      wanton, barbarity, which happened some time ago;
+      particularly as it may be inserted with propriety in the
+      present place, and may give the reader a better idea of the
+      cruelties, to which they are continually exposed, than any
+      that he may have yet conceived. To avoid making a mistake,
+      we shall take the liberty that has been allowed us, and
+      transcribe it from a little manuscript account, with which
+      we have been favoured by a person of the strictest
+      integrity, and who was at that time in the place where the
+      transaction happened.<a name="FNanchor058"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_058"><sup>[058]</sup></a> "Not long after,"
+      says he, (continuing his account) "the perpetrator of a
+      cruel murder, committed in open day light, in the most
+      publick part of a town, which was the seat of government,
+      escaped every other notice than the curses of a few of the
+      more humane witnesses of his barbarity. An officer of a
+      Guinea ship, who had the care of a number of new slaves,
+      and was returning from the <i>sale-yard</i> to the vessel
+      with such as remained unsold; observed a stout fellow among
+      them rather slow in his motions, which he therefore
+      quickened with his rattan. The slave soon afterwards fell
+      down, and was raised by the same application. Moving
+      forwards a few yards, he fell down again; and this being
+      taken as a proof of his sullen perverse spirit, the enraged
+      officer furiously repeated his blows, till he expired at
+      his feet. The brute coolly ordered some of the surviving
+      slaves to carry the dead body to the water's side, where,
+      without any ceremony or delay, being thrown into the sea,
+      the tragedy was supposed to have been immediately finished
+      by the not more inhuman sharks, with which the harbour then
+      abounded. These voracious fish were supposed to have
+      followed the vessels from the coast of Africa, in which ten
+      thousand slaves were imported in that one season, being
+      allured by the stench, and daily fed by the dead carcasses
+      thrown overboard on the voyage."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      If the reader should observe here, that cattle are better
+      protected in this country, than slaves in the colonies, his
+      observation will be just. The beast which is driven to
+      market, is defended by law from the goad of the driver;
+      whereas the wretched African, though an human being, and
+      whose feelings receive of course a double poignancy from
+      the power of reflection, is unnoticed in this respect in
+      the colonial code, and may be goaded and beaten till he
+      expires.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      We may now take our leave of the <i>first receivers</i>.
+      Their crime has been already estimated; and to reason
+      farther upon it, would be unnecessary. For where the
+      conduct of men is so manifestly impious, there can be no
+      need, either of a single argument or a reflection; as every
+      reader of sensibility will anticipate them in his own
+      feelings.
+    </p>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+     <a name="Part_303"></a>
+    <h2>
+      <a href="#PART_III.">CHAP. III.</a>
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      When the wretched Africans are thus put into the hands of
+      the <i>second receivers</i>, they are conveyed to the
+      plantations, where they are totally considered as
+      <i>cattle</i>, or <i>beasts of labour</i>; their very
+      children, if any should be born to them in that situation,
+      being previously destined to the condition of their
+      parents. But here a question arises, which, will interrupt
+      the thread of the narration for a little time, viz. how far
+      their descendants, who compose the fifth order of slaves,
+      are justly reduced to servitude, and upon what principles
+      the <i>receivers</i> defend their conduct.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Authors have been at great pains to inquire, why, in the
+      ancient servitude, the child has uniformly followed the
+      condition of the mother. But we conceive that they would
+      have saved themselves much trouble, and have done
+      themselves more credit, if instead of, endeavouring to
+      reconcile the custom with <i>heathen</i> notions, or their
+      own laboured conjectures, they had shewn its inconsistency
+      with reason and nature, and its repugnancy to common
+      justice. Suffice it to say, that the whole theory of the
+      ancients, with respect to the descendants slaves, may be
+      reduced to this principle, "that as the parents, by
+      becoming <i>property</i>, were wholly considered as
+      <i>cattle</i>, their children, like <i>the progeny of
+      cattle</i>, inherited their parental lot."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Such also is the excuse of the tyrannical <i>receivers</i>
+      before-mentioned. They allege, that they have purchased the
+      parents, that they can sell and dispose of them as they
+      please, that they possess them under the same laws and
+      limitations as their cattle, and that their children, like
+      the progeny of these, become their property <i>by
+      birth</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But the absurdity of the argument will immediately appear.
+      It depends wholly on the supposition, that the parents are
+      <i>brutes</i>. If they are <i>brutes</i>, we shall
+      instantly cease to contend: if they are <i>men</i>, which
+      we think it not difficult to prove, the argument must
+      immediately fall, as we have already shewn that there
+      cannot justly be any <i>property</i> whatever in the
+      <i>human species</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It has appeared also, in the second part of this Essay,
+      that as nature made, every man's body and mind <i>his
+      own</i>, so no <i>just</i> person can be reduced to slavery
+      against his own <i>consent</i>. Do the unfortunate
+      offspring ever <i>consent</i> to be slaves?-They are slaves
+      from their birth.-Are they <i>guilty</i> of crimes, that
+      they lose their freedom?-They are slaves when they cannot
+      speak.-Are their <i>parents</i> abandoned? The crimes of
+      the parents cannot justly extend to the children.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Thus then must the tyrannical <i>receivers</i>, who presume
+      to sentence the children of slaves to servitude, if they
+      mean to dispute upon the justice of their cause; either
+      allow them to have been <i>brutes</i> from their birth, or
+      to have been guilty of crimes at a time, when they were
+      incapable of offending the very <i>King of Kings</i>.
+    </p>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+     <a name="Part_304"></a>
+    <h2>
+      <a href="#PART_III.">CHAP. IV.</a>
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      But to return to the narration. When the wretched Africans
+      are conveyed to the plantations, they are considered as
+      <i>beasts of labour</i>, and are put to their respective
+      work. Having led, in their own country, a life of indolence
+      and ease, where the earth brings forth spontaneously the
+      comforts of life, and spares frequently the toil and
+      trouble of cultivation, they can hardly be expected to
+      endure the drudgeries of servitude. Calculations are
+      accordingly made upon their lives. It is conjectured, that
+      if three in four survive what is called the
+      <i>seasoning</i>, the bargain is highly favourable. This
+      seasoning is said to expire, when the two first years of
+      their servitude are completed: It is the time which an
+      African must take to be so accustomed to the colony, as to
+      be able to endure the common labour of a plantation, and to
+      be put into the <i>gang</i>. At the end of this period the
+      calculations become verified, twenty thousand<a name=
+      "FNanchor059"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_059"><sup>[059]</sup></a> of those, who are
+      annually imported, dying before the seasoning is over. This
+      is surely an horrid and awful consideration: and thus does
+      it appear, (and let it be remembered, that it is the lowest
+      calculation that has been ever made upon the subject) that
+      out of every annual supply that is shipped from the coast
+      of Africa, <i>forty thousand lives</i><a name=
+      "FNanchor060"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_060"><sup>[060]</sup></a> are regularly
+      expended, even before it can be said, that there is really
+      any additional stock for the colonies.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      When the seasoning is over, and the survivors are thus
+      enabled to endure the usual task of slaves, they are
+      considered as real and substantial supplies. From this
+      period<a name="FNanchor061"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_061"><sup>[061]</sup></a> therefore we shall
+      describe their situation.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      They are summoned at five in the morning to begin their
+      work. This work may be divided into two kinds, the culture
+      of the fields, and the collection of grass for cattle. The
+      last is the most laborious and intolerable employment; as
+      the grass can only be collected blade by blade, and is to
+      be fetched frequently twice a day at a considerable
+      distance from the plantation. In these two occupations they
+      are jointly taken up, with no other intermission than that
+      of taking their subsistence twice, till nine at night. They
+      then separate for their respective huts, when they gather
+      sticks, prepare their supper, and attend their families.
+      This employs them till midnight, when they go to rest. Such
+      is their daily way of life for rather more than half the
+      year. They are <i>sixteen</i> hours, including two
+      intervals at meals, in the service of their masters: they
+      are employed <i>three</i> afterwards in their own necessary
+      concerns; <i>five</i> only remain for sleep, and their day
+      is finished.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      During the remaining portion of the year, or the time of
+      crop, the nature, as well as the time of their employment,
+      is considerably changed. The whole gang is generally
+      divided into two or three bodies. One of these, besides the
+      ordinary labour of the day, is kept in turn at the mills,
+      that are constantly going, during the whole of the night.
+      This is a dreadful encroachment upon their time of rest,
+      which was before too short to permit them perfectly to
+      refresh their wearied limbs, and actually reduces their
+      sleep, as long as this season lasts, to about three hours
+      and an half a night, upon a moderate computation.<a name=
+      "FNanchor062"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_062"><sup>[062]</sup></a> Those who can keep
+      their eyes open during their nightly labour, and are
+      willing to resist the drowsiness that is continually coming
+      upon them, are presently worn out; while some of those, who
+      are overcome, and who feed the mill between asleep and
+      awake, suffer, for thus obeying the calls of nature, by the
+      loss of a limb.<a name="FNanchor063"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_063"><sup>[063]</sup></a> In this manner they
+      go on, with little or no respite from their work, till the
+      crop season is over, when the year (from the time of our
+      first description) is completed.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      To support<a name="FNanchor064"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_064"><sup>[064]</sup></a> a life of such
+      unparalleled drudgery, we should at least expect: to find,
+      that they were comfortably clothed, and plentifully fed.
+      But sad reverse! they have scarcely a covering to defend
+      themselves against the inclemency of the night. Their
+      provisions are frequently bad, and are always dealt out to
+      them with such a sparing hand, that the means of a bare
+      livelihood are not placed within the reach of four out of
+      five of these unhappy people. It is a fact, that many of
+      the disorders of slaves are contracted from eating the
+      vegetables, which their little spots produce, before they
+      are sufficiently ripe: a clear indication, that the calls
+      of hunger are frequently so pressing, as not to suffer them
+      to wait, till they can really enjoy them.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      This, situation, of a want of the common necessaries of
+      life, added to that of hard and continual labour, must be
+      sufficiently painful of itself. How then must the pain be
+      sharpened, if it be accompanied with severity! if an
+      unfortunate slave does not come into the field exactly at
+      the appointed time, if, drooping with sickness or fatigue,
+      he appears to work unwillingly, or if the bundle of grass
+      that he has been collecting, appears too small in the eye
+      of the overseer, he is equally sure of experiencing the
+      whip. This instrument erases the skin, and cuts out small
+      portions of the flesh at almost every stroke; and is so
+      frequently applied, that the smack of it is all day long in
+      the ears of those, who are in the vicinity of the
+      plantations. This severity of masters, or managers, to
+      their slaves, which is considered only as common
+      discipline, is attended with bad effects. It enables them
+      to behold instances of cruelty without commiseration, and
+      to be guilty of them without remorse. Hence those many acts
+      of deliberate mutilation, that have taken place on the
+      slightest occasions: hence those many acts of inferiour,
+      though shocking, barbarity, that have taken place without
+      any occasion at all: the very slitting<a name=
+      "FNanchor065"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_065"><sup>[065]</sup></a> of ears has been
+      considered as an operation, so perfectly devoid of pain, as
+      to have been performed for no other reason than that for
+      which a brand is set upon cattle, <i>as a mark of
+      property</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But this is not the only effect, which this severity
+      produces: for while it hardens their hearts, and makes them
+      insensible of the misery of their fellow-creatures, it
+      begets a turn for wanton cruelty. As a proof of this, we
+      shall mention one, among the many instances that occur,
+      where ingenuity has been exerted in contriving modes of
+      torture. "An iron coffin, with holes in it, was kept by a
+      certain colonist, as an auxiliary to the lash. In this the
+      poor victim of the master's resentment was inclosed, and
+      placed sufficiently near a fire, to occasion extreme pain,
+      and consequently shrieks and groans, until the revenge of
+      the master was satiated, without any other inconvenience on
+      his part, than a temporary suspension of the slave's
+      labour. Had he been flogged to death, or his limbs
+      mutilated, the interest of the brutal tyrant would have
+      suffered a more irreparable loss.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      "In mentioning, this instance, we do not mean to insinuate,
+      that it is common. We know that it was reprobated by many.
+      All that we would infer from it is, that where men are
+      habituated to a system of severity, they become <i>wantonly
+      cruel</i>, and that the mere toleration of such an
+      instrument of torture, in any country, is a clear
+      indication, <i>that this wretched class of men do not there
+      enjoy the protection of any laws, that may be pretended to
+      have been enacted in their favour</i>."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Such then is the general situation of the unfortunate
+      Africans. They are beaten and tortured at discretion. They
+      are badly clothed. They are miserably fed. Their drudgery
+      is intense and incessant and their rest short. For scarcely
+      are their heads reclined, scarcely have their bodies a
+      respite from the labour of the day, or the cruel hand of
+      the overseer, but they are summoned to renew their sorrows.
+      In this manner they go on from year to year, in a state of
+      the lowest degradation, without a single law to protect
+      them, without the possibility of redress, without a hope
+      that their situation will be changed, unless death should
+      terminate the scene.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Having described the general situation of these unfortunate
+      people, we shall now take notice of the common consequences
+      that are found to attend it, and relate them separately, as
+      they result either from long and painful <i>labour</i>, a
+      <i>want</i> of the common necessaries of life, or continual
+      <i>severity</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Oppressed by a daily task of such immoderate labour as
+      human nature is utterly unable to perform, many of them run
+      away from their masters. They fly to the recesses of the
+      mountains, where they choose rather to live upon any thing
+      that the soil affords them, nay, the very soil itself, than
+      return to that <i>happy situation</i>, which is represented
+      by the <i>receivers</i>, as the condition of a slave.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It sometimes happens, that the manager of a mountain
+      plantation, falls in with one of these; he immediately
+      seizes him, and threatens to carry him to his former
+      master, unless he will consent to live on the mountain and
+      cultivate his ground. When his plantation is put in order,
+      he carries the delinquent home, abandons him to all the
+      suggestions of despotick rage, and accepts a reward for his
+      <i>honesty</i>. The unhappy wretch is chained, scourged,
+      tortured; and all this, because he obeyed the dictates of
+      nature, and wanted to be free. And who is there, that would
+      not have done the same thing, in the same situation? Who is
+      there, that has once known the charms of liberty; that
+      would not fly from despotism? And yet, by the impious laws
+      of the <i>receivers</i>, the absence<a name=
+      "FNanchor066"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_066"><sup>[066]</sup></a> of six months from the
+      lash of tyranny is-<i>death</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But this law is even mild, when compared with another
+      against the same offence, which was in force sometime ago,
+      and which we fear is even now in force, in some of those
+      colonies which this account of the treatment comprehends.
+      "Advertisements have frequently appeared there, offering a
+      reward for the apprehending of fugitive slaves either alive
+      or <i>dead</i>. The following instance was given us by a
+      person of unquestionable veracity, under whose own
+      observation it fell. As he was travelling in one of the
+      colonies alluded to, he observed some people in pursuit of
+      a poor wretch, who was seeking in the wilderness an asylum
+      from his labours. He heard the discharge of a gun, and soon
+      afterwards stopping at an house for refreshment, the head
+      of the fugitive, still reeking with blood, was brought in
+      and laid upon a table with exultation. The production of
+      such a trophy was the proof <i>required by law</i> to
+      entitle the heroes to their reward." Now reader determine
+      if you can, who were the most execrable; the rulers of the
+      state in authorizing murder, or the people in being bribed
+      to commit it.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      This is one of the common consequences of that immoderate
+      share of labour, which is imposed upon them; nor is that,
+      which is the result of a scanty allowance of food, less to
+      be lamented. The wretched African is often so deeply
+      pierced by the excruciating fangs of hunger, as almost to
+      be driven to despair. What is he to do in such a trying
+      situation? Let him apply to the <i>receivers</i>. Alas! the
+      majesty of <i>receivership</i> is too sacred for the
+      appeal, and the intrusion would be fatal. Thus attacked on
+      the one hand, and shut out from every possibility of relief
+      on the other, he has only the choice of being starved, or
+      of relieving his necessities by taking a small portion of
+      the fruits of his own labour. Horrid crime! to be found
+      eating the cane, which probably his own hands have planted,
+      and to be eating it, because his necessities were pressing!
+      This crime however is of such a magnitude, as always to be
+      accompanied with the whip; and so unmercifully has it been
+      applied on such an occasion, as to have been the cause, in
+      wet weather, of the delinquent's death. But the smart of
+      the whip has not been the only pain that the wretched
+      Africans have experienced. Any thing that passion could
+      seize, and convert into an instrument of punishment, has
+      been used; and, horrid to relate! the very knife has not
+      been overlooked in the fit of phrenzy. Ears have been slit,
+      eyes have been beaten out, and bones have been broken; and
+      so frequently has this been the case, that it has been a
+      matter of constant lamentation with disinterested people,
+      who out of curiosity have attended the markets<a name=
+      "FNanchor067"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_067"><sup>[067]</sup></a> to which these unhappy
+      people weekly resort, that they have not been able to turn
+      their eyes on any group of them whatever, but they have
+      beheld these inhuman marks of passion, despotism, and
+      caprice.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But these instances of barbarity have not been able to
+      deter them from similar proceedings. And indeed, how can it
+      be expected that they should? They have still the same
+      appetite to be satisfied as before, and to drive them to
+      desperation. They creep out clandestinely by night, and go
+      in search of food into their master's, or some neighbouring
+      plantation. But here they are almost equally sure of
+      suffering. The watchman, who will be punished himself, if
+      he neglects his duty, frequently seizes them in the fact.
+      No excuse or intreaty will avail; he must punish them for
+      an example, and he must punish them, not with a stick, nor
+      with a whip, but with a cutlass. Thus it happens, that
+      these unhappy slaves, if they are taken, are either sent
+      away mangled in a barbarous manner, or are killed upon the
+      spot.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      We may now mention the consequences of the severity. The
+      wretched Africans, daily subjected to the lash, and
+      unmercifully whipt and beaten on every trifling occasion,
+      have been found to resist their opposers. Unpardonable
+      crime! that they should have the feelings of nature! that
+      their breasts should glow with resentment on an injury!
+      that they should be so far overcome, as to resist those,
+      whom <i>they are under no obligations to obey</i>, and
+      whose only title to their services consists in <i>a
+      violation of the rights of men</i>! What has been the
+      consequence?-But here let us spare the feelings of the
+      reader, (we wish we could spare our own) and let us only
+      say, without a recital of the cruelty, <i>that they have
+      been murdered at the discretion of their masters</i>. For
+      let the reader observe, that the life of an African is only
+      valued at a price, that would scarcely purchase an horse;
+      that the master has a power of murdering his slave, if he
+      pays but a trifling fine; and that the murder must be
+      attended with uncommon circumstances of horrour, if it even
+      produces an inquiry.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Immortal Alfred! father of our invaluable constitution!
+      parent of the civil blessings we enjoy! how ought thy laws
+      to excite our love and veneration, who hast forbidden us,
+      thy posterity, to tremble at the frown of tyrants! how
+      ought they to perpetuate thy name, as venerable, to the
+      remotest ages, who has secured, even to the meanest
+      servant, a fair and impartial trial! How much does nature
+      approve thy laws, as consistent with her own feelings,
+      while she absolutely turns pale, trembles, and recoils, at
+      the institutions of these <i>receivers</i>! Execrable men!
+      you do not murder the horse, on which you only ride; you do
+      not mutilate the cow, which only affords you her milk; you
+      do not torture the dog, which is but a partial servant of
+      your pleasures: but these unfortunate men, from whom, you
+      derive your very pleasures and your fortunes, you torture,
+      mutilate, murder at discretion! Sleep then you
+      <i>receivers</i>, if you can, while you scarcely allow
+      these unfortunate people to rest at all! feast if you can,
+      and indulge your genius, while you daily apply to these
+      unfortunate people the stings of severity and hunger! exult
+      in riches, at which even avarice ought to shudder, and,
+      which humanity must detest!
+    </p>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+     <a name="Part_305"></a>
+    <h2>
+      <a href="#PART_III.">CHAP. V.</a>
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      Some people may suppose, from the melancholy account that
+      has been given in the preceding chapter, that we have been
+      absolutely dealing in romance: that the scene exhibited is
+      rather a dreary picture of the imagination, than a
+      representation of fact. Would to heaven, for the honour of
+      human nature, that this were really the case! We wish we
+      could say, that we have no testimony to produce for any of
+      our assertions, and that our description of the general
+      treatment of slaves has been greatly exaggerated.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But the <i>receivers</i>, notwithstanding the ample and
+      disinterested evidence, that can be brought on the
+      occasion, do not admit the description to be true. They say
+      first, "that if the slavery were such as has been now
+      represented, no human being could possibly support it
+      long." Melancholy truth! the wretched Africans generally
+      perish in their prime. Let them reflect upon the prodigious
+      supplies that are <i>annually</i> required, and their
+      argument will be nothing less than a confession, that the
+      slavery has been justly depicted.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      They appeal next to every man's own reason, and desire him
+      to think seriously, whether "self-interest will not always
+      restrain the master from acts of cruelty to the slave, and
+      whether such accounts therefore, as the foregoing, do not
+      contain within themselves, their own refutation." We
+      answer, "No." For if this restraining principle be as
+      powerful as it is imagined, why does not the general
+      conduct of men afford us a better picture? What is
+      imprudence, or what is vice, but a departure from every
+      man's own interest, and yet these are the characteristicks
+      of more than half the world?-
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      -But, to come more closely to the present case,
+      <i>self-interest</i> will be found but a weak barrier
+      against the sallies of <i>passion</i>: particularly where
+      it has been daily indulged in its greatest latitude, and
+      there are no laws to restrain its calamitous effects. If
+      the observation be true, that passion is a short madness,
+      then it is evident that self-interest, and every other
+      consideration, must be lost, so long as it continues. We
+      cannot have a stronger instance of this, than in a
+      circumstance related in the second part of this Essay,
+      "that though the Africans have gone to war for the express
+      purpose of procuring slaves, yet so great has been their
+      resentment at the resistance they have frequently found,
+      that their <i>passion</i> has entirely got the better of
+      their <i>interest</i>, and they have murdered all without
+      any discrimination, either of age or sex." Such may be
+      presumed to be the case with the no less savage
+      <i>receivers</i>. Impressed with the most haughty and
+      tyrannical notions, easily provoked, accustomed to indulge
+      their anger, and, above all, habituated to scenes of
+      cruelty, and unawed by the fear of laws, they will hardly
+      be found to be exempt from the common failings of human
+      nature, and to spare an unlucky slave, at a time when men
+      of cooler temper, and better regulated passions, are so
+      frequently blind to their own interest.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But if <i>passion</i> may be supposed to be generally more
+      than a ballance for <i>interest</i>, how must the scale be
+      turned in favour of the melancholy picture exhibited, when
+      we reflect that <i>self-preservation</i> additionally steps
+      in, and demands the most <i>rigorous severity</i>. For when
+      we consider that where there is <i>one</i> master, there
+      are <i>fifty</i> slaves; that the latter have been all
+      forcibly torn from their country, and are retained in their
+      present situation by violence; that they are perpetually at
+      war in their hearts with their oppressors, and are
+      continually cherishing the seeds of revenge; it is evident
+      that even <i>avarice</i> herself, however cool and
+      deliberate, however free from passion and caprice, must
+      sacrifice her own sordid feelings, and adopt a system of
+      tyranny and oppression, which it must be ruinous to pursue.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Thus then, if no picture had been drawn of the situation of
+      slaves, and it had been left solely to every man's sober
+      judgment to determine, what it might probably be, he would
+      conclude, that if the situation were justly described, the
+      page must be frequently stained with acts of uncommon
+      cruelty.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It remains only to make a reply to an objection, that is
+      usually advanced against particular instances of cruelty to
+      slaves, as recorded by various writers. It is said that
+      "some of these are so inconceivably, and beyond all example
+      inhuman, that their very excess above the common measure of
+      cruelty shews them at once exaggerated and incredible." But
+      their credibility shall be estimated by a supposition. Let
+      us suppose that the following instance had been recorded by
+      a writer of the highest reputation, "that the master of a
+      ship, bound to the western colonies with slaves, on a
+      presumption that many of them would die, selected an
+      <i>hundred and thirty two</i> of the most sickly, and
+      ordered them to be thrown into the sea, to recover their
+      value from the insurers, and, above all, that the fatal
+      order was put into execution." What would the reader have
+      thought on the occasion? Would he have believed the fact?
+      It would have surely staggered his faith; because he could
+      never have heard that any <i>one</i> man ever was, and
+      could never have supposed that any <i>one</i> man ever
+      could be, guilty of the murder of <i>such a number</i> of
+      his fellow creatures. But when he is informed that such a
+      fact as this came before a court<a name=
+      "FNanchor068"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_068"><sup>[068]</sup></a> of justice in this
+      very country; that it happened within the last five years;
+      that hundreds can come forwards and say, that they heard
+      the melancholy evidence with tears; what bounds is he to
+      place to his belief? The great God, who looks down upon all
+      his creatures with the same impartial eye, seems to have
+      infatuated the parties concerned, that they might bring the
+      horrid circumstance to light, that it might be recorded in
+      the annals of a publick court, as an authentick specimen of
+      the treatment which the unfortunate Africans undergo, and
+      at the same time, as an argument to shew, that there is no
+      species of cruelty, that is recorded to have been exercised
+      upon these wretched people, so enormous that it may not
+      <i>readily be believed</i>.
+    </p>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+     <a name="Part_306"></a>
+    <h2>
+      <a href="#PART_III.">CHAP. VI.</a>
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      If the treatment then, as before described, is confirmed by
+      reason, and the great credit that is due to disinterested
+      writers on the subject; if the unfortunate Africans are
+      used, as if their flesh were stone, and their vitals brass;
+      by what arguments do you <i>receivers</i> defend your
+      conduct?
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      You say that a great part of your savage treatment consists
+      in punishment for real offences, and frequently for such
+      offences, as all civilized nations have concurred in
+      punishing. The first charge that you exhibit against them
+      is specifick, it is that of <i>theft</i>. But how much
+      rather ought you <i>receivers</i> to blush, who reduce them
+      to such a situation! who reduce them to the dreadful
+      alternative, that they must either <i>steal</i> or
+      <i>perish</i>! How much rather ought you <i>receivers</i>
+      to be considered as <i>robbers</i> yourselves, who cause
+      these unfortunate people to be <i>stolen</i>! And how much
+      greater is your crime, who are <i>robbers of human
+      liberty</i>!
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The next charge which you exhibit against them, is general,
+      it is that of <i>rebellion</i>; a crime of such a latitude,
+      that you can impose it upon almost every action, and of
+      such a nature, that you always annex to it the most
+      excruciating pain. But what a contradiction is this to
+      common sense! Have the wretched Africans formally resigned
+      their freedom? Have you any other claim upon their
+      obedience, than that of force? If then they are your
+      subjects, you violate the laws of government, by making
+      them unhappy. But if they are not your subjects, then, even
+      though they should resist your proceedings, they are not
+      <i>rebellious</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But what do you say to that long catalogue of offences,
+      which you punish, and of which no people but yourselves
+      take cognizance at all? You say that the wisdom of
+      legislation has inserted it in the colonial laws, and that
+      you punish by authority. But do you allude to that
+      execrable code, that <i>authorises murder</i>? that tempts
+      an unoffended person to kill the slave, that abhors and
+      flies your service? that delegates a power, which no host
+      of men, which not all the world, can possess?-
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Or,-What do you say to that daily unmerited severity, which
+      you consider only as common discipline? Here you say that
+      the Africans are vicious, that they are all of them
+      ill-disposed, that you must of necessity be severe. But can
+      they be well-disposed to their oppressors? In their own
+      country they were just, generous, hospitable: qualities,
+      which all the African historians allow them eminently to
+      possess. If then they are vicious, they must have
+      contracted many of their vices from yourselves; and as to
+      their own native vices, if any have been imported with
+      them, are they not amiable, when compared with yours?
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Thus then do the excuses, which have been hitherto made by
+      the <i>receivers</i>, force a relation of such
+      circumstances, as makes their conduct totally inexcusable,
+      and, instead of diminishing at all, highly aggravates their
+      guilt.
+    </p>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+     <a name="Part_307"></a>
+    <h2>
+      <a href="#PART_III.">CHAP. VII.</a>
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      We come now to that other system of reasoning, which is
+      always applied, when the former is confuted; "that the
+      Africans are an inferiour link of the chain of nature, and
+      are made for slavery."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      This assertion is proved by two arguments; the first of
+      which was advanced also by the ancients, and is drawn from
+      the <i>inferiority of their capacities</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Let us allow then for a moment, that they appear to have no
+      parts, that they appear to be void of understanding. And is
+      this wonderful, when, you <i>receivers</i> depress their
+      senses by hunger? Is this wonderful, when by incessant
+      labour, the continual application of the lash, and the most
+      inhuman treatment that imagination can devise, you
+      overwhelm their genius, and hinder it from breaking
+      forth?-No,-You confound their abilities by the severity of
+      their servitude: for as a spark of fire, if crushed by too
+      great a weight of incumbent fuel, cannot be blown into a
+      flame, but suddenly expires, so the human mind, if
+      depressed by rigorous servitude, cannot be excited to a
+      display of those faculties, which might otherwise have
+      shone with the brightest lustre.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Neither is it wonderful in another point of view. For what
+      is it that awakens the abilities of men, and distinguishes
+      them from the common herd? Is it not often the amiable hope
+      of becoming serviceable to individuals, or the state? Is it
+      not often the hope of riches, or of power? Is it not
+      frequently the hope of temporary honours, or a lasting
+      fame? These principles have all a wonderful effect upon the
+      mind. They call upon it to exert its faculties, and bring
+      those talents to the publick view, which had otherwise been
+      concealed. But the unfortunate Africans have no such
+      incitements as these, that they should shew their genius.
+      They have no hope of riches, power, honours, fame. They
+      have no hope but this, that their miseries will be soon
+      terminated by death.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      And here we cannot but censure and expose the murmurings of
+      the unthinking and the gay; who, going on in a continual
+      round of pleasure and prosperity, repine at the will of
+      Providence, as exhibited in the shortness of human
+      duration. But let a weak and infirm old age overtake them:
+      let them experience calamities: let them feel but half the
+      miseries which the wretched Africans undergo, and they will
+      praise the goodness of Providence, who hath made them
+      mortal; who hath prescribed certain ordinary bounds to the
+      life of man; and who, by such a limitation, hath given all
+      men this comfortable hope, that however persecuted in life,
+      a time will come, in the common course of nature, when
+      their sufferings will have an end.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Such then is the nature of this servitude, that we can
+      hardly expect to find in those, who undergo it, even the
+      glimpse of genius. For if their minds are in a continual
+      state of depression, and if they have no expectations in
+      life to awaken their abilities, and make them eminent, we
+      cannot be surprized if a sullen gloomy stupidity should be
+      the leading mark in their character; or if they should
+      appear inferiour to those, who do not only enjoy the
+      invaluable blessings of freedom, but have every prospect
+      before their eyes, that can allure them to exert their
+      faculties. Now, if to these considerations we add, that the
+      wretched Africans are torn from their country in a state of
+      nature, and that in general, as long as their slavery
+      continues, every obstacle is placed in the way of their
+      improvement, we shall have a sufficient answer to any
+      argument that may be drawn from the inferiority of their
+      capacities.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It appears then, from the circumstances that have been
+      mentioned, that to form a true judgment of the abilities of
+      these unfortunate people, we must either take a general
+      view of them before their slavery commences, or confine our
+      attention to such, as, after it has commenced, have had any
+      opportunity given them of shewing their genius either in
+      arts or letters. If, upon such a fair and impartial view,
+      there should be any reason to suppose, that they are at all
+      inferiour to others in the same situation, the argument
+      will then gain some of that weight and importance, which it
+      wants at present.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      In their own country, where we are to see them first, we
+      must expect that the prospect will be unfavourable. They
+      are mostly in a savage state. Their powers of mind are
+      limited to few objects. Their ideas are consequently few.
+      It appears, however, that they follow the same mode of
+      life, and exercise the same arts, as the ancestors of those
+      very Europeans, who boast of their great superiority, are
+      described to have done in the same uncultivated state. This
+      appears from the Nubian's Geography, the writings of Leo,
+      the Moor, and all the subsequent histories, which those,
+      who have visited the African continent, have written from
+      their own inspection. Hence three conclusions; that their
+      abilities are sufficient for their situation;-that they are
+      as great, as those of other people have been, in the same
+      stage of society;-and that they are as great as those of
+      any civilized people whatever, when the degree of the
+      barbarism of the one is drawn into a comparison with that
+      of the civilization of the other.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Let us now follow them to the colonies. They are carried
+      over in the unfavourable situation described. It is
+      observed here, that though their abilities cannot be
+      estimated high from a want of cultivation, they are yet
+      various, and that they vary in proportion as the nation,
+      from which they have been brought, has advanced more or
+      less in the scale of social life. This observation, which
+      is so frequently made, is of great importance: for if their
+      abilities expand in proportion to the improvement of their
+      state, it is a clear indication, that if they were equally
+      improved, they would be equally ingenious.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But here, before we consider any opportunities that may be
+      afforded them, let it be remembered that even their most
+      polished situation may be called barbarous, and that this
+      circumstance, should they appear less docile than others,
+      may be considered as a sufficient answer to any objection
+      that may be made to their capacities. Notwithstanding this,
+      when they are put to the mechanical arts, they do not
+      discover a want of ingenuity. They attain them in as short
+      a time as the Europeans, and arrive at a degree of
+      excellence equal to that of their teachers. This is a fact,
+      almost universally known, and affords us this proof, that
+      having learned with facility such of the mechanical arts,
+      as they have been taught, they are capable of attaining any
+      other, at least, of the same class, if they should receive
+      but the same instruction.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      With respect to the liberal arts, their proficiency is
+      certainly less; but not less in proportion to their time
+      and opportunity of study; not less, because they are less
+      capable of attaining them, but because they have seldom or
+      ever an opportunity of learning them at all. It is yet
+      extraordinary that their talents appear, even in some of
+      these sciences, in which they are totally uninstructed.
+      Their abilities in musick are such, as to have been
+      generally noticed. They play frequently upon a variety of
+      instruments, without any other assistance than their own
+      ingenuity. They have also tunes of their own composition.
+      Some of these have been imported among us; are now in use;
+      and are admired for their sprightliness and ease, though
+      the ungenerous and prejudiced importer has concealed their
+      original.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Neither are their talents in poetry less conspicuous. Every
+      occurrence, if their spirits are not too greatly depressed,
+      is turned into a song. These songs are said to be
+      incoherent and nonsensical. But this proceeds principally
+      from two causes, an improper conjunction of words, arising
+      from an ignorance of the language in which they compose;
+      and a wildness of thought, arising from the different
+      manner, in which the organs of rude and civilized people
+      will be struck by the same object. And as to their want of
+      harmony and rhyme, which is the last objection, the
+      difference of pronunciation is the cause. Upon the whole,
+      as they are perfectly consistent with their own ideas, and
+      are strictly musical as pronounced by themselves, they
+      afford us as high a proof of their poetical powers, as the
+      works of the most acknowledged poets.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But where these impediments have been removed, where they
+      have received an education, and have known and pronounced
+      the language with propriety, these defects have vanished,
+      and their productions have been less objectionable. For a
+      proof of this, we appeal to the writings of an African
+      girl,<a name="FNanchor069"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_069"><sup>[069]</sup></a> who made no
+      contemptible appearance in this species of composition. She
+      was kidnapped when only eight years old, and, in the year
+      1761, was transported to America, where she was sold with
+      other slaves. She had no school education there, but
+      receiving some little instruction from the family, with
+      whom she was so fortunate as to live, she obtained such a
+      knowledge of the English language within sixteen months
+      from the time of her arrival, as to be able to speak it and
+      read it to the astonishment of those who heard her. She
+      soon afterwards learned to write, and, having a great
+      inclination to learn the Latin tongue, she was indulged by
+      her master, and made a progress. Her Poetical works were
+      published with his permission, in the year 1773. They
+      contain thirty-eight pieces on different subjects. We shall
+      beg leave to make a short extract from two or three of
+      them, for the observation of the reader.
+    </p>
+    <br>
+    <div class="c1">
+      <blockquote>
+        <b>From an Hymn to the Evening</b>.<a name=
+        "FNanchor070"></a><a href=
+        "#Footnote_070"><sup>[070]</sup></a><br>
+        <br>
+         "Fill'd with the praise of him who gives the light,<br>
+        And draws the sable curtains of the night,<br>
+        Let placid slumbers sooth each weary mind,<br>
+        At morn to wake more heav'nly and refin'd;<br>
+        So shall the labours of the day begin,<br>
+        More pure and guarded from the snares of sin.<br>
+        - - &amp;c. &amp;c."<br>
+      </blockquote>
+    </div>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c4">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <div class="c1">
+      <blockquote>
+        <b>From an Hymn to the Morning</b>.<br>
+        <br>
+         "Aurora hail! and all the thousand dies,<br>
+        That deck thy progress through the vaulted skies!<br>
+        The morn awakes, and wide extends her rays,<br>
+        On ev'ry leaf the gentle zephyr plays.<br>
+        Harmonious lays the feather'd race resume,<br>
+        Dart the bright eye, and shake the painted plume.<br>
+        - - &amp;c. &amp;c."<br>
+      </blockquote>
+    </div>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c4">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <div class="c1">
+      <blockquote>
+        <b>From Thoughts on Imagination</b>.<br>
+        <br>
+         "Now here, now there, the roving <i>fancy</i> flies,<br>
+        Till some lov'd object strikes her wand'ring eyes,<br>
+        Whose silken fetters all the senses bind,<br>
+        And soft captivity involves the mind.<br>
+        <br>
+        "<i>Imagination!</i> who can sing thy force,<br>
+        Or who describe the swiftness of thy course?<br>
+        Soaring through air to find the bright abode,<br>
+        Th' empyreal palace of the thund'ring God,<br>
+        We on thy pinions can surpass the wind,<br>
+        And leave the rolling universe behind:<br>
+        From star to star the mental opticks rove,<br>
+        Measure the skies, and range the realms above.<br>
+        There in one view we grasp the mighty whole,<br>
+        Or with new worlds amaze th' unbounded soul.<br>
+        - - &amp;c. &amp;c."<br>
+      </blockquote>
+    </div>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c4">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+
+    <p>
+      Such is the poetry which we produce as a proof of our
+      assertions. How far it has succeeded, the reader may by
+      this time have determined in his own mind. We shall
+      therefore only beg leave to accompany it with this
+      observation, that if the authoress <i>was designed for
+      slavery</i>, (as the argument must confess) the greater
+      part of the inhabitants of Britain must lose their claim to
+      freedom.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      To this poetry we shall only add, as a farther proof of
+      their abilities, the Prose compositions of Ignatius Sancho,
+      who received some little education. His letters are too
+      well known, to make any extract, or indeed any farther
+      mention of him, necessary. If other examples of African
+      genius should be required, suffice it to say, that they can
+      be produced in abundance; and that if we were allowed to
+      enumerate instances of African gratitude, patience,
+      fidelity, honour, as so many instances of good sense, and a
+      sound understanding, we fear that thousands of the
+      enlightened Europeans would have occasion to blush.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But an objection will be made here, that the two persons
+      whom we have particularized by name, are prodigies, and
+      that if we were to live for many years, we should scarcely
+      meet with two other Africans of the same description. But
+      we reply, that considering their situation as before
+      described, two persons, above mediocrity in the literary
+      way, are as many as can be expected within a certain period
+      of years; and farther, that if these are prodigies, they
+      are only such prodigies as every day would produce, if they
+      had the same opportunities of acquiring knowledge as other
+      people, and the same expectations in life to excite their
+      genius. This has been constantly and solemnly asserted by
+      the pious Benezet,<a name="FNanchor071"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_071"><sup>[071]</sup></a> whom we have
+      mentioned before, as having devoted a considerable part of
+      his time to their instruction. This great man, for we
+      cannot but mention him with veneration, had a better
+      opportunity of knowing them than any person whatever, and
+      he always uniformly declared, that he could never find a
+      difference between their capacities and those of other
+      people; that they were as capable of reasoning as any
+      individual Europeans; that they were as capable of the
+      highest intellectual attainments; in short, that their
+      abilities were equal, and that they only wanted to be
+      equally cultivated, to afford specimens of as fine
+      productions.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Thus then does it appear from the testimony of this
+      venerable man, whose authority is sufficient of itself to
+      silence all objections against African capacity, and from
+      the instances that have been produced, and the observations
+      that have been made on the occasion, that if the minds of
+      the Africans were unbroken by slavery; if they had the same
+      expectations in life as other people, and the same
+      opportunities of improvement, they would be equal; in all
+      the various branches of science, to the Europeans, and that
+      the argument that states them "to be an inferiour link of
+      the chain of nature, and designed for servitude," as far as
+      it depends on the <i>inferiority of their capacities</i>,
+      is wholly malevolent and false.<a name="FNanchor072"></a><a
+      href="#Footnote_072"><sup>[072]</sup></a>
+    </p>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+     <a name="Part_308"></a>
+    <h2>
+      <a href="#PART_III.">CHAP. VIII.</a>
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      The second argument, by which it is attempted to be proved,
+      "that the Africans are an inferiour link of the chain of
+      nature, and are designed for slavery," is drawn from
+      <i>colour</i>, and from those other marks, which
+      distinguish them from the inhabitants of Europe.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      To prove this with the greater facility, the
+      <i>receivers</i> divide in opinion. Some of them contend
+      that the Africans, from these circumstances, are the
+      descendants of Cain:<a name="FNanchor073"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_073"><sup>[073]</sup></a> others, that they are
+      the posterity of Ham; and that as it was declared by divine
+      inspiration, that these should be servants to the rest of
+      the world, so they are designed for slavery; and that the
+      reducing of them to such a situation is only the
+      accomplishment of the will of heaven: while the rest,
+      considering them from the same circumstances as a totally
+      distinct species of men, conclude them to be an inferiour
+      link of the chain of nature, and deduce the inference
+      described.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      To answer these arguments in the clearest and fullest
+      manner, we are under the necessity of making two
+      suppositions, first, that the scriptures are true;
+      secondly, that they are false.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      If then the scriptures are true, it is evident that the
+      posterity of Cain were extinguished in the flood. Thus one
+      of the arguments is no more.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      With respect to the curse of Ham, it appears also that it
+      was limited; that it did not extend to the posterity of all
+      his sons, but only to the descendants of him who was called
+      Canaan:<a name="FNanchor074"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_074"><sup>[074]</sup></a> by which it was
+      foretold that the Canaanites, a part of the posterity of
+      Ham, should serve the posterity of Shem and Japhet. Now how
+      does it appear that these wretched Africans are the
+      descendants of Canaan?-By those marks, it will be said,
+      which distinguish them from the rest of the world.-But
+      where are these marks to be found in the divine writings?
+      In what page is it said, that the Canaanites were to be
+      known by their <i>colour</i>, their <i>features</i>, their
+      <i>form</i>, or the very <i>hair of their heads</i>, which
+      is brought into the account?-But alas! so far are the
+      divine writings from giving any such account, that they
+      shew the assertion to be false. They shew that the
+      descendants of Cush<a name="FNanchor075"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_075"><sup>[075]</sup></a> were of the colour, to
+      which the advocates for slavery allude; and of course, that
+      there was no such limitation of colour to the posterity of
+      Canaan, or the inheritors of the curse.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Suppose we should now shew, upon the most undeniable
+      evidence,<a name="FNanchor076"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_076"><sup>[076]</sup></a> that those of the
+      wretched Africans, who are singled out as inheriting the
+      curse, are the descendants of Cush or Phut; and that we
+      should shew farther, that but a single remnant of Canaan,
+      which was afterwards ruined, was ever in Africa at
+      all.-Here all is consternation.-
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But unfortunately again for the argument, though
+      wonderfully for the confirmation that the scriptures are of
+      divine original, the whole prophecy has been completed. A
+      part of the descendants of Canaan were hewers of wood and
+      drawers of water, and became tributary and subject to the
+      Israelites, or the descendants of Shem. The Greeks
+      afterwards, as well as the Romans, who were both the
+      descendants of Japhet, not only subdued those who were
+      settled in Syria and Palestine, but pursued and conquered
+      all such as were then remaining. These were the Tyrians and
+      Carthaginians: the former of whom were ruined by Alexander
+      and the Greeks, the latter by Scipio and the Romans.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It appears then that the second argument is wholly
+      inapplicable and false: that it is false in its
+      <i>application</i>, because those, who were the objects of
+      the curse, were a totally distinct people: that it is false
+      in its <i>proof</i>, because no such distinguishing marks,
+      as have been specified, are to be found in the divine
+      writings: and that, if the proof could be made out, it
+      would be now <i>inapplicable</i>, as the curse has been
+      long completed.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      With respect to the third argument, we must now suppose
+      that the scriptures are false; that mankind did not all
+      spring from the same original; that there are different
+      species of men. Now what must we justly conclude from such
+      a supposition? Must we conclude that one species is
+      inferiour to another, and that the inferiority depends upon
+      their <i>colour</i>, or their <i>features</i>, or their
+      <i>form</i>?-No-We must now consult the analogy of nature,
+      and the conclusion will be this: "that as she tempered the
+      bodies of the different species of men in a different
+      degree, to enable them to endure the respective climates of
+      their habitation, so she gave them a variety of colour and
+      appearance with a like benevolent design."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      To sum up the whole. If the scriptures are true, it is
+      evident that the posterity of <i>Cain</i> are no more; that
+      the curse of <i>Ham</i> has been accomplished; and that, as
+      all men were derived from the same stock, so this variety
+      of appearance in men must either have proceeded from some
+      interposition of the Deity; or from a co-operation of
+      certain causes, which have an effect upon the human frame,
+      and have the power of changing it more or less from its
+      primitive appearance, as they happen to be more or less
+      numerous or powerful than those, which acted upon the frame
+      of man in the first seat of his habitation. If from the
+      interposition of the Deity, then we must conclude that he,
+      who bringeth good out of evil, produced it for their
+      convenience. If, from the co-operation of the causes before
+      related, what argument may not be found against any society
+      of men, who should happen to differ, in the points alluded
+      to, from ourselves?
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      If, on the other hand, the scriptures are false, then it is
+      evident, that there was neither such a person as
+      <i>Cain</i>, nor <i>Ham</i>, nor <i>Canaan</i>; and that
+      nature bestowed such colour, features, and form, upon the
+      different species of men, as were best adapted to their
+      situation.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Thus, on which ever supposition it is founded, the whole
+      argument must fall. And indeed it is impossible that it can
+      stand, even in the eye of common sense. For if you admit
+      the <i>form</i> of men as a justification of slavery, you
+      may subjugate your own brother: if <i>features</i>, then
+      you must quarrel with all the world: if <i>colour</i>,
+      where are you to stop? It is evident, that if you travel
+      from the equator to the northern pole, you will find a
+      regular gradation of colour from black to white. Now if you
+      can justly take him for your slave, who is of the deepest
+      die, what hinders you from taking him also, who only
+      differs from the former but by a shade. Thus you may
+      proceed, taking each in a regular succession to the poles.
+      But who are you, that thus take into slavery so many
+      people? Where do you live yourself? Do you live in
+      <i>Spain</i>, or in <i>France</i>, or in <i>Britain</i>? If
+      in either of these countries, take care lest the <i>whiter
+      natives of the north</i> should have a claim upon
+      yourself.-But the argument is too ridiculous to be farther
+      noticed.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Having now silenced the whole argument, we might
+      immediately proceed to the discussion of other points,
+      without even declaring our opinion as to which of the
+      suppositions may be right, on which it has been refuted;
+      but we do not think ourselves at liberty to do this. The
+      present age would rejoice to find that the scriptures had
+      no foundation, and would anxiously catch at the writings of
+      him, who should mention them in a doubtful manner. We shall
+      therefore declare our sentiments, by asserting that they
+      are true, and that all mankind, however various their
+      appearances are derived from the same stock.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      To prove this, we shall not produce those innumerable
+      arguments, by which the scriptures have stood the test of
+      ages, but advert to a single fact. It is an universal law,
+      observable throughout the whole creation, <i>that if two
+      animals of a different species propagate, their offspring
+      is unable to continue its own species</i>. By this
+      admirable law, the different species are preserved
+      distinct; every possibility of confusion is prevented, and
+      the world is forbidden to be over-run by a race of
+      monsters. Now, if we apply this law to those of the human
+      kind, who are said to be of a distinct species from each
+      other, it immediately fails. The <i>mulattoe</i> is as
+      capable of continuing his own species as his father; a
+      clear and irrefragable proof, that the scripture<a name=
+      "FNanchor077"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_077"><sup>[077]</sup></a> account of the
+      creation is true, and that "God, who hath made the world,
+      hath made of one blood<a name="FNanchor078"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_078"><sup>[078]</sup></a> all the nations of men
+      that dwell on all the face of the earth."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But if this be the case, it will be said that mankind were
+      originally of one colour; and it will be asked at the same
+      time, what it is probable that the colour was, and how they
+      came to assume so various an appearance? To, each of these
+      we shall make that reply, which we conceive to be the most
+      rational.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      As mankind were originally of the same stock, so it is
+      evident that they were originally of the same colour. But
+      how shall we attempt to ascertain it? Shall we
+      <i>Englishmen</i> say, that it was the same as that which
+      we now find to be peculiar to ourselves?-No-This would be a
+      vain and partial consideration, and would betray our
+      judgment to have arisen from that false fondness, which
+      habituates us to suppose, that every thing belonging to
+      ourselves is the perfectest and the best. Add to this, that
+      we should always be liable to a just reproof from every
+      inhabitant of the globe, whose colour was different from
+      our own; because he would justly say, that he had as good a
+      right to imagine that his own was the primitive colour, as
+      that of any other people.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      How then shall we attempt to ascertain it? Shall we look
+      into the various climates of the earth, see the colour that
+      generally prevails in the inhabitants of each, and apply
+      the rule? This will be certainly free from partiality, and
+      will afford us a better prospect of success: for as every
+      particular district has its particular colour, so it is
+      evident that the complexion of Noah and his sons, from whom
+      the rest of the world were descended, was the same as that,
+      which is peculiar to the country, which was the seat of
+      their habitation. This, by such a mode of decision, will be
+      found a dark olive; a beautiful colour, and a just medium
+      between white and black. That this was the primitive
+      colour, is highly probable from the observations that have
+      been made; and, if admitted, will afford a valuable lesson
+      to the Europeans, to be cautious how they deride those of
+      the opposite complexion, as there is great reason to
+      presume, <i>that the purest white</i><a name=
+      "FNanchor079"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_079"><sup>[079]</sup></a> <i>is as far removed
+      from the primitive colour as the deepest black</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      We come now to the grand question, which is, that if
+      mankind were originally of this or any other colour, how
+      came it to pass, that they should wear so various an
+      appearance? We reply, as we have had occasion to say
+      before, either <i>by the interposition of the Deity</i>; or
+      <i>by a co-operation of certain causes, which have an
+      effect upon the human frame, and have the power of changing
+      it more or less from its primitive appearance, as they are
+      more or less numerous or powerful than those, which acted
+      upon the frame of man in the first seat of his
+      habitation</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      With respect to the Divine interposition, two epochs have
+      been assigned, when this difference of colour has been
+      imagined to have been so produced. The first is that, which
+      has been related, when the curse was pronounced on a branch
+      of the posterity of <i>Ham</i>. But this argument has been
+      already refuted; for if the particular colour alluded to
+      were assigned at this period, it was assigned to the
+      descendants of <i>Canaan</i>, to distinguish them from
+      those of his other brothers, and was therefore
+      <i>limited</i> to the former. But the descendants of
+      <i>Cush</i>,<a name="FNanchor080"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_080"><sup>[080]</sup></a> as we have shewn
+      before, partook of the same colour; a clear proof, that it
+      was neither assigned to them on this occasion, nor at this
+      period.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The second epoch is that, when mankind were dispersed on
+      the building of <i>Babel</i>. It has been thought, that
+      both <i>national features and colour</i> might probably
+      have been given them at this time, because these would have
+      assisted the confusion of language, by causing them to
+      disperse into tribes, and would have united more firmly the
+      individuals of each, after the dispersion had taken place.
+      But this is improbable: first, because there is great
+      reason to presume that Moses, who has mentioned the
+      confusion of language, would have mentioned these
+      circumstances also, if they had actually contributed to
+      bring about so singular an event: secondly, because the
+      confusion of language was sufficient of itself to have
+      accomplished this; and we cannot suppose that the Deity
+      could have done any thing in vain: and thirdly, because, if
+      mankind had been dispersed, each tribe in its peculiar hue,
+      it is impossible to conceive, that they could have wandered
+      and settled in such a manner, as to exhibit that regular
+      gradation of colour from the equator to the poles, so
+      conspicuous at the present day.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      These are the only periods, which there has been even the
+      shadow of a probability for assigning; and we may therefore
+      conclude that the preceding observations, together with
+      such circumstances as will appear in the present chapter,
+      will amount to a demonstration, that the difference of
+      colour was never caused by any interposition of the Deity,
+      and that it must have proceeded therefore from that
+      <i>incidental co-operation of causes</i>, which has been
+      before related.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      What these causes are, it is out of the power of human
+      wisdom positively to assert: there are facts, however,
+      which, if properly weighed and put together, will throw
+      considerable light upon the subject. These we shall submit
+      to the perusal of the reader, and shall deduce from them
+      such inferences only, as almost every person must make in
+      his own mind, on their recital.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The first point, that occurs to be ascertained, is, "What
+      part of the skin is the seat of colour?" The old anatomists
+      usually divided the skin into two parts, or lamina; the
+      exteriour and thinnest, called by the Greeks
+      <i>Epidermis</i>, by the Romans <i>Cuticula</i>, and hence
+      by us <i>Cuticle</i>; and the interiour, called by the
+      former <i>Derma</i>, and by the latter <i>Cutis</i>, or
+      <i>true skin</i>. Hence they must necessarily have
+      supposed, that, as the <i>true skin</i> was in every
+      respect the same in all human subjects, however various
+      their external hue, so the seat of colour must have existed
+      in the <i>Cuticle</i>, or upper surface.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Malphigi, an eminent Italian physician, of the last
+      century, was the first person who discovered that the skin
+      was divided into three lamina, or parts; the
+      <i>Cuticle</i>, the <i>true skin</i>, and a certain
+      coagulated substance situated between both, which he
+      distinguished by the title of <i>Mucosum Corpus</i>; a
+      title retained by anatomists to the present day: which
+      coagulated substance adhered so firmly to the
+      <i>Cuticle</i>, as, in all former anatomical preparations,
+      to have come off with it, and, from this circumstance to
+      have led the ancient anatomists to believe, that there were
+      but two lamina, or divisible portions in the human skin.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      This discovery was sufficient to ascertain the point in
+      question: for it appeared afterwards that the
+      <i>Cuticle</i>, when divided according to this discovery
+      from the other lamina, was semi-transparent; that the
+      cuticle of the blackest negroe was of the same transparency
+      and colour, as that of the purest white; and hence, the
+      <i>true skins</i> of both being invariably the same, that
+      the <i>mucosum corpus</i> was the seat of colour.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      This has been farther confirmed by all subsequent
+      anatomical experiments, by which it appears, that, whatever
+      is the colour of this intermediate coagulated substance,
+      nearly the same is the apparent colour of the upper surface
+      of the skin. Neither can it be otherwise; for the
+      <i>Cuticle</i>, from its transparency, must necessarily
+      transmit the colour of the substance beneath it, in the
+      same manner, though not in the same degree, as the
+      <i>cornea</i> transmits the colour of the <i>iris</i> of
+      the eye. This transparency is a matter of ocular
+      demonstration in white people. It is conspicuous in every
+      blush; for no one can imagine, that the cuticle becomes
+      red, as often as this happens: nor is it less discoverable
+      in the veins, which are so easy to be discerned; for no one
+      can suppose, that the blue streaks, which he constantly
+      sees in the fairest complexions, are painted, as it were,
+      on the surface of the upper skin. From these, and a variety
+      of other observations,<a name="FNanchor081"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_081"><sup>[081]</sup></a> no maxim is more true
+      in physiology, than that <i>on the mucosum corpus depends
+      the colour of the human body</i>; or, in other words, that
+      the <i>mucosum corpus</i> being of a different colour in
+      different inhabitants of the globe, and appearing through
+      the cuticle or upper surface of the skin, gives them that
+      various appearance, which strikes us so forcibly in
+      contemplating the human race.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      As this can be incontrovertibly ascertained, it is evident,
+      that whatever causes cooperate in producing this different
+      appearance, they produce it by acting upon the <i>mucosum
+      corpus</i>, which, from the almost incredible manner in
+      which the cuticle<a name="FNanchor082"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_082"><sup>[082]</sup></a> is perforated, is as
+      accessible as the cuticle itself. These causes are probably
+      those various qualities of things, which, combined with the
+      influence of the sun, contribute to form what we call
+      <i>climate</i>. For when any person considers, that the
+      mucous substance, before-mentioned, is found to vary in its
+      colour, as the <i>climates</i> vary from the equator to the
+      poles, his mind must be instantly struck with the
+      hypothesis, and he must adopt it without any hesitation, as
+      the genuine cause of the ph&aelig;nomenon.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      This fact,<a name="FNanchor083"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_083"><sup>[083]</sup></a> <i>of the variation
+      of the mucous substance according to the situation of the
+      place</i>, has been clearly ascertained in the numerous
+      anatomical experiments that have been made; in which,
+      subjects of all nations have come under consideration. The
+      natives of many of the kingdoms and isles of <i>Asia</i>,
+      are found to have their <i>corpus mucosum</i> black. Those
+      of <i>Africa</i>, situated near the line, of the same
+      colour. Those of the maritime parts of the same continent,
+      of a dusky brown, nearly approaching to it; and the colour
+      becomes lighter or darker in proportion as the distance
+      from the equator is either greater or less. The Europeans
+      are the fairest inhabitants of the world. Those situated in
+      the most southern regions of <i>Europe</i>, have in their
+      <i>corpus mucosum</i> a tinge of the dark hue of their
+      <i>African</i> neighbours: hence the epidemick complexion,
+      prevalent among them, is nearly of the colour of the
+      pickled Spanish olive; while in this country, and those
+      situated nearer the north pole, it appears to be nearly, if
+      not absolutely, white.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      These are facts,<a name="FNanchor084"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_084"><sup>[084]</sup></a> which anatomy has
+      established; and we acknowledge them to be such, that we
+      cannot divest ourselves of the idea, that <i>climate</i>
+      has a considerable share in producing a difference of
+      colour. Others, we know, have invented other hypotheses,
+      but all of them have been instantly refuted, as unable to
+      explain the difficulties for which they were advanced, and
+      as absolutely contrary to fact: and the inventors
+      themselves have been obliged, almost as soon as they have
+      proposed them, to acknowledge them deficient.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The only objection of any consequence, that has ever been
+      made to the hypothesis of <i>climate</i>, is this, <i>that
+      people under the same parallels are not exactly of the same
+      colour</i>. But this is no objection in fact: for it does
+      not follow that those countries, which are at an equal
+      distance from the equator, should have their climates the
+      same. Indeed nothing is more contrary to experience than
+      this. Climate depends upon a variety of accidents. High
+      mountains, in the neighbourhood of a place, make it cooler,
+      by chilling the air that is carried over them by the winds.
+      Large spreading succulent plants, if among the productions
+      of the soil, have the same effect: they afford agreeable
+      cooling shades, and a moist atmosphere from their continual
+      exhalations, by which the ardour of the sun is considerably
+      abated. While the soil, on the other hand, if of a sandy
+      nature, retains the heat in an uncommon degree, and makes
+      the summers considerably hotter than those which are found
+      to exist in the same latitude, where the soil is different.
+      To this proximity of what may be termed <i>burning
+      sands</i>, and to the sulphurous and metallick particles,
+      which are continually exhaling from the bowels of the
+      earth, is ascribed the different degree of blackness, by
+      which some <i>African</i> nations are distinguishable from
+      each other, though under the same parallels. To these
+      observations we may add, that though the inhabitants of the
+      same parallel are not exactly of the same hue, yet they
+      differ only by shades of the same colour; or, to speak with
+      more precision, that there are no two people, in such a
+      situation, one of whom is white, and the other black. To
+      sum up the whole-Suppose we were to take a common globe; to
+      begin at the equator; to paint every country along the
+      meridian line in succession from thence to the poles; and
+      to paint them with the same colour which prevails in the
+      respective inhabitants of each, we should see the black,
+      with which we had been obliged to begin, insensibly
+      changing to an olive, and the olive, through as many
+      intermediate colours, to a white: and if, on the other
+      hand, we should complete any one of the parallels according
+      to the same plan, we should see a difference perhaps in the
+      appearance of some of the countries through which it ran,
+      though the difference would consist wholly in shades of the
+      same colour.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The argument therefore, which is brought against the
+      hypothesis, is so far from being, an objection, that we
+      shall consider it one of the first arguments in its favour:
+      for if <i>climate</i> has really an influence on the
+      <i>mucous substance</i> of the body, it is evident, that we
+      must not only expect to see a gradation of colour in the
+      inhabitants from the equator to the poles, but also
+      different<a name="FNanchor085"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_085"><sup>[085]</sup></a> shades of the same
+      colour in the inhabitants of the same parallel.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      To this argument, we shall add one that is
+      incontrovertible, which is, that when the <i>black</i>
+      inhabitants of <i>Africa</i> are transplanted to
+      <i>colder</i>, or the <i>white</i> inhabitants of
+      <i>Europe</i> to <i>hotter</i> climates, their children,
+      <i>born there</i>, are of a <i>different colour from
+      themselves</i>; that is, lighter in the first, and darker
+      in the second instance.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      As a proof of the first, we shall give the words of the
+      Abb&eacute; Raynal,<a name="FNanchor086"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_086"><sup>[086]</sup></a> in his admired
+      publication. "The children," says he, "which they, (the
+      <i>Africans</i>) procreate in <i>America</i>, are not so
+      black as their parents were. After each generation the
+      difference becomes more palpable. It is possible, that
+      after a numerous succession of generations, the men come
+      from <i>Africa</i> would not be distinguished from those of
+      the country, into which they may have been transplanted."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      This circumstance we have had the pleasure of hearing
+      confirmed by a variety of persons, who have been witnesses
+      of the fact; but particularly by many intelligent<a name=
+      "FNanchor087"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_087"><sup>[087]</sup></a> Africans, who have
+      been parents themselves in <i>America</i>, and who have
+      declared that the difference is so palpable in the
+      <i>northern provinces</i>, that not only they themselves
+      have constantly observed it, but that they have heard it
+      observed by others.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Neither is this variation in the children from the colour
+      of their parents improbable. <i>The children of the
+      blackest Africans are born white.</i><a name=
+      "FNanchor088"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_088"><sup>[088]</sup></a> In this state they
+      continue for about a month, when they change to a pale
+      yellow. In process of time they become brown. Their skin
+      still continues to increase in darkness with their age,
+      till it becomes of a dirty, sallow black, and at length,
+      after a certain period of years, glossy and shining. Now,
+      if climate has any influence on the <i>mucous substance</i>
+      of the body, this variation in the children from the colour
+      of their parents is an event, which must be reasonably
+      expected: for being born white, and not having equally
+      powerful causes to act upon them in colder, as their
+      parents had in the hotter climates which they left, it must
+      necessarily follow, that the same affect cannot possibly be
+      produced.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Hence also, if the hypothesis be admitted, may be deduced
+      the reason, why even those children, who have been brought
+      from their country at an early age into colder regions,
+      have been observed<a name="FNanchor089"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_089"><sup>[089]</sup></a> to be of a lighter
+      colour than those who have remained at home till they
+      arrived at a state of manhood. For having undergone some of
+      the changes which we mentioned to have attended their
+      countrymen from infancy to a certain age, and having been
+      taken away before the rest could be completed, these
+      farther changes, which would have taken place had they
+      remained at home, seem either to have been checked in their
+      progress, or weakened in their degree, by a colder climate.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      We come now to the second and opposite case; for a proof of
+      which we shall appeal to the words of Dr. Mitchell,<a name=
+      "FNanchor090"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_090"><sup>[090]</sup></a> in the Philosophical
+      Transactions. "The <i>Spaniards</i> who have inhabited
+      <i>America</i> under the torrid zone for any time, are
+      become as dark coloured as our native <i>Indians</i> of
+      <i>Virginia</i>, of which, <i>I myself have been a
+      witness</i>; and were they not to intermarry with the
+      <i>Europeans</i>, but lead the same rude and barbarous
+      lives with the <i>Indians</i>, it is very probable that, in
+      a succession of many generations, they would become as dark
+      in complexion."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      To this instance we shall add one, which is mentioned by a
+      late writer,<a name="FNanchor091"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_091"><sup>[091]</sup></a> who describing the
+      <i>African</i> coast, and the <i>European</i> settlements
+      there, has the following passage. "There are several other
+      small <i>Portuguese</i> settlements, and one of some note
+      at <i>Mitomba</i>, a river in <i>Sierra Leon</i>. The
+      people here called <i>Portuguese</i>, are principally
+      persons bred from a mixture of the first <i>Portuguese
+      discoverers</i> with the natives, and now become, in their
+      <i>complexion</i> and <i>woolly quality</i> of their hair,
+      <i>perfect negroes</i>, retaining however a smattering of
+      the <i>Portuguese</i> language."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      These facts, with respect to the colonists of the
+      <i>Europeans</i>, are of the highest importance in the
+      present case, and deserve a serious attention. For when we
+      know to a certainty from whom they are descended; when we
+      know that they were, at the time of their transplantation,
+      of the same colour as those from whom they severally
+      sprung; and when, on the other hand, we are credibly
+      informed, that they have changed it for the native colour
+      of the place which they now inhabit; the evidence in
+      support of these facts is as great, as if a person, on the
+      removal of two or three families into another climate, had
+      determined to ascertain the circumstance; as if he had gone
+      with them and watched their children; as if he had
+      communicated his observations at his death to a successor;
+      as if his successor had prosecuted the plan, and thus an
+      uninterrupted chain of evidence had been kept up from their
+      first removal to any determined period of succeeding time.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But though these facts seem sufficient of themselves to
+      confirm our opinion, they are not the only facts which can
+      be adduced in its support. It can be shewn, that the
+      members of the <i>very same family</i>, when divided from
+      each other, and removed into different countries, have not
+      only changed their family complexion, but that they have
+      changed it to <i>as many different colours</i> as they have
+      gone into <i>different regions of the world</i>. We cannot
+      have, perhaps, a more striking instance of this, than in
+      the <i>Jews</i>. These people, are scattered over the face
+      of the whole earth. They have preserved themselves distinct
+      from the rest of the world by their religion; and, as they
+      never intermarry with any but those of their own sect, so
+      they have no mixture of blood in their veins, that they
+      should differ from each other: and yet nothing is more
+      true, than that the <i>English Jew</i><a name=
+      "FNanchor092"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_092"><sup>[092]</sup></a> is white, the
+      <i>Portuguese</i> swarthy, the <i>Armenian</i> olive, and
+      the <i>Arabian</i> copper; in short, that there appear to
+      be as many different species of <i>Jews</i>, as there are
+      countries in which they reside.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      To these facts we shall add the following observation, that
+      if we can give credit to the ancient historians in general,
+      a change from the darkest black to the purest white must
+      have actually been accomplished. One instance, perhaps, may
+      be thought sufficient. <i>Herodotus</i><a name=
+      "FNanchor093"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_093"><sup>[093]</sup></a> relates, that the
+      <i>Colchi were black</i>, and that they had <i>crisped
+      hair</i>. These people were a detachment of the
+      <i>&AElig;thiopian</i> army under <i>Sesostris</i>, who
+      followed him in his expedition, and settled in that part of
+      the world, where <i>Colchis</i> is usually represented to
+      have been situated. Had not the same author informed us of
+      this circumstance, we should have thought it strange<a name=
+      "FNanchor094">, </a><a href="#Footnote_094"><sup>[094]</sup></a>
+      that a people of this
+      description should have been found in such a latitude. Now
+      as they were undoubtedly settled there, and as they were
+      neither so totally destroyed, nor made any such rapid
+      conquests, as that history should notice the event, there
+      is great reason to presume, that their descendants
+      continued in the same, or settled in the adjacent country;
+      from whence it will follow, that they must have changed
+      their complexion to that, which is observable in the
+      inhabitants of this particular region at the present day;
+      or, in other words, that the <i>black inhabitant of
+      Colchis</i> must have been changed into the <i>fair
+      Circassian</i>.<a name="FNanchor095"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_095"><sup>[095]</sup></a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      As we have now shewn it to be highly probable, from the
+      facts which have been advanced, that climate is the cause
+      of the difference of colour which prevails in the different
+      inhabitants of the globe, we shall now shew its probability
+      from so similar an effect produced on the <i>mucous
+      substance</i> before-mentioned by so similar a cause, that
+      though the fact does not absolutely prove our conjecture to
+      be right, yet it will give us a very lively conception of
+      the manner, in which the ph&aelig;nomenon may be caused.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      This probability may be shewn in the case of
+      <i>freckles</i>, which are to be seen in the face of
+      children, but of such only, as have the thinnest and most
+      transparent skins, and are occasioned by the rays of the
+      sun, striking forcibly on the <i>mucous substance</i> of
+      the face, and drying the accumulating fluid. This
+      accumulating fluid, or perspirable matter, is at first
+      colourless; but being exposed to violent heat, or dried,
+      becomes brown. Hence, the <i>mucosum corpus</i> being
+      tinged in various parts by this brown coagulated fluid, and
+      the parts so tinged appearing through the <i>cuticle</i>,
+      or upper surface of the skin, arises that spotted
+      appearance, observable in the case recited.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Now, if we were to conceive a black skin to be an
+      <i>universal freckle</i>, or the rays of the sun to act so
+      universally on the <i>mucous substance</i> of a person's
+      face, as to produce these spots so contiguous to each other
+      that they should unite, we should then see, in imagination,
+      a face similar to those, which are daily to be seen among
+      black people: and if we were to conceive his body to be
+      exposed or acted upon in the same manner, we should then
+      see his body assuming a similar appearance; and thus we
+      should see the whole man of a perfect black, or resembling
+      one of the naked inhabitants of the torrid zone. Now as the
+      feat of freckles and of blackness is the same; as their
+      appearance is similar; and as the cause of the first is the
+      ardour of the sun, it is therefore probable that the cause
+      of the second is the same: hence, if we substitute for the
+      word "<i>sun</i>," what is analogous to it, the word
+      <i>climate</i>, the same effect may be supposed to be
+      produced, and the conjecture to receive a sanction.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Nor is it unlikely that the hypothesis, which considers the
+      cause of freckles and of blackness as the same, may be
+      right. For if blackness is occasioned by the rays of the
+      sun striking forcibly and universally on the <i>mucous
+      substance</i> of the body, and drying the accumulating
+      fluid, we can account for the different degrees of it to be
+      found in the different inhabitants of the globe. For as the
+      quantity of perspirable fluid, and the force of the solar
+      rays is successively increased, as the climates are
+      successively warmer, from any given parallel to the line,
+      it follows that the fluid, with which the <i>mucous
+      substance</i> will be stained, will be successively thicker
+      and deeper coloured; and hence, as it appears through the
+      cuticle, the complexion successively darker; or, what
+      amounts to the same thing, there will be a difference of
+      colour in the inhabitants of every successive parallel.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      From these, and the whole of the preceding observations on
+      the subject, we may conclude, that as all the inhabitants
+      of the earth cannot be otherwise than the children of the
+      same parents, and as the difference of their appearance
+      must have of course proceeded from incidental causes, these
+      causes are a combination of those qualities, which we call
+      <i>climate</i>; that the blackness of the <i>Africans</i>
+      is so far ingrafted in their constitution, in a course of
+      many generations, that their children wholly inherit it, if
+      brought up in the same spot, but that it is not so
+      absolutely interwoven in their nature, that it cannot be
+      removed, if they are born and settled in another; that
+      <i>Noah</i> and his sons were probably of an <i>olive</i>
+      complexion; that those of their descendants, who went
+      farther to the south, became of a deeper olive or
+      <i>copper</i>; while those, who went still farther, became
+      of a deeper copper or <i>black</i>; that those, on the
+      other hand, who travelled farther to the north, became less
+      olive or <i>brown</i>, while those who went still farther
+      than the former, became less brown or <i>white</i>; and
+      that if any man were to point out any one of the colours
+      which prevails in the human complexion, as likely to
+      furnish an argument, that the people of such a complexion
+      were of a different species from the rest, it is probable
+      that his own descendants, if removed to the climate to
+      which this complexion is peculiar, would, in the course of
+      a few generations, degenerate into the same colour.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Having now replied to the argument, "that the Africans are
+      an inferiour link of the chain of nature," as far as it
+      depended on their <i>capacity</i> and <i>colour</i>, we
+      shall now only take notice of an expression, which the
+      <i>receivers</i> before-mentioned are pleased to make use
+      of, "that they are made for slavery."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Had the Africans been <i>made for slavery</i>, or to become
+      the property of any society of men, it is clear, from the
+      observations that have been made in the second part of this
+      Essay, that they must have been created <i>devoid of
+      reason</i>: but this is contrary to fact. It is clear also,
+      that there must have been, many and evident signs of the
+      <i>inferiority of their nature</i>, and that this society
+      of men must have had a <i>natural right</i> to their
+      dominion: but this is equally false. No such signs of
+      <i>inferiority</i> are to be found in the one, and the
+      right to dominion in the other is <i>incidental</i>: for in
+      what volume of nature or religion is it written, that one
+      society of men should <i>breed slaves</i> for the benefit,
+      of another? Nor is it less evident that they would have
+      wanted many of those qualities which they have, and which
+      brutes have not: they would have wanted that <i>spirit of
+      liberty</i>, that <i>sense of ignominy and shame,</i><a
+      name="FNanchor096"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_096"><sup>[096]</sup></a> which so frequently
+      drives them to the horrid extremity of finishing their own
+      existence. Nor would they have been endowed with a
+      <i>contemplative power</i>; for such a power would have
+      been unnecessary to people in such a situation; or rather,
+      its only use could have been to increase their pain. We
+      cannot suppose therefore that God has made an order of
+      beings, with such mental qualities and powers, for the sole
+      purpose of being used as <i>beasts</i>, or
+      <i>instruments</i> of labour. And here, what a dreadful
+      argument presents itself against you <i>receivers</i>? For
+      if they have no understandings as you confess, then is your
+      conduct impious, because, as they cannot perceive the
+      intention of your punishment, your severities cannot make
+      them better. But if, on the other hand, they have had
+      understandings, (which has evidently appeared) then is your
+      conduct equally impious, who, by destroying their faculties
+      by the severity of your discipline, have reduced men; who
+      had once the power of reason, to an equality with the brute
+      creation.
+    </p>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+     <a name="Part_309"></a>
+    <h2>
+      <a href="#PART_III.">CHAP. IX.</a>
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      The reader may perhaps think, that the <i>receivers</i>
+      have by this time expended all their arguments, but their
+      store is not so easily exhausted. They are well aware that
+      justice, nature, and religion, will continue, as they have
+      ever uniformly done, to oppose their conduct. This has
+      driven them to exert their ingenuity, and has occasioned
+      that multiplicity of arguments to be found in the present
+      question.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      These arguments are of a different complexion from the
+      former. They consist in comparing the state of
+      <i>slaves</i> with that of some of the classes of
+      <i>free</i> men, and in certain scenes of felicity, which
+      the former are said to enjoy.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It is affirmed that the punishments which the Africans
+      undergo, are less severe than the military; that their life
+      is happier than that of the English peasant; that they have
+      the advantages of manumission; that they have their little
+      spots of ground, their holy-days, their dances; in short,
+      that their life is a scene of festivity and mirth, and that
+      they are much happier in the colonies than in their own
+      country.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      These representations, which have been made out with much
+      ingenuity and art, may have had their weight with the
+      unwary; but they will never pass with men of consideration
+      and sense, who are accustomed to estimate the probability
+      of things, before they admit them to be true. Indeed the
+      bare assertion, that their situation is even comfortable,
+      contains its own refutation, or at least leads us to
+      suspect that the person, who asserted it, has omitted some
+      important considerations in the account. Such we shall shew
+      to have been actually the case, and that the
+      representations of the <i>receivers</i>, when stripped of
+      their glossy ornaments, are but empty declamation.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It is said, first, of <i>military punishments</i>, that
+      they are more severe than those which the <i>Africans</i>
+      undergo. But this is a bare assertion without a proof. It
+      is not shewn even by those, who assert it, how the fact can
+      be made out. We are left therefore to draw the comparison
+      ourselves, and to fill up those important considerations,
+      which we have just said that the <i>receivers</i> had
+      omitted.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      That military punishments are severe we confess, but we
+      deny that they are severer than those with which they are
+      compared. Where is the military man, whose ears have been
+      slit, whose limbs have been mutilated, or whose eyes have
+      been beaten out? But let us even allow, that their
+      punishments are equal in the degree of their severity:
+      still they must lose by comparison. The soldier is never
+      punished but after a fair and equitable trial, and the
+      decision of a military court; the unhappy African, at the
+      discretion of his Lord. The one knows what particular
+      conduct will constitute an offence;<a name=
+      "FNanchor097"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_097"><sup>[097]</sup></a> the other has no such
+      information, as he is wholly at the disposal of passion and
+      caprice, which may impose upon any action, however
+      laudable, the appellation of a crime. The former has it of
+      course in his power to avoid a punishment; the latter is
+      never safe. The former is punished for a real, the latter,
+      often, for an imaginary fault.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Now will any person assert, on comparing the whole of those
+      circumstances together, which relate to their respective
+      punishments, that there can be any doubt, which of the two
+      are in the worst situation, as to their penal systems?
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      With respect to the declaration, that the life of an
+      <i>African</i> in the colonies is happier than that of an
+      <i>English</i> peasant, it is equally false. Indeed we can
+      scarcely withhold our indignation, when we consider, how
+      shamefully the situation of this latter class of men has
+      been misrepresented, to elevate the former to a state of
+      fictitious happiness. If the representations of the
+      <i>receivers</i> be true, it is evident that those of the
+      most approved writers, who have placed a considerable share
+      of happiness in the <i>cottage</i>, have been mistaken in
+      their opinion; and that those of the rich, who have been
+      heard to sigh, and envy the felicity of the <i>peasant</i>,
+      have been treacherous to their own sensations.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But which are we to believe on the occasion? Those, who
+      endeavour to dress <i>vice</i> in the habit of
+      <i>virtue</i>, or those, who derive their opinion from
+      their own feelings? The latter are surely to be believed;
+      and we may conclude therefore, that the horrid picture
+      which is given of the life of the <i>peasant</i>, has not
+      so just a foundation as the <i>receivers</i> would, lead us
+      to suppose. For has he no pleasure in the thought, that he
+      lives in his <i>own country</i>, and among his relations
+      and friends? That he is actually <i>free</i>, and that his
+      children will be the same? That he can never be <i>sold</i>
+      as a beast? That he can speak his mind <i>without the fear
+      of the lash</i>? That he cannot even be struck <i>with
+      impunity</i>? And that he partakes, equally with his
+      superiours, of the <i>protection of the law</i>?-Now, there
+      is no one of these advantages which the <i>African</i>
+      possesses, and no one, which the defenders of slavery take
+      into their account.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Of the other comparisons that are usually made, we may
+      observe in general, that, as they consist in comparing the
+      iniquitous practice of slavery with other iniquitous
+      practices in force among other nations, they can neither
+      raise it to the appearance of virtue, nor extenuate its
+      guilt. The things compared are in these instances both of
+      them evils alike. They call equally for redress,<a name=
+      "FNanchor098"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_098"><sup>[098]</sup></a> and are equally
+      disgraceful to the governments which suffer them, if not
+      encourage them, to exist. To attempt therefore to justify
+      one species of iniquity by comparing it with another, is no
+      justification at all; and is so far from answering the
+      purpose, for which the comparison is intended, as to give
+      us reason to suspect, that the <i>comparer</i> has but
+      little notion either of equity or honour.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      We come now to those scenes of felicity, which slaves are
+      said to enjoy. The first advantage which they are said to
+      experience, is that of <i>manumission</i>. But here the
+      advocates for slavery conceal an important circumstance.
+      They expatiate indeed on the charms of freedom, and contend
+      that it must be a blessing in the eyes of those, upon whom
+      it is conferred. We perfectly agree with them in this
+      particular. But they do not tell us that these advantages
+      are <i>confined</i>; that they are confined to some
+      <i>favourite domestick</i>; that not <i>one in an
+      hundred</i> enjoy them; and that they are <i>never</i>
+      extended to those, who are employed in the <i>cultivation
+      of the field</i>, as long as they can work. These are they,
+      who are most to be pitied, who are destined to
+      <i>perpetual</i> drudgery; and of whom <i>no one
+      whatever</i> has a chance of being freed from his
+      situation, till death either releases him at once, or age
+      renders him incapable of continuing his former labour. And
+      here let it be remarked, <i>to the disgrace of the
+      receivers</i>, that he is then made free, not-<i>as a
+      reward for his past services</i>, but, as his labour is
+      then of little or no value,-<i>to save the tax.</i><a name=
+      "FNanchor099"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_099"><sup>[099]</sup></a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      With the same artifice is mention also made of the little
+      spots, or <i>gardens</i>, as they are called, which slaves
+      are said to possess from the <i>liberality</i> of <i>the
+      receivers</i>. But people must not be led away by agreeable
+      and pleasant sounds. They must not suppose that these
+      gardens are made for <i>flowers</i>; or that they are
+      places of <i>amusement</i>, in which they can spend their
+      time in botanical researches and delights. Alas, they do
+      not furnish them with a theme for such pleasing pursuits
+      and speculations! They must be cultivated in those hours,
+      which ought to be appropriated to rest;<a name=
+      "FNanchor100"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_100"><sup>[100]</sup></a> and they must be
+      cultivated, not for an amusement, but to make up, <i>if it
+      be possible</i>, the great deficiency in their weekly
+      allowance of provisions. Hence it appears, that the
+      <i>receivers</i> have no merit whatever in such an
+      appropriation of land to their unfortunate slaves: for they
+      are either under the necessity of doing this, or of
+      <i>losing</i> them by the jaws of famine. And it is a
+      notorious fact, that, with their weekly allowance, and the
+      produce of their spots together, it is often with the
+      greatest difficulty that they preserve a wretched
+      existence.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The third advantage which they are said to experience, is
+      that of <i>holy-days</i>, or days of respite from their
+      usual discipline and fatigue. This is certainly a great
+      indulgence, and ought to be recorded to the immortal honour
+      of the <i>receivers</i>. We wish we could express their
+      liberality in those handsome terms, in which it deserves to
+      be represented, or applaud them sufficiently for deviating
+      for once from the rigours of servile discipline. But we
+      confess, that we are unequal to the task, and must
+      therefore content ourselves with observing, that while the
+      horse has <i>one</i> day in <i>seven</i> to refresh his
+      limbs, the happy <i>African</i><a name="FNanchor101"></a><a
+      href="#Footnote_101"><sup>[101]</sup></a> has but
+      <i>one</i> in <i>fifty-two</i>, as a relaxation from his
+      labours.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      With respect to their <i>dances</i>, on which such a
+      particular stress has been generally laid, we fear that
+      people may have been as shamefully deceived, as in the
+      former instances. For from the manner in which these are
+      generally mentioned, we should almost be led to imagine,
+      that they had certain hours allowed them for the purpose of
+      joining in the dance, and that they had every comfort and
+      convenience, that people are generally supposed to enjoy on
+      such convivial occasions. But this is far from the case.
+      Reason informs us, that it can never be. If they wish for
+      such innocent recreations, they must enjoy them in the time
+      that is allotted them for sleep; and so far are these
+      dances from proceeding from any uncommon degree of
+      happiness, which excites them to convivial society, that
+      they proceed rather from an uncommon depression of spirits,
+      which makes them even sacrifice their rest,<a name=
+      "FNanchor102"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_102"><sup>[102]</sup></a> for the sake of
+      experiencing for a moment a more joyful oblivion of their
+      cares. For suppose any one of the <i>receivers</i>, in the
+      middle of a dance, were to address his slaves in the
+      following manner: "<i>Africans!</i> I begin at last to feel
+      for your situation; and my conscience is severely hurt,
+      whenever I reflect that I have been reducing those to a
+      state of misery and pain, who have never given me offence.
+      You seem to be fond of these exercises, but yet you are
+      obliged to take them at such unseasonable hours, that they
+      impair your health, which is sufficiently broken by the
+      intolerable share of labour which I have hitherto imposed
+      upon you. I will therefore make you a proposal. Will you be
+      content to live in the colonies, and you shall have the
+      half of every week entirely to yourselves? or will you
+      choose to return to your miserable, wretched country?"-But
+      what is that which strikes their ears? Which makes them
+      motionless in an instant? Which interrupts the festive
+      scene?-their country?-transporting sound!-Behold! they are
+      now flying from the dance: you may see them running to the
+      shore, and, frantick as it were with joy, demanding with
+      open arms an instantaneous passage to their beloved native
+      plains.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Such are the <i>colonial delights</i>, by the
+      representation of which the <i>receivers</i> would persuade
+      us, that the <i>Africans</i> are taken from their country
+      to a region of conviviality and mirth; and that like those,
+      who leave their usual places of residence for a summer's
+      amusement, they are conveyed to the colonies-<i>to
+      bathe</i>,-<i>to dance</i>,-<i>to keep holy-day</i>,-<i>to
+      be jovial</i>.-But there is something so truly ridiculous
+      in the attempt to impose these scenes of felicity on the
+      publick, as scenes which fall to the lot of slaves, that
+      the <i>receivers</i> must have been driven to great
+      extremities, to hazard them to the eye of censure.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The last point that remains to be considered, is the
+      shameful assertion, that the <i>Africans</i> are much
+      <i>happier in the colonies, than in their own country</i>.
+      But in what does this superiour happiness consist? In those
+      real scenes, it must be replied, which have been just
+      mentioned; for these, by the confession of the receivers,
+      constitute the happiness they enjoy.-But it has been shewn
+      that these have been unfairly represented; and, were they
+      realized in the most extensive latitude, they would not
+      confirm the fact. For if, upon a recapitulation, it
+      consists in the pleasure of <i>manumission</i>, they surely
+      must have passed their lives in a much more comfortable
+      manner, who, like the <i>Africans at home</i>, have had no
+      occasion for such a benefit at all. But the
+      <i>receivers</i>, we presume, reason upon this principle,
+      that we never know the value of a blessing but by its loss.
+      This is generally true: but would any one of them make
+      himself a <i>slave</i> for years, that he might run the
+      chance of the pleasures of <i>manumission</i>? Or that he
+      might taste the charms of liberty with <i>a greater
+      relish</i>? Nor is the assertion less false in every other
+      consideration. For if their happiness consists in the few
+      <i>holy-days</i>, which <i>in the colonies</i> they are
+      permitted to enjoy, what must be their situation <i>in
+      their own country</i>, where the whole year is but one
+      continued holy-day, or cessation from discipline and
+      fatigue?-If in the possession of <i>a mean and contracted
+      spot</i>, what must be their situation, where a whole
+      region is their own, producing almost spontaneously the
+      comforts of life, and requiring for its cultivation none of
+      those hours, which should be appropriated to
+      <i>sleep</i>?-If in the pleasures of the <i>colonial
+      dance</i>, what must it be in <i>their own country</i>,
+      where they may dance for ever; where there is no stated
+      hour to interrupt their felicity, no intolerable labour
+      immediately to succeed their recreations, and no overseer
+      to receive them under the discipline of the lash?-If these
+      therefore are the only circumstances, by which the
+      assertion can be proved, we may venture to say, without
+      fear of opposition, that it can never be proved at all.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But these are not the only circumstances. It is said that
+      they are barbarous at home.-But do you <i>receivers</i>
+      civilize them?-Your unwillingness to convert them to
+      Christianity, because you suppose you must use them more
+      kindly when converted, is but a bad argument in favour of
+      the fact.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It is affirmed again, that their manner of life, and their
+      situation is such in their own country, that to say they
+      are happy is a jest. "But who are you, who pretend to
+      judge<a name="FNanchor103"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_103"><sup>[103]</sup></a> of another man's
+      happiness? That state which each man, under the guidance of
+      his maker, forms for himself, and not one man for another?
+      To know what constitutes mine or your happiness, is the
+      sole prerogative of him who created us, and cast us in so
+      various and different moulds. Did your slaves ever complain
+      to you of their unhappiness, amidst their native woods and
+      desarts? Or, rather, let me ask, did they ever cease
+      complaining of their condition under you their lordly
+      masters? Where they see, indeed, the accommodations of
+      civil life, but see them all pass to others, themselves
+      unbenefited by them. Be so gracious then, ye petty tyrants
+      over human freedom, to let your slaves judge for
+      themselves, what it is which makes their own happiness, and
+      then see whether they do not place it <i>in the return to
+      their own country</i>, rather than in the contemplation of
+      your grandeur, of which their misery makes so large a
+      part."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But since you speak with so much confidence on the subject,
+      let us ask you <i>receivers</i> again, if you have ever
+      been informed by your unfortunate slaves, that they had no
+      connexions in the country from which they have forcibly
+      been torn away: or, if you will take upon you to assert,
+      that they never sigh, when they are alone; or that they
+      never relate to each other their tales of misery and woe.
+      But you judge of them, perhaps, in an happy moment, when
+      you are dealing out to them their provisions for the week;
+      and are but little aware, that, though the countenance may
+      be cheered with a momentary smile, the heart may be
+      exquisitely tortured. Were you to shew us, indeed, that
+      there are laws, subject to no evasion, by which you are
+      obliged to clothe and feed them in a comfortable manner;
+      were you to shew us that they are protected<a name=
+      "FNanchor104"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_104"><sup>[104]</sup></a> at all; or that even
+      <i>one</i> in a <i>thousand</i> of those masters have
+      suffered death,<a name="FNanchor105"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_105"><sup>[105]</sup></a> who have been guilty
+      of <i>premeditated</i> murder to their slaves, you would
+      have a better claim to our belief: but you can neither
+      produce the instances nor the laws. The people, of whom you
+      speak, are <i>slaves</i>, are your own <i>property</i>, are
+      wholly <i>at your own disposal</i>; and this idea is
+      sufficient to overturn your assertions of their happiness.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But we shall now mention a circumstance, which, in the
+      present case, will have more weight than all the arguments
+      which have hitherto been advanced. It is an opinion, which
+      the <i>Africans</i> universally entertain, that, as soon as
+      death shall release them from the hands of their
+      oppressors, they shall immediately be wafted back to their
+      native plains, there to exist again, to enjoy the sight of
+      their beloved countrymen, and to spend the whole of their
+      new existence in scenes of tranquillity and delight; and so
+      powerfully does this notion operate upon them, as to drive
+      them frequently to the horrid extremity of putting a period
+      to their lives. Now if these suicides are frequent, (which
+      no person can deny) what are they but a proof, that the
+      situation of those who destroy themselves must have been
+      insupportably wretched: and if the thought of returning to
+      their country after death, <i>when they have experienced
+      the colonial joys</i>, constitutes their supreme felicity,
+      what are they but a proof, that they think there is as much
+      difference between the two situations, as there is between
+      misery and delight?
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Nor is the assertion of the <i>receivers</i> less liable to
+      a refutation in the instance of those, who terminate their
+      own existence, than of those, whom nature releases from
+      their persecutions. They die with a smile upon their face,
+      and their funerals are attended by a vast concourse of
+      their countrymen, with every possible demonstration of
+      joy.<a name="FNanchor106"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_106"><sup>[106]</sup></a> But why this unusual
+      mirth, if their departed brother has left an happy place?
+      Or if he has been taken from the care of an indulgent
+      master, who consulted his pleasures, and administered to
+      his wants? But alas, it arises from hence, that <i>he is
+      gone to his happy country</i>: a circumstance, sufficient
+      of itself, to silence a myriad of those specious arguments,
+      which the imagination has been racked, and will always be
+      racked to produce, in favour of a system of tyranny and
+      oppression.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It remains only, that we should now conclude the chapter
+      with a fact, which will shew that the account, which we
+      have given of the situation of slaves, is strictly true,
+      and will refute at the same time all the arguments which
+      have hitherto been, and may yet be brought by the
+      <i>receivers</i>, to prove that their treatment is humane.
+      In one of the western colonies of the Europeans, <a name=
+      "FNanchor107"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_107"><sup>[107]</sup></a>six hundred and fifty
+      thousand slaves were imported within an hundred years; at
+      the expiration of which time, their whole posterity were
+      found to amount to one hundred and forty thousand. This
+      fact will ascertain the treatment of itself. For how
+      shamefully must these unfortunate people have been
+      oppressed? What a dreadful havock must famine, fatigue, and
+      cruelty, have made among them, when we consider, that the
+      descendants of <i>six hundred and fifty thousand</i> people
+      in the prime of life, gradually imported within a century,
+      are less numerous than those, which only <i>ten
+      thousand</i><a name="FNanchor108"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_108"><sup>[108]</sup></a> would have produced in
+      the same period, under common advantages, and in a country
+      congenial to their constitutions?
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But the <i>receivers</i> have probably great merit on the
+      occasion. Let us therefore set it down to their humanity.
+      Let us suppose for once, that this incredible waste of the
+      human species proceeds from a benevolent design; that,
+      sensible of the miseries of a servile state, they resolve
+      to wear out, as fast as they possibly can, their
+      unfortunate slaves, that their miseries may the sooner end,
+      and that a wretched posterity may be prevented from sharing
+      their parental condition. Now, whether this is the plan of
+      reasoning which the <i>receivers</i> adopt, we cannot take
+      upon us to decide; but true it is, that the effect produced
+      is exactly the same, as if they had reasoned wholly on this
+      <i>benevolent</i> principle.
+    </p>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+     <a name="Part_310"></a>
+    <h2>
+      <a href="#PART_III.">CHAP. X.</a>
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      We have now taken a survey of the treatment which the
+      unfortunate <i>Africans</i> undergo, when they are put into
+      the hands of the <i>receivers</i>. This treatment, by the
+      four first chapters of the present part of this Essay,
+      appears to be wholly insupportable, and to be such as no
+      human being can apply to another, without the imputation of
+      such crimes, as should make him tremble. But as many
+      arguments are usually advanced by those who have any
+      interest in the practice, by which they would either
+      exculpate the treatment, or diminish its severity, we
+      allotted the remaining chapters for their discussion. In
+      these we considered the probability of such a treatment
+      against the motives of interest; the credit that was to be
+      given to those disinterested writers on the subject, who
+      have recorded particular instances of barbarity; the
+      inferiority of the <i>Africans</i> to the human species;
+      the comparisons that are generally made with respect to
+      their situation; the positive scenes of felicity which they
+      are said to enjoy, and every other argument, in short, that
+      we have found to have ever been advanced in the defence of
+      slavery. These have been all considered, and we may venture
+      to pronounce, that, instead of answering the purpose for
+      which they were intended, they serve only to bring such
+      circumstances to light, as clearly shew, that if ingenuity
+      were racked to invent a situation, that would be the most
+      distressing and insupportable to the human race; it could
+      never invent one, that would suit the description better,
+      than the-<i>colonial slavery</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      If this then be the case, and if slaves, notwithstanding
+      all the arguments to the contrary, are exquisitely
+      miserable, we ask you <i>receivers, by what right</i> you
+      reduce them to so wretched a situation?
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      You reply, that you <i>buy them</i>; that your <i>money</i>
+      constitutes your <i>right</i>, and that, like all other
+      things which you purchase, they are wholly at your own
+      disposal.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Upon this principle alone it was, that we professed to view
+      your treatment, or examine your right, when we said, that
+      "the question<a name="FNanchor109"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_109"><sup>[109]</sup></a> resolved itself into
+      two separate parts for discussion; into the <i>African</i>
+      commerce, as explained in the history of slavery, and the
+      subsequent slavery in the colonies, <i>as founded on the
+      equity of the commerce</i>." Now, since it appears that
+      this commerce, upon the fullest investigation, is contrary
+      to "<i>the principles<a name="FNanchor110"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_110"><sup>[110]</sup></a> of law and government,
+      the dictates of reason, the common maxims of equity, the
+      laws of nature, the admonitions of conscience, and, in
+      short, the whole doctrine of natural religion</i>," it is
+      evident that the <i>right</i>, which is founded upon it,
+      must be the same; and that if those things only are lawful
+      in the sight of God, which are either virtuous in
+      themselves, or proceed from virtuous principles, you
+      <i>have no right over them at all</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      You yourselves also confess this. For when we ask you,
+      whether any human being has a right to sell you, you
+      immediately answer, No; as if nature revolted at the
+      thought, and as if it was so contradictory to your own
+      feelings, as not to require consideration. But who are you,
+      that have this exclusive charter of trading in the
+      liberties of mankind? When did nature, or rather the Author
+      of nature, make so partial a distinction between you and
+      them? When did He say, that you should have the privilege
+      of selling others, and that others should not have the
+      privilege of selling you?
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Now since you confess, that no person whatever has a right
+      to dispose of you in this manner, you must confess also,
+      that those things are unlawful to be done to you, which are
+      usually done in consequence of the sale. Let us suppose
+      then, that in consequence of the <i>commerce</i> you were
+      forced into a ship; that you were conveyed to another
+      country; that you were sold there; that you were confined
+      to incessant labour; that you were pinched by continual
+      hunger and thirst; and subject to be whipped, cut, and
+      mangled at discretion, and all this at the hands of those,
+      whom you had never offended; would you not think that you
+      had a right to resist their treatment? Would you not resist
+      it with a safe conscience? And would you not be surprized,
+      if your resistance should be termed rebellion?-By the
+      former premises you must answer, yes.-Such then is the case
+      with the wretched <i>Africans</i>. They have a right to
+      resist your proceedings. They can resist them, and yet they
+      cannot justly be considered as rebellious. For though we
+      suppose them to have been guilty of crimes to one another;
+      though we suppose them to have been the most abandoned and
+      execrable of men, yet are they perfectly innocent with
+      respect to you <i>receivers</i>. You have no right to touch
+      even the hair of their heads without their own consent. It
+      is not your money, that can invest you with a right. Human
+      liberty can neither be bought nor sold. Every lash that you
+      give them is unjust. It is a lash against nature and
+      religion, and will surely stand recorded against you, since
+      they are all, with respect to your <i>impious</i> selves,
+      in a state of nature; in a state of original dissociation;
+      perfectly free.
+    </p>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+     <a name="Part_311"></a>
+    <h2>
+      <a href="#PART_III.">CHAP. XI.</a>
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      Having now considered both the <i>commerce</i> and
+      <i>slavery</i>, it remains only to collect such arguments
+      as are scattered in different parts of the work, and to
+      make such additional remarks, as present themselves on the
+      subject.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      And first, let us ask you, who have studied the law of
+      nature, and you, who are learned in the law of the land, if
+      all property must not be inferiour in its nature to its
+      possessor, or, in other words, (for it is a case, which
+      every person must bring home to his own breast) if you
+      suppose that any human being can have <i>a property in
+      yourselves</i>? Let us ask you appraisers, who
+      scientifically know the value of things, if any human
+      creature is equivalent only to any of the trinkets that you
+      wear, or at most, to any of the horses that you ride: or in
+      other words, if you have ever considered the most costly
+      things that you have valued, as <i>equivalent to
+      yourselves?</i> Let us ask you rationalists, if man, as a
+      reasonable being, is not <i>accountable</i> for his
+      actions, and let us put the same question to you, who have
+      studied the divine writings? Let us ask you parents, if
+      ever you thought that you possessed an <i>authority</i> as
+      such, or if ever you expected a <i>duty</i> from your sons;
+      and let us ask you sons, if ever you felt an impulse in
+      your own breasts to <i>obey</i> your parents. Now, if you
+      should all answer as we could wish, if you should all
+      answer consistently with reason, nature, and the revealed
+      voice of God, what a dreadful argument will present itself
+      against the commerce and slavery of the human species, when
+      we reflect, that no man whatever can be bought or reduced
+      to the situation of a slave, <i>but he must instantly
+      become a brute, he must instantly be reduced to the value
+      of those things, which were made for his own use and
+      convenience; he must instantly cease to be accountable for
+      his actions, and his authority as a parent, and his duty as
+      a son, must be instantly no more</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Neither does it escape our notice, when we are speaking of
+      the fatal wound which every social duty must receive, how
+      considerably Christianity suffers by the conduct of you
+      <i>receivers</i>. For by prosecuting this impious commerce,
+      you keep the <i>Africans</i> in a state of perpetual
+      ferocity and barbarism; and by prosecuting it in such a
+      manner, as must represent your religion, as a system of
+      robbery and oppression, you not only oppose the propagation
+      of the gospel, as far as you are able yourselves, but throw
+      the most certain impediments in the way of others, who
+      might attempt the glorious and important task.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Such also is the effect, which the subsequent slavery in
+      the colonies must produce. For by your inhuman treatment of
+      the unfortunate <i>Africans</i> there, you create the same
+      insuperable impediments to a conversion. For how must they
+      detest the very name of <i>Christians</i>, when you
+      <i>Christians</i> are deformed by so many and dreadful
+      vices? How must they detest that system of religion, which
+      appears to resist the natural rights of men, and to give a
+      sanction to brutality and murder?
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But, as we are now mentioning Christianity, we must pause
+      for a little time, to make a few remarks on the arguments
+      which are usually deduced from thence by the
+      <i>receivers</i>, in defence of their system of oppression.
+      For the reader may readily suppose, that, if they did not
+      hesitate to bring the <i>Old</i> Testament in support of
+      their barbarities, they would hardly let the <i>New</i>
+      escape them.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      <i>St. Paul</i>, having converted <i>Onesimus</i> to the
+      Christian faith, who was a fugitive slave of
+      <i>Philemon</i>, sent him back to his master. This
+      circumstance has furnished the <i>receivers</i> with a
+      plea, that Christianity encourages slavery. But they have
+      not only strained the passages which they produce in
+      support of their assertions, but are ignorant of historical
+      facts. The benevolent apostle, in the letter which he wrote
+      to <i>Philemon</i>, the master of <i>Onesimus</i>,
+      addresses him to the following effect: "I send him back to
+      you, but not in his former capacity,<a name=
+      "FNanchor111"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_111"><sup>[111]</sup></a> <i>not now as a
+      servant, but above a servant, a brother beloved</i>. In
+      this manner I beseech you to receive him, for though I
+      could <i>enjoin</i> you to do it, yet I had rather it
+      should be a matter of your <i>own will</i>, than of
+      <i>necessity</i>."
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It appears that the same <i>Onesimus</i>, when he was sent
+      back, was no longer <i>a slave</i>, that he was a minister
+      of the gospel, that he was joined with <i>Tychicus</i> in
+      an ecclesiastical commission to the church of the
+      <i>Colossians</i>, and was afterwards bishop of
+      <i>Ephesus</i>. If language therefore has any meaning, and
+      if history has recorded a fact which may be believed, there
+      is no case more opposite to the doctrine of the
+      <i>receivers</i>, than this which they produce in its
+      support.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It is said again, that Christianity, among the many
+      important precepts which it contains, does not furnish us
+      with one for the abolition of slavery. But the reason is
+      obvious. Slavery at the time of the introduction of the
+      gospel was universally prevalent, and if Christianity had
+      abruptly declared, that the millions of slaves should have
+      been made free, who were then in the world, it would have
+      been universally rejected, as containing doctrines that
+      were dangerous, if not destructive, to society. In order
+      therefore that it might be universally received, it never
+      meddled, by any positive precept, with the civil
+      institutions of the times; but though it does not expressly
+      say, that "you shall neither buy, nor sell, nor possess a
+      slave," it is evident that, in its general tenour, it
+      sufficiently militates against the custom.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The first doctrine which it inculcates, is that of
+      <i>brotherly love</i>. It commands good will towards men.
+      It enjoins us to love our neighbours as ourselves, and to
+      do unto all men, as we would that they should do unto us.
+      And how can any man fulfil this scheme of universal
+      benevolence, who reduces an unfortunate person <i>against
+      his will</i>, to the <i>most insupportable</i> of all human
+      conditions; who considers him as his <i>private
+      property</i>, and treats him, not as a brother, nor as one
+      of the same parentage with himself, but as an <i>animal of
+      the brute creation?</i>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But the most important doctrine is that, by which we are
+      assured that mankind are to exist in a future state, and to
+      give an account of those actions, which they have severally
+      done in the flesh. This strikes at the very root of
+      slavery. For how can any man be justly called to an account
+      for his actions, whose actions are not <i>at his own
+      disposal?</i> This is the case with the <i>proper</i><a
+      name="FNanchor112"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_112"><sup>[112]</sup></a> slave. His liberty is
+      absolutely bought and <i>appropriated</i>; and if the
+      purchase is <i>just and equitable</i>, he is <i>under the
+      necessity</i> of perpetrating any crime, which the
+      purchaser may order him to commit, or, in other words, of
+      ceasing to be <i>accountable for his actions</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      These doctrines therefore are sufficient to shew, that
+      slavery is incompatible, with the Christian system. The
+      <i>Europeans</i> considered them as such, when, at the
+      close of the twelfth century, they resisted, their
+      hereditary prejudices, and occasioned its abolition. Hence
+      one, among many other proofs, that Christianity was the
+      production of infinite wisdom; that though it did not take
+      such express cognizance of the wicked national institutions
+      of the times, as should hinder its reception, it should yet
+      contain such doctrines, as, when it should be fully
+      established, would be sufficient for the abolition of them
+      all.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Thus then is the argument of you <i>receivers</i>
+      ineffectual, and your conduct impious. For, by the
+      prosecution of this wicked slavery and commerce, you not
+      only oppose the propagation of that gospel which was
+      ordered to be preached unto every creature, and bring it
+      into contempt, but you oppose its tenets also: first,
+      because you violate that law of <i>universal
+      benevolence</i>, which was to take away those hateful
+      distinctions of <i>Jew</i> and <i>Gentile</i>, <i>Greek</i>
+      and <i>Barbarian, bond</i> and <i>free</i>, which prevailed
+      when the gospel was introduced; and secondly, because, as
+      every man is to give an account of his actions hereafter,
+      it is necessary that he should be <i>free</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Another argument yet remains, which, though nature will
+      absolutely turn pale at the recital, cannot possibly be
+      omitted. In those wars, which are made for the sake of
+      procuring slaves, it is evident that the contest must be
+      generally obstinate, and that great numbers must be slain
+      on both sides, before the event can be determined. This we
+      may reasonably apprehend to be the case: and we have
+      shewn,<a name="FNanchor113"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_113"><sup>[113]</sup></a> that there have not
+      been wanting instances, where the conquerors have been so
+      incensed at the resistance they have found, that their
+      spirit of vengeance has entirely got the better of their
+      avarice, and they have murdered, in cool blood, every
+      individual, without discrimination, either of age or sex.
+      From these and other circumstances, we thought we had
+      sufficient reason to conclude, that, where <i>ten</i> were
+      supposed to be taken, an <i>hundred</i>, including the
+      victors and vanquished, might be supposed to perish. Now,
+      as the annual exportation from <i>Africa</i> consists of an
+      hundred thousand men, and as the two orders, of those who
+      are privately kidnapped by individuals, and of those, who
+      are publickly seized by virtue of the authority of their
+      prince, compose together, at least, nine-tenths of the
+      <i>African</i> slaves, it follows, that about ten thousand
+      consist of convicts and prisoners of war. The last order is
+      the most numerous. Let us suppose then that only six
+      thousand of this order are annually sent into servitude,
+      and it will immediately appear that no less than
+      <i>sixty-thousand</i> people annually perish in those wars,
+      which are made only for the purpose of procuring slaves.
+      But that this number, which we believe to be by no means
+      exaggerated, may be free from all objection, we will
+      include those in the estimate, who die as they are
+      travelling to the ships. Many of these unfortunate people
+      have a journey of one thousand miles to perform on foot,
+      and are driven like sheep through inhospitable woods and
+      deserts, where they frequently die in great numbers, from
+      fatigue and want. Now if to those, who thus perish on the
+      <i>African</i> continent, by war and travelling, we subjoin
+      those,<a name="FNanchor114"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_114"><sup>[114]</sup></a> who afterwards perish
+      on the voyage, and in the seasoning together, it will
+      appear that, in every yearly attempt to supply the
+      colonies, an <i>hundred thousand</i> must perish, even
+      before <i>one</i> useful individual can be obtained.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Gracious God! how wicked, how beyond all example impious,
+      must be that servitude, which cannot be carried on without
+      the continual murder of so many and innocent persons! What
+      punishment is not to be expected for such monstrous and
+      unparalleled barbarities! For if the blood of one man,
+      unjustly shed, cries with so loud a voice for the divine
+      vengeance, how shall the cries and groans of an <i>hundred
+      thousand</i> men, <i>annually murdered</i>, ascend the
+      celestial mansions, and bring down that punishment, which
+      such enormities deserve! But do we mention punishment? Do
+      we allude to that punishment, which shall be inflicted on
+      men as individuals, in a future life? Do we allude to that
+      awful day, which shall surely come, when the master shall
+      behold his murdered negroe face to face? When a train of
+      mutilated slaves shall be brought against him? When he
+      shall stand confounded and abashed? Or, do we allude to
+      that punishment, which may be inflicted on them here, as
+      members of a wicked community? For as a body politick, if
+      its members are ever so numerous, may be considered as an
+      whole, acting of itself, and by itself, in all affairs in
+      which it is concerned, so it is accountable, as such, for
+      its conduct; and as these kinds of polities have only their
+      existence here, so it is only in this world, that, as such,
+      they can be punished.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      "Now, whether we consider the crime, with respect to the
+      individuals immediately concerned in this most barbarous
+      and cruel traffick, or whether we consider it as
+      patronized<a name="FNanchor115"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_115"><sup>[115]</sup></a> and encouraged by the
+      laws of the land, it presents to our view an equal degree
+      of enormity. A crime, founded on a dreadful pre-eminence in
+      wickedness,-a crime, which being both of individuals and
+      the nation, must sometime draw down upon us the heaviest
+      judgment of Almighty God, who made of one blood all the
+      sons of men, and who gave to all equally a natural right to
+      liberty; and who, ruling all the kingdoms of the earth with
+      equal providential justice, cannot suffer such deliberate,
+      such monstrous iniquity, to pass long unpunished."<a name=
+      "FNanchor116"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_116"><sup>[116]</sup></a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But alas! he seems already to have interfered on the
+      occasion! The violent<a name="FNanchor117"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_117"><sup>[117]</sup></a> and supernatural
+      agitations of all the elements, which, for a series of
+      years, have prevailed in those European settlements, where
+      the unfortunate <i>Africans</i> are retained in a state of
+      slavery, and which have brought unspeakable calamities on
+      the inhabitants, and publick losses on the states to which
+      they severally belong, are so many awful visitations of God
+      for this inhuman violation of his laws. And it is not
+      perhaps unworthy of remark, that as the subjects of
+      Great-Britain have two thirds of this impious commerce in
+      their own hands, so they have suffered<a name=
+      "FNanchor118"></a><a href=
+      "#Footnote_118"><sup>[118]</sup></a> in the same
+      proportion, or more severely than the rest.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      How far these misfortunes may appear to be acts of
+      providence, and to create an alarm to those who have been
+      accustomed to refer every effect to its apparent cause; who
+      have been habituated to stop there, and to overlook the
+      finger of God; because it is slightly covered under the
+      veil of secondary laws, we will not pretend to determine?
+      but this we will assert with confidence, that the
+      <i>Europeans</i> have richly deserved them all; that the
+      fear of sympathy, which can hardly be restrained on other
+      melancholy occasions, seems to forget to flow at the
+      relation of these; and that we can never, with any shadow
+      of justice, with prosperity to the undertakers of those,
+      whose success must be at the expence of the happiness of
+      millions of their fellow-creatures.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But this is sufficient. For if liberty is only an
+      adventitious right; if men are by no means superiour to
+      brutes; if every social duty is a curse; if cruelty is
+      highly to be esteemed; if murder is strictly honourable,
+      and Christianity is a lye; then it is evident, that the
+      <i>African</i> slavery may be pursued, without either the
+      remorse of conscience, or the imputation of a crime. But if
+      the contrary of this is true, which reason must immediately
+      evince, it is evident that no custom established among men
+      was ever more impious; since it is contrary to <i>reason,
+      justice, nature, the principles of law and government, the
+      whole doctrine, in short, of natural religion, and the
+      revealed voice of God</i>.
+    </p>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <h2>
+      FINIS.
+    </h2>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+
+    <h2>
+      Footnotes:
+    </h2>
+    <br>
+     <a name="Footnote_001"></a><a href="#FNanchor001">[001]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      A Description of Guinea, with an Inquiry into the Rise and
+      Progress of the Slave Trade, &amp;c.-A Caution to Great
+      Britain and her Colonies, in a short Representation of the
+      calamitous State of the enslaved Negroes in the British
+      Dominions. Besides several smaller pieces.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_002"></a><a href="#FNanchor002">[002]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      They had censured the <i>African Trade</i> in the year
+      1727, but had taken no publick notice of the
+      <i>colonial</i> slavery till this time.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_003"></a><a href="#FNanchor003">[003]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      The instance of the <i>Dutch</i> colonists at the Cape, in
+      the first part of the Essay; the description of an African
+      battle, in the second; and the poetry of a negroe girl in
+      the third, are the only considerable additions that have
+      been made.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_004"></a><a href="#FNanchor004">[004]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Genesis, Ch. 47. Leviticus XXV. v. 39, 40.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_005"></a><a href="#FNanchor005">[005]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      The <i>Thetes</i> appear very early in the Grecian
+      History.--kai tines auto kouroi epont'Ithakes exairetoi; he
+      eoi autou thentes te Dmoes(?) te; Od. Homer. D. 642. They
+      were afterwards so much in use that, "Murioi depou
+      apedidonto eautous ose douleuein kata sungraphen," till
+      Solon suppressed the custom in Athens.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_006"></a><a href="#FNanchor006">[006]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      The mention of these is frequent among the classics; they
+      were called in general <i>mercenarii</i>, from the
+      circumstances of their <i>hire</i>, as "quibus, non
+      mal&egrave; pr&aelig;cipiunt, qui ita jubent uti, ut
+      <i>mercenariis</i>, operam exigendam, justa proebenda.
+      Cicero de off." But they are sometimes mentioned in the law
+      books by the name of <i>liberi</i>, from the circumstances
+      of their <i>birth</i>, to distinguish them from the
+      <i>alieni</i>, or foreigners, as Justinian. D. 7. 8. 4.-Id.
+      21. 1. 25. &amp;c. &amp;c. &amp;c.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_007"></a><a href="#FNanchor007">[007]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      "Nomos en pasin anthropois aidios esin, otan polemounton
+      polis alo, ton elonton einai kai ta somata ton en te
+      poleis, kai ta chremata." Xenoph. Kyrou Paid. L. 7. fin.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_008"></a><a href="#FNanchor008">[008]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      "Proud Nimrod first the bloody chace began,<br>
+      A mighty hunter, and his prey was man."<br>
+      -POPE.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_009"></a><a href="#FNanchor009">[009]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Thucydides. L. 1. sub initio.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_010"></a><a href="#FNanchor010">[010]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Idem.-"the strongest," says he, "engaging in these
+      adventures, Kerdous tou spheterou auton eneka kai tois
+      asthenesi trophes."
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_011"></a><a href="#FNanchor011">[011]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Homer. Odyss. L. 15. 385.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_012"></a><a href="#FNanchor012">[012]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Xenoph. Kyrou Anab. L. 6. sub initio.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_013"></a><a href="#FNanchor013">[013]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      ouk echontos po Aischynen toutou tou ergou pherontos de ti
+      kai Doxes mallon. Thucydides, L. 1. sub initio.<br>
+      kai euklees touto oi Kilikes enomizon. Sextus
+      Empiricus.<br>
+      ouk adoxon all'endoxon touto. Schol. &amp;c. &amp;c.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_014"></a><a href="#FNanchor014">[014]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Aristoph. Plut. Act. 2. Scene 5.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_015"></a><a href="#FNanchor015">[015]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Zenoph. Apomnemon, L. 1.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_016"></a><a href="#FNanchor016">[016]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Herodotus. L. 2. 113.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_017"></a><a href="#FNanchor017">[017]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      "Apud &AElig;gyptios, si quis servum sponte occiderat,
+      eum<br>
+      morte damnari &aelig;que ac si liberum occidisset, jubebant
+      leges &amp;c."<br>
+      Diodorus Sic. L. 1.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_018"></a><a href="#FNanchor018">[018]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      "Atq id ne vos miremini, Homines servulos<br>
+      Potare, amare, atq ad coenam condicere.<br>
+      Licet hoc Athenis.<br>
+      Plautus. Sticho."
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_019"></a><a href="#FNanchor019">[019]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      "Be me kratison esin eis to Theseion<br>
+      Dramein, ekei d'eos an eurombou prasin<br>
+      menein" Aristoph. Hor&aelig;.<br>
+      <br>
+      Kaka toiade paskousin oude prasin<br>
+      Aitousin. Eupolis. poleis.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_020"></a><a href="#FNanchor020">[020]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      To this privilege Plautus alludes in his <i>Casina</i>,
+      where he introduces a slave, speaking in the following
+      manner. "Quid tu me ver&ograve; libertate territas?<br>
+      Quod si tu nolis, siliusque etiam tuus<br>
+      Vobis <i>invitis</i>, atq amborum <i>ingratiis</i>,<br>
+      <i>Una libella liber possum fieri</i>."
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_021"></a><a href="#FNanchor021">[021]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Homer. Odys. P. 322. In the latest edition of Homer, the
+      word, which we have translated <i>senses</i>, is
+      <i>Aretae</i>, or <i>virtue</i>, but the old and proper
+      reading is <i>Noos</i>, as appears from Plato de Legibus,
+      ch. 6, where he quotes it on a similar occasion.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_022"></a><a href="#FNanchor022">[022]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Aristotle. Polit. Ch. 2. et inseq.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_023"></a><a href="#FNanchor023">[023]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Ellesin hegemonikos, tois de Barbarois despotikos krasthar
+      kai ton men os philon kai oikeion epimeleisthai, tois de os
+      zoois he phytois prospheresthai. Plutarch. de Fortun.
+      Alexand. Orat. 1.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_024"></a><a href="#FNanchor024">[024]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Omne tulit punctum, qui miscuit utile dulci. Horace.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_025"></a><a href="#FNanchor025">[025]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      me tacha pikren Aigypton kai Kypron idnai. Hom. Odyss. L.
+      17. 448.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_026"></a><a href="#FNanchor026">[026]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      L. 26.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_027"></a><a href="#FNanchor027">[027]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Exodus. Ch. 1.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_028"></a><a href="#FNanchor028">[028]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Vide note 1st. (Here shown as footnote 025).
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_029"></a><a href="#FNanchor029">[029]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      This strikes us the more forcibly, as it is stiled
+      <i>eurreiten</i> and <i>perikallea</i>, "<i>beautiful and
+      well watered</i>," in all other passages where it is
+      mentioned, but this.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_030"></a><a href="#FNanchor030">[030]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      The following short history of the African servitude, is
+      taken from Astley's Collection of Voyages, and from the
+      united testimonies of Smyth, Adanson, Bosman, Moore, and
+      others, who were agents to the different factories
+      established there; who resided many years in the country;
+      and published their respective histories at their return.
+      These writers, if they are partial at all, may be
+      considered as favourable rather to their own countrymen,
+      than the unfortunate Africans.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_031"></a><a href="#FNanchor031">[031]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      We would not wish to be understood, that slavery was
+      unknown in Africa before the <i>piratical</i> expeditions
+      of the <i>Portuguese</i>, as it appears from the
+      <i>Nubian's Geography</i>, that both the slavery and
+      commerce had been established among the natives with one
+      another. We mean only to assert, that the <i>Portuguese</i>
+      were the first of the <i>Europeans</i>, who made their
+      <i>piratical</i> expeditions, and shewed the way to that
+      <i>slavery</i>, which now makes so disgraceful a figure in
+      the western colonies of the <i>Europeans</i>. In the term
+      "Europeans," wherever it shall occur in the remaining part
+      of this first dissertation, we include the
+      <i>Portuguese</i>, and <i>those nations only</i>, who
+      followed their example.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_032"></a><a href="#FNanchor032">[032]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      The <i>Portuguese</i> erected their first fort at
+      <i>D'Elmina</i>, in the year 1481, about forty years after
+      Alonzo Gonzales had pointed the Southern Africans out to
+      his countrymen as articles of commerce.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_033"></a><a href="#FNanchor033">[033]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      In the ancient servitude, we reckoned <i>convicts</i> among
+      the <i>voluntary</i> slaves, because they had it in their
+      power, by a virtuous conduct, to have avoided so melancholy
+      a situation; in the <i>African</i>, we include them in the
+      <i>involuntary</i>, because, as virtues are frequently
+      construed into crimes, from the venal motives of the
+      traffick, no person whatever possesses such a <i>power</i>
+      or <i>choice</i>.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_034"></a><a href="#FNanchor034">[034]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Andrew Sparrman, M.D. professor of Physick at Stockholm,
+      fellow of the Royal Academy of Sciences in Sweden, and
+      inspector of its cabinet of natural history, whose voyage
+      was translated into English, and published in 1785.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_035"></a><a href="#FNanchor035">[035]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Boshies-man, or <i>wild Hottentot</i>.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_036"></a><a href="#FNanchor036">[036]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      This conclusion concerning the dissociated state of
+      mankind, is confirmed by all the early writers, with whose
+      descriptions of primitive times no other conclusion is
+      reconcileable.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_037"></a><a href="#FNanchor037">[037]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Justin. L. 2. C. 2.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_038"></a><a href="#FNanchor038">[038]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Sallust. Bell. Jug.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_039"></a><a href="#FNanchor039">[039]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Sallust. Bell. Catil.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_040"></a><a href="#FNanchor040">[040]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Ammianus Marcellinus. L. 31. C. 2. et. inseq.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_041"></a><a href="#FNanchor041">[041]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Agri pro Numero Cultorum ab universis per vicos occupantur,
+      quos mox inter se secundum dignationem partiuntur. Tacitus.
+      C. 26. de Mor. Germ.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_042"></a><a href="#FNanchor042">[042]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      The author has lately read a work, intitled Paley's Moral
+      and Political Philosophy, which, in this one respect,
+      favours those which have been hinted at, as it denies that
+      government was a contract. "No social compact was ever made
+      in fact,"-"it is to suppose it possible to call savages out
+      of caves and deserts, to deliberate upon topicks, which the
+      experience and studies, and the refinements of civil life
+      alone suggest. Therefore no government in the universe
+      begun from this original." But there are no grounds for so
+      absurd a supposition; for government, and of course the
+      social compact, does not appear to have been introduced at
+      the time, when families coming out of their caves and
+      deserts, or, in other words, quitting their former
+      <i>dissociated</i> state, joined themselves together. They
+      had lived a considerable time in <i>society</i>, like the
+      Lybians and G&aelig;tulians before-mentioned, and had felt
+      many of the disadvantages of a want of discipline and laws,
+      before government was introduced at all. The author of this
+      Essay, before he took into consideration the origin of
+      government, was determined, in a matter of such importance,
+      to be biassed by no opinion whatever, and much less to
+      indulge himself in speculation. He was determined solely to
+      adhere to fact, and, by looking into the accounts left us
+      of those governments which were in their infancy, and, of
+      course in the least complicated state, to attempt to
+      discover their foundation: he cannot say therefore, that
+      upon a very minute perusal of the excellent work before
+      quoted, he has been so far convinced, as to retract in the
+      least from his sentiments on this head, and to give up
+      maxims, which are drawn from historical facts, for those,
+      which are the result of speculation. He may observe here,
+      that whether government was a <i>contract</i> or not, it
+      will not affect the reasoning of the present Essay; since
+      where ever the contract is afterwards mentioned, it is
+      inferred only that its object was "the <i>happiness of the
+      people</i>," which is confessedly the end of government.
+      Notwithstanding this, he is under the necessity of
+      inserting this little note, though he almost feels himself
+      ungrateful in contradicting a work, which has afforded him
+      so much entertainment.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_043"></a><a href="#FNanchor043">[043]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      <i>Jure Gentium</i> servi nostri sunt, qui ab hostibus
+      capiuntur. Justinian, L. 1. 5. 5. 1.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_044"></a><a href="#FNanchor044">[044]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      <i>Serverum</i> appellatio ex eo fluxit, quod imperatores
+      nostri captivos vendere, ac per hoc <i>servare</i>, nec
+      occidere solent.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_045"></a><a href="#FNanchor045">[045]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Nam sive victoribus <i>jure captivitatis</i> servissent,
+      &amp;c. Justin, L. 4. 3. et passim apud scriptores
+      antiquos.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_046"></a><a href="#FNanchor046">[046]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Neque est contra naturam spoliare eum, si possis, quem
+      honestum est necare. Cicero de officiis. L. 3. 6.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_047"></a><a href="#FNanchor047">[047]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      1. Ut liberi suis legibus viverent. Livy, L. 30. 37.<br>
+      2. Decem millia talentum argenti descripta pensionibus
+      &aelig;quis in annos quinquaginta solverent. Ibid.<br>
+      3. Et naves rostratas, pr&aelig;ter decem triremes,
+      traderent, elephantosque, quos haberent domitos; neque
+      domarent alios; Bellum neve in Africa, neve extra Africam,
+      injussu P. R. gererent, &amp;c. Ibid.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_048"></a><a href="#FNanchor048">[048]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      The total annual exportation from Africa, is estimated here
+      at 100,000 men, two thirds of whom are exported by the
+      British merchants alone. This estimate is less than that
+      which is usually made, and has been published. The author
+      has been informed by disinterested people, who were in most
+      of the West India islands during the late war, and who
+      conversed with many of the most intelligent of the negroes,
+      for the purpose of inquiring by what methods they had
+      originally been reduced to slavery, that they did not find
+      even two in twenty, who had been reduced to that situation,
+      by any other means than those mentioned above. The author,
+      desirous of a farther confirmation of this circumstance,
+      stopped the press till he had written to another friend,
+      who had resided twenty years in the West-Indies, and whose
+      opinion he had not yet asked. The following is an extract
+      from the answer. "I do not among many hundreds recollect to
+      have seen but one or two slaves, of those imported from
+      Africa, who had any scars to shew, that they had been in
+      war. They are generally such as are kidnapped, or sold by
+      their tyrants, after the destruction of a village. In
+      short, I am firmly of opinion, that crimes and war together
+      do not furnish one slave in an hundred of the numbers
+      introduced into the European colonies. Of consequence the
+      trade itself, were it possible to suppose convicts or
+      prisoners of war to be justly sentenced to servitude, is
+      accountable for ninety-nine in every hundred slaves, whom
+      it supplies. It an insult to the publick, to attempt to
+      palliate the method of procuring them."
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_049"></a><a href="#FNanchor049">[049]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      The writer of the letter of which this is a faithful
+      extract, and who was known to the author of the present
+      Essay, was a long time on the African coast. He had once
+      the misfortune to be shipwrecked there, and to be taken by
+      the natives, who conveyed him and his companions a
+      considerable way up into the country. The hardships which
+      he underwent in the march, his treatment during his
+      captivity, the scenes to which he was witness, while he
+      resided among the inland Africans, as well as while in the
+      African trade, gave occasion to a series of very
+      interesting letters. These letters were sent to the author
+      of the present Essay, with liberty to make what use of them
+      he chose, by the gentleman to whom they were written.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_050"></a><a href="#FNanchor050">[050]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Were this not the case, the government of a country could
+      have no right to take cognizance of crimes, and punish
+      them, but every individual, if injured, would have a right
+      to punish the aggressor with his own hand, which is
+      contrary to the notions of all civilized men, whether among
+      the ancients or the moderns.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_051"></a><a href="#FNanchor051">[051]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      This same notion is entertained even by the African
+      princes, who do not permit the person injured to revenge
+      his injury, or to receive the convict as his slave. But if
+      the very person who has been <i>injured</i>, does not
+      possess him, much less ought any other person whatsoever.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_052"></a><a href="#FNanchor052">[052]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      There are instances on the African continent, of
+      <i>parents</i> selling their <i>children</i>. As the slaves
+      of this description are so few, and are so irregularly
+      obtained, we did not think it worth our while to consider
+      them as forming an order; and, as God never gave the parent
+      a power over his child to make him <i>miserable</i>, we
+      trust that any farther mention of them will be unnecessary.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_053"></a><a href="#FNanchor053">[053]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Abb&egrave; Raynal, Hist. Phil. vol. 4. P. 154.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_054"></a><a href="#FNanchor054">[054]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Justin, L. 2. C. 1.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_055"></a><a href="#FNanchor055">[055]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Cicero de Officiis. L. 1. C. 8.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_056"></a><a href="#FNanchor056">[056]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      It is universally allowed, that at least one fifth of the
+      exported negroes perish in the passage. This estimate is
+      made from the time in which they are put on board, to the
+      time when they are disposed of in the colonies. The French
+      are supposed to lose the greatest number in the voyage, but
+      particularly from this circumstance, because their slave
+      ships are in general so very large, that many of the slaves
+      that have been put on board sickly, die before the cargo
+      can be completed.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_057"></a><a href="#FNanchor057">[057]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      This instance happened in a ship, commanded by one
+      Collingwood. On the 29th of November, 1781, fifty-four of
+      them were thrown into the sea alive; on the 30th forty-two
+      more; and in about three days afterwards, twenty-six. Ten
+      others, who were brought upon the deck for the same
+      purpose, did not wait to be hand-cuffed, but bravely leaped
+      into the sea, and shared the fate of their companions. It
+      is a fact, that the people on board this ship had not been
+      put upon short allowance. The excuse which this execrable
+      wretch made on board for his conduct, was the following,
+      "<i>that if the slaves, who were then sickly, had died a
+      natural death, the loss would have been the owners; but as
+      they were thrown alive into the sea, it would fall upon the
+      underwriters</i>."
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_058"></a><a href="#FNanchor058">[058]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      This gentleman is at present resident in England. The
+      author of this Essay applied to him for some information on
+      the treatment of slaves, so far as his own knowledge was
+      concerned. He was so obliging as to furnish him with the
+      written account alluded to, interspersed only with such
+      instances, as he himself could undertake to answer for. The
+      author, as he has never met with these instances before,
+      and as they are of such high authority, intends to
+      transcribe two or three of them, and insert them in the
+      fourth chapter. They will be found in inverted commas.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_059"></a><a href="#FNanchor059">[059]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      One third of the whole number imported, is often computed
+      to be lost in the seasoning, which, in round numbers, will
+      be 27000. The loss in the seasoning depends, in a great
+      measure, on two circumstances, viz. on the number of what
+      are called refuse slaves that are imported, and on the
+      quantity of new land in the colony. In the French windward
+      islands of Martinico, and Guadaloupe, which are cleared and
+      highly cultivated, and in our old small islands, one
+      fourth, including refuse slaves, is considered as a general
+      proportion. But in St. Domingo, where there is a great deal
+      of new land annually taken into culture, and in other
+      colonies in the same situation, the general proportion,
+      including refuse slaves, is found to be one third. This
+      therefore is a lower estimate than the former, and reduces
+      the number to about 23000. We may observe, that this is the
+      common estimate, but we have reduced it to 20000 to make it
+      free from all objection.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_060"></a><a href="#FNanchor060">[060]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Including the number that perish on the voyage, and in the
+      seasoning. It is generally thought that not half the number
+      purchased can be considered as an additional stock, and of
+      course that 50,000 are consumed within the first two years
+      from their embarkation.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_061"></a><a href="#FNanchor061">[061]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      That part of the account, that has been hitherto given,
+      extends to all the Europeans and their colonists, who are
+      concerned in this horrid practice. But we are sorry that we
+      must now make a distinction, and confine the remaining
+      part, of it to the colonists of the British West India
+      islands, and to those of the southern provinces of North
+      America. As the employment of slaves is different in the
+      two parts of the world last mentioned, we shall content
+      ourselves with describing it, as it exists in one of them,
+      and we shall afterwards annex such treatment and such
+      consequences as are applicable to both. We have only to
+      add, that the reader must not consider our account as
+      <i>universally</i>, but only generally, true.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_062"></a><a href="#FNanchor062">[062]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      This computation is made on a supposition, that the gang is
+      divided into three bodies; we call it therefore moderate,
+      because the gang is frequently divided into two bodies,
+      which must therefore set up alternately <i>every other
+      night</i>.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_063"></a><a href="#FNanchor063">[063]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      An hand or arm being frequently ground off.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_064"></a><a href="#FNanchor064">[064]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      The reader will scarcely believe it, but it is a fact, that
+      a slave's annual allowance from his master, for provisions,
+      clothing, medicines when sick, &amp;c. is limited, upon an
+      average, to thirty shillings.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_065"></a><a href="#FNanchor065">[065]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      "A boy having received six slaves as a present from his
+      father, immediately slit their ears, and for the following
+      reason, that as his father was a whimsical man, he might
+      claim them again, unless they were marked." We do not
+      mention this instance as a confirmation of the passage to
+      which it is annexed, but only to shew, how cautious we
+      ought to be in giving credit to what may be advanced in any
+      work written in defence of slavery, by any native of the
+      colonies: for being trained up to scenes of cruelty from
+      his cradle, he may, consistently with his own feelings,
+      represent that treatment as mild, at which we, who have
+      never been used to see them, should absolutely shudder.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_066"></a><a href="#FNanchor066">[066]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      In this case he is considered as a criminal against the
+      state. The <i>marshal</i>, an officer answering to our
+      sheriff, superintends his execution, and the master
+      receives the value of the slave from the publick treasury.
+      We may observe here, that in all cases where the delinquent
+      is a criminal of the state, he is executed, and his value
+      is received in the same manner; He is tried and condemned
+      by two or three justices of the peace, and without any
+      intervention of a <i>jury</i>.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_067"></a><a href="#FNanchor067">[067]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Particularly in Jamaica. These observations were made by
+      disinterested people, who were there for three or four
+      years during the late war.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_068"></a><a href="#FNanchor068">[068]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      The action was brought by the owners against the
+      underwriters, to recover the value of the <i>murdered</i>
+      slaves. It was tried at Guildhall.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_069"></a><a href="#FNanchor069">[069]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Phillis Wheatley, negro slave to Mr. John Wheatley, of
+      Boston, in New-England.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_070"></a><a href="#FNanchor070">[070]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Lest it should be doubted whether these Poems are genuine,
+      we shall transcribe the names of those, who signed a
+      certificate of their authenticity.<br>
+      <br>
+      His Excellency Thomas Hutchinson, Governor.<br>
+      The Honourable Andrew Oliver, Lieutenant Governor.<br>
+      <br>
+      <br>
+      <br>
+      The Hon. Thomas Hubbard<br>
+      The Hon. John Erving<br>
+      The Hon. James Pitts<br>
+      The Hon. Harrison Gray<br>
+      The Hon. James Bowdoin<br>
+      John Hancock, Esq.<br>
+      Joseph Green, Esq.<br>
+      Richard Carey, Esq.<br>
+      The Rev. Cha. Chauncy, D.D.<br>
+      The Rev. Mather Byles, D.D.<br>
+      The Rev. Ed. Pemberton, D.D.<br>
+      The Rev. Andrew Elliot, D.D.<br>
+      The Rev. Sam. Cooper, D.D.<br>
+      The Rev. Samuel Mather<br>
+      The Rev. John Moorhead<br>
+      Mr. John Wheatley, her Master.<br>
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_071"></a><a href="#FNanchor071">[071]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      In the Preface.
+    </blockquote>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+     <a name="Footnote_072"></a><a href="#FNanchor072">[072]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      As to Mr. Hume's assertions with respect to African
+      capacity, we have passed them over in silence, as they have
+      been so admirably refuted by the learned Dr. Beattie, in
+      his Essay on Truth, to which we refer the reader. The whole
+      of this admirable refutation extends from p. 458. to 464.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_073"></a><a href="#FNanchor073">[073]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Genesis, ch. iv. 15.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_074"></a><a href="#FNanchor074">[074]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Genesis, ch. ix. 25, 26, 27.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_075"></a><a href="#FNanchor075">[075]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Jeremiah says, ch. xiii. 23, "Can the &AElig;thiopian
+      change his colour, or the leopard his spots?" Now the word,
+      which is here translated <i>&AElig;thiopian</i>, is in the
+      original Hebrew "<i>the descendant of Cush</i>," which
+      shews that this colour was not confined to the descendants
+      of <i>Canaan</i>, as the advocates for slavery assert.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_076"></a><a href="#FNanchor076">[076]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      It is very extraordinary that the advocates for slavery
+      should consider those Africans, whom they call negroes, as
+      the descendants of <i>Canaan</i>, when few historical facts
+      can be so well ascertained, as that out of the descendants
+      of the four sons of Ham, the descendants of Canaan were the
+      only people, (if we except the Carthaginians, who were a
+      colony of Canaan, and were afterwards ruined) who did not
+      settle in that quarter of the globe. Africa was
+      incontrovertibly peopled by the posterity of the three
+      other sons. We cannot shew this in a clearer manner, than
+      in the words of the learned Mr. Bryant, in his letter to
+      Mr. Granville Sharp on this subject.<br>
+      <br>
+      "We learn from scripture, that Ham had four sons, <i>Chus,
+      Mizraim, Phut</i>, and <i>Canaan</i>, Gen. x. 5, 6.
+      <i>Canaan</i> occupied <i>Palestine</i>, and the country
+      called by his name: <i>Mizraim, Egypt</i>: but <i>Phut</i>
+      passed deep into <i>Africa</i>, and, I believe, most of the
+      nations in that part of the world are descended from him;
+      at least more than from any other person." <i>Josephus</i>
+      says, "<i>that Phut was the founder of the nations in
+      Libya, and the people were from him called (phoutoi)
+      Phuti</i>." Antiq. L. 1. c. 7. "By <i>Lybia</i> he
+      understands, as the <i>Greeks</i> did, <i>Africa</i> in
+      general: for the particular country called <i>Lybia
+      Proper</i>, was peopled by the <i>Lubim</i>, or
+      <i>Lehabim</i>, one of the branches from <i>Mizraim</i>,
+      (Labieim ex ou Libnes) Chron. Paschale, p. 29.<br>
+      <br>
+      "The sons of <i>Phut</i> settled in <i>Mauritania</i>,
+      where was a country called <i>Phutia</i>, and a river of
+      the like denomination. Mauritani&aelig; Fluvius usque ad
+      pr&aelig;sens Tempus <i>Phut</i> dicitur, omnisq; circa eum
+      Regio <i>Phutensis</i>. Hieron. Tradit.
+      Hebroe&aelig;.-Amnem, quem vocant <i>Fut</i>." Pliny, L. 5.
+      c. 1. Some of this family settled above &AElig;gypt, near
+      &AElig;thiopia, and were styled Troglodyt&aelig;. (phoud ex
+      ou troglodotai.) Syncellus, p. 47. Many of them passed
+      inland, and peopled the Mediterranean country."<br>
+      <br>
+      "In process of time the sons of <i>Chus</i> also, (after
+      their expulsion from Egypt) made settlements upon the sea
+      coast of <i>Africa</i>, and came into <i>Mauritania</i>.
+      Hence we find traces of them also in the names of places,
+      such as <i>Churis, Chusares</i>, upon the coast: and a
+      river <i>Chusa</i>, and a city <i>Cotta</i>, together with
+      a promontory, <i>Cotis</i>, in <i>Mauritania</i>, all
+      denominated from <i>Chus</i>; who at different times, and
+      by different people, was called <i>Chus, Cuth, Cosh</i>,
+      and <i>Cotis</i>. The river <i>Cusa</i> is mentioned by
+      <i>Pliny</i>, Lib. 5. c. 1. and by <i>Ptolomy</i>."<br>
+      <br>
+      "Many ages after these settlements, there was another
+      eruption of the <i>Cushites</i> into these parts, under the
+      name of <i>Saracens</i> and <i>Moors</i>, who over-ran
+      <i>Africa</i>, to the very extremity of Mount Atlas. They
+      passed over and conquered <i>Spain</i> to the north, and
+      they extended themselves southward, as I said in my
+      treatise, to the rivers <i>Senegal</i> and <i>Gambia</i>,
+      and as low as the <i>Gold Coast</i>. I mentioned this,
+      because I do not think that they proceeded much farther:
+      most of the nations to the <i>south</i> being, as I
+      imagine, of the race of <i>Phut</i>. The very country upon
+      the river <i>Gambia</i> on one side, is at this day called
+      <i>Phuta</i>, of which <i>Bluet</i>, in his history of
+      <i>Juba Ben Solomon</i>, gives an account."
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_077"></a><a href="#FNanchor077">[077]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      When America was first discovered, it was thought by some,
+      that the scripture account of the creation was false, and
+      that there were different species of men, because they
+      could never suppose that people, in so rude a state as the
+      Americans, could have transported themselves to that
+      continent from any parts of the known world. This opinion
+      however was refuted by the celebrated Captain Cooke, who
+      shewed that the traject between the continents of Asia and
+      America, was as short as some, which people in as rude a
+      state have been actually known to pass. This affords an
+      excellent caution against an ill-judged and hasty censure
+      of the divine writings, because every difficulty which may
+      be started, cannot be instantly cleared up.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_078"></a><a href="#FNanchor078">[078]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      The divine writings, which assert that all men were derived
+      from the <i>same stock</i>, shew also, in the same instance
+      of <i>Cush</i>, (Footnote 075), that some of them had
+      changed their original complexion.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_079"></a><a href="#FNanchor079">[079]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      The following are the grand colours discernible in mankind,
+      between which there are many shades;<br>
+      <br>
+      <tt>White }         { Copper<br>
+            } -Olive- {<br>
+      Brown }         { Black<br>
+      </tt>
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_080"></a><a href="#FNanchor080">[080]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      See note, (Footnote 075). To this we may add, that the rest
+      of the descendants of <i>Ham</i>, as far as they can be
+      traced, are now also black, at well as many of the
+      descendants of <i>Shem</i>.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_081"></a><a href="#FNanchor081">[081]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Diseases have a great effect upon the <i>mucosum
+      corpus</i>, but particularly the jaundice, which turns it
+      yellow. Hence, being transmitted through the cuticle, the
+      yellow appearance of the whole body. But this, even as a
+      matter of ocular demonstration, is not confined solely to
+      white people; negroes themselves, while affected with these
+      or other disorders, changing their black colour for that
+      which the disease has conveyed to the <i>mucous</i>
+      substance.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_082"></a><a href="#FNanchor082">[082]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      The cutaneous pores are so excessively small, that one
+      grain of sand, (according to Dr. Lewenhoeck's calculations)
+      would cover many hundreds of them.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_083"></a><a href="#FNanchor083">[083]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      We do not mean to insinuate that the same people have their
+      <i>corpus mucosum</i> sensibly vary, as often as they go
+      into another latitude, but that the fact is true only of
+      different people, who have been long established in
+      different latitudes.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_084"></a><a href="#FNanchor084">[084]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      We beg leave to return our thanks here to a gentleman,
+      eminent in the medical line, who furnished us with the
+      above-mentioned facts.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_085"></a><a href="#FNanchor085">[085]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Suppose we were to see two nations, contiguous to each
+      other, of black and white inhabitants in the same parallel,
+      even this would be no objection, for many circumstances are
+      to be considered. A black people may have wandered into a
+      white, and a white people into a black latitude, and they
+      may not have been settled there a sufficient length of time
+      for such a change to have been accomplished in their
+      complexion, as that they should be like the old established
+      inhabitants of the parallel, into which they have lately
+      come.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_086"></a><a href="#FNanchor086">[086]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Justamond's Abbe Raynal, v. 5. p. 193.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_087"></a><a href="#FNanchor087">[087]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      The author of this Essay made it his business to inquire of
+      the most intelligent of those, whom he could meet with in
+      London, as to the authenticity of the fact. All those from
+      <i>America</i> assured him that it was strictly true; those
+      from the West-Indies, that they had never observed it
+      there; but that they had found a sensible difference in
+      themselves since they came to England.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_088"></a><a href="#FNanchor088">[088]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      This circumstance, which always happens, shews that they
+      are descended from the same parents as ourselves; for had
+      they been a distinct species of men, and the blackness
+      entirely ingrafted in their constitution and frame, there
+      is great reason to presume, that their children would have
+      been born <i>black</i>.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_089"></a><a href="#FNanchor089">[089]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      This observation was communicated to us by the gentleman in
+      the medical line, to whom we returned our thanks for
+      certain anatomical facts.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_090"></a><a href="#FNanchor090">[090]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Philos. Trans. No. 476. sect. 4.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_091"></a><a href="#FNanchor091">[091]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Treatise upon the Trade from Great Britain to Africa, by an
+      African merchant.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_092"></a><a href="#FNanchor092">[092]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      We mean such only as are <i>natives</i> of the countries
+      which we mention, and whose ancestors have been settled
+      there for a certain period of time.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_093"></a><a href="#FNanchor093">[093]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Herodotus. Euterpe. p. 80. Editio Stephani, printed 1570.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_094"></a><a href="#FNanchor094">[094]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      This circumstance confirms what we said in a former note,
+      (Footnote 085), that even if two nations were to be found
+      in the same parallel, one of whom was black, and the other
+      white, it would form no objection against the hypothesis of
+      climate, as one of them might have been new settlers from a
+      distant country.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_095"></a><a href="#FNanchor095">[095]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Suppose, without the knowledge of any historian, they had
+      made such considerable conquests, as to have settled
+      themselves at the distance of 1000 miles in any one
+      direction from <i>Colchis</i>, still they must have changed
+      their colour. For had they gone in an Eastern or Western
+      direction, they must have been of the same colour as the
+      <i>Circassians</i>; if to the north, whiter; if to the
+      south, of a copper. There are no people within that
+      distance of <i>Colchis</i>, who are black.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_096"></a><a href="#FNanchor096">[096]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      There are a particular people among those transported from
+      Africa to the colonies, who immediately on receiving
+      punishment, destroy themselves. This is a fact which the
+      <i>receivers</i> are unable to contradict.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_097"></a><a href="#FNanchor097">[097]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      The articles of war are frequently read at the head of
+      every regiment in the service, stating those particular
+      actions which are to be considered as crimes.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_098"></a><a href="#FNanchor098">[098]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      We cannot omit here to mention one of the customs, which
+      has been often brought as a palliation of slavery, and
+      which prevailed but a little time ago, and we are doubtful
+      whether it does not prevail now, in the metropolis of this
+      country, of kidnapping men for the service of the
+      East-India Company. Every subject, as long as he behaves
+      well, has a right to the protection of government; and the
+      tacit permission of such a scene of iniquity, when it
+      becomes known, is as much a breach of duty in government,
+      as the conduct of those subjects, who, on other occasions,
+      would be termed, and punished as, rebellious.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_099"></a><a href="#FNanchor099">[099]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      The expences of every parish are defrayed by a poll-tax on
+      negroes, to save which they pretend to liberate those who
+      are past labour; but they still keep them employed in
+      repairing fences, or in doing some trifling work on a
+      scanty allowance. For to free a <i>field-negroe</i>, so
+      long as he can work, is a maxim, which, notwithstanding the
+      numerous boasted manumissions, no master <i>ever thinks of
+      adopting</i> in the colonies.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_100"></a><a href="#FNanchor100">[100]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      They must be cultivated always on a <i>Sunday</i>, and
+      frequently in those hours which should be appropriated to
+      <i>sleep</i>, or the wretched possessors must be inevitably
+      <i>starved</i>.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_101"></a><a href="#FNanchor101">[101]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      They are allowed in general three holy-days at Christmas,
+      but in Jamaica they have two also at Easter, and two at
+      Whitsuntide: so that on the largest scale, they have only
+      seven days in a year, or one day in fifty-two. But this is
+      on a supposition, that the receivers do not break in upon
+      the afternoons, which they are frequently too apt to do. If
+      it should be said that Sunday is an holy-day, it is not
+      true; it is so far an holy-day, that they do not work for
+      their masters; but such an holy-day, that if they do not
+      employ it in the cultivation of their little spots, they
+      must <i>starved</i>.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_102"></a><a href="#FNanchor102">[102]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      These dances are usually in the middle of the night; and so
+      desirous are these unfortunate people of obtaining but a
+      joyful hour, that they not only often give up their sleep,
+      but add to the labours of the day, by going several miles
+      to obtain it.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_103"></a><a href="#FNanchor103">[103]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Bishop of Glocester's sermon, preached before the society
+      for the propagation of the gospel, at the anniversary
+      meeting, on the 21st of February, 1766.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_104"></a><a href="#FNanchor104">[104]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      There is a law, (but let the reader remark, that it
+      prevails but in <i>one</i> of the colonies), against
+      mutilation. It took its rise from the frequency of the
+      inhuman practice. But though a master cannot there chop off
+      the limb of a slave with an axe, he may yet work, starve,
+      and beat him to death with impunity.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_105"></a><a href="#FNanchor105">[105]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      <i>Two</i> instances are recorded by the <i>receivers</i>,
+      out of about <i>fifty-thousand</i>, where a white man has
+      suffered death for the murder of a negroe; but the
+      receivers do not tell us, that these suffered more because
+      they were the pests of society, than because the <i>murder
+      of slaves was a crime</i>.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_106"></a><a href="#FNanchor106">[106]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      A negroe-funeral is considered as a curious sight, and is
+      attended with singing, dancing, musick, and every
+      circumstance that can shew the attendants to be happy on
+      the occasion.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_107"></a><a href="#FNanchor107">[107]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      In 96 years, ending in 1774, 800,000 slaves had been
+      imported into the French part of St. Domingo, of which
+      there remained only 290,000 in 1774. Of this last number
+      only 140,000 were creoles, or natives of the island, i. e.
+      of 650,000 slaves, the whole posterity were 140,000.
+      <i>Considerations sur la Colonie de St. Dominique</i>,(See
+      errata-should be read as "<i>St. Domingue</i>") published
+      by authority in 1777.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_108"></a><a href="#FNanchor108">[108]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Ten thousand people under fair advantages, and in a soil
+      congenial to their constitutions, and where the means of
+      subsistence are easy, should produce in a century 160,000.
+      This is the proportion in which the Americans increased;
+      and the Africans in their own country increase in the same,
+      if not in a greater proportion. Now as the climate of the
+      colonies is as favourable to their health as that of their
+      own country, the causes of the prodigious decrease in the
+      one, and increase in the other, will be more conspicuous.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_109"></a><a href="#FNanchor109">[109]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      See Part II Chapter I second paragraph.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_110"></a><a href="#FNanchor110">[110]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      See Part II Chapter IX last paragraph.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_111"></a><a href="#FNanchor111">[111]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Epist. to Philemon.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_112"></a><a href="#FNanchor112">[112]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      The <i>African</i> slave is of this description; and we
+      could wish, in all our arguments on the present subject, to
+      be understood as having spoken only of <i>proper
+      slaves</i>. The slave who is condemned to the oar, to the
+      fortifications, and other publick works, is in a different
+      predicament. His liberty is not <i>appropriated</i>, and
+      therefore none of those consequences can be justly drawn,
+      which have been deduced in the present case.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_113"></a><a href="#FNanchor113">[113]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      See the description of an African battle (Footnote 049).
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_114"></a><a href="#FNanchor114">[114]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      The lowest computation is 40,000, (Footnote 060).
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_115"></a><a href="#FNanchor115">[115]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      The legislature has squandered away more money in the
+      prosecution of the slave trade, within twenty years, than
+      in any other trade whatever, having granted from the year
+      1750, to the year 1770, the sum of 300,000 pounds.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_116"></a><a href="#FNanchor116">[116]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      Sermon preached before the University of Cambridge, by the
+      Rev. Peter Peckard.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_117"></a><a href="#FNanchor117">[117]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      The first noted earthquake at Jamaica, happened June the
+      7th 1692, when Port Royal was totally sunk. This was
+      succeeded by one in the year 1697, and by another in the
+      year 1722, from which time to the present, these regions of
+      the globe seem to have been severely visited, but
+      particularly during the last six or seven years. See a
+      general account of the calamities, occasioned by the late
+      tremendous hurricanes and earthquakes in the West-Indian
+      islands, by Mr. Fowler.
+    </blockquote>
+    <a name="Footnote_118"></a><a href="#FNanchor118">[118]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      The many ships of war belonging to the British navy, which
+      were lost with all their crews in these dreadful
+      hurricanes, will sufficiently prove the fact.
+    </blockquote>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <h3>
+      Publisher's Commendations
+    </h3>
+    <a name="Footnote_119"></a><a href="#FNanchor119">[119]</a>
+    <blockquote>
+      <p>
+        <br>
+        Books Printed and Sold by J. PHILLIPS,<br>
+        <br>
+        ESSAY on the TREATMENT and CONVERSION of<br>
+        AFRICAN SLAVES in the BRITISH Sugar Colonies.<br>
+        By the Rev. J. RAMSAY, Vicar of Teston in<br>
+        Kent, who resided many Years in the West-Indies.<br>
+        In One Volume, Octavo. Price 5s bound,<br>
+        or 4s in Boards.<br>
+        <br>
+        An INQUIRY into the Effects of putting a Stop<br>
+        to the African Slave Trade, and of granting Liberty<br>
+        to the Slaves in the British Sugar Colonies.<br>
+        By J. RAMSAY. Price 6d.<br>
+        <br>
+        A REPLY to the Personal Invectives and Objections<br>
+        contained in two Answers, published by<br>
+        certain anonymous Persons, to an Essay on the<br>
+        Treatment and Conversion of African Slaves, in<br>
+        the British Colonies. By JAMES RAMSAY. Price 2s.<br>
+        <br>
+        A LETTER from Capt. J.S. SMITH, to the<br>
+        Rev. Mr. HILL, on the State of the Negroe Slaves;<br>
+        to which are added an Introduction, and Remarks<br>
+        on Free Negroes, &amp;c. by J. RAMSAY. Price 6d.<br>
+        <br>
+        THOUGHTS on the Slavery of the Negroes.<br>
+        Price 4d.<br>
+        <br>
+        The CASE of our Fellow-Creatures, the Oppressed<br>
+        Africans, respectfully recommended to the serious<br>
+        Consideration of the Legislature of Great-Britain,<br>
+        by the People called Quakers. Price 2d.<br>
+        <br>
+        A SERIOUS ADDRESS to the Rulers of America,<br>
+        on the Inconsistency of their Conduct respecting<br>
+        Slavery. Price 3d.<br>
+        <br>
+        A CAUTION to GREAT BRITAIN and her<br>
+        Colonies, in a short Representation of the calamitous<br>
+        State of the enslaved Negroes in the British<br>
+        Dominions. By ANTHONY BENEZET. Price 6d.<br>
+        <br>
+        A Description of Guinea, its Situation, Produce,<br>
+        and the general Disposition of its Inhabitants; with<br>
+        an Inquiry into the Rise and Progress of the Slave<br>
+        Trade, &amp;c. By ANTHONY BENEZET. Bound 2s. 6d.<br>
+      </p>
+    </blockquote>
+    <br>
+    <br>
+    <hr class="c3">
+    <br>
+    <br>
+		</td></tr>
+</table>
+</center>
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+<pre>
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of An Essay on the Slavery and Commerce
+of the Human Species, Particularly the African, by Thomas Clarkson
+
+*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ESSAY ON SLAVERY ***
+
+***** This file should be named 10611-h.htm or 10611-h.zip *****
+This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:
+        https://www.gutenberg.org/1/0/6/1/10611/
+
+Produced by Carlo Traverso, David Gundry and PG Distributed Proofreaders
+from images generously made available by the Biblioth que nationale
+de France (BnF/Gallica) at http://gallica.bnf.fr.
+
+
+Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions
+will be renamed.
+
+Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no
+one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation
+(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without
+permission and without paying copyright royalties.  Special rules,
+set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to
+copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to
+protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark.  Project
+Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you
+charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission.  If you
+do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the
+rules is very easy.  You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose
+such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and
+research.  They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do
+practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks.  Redistribution is
+subject to the trademark license, especially commercial
+redistribution.
+
+
+
+*** START: FULL LICENSE ***
+
+THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE
+PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK
+
+To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free
+distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
+(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project
+Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project
+Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at
+https://gutenberg.org/license).
+
+
+Section 1.  General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic works
+
+1.A.  By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
+and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
+(trademark/copyright) agreement.  If you do not agree to abide by all
+the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy
+all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession.
+If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the
+terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or
+entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.
+
+1.B.  "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark.  It may only be
+used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
+agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement.  There are a few
+things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works
+even without complying with the full terms of this agreement.  See
+paragraph 1.C below.  There are a lot of things you can do with Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement
+and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works.  See paragraph 1.E below.
+
+1.C.  The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation"
+or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic works.  Nearly all the individual works in the
+collection are in the public domain in the United States.  If an
+individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are
+located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from
+copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative
+works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg
+are removed.  Of course, we hope that you will support the Project
+Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by
+freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of
+this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with
+the work.  You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by
+keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project
+Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others.
+
+1.D.  The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
+what you can do with this work.  Copyright laws in most countries are in
+a constant state of change.  If you are outside the United States, check
+the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement
+before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or
+creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project
+Gutenberg-tm work.  The Foundation makes no representations concerning
+the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United
+States.
+
+1.E.  Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:
+
+1.E.1.  The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate
+access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently
+whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the
+phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project
+Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed,
+copied or distributed:
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+1.E.2.  If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived
+from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is
+posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied
+and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees
+or charges.  If you are redistributing or providing access to a work
+with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the
+work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1
+through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the
+Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or
+1.E.9.
+
+1.E.3.  If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted
+with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
+must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional
+terms imposed by the copyright holder.  Additional terms will be linked
+to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the
+permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work.
+
+1.E.4.  Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
+work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm.
+
+1.E.5.  Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
+electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
+prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
+active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
+Gutenberg-tm License.
+
+1.E.6.  You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
+compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any
+word processing or hypertext form.  However, if you provide access to or
+distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than
+"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version
+posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org),
+you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a
+copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon
+request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other
+form.  Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.
+
+1.E.7.  Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
+performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works
+unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
+
+1.E.8.  You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
+access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided
+that
+
+- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
+     the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method
+     you already use to calculate your applicable taxes.  The fee is
+     owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he
+     has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the
+     Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation.  Royalty payments
+     must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you
+     prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax
+     returns.  Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and
+     sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the
+     address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to
+     the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation."
+
+- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
+     you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
+     does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+     License.  You must require such a user to return or
+     destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium
+     and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of
+     Project Gutenberg-tm works.
+
+- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any
+     money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
+     electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days
+     of receipt of the work.
+
+- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
+     distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works.
+
+1.E.9.  If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set
+forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from
+both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael
+Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark.  Contact the
+Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.
+
+1.F.
+
+1.F.1.  Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
+effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
+public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm
+collection.  Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain
+"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or
+corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual
+property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a
+computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by
+your equipment.
+
+1.F.2.  LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right
+of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
+Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
+Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
+liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
+fees.  YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
+LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
+PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH F3.  YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
+TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
+LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
+INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
+DAMAGE.
+
+1.F.3.  LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
+defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
+receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
+written explanation to the person you received the work from.  If you
+received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with
+your written explanation.  The person or entity that provided you with
+the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a
+refund.  If you received the work electronically, the person or entity
+providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to
+receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund.  If the second copy
+is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further
+opportunities to fix the problem.
+
+1.F.4.  Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
+in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS," WITH NO OTHER
+WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO
+WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTIBILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.
+
+1.F.5.  Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
+warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages.
+If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the
+law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be
+interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by
+the applicable state law.  The invalidity or unenforceability of any
+provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions.
+
+1.F.6.  INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
+trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
+providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance
+with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production,
+promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works,
+harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees,
+that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do
+or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm
+work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any
+Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause.
+
+
+Section  2.  Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of
+electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers
+including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers.  It exists
+because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from
+people in all walks of life.
+
+Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
+assistance they need, is critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's
+goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will
+remain freely available for generations to come.  In 2001, the Project
+Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
+and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations.
+To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
+and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4
+and the Foundation web page at https://www.pglaf.org.
+
+
+Section 3.  Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
+Foundation
+
+The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit
+501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
+state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
+Revenue Service.  The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification
+number is 64-6221541.  Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at
+https://pglaf.org/fundraising.  Contributions to the Project Gutenberg
+Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent
+permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws.
+
+The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S.
+Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered
+throughout numerous locations.  Its business office is located at
+809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email
+business@pglaf.org.  Email contact links and up to date contact
+information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official
+page at https://pglaf.org
+
+For additional contact information:
+     Dr. Gregory B. Newby
+     Chief Executive and Director
+     gbnewby@pglaf.org
+
+Section 4.  Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
+Literary Archive Foundation
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide
+spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of
+increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
+freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest
+array of equipment including outdated equipment.  Many small donations
+($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
+status with the IRS.
+
+The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
+charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
+States.  Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
+considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
+with these requirements.  We do not solicit donations in locations
+where we have not received written confirmation of compliance.  To
+SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any
+particular state visit https://pglaf.org
+
+While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
+have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
+against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
+approach us with offers to donate.
+
+International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
+any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
+outside the United States.  U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.
+
+Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation
+methods and addresses.  Donations are accepted in a number of other
+ways including including checks, online payments and credit card
+donations.  To donate, please visit: https://pglaf.org/donate
+
+
+Section 5.  General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works.
+
+Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm
+concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared
+with anyone.  For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project
+Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support.
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed
+editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S.
+unless a copyright notice is included.  Thus, we do not necessarily
+keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition.
+
+Each eBook is in a subdirectory of the same number as the eBook's
+eBook number, often in several formats including plain vanilla ASCII,
+compressed (zipped), HTML and others.
+
+Corrected EDITIONS of our eBooks replace the old file and take over
+the old filename and etext number.  The replaced older file is renamed.
+VERSIONS based on separate sources are treated as new eBooks receiving
+new filenames and etext numbers.
+
+Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility:
+
+     https://www.gutenberg.org
+
+This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm,
+including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
+Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
+subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.
+
+EBooks posted prior to November 2003, with eBook numbers BELOW #10000,
+are filed in directories based on their release date.  If you want to
+download any of these eBooks directly, rather than using the regular
+search system you may utilize the following addresses and just
+download by the etext year.
+
+     https://www.gutenberg.org/etext06
+
+    (Or /etext 05, 04, 03, 02, 01, 00, 99,
+     98, 97, 96, 95, 94, 93, 92, 92, 91 or 90)
+
+EBooks posted since November 2003, with etext numbers OVER #10000, are
+filed in a different way.  The year of a release date is no longer part
+of the directory path.  The path is based on the etext number (which is
+identical to the filename).  The path to the file is made up of single
+digits corresponding to all but the last digit in the filename.  For
+example an eBook of filename 10234 would be found at:
+
+     https://www.gutenberg.org/1/0/2/3/10234
+
+or filename 24689 would be found at:
+     https://www.gutenberg.org/2/4/6/8/24689
+
+An alternative method of locating eBooks:
+     https://www.gutenberg.org/GUTINDEX.ALL
+
+
+
+
+</pre>
+
+  </body>
+</html>
diff --git a/old/10611.txt b/old/10611.txt
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..24ef910
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/10611.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,6353 @@
+The Project Gutenberg EBook of An Essay on the Slavery and Commerce of the
+Human Species, Particularly the African, by Thomas Clarkson
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: An Essay on the Slavery and Commerce of the Human Species, Particularly the African
+       Translated from a Latin Dissertation, Which Was Honoured With the First Prize in the University of Cambridge, for the Year 1785, With Additions
+
+Author: Thomas Clarkson
+
+Release Date: January 6, 2004 [EBook #10611]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ESSAY ON SLAVERY ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Carlo Traverso, David Gundry and PG Distributed Proofreaders
+from images generously made available by the Biblioth que nationale
+de France (BnF/Gallica) at http://gallica.bnf.fr.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+AN ESSAY ON THE SLAVERY AND COMMERCE OF THE HUMAN SPECIES,
+PARTICULARLY THE AFRICAN,
+
+TRANSLATED FROM A LATIN DISSERTATION, WHICH WAS HONOURED WITH
+THE FIRST PRIZE IN THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE, FOR THE YEAR 1785,
+WITH ADDITIONS.
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+_Neque premendo alium me extulisse velim_.--LIVY.
+
+
+
+M.DCC.LXXXVI.
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+TO THE
+RIGHT HONOURABLE
+WILLIAM CHARLES COLYEAR,
+EARL OF PORTMORE,
+VISCOUNT MILSINTOWN.
+
+
+MY LORD,
+
+The dignity of the subject of this little Treatise, not any persuasion
+of its merits as a literary composition, encourages me to offer it to
+your Lordship's patronage. The cause of freedom has always been found
+sufficient, in every age and country, to attract the notice of the
+generous and humane; and it is therefore, in a more peculiar manner,
+worthy of the attention and favour of a personage, who holds a
+distinguished rank in that illustrious island, the very air of which has
+been determined, upon a late investigation of its laws, to be an
+antidote against slavery. I feel a satisfaction in the opportunity,
+which the publication of this treatise affords me, of acknowledging your
+Lordship's civilities, which can only be equalled by the respect, with
+which I am,
+
+Your Lordship's,
+much obliged,
+and obedient servant,
+
+THOMAS CLARKSON.
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+Books Printed and Sold by J. PHILLIPS,
+
+ESSAY on the TREATMENT and CONVERSION of
+AFRICAN SLAVES in the BRITISH Sugar Colonies.
+By the Rev. J. RAMSAY, Vicar of Teston in
+Kent, who resided many Years in the West-Indies.
+In One Volume, Octavo. Price 5s bound,
+or 4s in Boards.
+
+An INQUIRY into the Effects of putting a Stop
+to the African Slave Trade, and of granting Liberty
+to the Slaves in the British Sugar Colonies.
+By J. RAMSAY. Price 6d.
+
+A REPLY to the Personal Invectives and Objections
+contained in two Answers, published by
+certain anonymous Persons, to an Essay on the
+Treatment and Conversion of African Slaves, in
+the British Colonies. By JAMES RAMSAY. Price 2s.
+
+A LETTER from Capt. J.S. SMITH, to the
+Rev. Mr. HILL, on the State of the Negroe Slaves;
+to which are added an Introduction, and Remarks
+on Free Negroes, &c. by J. RAMSAY. Price 6d.
+
+THOUGHTS on the Slavery of the Negroes.
+Price 4d.
+
+The CASE of our Fellow-Creatures, the Oppressed
+Africans, respectfully recommended to the serious
+Consideration of the Legislature of Great-Britain,
+by the People called Quakers. Price 2d.
+
+A SERIOUS ADDRESS to the Rulers of America,
+on the Inconsistency of their Conduct respecting
+Slavery. Price 3d.
+
+A CAUTION to GREAT BRITAIN and her
+Colonies, in a short Representation of the calamitous
+State of the enslaved Negroes in the British
+Dominions. By ANTHONY BENEZET. Price 6d.
+
+A Description of Guinea, its Situation, Produce,
+and the general Disposition of its Inhabitants; with
+an Inquiry into the Rise and Progress of the Slave
+Trade, &c. By ANTHONY BENEZET. Bound 2s. 6d.
+
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+THE PREFACE.
+
+
+As the subject of the following work has fortunately become of late a
+topick of conversation, I cannot begin the preface in a manner more
+satisfactory to the feelings of the benevolent reader, than by giving an
+account of those humane and worthy persons, who have endeavoured to draw
+upon it that share of the publick attention which it has obtained.
+
+Among the well disposed individuals, of different nations and ages, who
+have humanely exerted themselves to suppress the abject personal slavery,
+introduced in the original cultivation of the _European_ colonies
+in the western world, _Bartholomew de las Casas_, the pious bishop
+of _Chiapa_, in the fifteenth century, seems to have been the
+first. This amiable man, during his residence in _Spanish America_,
+was so sensibly affected at the treatment which the miserable Indians
+underwent that he returned to _Spain_, to make a publick remonstrance
+before the celebrated emperor _Charles_ the fifth, declaring, that
+heaven would one day call him to an account for those cruelties, which
+he then had it in his power to prevent. The speech which he made on the
+occasion, is now extant, and is a most perfect picture of benevolence
+and piety.
+
+But his intreaties, by opposition of avarice, were rendered ineffectual:
+and I do not find by any books which I have read upon the subject, that
+any other person interfered till the last century, when _Morgan
+Godwyn_, a _British_ clergyman, distinguished himself in the
+cause.
+
+The present age has also produced some zealous and able opposers of the
+_colonial_ slavery. For about the middle of the present century, _John
+Woolman_ and _Anthony Benezet_, two respectable members of the
+religious society called Quakers, devoted much of their time to the
+subject. The former travelled through most parts of _North America_
+on foot, to hold conversations with the members of his own sect, on the
+impiety of retaining those in a state of involuntary servitude, who had
+never given them offence. The latter kept a free school at
+_Philadelphia_, for the education of black people. He took every
+opportunity of pleading in their behalf. He published several treatises
+against slavery,[001] and gave an hearty proof of his attachment to the
+cause, by leaving the whole of his fortune in support of that school, to
+which he had so generously devoted his time and attention when alive.
+
+Till this time it does not appear, that any bodies of men, had
+collectively interested themselves in endeavouring to remedy the evil.
+But in the year 1754, the religious society, called Quakers, publickly
+testified their sentiments upon the subject,[002] declaring, that "to
+live in ease and plenty by the toil of those, whom fraud and violence
+had put into their power, was neither consistent with Christianity nor
+common justice."
+
+Impressed with these sentiments, many of this society immediately
+liberated their slaves; and though such a measure appeared to be
+attended with considerable loss to the benevolent individuals, who
+unconditionally presented them with their freedom, yet they adopted it
+with pleasure: nobly considering, that to possess a little, in an
+honourable way, was better than to possess much, through the medium of
+injustice. Their example was gradually followed by the rest. A general
+emancipation of the slaves in the possession of Quakers, at length took
+place; and so effectually did they serve the cause which they had
+undertaken, that they denied the claim of membership in their religious
+community, to all such as should hereafter oppose the suggestions of
+justice in this particular, either by retaining slaves in their
+possession, or by being in any manner concerned in the slave trade: and
+it is a fact, that through the vast tract of North America, there is not
+at this day a single slave in the possession of an acknowledged Quaker.
+
+But though this measure appeared, as has been observed before, to be
+attended with considerable loss to the benevolent individuals who
+adopted it, yet, as virtue seldom fails of obtaining its reward, it
+became ultimately beneficial. Most of the slaves, who were thus
+unconditionally freed, returned without any solicitation to their former
+masters, to serve them, at stated wages; as free men. The work, which
+they now did, was found to better done than before. It was found also,
+that, a greater quantity was done in the same time. Hence less than the
+former number of labourers was sufficient. From these, and a variety of
+circumstances, it appeared, that their plantations were considerably
+more profitable when worked by free men, than when worked, as before, by
+slaves; and that they derived therefore, contrary to their expectations,
+a considerable advantage from their benevolence.
+
+Animated by the example of the Quakers, the members of other sects began
+to deliberate about adopting the same measure. Some of those of the
+church of England, of the Roman Catholicks, and of the Presbyterians and
+Independants, freed their slaves; and there happened but one instance,
+where the matter was debated, where it was not immediately put in force.
+This was in _Pennsylvania_. It was agitated in the synod of the
+Presbyterians there, to oblige their members to liberate their slaves.
+The question was negatived by a majority of but one person; and this
+opposition seemed to arise rather from a dislike to the attempt of
+forcing such a measure upon the members of that community, than from any
+other consideration. I have the pleasure of being credibly informed,
+that the manumission of slaves, or the employment of free men in the
+plantations, is now daily gaining ground in North America. Should
+slavery be abolished there, (and it is an event, which, from these
+circumstances, we may reasonably expect to be produced in time) let it
+be remembered, that the Quakers will have had the merit of its
+abolition.
+
+Nor have their brethren here been less assiduous in the cause. As there
+are happily no slaves in this country, so they have not had the same
+opportunity of shewing their benevolence by a general emancipation. They
+have not however omitted to shew it as far as they have been able. At
+their religious meetings they have regularly inquired if any of their
+members are concerned in the iniquitous _African_ trade. They have
+appointed a committee for obtaining every kind of information on the
+subject, with a view to its suppression, and, about three or four years
+ago, petitioned parliament on the occasion for their interference and
+support. I am sorry to add, that their benevolent application was
+ineffectual, and that the reformation of an evil, productive of
+consequences equally impolitick and immoral, and generally acknowledged
+to have long disgraced our national character, is yet left to the
+unsupported efforts of piety morality and justice, against interest
+violence and oppression; and these, I blush to acknowledge, too strongly
+countenanced by the legislative authority of a country, the basis of
+whose government is _liberty_.
+
+Nothing can be more clearly shewn, than that an inexhaustible mine of
+wealth is neglected in _Africa_, for prosecution of this impious
+traffick; that, if proper measures were taken, the revenue of this
+country might be greatly improved, its naval strength increased, its
+colonies in a more flourishing situation, the planters richer, and a
+trade, which is now a scene of blood and desolation, converted into one,
+which might be prosecuted with _advantage_ and _honour_.
+
+Such have been the exertions of the Quakers in the cause of humanity
+and virtue. They are still prosecuting, as far as they are able, their
+benevolent design; and I should stop here and praise them for thus
+continuing their humane endeavours, but that I conceive it to be
+unnecessary. They are acting consistently with the principles of
+religion. They will find a reward in their own consciences; and they
+will receive more real pleasure from a single reflection on their
+conduct, than they can possibly experience from the praises of an host
+of writers.
+
+In giving this short account of those humane and worthy persons, who
+have endeavoured to restore to their fellow creatures the rights of
+nature, of which they had been unjustly deprived, I would feel myself
+unjust, were I to omit two zealous opposers of the _colonial_ tyranny,
+conspicuous at the present day.
+
+The first is Mr. _Granville Sharp_. This Gentleman has particularly
+distinguished himself in the cause of freedom. It is a notorious fact,
+that, but a few years since, many of the unfortunate black people, who
+had been brought from the colonies into this country, were sold in the
+metropolis to merchants and others, when their masters had no farther
+occasion for their services; though it was always understood that every
+person was free, as soon as he landed on the British shore. In
+consequence of this notion, these unfortunate black people, refused to
+go to the new masters, to whom they were consigned. They were however
+seized, and forcibly conveyed, under cover of the night, to ships then
+lying in the _Thames_, to be retransported to the colonies, and to be
+delivered again to the planters as merchantable goods. The humane Mr.
+_Sharpe_, was the means of putting a stop to this iniquitous traffick.
+Whenever he gained information of people in such a situation, he caused
+them to be brought on shore. At a considerable expence he undertook
+their cause, and was instrumental in obtaining the famous decree in the
+case of _Somersett_, that as soon as any person whatever set his foot in
+this country, he came under the protection of the _British_ laws, and was
+consequently free. Nor did he interfere less honourably in that cruel
+and disgraceful case, in the summer of the year 1781, when _an hundred
+and thirty two_ negroes, in their passage to the colonies, were thrown
+into the sea alive, to defraud the underwriters; but his pious
+endeavours were by no means attended with the same success. To enumerate
+his many laudable endeavours in the extirpation of tyranny and
+oppression, would be to swell the preface into a volume: suffice it to
+say, that he has written several books on the subject, and one
+particularly, which he distinguishes by the title of "_A Limitation of
+Slavery_."
+
+The second is the _Rev. James Ramsay_. This gentleman resided for
+many years in the _West-Indies_, in the clerical office. He perused
+all the colonial codes of law, with a view to find if there were any
+favourable clauses, by which the grievances of slaves could be
+redressed; but he was severely disappointed in his pursuits. He
+published a treatise, since his return to England, called _An Essay on
+the Treatment and Conversion of African Slaves in the British Sugar
+Colonies_, which I recommend to the perusal of the humane reader.
+This work reflects great praise upon the author, since, in order to be
+of service to this singularly oppressed part of the human species, he
+compiled it at the expence of forfeiting that friendship, which he had
+contracted with many in those parts, during a series of years, and at
+the hazard, as I am credibly informed, of suffering much, in his private
+property, as well as of subjecting himself to the ill will and
+persecution of numerous individuals.
+
+This Essay _on the Treatment and Conversion of African Slaves_,
+contains so many important truths on the colonial slavery, and has come
+so home to the planters, (being written by a person who has a thorough
+knowledge of the subject) as to have occasioned a considerable alarm.
+Within the last eight months, two publications have expressly appeared
+against it. One of them is intitled "_Cursory Remarks_ on Mr.
+Ramsay's Essay;" the other an "_Apology for Negroe Slavery_." On
+each of these I am bound, as writing on the subject, to make a few
+remarks.
+
+The _cursory remarker_ insinuates, that Mr. Ramsay's account of the
+treatment is greatly exaggerated, if not wholly false. To this I shall
+make the following reply. I have the honour of knowing several
+disinterested gentlemen, who have been acquainted with the West Indian
+islands for years. I call them disinterested, because they have neither
+had a concern in the _African_ trade, nor in the _colonial_
+slavery: and I have heard these unanimously assert, that Mr.
+_Ramsay's_ account is so far from being exaggerated, or taken from
+the most dreary pictures that he could find, that it is absolutely below
+the truth; that he must have omitted many instances of cruelty, which he
+had seen himself; and that they only wondered, how he could have written
+with so much moderation upon the subject. They allow the _Cursory
+Remarks_ to be excellent as a composition, but declare that it is
+perfectly devoid of truth.
+
+But the _cursory remarker_ does not depend so much on the
+circumstances which he has advanced, (nor can he, since they have no
+other existence than in his own, brain) as on the instrument
+_detraction_. This he has used with the utmost virulence through
+the whole of his publication, artfully supposing, that if he could bring
+Mr. _Ramsay's_ reputation into dispute, his work would fall of
+course, as of no authenticity. I submit this simple question to the
+reader. When a writer, in attempting to silence a publication, attacks
+the character of its author, rather than the principles of the work
+itself, is it not a proof that the work itself is unquestionable, and
+that this writer is at a loss to find an argument against it?
+
+But there is something so very ungenerous in this mode of replication,
+as to require farther notice. For if this is the mode to be adopted in
+literary disputes, what writer can be safe? Or who is there, that will
+not be deterred from taking up his pen in the cause of virtue? There are
+circumstances in every person's life, which, if given to the publick in
+a malevolent manner, and without explanation, might essentially injure
+him in the eyes of the world; though, were they explained, they would be
+even reputable. The _cursory remarker_ has adopted this method of
+dispute; but Mr. _Ramsay_ has explained himself to the satisfaction
+of all parties, and has refuted him in every point. The name of this
+_cursory remarker_ is _Tobin_: a name, which I feel myself
+obliged to hand down with detestation, as far as I am able; and with an
+hint to future writers, that they will do themselves more credit, and
+serve more effectually the cause which they undertake, if on such
+occasions they attack the work, rather than the character of the writer,
+who affords them a subject for their lucubrations.
+
+Nor is this the only circumstance, which induces me to take such
+particular notice of the _Cursory Remarks_. I feel it incumbent
+upon me to rescue an injured person from the cruel aspersions that have
+been thrown upon him, as I have been repeatedly informed by those, who
+have the pleasure of his acquaintance, that his character is
+irreproachable. I am also interested myself. For if such detraction is
+passed over in silence, my own reputation, and not my work, may be
+attacked by an anonymous hireling in the cause of slavery.
+
+The _Apology for Negroe Slavery_ is almost too despicable a
+composition to merit a reply. I have only therefore to observe, (as is
+frequently the case in a bad cause, or where writers do not confine
+themselves to truth) that the work refutes itself. This writer, speaking
+of the slave-trade, asserts, that people are never kidnapped on the
+coast of _Africa_. In speaking of the treatment of slaves, he
+asserts again, that it is of the very mildest nature, and that they live
+in the most comfortable and happy manner imaginable. To prove each of
+his assertions, he proposes the following regulations. That the
+_stealing_ of slaves from _Africa_ should be felony. That the
+_premeditated murder_ of a slave by any person on board, should
+come under the same denomination. That when slaves arrive in the
+colonies, lands should be allotted for their provisions, _in
+proportion to their number_, or commissioners should see that a
+_sufficient_ quantity of _sound wholesome_ provisions is
+purchased. That they should not work on _Sundays_ and _other_
+holy-days. That extra labour, or _night-work, out of crop_, should
+be prohibited. That a _limited number_ of stripes should be
+inflicted upon them. That they should have _annually_ a suit of
+clothes. That old infirm slaves should be _properly cared for_,
+&c.--Now it can hardly be conceived, that if this author had tried to
+injure his cause, or contradict himself, he could not have done it in a
+more effectual manner, than by this proposal of these salutary
+regulations. For to say that slaves are honourably obtained on the
+coast; to say that their treatment is of the mildest nature, and yet to
+propose the above-mentioned regulations as necessary, is to refute
+himself more clearly, than I confess myself to be able to do it: and I
+have only to request, that the regulations proposed by this writer, in
+the defence of slavery, may be considered as so many proofs of the
+assertions contained in my own work.
+
+I shall close my account with an observation, which is of great
+importance in the present case. Of all the publications in favour of the
+slave-trade, or the subsequent slavery in the colonies, there is not
+one, which has not been written, either by a chaplain to the African
+factories, or by a merchant, or by a planter, or by a person whose
+interest has been connected in the cause which he has taken upon him to
+defend. Of this description are Mr. _Tobin_, and the _Apologist
+for Negroe Slavery_. While on the other hand those, who have had as
+competent a knowledge of the subject, but not the _same interest_
+as themselves, have unanimously condemned it; and many of them have
+written their sentiments upon it, at the hazard of creating an
+innumerable host of enemies, and of being subjected to the most
+malignant opposition. Now, which of these are we to believe on the
+occasion? Are we to believe those, who are parties concerned, who are
+interested in the practice?--But the question does not admit of a
+dispute.
+
+Concerning my own work, it seems proper to observe, that when, the
+original Latin Dissertation, as the title page expresses, was honoured
+by the University of Cambridge with the first of their annual prizes for
+the year 1785, I was waited upon by some gentlemen of respectability and
+consequence, who requested me to publish it in English. The only
+objection which occurred to me was this; that having been prevented, by
+an attention to other studies, from obtaining that critical knowledge of
+my own language, which was necessary for an English composition, I was
+fearful of appearing before the publick eye: but that, as they flattered
+me with the hope, that the publication of it might be of use, I would
+certainly engage to publish it, if they would allow me to postpone it
+for a little time, till I was more in the habit of writing. They
+replied, that as the publick attention was now excited to the case of
+the unfortunate _Africans_, it would be serving the cause with
+double the effect, if it were to be published within a few months. This
+argument prevailed. Nothing but this circumstance could have induced me
+to offer an English composition to the inspection of an host of
+criticks: and I trust therefore that this circumstance will plead much
+with the benevolent reader, in favour of those faults, which he may find
+in the present work.
+
+Having thus promised to publish it, I was for some time doubtful from
+which of the copies to translate. There were two, the original, and an
+abridgement. The latter (as these academical compositions are generally
+of a certain length) was that which was sent down to Cambridge, and
+honoured with the prize. I was determined however, upon consulting with
+my friends, to translate from the former. This has been faithfully done
+with but few[003] additions. The reader will probably perceive the Latin
+idiom in several passages of the work, though I have endeavoured, as far
+as I have been able, to avoid it. And I am so sensible of the
+disadvantages under which it must yet lie, as a translation, that I wish
+I had written upon the subject, without any reference at all to the
+original copy.
+
+It will perhaps be asked, from what authority I have collected those
+facts, which relate to the colonial slavery. I reply, that I have had
+the means of the very best of information on the subject; having the
+pleasure of being acquainted with many, both in the naval and military
+departments, as well as with several others, who have been long
+acquainted with _America_ and the _West-Indian_ islands. The
+facts therefore which I have related, are compiled from the
+disinterested accounts of these gentlemen, all of whom, I have the
+happiness to say, have coincided, in the minutest manner, in their
+descriptions. It mud be remarked too, that they were compiled, not from
+what these gentlemen heard, while they were resident in those parts, but
+from what they actually _saw_. Nor has a single instance been taken
+from any book whatever upon the subject, except that which is mentioned
+in the 235th page; and this book was published in _France_, in the
+year 1777, by _authority_.
+
+I have now the pleasure to say, that the accounts of these disinterested
+gentlemen, whom I consulted on the occasion, are confirmed by all the
+books which I have ever perused upon slavery, except those which have
+been written by _merchants, planters, &c_. They are confirmed by
+Sir _Hans Sloane's_ Voyage to Barbadoes; _Griffith Hughes's_
+History of the same island, printed 1750; an Account of North America,
+by _Thomas Jeffries_, 1761; all _Benezet's_ works, &c. &c. and
+particularly by Mr. _Ramsay's_ Essay on the Treatment and
+Conversion of the African Slaves in the British Sugar Colonies; a work
+which is now firmly established; and, I may add in a very extraordinary
+manner, in consequence of the controversy which this gentleman has
+sustained with the _Cursory Remarker_, by which several facts which
+were mentioned in the original copy of my own work, before the
+controversy began, and which had never appeared in any work upon the
+subject, have been brought to light. Nor has it received less support
+from a letter, published only last week, from Capt. J.S. Smith, of the
+Royal Navy, to the Rev. Mr. Hill; on the former of whom too high
+encomiums cannot be bestowed, for standing forth in that noble and
+disinterested manner, in behalf of an injured character.
+
+I have now only to solicit the reader again, that he will make a
+favourable allowance for the present work, not only from those
+circumstances which I have mentioned, but from the consideration, that
+only two months are allowed by the University for these their annual
+compositions. Should he however be unpropitious to my request, I must
+console myself with the reflection, (a reflection that will always
+afford me pleasure, even amidst the censures of the great,) that by
+undertaking the cause of the unfortunate _Africans_, I have
+undertaken, as far as my abilities would permit, the cause of injured
+innocence.
+
+London, June 1st 1786.
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 001: A Description of Guinea, with an Inquiry into the Rise
+and Progress of the Slave Trade, &c.--A Caution to Great Britain and her
+Colonies, in a short Representation of the calamitous State of the
+enslaved Negroes in the British Dominions. Besides several smaller
+pieces.]
+
+
+[Footnote 002: They had censured the _African Trade_ in the year
+1727, but had taken no publick notice of the _colonial_ slavery
+till this time.]
+
+
+[Footnote 003: The instance of the _Dutch_ colonists at the Cape,
+in the first part of the Essay; the description of an African battle, in
+the second; and the poetry of a negroe girl in the third, are the only
+considerable additions that have been made.]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+CONTENTS.
+
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+PART I.
+
+The History of Slavery.
+
+    CHAP. I. Introduction.--Division of slavery into voluntary and
+    involuntary.--The latter the subject of the present work.--Chap. II.
+    The first class of involuntary slaves among the ancients, from
+    war.--Conjecture concerning their antiquity.--Chap. III. The second
+    class from piracy.--Short history of piracy.--The dance
+    carpoea.--Considerations from hence on the former topick.--Three
+    orders of involuntary slaves among the ancients.--Chap. IV. Their
+    personal treatment.--Exception in AEgypt.--Exception at
+    Athens.--Chap. V. The causes of such treatment among the ancients in
+    general.--Additional causes among the Greeks and Romans.--A
+    refutation of their principles.--Remarks on the writings of
+    AEsop.--Chap. VI. The ancient slave-trade.--Its antiquity.--AEgypt
+    the first market recorded for this species of traffick.--Cyprus the
+    second.--The agreement of the writings of Moses and Homer on the
+    subject.--The universal prevalence of the trade.--Chap. VII. The
+    decline of this commerce and slavery in Europe.--The causes of
+    their decline.--Chap. VIII. Their revival in Africa.--Short history
+    of their revival.--Five classes of involuntary slaves among the
+    moderns.--Cruel instance of the Dutch colonists at the Cape.
+
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+PART II.
+
+The African Commerce or Slave-Trade.
+
+    CHAP. I. The history of mankind from their first situation to a
+    state of government.--Chap. II. An account of the first
+    governments.--Chap. III. Liberty a natural right.--That of
+    government adventitious.--Government, its nature.--Its end.--Chap.
+    IV. Mankind cannot be considered as property.--An objection
+    answered.--Chap. V. Division of the commerce into two parts, as it
+    relates to those who sell, and those who purchase the human species
+    into slavery.--The right of the sellers examined with respect to
+    the two orders of African slaves, "of those who are publickly seized
+    by virtue of the authority of their prince, and of those, who are
+    kidnapped by individuals."--Chap. VI. Their right with respect to
+    convicts.--From the proportion of the punishment to the
+    offence.--From its object and end.--Chap. VII. Their right with
+    respect to prisoners of war.--The jus captivitatis, or right of
+    capture explained.--Its injustice.--Farther explication of the
+    right of capture, in answer to some supposed objections.--Chap.
+    VIII. Additional remarks on the two orders that were first
+    mentioned.--The number which they annually contain.--A description
+    of an African battle.--Additional remarks on prisoners of war.--On
+    convicts.--Chap. IX. The right of the purchasers
+    examined.--Conclusion.
+
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+PART III.
+
+The Slavery of the Africans in the European
+Colonies.
+
+    CHAP. I. Imaginary scene in Africa.--Imaginary conversation with an
+    African.--His ideas of Christianity.--A Description of a body of
+    slaves going to the ships.--Their embarkation.--Chap. II. Their
+    treatment on board.--The number that annually perish in the
+    voyage.--Horrid instance at sea.--Their debarkation in the
+    colonies.--Horrid instance on the shore.--Chap. III. The condition
+    of their posterity in the colonies.--The lex nativitatis
+    explained.--Its injustice.--Chap. IV. The seasoning in the
+    colonies.--The number that annually die in the seasoning.--The
+    employment of the survivors.--The colonial discipline.--Its
+    tendency to produce cruelty.--Horrid instance of this
+    effect.--Immoderate labour, and its consequences.--Want of food
+    and its consequences.--Severity and its consequences.--The forlorn
+    situation of slaves.--An appeal to the memory of Alfred.--Chap. V.
+    The contents of the two preceding chapters denied by the
+    purchasers.--Their first argument refuted.--Their second
+    refuted.--Their third refuted.--Chap. VI. Three arguments, which
+    they bring in vindication of their treatment, refuted.--Chap. VII.
+    The argument, that the Africans are an inferiour link of the chain
+    of nature, as far as it relates to their genius, refuted.--The
+    causes of this apparent inferiority.--Short dissertation on African
+    genius.--Poetry of an African girl.--Chap. VIII. The argument, that
+    they are an inferiour link of the chain of nature, as far as it
+    relates to colour, &c. refuted.--Examination of the divine writings
+    in this particular.--Dissertation on the colour.--Chap. IX. Other
+    arguments of the purchasers examined.--Their comparisons
+    unjust.--Their assertions, with respect to the happy situation of
+    the Africans in the colonies, without foundation.--Their happiness
+    examined with respect to manumission.--With respect to
+    holy-days.--Dances, &c.--An estimate made at St. Domingo.--Chap. X.
+    The right of the purchasers over their slaves refuted upon their own
+    principles.--Chap. XI. Dreadful arguments against this commerce and
+    slavery of the human species.--How the Deity seems already to punish
+    us for this inhuman violation of his laws.--Conclusion.
+
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+ERRATA.
+
+    For _Dominique_, (Footnote 107) read _Domingue_.
+
+    N. B. In page 18 a Latin note has been inserted by mistake, under
+    the quotation of Diodorus Siculus. The reader will find the original
+    Greek of the same signification, in the same author, at page 49.
+    Editio Stephani.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+AN ESSAY
+
+ON THE SLAVERY and COMMERCE
+
+OF THE HUMAN SPECIES.
+
+
+IN THREE PARTS.
+
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+
+PART I.
+
+THE HISTORY OF SLAVERY.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. I.
+
+When civilized, as well as barbarous nations, have been found, through a
+long succession of ages, uniformly to concur in the same customs, there
+seems to arise a presumption, that such customs are not only eminently
+useful, but are founded also on the principles of justice. Such is the
+case with respect to _Slavery_: it has had the concurrence of all
+the nations, which history has recorded, and the repeated practice of
+ages from the remotest antiquity, in its favour. Here then is an
+argument, deduced from the general consent and agreement of mankind, in
+favour of the proposed subject: but alas! when we reflect that the
+people, thus reduced to a state of servitude, have had the same feelings
+with ourselves; when we reflect that they have had the same propensities
+to pleasure, and the same aversions from pain; another argument seems
+immediately to arise in opposition to the former, deduced from our own
+feelings and that divine sympathy, which nature has implanted in our
+breasts, for the most useful and generous of purposes. To ascertain the
+truth therefore, where two such opposite sources of argument occur;
+where the force of custom pleads strongly on the one hand, and the
+feelings of humanity on the other; is a matter of much importance, as
+the dignity of human nature is concerned, and the rights and liberties
+of mankind will be involved in its discussion.
+
+It will be necessary, before this point can be determined, to consult
+the History of Slavery, and to lay before the reader, in as concise a
+manner as possible, a general view of it from its earliest appearance to
+the present day.
+
+The first, whom we shall mention here to have been reduced to a state of
+servitude, may be comprehended in that class, which is usually
+denominated the _Mercenary_. It consisted of free-born citizens,
+who, from the various contingencies of fortune, had become so poor, as
+to have recourse for their support to the service of the rich. Of this
+kind were those, both among the Egyptians and the Jews, who are recorded
+in the sacred writings.[004] The Grecian _Thetes_[005] also were of
+this description, as well as those among the Romans, from whom the class
+receives its appellation, the [006]_Mercenarii_.
+
+We may observe of the above-mentioned, that their situation was in many
+instances similar to that of our own servants. There was an express
+contract between the parties; they could, most of them, demand their
+discharge, if they were ill used by their respective masters; and they
+were treated therefore with more humanity than those, whom we usually
+distinguish in our language by the appellation of _Slaves_.
+
+As this class of servants was composed of men, who had been reduced to
+such a situation by the contingencies of fortune, and not by their own
+misconduct; so there was another among the ancients, composed entirely
+of those, who had suffered the loss of liberty from their own
+imprudence. To this class may be reduced the Grecian _Prodigals_,
+who were detained in the service of their creditors, till the fruits of
+their labour were equivalent to their debts; the _delinquents_, who
+were sentenced to the oar; and the German _enthusiasts_, as
+mentioned by Tacitus, who were so immoderately charmed with gaming, as,
+when every thing else was gone, to have staked their liberty and their
+very selves. "The loser," says he, "goes into a voluntary servitude, and
+though younger and stronger than the person with whom he played,
+patiently suffers himself to be bound and sold. Their perseverance in
+so bad a custom is stiled honour. The slaves, thus obtained, are
+immediately exchanged away in commerce, that the winner may get rid of
+the scandal of his victory."
+
+To enumerate other instances, would be unnecessary; it will be
+sufficient to observe, that the servants of this class were in a far
+more wretched situation, than those of the former; their drudgery was
+more intense; their treatment more severe; and there was no retreat at
+pleasure, from the frowns and lashes of their despotick masters.
+
+Having premised this, we may now proceed to a general division of
+slavery, into _voluntary_ and _involuntary_. The _voluntary_
+will comprehend the two classes, which we have already mentioned;
+for, in the first instance, there was a _contract_, founded
+on _consent_; and, in the second, there was a _choice_ of
+engaging or not in those practices, the known consequences of which
+were servitude. The _involuntary_; on the other hand, will
+comprehend those, who were forced, without any such _condition_ or
+_choice_, into a situation, which as it tended to degrade a part of
+the human species, and to class it with the brutal, must have been, of
+all human situations, the most wretched and insupportable. These are
+they, whom we shall consider solely in the present work. We shall
+therefore take our leave of the former, as they were mentioned only,
+that we might state the question with greater accuracy, and, be the
+better enabled to reduce it to its proper limits.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 004: Genesis, Ch. 47. Leviticus XXV. v. 39, 40.]
+
+
+[Footnote 005: The _Thetes_ appear very early in the Grecian
+History.--kai tines auto kouroi epont'Ithakes exairetoi; he eoi autou
+thentes te Dmoes(?) te; Od. Homer. D. 642. They were afterwards so much
+in use that, "Murioi depou apedidonto eautous ose douleuein kata
+sungraphen," till Solon suppressed the custom in Athens.]
+
+
+[Footnote 006: The mention of these is frequent among the classics; they
+were called in general _mercenarii_, from the circumstances of
+their _hire_, as "quibus, non male praecipiunt, qui ita jubent uti,
+ut _mercenariis_, operam exigendam, justa proebenda. Cicero de
+off." But they are sometimes mentioned in the law books by the name of
+_liberi_, from the circumstances of their _birth_, to distinguish
+them from the _alieni_, or foreigners, as Justinian. D. 7. 8. 4.
+--Id. 21. 1. 25. &c. &c. &c.]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. II.
+
+The first that will be mentioned, of the _involuntary_, were
+_prisoners of war_.[007] "It was a law, established from time
+immemorial among the nations of antiquity, to oblige those to undergo
+the severities of servitude, whom victory had thrown into their hands."
+Conformably with this, we find all the Eastern nations unanimous in the
+practice. The same custom prevailed among the people of the West; for as
+the Helots became the slaves of the Spartans, from the right of conquest
+only, so prisoners of war were reduced to the same situation by the rest
+of the inhabitants of Greece. By the same principles that actuated
+these, were the Romans also influenced. Their History will confirm the
+fact: for how many cities are recorded to have been taken; how many
+armies to have been vanquished in the field, and the wretched survivors,
+in both instances, to have been doomed to servitude? It remains only now
+to observe, in shewing this custom to have been universal, that all
+those nations which assisted in overturning the Roman Empire, though
+many and various, adopted the same measures; for we find it a general
+maxim in their polity, that whoever should fall into their hands as a
+prisoner of war, should immediately be reduced to the condition of a
+slave.
+
+It may here, perhaps, be not unworthy of remark, that the
+_involuntary_ were of greater antiquity than the _voluntary_
+slaves. The latter are first mentioned in the time of Pharaoh: they
+could have arisen only in a state of society; when property, after its
+division, had become so unequal, as to multiply the wants of
+individuals; and when government, after its establishment, had given
+security to the possessor by the punishment of crimes. Whereas the
+former seem to be dated with more propriety from the days of Nimrod; who
+gave rise probably to that inseparable idea of _victory_ and
+_servitude_, which we find among the nations of antiquity, and
+which has existed uniformly since, in one country or another, to the
+present day.[008]
+
+Add to this, that they might have arisen even in a state of nature, and
+have been coequal with the quarrels of mankind.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 007: "Nomos en pasin anthropois aidios esin, otan polemounton
+polis alo, ton elonton einai kai ta somata ton en te poleis, kai ta
+chremata." Xenoph. Kyrou Paid. L. 7. fin.]
+
+
+[Footnote 008:
+
+"Proud Nimrod first the bloody chace began,
+A mighty hunter, and his prey was man."
+
+--POPE.]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. III.
+
+But it was not victory alone, or any presupposed right, founded in the
+damages of war, that afforded a pretence for invading the liberties of
+mankind: the honourable light, in which _piracy_ was considered in
+the uncivilized ages of the world, contributed not a little to the
+_slavery_ of the human species. Piracy had a very early beginning.
+"The Grecians,"[009] says Thucydides, "in their primitive state, as well
+as the contemporary barbarians, who inhabited the sea coasts and
+islands, gave themselves wholly to it; it was, in short, their only
+profession and support." The writings of Homer are sufficient of
+themselves to establish this account. They shew it to have been a common
+practice at so early a period as that of the Trojan war; and abound with
+many lively descriptions of it; which, had they been as groundless as
+they are beautiful, would have frequently spared the sigh of the reader
+of sensibility and reflection.
+
+The piracies, which were thus practised in the early ages, may be
+considered as _publick_ or _private_. In the former, whole
+crews embarked for the benefit[010] of their respective tribes. They
+made descents on the sea coasts, carried off cattle, surprized whole
+villages, put many of the inhabitants to the sword, and carried others
+into slavery.
+
+In the latter, individuals only were concerned, and the emolument was
+their own. These landed from their ships, and, going up into the
+country, concealed themselves in the woods and thickets; where they
+waited every opportunity of catching the unfortunate shepherd or
+husbandman alone. In this situation they sallied out upon him, dragged
+him on board, conveyed him to a foreign market, and sold him for a
+slave.
+
+To this kind of piracy Ulysses alludes, in opposition to the former,
+which he had been just before mentioning, in his question to Eumoeus.
+
+
+"Did pirates wait, till all thy friends were gone,
+To catch thee singly with thy flocks alone;
+Say, did they force thee from thy fleecy care,
+And from thy fields transport and sell thee here?"[011]
+
+
+But no picture, perhaps, of this mode of depredation, is equal to that,
+with which[012] Xenophon presents us in the simple narrative of a dance.
+He informs us that the Grecian army had concluded a peace with the
+Paphlagonians, and that they entertained their embassadors in
+consequence with a banquet, and the exhibition of various feats of
+activity. "When the Thracians," says he, "had performed the parts
+allotted them in this entertainment, some Aenianian and Magnetian
+soldiers rose up, and, accoutred in their proper arms, exhibited that
+dance, which is called _Karpoea_. The figure of it is thus. One of
+them, in the character of an husbandman, is seen to till his land, and
+is observed, as he drives his plough, to look frequently behind him, as
+if apprehensive of danger. Another immediately appears in fight, in
+the character of a robber. The husbandman, having seen him previously
+advancing, snatches up his arms. A battle ensues before the plough. The
+whole of this performance is kept in perfect time with the musick of the
+flute. At length the robber, having got the better of the husbandman,
+binds him, and drives him off with his team. Sometimes it happens that
+the husbandman subdues the robber: in this case the scene is only
+reversed, as the latter is then bound and driven, off by the former."
+
+It is scarcely necessary to observe, that this dance was a
+representation of the general manners of men, in the more uncivilized
+ages of the world; shewing that the husbandman and shepherd lived in
+continual alarm, and that there were people in those ages, who derived
+their pleasures and fortunes from _kidnapping_ and _enslaving_
+their fellow creatures.
+
+We may now take notice of a circumstance in this narration, which will
+lead us to a review of our first assertion on this point, "that the
+honourable light, in which _piracy_ was considered in the times of
+barbarism, contributed not a little to the _slavery_ of the human
+species." The robber is represented here as frequently defeated in his
+attempts, and as reduced to that deplorable situation, to which he was
+endeavouring to bring another. This shews the frequent difficulty and
+danger of his undertakings: people would not tamely resign their lives
+or liberties, without a struggle. They were sometimes prepared; were
+superior often, in many points of view, to these invaders of their
+liberty; there were an hundred accidental circumstances frequently in
+their favour. These adventures therefore required all the skill,
+strength, agility, valour, and every thing, in short, that may be
+supposed to constitute heroism, to conduct them with success. Upon this
+idea piratical expeditions first came into repute, and their frequency
+afterwards, together with the danger and fortitude, that were
+inseparably connected with them, brought them into such credit among the
+barbarous nations of antiquity, that of all human professions, piracy
+was the most honourable.[013]
+
+The notions then, which were thus annexed to piratical expeditions, did
+not fail to produce those consequences, which we have mentioned before.
+They afforded an opportunity to the views of avarice and ambition, to
+conceal themselves under the mask of virtue. They excited a spirit of
+enterprize, of all others the most irresistible, as it subsisted on the
+strongest principles of action, emolument and honour. Thus could the
+vilest of passions be gratified with impunity. People were robbed,
+stolen, murdered, under the pretended idea that these were reputable
+adventures: every enormity in short was committed, and dressed up in the
+habiliments of honour.
+
+But as the notions of men in the less barbarous ages, which followed,
+became more corrected and refined, the practice of piracy began
+gradually to disappear. It had hitherto been supported on the grand
+columns of _emolument_ and _honour_. When the latter therefore
+was removed, it received a considerable shock; but, alas! it had still a
+pillar for its support! _avarice_, which exists in all states, and
+which is ready to turn every invention to its own ends, strained hard
+for its preservation. It had been produced in the ages of barbarism; it
+had been pointed out in those ages as lucrative, and under this notion
+it was continued. People were still stolen; many were intercepted (some,
+in their pursuits of pleasure, others, in the discharge of their several
+occupations) by their own countrymen; who previously laid in wait for
+them, and sold them afterwards for slaves; while others seized by
+merchants, who traded on the different coasts, were torn from their
+friends and connections, and carried into slavery. The merchants of
+Thessaly, if we can credit Aristophanes[014] who never spared the vices
+of the times, were particularly infamous for the latter kind of
+depredation; the Athenians were notorious for the former; for they had
+practised these robberies to such an alarming degree of danger to
+individuals, that it was found necessary to enact a law[015], which
+punished kidnappers with death.--But this is sufficient for our present
+purpose; it will enable us to assert, that there were two classes of
+_involuntary_ slaves among the ancients, "of those who were taken
+publickly in a state of war, and of those who were privately stolen in
+a state of innocence and peace." We may now add, that the children and
+descendents of these composed a third.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 009: Thucydides. L. 1. sub initio.]
+
+
+[Footnote 010: Idem.--"the strongest," says he, "engaging in these
+adventures, Kerdous tou spheterou auton eneka kai tois asthenesi trophes."]
+
+
+[Footnote 011: Homer. Odyss. L. 15. 385.]
+
+
+[Footnote 012: Xenoph. Kyrou Anab. L. 6. sub initio.]
+
+
+[Footnote 013: ouk echontos po Aischynen toutou tou ergou pherontos de
+ti kai Doxes mallon. Thucydides, L. 1. sub initio. kai euklees touto
+oi Kilikes enomizon. Sextus Empiricus. ouk adoxon all'endoxon touto.
+Schol. &c. &c.]
+
+
+[Footnote 014: Aristoph. Plut. Act. 2. Scene 5.]
+
+
+[Footnote 015: Zenoph. Apomnemon, L. 1.]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. IV.
+
+It will be proper to say something here concerning the situation of the
+unfortunate men, who were thus doomed to a life of servitude. To
+enumerate their various employments, and to describe the miseries which
+they endured in consequence, either from the severity, or the long and
+constant application of their labour, would exceed the bounds we have
+proposed to the present work. We shall confine ourselves to their
+_personal treatment_, as depending on the power of their masters, and
+the protection of the law. Their treatment, if considered in this light,
+will equally excite our pity and abhorrence. They were beaten, starved,
+tortured, murdered at discretion: they were dead in a civil sense; they
+had neither name nor tribe; were incapable of a judicial process; were
+in short without appeal. Poor unfortunate men! to be deprived of all
+possible protection! to suffer the bitterest of injuries without the
+possibility of redress! to be condemned unheard! to be murdered with
+impunity! to be considered as dead in that state, the very members of
+which they were supporting by their labours!
+
+Yet such was their general situation: there were two places however,
+where their condition, if considered in this point of view, was more
+tolerable. The AEgyptian slave, though perhaps of all others the greatest
+drudge, yet if he had time to reach the temple[016] of Hercules, found a
+certain retreat from the persecution of his master; and he received
+additional comfort from the reflection, that his life, whether he could
+reach it or not, could not be taken with impunity. Wise and salutary
+law![017] how often must it have curbed the insolence of power, and
+stopped those passions in their progress, which had otherwise been
+destructive to the slave!
+
+But though the persons of slaves were thus greatly secured in AEgypt, yet
+there was no place so favourable to them as Athens. They were allowed a
+greater liberty of speech;[018] they had their convivial meetings, their
+amours, their hours of relaxation, pleasantry, and mirth; they were
+treated, in short, with so much humanity in general, as to occasion that
+observation of Demosthenes, in his second Philippick, "that the
+condition of a slave, at Athens, was preferable to that of a free
+citizen, in many other countries." But if any exception happened (which
+was sometimes the case) from the general treatment described; if
+persecution took the place of lenity, and made the fangs of servitude
+more pointed than before,[019] they had then their temple, like the
+AEgyptian, for refuge; where the legislature was so attentive, as to
+examine their complaints, and to order them, if they were founded in
+justice, to be sold to another master. Nor was this all: they had a
+privilege infinitely greater than the whole of these. They were allowed
+an opportunity of working for themselves, and if their diligence had
+procured them a sum equivalent with their ransom, they could
+immediately, on paying it down,[020] demand their freedom for ever. This
+law was, of all others, the most important; as the prospect of liberty,
+which it afforded, must have been a continual source of the most
+pleasing reflections, and have greatly sweetened the draught, even of
+the most bitter slavery.
+
+Thus then, to the eternal honour of AEgypt and Athens, they were the only
+places that we can find, where slaves were considered with any humanity
+at all. The rest of the world seemed to vie with each other, in the
+debasement and oppression of these unfortunate people. They used them
+with as much severity as they chose; they measured their treatment only
+by their own passion and caprice; and, by leaving them on every
+occasion, without the possibility of an appeal, they rendered their
+situation the most melancholy and intolerable, that can possibly be
+conceived.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 016: Herodotus. L. 2. 113.]
+
+
+[Footnote 017: "Apud AEgyptios, si quis servum sponte occiderat, eum
+morte damnari aeque ac si liberum occidisset, jubebant leges &c."
+Diodorus Sic. L. 1.]
+
+
+[Footnote 018:
+
+"Atq id ne vos miremini, Homines servulos
+Potare, amare, atq ad coenam condicere.
+Licet hoc Athenis.
+Plautus. Sticho."
+]
+
+
+[Footnote 019:
+"Be me kratison esin eis to Theseion
+Dramein, ekei d'eos an eurombou prasin
+menein" Aristoph. Horae.
+
+Kaka toiade paskousin oude prasin
+Aitousin. Eupolis. poleis.]
+
+
+[Footnote 020: To this privilege Plautus alludes in his _Casina_,
+where he introduces a slave, speaking in the following manner.
+
+"Quid tu me vero libertate territas?
+Quod si tu nolis, siliusque etiam tuus
+Vobis _invitis_, atq amborum _ingratiis_,
+_Una libella liber possum fieri_."
+]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. V.
+
+As we have mentioned the barbarous and inhuman treatment that generally
+fell to the lot of slaves, it may not be amiss to inquire into the
+various circumstances by which it was produced.
+
+The first circumstance, from whence it originated, was the
+_commerce_: for if men could be considered as _possessions_;
+if, like _cattle_, they could be _bought_ and _sold_, it
+will not be difficult to suppose, that they could be held in the same
+consideration, or treated in the same manner. The commerce therefore,
+which was begun in the primitive ages of the world, by classing them
+with the brutal species, and by habituating the mind to consider the
+terms of _brute_ and _slave_ as _synonimous_, soon caused
+them to be viewed in a low and despicable light, and as greatly
+inferiour to the human species. Hence proceeded that treatment, which
+might not unreasonably be supposed to arise from so low an estimation.
+They were tamed, like beasts, by the stings of hunger and the lash, and
+their education was directed to the same end, to make them commodious
+instruments of labour for their possessors.
+
+This _treatment_, which thus proceeded in the ages of barbarism,
+from the low estimation, in which slaves were unfortunately held from
+the circumstances of the commerce, did not fail of producing, in the
+same instant, its _own_ effect. It depressed their minds; it numbed
+their faculties; and, by preventing those sparks of genius from blazing
+forth, which had otherwise been conspicuous; it gave them the appearance
+of being endued with inferiour capacities than the rest of mankind. This
+effect of the _treatment_ had made so considerable a progress, as
+to have been a matter of observation in the days of Homer.
+
+
+For half _his_ senses Jove conveys away,
+_Whom_ once he dooms to see the _servile_ day.[021]
+
+
+Thus then did the _commerce_, by classing them originally with
+_brutes_, and the consequent _treatment_, by cramping their
+_abilities_, and hindering them from becoming _conspicuous_,
+give to these unfortunate people, at a very early period, the most
+unfavourable _appearance_. The rising generations, who received
+both the commerce and treatment from their ancestors, and who had always
+been accustomed to behold their _effects_, did not consider these
+_effects_ as _incidental_: they judged only from what they
+saw; they believed the _appearances_ to be _real_; and hence
+arose the combined principle, that slaves were an _inferiour_ order
+of men, and perfectly void of _understanding_. Upon this
+_principle_ it was, that the former treatment began to be fully
+confirmed and established; and as this _principle_ was handed down
+and disseminated, so it became, in succeeding ages, an _excuse_ for
+any severity, that despotism might suggest.
+
+We may observe here, that as all nations had this excuse in common, as
+arising from the _circumstances_ above-mentioned, so the Greeks
+first, and the Romans afterwards, had an _additional excuse_, as
+arising from their own _vanity_.
+
+The former having conquered Troy, and having united themselves under one
+common name and interest, began, from that period, to distinguish the
+rest of the world by the title of _barbarians_; inferring by such
+an appellation, "that they were men who were only noble in their own
+country; that they had no right, from their _nature_, to authority
+or command; that, on the contrary, so low were their capacities, they
+were _destined_ by nature _to obey_, and to live in a state of
+perpetual drudgery and subjugation."[022] Conformable with this opinion
+was the treatment, which was accordingly prescribed to a
+_barbarian_. The philosopher Aristotle himself, in the advice which
+he gave to his pupil Alexander, before he went upon his Asiatick
+expedition, intreated him to "use the Greeks, as it became a
+_general_, but the _barbarians_, as it became a _master_;
+consider, says he, the former as _friends_ and _domesticks_;
+but the latter, as _brutes_ and _plants_;"[023] inferring that
+the Greeks, from the superiority of their capacities, had a
+_natural_ right to dominion, and that the rest of the world, from
+the inferiority of their own, were to be considered and treated as the
+_irrational_ part of the creation.
+
+Now, if we consider that this was the treatment, which they judged to be
+absolutely proper for people of this description, and that their slaves
+were uniformly those, whom they termed _barbarians_; being
+generally such, as were either kidnapped from _Barbary_, or
+purchased from the _barbarian_ conquerors in their wars with one
+another; we shall immediately see, with what an additional excuse their
+own vanity had furnished them for the sallies of caprice and passion.
+
+To refute these cruel sentiments of the ancients, and to shew that their
+slaves were by no means an inferiour order of beings than themselves,
+may perhaps be considered as an unnecessary task; particularly, as
+having shewn, that the causes of this inferiour appearance were
+_incidental_, arising, on the one hand, from the combined effects
+of the _treatment_ and _commerce_, and, on the other, from
+_vanity_ and _pride_, we seem to have refuted them already.
+But we trust that some few observations, in vindication of these
+unfortunate people, will neither be unacceptable nor improper.
+
+How then shall we begin the refutation? Shall we say with Seneca, who
+saw many of the slaves in question, "What is a _knight_, or a
+_libertine_, or a _slave_? Are they not names, assumed either
+from _injury_ or _ambition_?" Or, shall we say with him on
+another occasion, "Let us consider that he, whom we call our slave, is
+born in the same manner as ourselves; that he enjoys the same sky, with
+all its heavenly luminaries; that he breathes, that he lives, in the
+same manner as ourselves, and, in the same manner, that he expires."
+These considerations, we confess, would furnish us with a plentiful
+source of arguments in the case before us; but we decline their
+assistance. How then shall we begin? Shall we enumerate the many
+instances of fidelity, patience, or valour, that are recorded of the
+_servile_ race? Shall we enumerate the many important services,
+that they rendered both to the individuals and the community, under whom
+they lived? Here would be a second source, from whence we could collect
+sufficient materials to shew, that there was no inferiority in their
+nature. But we decline to use them. We shall content ourselves with some
+few instances, that relate to the _genius_ only: we shall mention
+the names of those of a _servile_ condition, whose writings, having
+escaped the wreck of time, and having been handed down even to the
+present age, are now to be seen, as so many living monuments, that
+neither the Grecian, nor Roman genius, was superiour to their own.
+
+The first, whom we shall mention here, is the famous AEsop. He was a
+Phrygian by birth, and lived in the time of Croesus, king of Lydia, to
+whom he dedicated his fables. The writings of this great man, in
+whatever light we consider them, will be equally entitled to our
+admiration. But we are well aware, that the very mention of him as a
+writer of fables, may depreciate him in the eyes of some. To such we
+shall propose a question, "Whether this species of writing has not been
+more beneficial to mankind; or whether it has not produced more
+important events, than any other?"
+
+With respect to the first consideration, it is evident that these
+fables, as consisting of plain and simple transactions, are particularly
+easy to be understood; as conveyed in images, they please and seduce the
+mind; and, as containing a _moral_, easily deducible on the side of
+virtue; that they afford, at the same time, the most weighty precepts of
+philosophy. Here then are the two grand points of composition, "a manner
+of expression to be apprehended by the lowest capacities, and, (what is
+considered as a victory in the art) an happy conjunction of utility and
+pleasure."[024] Hence Quintilian recommends them, as singularly useful,
+and as admirably adapted, to the puerile age; as a just gradation
+between the language of the nurse and the preceptor, and as furnishing
+maxims of prudence and virtue, at a time when the speculative principles
+of philosophy are too difficult to be understood. Hence also having been
+introduced by most civilized nations into their system of education,
+they have produced that general benefit, to which we at first alluded.
+Nor have they been of less consequence in maturity; but particularly to
+those of inferiour capacities, or little erudition, whom they have
+frequently served as a guide to conduct them in life, and as a medium,
+through which an explanation might be made, on many and important
+occasions.
+
+With respect to the latter consideration, which is easily deducible from
+hence, we shall only appeal to the wonderful effect, which the fable,
+pronounced by Demosthenes against Philip of Macedon, produced among his
+hearers; or to the fable, which was spoken by Menenius Agrippa to the
+Roman populace; by which an illiterate multitude were brought back to
+their duty as citizens, when no other species of oratory could prevail.
+
+To these truly _ingenious_, and _philosophical_ works of AEsop,
+we shall add those of his imitator Phoedrus, which in purity and
+elegance of style, are inferiour to none. We shall add also the Lyrick
+_Poetry_ of Alcman, which is no _servile_ composition; the
+sublime _Morals_ of Epictetus, and the incomparable _comedies_
+of Terence.
+
+Thus then does it appear, that the _excuse_ which was uniformly
+started in defence of the _treatment_ of slaves, had no foundation
+whatever either in truth or justice. The instances that we have
+mentioned above, are sufficient to shew, that there was no inferiority,
+either in their _nature_, or their understandings: and at the same
+time that they refute the principles of the ancients, they afford a
+valuable lesson to those, who have been accustomed to form too
+precipitate a judgment on the abilities of men: for, alas! how often has
+_secret anguish_ depressed the spirits of those, whom they have
+frequently censured, from their gloomy and dejected appearance! and how
+often, on the other hand, has their judgment resulted from their own
+_vanity_ and _pride_!
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 021: Homer. Odys. P. 322. In the latest edition of Homer, the
+word, which we have translated _senses_, is _Aretae_, or
+_virtue_, but the old and proper reading is _Noos_, as appears
+from Plato de Legibus, ch. 6, where he quotes it on a similar occasion.]
+
+
+[Footnote 022: Aristotle. Polit. Ch. 2. et inseq.]
+
+
+[Footnote 023: Ellesin hegemonikos, tois de Barbarois despotikos krasthar
+kai ton men os philon kai oikeion epimeleisthai, tois de os
+zoois he phytois prospheresthai. Plutarch. de Fortun. Alexand. Orat. 1.]
+
+
+[Footnote 024: Omne tulit punctum, qui miscuit utile dulci. Horace.]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. VI.
+
+We proceed now to the consideration of the _commerce_: in
+consequence of which, people, endued with the same feelings and
+faculties as ourselves, were made subject to the laws and limitations of
+_possession_.
+
+This commerce of the human species was of a very early date. It was
+founded on the idea that men were _property_; and, as this idea was
+coeval with the first order of _involuntary_ slaves, it must have
+arisen, (if the date, which we previously affixed to that order, be
+right) in the first practices of barter. The Story of Joseph, as
+recorded in the sacred writings, whom his brothers sold from an envious
+suspicion of his future greatness, is an ample testimony of the truth of
+this conjecture. It shews that there were men, even at that early
+period, who travelled up and down as merchants, collecting not only
+balm, myrrh, spicery, and other wares, but the human species also, for
+the purposes of traffick. The instant determination of the brothers, on
+the first sight of the merchants, _to sell him_, and the immediate
+acquiescence of these, who purchased him for a foreign market, prove
+that this commerce had been then established, not only in that part of
+the country, where this transaction happened, but in that also, whither
+the merchants were then travelling with their camels, namely, AEgypt: and
+they shew farther, that, as all customs require time for their
+establishment, so it must have existed in the ages, previous to that of
+Pharaoh; that is, in those ages, in which we fixed the first date of
+_involuntary_ servitude. This commerce then, as appears by the
+present instance, existed in the earliest practices of barter, and had
+descended to the AEgyptians, through as long a period of time, as was
+sufficient to have made it, in the times alluded to, an established
+custom. Thus was AEgypt, in those days, the place of the greatest resort;
+the grand emporium of trade, to which people were driving their
+merchandize, as to a centre; and thus did it afford, among other
+opportunities of traffick, the _first market_ that is recorded, for
+the sale of the human species.
+
+This market, which was thus supplied by the constant concourse of
+merchants, who resorted to it from various parts, could not fail, by
+these means, to have been considerable. It received, afterwards, an
+additional supply from those piracies, which we mentioned to have
+existed in the uncivilized ages of the world, and which, in fact, it
+greatly promoted and encouraged; and it became, from these united
+circumstances, so famous, as to have been known, within a few centuries
+from the time of Pharaoh, both to the Grecian colonies in Asia, and the
+Grecian islands. Homer mentions Cyprus and AEgypt as the common markets
+for slaves, about the times of the Trojan war. Thus Antinous, offended
+with Ulysses, threatens to send him to one of these places, if he does
+not instantly depart from his table.[025] The same poet also, in his
+hymn to Bacchus[026], mentions them again, but in a more unequivocal
+manner, as the common markets for slaves. He takes occasion, in that
+hymn, to describe the pirates method of scouring the coast, from the
+circumstance of their having kidnapped Bacchus, as a noble youth, for
+whom they expected an immense ransom. The captain of the vessel, having
+dragged him on board, is represented as addressing himself thus, to the
+steersman:
+
+
+"Haul in the tackle, hoist aloft the sail,
+Then take your helm, and watch the doubtful gale!
+To mind the captive prey, be our's the care,
+While you to _AEgypt_ or to _Cyprus_ steer;
+There shall he go, unless his friends he'll tell,
+Whose ransom-gifts will pay us full as well."
+
+
+It may not perhaps be considered as a digression, to mention in few
+words, by itself, the wonderful concordance of the writings of Moses and
+Homer with the case before us: not that the former, from their divine
+authority, want additional support, but because it cannot be unpleasant
+to see them confirmed by a person, who, being one of the earliest
+writers, and living in a very remote age, was the first that could
+afford us any additional proof of the circumstances above-mentioned.
+AEgypt is represented, in the first book of the sacred writings, as a
+market for slaves, and, in the [027]second, as famous for the severity
+of its servitude. [028]The same line, which we have already cited from
+Homer, conveys to us the same ideas. It points it out as a market for
+the human species, and by the epithet of "_bitter_ AEgypt,"
+([029]which epithet is peculiarly annexed to it on this occasion)
+alludes in the strongest manner to that severity and rigour, of which
+the sacred historian transmitted us the first account.
+
+But, to return. Though AEgypt was the first market recorded for this
+species of traffick; and though AEgypt, and Cyprus afterwards, were
+particularly distinguished for it, in the times of the Trojan war; yet
+they were not the only places, even at that period, where men were
+bought and sold. The Odyssey of Homer shews that it was then practised
+in many of the islands of the AEgean sea; and the Iliad, that it had
+taken place among those Grecians on the continent of Europe, who had
+embarked from thence on the Trojan expedition. This appears particularly
+at the end of the seventh book. A fleet is described there, as having
+just arrived from Lemnos, with a supply of wine for the Grecian camp.
+The merchants are described also, as immediately exposing it to sale,
+and as receiving in exchange, among other articles of barter, "_a
+number of slaves_."
+
+It will now be sufficient to observe, that, as other states arose, and
+as circumstances contributed to make them known, this custom is
+discovered to have existed among them; that it travelled over all Asia;
+that it spread through the Grecian and Roman world; was in use among the
+barbarous nations, which overturned the Roman empire; and was practised
+therefore, at the same period, throughout all Europe.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 025: me tacha pikren Aigypton kai Kypron idnai. Hom.
+Odyss. L. 17. 448.]
+
+
+[Footnote 026: L. 26.]
+
+
+[Footnote 027: Exodus. Ch. 1.]
+
+
+[Footnote 028: Vide note 1st. (Here shown as footnote 025).]
+
+
+[Footnote 029: This strikes us the more forcibly, as it is stiled
+_eurreiten_ and _perikallea_, "_beautiful and well watered_,"
+in all other passages where it is mentioned, but this.]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. VII.
+
+This _slavery_ and _commerce_, which had continued for so long
+a time, and which was thus practised in Europe at so late a period as
+that, which succeeded the grand revolutions in the western world, began,
+as the northern nations were settled in their conquests, to decline,
+and, on their full establishment, were abolished. A difference of
+opinion has arisen respecting the cause of their abolition; some having
+asserted, that they were the necessary consequences of the _feudal
+system_; while others, superiour both in number and in argument, have
+maintained that they were the natural effects of _Christianity_.
+The mode of argument, which the former adopt on this occasion, is as
+follows. "The multitude of little states, which sprang up from one great
+one at this AEra, occasioned infinite bickerings and matter for
+contention. There was not a state or seignory, which did not want all
+the hands they could muster, either to defend their own right, or to
+dispute that of their neighbours. Thus every man was taken into the
+service: whom they armed they must trust: and there could be no trust
+but in free men. Thus the barrier between the two natures was thrown
+down, and _slavery_ was no more heard of, in the _west_."
+
+That this was not the _necessary_ consequence of such a situation,
+is apparent. The political state of Greece, in its early history, was
+the same as that of Europe, when divided, by the feudal system, into an
+infinite number of small and independent kingdoms. There was the same
+matter therefore for contention, and the same call for all the hands
+that could be mustered: the Grecians, in short, in _heroick_, were
+in the same situation in these respects as the _feudal barons_ in
+the _Gothick_ times. Had this therefore been a _necessary_
+effect, there had been a cessation of servitude in Greece, in those
+ages, in which we have already shewn that it existed.
+
+But with respect to _Christianity_, many and great are the
+arguments, that it occasioned so desirable an event. It taught, "that
+all men were originally equal; that the Deity was no respecter of
+persons, and that, as all men were to give an account of their actions
+hereafter, it was necessary that they should be free." These doctrines
+could not fail of having their proper influence on those, who first
+embraced _Christianity_, from a _conviction_ of its truth; and
+on those of their descendents afterwards, who, by engaging in the
+_crusades_, and hazarding their lives and fortunes there, shewed,
+at least, an _attachment_ to that religion. We find them
+accordingly actuated by these principles: we have a positive proof, that
+the _feudal system_ had no share in the honour of suppressing
+slavery, but that _Christianity_ was the only cause; for the
+greatest part of the _charters_ which were granted for the freedom
+of slaves in those times (many of which are still extant) were granted,
+"_pro amore Dei, pro mercede animae_." They were founded, in short,
+on religious considerations, "that they might procure the favour of the
+Deity, which they conceived themselves to have forfeited, by the
+subjugation of those, whom they found to be the objects of the divine
+benevolence and attention equally with themselves."
+
+These considerations, which had thus their first origin in
+_Christianity_, began to produce their effects, as the different
+nations were converted; and procured that general liberty at last,
+which, at the close of the twelfth century, was conspicuous in the west
+of Europe. What a glorious and important change! Those, who would have
+had otherwise no hopes, but that their miseries would be terminated by
+death, were then freed from their servile condition; those, who, by the
+laws of war, would have had otherwise an immediate prospect of servitude
+from the hands of their imperious conquerors, were then
+_exchanged_; a custom, which has happily descended to the present
+day. Thus, "a numerous class of men, who formerly had no political
+existence, and were employed merely as instruments of labour, became
+useful citizens, and contributed towards augmenting the force or riches
+of the society, which adopted them as members;" and thus did the greater
+part of the Europeans, by their conduct on this occasion, assert not
+only liberty for themselves, but for their fellow-creatures also.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. VIII.
+
+But if men therefore, at a time when under the influence of religion
+they exercised their serious thoughts, abolished slavery, how impious
+must they appear, who revived it; and what arguments will not present
+themselves against their conduct![030] The Portuguese, within two
+centuries after its suppression in Europe, in imitation of those
+_piracies_, which we have shewn to have existed in the _uncivilized_
+ages of the world, made their descents on Africa, and committing
+depredations on the coast,[031] _first_ carried the wretched
+inhabitants into slavery.
+
+This practice, however trifling and partial it might appear at first,
+soon became serious and general. A melancholy instance of the depravity
+of human nature; as it shews, that neither the laws nor religion of any
+country, however excellent the forms of each, are sufficient to bind the
+consciences of some; but that there are always men, of every age,
+country, and persuasion, who are ready to sacrifice their dearest
+principles at the shrine of gain. Our own ancestors, together with the
+Spaniards, French, and most of the maritime powers of Europe, soon
+followed the _piratical_ example; and thus did the Europeans, to their
+eternal infamy, renew a custom, which their _own_ ancestors had so
+lately exploded, from a _conscientiousness_ of its _impiety_.
+
+The unfortunate Africans, terrified at these repeated depredations, fled
+in confusion from the coast, and sought, in the interiour parts of the
+country, a retreat from the persecution of their invaders. But, alas,
+they were miserably disappointed! There are few retreats, that can
+escape the penetrating eye of avarice. The Europeans still pursued them;
+they entered their rivers; sailed up into the heart of the country;
+surprized the unfortunate Africans again; and carried them into slavery.
+
+But this conduct, though successful at first, defeated afterwards its
+own ends. It created a more general alarm, and pointed out, at the same
+instant, the best method of security from future depredations. The banks
+of the rivers were accordingly deserted, as the coasts had been before;
+and thus were the _Christian_ invaders left without a prospect of
+their prey.
+
+In this situation however, expedients were not wanting. They now formed
+to themselves the resolution of settling in the country; of securing
+themselves by fortified ports; of changing their system of force into
+that of pretended liberality; and of opening, by every species of
+bribery and corruption, a communication with the natives. These plans
+were put into immediate execution. The Europeans erected their
+forts[032]; landed their merchandize; and endeavoured, by a peaceable
+deportment, by presents, and by every appearance of munificence, to
+seduce the attachment and confidence of the Africans. These schemes had
+the desired effect. The gaudy trappings of European art, not only caught
+their attention, but excited their curiosity: they dazzled the eyes and
+bewitched the senses, not only of those, to whom they were given, but of
+those, to whom they were shewn. Thus followed a speedy intercourse with
+each other, and a confidence, highly favourable to the views of avarice
+or ambition.
+
+It was now time for the Europeans to embrace the opportunity, which this
+intercourse had thus afforded them, of carrying their schemes into
+execution, and of fixing them on such a permanent foundation, as should
+secure them future success. They had already discovered, in the
+different interviews obtained, the chiefs of the African tribes. They
+paid their court therefore to these, and so compleatly intoxicated their
+senses with the luxuries, which they brought from home, as to be able to
+seduce them to their designs. A treaty of peace and commerce was
+immediately concluded: it was agreed, that the kings, on their part,
+should, from this period, sentence _prisoners of war_ and _convicts_
+to _European servitude_; and that the Europeans should supply them, in
+return, with the luxuries of the north. This agreement immediately took
+place; and thus begun that _commerce_, which makes so considerable a
+figure at the present day.
+
+But happy had the Africans been, if those only, who had been justly
+convicted of crimes, or taken in a just war, had been sentenced to the
+severities of servitude! How many of those miseries, which afterwards
+attended them, had been never known; and how would their history have
+saved those sighs and emotions of pity, which must now ever accompany
+its perusal. The Europeans, on the establishment of their western
+colonies, required a greater number of slaves than a strict adherence to
+the treaty could produce. The princes therefore had only the choice of
+relinquishing the commerce, or of consenting to become unjust. They had
+long experienced the emoluments of the trade; they had acquired a taste
+for the luxuries it afforded; and they now beheld an opportunity of
+gratifying it, but in a more extentive manner. _Avarice_ therefore,
+which was too powerful for _justice_ on this occasion, immediately
+turned the scale: not only those, who were fairly convicted of offences,
+were now sentenced to servitude, but even those who were _suspected_.
+New crimes were invented, that new punishments might succeed. Thus was
+every appearance soon construed into reality; every shadow into a
+substance; and often virtue into a crime.
+
+Such also was the case with respect to prisoners of war. Not only those
+were now delivered into slavery, who were taken in a state of publick
+enmity and injustice, but those also, who, conscious of no injury
+whatever, were taken in the _arbitrary_ skirmishes of these _venal_
+sovereigns. War was now made, not as formerly, from the motives of
+retaliation and defence, but for the sake of obtaining prisoners alone,
+and the advantages resulting from their sale. If a ship from Europe came
+but into sight, it was now considered as a sufficient motive for a war,
+and as a signal only for an instantaneous commencement of hostilities.
+
+But if the African kings could be capable of such injustice, what vices
+are there, that their consciences would restrain, or what enormities,
+that we might not expect to be committed? When men once consent to be
+unjust, they lose, at the same instant with their virtue, a considerable
+portion of that sense of shame, which, till then, had been found a
+successful protector against the sallies of vice. From that awful
+period, almost every expectation is forlorn: the heart is left
+unguarded: its great protector is no more: the vices therefore, which so
+long encompassed it in vain, obtain an easy victory: in crouds they pour
+into the defenceless avenues, and take possession of the soul: there is
+nothing now too vile for them to meditate, too impious to perform. Such
+was the situation of the despotick sovereigns of Africa. They had once
+ventured to pass the bounds of virtue, and they soon proceeded to
+enormity. This was particularly conspicuous in that general conduct,
+which they uniformly observed, after any unsuccessful conflict.
+Influenced only by the venal motives of European traffick, they first
+made war upon the neighbouring tribes, contrary to every principle of
+justice; and if, by the flight of the enemy, or by other contingencies,
+they were disappointed of their prey, they made no hesitation of
+immediately turning their arms against their own subjects. The first
+villages they came to, were always marked on this occasion, as the first
+objects of their avarice. They were immediately surrounded, were
+afterwards set on fire, and the wretched inhabitants seized, as they
+were escaping from the flames. These, consisting of whole families,
+fathers, brothers, husbands, wives, and children, were instantly driven
+in chains to the merchants, and consigned to slavery.
+
+To these calamities, which thus arose from the tyranny of the kings, we
+may now subjoin those, which arose from the avarice of private persons.
+Many were kidnapped by their own countrymen, who, encouraged by the
+merchants of Europe, previously lay in wait for them, and sold them
+afterwards for slaves; while the seamen of the different ships, by every
+possible artifice, enticed others on board, and transported them to the
+regions of servitude.
+
+As these practices are in full force at the present day, it appears that
+there are four orders of _involuntary_ slaves on the African
+continent; of [033]_convicts_; of _prisoners of war_; of
+those, who are publickly seized by virtue of the _authority_ of
+their prince; and of those, who are privately _kidnapped_ by
+individuals.
+
+It remains only to observe on this head, that in the sale and purchase
+of these the African commerce or _Slave Trade_ consists; that they
+are delivered to the merchants of Europe in exchange for their various
+commodities; that these transport them to their colonies in the west,
+where their _slavery_ takes place; and that a fifth order arises
+there, composed of all such as are born to the native Africans, after
+their transportation and slavery have commenced.
+
+Having thus explained as much of the history of modern servitude, as is
+sufficient for the prosecution of our design, we should have closed our
+account here, but that a work, just published, has furnished us with a
+singular anecdote of the colonists of a neighbouring nation, which we
+cannot but relate. The learned [034]author, having described the method
+which the Dutch colonists at the Cape make use of to take the Hottentots
+and enslave them, takes occasion, in many subsequent parts of the work,
+to mention the dreadful effects of the practice of slavery; which, as he
+justly remarks, "leads to all manner of misdemeanours and wickedness.
+Pregnant women," says he, "and children in their tenderest years, were
+not at this time, neither indeed are they ever, exempt from the effects
+of the hatred and spirit of vengeance constantly harboured by the
+colonists, with respect to the [035]Boshies-man nation; _excepting such
+indeed as are marked out to be carried away into bondage_.
+
+"Does a colonist at any time get sight of a Boshies-man, he takes fire
+immediately, and spirits up his horse and dogs, in order to hunt him
+with more ardour and fury than he would a wolf, or any other wild beast?
+On an open plain, a few colonists on horseback are always sure to get
+the better of the greatest number of Boshies-men that can be brought
+together; as the former always keep at the distance of about an hundred,
+or an hundred and fifty paces (just as they find it convenient) and
+charging their heavy fire-arms with a very large kind of shot, jump off
+their horses, and rest their pieces in their usual manner on their
+ramrods, in order that they may shoot with the greater certainty; so
+that the balls discharged by them will sometimes, as I have been
+assured, go through the bodies of six, seven, or eight of the enemy at a
+time, especially as these latter know no better than to keep close
+together in a body."--
+
+"And not only is the capture of the Hottentots considered by them merely
+as a party of pleasure, but in cold blood they destroy the bands which
+nature has knit between their husbands, and their wives and children,
+&c."
+
+With what horrour do these passages seem to strike us! What indignation
+do they seem to raise in our breasts, when we reflect, that a part of
+the human species are considered as _game_, and that _parties of
+pleasure_ are made for their _destruction_! The lion does not
+imbrue his claws in blood, unless called upon by hunger, or provoked by
+interruption; whereas the merciless Dutch, more savage than the brutes
+themselves, not only murder their fellow-creatures without any
+provocation or necessity, but even make a diversion of their sufferings,
+and enjoy their pain.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 030: The following short history of the African servitude, is
+taken from Astley's Collection of Voyages, and from the united
+testimonies of Smyth, Adanson, Bosman, Moore, and others, who were
+agents to the different factories established there; who resided many
+years in the country; and published their respective histories at their
+return. These writers, if they are partial at all, may be considered as
+favourable rather to their own countrymen, than the unfortunate
+Africans.]
+
+
+[Footnote 031: We would not wish to be understood, that slavery was
+unknown in Africa before the _piratical_ expeditions of the
+_Portuguese_, as it appears from the _Nubian's Geography_,
+that both the slavery and commerce had been established among the
+natives with one another. We mean only to assert, that the
+_Portuguese_ were the first of the _Europeans_, who made their
+_piratical_ expeditions, and shewed the way to that _slavery_,
+which now makes so disgraceful a figure in the western colonies of the
+_Europeans_. In the term "Europeans," wherever it shall occur in
+the remaining part of this first dissertation, we include the
+_Portuguese_, and _those nations only_, who followed their
+example.]
+
+
+[Footnote 032: The _Portuguese_ erected their first fort at
+_D'Elmina_, in the year 1481, about forty years after Alonzo
+Gonzales had pointed the Southern Africans out to his countrymen
+as articles of commerce.]
+
+
+[Footnote 033: In the ancient servitude, we reckoned _convicts_
+among the _voluntary_ slaves, because they had it in their power,
+by a virtuous conduct, to have avoided so melancholy a situation; in the
+_African_, we include them in the _involuntary_, because, as
+virtues are frequently construed into crimes, from the venal motives of
+the traffick, no person whatever possesses such a _power_ or
+_choice_.]
+
+[Footnote 034: Andrew Sparrman, M.D. professor of Physick at Stockholm,
+fellow of the Royal Academy of Sciences in Sweden, and inspector of its
+cabinet of natural history, whose voyage was translated into English,
+and published in 1785.]
+
+
+[Footnote 035: Boshies-man, or _wild Hottentot_.]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+End of the First Part.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+
+PART II.
+
+
+
+THE AFRICAN COMMERCE,
+
+OR
+
+SLAVE TRADE.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. I.
+
+As we explained the History of Slavery in the first part of this Essay,
+as far as it was necessary for our purpose, we shall now take the
+question into consideration, which we proposed at first as the subject
+of our inquiry, viz. how far the commerce and slavery of the human
+species, as revived by some of the nations of Europe in the persons of
+the unfortunate Africans, and as revived, in a great measure, on the
+principles of antiquity, are consistent with the laws of nature, or the
+common notions of equity, as established among men.
+
+This question resolves itself into two separate parts for discussion,
+into _the African commerce (as explained in the history of
+slavery)_ and _the subsequent slavery in the colonies, as founded
+on the equity of the commerce_. The former, of course, will be first
+examined. For this purpose we shall inquire into the rise, nature, and
+design of government. Such an inquiry will be particularly useful in the
+present place; it will afford us that general knowledge of subordination
+and liberty, which is necessary in the case before us, and will be
+found, as it were, a source, to which we may frequently refer for many
+and valuable arguments.
+
+It appears that mankind were originally free, and that they possessed an
+equal right to the soil and produce of the earth. For proof of this, we
+need only appeal to the _divine_ writings; to the _golden age_
+of the poets, which, like other fables of the times, had its origin in
+truth; and to the institution of the _Saturnalia_, and of other
+similar festivals; all of which are so many monuments of this original
+equality of men. Hence then there was no rank, no distinction, no
+superiour. Every man wandered where he chose, changing his residence, as
+a spot attracted his fancy, or suited his convenience, uncontrouled by
+his neighbour, unconnected with any but his family. Hence also (as every
+thing was common) he collected what he chose without injury, and enjoyed
+without injury what he had collected. Such was the first situation of
+mankind; [036]a state of _dissociation_ and _independence_.
+
+In this dissociated state it is impossible that men could have long
+continued. The dangers to which they must have frequently been exposed,
+by the attacks of fierce and rapacious beasts, by the proedatory
+attempts of their own species, and by the disputes of contiguous and
+independent families; these, together with their inability to defend,
+themselves, on many such occasions, must have incited them to unite.
+Hence then was _society_ formed on the grand principles of
+preservation and defence: and as these principles began to operate, in
+the different parts of the earth, where the different families had
+roamed, a great number of these _societies_ began to be formed and
+established; which, taking to themselves particular names from
+particular occurrences, began to be perfectly distinct from one another.
+
+As the individuals, of whom these societies were composed, had
+associated only for their defence, so they experienced, at first, no
+change in their condition. They were still independent and free; they
+were still without discipline or laws; they had every thing still in
+common; they pursued the same, manner of life; wandering only, in
+_herds_, as the earth gave them or refused them sustenance, and
+doing, as a _publick body_, what they had been accustomed to do as
+_individuals_ before. This was the exact situation of the Getae and
+Scythians[037], of the Lybians and Goetulians[038], of the Italian
+Aborigines[039], and of the Huns and Alans[040]. They had left their
+original state of _dissociation_, and had stepped into that, which
+has been just described. Thus was the second situation of men a state of
+_independent society_.
+
+Having thus joined themselves together, and having formed themselves
+into several large and distinct bodies, they could not fail of
+submitting soon to a more considerable change. Their numbers must have
+rapidly increased, and their societies, in process of time, have become
+so populous, as frequently to have experienced the want of subsistence,
+and many of the commotions and tumults of intestine strife. For these
+inconveniences however there were remedies to be found.
+_Agriculture_ would furnish them with that subsistence and support,
+which the earth, from the rapid increase of its inhabitants, had become
+unable spontaneously to produce. An _assignation_ of _property_
+would not only enforce an application, but excite an emulation,
+to labour; and _government_ would at once afford a security
+to the acquisitions of the industrious, and heal the intestine
+disorders of the community, by the introduction of laws.
+
+Such then were the remedies, that were gradually applied. The
+_societies_, which had hitherto seen their members, undistinguished
+either by authority or rank, admitted now of magistratical pre-eminence.
+They were divided into tribes; to every tribe was allotted a particular
+district for its support, and to every individual his particular spot.
+The Germans[041], who consisted of many and various nations, were
+exactly in this situation. They had advanced a step beyond the
+Scythians, Goetulians, and those, whom we described before; and thus was
+the third situation of mankind a state of _subordinate society_.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 036: This conclusion concerning the dissociated state of
+mankind, is confirmed by all the early writers, with whose descriptions
+of primitive times no other conclusion is reconcileable.]
+
+
+[Footnote 037: Justin. L. 2. C. 2.]
+
+
+[Footnote 038: Sallust. Bell. Jug.]
+
+
+[Footnote 039: Sallust. Bell. Catil.]
+
+
+[Footnote 040: Ammianus Marcellinus. L. 31. C. 2. et. inseq.]
+
+
+[Footnote 041: Agri pro Numero Cultorum ab universis per vicos
+occupantur, quos mox inter se secundum dignationem partiuntur. Tacitus.
+C. 26. de Mor. Germ.]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. II.
+
+As we have thus traced the situation of man from unbounded liberty to
+subordination, it will be proper to carry our inquiries farther, and to
+consider, who first obtained the pre-eminence in these _primoeval
+societies_, and by what particular methods it was obtained.
+
+There were only two ways, by which such an event could have been
+produced, by _compulsion_ or _consent_. When mankind first saw
+the necessity of government, it is probable that many had conceived the
+desire of ruling. To be placed in a new situation, to be taken from the
+common herd, to be the first, distinguished among men, were thoughts,
+that must have had their charms. Let us suppose then, that these
+thoughts had worked so unusually on the passions of any particular
+individual, as to have driven him to the extravagant design of obtaining
+the preeminence by force. How could his design have been accomplished?
+How could he forcibly have usurped the jurisdiction at a time, when, all
+being equally free, there was not a single person, whose assistance he
+could command? Add to this, that, in a state of universal liberty, force
+had been repaid by force, and the attempt had been fatal to the usurper.
+
+As _empire_ then could never have been gained at first by
+_compulsion_, so it could only have been obtained by _consent_;
+and as men were then going to make an important sacrifice,
+for the sake of their _mutual_ happiness, so he alone could
+have obtained it, (not whose _ambition_ had greatly distinguished
+him from the rest) but in whose _wisdom, justice, prudence_,
+and _virtue_, the whole community could confide.
+
+To confirm this reasoning, we shall appeal, as before, to facts; and
+shall consult therefore the history of those nations, which having just
+left their former state of _independent society_, were the very
+people that established _subordination_ and _government_.
+
+The commentaries of Caesar afford us the following accounts of the
+ancient Gauls. When any of their kings, either by death, or deposition,
+made a vacancy in the regal office, the whole nation was immediately
+convened for the appointment of a successor. In these national
+conventions were the regal offices conferred. Every individual had a
+voice on the occasion, and every individual was free. The person upon
+whom the general approbation appeared to fall, was immediately advanced
+to pre-eminence in the state. He was uniformly one, whose actions had
+made him eminent; whose conduct had gained him previous applause; whose
+valour the very assembly, that elected him, had themselves witnessed in
+the field; whose prudence, wisdom and justice, having rendered him
+signally serviceable, had endeared him to his tribe. For this reason,
+their kingdoms were not hereditary; the son did not always inherit the
+virtues of the sire; and they were determined that he alone should
+possess authority, in whose virtues they could confide. Nor was this
+all. So sensible were they of the important sacrifice they had made; so
+extremely jealous even of the name of superiority and power, that they
+limited, by a variety of laws, the authority of the very person, whom
+they had just elected, from a confidence of his integrity; Ambiorix
+himself confessing, "that his people had as much power over him, as he
+could possibly have over his people."
+
+The same custom, as appears from Tacitus, prevailed also among the
+Germans. They had their national councils, like the Gauls; in which the
+regal and ducal offices were confirmed according to the majority of
+voices. They elected also, on these occasions, those only, whom their
+virtue, by repeated trial, had unequivocally distinguished from the
+rest; and they limited their authority so far, as neither to leave them
+the power of inflicting imprisonment or stripes, nor of exercising any
+penal jurisdiction. But as punishment was necessary in a state of civil
+society, "it was permitted to the priests alone, that it might appear to
+have been inflicted, by the order of the gods, and not by any superiour
+authority in man."
+
+The accounts which we have thus given of the ancient Germans and Gauls,
+will be found also to be equally true of those people, which had arrived
+at the same state of subordinate society. We might appeal, for a
+testimony of this, to the history of the Goths; to the history of the
+Franks and Saxons; to, the history, in short, of all those nations, from
+which the different governments, now conspicuous in Europe, have
+undeniably sprung. And we might appeal, as a farther proof, to the
+Americans, who are represented by many of the moderns, from their own
+ocular testimony, as observing the same customs at the present day.
+
+It remains only to observe, that as these customs prevailed among the
+different nations described, in their early state of subordinate
+society, and as they were moreover the customs of their respective
+ancestors, it appears that they must have been handed down, both by
+tradition and use, from the first introduction of _government_.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. III.
+
+We may now deduce those general maxims concerning _subordination_,
+and _liberty_, which we mentioned to have been essentially
+connected with the subject, and which some, from speculation only, and
+without any allusion to facts, have been bold enough to deny.
+
+It appears first, that _liberty_ is a _natural_, and
+_government_ an _adventitious_ right, because all men were
+originally free.
+
+It appears secondly, that government is a [042]_contract_ because,
+in these primeval subordinate societies, we have seen it voluntarily
+conferred on the one hand, and accepted on the other. We have seen it
+subject to various restrictions. We have seen its articles, which could
+then only be written by tradition and use, as perfect and binding as
+those, which are now committed to letters. We have seen it, in short,
+partaking of the _federal_ nature, as much as it could in a state,
+which wanted the means of recording its transactions.
+
+It appear thirdly, that the grand object of the _contrast_, is the
+_happiness_ of the people; because they gave the supremacy to him
+alone, who had been conspicuous for the splendour of his abilities, or
+the integrity of his life: that the power of the multitude being
+directed by the _wisdom_ and _justice_ of the prince, they
+might experience the most effectual protection from injury, the highest
+advantages of society, the greatest possible _happiness_.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 042: The author has lately read a work, intitled Paley's Moral
+and Political Philosophy, which, in this one respect, favours those
+which have been hinted at, as it denies that government was a contract.
+"No social compact was ever made in fact,"--"it is to suppose it
+possible to call savages out of caves and deserts, to deliberate upon
+topicks, which the experience and studies, and the refinements of civil
+life alone suggest. Therefore no government in the universe begun from
+this original." But there are no grounds for so absurd a supposition;
+for government, and of course the social compact, does not appear to
+have been introduced at the time, when families coming out of their
+caves and deserts, or, in other words, quitting their former
+_dissociated_ state, joined themselves together. They had lived a
+considerable time in _society_, like the Lybians and Gaetulians
+before-mentioned, and had felt many of the disadvantages of a want of
+discipline and laws, before government was introduced at all. The author
+of this Essay, before he took into consideration the origin of
+government, was determined, in a matter of such importance, to be
+biassed by no opinion whatever, and much less to indulge himself in
+speculation. He was determined solely to adhere to fact, and, by looking
+into the accounts left us of those governments which were in their
+infancy, and, of course in the least complicated state, to attempt to
+discover their foundation: he cannot say therefore, that upon a very
+minute perusal of the excellent work before quoted, he has been so far
+convinced, as to retract in the least from his sentiments on this head,
+and to give up maxims, which are drawn from historical facts, for those,
+which are the result of speculation. He may observe here, that whether
+government was a _contract_ or not, it will not affect the
+reasoning of the present Essay; since where ever the contract is
+afterwards mentioned, it is inferred only that its object was "the
+_happiness of the people_," which is confessedly the end of
+government. Notwithstanding this, he is under the necessity of inserting
+this little note, though he almost feels himself ungrateful in
+contradicting a work, which has afforded him so much entertainment.]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. IV.
+
+Having now collected the materials that are necessary for the
+prosecution of our design, we shall immediately enter upon the
+discussion.
+
+If any man had originally been endued with power, as with other
+faculties, so that the rest of mankind had discovered in themselves an
+_innate necessity_ of obeying this particular person; it is evident
+that he and his descendants, from the superiority of their nature, would
+have had a claim upon men for obedience, and a natural right to command:
+but as the right to empire is _adventitious_; as all were
+originally free; as nature made every man's body and mind _his
+own_; it is evident that no just man can be consigned to
+_slavery_, without his own _consent_.
+
+Neither can men, by the same principles, be considered as lands, goods,
+or houses, among _possessions_. It is necessary that all
+_property_ should be inferiour to its _possessor_. But how
+does the _slave_ differ from his _master_, but by _chance_?
+For though the mark, with which the latter is pleased to
+brand him, shews, at the first sight, the difference of their
+_fortune_; what mark can be found in his _nature_, that can
+warrant a distinction?
+
+To this consideration we shall add the following, that if men can justly
+become the property of each other, their children, like the offspring of
+cattle, must inherit their _paternal_ lot. Now, as the actions of
+the father and the child must be thus at the sole disposal of their
+common master, it is evident, that the _authority_ of the one, as a
+_parent_, and the _duty_ of the other, as a _child_, must
+be instantly annihilated; rights and obligations, which, as they are
+sounded in nature, are implanted in our feelings, and are established by
+the voice of God, must contain in their annihilation a solid argument to
+prove, that there cannot be any _property_ whatever in the _human
+species_.
+
+We may consider also, as a farther confirmation, that it is impossible,
+in the nature of things, that _liberty_ can be _bought_ or
+_sold_! It is neither _saleable_, nor _purchasable_. For
+if any one man can have an absolute property in the liberty of another,
+or, in other words, if he, who is called a _master_, can have a
+_just_ right to command the actions of him, who is called a
+_slave_, it is evident that the latter cannot be accountable for
+those crimes, which the former may order him to commit. Now as every
+reasonable being is accountable for his actions, it is evident, that
+such a right cannot _justly_ exist, and that human liberty, of
+course, is beyond the possibility either of _sale_ or _purchase_.
+Add to this, that, whenever you sell the liberty of a man,
+you have the power only of alluding to the _body_: the _mind_
+cannot be confined or bound: it will be free, though its
+mansion be beset with chains. But if, in every sale of the _human
+species_, you are under the necessity of considering your slave in
+this abstracted light; of alluding only to the body, and of making no
+allusion to the mind; you are under the necessity also of treating him,
+in the same moment, as a _brute_, and of abusing therefore that
+nature, which cannot otherwise be considered, than in the double
+capacity of _soul_ and _body_.
+
+But some person, perhaps, will make an objection to one of the former
+arguments. "If men, from _superiority_ of their nature, cannot be
+considered, like lands, goods, or houses, among possessions, so neither
+can cattle: for being endued with life, motion, and sensibility, they
+are evidently _superiour_ to these." But this objection will
+receive its answer from those observations which have been already made;
+and will discover the true reason, why cattle are justly to be estimated
+as property. For first, the right to empire over brutes, is
+_natural_, and not _adventitious_, like the right to empire
+over men. There are, secondly, many and evident signs of the
+_inferiority_ of their nature; and thirdly, their liberty can be
+bought and sold, because, being void of reason, they cannot be
+_accountable_ for their actions.
+
+We might stop here for a considerable time, and deduce many valuable
+lessons from the remarks that have been made, but that such a
+circumstance might be considered as a digression. There is one, however,
+which, as it is so intimately connected with the subject, we cannot but
+deduce. We are taught to treat men in a different manner from brutes,
+because they are so manifestly superiour in their nature; we are taught
+to treat brutes in a different manner from stones, for the same reason;
+and thus, by giving to every created thing its due respect, to answer
+the views of Providence, which did not create a variety of natures
+without a purpose or design.
+
+But if these things are so, how evidently against reason, nature, and
+every thing human and divine, must they act, who not only force men into
+_slavery_, against their own _consent_; but treat them altogether
+as _brutes_, and make the _natural liberty_ of man an article
+of publick commerce! and by what arguments can they possibly
+defend that commerce, which cannot be carried on, in any single
+instance, without a flagrant violation of the laws of nature and of God?
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. V.
+
+That we may the more accurately examine the arguments that are advanced
+on this occasion, it will be proper to divide the _commerce_ into
+two parts; first, as it relates to those who _sell_, and secondly,
+as it relates to those who _purchase_, the _human species_
+into slavery. To the former part of which, having given every previous
+and necessary information in the history of servitude, we shall
+immediately proceed.
+
+Let us inquire first, by what particular right the _liberties_ of
+the harmless people are invaded by the _prince_. "By the _right
+of empire_," it will be answered; "because he possesses dominion and
+power by their own approbation and consent." But subjects, though under
+the dominion, are not the _property_, of the prince. They cannot be
+considered as his _possessions_. Their _natures_ are both the
+same; they are both born in the same manner; are subject to the same
+disorders; must apply to the same remedies for a cure; are equally
+partakers of the grave: an _incidental_ distinction accompanies
+them through life, and this--is all.
+
+We may add to this, that though the prince possesses dominion and power,
+by the consent and approbation of his subjects, he possesses it only for
+the most _salutary_ ends. He may tyrannize, if he can: he may alter
+the _form_ of his government: he cannot, however, alter its
+_nature_ and _end_. These will be immutably the same, though
+the whole system of its administration should be changed; and he will be
+still bound to _defend_ the lives and properties of his subjects,
+and to make them _happy_.
+
+Does he defend those therefore, whom he invades at discretion with the
+sword? Does he protect the property of those, whose houses and effects
+he consigns at discretion to the flames? Does he make those happy, whom
+he seizes, as they are trying to escape the general devastation, and
+compels with their wives and families to a wretched _servitude?_ He
+acts surely, as if the use of empire consisted in violence and
+oppression; as if he, that was most exalted, ought, of necessity, to be
+most unjust. Here then the voice of _nature_ and _justice_ is
+against him. He breaks that law of _nature_, which ordains, "that no
+just man shall be given into slavery, against his own _consent_:"
+he violates the first law of _justice_, as established among men,
+"that no person shall do harm to another without a previous and
+sufficient _provocation_;" and he violates also the sacred
+condition of _empire_, made with his ancestors, and necessarily
+understood in every species of government, "that, the power of the
+multitude being given up to the wisdom and justice of the prince, they
+may experience, in return, the most effectual protection from injury,
+the highest advantages of society, the greatest possible
+_happiness_."
+
+But if kings then, to whom their own people have granted dominion and
+power, are unable to invade the liberties of their harmless subjects,
+without the highest _injustice_; how can those private persons be
+justified, who treacherously lie in wait for their fellow-creatures, and
+sell them into slavery? What arguments can they possibly bring in
+their defence? What treaty of empire can they produce, by which their
+innocent victims ever resigned to them the least portion of their
+_liberty_? In vain will they plead the _antiquity_ of the
+custom: in vain will the _honourable_ light, in which _piracy_
+was considered in the ages of barbarism, afford them an excuse. Impious
+and abandoned men! ye invade the liberties of those, who, (with respect
+to your impious selves) are in a state of _nature_, in a state of
+original _dissociation_, perfectly _independent_, perfectly
+_free_.
+
+It appears then, that the two orders of slaves, which have been
+mentioned in the history of the African servitude, "of those who are
+publickly seized by virtue of the authority of their prince; and of
+those, who are privately kidnapped by individuals," are collected by
+means of violence and oppression; by means, repugnant to _nature_,
+the principles of _government_, and the common notions of
+_equity_, as established among men.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. VI.
+
+We come now to the third order of _involuntary_ slaves, "to
+convicts." The only argument that the sellers advance here, is this,
+"that they have been found guilty of offences, and that the punishment
+is just." But before the equity of the sentence can be allowed two
+questions must be decided, whether the punishment is _proportioned_
+to the offence, and what is its particular _object_ and _end_?
+
+To decide the first, we may previously observe, that the African
+servitude comprehends _banishment_, a _deprivation_ of _liberty_,
+and many _corporal_ sufferings.
+
+On _banishment_, the following observations will suffice. Mankind
+have their _local_ attachments. They have a particular regard for
+the spot, in which they were born and nurtured. Here it was, that they
+first drew their infant-breath: here, that they were cherished and
+supported: here, that they passed those scenes of childhood, which, free
+from care and anxiety, are the happiest in the life of man; scenes,
+which accompany them through life; which throw themselves frequently
+into their thoughts, and produce the most agreeable sensations. These
+then are weighty considerations; and how great this regard is, may be
+evidenced from our own feelings; from the testimony of some, who, when
+remote from their country, and, in the hour of danger and distress, have
+found their thoughts unusually directed, by some impulse or other, to
+their native spot; and from the example of others, who, having braved
+the storms and adversities of life, either repair to it for the
+remainder of their days, or desire even to be conveyed to it, when
+existence is no more.
+
+But separately from these their _local_, they have also their
+_personal_ attachments; their regard for particular men. There are
+ties of blood; there are ties of friendship. In the former case, they
+must of necessity be attached: the constitution of their nature demands
+it. In the latter, it is impossible to be otherwise, since friendship is
+founded on an harmony of temper, on a concordance of sentiments and
+manners, on habits of confidence, and a mutual exchange of favours.
+
+We may now mention, as perfectly distinct both from their _local_
+and_ personal_, the _national_ attachments of mankind, their
+regard for the whole body of the people, among whom they were born and
+educated. This regard is particularly conspicuous in the conduct of
+such, as, being thus _nationally_ connected, reside in foreign
+parts. How anxiously do they meet together! how much do they enjoy the
+fight of others of their countrymen, whom fortune places in their way!
+what an eagerness do they show to serve them, though not born on the
+same particular spot, though not connected by consanguinity or
+friendship, though unknown to them before! Neither is this affection
+wonderful, since they are creatures of the same education; of the same
+principles; of the same manners and habits; cast, as it were, in the
+same mould; and marked with the same impression.
+
+If men therefore are thus separately attached to the several objects
+described, it is evident that a separate exclusion from either must
+afford them considerable pain. What then must be their sufferings, to be
+forced for ever from their country, which includes them all? Which
+contains the _spot_, in which they were born and nurtured; which
+contains their _relations_ and _friends_; which contains the
+whole body of the _people_, among whom they were bred and educated.
+In these sufferings, which arise to men, both in bidding, and in having
+bid, adieu to all that they esteem as dear and valuable,
+_banishment_ consists in part; and we may agree therefore with the
+ancients, without adding other melancholy circumstances to the account,
+that it is no inconsiderable punishment of itself.
+
+With respect to the _loss_ of _liberty_, which is the second
+consideration in the punishment, it is evident that men bear nothing
+worse; that there is nothing, that they lay more at heart; and that they
+have shewn, by many and memorable instances, that even death is to be
+preferred. How many could be named here, who, having suffered the
+_loss_ of _liberty_, have put a period to their existence! How
+many, that have willingly undergone the hazard of their lives to destroy
+a tyrant! How many, that have even gloried to perish in the attempt! How
+many bloody and publick wars have been undertaken (not to mention the
+numerous _servile_ insurrections, with which history is stained)
+for the cause of _freedom_!
+
+But if nothing is dearer than _liberty_ to men, with which, the
+barren rock is able to afford its joys, and without which, the glorious
+fun shines upon them but in vain, and all the sweets and delicacies of
+life are tasteless and unenjoyed; what punishment can be more severe
+than the loss of so great a blessing? But if to this _deprivation_
+of _liberty_, we add the agonizing pangs of _banishment_; and
+if to the complicated stings of both, we add the incessant _stripes,
+wounds_, and _miseries_, which are undergone by those, who are
+sold into this horrid _servitude_; what crime can we possibly
+imagine to be so enormous, as to be worthy of so great a punishment?
+
+How contrary then to reason, justice, and nature, must those act, who
+apply this, the severest of human punishments, to the most insignificant
+offence! yet such is the custom with the Africans: for, from the time,
+in which the Europeans first intoxicated the African princes with their
+foreign draughts, no crime has been committed, no shadow of a crime
+devised, that has not immediately been punished with _servitude_.
+
+But for what purpose is the punishment applied? Is it applied to amend
+the manners of the criminal, and thus render him a better subject? No,
+for if you banish him, he can no longer be a subject, and you can no
+longer therefore be solicitous for his morals. Add to this, that if you
+banish him to a place, where he is to experience the hardships of want
+and hunger (so powerfully does hunger compel men to the perpetration of
+crimes) you force him rather to corrupt, than amend his manners, and to
+be wicked, when he might otherwise be just.
+
+Is it applied then, that others may be deterred from the same
+proceedings, and that crimes may become less frequent? No, but that
+_avarice_ may be gratified; that the prince may experience the
+emoluments of the sale: for, horrid and melancholy thought! the more
+crimes his subjects commit, the richer is he made; the more
+_abandoned_ the subject, the _happier_ is the prince!
+
+Neither can we allow that the punishment thus applied, tends in any
+degree to answer _publick happiness_; for if men can be sentenced
+to slavery, right or wrong; if shadows can be turned into substances,
+and virtues into crimes; it is evident that none can be happy, because
+none can be secure.
+
+But if the punishment is infinitely greater than the offence, (which has
+been shewn before) and if it is inflicted, neither to amend the
+criminal, nor to deter others from the same proceedings, nor to advance,
+in any degree, the happiness of the publick, it is scarce necessary to
+observe, that it is totally unjust, since it is repugnant to
+_reason_, the dictates of _nature_, and the very principles of
+_government_.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. VII.
+
+We come now to the fourth and last order of slaves, to _prisoners of
+war_. As the _sellers_ lay a particular stress on this order of
+men, and infer much, from its _antiquity_, in support of the
+justice of their cause, we shall examine the principle, on which it
+subsisted among the ancients. But as this principle was the same among
+all nations, and as a citation from many of their histories would not be
+less tedious than unnecessary, we shall select the example of the Romans
+for the consideration of the case.
+
+The law, by which prisoners of war were said to be sentenced to
+servitude, was the _law of nations_[043]. It was so called from the
+universal concurrence of nations in the custom. It had two points in
+view, the _persons_ of the _captured_, and their _effects_; both
+of which it immediately sentenced, without any of the usual
+forms of law, to be the property of the _captors_.
+
+The principle, on which the law was established, was the _right of
+capture_. When any of the contending parties had overcome their
+opponents, and were about to destroy them, the right was considered to
+commence; a right, which the victors conceived themselves to have, to
+recall their swords, and, from the consideration of having saved the
+lives of the vanquished, when they could have taken them by the laws of
+war, to commute _blood_ for _service_. Hence the Roman lawyer,
+Pomponius, deduces the etymology of _slave_ in the Roman language.
+"They were called _servi_[044], says he, from the following
+circumstance. It was usual with our commanders to take them prisoners,
+and sell them: now this circumstance implies, that they must have been
+previously _preserved_, and hence the name." Such then was the
+_right of capture_. It was a right, which the circumstance of
+_taking_ the vanquished, that is, of _preserving_ them alive,
+gave the conquerors to their persons. By this right, as always including
+the idea of a previous preservation from death, the vanquished were said
+_to be slaves_[045]; and, "as all slaves," says Justinian, "are
+themselves in the power of others, and of course can have nothing of
+their own, so their effects followed the condition of their persons, and
+became the property of the captors."
+
+To examine this right, by which the vanquished were said to be slaves,
+we shall use the words of a celebrated Roman author, and apply them to
+the present case[046]. "If it is lawful," says he, "to deprive a man of
+his life, it is certainly not inconsistent with nature to rob him;" to
+rob him of his liberty. We admit the conclusion to be just, if the
+supposition be the same: we allow, if men have a right to commit that,
+which is considered as a greater crime, that they have a right, at the
+same instant, to commit that, which is considered as a less. But what
+shall we say to the _hypothesis_? We deny it to be true. The voice
+of nature is against it. It is not lawful to kill, but on
+_necessity_. Had there been a necessity, where had the wretched
+captive survived to be broken with chains and servitude? The very act of
+saving his life is an argument to prove, that no such necessity existed.
+The _conclusion_ is therefore false. The captors had no right to
+the _lives_ of the captured, and of course none to their
+_liberty_: they had no right to their _blood_, and of course
+none to their _service_. Their right therefore had no foundation in
+justice. It was founded on a principle, contrary to the law of nature,
+and of course contrary to that law, which people, under different
+governments, are bound to observe to one another.
+
+It is scarce necessary to observe, as a farther testimony of the
+injustice of the measure, that the Europeans, after the introduction of
+Christianity, exploded this principle of the ancients, as frivolous and
+false; that they spared the lives of the vanquished, not from the sordid
+motives of _avarice_, but from a conscientiousness, that homicide
+could only be justified by _necessity_; that they introduced an
+_exchange_ of prisoners, and, by many and wise regulations,
+deprived war of many of its former horrours.
+
+But the advocates for slavery, unable to defend themselves against these
+arguments, have fled to other resources, and, ignorant of history, have
+denied that the _right of capture_ was the true principle, on which
+slavery subsisted among the ancients. They reason thus. "The learned
+Grotius, and others, have considered slavery as the just consequence of
+a private war, (supposing the war to be just and the opponents in a
+state of nature), upon the principles of _reparation_ and
+_punishment_. Now as the law of nature, which is the rule of
+conduct to individuals in such a situation, is applicable to members of
+a different community, there is reason to presume, that these principles
+were applied by the ancients to their prisoners of war; that their
+_effects_ were confiscated by the right of _reparation_, and
+their _persons_ by the right of _punishment_."--
+
+But, such a presumption is false. The _right of capture_ was the
+only argument, that the ancients adduced in their defence. Hence
+Polybius; "What must they, (the Mantinenses) suffer, to receive the
+punishment they deserve? Perhaps it will be said, _that they must be
+sold, when they are taken, with their wives and children into
+slavery_: But this is not to be considered as a punishment, since
+even those suffer it, by the laws of war, who have done nothing that is
+base." The truth is, that both the _offending_ and the _offended_
+parties, whenever they were victorious, inflicted slavery
+alike. But if the _offending_ party inflicted slavery on
+the persons of the vanquished, by what right did they inflict it? It
+must be answered from the presumption before-mentioned, "by the right of
+_reparation_, or of _punishment:_" an answer plainly absurd
+and contradictory, as it supposes the _aggressor_ to have a
+_right_, which the _injured_ only could possess.
+
+Neither is the argument less fallacious than the presumption, in
+applying these principles, which in a _publick_ war could belong to
+the _publick_ only, to the persons of the _individuals_ that
+were taken. This calls us again to the history of the ancients, and, as
+the rights of reparation and punishment could extend to those only, who
+had been injured, to select a particular instance for the consideration
+of the case.
+
+As the Romans had been injured without a previous provocation by the
+conduct of Hannibal at Saguntum, we may take the treaty into
+consideration, which they made with the Carthaginians, when the latter,
+defeated at Zama, sued for peace. It consisted of three articles[047].
+By the first, the Carthaginians were to be free, and to enjoy their own
+constitution and laws. By the second, they were to pay a considerable
+sum of money, as a reparation for the damages and expence of war: and,
+by the third, they were to deliver up their elephants and ships of war,
+and to be subject to various restrictions, as a punishment. With these
+terms they complied, and the war was finished.
+
+Thus then did the Romans make that distinction between _private_
+and _publick_ war, which was necessary to be made, and which the
+argument is fallacious in not supposing. The treasury of the vanquished
+was marked as the means of _reparation_; and as this treasury was
+supplied, in a great measure, by the imposition of taxes, and was,
+wholly, the property of the _publick_, so the _publick_ made
+the reparation that was due. The _elephants_ also, and _ships of
+war_, which were marked as the means of _punishment_, were
+_publick_ property; and as they were considerable instruments of
+security and defence to their possessors, and of annoyance to an enemy,
+so their loss, added to the restrictions of the treaty, operated as a
+great and _publick_ punishment. But with respect to the
+Carthaginian prisoners, who had been taken in the war, they were
+retained in _servitude:_ not upon the principles of _reparation_
+and _punishment_, because the Romans had already received,
+by their own confession in the treaty, a sufficient satisfaction:
+not upon these principles, because they were inapplicable
+to _individuals:_ the legionary soldier in the service of the
+injured, who took his prisoner, was not the person, to whom the
+_injury had been done_, any more than the soldier in the service of
+the aggressors, who was taken, was the person, who had _committed the
+offence:_ but they were retained in servitude by the _right of
+capture_; because, when both parties had sent their military into the
+field to determine the dispute, it was at the _private_ choice of
+the legionary soldier before-mentioned, whether he would spare the life
+of his conquered opponent, when he was thought to be entitled to take
+it, if he had chosen, by the laws of war.
+
+To produce more instances, as an illustration of the subject, or to go
+farther into the argument, would be to trespass upon the patience, as
+well as understanding of the reader. In _a state of nature_, where
+a man is supposed to commit an injury, and to be unconnected with the
+rest of the world, the act is _private_, and the right, which the
+injured acquires, can extend only to _himself:_ but in _a state
+of society_, where any member or members of a particular community
+give offence to those of another, and they are patronized by the state,
+to which they belong, the case is altered; the act becomes immediately
+_publick_, and the _publick_ alone are to experience the
+consequences of their injustice. For as no particular member of the
+community, if considered as an individual, is guilty, except the person,
+by whom the injury was done, it would be contrary to reason and justice,
+to apply the principles of _reparation_ and _punishment_,
+which belong to the people as a collective body, to any individual of
+the community, who should happen to be taken. Now, as the principles of
+_reparation_ and _punishment_ are thus inapplicable to the
+prisoners, taken in a _publick_ war, and as the _right of
+capture_, as we have shewn before, is insufficient to intitle the
+victors to the _service_ of the vanquished, it is evident that
+_slavery_ cannot justly exist at all, since there are no other
+maxims, on which it can be founded, even in the most equitable wars.
+
+But if these things are so; if slavery cannot be defended even in the
+most _equitable_ wars, what arguments will not be found against
+that servitude, which arises from those, that are _unjust?_ Which
+arises from those African wars, that relate to the present subject? The
+African princes, corrupted by the merchants of Europe, seek every
+opportunity of quarrelling with one another. Every spark is blown into a
+flame; and war is undertaken from no other consideration, than that
+_of procuring slaves:_ while the Europeans, on the other hand,
+happy in the quarrels which they have thus excited, supply them with
+arms and ammunition for the accomplishment of their horrid purpose. Thus
+has Africa, for the space of two hundred years, been the scene of the
+most iniquitous and bloody wars; and thus have many thousands of men, in
+the most iniquitous manner, been sent into servitude.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 043: _Jure Gentium_ servi nostri sunt, qui ab hostibus
+capiuntur. Justinian, L. 1. 5. 5. 1.]
+
+
+[Footnote 044: _Serverum_ appellatio ex eo fluxit, quod imperatores
+nostri captivos vendere, ac per hoc _servare_, nec occidere
+solent.]
+
+
+[Footnote 045: Nam sive victoribus _jure captivitatis_ servissent,
+&c. Justin, L. 4. 3. et passim apud scriptores antiquos.]
+
+
+[Footnote 046: Neque est contra naturam spoliare eum, si possis, quem
+honestum est necare. Cicero de officiis. L. 3. 6.]
+
+
+[Footnote 047: 1. Ut liberi suis legibus viverent. Livy, L. 30. 37. 2.
+Decem millia talentum argenti descripta pensionibus aequis in annos
+quinquaginta solverent. Ibid. 3. Et naves rostratas, praeter decem
+triremes, traderent, elephantosque, quos haberent domitos; neque
+domarent alios; Bellum neve in Africa, neve extra Africam, injussu P. R.
+gererent, &c. Ibid.]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. VIII.
+
+We shall beg leave, before we proceed to the arguments of the
+_purchasers_, to add the following observations to the substance of
+the three preceding chapters.
+
+As the two orders of men, of those who are privately kidnapped by
+individuals, and of those who are publickly seized by virtue of the
+authority of their prince, compose together, at least[048], nine tenths
+of the African slaves, they cannot contain, upon a moderate computation,
+less than ninety thousand men annually transported: an immense number,
+but easily to be credited, when we reflect that thousands are employed
+for the purpose of stealing the unwary, and that these diabolical
+practices are in force, so far has European _injustice_ been
+spread, at the distance of a thousand miles from the factories on the
+coast. The _slave merchants_, among whom a quantity of European
+goods is previously divided, travel into the heart of the country to
+this amazing distance. Some of them attend the various markets, that are
+established through so large an extent of territory, to purchase the
+kidnapped people, whom the _slave-hunters_ are continually bringing
+in; while the rest, subdividing their merchandize among the petty
+sovereigns with whom they deal, receive, by an immediate exertion of
+fraud and violence, the stipulated number.
+
+Now, will any man assert, in opposition to the arguments before
+advanced, that out of this immense body of men, thus annually collected
+and transported, there is even _one_, over whom the original or
+subsequent seller can have any power or right? Whoever asserts this, in
+the first instance, must, contradict his own feelings, and must consider
+_himself_ as a just object of prey, whenever any daring invader
+shall think it proper to attack _him_. And, in the second instance,
+the very idea which the African princes entertain of their villages, as
+_parks_ or _reservoirs_, stocked only for their own convenience,
+and of their subjects, as _wild beasts_, whom they may pursue
+and take at pleasure, is so shocking, that it need only be
+mentioned, to be instantly reprobated by the reader.
+
+The order of slaves, which is next to the former in respect to the
+number of people whom it contains, is that of prisoners of war. This
+order, if the former statement be true, is more inconsiderable than is
+generally imagined; but whoever reflects on the prodigious slaughter
+that is constantly made in every African skirmish, cannot be otherwise
+than of this opinion: he will find, that where _ten_ are taken, he
+has every reason to presume that an _hundred_ perish. In some of
+these skirmishes, though they have been begun for the express purpose of
+_procuring slaves_, the conquerors have suffered but few of the
+vanquished to escape the fury of the sword; and there have not been
+wanting instances, where they have been so incensed at the resistance
+they have found, that their spirit of vengeance has entirely got the
+better of their avarice, and they have murdered, in cool blood, every
+individual, without discrimination, either of age or sex.
+
+The following[049] is an account of one of these skirmishes, as
+described by a person, who was witness to the scene. "I was sent, with
+several others, in a small sloop up the river Niger, to purchase slaves:
+we had some free negroes with us in the practice; and as the vessels are
+liable to frequent attacks from the negroes on one side of the river, or
+the Moors on the other, they are all armed. As we rode at anchor a long
+way up the river, we observed a large number of negroes in huts by the
+river's side, and for our own safety kept a wary eye on them. Early next
+morning we saw from our masthead a numerous body approaching, with
+apparently but little order, but in close array. They approached very
+fast, and fell furiously on the inhabitants of the town, who seemed to
+be quite _surprized_, but nevertheless, as soon as they could get
+together, fought stoutly. They had some fire-arms, but made very little
+use of them, as they came directly to close fighting with their spears,
+lances, and sabres. Many of the invaders were mounted on small horses;
+and both parties fought for about half an hour with the fiercest
+animosity, exerting much more courage and perseverance than I had ever
+before been witness to amongst them. The women and children of the town
+clustered together to the water's edge, running shrieking up and down
+with terrour, waiting the event of the combat, till their party gave
+way and took to the water, to endeavour to swim over to the Barbary
+side. They were closely pursued even into the river by the victors, who,
+though they came for the purpose of _getting slaves_, gave no
+quarter, _their cruelty even prevailing over their avarice_. They
+made no prisoners, but put all to the sword without mercy. Horrible
+indeed was the carnage of the vanquished on this occasion, and as we
+were within two or three hundred yards of them, their cries and shrieks
+affected us extremely. We had got up our anchor at the beginning of the
+fray, and now stood close in to the spot, where the victors having
+followed the vanquished into the water, were continually dragging out
+and murdering those, whom by reason of their wounds they easily
+overtook. The very children, whom they took in great numbers, did not
+escape the massacre. Enraged at their barbarity, we fired our guns
+loaden with grape shot, and a volley of small arms among them, which
+effectually checked their ardour, and obliged them to retire to a
+distance from the shore; from whence a few round cannon shot soon
+removed them into the woods. The whole river was black over with the
+heads of the fugitives, who were swimming for their lives. These poor
+wretches, fearing _us_ as much as their conquerors, dived when we
+fired, and cried most lamentably for mercy. Having now effectually
+favoured their retreat, we stood backwards and forwards, and took up
+several that were wounded and tired. All whose wounds had disabled them
+from swimming, were either butchered or drowned, before we got up to
+them. With a justice and generosity, _never I believe before heard of
+among slavers_, we gave those their liberty whom we had taken up,
+setting them on shore on the Barbary side, among the poor residue of
+their companions, who had survived the slaughter of the morning."
+
+We shall make but two remarks on this horrid instance of African
+cruelty. It adds, first, a considerable weight to the statements that
+have been made; and confirms, secondly, the conclusions that were drawn
+in the preceding chapter. For if we even allow the right of capture to be
+just, and the principles of reparation and punishment to be applicable
+to the individuals of a community, yet would the former be unjust, and
+the latter inapplicable, in the present case. Every African war is a
+robbery; and we may add, to our former expression, when we said, "that
+thus have many thousands of men, in the most iniquitous manner, been
+sent into servitude," that we believe there are few of this order, who
+are not as much the examples of injustice, as the people that have been
+kidnapped; and who do not additionally convey, when we consider them as
+prisoners of war, an idea of the most complicated scene of murder.
+
+The order of _convicts_, as it exists almost solely among those
+princes, whose dominions are contiguous to the European factories, is
+from this circumstance so inconsiderable, when compared with either of
+the preceding, that we should not have mentioned it again, but that we
+were unwilling to omit any additional argument that occurred against it.
+
+It has been shewn already, that the punishment of slavery is inflicted
+from no other motive, than that of gratifying the _avarice_ of the
+prince, a confederation so detestable, as to be sufficient of itself to
+prove it to be unjust; and that it is so disproportionate, from its
+_nature_, to the offence, as to afford an additional proof of its
+injustice. We shall add now, as a second argument, its disproportion
+from its _continuance:_ and we shall derive a third from the
+consideration, that, in civil society, every violation of the laws of
+the community is an offence against the _state_[050].
+
+Let us suppose then an African prince, disdaining for once the idea of
+emolument: let us suppose him for once inflamed with the love of his
+country, and resolving to punish from this principle alone, "that by
+exhibiting an example of terrour, he may preserve that _happiness of
+the publick_, which he is bound to secure and defend by the very
+nature of his contract; or, in other words, that he may answer the end
+of government." If actuated then by this principle, he should adjudge
+slavery to an offender, as a just punishment for his offence, for whose
+benefit must the convict labour? If it be answered, "for the benefit of
+the state," we allow that the punishment, in whatever light it is
+considered, will be found to be equitable: but if it be answered, "for
+the benefit of any _individual whom he pleases to appoint_," we
+deny it to be just. The state[051] alone is considered to have been
+injured, and as _injuries cannot possibly be transferred_, the
+state alone can justly receive the advantages of his labour. But if the
+African prince, when he thus condemns him to labour for the benefit of
+an _unoffended individual_, should at the same time sentence him to
+become his _property_; that is, if he should make the person and
+life of the convict at the absolute disposal of him, for whom he has
+sentenced him to labour; it is evident that, in addition to his former
+injustice, he is usurping a power, which no ruler or rulers of a state
+can possess, and which the great Creator of the universe never yet gave
+to any order whatever of created beings.
+
+That this reasoning is true, and that civilized nations have considered
+it as such, will be best testified by their practice. We may appeal here
+to that _slavery_, which is now adjudged to delinquents, as a
+punishment, among many of the states of Europe. These delinquents are
+sentenced to labour at the _oar_, to work in _mines_, and on
+_fortifications_, to cut and clear _rivers_, to make and
+repair _roads_, and to perform other works of national utility.
+They are employed, in short, in the _publick_ work; because, as the
+crimes they have committed are considered to have been crimes against
+the publick, no individual can justly receive the emoluments of their
+labour; and they are neither _sold_, nor made capable of being
+_transferred_, because no government whatsoever is invested with
+such a power.
+
+Thus then may that slavery, in which only the idea of _labour_ is
+included, be perfectly equitable, and the delinquent will always receive
+his punishment as a man; whereas in that, which additionally includes
+the idea of _property_, and to undergo which, the delinquent must
+previously change his nature, and become a _brute_; there is an
+inconsistency, which no arguments can reconcile, and a contradiction to
+every principle of nature, which a man need only to appeal to his own
+feelings immediately to evince. And we will venture to assert, from the
+united observations that have been made upon the subject, in opposition
+to any arguments that may be advanced, that there is scarcely one of
+those, who are called African convicts, on whom the prince has a right
+to inflict a punishment at all; and that there is no one whatever, whom
+he has a power of sentencing to labour for the benefit of an unoffended
+individual, and much less whom he has a right to sell.
+
+Having now fully examined the arguments of the _sellers_[052], and
+having made such additional remarks as were necessary, we have only to
+add, that we cannot sufficiently express our detestation at their
+conduct. Were the reader coolly to reflect upon the case of but
+_one_ of the unfortunate men, who are annually the victims of
+_avarice_, and consider his situation in life, as a father, an
+husband, or a friend, we are sure, that even on such a partial
+reflection, he must experience considerable pain. What then must be his
+feelings, when he is told, that, since the slave-trade began,
+[053]_nine millions_ of men have been torn from their dearest
+connections, and sold into slavery. If at this recital his indignation
+should arise, let him consider it as the genuine production of nature;
+that she recoiled at the horrid thought, and that she applied instantly
+a torch to his breast to kindle his resentment; and if, during his
+indignation, she should awaken the sigh of sympathy, or seduce the tear
+of commiseration from his eye, let him consider each as an additional
+argument against the iniquity of the _sellers_.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 048: The total annual exportation from Africa, is estimated
+here at 100,000 men, two thirds of whom are exported by the British
+merchants alone. This estimate is less than that which is usually made,
+and has been published. The author has been informed by disinterested
+people, who were in most of the West India islands during the late war,
+and who conversed with many of the most intelligent of the negroes, for
+the purpose of inquiring by what methods they had originally been
+reduced to slavery, that they did not find even two in twenty, who had
+been reduced to that situation, by any other means than those mentioned
+above. The author, desirous of a farther confirmation of this
+circumstance, stopped the press till he had written to another friend,
+who had resided twenty years in the West-Indies, and whose opinion he
+had not yet asked. The following is an extract from the answer. "I do
+not among many hundreds recollect to have seen but one or two slaves, of
+those imported from Africa, who had any scars to shew, that they had
+been in war. They are generally such as are kidnapped, or sold by their
+tyrants, after the destruction of a village. In short, I am firmly of
+opinion, that crimes and war together do not furnish one slave in an
+hundred of the numbers introduced into the European colonies. Of
+consequence the trade itself, were it possible to suppose convicts or
+prisoners of war to be justly sentenced to servitude, is accountable for
+ninety-nine in every hundred slaves, whom it supplies. It an insult to
+the publick, to attempt to palliate the method of procuring them."]
+
+
+[Footnote 049: The writer of the letter of which this is a faithful
+extract, and who was known to the author of the present Essay, was a
+long time on the African coast. He had once the misfortune to be
+shipwrecked there, and to be taken by the natives, who conveyed him and
+his companions a considerable way up into the country. The hardships
+which he underwent in the march, his treatment during his captivity, the
+scenes to which he was witness, while he resided among the inland
+Africans, as well as while in the African trade, gave occasion to a
+series of very interesting letters. These letters were sent to the
+author of the present Essay, with liberty to make what use of them he
+chose, by the gentleman to whom they were written.]
+
+
+[Footnote 050: Were this not the case, the government of a country could
+have no right to take cognizance of crimes, and punish them, but every
+individual, if injured, would have a right to punish the aggressor with
+his own hand, which is contrary to the notions of all civilized men,
+whether among the ancients or the moderns.]
+
+
+[Footnote 051: This same notion is entertained even by the African
+princes, who do not permit the person injured to revenge his injury, or
+to receive the convict as his slave. But if the very person who has been
+_injured_, does not possess him, much less ought any other person
+whatsoever.]
+
+
+[Footnote 052: There are instances on the African continent, of
+_parents_ selling their _children_. As the slaves of this
+description are so few, and are so irregularly obtained, we did not
+think it worth our while to consider them as forming an order; and, as
+God never gave the parent a power over his child to make him
+_miserable_, we trust that any farther mention of them will be
+unnecessary.]
+
+
+[Footnote 053: Abbe Raynal, Hist. Phil. vol. 4. P. 154.]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. IX.
+
+It remains only now to examine by what arguments those, who
+_receive_ or _purchase_ their fellow-creatures into slavery,
+defend the _commerce_. Their first plea is, "that they receive
+those with propriety, who are convicted of crimes, because they are
+delivered into their hands by _their own magistrates_." But what is
+this to you _receivers_? Have the unfortunate _convicts_ been
+guilty of injury to _you_? Have they broken _your_ treaties?
+Have they plundered _your_ ships? Have they carried _your_
+wives and children into slavery, that _you_ should thus retaliate?
+Have they offended _you_ even by word or gesture?
+
+But if the African convicts are innocent with respect to you; if you
+have not even the shadow of a claim upon their persons; by what right do
+you receive them? "By the laws of the Africans," you will say; "by which
+it is positively allowed."--But can _laws_ alter the nature of
+vice? They may give it a sanction perhaps: it will still be immutably
+the same, and, though dressed in the outward habiliments of
+_honour_, will still be _intrinsically base_.
+
+But alas! you do not only attempt to defend yourselves by these
+arguments, but even dare to give your actions the appearance of lenity,
+and assume _merit_ from your _baseness_! and how first ought
+you particularly to blush, when you assert, "that prisoners of war are
+only purchased from the hands of their conquerors, _to deliver them
+from death_." Ridiculous defence! can the most credulous believe it?
+You entice the Africans to war; you foment their quarrels; you supply
+them with arms and ammunition, and all--from the _motives of
+benevolence_. Does a man set fire to an house, for the purpose of
+rescuing the inhabitants from the flames? But if they are only
+purchased, to _deliver them from death_; why, when they are
+delivered into your hands, as protectors, do you torture them with
+hunger? Why do you kill them with fatigue? Why does the whip deform
+their bodies, or the knife their limbs? Why do you sentence them to
+death? to a death, infinitely more excruciating than that from which you
+so kindly saved them? What answer do you make to this? for if you had
+not humanely preserved them from the hands of their conquerors, a quick
+death perhaps, and that in the space of a moment, had freed them from
+their pain: but on account of your _favour_ and _benevolence_,
+it is known, that they have lingered years in pain and agony, and have
+been sentenced, at last, to a dreadful death for the most insignificant
+offence.
+
+Neither can we allow the other argument to be true, on which you found
+your merit; "that you take them from their country for their own
+convenience; because Africa, scorched with incessant heat, and subject
+to the most violent rains and tempests, is unwholesome, and unfit to be
+inhabited." Preposterous men! do you thus judge from your own feelings?
+Do you thus judge from your own constitution and frame? But if you
+suppose that the Africans are incapable of enduring their own climate,
+because you cannot endure it yourselves; why do you receive them into
+slavery? Why do you not measure them here by the same standard? For if
+you are unable to bear hunger and thirst, chains and imprisonment,
+wounds and torture, why do you not suppose them incapable of enduring
+the same treatment? Thus then is your argument turned against
+yourselves. But consider the answer which the Scythians gave the
+AEgyptians, when they contended about the antiquity of their
+original[054], "That nature, when she first distinguished countries by
+different degrees of heat and cold, tempered the bodies of animals, at
+the same instant, to endure the different situations: that as the
+climate of Scythia was severer than that of AEgypt, so were the bodies of
+the Scythians harder, and as capable of enduring the severity of their
+atmosphere, as the AEgyptians the temperateness of their own."
+
+But you may say perhaps, that, though they are capable of enduring their
+own climate, yet their situation is frequently uncomfortable, and even
+wretched: that Africa is infested with locusts, and insects of various
+kinds; that they settle in swarms upon the trees, destroy the verdure,
+consume the fruit, and deprive the inhabitants of their food. But the
+same answer may be applied as before; "that the same kind Providence,
+who tempered the body of the animal, tempered also the body of the tree;
+that he gave it a quality to recover the bite of the locust, which he
+sent; and to reassume, in a short interval of time, its former glory."
+And that such is the case experience has shewn: for the very trees that
+have been infested, and stripped of their bloom and verdure, so
+surprizingly quick is vegetation, appear in a few days, as if an insect
+had been utterly unknown.
+
+We may add to these observations, from the testimony of those who have
+written the History of Africa from their own inspection, that no country
+is more luxurious in prospects, none more fruitful, none more rich in
+herds and flocks, and none, where the comforts of life, can be gained
+with so little trouble.
+
+But you say again, as a confirmation of these your former arguments, (by
+which you would have it understood, that the Africans themselves are
+sensible of the goodness of your intentions) "that they do not appear to
+go with you against their will." Impudent and base assertion! Why then
+do you load them with chains? Why keep you your daily and nightly
+watches? But alas, as a farther, though a more melancholy proof, of the
+falsehood of your assertions, how many, when on board your ships, have
+put a period to their existence? How many have leaped into the sea? How
+many have pined to death, that, even at the expence of their lives, they
+might fly from your _benevolence_?
+
+Do you call them obstinate then, because they refuse your favours? Do
+you call them ungrateful, because they make you this return? How much
+rather ought you receivers to blush! How much rather ought you receivers
+to be considered as abandoned and execrable; who, when you usurp the
+dominion over those, who are as free and independent as yourselves,
+break the first law of justice, which ordains, "that no person shall do
+harm to another, without a previous provocation;" who offend against
+the dictates of nature, which commands, "that no just man shall be given
+or received into slavery against his own consent;" and who violate the
+very laws of the empire that you assume, by consigning your subjects to
+misery.
+
+Now, as a famous Heathen philosopher observes, from whose mouth you
+shall be convicted[055], "there is a considerable difference, whether an
+injury is done, during any perturbation of mind, which is generally
+short and momentary; or whether it is done with any previous meditation
+and design; for, those crimes, which proceed from any sudden commotion
+of the mind, are less than those, which are studied and prepared," how
+great and enormous are your crimes to be considered, who plan your
+African voyages at a time, when your reason is found, and your senses
+are awake; who coolly and deliberately equip your vessels; and who spend
+years, and even lives, in the traffick of _human liberty_.
+
+But if the arguments of those, who _sell_ or _deliver_ men
+into slavery, (as we have shewn before) and of those, who _receive_
+or _purchase_ them, (as we have now shewn) are wholly false; it is
+evident that this _commerce_, is not only beyond the possibility of
+defence, but is justly to be accounted wicked, and justly impious, since
+it is contrary to the principles of _law_ and _government_,
+the dictates of _reason_, the common maxims of _equity_, the
+laws of _nature_, the admonitions of _conscience_, and, in
+short, the whole doctrine of _natural religion_.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 054: Justin, L. 2. C. 1.]
+
+
+[Footnote 055: Cicero de Officiis. L. 1. C. 8.]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+
+PART III.
+
+
+
+THE
+
+SLAVERY of the AFRICANS
+
+IN THE
+
+EUROPEAN COLONIES.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. I.
+ Having confined ourselves wholly, in the second part of this Essay, to
+the consideration of the _commerce_, we shall now proceed to the
+consideration of the _slavery_ that is founded upon it. As this
+slavery will be conspicuous in the _treatment_, which the
+unfortunate Africans uniformly undergo, when they are put into the hands
+of the _receivers_, we shall describe the manner in which they are
+accustomed to be used from this period.
+
+To place this in the clearest, and most conspicuous point of view, we
+shall throw a considerable part of our information on this head into the
+form of a narrative: we shall suppose ourselves, in short, on the
+continent of Africa, and relate a scene, which, from its agreement with
+unquestionable facts, might not unreasonably be presumed to have been
+presented to our view, had we been really there.
+
+And first, let us turn our eyes to the cloud of dust that is before us.
+It seems to advance rapidly, and, accompanied with dismal shrieks and
+yellings, to make the very air, that is above it, tremble as it rolls
+along. What can possibly be the cause? Let us inquire of that melancholy
+African, who seems to walk dejected near the shore; whose eyes are
+stedfastly fixed on the approaching object, and whose heart, if we can
+judge from the appearance of his countenance, must be greatly agitated.
+
+"Alas!" says the unhappy African, "the cloud that you see approaching,
+is a train of wretched slaves. They are going to the ships behind you.
+They are destined for the English colonies, and, if you will stay here
+but for a little time, you will see them pass. They were last night
+drawn up upon the plain which you see before you, where they were
+branded upon the breast with an _hot iron_; and when they had
+undergone the whole of the treatment which is customary on these
+occasions, and which I am informed that you Englishmen at home use to
+the _cattle_ which you buy, they were returned to their prison. As
+I have some dealings with the members of the factory which you see at a
+little distance, (though thanks to the Great Spirit, I never dealt in
+the _liberty_ of my fellow creatures) I gained admittance there. I
+learned the history of some of the unfortunate people, whom I saw
+confined, and will explain to you, if my eye should catch them as they
+pass, the real causes of their servitude."
+
+Scarcely were these words spoken, when they came distinctly into sight.
+They appeared to advance in a long column, but in a very irregular
+manner. There were three only in the front, and these were chained
+together. The rest that followed seemed to be chained by pairs, but by
+pressing forward, to avoid the lash of the drivers, the breadth of the
+column began to be greatly extended, and ten or more were observed
+abreast.
+
+While we were making these remarks, the intelligent African thus resumed
+his discourse. "The first three whom you observe, at the head of the
+train, to be chained together, are prisoners of war. As soon as the
+ships that are behind you arrived, the news was dispatched into the
+inland country; when one of the petty kings immediately assembled his
+subjects, and attacked a neighbouring tribe. The wretched people, though
+they were surprized, made a formidable resistance, as they resolved,
+almost all of them, rather to lose their lives, than survive their
+liberty. The person whom you see in the middle, is the father of the two
+young men, who are chained to him on each side. His wife and two of his
+children were killed in the attack, and his father being wounded, and,
+on account of his age, _incapable of servitude_, was left bleeding
+on the spot where this transaction happened."
+
+"With respect to those who are now passing us, and are immediately
+behind the former, I can give you no other intelligence, than that some
+of them, to about the number of thirty, were taken in the same skirmish.
+Their tribe was said to have been numerous before the attack; these
+however are _all that are left alive_. But with respect to the
+unhappy man, who is now opposite to us, and whom you may distinguish, as
+he is now looking back and wringing his hands in despair, I can inform
+you with more precision. He is an unfortunate convict. He lived only
+about five days journey from the factory. He went out with his king to
+hunt, and was one of his train; but, through too great an anxiety to
+afford his royal master diversion, he roused the game from the covert
+rather sooner than was expected. The king, exasperated at this
+circumstance, immediately sentenced him to slavery. His wife and
+children, fearing lest the tyrant should extend the punishment to
+themselves, _which is not unusual_, fled directly to the woods,
+where they were all devoured."
+
+"The people, whom you see close behind the unhappy convict, form a
+numerous body, and reach a considerable way. They speak a language,
+which no person in this part of Africa can understand, and their
+features, as you perceive, are so different from those of the rest, that
+they almost appear a distinct race of men. From this circumstance I
+recollect them. They are the subjects of a very distant prince, who
+agreed with the _slave merchants, for a quantity of spirituous
+liquors_, to furnish him with a stipulated number of slaves. He
+accordingly surrounded, and set fire to one of his own villages in the
+night, and seized these people, who were unfortunately the inhabitants,
+as they were escaping from the flames. I first saw them as the merchants
+were driving them in, about two days ago. They came in a large body, and
+were tied together at the neck with leather thongs, which permitted
+them to walk at the distance of about a yard from one another. Many of
+them were loaden with elephants teeth, which had been purchased at the
+same time. All of them had bags, made of skin, upon their shoulders; for
+as they were to travel, in their way from the great mountains, through
+barren sands and inhospitable woods for many days together, they were
+obliged to carry water and provisions with them. Notwithstanding this,
+many of them perished, some by hunger, but the greatest number by
+fatigue, as the place from whence they came, is at such an amazing
+distance from this, and the obstacles, from the nature of the country,
+so great, that the journey could scarcely be completed in seven moons."
+
+When this relation was finished, and we had been looking stedfastly for
+some time on the croud that was going by, we lost sight of that
+peculiarity of feature, which we had before remarked. We then discovered
+that the inhabitants of the depopulated village had all of them passed
+us, and that the part of the train, to which we were now opposite, was a
+numerous body of kidnapped people. Here we indulged our imagination. We
+thought we beheld in one of them a father, in another an husband, and in
+another a son, each of whom was forced from his various and tender
+connections, and without even the opportunity of bidding them adieu.
+While we were engaged in these and other melancholy reflections, the
+whole body of slaves had entirely passed us. We turned almost insensibly
+to look at them again, when we discovered an unhappy man at the end of
+the train, who could scarcely keep pace with the rest. His feet seemed
+to have suffered much from long and constant travelling, for he was
+limping painfully along.
+
+"This man," resumes the African. "has travelled a considerable way. He
+lived at a great distance from hence, and had a large family, for whom
+he was daily to provide. As he went out one night to a neighbouring
+spring, to procure water for his thirsty children, he was kidnapped by
+two _slave hunters_, who sold him in the morning to some country
+merchants for a _bar of iron_. These drove him with other slaves,
+procured almost in the same manner, to the nearest market, where the
+English merchants, to whom the train that has just now passed us
+belongs, purchased him and two others, by means of their travelling
+agents, for a _pistol_. His wife and children have been long
+waiting for his return. But he is gone for ever from their sight: and
+they must be now disconsolate, as they must be certain by his delay,
+that he has fallen into the hands of the _Christians_".
+
+"And now, as I have mentioned the name of _Christians_, a name, by
+which the Europeans distinguish themselves from us, I could wish to be
+informed of the meaning which such an appellation may convey. They
+consider themselves as _men_, but us unfortunate Africans, whom
+they term _Heathens_, as the _beasts_ that serve us. But ah!
+how different is the fact! What is _Christianity_, but a system
+of _murder_ and _oppression_? The cries and yells of the
+unfortunate people, who are now soon to embark for the regions of
+servitude, have already pierced my heart. Have you not heard me sigh,
+while we have been talking? Do you not see the tears that now trickle
+down my cheeks? and yet these hardened _Christians_ are unable to
+be moved at all: nay, they will scourge them amidst their groans, and
+even smile, while they are torturing them to death. Happy, happy
+Heathenism! which can detest the vices of Christianity, and feel for
+the distresses of mankind."
+
+"But" we reply, "You are totally mistaken: _Christianity_ is the
+most perfect and lovely of moral systems. It blesses even the hand of
+persecution itself, and returns good for evil. But the people against
+whom you so justly declaim; are not _Christians_. They are
+_infidels_. They are _monsters_. They are out of the common
+course of nature. Their countrymen at home are generous and brave. They
+support the sick, the lame, and the blind. They fly to the succour of
+the distressed. They have noble and stately buildings for the sole
+purpose of benevolence. They are in short, of all nations, the most
+remarkable for humanity and justice."
+
+"But why then," replies the honest African, "do they suffer this? Why is
+Africa a scene of blood and desolation? Why are her children wrested
+from her, to administer to the luxuries and greatness of those whom they
+never offended? And why are these dismal cries in vain?"
+
+"Alas!" we reply again, "can the cries and groans, with which the air
+now trembles, be heard across this extensive continent? Can the southern
+winds convey them to the ear of Britain? If they could reach the
+generous Englishman at home, they would pierce his heart, as they have
+already pierced your own. He would sympathize with you in your distress.
+He would be enraged at the conduct of his countrymen, and resist their
+tyranny."--
+
+But here a shriek unusually loud, accompanied with a dreadful rattling
+of chains, interrupted the discourse. The wretched Africans were just
+about to embark: they had turned their face to their country, as if to
+take a last adieu, and, with arms uplifted to the sky, were making the
+very atmosphere resound with their prayers and imprecations.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. II.
+
+The foregoing scene, though it may be said to be imaginary, is strictly
+consistent with fact. It is a scene, to which the reader himself may
+have been witness, if he has ever visited the place, where it is
+supposed to lie; as no circumstance whatever has been inserted in it,
+for which the fullest and most undeniable evidence cannot be produced.
+We shall proceed now to describe, in general terms, the treatment which
+the wretched Africans undergo, from the time of their embarkation.
+
+When the African slaves, who are collected from various quarters, for
+the purposes of sale, are delivered over to the _receivers_, they
+are conducted in the manner above described to the ships. Their
+situation on board is beyond all description: for here they are crouded,
+hundreds of them together, into such a small compass, as would scarcely
+be thought sufficient to accommodate twenty, if considered as _free
+men_. This confinement soon produces an effect, that may be easily
+imagined. It generates a pestilential air, which, co-operating with, bad
+provisions, occasions such a sickness and mortality among them, that not
+less than _twenty thousand_[056] are generally taken off in every
+yearly transportation.
+
+Thus confined in a pestilential prison, and almost entirely excluded
+from the chearful face of day, it remains for the sickly survivors to
+linger out a miserable existence, till the voyage is finished. But are
+no farther evils to be expected in the interim particularly if we add to
+their already wretched situation the indignities that are daily offered
+them, and the regret which they must constantly feel, at being for ever
+forced from their connexions? These evils are but too apparent. Some of
+them have resolved, and, notwithstanding the threats of the
+_receivers_, have carried their resolves into execution, to starve
+themselves to death. Others, when they have been brought upon deck for
+air, if the least opportunity has offered, have leaped into the sea, and
+terminated their miseries at once. Others, in a fit of despair, have
+attempted to rise, and regain their liberty. But here what a scene of
+barbarity has constantly ensued. Some of them have been instantly killed
+upon the spot; some have been taken from the hold, have been bruised and
+mutilated in the most barbarous and shocking manner, and have been
+returned bleeding to their companions, as a sad example of resistance;
+while others, tied to the ropes of the ship, and mangled alternately
+with the whip and knife, have been left in that horrid situation, till
+they have expired.
+
+But this is not the only inhuman treatment which they are frequently
+obliged to undergo; for if there should be any necessity, from
+tempestuous weather, for lightening the ship; or if it should be
+presumed on the voyage, that the provisions will fall short before the
+port can be made, they are, many of them, thrown into the sea, without
+any compunction of mind on the part of the _receivers_, and without
+any other regret for their loss, than that which _avarice_
+inspires. Wretched survivors! what must be their feelings at such a
+sight! how must they tremble to think of that servitude which is
+approaching, when the very _dogs_ of the _receivers_ have been
+retained on board, and preferred to their unoffending countrymen. But
+indeed so lightly are these unhappy people esteemed, that their lives
+have been even taken away upon speculation: there has been an instance,
+within the last five years, of _one hundred and thirty two_ of them
+being thrown into the sea, because it was supposed that, by this
+_trick_, their value could be recovered from the insurers[057].
+
+But if the ship should arrive safe at its destined port, a circumstance
+which does not always happen, (for some have been blown up, and many
+lost) the wretched Africans do not find an alleviation of their sorrow.
+Here they are again exposed to sale. Here they are again subjected to
+the inspection of other brutal _receivers_, who examine and treat
+them with an inhumanity, at which even avarice should blush. To this
+mortifying circumstance is added another, that they are picked out, as
+the purchaser pleases, without any consideration whether the wife is
+separated from her husband, or the mother from her son: and if these
+cruel instances of separation should happen; if relations, when they
+find themselves about to be parted, should cling together; or if filial,
+conjugal, or parental affection, should detain them but a moment longer
+in each other's arms, than these _second receivers_ should think
+sufficient, the lash instantly severs them from their embraces.
+
+We cannot close our account of the treatment, which the wretched
+Africans undergo while in the hands of the _first receivers_,
+without mentioning an instance of wanton, barbarity, which happened some
+time ago; particularly as it may be inserted with propriety in the
+present place, and may give the reader a better idea of the cruelties,
+to which they are continually exposed, than any that he may have yet
+conceived. To avoid making a mistake, we shall take the liberty that has
+been allowed us, and transcribe it from a little manuscript account,
+with which we have been favoured by a person of the strictest integrity,
+and who was at that time in the place where the transaction
+happened[058]. "Not long after," says he, (continuing his account) "the
+perpetrator of a cruel murder, committed in open day light, in the most
+publick part of a town, which was the seat of government, escaped every
+other notice than the curses of a few of the more humane witnesses of
+his barbarity. An officer of a Guinea ship, who had the care of a number
+of new slaves, and was returning from the _sale-yard_ to the
+vessel with such as remained unsold; observed a stout fellow among them
+rather slow in his motions, which he therefore quickened with his
+rattan. The slave soon afterwards fell down, and was raised by the same
+application. Moving forwards a few yards, he fell down again; and this
+being taken as a proof of his sullen perverse spirit, the enraged
+officer furiously repeated his blows, till he expired at his feet. The
+brute coolly ordered some of the surviving slaves to carry the dead body
+to the water's side, where, without any ceremony or delay, being thrown
+into the sea, the tragedy was supposed to have been immediately finished
+by the not more inhuman sharks, with which the harbour then abounded.
+These voracious fish were supposed to have followed the vessels from
+the coast of Africa, in which ten thousand slaves were imported in that
+one season, being allured by the stench, and daily fed by the dead
+carcasses thrown overboard on the voyage."
+
+If the reader should observe here, that cattle are better protected in
+this country, than slaves in the colonies, his observation will be just.
+The beast which is driven to market, is defended by law from the goad of
+the driver; whereas the wretched African, though an human being, and
+whose feelings receive of course a double poignancy from the power of
+reflection, is unnoticed in this respect in the colonial code, and may
+be goaded and beaten till he expires.
+
+We may now take our leave of the _first receivers_. Their crime has
+been already estimated; and to reason farther upon it, would be
+unnecessary. For where the conduct of men is so manifestly impious,
+there can be no need, either of a single argument or a reflection; as
+every reader of sensibility will anticipate them in his own feelings.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 056: It is universally allowed, that at least one fifth of the
+exported negroes perish in the passage. This estimate is made from the
+time in which they are put on board, to the time when they are disposed
+of in the colonies. The French are supposed to lose the greatest number
+in the voyage, but particularly from this circumstance, because their
+slave ships are in general so very large, that many of the slaves that
+have been put on board sickly, die before the cargo can be completed.]
+
+
+[Footnote 057: This instance happened in a ship, commanded by one
+Collingwood. On the 29th of November, 1781, fifty-four of them were
+thrown into the sea alive; on the 30th forty-two more; and in about
+three days afterwards, twenty-six. Ten others, who were brought upon the
+deck for the same purpose, did not wait to be hand-cuffed, but bravely
+leaped into the sea, and shared the fate of their companions. It is a
+fact, that the people on board this ship had not been put upon short
+allowance. The excuse which this execrable wretch made on board for his
+conduct, was the following, "_that if the slaves, who were then
+sickly, had died a natural death, the loss would have been the owners;
+but as they were thrown alive into the sea, it would fall upon the
+underwriters_."]
+
+
+[Footnote 058: This gentleman is at present resident in England. The
+author of this Essay applied to him for some information on the
+treatment of slaves, so far as his own knowledge was concerned. He was
+so obliging as to furnish him with the written account alluded to,
+interspersed only with such instances, as he himself could undertake to
+answer for. The author, as he has never met with these instances before,
+and as they are of such high authority, intends to transcribe two or
+three of them, and insert them in the fourth chapter. They will be found
+in inverted commas.]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. III.
+
+When the wretched Africans are thus put into the hands of the _second
+receivers_, they are conveyed to the plantations, where they are
+totally considered as _cattle_, or _beasts of labour_; their
+very children, if any should be born to them in that situation, being
+previously destined to the condition of their parents. But here a
+question arises, which, will interrupt the thread of the narration for a
+little time, viz. how far their descendants, who compose the fifth order
+of slaves, are justly reduced to servitude, and upon what principles the
+_receivers_ defend their conduct.
+
+Authors have been at great pains to inquire, why, in the ancient
+servitude, the child has uniformly followed the condition of the mother.
+But we conceive that they would have saved themselves much trouble, and
+have done themselves more credit, if instead of, endeavouring to
+reconcile the custom with _heathen_ notions, or their own laboured
+conjectures, they had shewn its inconsistency with reason and nature,
+and its repugnancy to common justice. Suffice it to say, that the whole
+theory of the ancients, with respect to the descendants slaves, may be
+reduced to this principle, "that as the parents, by becoming
+_property_, were wholly considered as _cattle_, their children,
+like _the progeny of cattle_, inherited their parental lot."
+
+Such also is the excuse of the tyrannical _receivers_
+before-mentioned. They allege, that they have purchased the parents,
+that they can sell and dispose of them as they please, that they possess
+them under the same laws and limitations as their cattle, and that their
+children, like the progeny of these, become their property _by
+birth_.
+
+But the absurdity of the argument will immediately appear. It depends
+wholly on the supposition, that the parents are _brutes_. If they
+are _brutes_, we shall instantly cease to contend: if they are
+_men_, which we think it not difficult to prove, the argument must
+immediately fall, as we have already shewn that there cannot justly be
+any _property_ whatever in the _human species_.
+
+It has appeared also, in the second part of this Essay, that as nature
+made, every man's body and mind _his own_, so no _just_ person
+can be reduced to slavery against his own _consent_. Do the
+unfortunate offspring ever _consent_ to be slaves?--They are slaves
+from their birth.--Are they _guilty_ of crimes, that they lose
+their freedom?--They are slaves when they cannot speak.--Are their
+_parents_ abandoned? The crimes of the parents cannot justly extend
+to the children.
+
+Thus then must the tyrannical _receivers_, who presume to sentence
+the children of slaves to servitude, if they mean to dispute upon the
+justice of their cause; either allow them to have been _brutes_
+from their birth, or to have been guilty of crimes at a time, when they
+were incapable of offending the very _King of Kings_.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. IV.
+
+But to return to the narration. When the wretched Africans are conveyed
+to the plantations, they are considered as _beasts of labour_, and
+are put to their respective work. Having led, in their own country, a
+life of indolence and ease, where the earth brings forth spontaneously
+the comforts of life, and spares frequently the toil and trouble of
+cultivation, they can hardly be expected to endure the drudgeries of
+servitude. Calculations are accordingly made upon their lives. It is
+conjectured, that if three in four survive what is called the
+_seasoning_, the bargain is highly favourable. This seasoning is
+said to expire, when the two first years of their servitude are
+completed: It is the time which an African must take to be so accustomed
+to the colony, as to be able to endure the common labour of a
+plantation, and to be put into the _gang_. At the end of this
+period the calculations become verified, _twenty thousand_[059] of
+those, who are annually imported, dying before the seasoning is over.
+This is surely an horrid and awful consideration: and thus does it
+appear, (and let it be remembered, that it is the lowest calculation
+that has been ever made upon the subject) that out of every annual
+supply that is shipped from the coast of Africa, _forty thousand
+lives_[060] are regularly expended, even before it can be said, that
+there is really any additional stock for the colonies.
+
+When the seasoning is over, and the survivors are thus enabled to endure
+the usual task of slaves, they are considered as real and substantial
+supplies. From this period[061] therefore we shall describe their
+situation.
+
+They are summoned at five in the morning to begin their work. This work
+may be divided into two kinds, the culture of the fields, and the
+collection of grass for cattle. The last is the most laborious and
+intolerable employment; as the grass can only be collected blade by
+blade, and is to be fetched frequently twice a day at a considerable
+distance from the plantation. In these two occupations they are jointly
+taken up, with no other intermission than that of taking their
+subsistence twice, till nine at night. They then separate for their
+respective huts, when they gather sticks, prepare their supper, and
+attend their families. This employs them till midnight, when they go to
+rest. Such is their daily way of life for rather more than half the
+year. They are _sixteen_ hours, including two intervals at meals,
+in the service of their masters: they are employed _three_
+afterwards in their own necessary concerns; _five_ only remain for
+sleep, and their day is finished.
+
+During the remaining portion of the year, or the time of crop, the
+nature, as well as the time of their employment, is considerably
+changed. The whole gang is generally divided into two or three bodies.
+One of these, besides the ordinary labour of the day, is kept in turn at
+the mills, that are constantly going, during the whole of the night.
+This is a dreadful encroachment upon their time of rest, which was
+before too short to permit them perfectly to refresh their wearied
+limbs, and actually reduces their sleep, as long as this season lasts,
+to about three hours and an half a night, upon a moderate
+computation[062]. Those who can keep their eyes open during their
+nightly labour, and are willing to resist the drowsiness that is
+continually coming upon them, are presently worn out; while some of
+those, who are overcome, and who feed the mill between asleep and awake,
+suffer, for thus obeying the calls of nature, by the loss of a
+limb[063]. In this manner they go on, with little or no respite from
+their work, till the crop season is over, when the year (from the time
+of our first description) is completed.
+
+To support[064] a life of such unparalleled drudgery, we should at least
+expect: to find, that they were comfortably clothed, and plentifully
+fed. But sad reverse! they have scarcely a covering to defend themselves
+against the inclemency of the night. Their provisions are frequently
+bad, and are always dealt out to them with such a sparing hand, that the
+means of a bare livelihood are not placed within the reach of four out
+of five of these unhappy people. It is a fact, that many of the
+disorders of slaves are contracted from eating the vegetables, which
+their little spots produce, before they are sufficiently ripe: a clear
+indication, that the calls of hunger are frequently so pressing, as not
+to suffer them to wait, till they can really enjoy them.
+
+This, situation, of a want of the common necessaries of life, added to
+that of hard and continual labour, must be sufficiently painful of
+itself. How then must the pain be sharpened, if it be accompanied with
+severity! if an unfortunate slave does not come into the field exactly
+at the appointed time, if, drooping with sickness or fatigue, he appears
+to work unwillingly, or if the bundle of grass that he has been
+collecting, appears too small in the eye of the overseer, he is equally
+sure of experiencing the whip. This instrument erases the skin, and cuts
+out small portions of the flesh at almost every stroke; and is so
+frequently applied, that the smack of it is all day long in the ears of
+those, who are in the vicinity of the plantations. This severity of
+masters, or managers, to their slaves, which is considered only as
+common discipline, is attended with bad effects. It enables them to
+behold instances of cruelty without commiseration, and to be guilty of
+them without remorse. Hence those many acts of deliberate mutilation,
+that have taken place on the slightest occasions: hence those many acts
+of inferiour, though shocking, barbarity, that have taken place without
+any occasion at all: the very slitting[065] of ears has been considered
+as an operation, so perfectly devoid of pain, as to have been performed
+for no other reason than that for which a brand is set upon cattle,
+_as a mark of property_.
+
+But this is not the only effect, which this severity produces: for
+while it hardens their hearts, and makes them insensible of the misery
+of their fellow-creatures, it begets a turn for wanton cruelty. As a
+proof of this, we shall mention one, among the many instances that
+occur, where ingenuity has been exerted in contriving modes of torture.
+"An iron coffin, with holes in it, was kept by a certain colonist, as an
+auxiliary to the lash. In this the poor victim of the master's
+resentment was inclosed, and placed sufficiently near a fire, to
+occasion extreme pain, and consequently shrieks and groans, until the
+revenge of the master was satiated, without any other inconvenience on
+his part, than a temporary suspension of the slave's labour. Had he been
+flogged to death, or his limbs mutilated, the interest of the brutal
+tyrant would have suffered a more irreparable loss.
+
+"In mentioning, this instance, we do not mean to insinuate, that it is
+common. We know that it was reprobated by many. All that we would infer
+from it is, that where men are habituated to a system of severity, they
+become _wantonly cruel_, and that the mere toleration of such an
+instrument of torture, in any country, is a clear indication, _that
+this wretched class of men do not there enjoy the protection of any
+laws, that may be pretended to have been enacted in their favour_."
+
+Such then is the general situation of the unfortunate Africans. They are
+beaten and tortured at discretion. They are badly clothed. They are
+miserably fed. Their drudgery is intense and incessant and their rest
+short. For scarcely are their heads reclined, scarcely have their bodies
+a respite from the labour of the day, or the cruel hand of the overseer,
+but they are summoned to renew their sorrows. In this manner they go on
+from year to year, in a state of the lowest degradation, without a
+single law to protect them, without the possibility of redress, without
+a hope that their situation will be changed, unless death should
+terminate the scene.
+
+Having described the general situation of these unfortunate people, we
+shall now take notice of the common consequences that are found to
+attend it, and relate them separately, as they result either from long
+and painful _labour_, a _want_ of the common necessaries of
+life, or continual _severity_.
+
+Oppressed by a daily task of such immoderate labour as human nature is
+utterly unable to perform, many of them run away from their masters.
+They fly to the recesses of the mountains, where they choose rather to
+live upon any thing that the soil affords them, nay, the very soil
+itself, than return to that _happy situation_, which is represented
+by the _receivers_, as the condition of a slave.
+
+It sometimes happens, that the manager of a mountain plantation, falls
+in with one of these; he immediately seizes him, and threatens to carry
+him to his former master, unless he will consent to live on the mountain
+and cultivate his ground. When his plantation is put in order, he
+carries the delinquent home, abandons him to all the suggestions of
+despotick rage, and accepts a reward for his _honesty_. The unhappy
+wretch is chained, scourged, tortured; and all this, because he obeyed
+the dictates of nature, and wanted to be free. And who is there, that
+would not have done the same thing, in the same situation? Who is there,
+that has once known the charms of liberty; that would not fly from
+despotism? And yet, by the impious laws of the _receivers_, the
+absence[066] of six months from the lash of tyranny is--_death_.
+
+But this law is even mild, when compared with another against the same
+offence, which was in force sometime ago, and which we fear is even now
+in force, in some of those colonies which this account of the treatment
+comprehends. "Advertisements have frequently appeared there, offering a
+reward for the apprehending of fugitive slaves either alive or
+_dead_. The following instance was given us by a person of
+unquestionable veracity, under whose own observation it fell. As he was
+travelling in one of the colonies alluded to, he observed some people in
+pursuit of a poor wretch, who was seeking in the wilderness an asylum
+from his labours. He heard the discharge of a gun, and soon afterwards
+stopping at an house for refreshment, the head of the fugitive, still
+reeking with blood, was brought in and laid upon a table with
+exultation. The production of such a trophy was the proof _required by
+law_ to entitle the heroes to their reward." Now reader determine if
+you can, who were the most execrable; the rulers of the state in
+authorizing murder, or the people in being bribed to commit it.
+
+This is one of the common consequences of that immoderate share of
+labour, which is imposed upon them; nor is that, which is the result of
+a scanty allowance of food, less to be lamented. The wretched African is
+often so deeply pierced by the excruciating fangs of hunger, as almost
+to be driven to despair. What is he to do in such a trying situation?
+Let him apply to the _receivers_. Alas! the majesty of _receivership_
+is too sacred for the appeal, and the intrusion would be
+fatal. Thus attacked on the one hand, and shut out from every
+possibility of relief on the other, he has only the choice of being
+starved, or of relieving his necessities by taking a small portion of
+the fruits of his own labour. Horrid crime! to be found eating the
+cane, which probably his own hands have planted, and to be eating it,
+because his necessities were pressing! This crime however is of such a
+magnitude, as always to be accompanied with the whip; and so
+unmercifully has it been applied on such an occasion, as to have been
+the cause, in wet weather, of the delinquent's death. But the smart of
+the whip has not been the only pain that the wretched Africans have
+experienced. Any thing that passion could seize, and convert into an
+instrument of punishment, has been used; and, horrid to relate! the very
+knife has not been overlooked in the fit of phrenzy. Ears have been
+slit, eyes have been beaten out, and bones have been broken; and so
+frequently has this been the case, that it has been a matter of constant
+lamentation with disinterested people, who out of curiosity have
+attended the markets[067] to which these unhappy people weekly resort,
+that they have not been able to turn their eyes on any group of them
+whatever, but they have beheld these inhuman marks of passion,
+despotism, and caprice.
+
+But these instances of barbarity have not been able to deter them from
+similar proceedings. And indeed, how can it be expected that they
+should? They have still the same appetite to be satisfied as before, and
+to drive them to desperation. They creep out clandestinely by night, and
+go in search of food into their master's, or some neighbouring
+plantation. But here they are almost equally sure of suffering. The
+watchman, who will be punished himself, if he neglects his duty,
+frequently seizes them in the fact. No excuse or intreaty will avail; he
+must punish them for an example, and he must punish them, not with a
+stick, nor with a whip, but with a cutlass. Thus it happens, that these
+unhappy slaves, if they are taken, are either sent away mangled in a
+barbarous manner, or are killed upon the spot.
+
+We may now mention the consequences of the severity. The wretched
+Africans, daily subjected to the lash, and unmercifully whipt and beaten
+on every trifling occasion, have been found to resist their opposers.
+Unpardonable crime! that they should have the feelings of nature! that
+their breasts should glow with resentment on an injury! that they should
+be so far overcome, as to resist those, whom _they are under no
+obligations to obey_, and whose only title to their services consists
+in _a violation of the rights of men_! What has been the
+consequence?--But here let us spare the feelings of the reader, (we
+wish we could spare our own) and let us only say, without a recital of
+the cruelty, _that they have been murdered at the discretion of their
+masters_. For let the reader observe, that the life of an African is
+only valued at a price, that would scarcely purchase an horse; that the
+master has a power of murdering his slave, if he pays but a trifling
+fine; and that the murder must be attended with uncommon circumstances
+of horrour, if it even produces an inquiry.
+
+Immortal Alfred! father of our invaluable constitution! parent of the
+civil blessings we enjoy! how ought thy laws to excite our love and
+veneration, who hast forbidden us, thy posterity, to tremble at the
+frown of tyrants! how ought they to perpetuate thy name, as venerable,
+to the remotest ages, who has secured, even to the meanest servant, a
+fair and impartial trial! How much does nature approve thy laws, as
+consistent with her own feelings, while she absolutely turns pale,
+trembles, and recoils, at the institutions of these _receivers_!
+Execrable men! you do not murder the horse, on which you only ride; you
+do not mutilate the cow, which only affords you her milk; you do not
+torture the dog, which is but a partial servant of your pleasures: but
+these unfortunate men, from whom, you derive your very pleasures and
+your fortunes, you torture, mutilate, murder at discretion! Sleep then
+you _receivers_, if you can, while you scarcely allow these
+unfortunate people to rest at all! feast if you can, and indulge your
+genius, while you daily apply to these unfortunate people the stings of
+severity and hunger! exult in riches, at which even avarice ought to
+shudder, and, which humanity must detest!
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 059: One third of the whole number imported, is often computed
+to be lost in the seasoning, which, in round numbers, will be 27000. The
+loss in the seasoning depends, in a great measure, on two circumstances,
+viz. on the number of what are called refuse slaves that are imported,
+and on the quantity of new land in the colony. In the French windward
+islands of Martinico, and Guadaloupe, which are cleared and highly
+cultivated, and in our old small islands, one fourth, including refuse
+slaves, is considered as a general proportion. But in St. Domingo, where
+there is a great deal of new land annually taken into culture, and in
+other colonies in the same situation, the general proportion, including
+refuse slaves, is found to be one third. This therefore is a lower
+estimate than the former, and reduces the number to about 23000. We may
+observe, that this is the common estimate, but we have reduced it to
+20000 to make it free from all objection.]
+
+
+[Footnote 060: Including the number that perish on the voyage, and in
+the seasoning. It is generally thought that not half the number
+purchased can be considered as an additional stock, and of course that
+50,000 are consumed within the first two years from their embarkation.]
+
+
+[Footnote 061: That part of the account, that has been hitherto given,
+extends to all the Europeans and their colonists, who are concerned in
+this horrid practice. But we are sorry that we must now make a
+distinction, and confine the remaining part, of it to the colonists of
+the British West India islands, and to those of the southern provinces
+of North America. As the employment of slaves is different in the two
+parts of the world last mentioned, we shall content ourselves with
+describing it, as it exists in one of them, and we shall afterwards
+annex such treatment and such consequences as are applicable to both. We
+have only to add, that the reader must not consider our account as
+_universally_, but only _generally_, true.]
+
+
+[Footnote 062: This computation is made on a supposition, that the gang
+is divided into three bodies; we call it therefore moderate, because the
+gang is frequently divided into two bodies, which must therefore set up
+alternately _every other night_.]
+
+
+[Footnote 063: An hand or arm being frequently ground off.]
+
+
+[Footnote 064: The reader will scarcely believe it, but it is a fact,
+that a slave's annual allowance from his master, for provisions,
+clothing, medicines when sick, &c. is limited, upon an average, to
+thirty shillings.]
+
+
+[Footnote 065: "A boy having received six slaves as a present from his
+father, immediately slit their ears, and for the following reason, that
+as his father was a whimsical man, he might claim them again, unless
+they were marked." We do not mention this instance as a confirmation of
+the passage to which it is annexed, but only to shew, how cautious we
+ought to be in giving credit to what may be advanced in any work written
+in defence of slavery, by any native of the colonies: for being trained
+up to scenes of cruelty from his cradle, he may, consistently with his
+own feelings, represent that treatment as mild, at which we, who have
+never been used to see them, should absolutely shudder.]
+
+
+[Footnote 066: In this case he is considered as a criminal against the
+state. The _marshal_, an officer answering to our sheriff,
+superintends his execution, and the master receives the value of the
+slave from the publick treasury. We may observe here, that in all cases
+where the delinquent is a criminal of the state, he is executed, and his
+value is received in the same manner; He is tried and condemned by two
+or three justices of the peace, and without any intervention of a
+_jury_.]
+
+
+[Footnote 067: Particularly in Jamaica. These observations were made by
+disinterested people, who were there for three or four years during the
+late war.]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. V.
+
+Some people may suppose, from the melancholy account that has been given
+in the preceding chapter, that we have been absolutely dealing in
+romance: that the scene exhibited is rather a dreary picture of the
+imagination, than a representation of fact. Would to heaven, for the
+honour of human nature, that this were really the case! We wish we could
+say, that we have no testimony to produce for any of our assertions, and
+that our description of the general treatment of slaves has been greatly
+exaggerated.
+
+But the _receivers_, notwithstanding the ample and disinterested
+evidence, that can be brought on the occasion, do not admit the
+description to be true. They say first, "that if the slavery were such
+as has been now represented, no human being could possibly support it
+long." Melancholy truth! the wretched Africans generally perish in their
+prime. Let them reflect upon the prodigious supplies that are
+_annually_ required, and their argument will be nothing less than a
+confession, that the slavery has been justly depicted.
+
+They appeal next to every man's own reason, and desire him to think
+seriously, whether "self-interest will not always restrain the master
+from acts of cruelty to the slave, and whether such accounts therefore,
+as the foregoing, do not contain within themselves, their own
+refutation." We answer, "No." For if this restraining principle be as
+powerful as it is imagined, why does not the general conduct of men
+afford us a better picture? What is imprudence, or what is vice, but a
+departure from every man's own interest, and yet these are the
+characteristicks of more than half the world?--
+
+--But, to come more closely to the present case, _self-interest_
+will be found but a weak barrier against the sallies of _passion_:
+particularly where it has been daily indulged in its greatest latitude,
+and there are no laws to restrain its calamitous effects. If the
+observation be true, that passion is a short madness, then it is evident
+that self-interest, and every other consideration, must be lost, so long
+as it continues. We cannot have a stronger instance of this, than in a
+circumstance related in the second part of this Essay, "that though the
+Africans have gone to war for the express purpose of procuring slaves,
+yet so great has been their resentment at the resistance they have
+frequently found, that their _passion_ has entirely got the better
+of their _interest_, and they have murdered all without any
+discrimination, either of age or sex." Such may be presumed to be the
+case with the no less savage _receivers_. Impressed with the most
+haughty and tyrannical notions, easily provoked, accustomed to indulge
+their anger, and, above all, habituated to scenes of cruelty, and unawed
+by the fear of laws, they will hardly be found to be exempt from the
+common failings of human nature, and to spare an unlucky slave, at a
+time when men of cooler temper, and better regulated passions, are so
+frequently blind to their own interest.
+
+But if _passion_ may be supposed to be generally more than a
+ballance for _interest_, how must the scale be turned in favour of
+the melancholy picture exhibited, when we reflect that
+_self-preservation_ additionally steps in, and demands the most
+_rigorous severity_. For when we consider that where there is
+_one_ master, there are _fifty_ slaves; that the latter have
+been all forcibly torn from their country, and are retained in their
+present situation by violence; that they are perpetually at war in their
+hearts with their oppressors, and are continually cherishing the seeds
+of revenge; it is evident that even _avarice_ herself, however cool
+and deliberate, however free from passion and caprice, must sacrifice
+her own sordid feelings, and adopt a system of tyranny and oppression,
+which it must be ruinous to pursue.
+
+Thus then, if no picture had been drawn of the situation of slaves, and
+it had been left solely to every man's sober judgment to determine, what
+it might probably be, he would conclude, that if the situation were
+justly described, the page must be frequently stained with acts of
+uncommon cruelty.
+
+It remains only to make a reply to an objection, that is usually
+advanced against particular instances of cruelty to slaves, as recorded
+by various writers. It is said that "some of these are so inconceivably,
+and beyond all example inhuman, that their very excess above the common
+measure of cruelty shews them at once exaggerated and incredible." But
+their credibility shall be estimated by a supposition. Let us suppose
+that the following instance had been recorded by a writer of the highest
+reputation, "that the master of a ship, bound to the western colonies
+with slaves, on a presumption that many of them would die, selected an
+_hundred and thirty two_ of the most sickly, and ordered them to be
+thrown into the sea, to recover their value from the insurers, and,
+above all, that the fatal order was put into execution." What would the
+reader have thought on the occasion? Would he have believed the fact? It
+would have surely staggered his faith; because he could never have heard
+that any _one_ man ever was, and could never have supposed that any
+_one_ man ever could be, guilty of the murder of _such a
+number_ of his fellow creatures. But when he is informed that such a
+fact as this came before a court[068] of justice in this very country;
+that it happened within the last five years; that hundreds can come
+forwards and say, that they heard the melancholy evidence with tears;
+what bounds is he to place to his belief? The great God, who looks down
+upon all his creatures with the same impartial eye, seems to have
+infatuated the parties concerned, that they might bring the horrid
+circumstance to light, that it might be recorded in the annals of a
+publick court, as an authentick specimen of the treatment which the
+unfortunate Africans undergo, and at the same time, as an argument to
+shew, that there is no species of cruelty, that is recorded to have been
+exercised upon these wretched people, so enormous that it may not
+_readily be believed_.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 068: The action was brought by the owners against the
+underwriters, to recover the value of the _murdered_ slaves. It was
+tried at Guildhall.]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. VI.
+
+If the treatment then, as before described, is confirmed by reason, and
+the great credit that is due to disinterested writers on the subject; if
+the unfortunate Africans are used, as if their flesh were stone, and
+their vitals brass; by what arguments do you _receivers_ defend
+your conduct?
+
+You say that a great part of your savage treatment consists in
+punishment for real offences, and frequently for such offences, as all
+civilized nations have concurred in punishing. The first charge that you
+exhibit against them is specifick, it is that of _theft_. But how
+much rather ought you _receivers_ to blush, who reduce them to such
+a situation! who reduce them to the dreadful alternative, that they must
+either _steal_ or _perish_! How much rather ought you _receivers_
+to be considered as _robbers_ yourselves, who cause these
+unfortunate people to be _stolen_! And how much greater is
+your crime, who are _robbers of human liberty_!
+
+The next charge which you exhibit against them, is general, it is that
+of _rebellion_; a crime of such a latitude, that you can impose it
+upon almost every action, and of such a nature, that you always annex to
+it the most excruciating pain. But what a contradiction is this to
+common sense! Have the wretched Africans formally resigned their
+freedom? Have you any other claim upon their obedience, than that of
+force? If then they are your subjects, you violate the laws of
+government, by making them unhappy. But if they are not your subjects,
+then, even though they should resist your proceedings, they are not
+_rebellious_.
+
+But what do you say to that long catalogue of offences, which you
+punish, and of which no people but yourselves take cognizance at all?
+You say that the wisdom of legislation has inserted it in the colonial
+laws, and that you punish by authority. But do you allude to that
+execrable code, that _authorises murder_? that tempts an unoffended
+person to kill the slave, that abhors and flies your service? that
+delegates a power, which no host of men, which not all the world, can
+possess?--
+
+Or,--What do you say to that daily unmerited severity, which you
+consider only as common discipline? Here you say that the Africans are
+vicious, that they are all of them ill-disposed, that you must of
+necessity be severe. But can they be well-disposed to their oppressors?
+In their own country they were just, generous, hospitable: qualities,
+which all the African historians allow them eminently to possess. If
+then they are vicious, they must have contracted many of their vices
+from yourselves; and as to their own native vices, if any have been
+imported with them, are they not amiable, when compared with yours?
+
+Thus then do the excuses, which have been hitherto made by the
+_receivers_, force a relation of such circumstances, as makes their
+conduct totally inexcusable, and, instead of diminishing at all, highly
+aggravates their guilt.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. VII.
+
+We come now to that other system of reasoning, which is always applied,
+when the former is confuted; "that the Africans are an inferiour link of
+the chain of nature, and are made for slavery."
+
+This assertion is proved by two arguments; the first of which was
+advanced also by the ancients, and is drawn from the _inferiority of
+their capacities_.
+
+Let us allow then for a moment, that they appear to have no parts, that
+they appear to be void of understanding. And is this wonderful, when,
+you _receivers_ depress their senses by hunger? Is this wonderful,
+when by incessant labour, the continual application of the lash, and the
+most inhuman treatment that imagination can devise, you overwhelm their
+genius, and hinder it from breaking forth?--No,--You confound their
+abilities by the severity of their servitude: for as a spark of fire, if
+crushed by too great a weight of incumbent fuel, cannot be blown into a
+flame, but suddenly expires, so the human mind, if depressed by rigorous
+servitude, cannot be excited to a display of those faculties, which
+might otherwise have shone with the brightest lustre.
+
+Neither is it wonderful in another point of view. For what is it that
+awakens the abilities of men, and distinguishes them from the common
+herd? Is it not often the amiable hope of becoming serviceable to
+individuals, or the state? Is it not often the hope of riches, or of
+power? Is it not frequently the hope of temporary honours, or a lasting
+fame? These principles have all a wonderful effect upon the mind. They
+call upon it to exert its faculties, and bring those talents to the
+publick view, which had otherwise been concealed. But the unfortunate
+Africans have no such incitements as these, that they should shew their
+genius. They have no hope of riches, power, honours, fame. They have no
+hope but this, that their miseries will be soon terminated by death.
+
+And here we cannot but censure and expose the murmurings of the
+unthinking and the gay; who, going on in a continual round of pleasure
+and prosperity, repine at the will of Providence, as exhibited in the
+shortness of human duration. But let a weak and infirm old age overtake
+them: let them experience calamities: let them feel but half the
+miseries which the wretched Africans undergo, and they will praise the
+goodness of Providence, who hath made them mortal; who hath prescribed
+certain ordinary bounds to the life of man; and who, by such a
+limitation, hath given all men this comfortable hope, that however
+persecuted in life, a time will come, in the common course of nature,
+when their sufferings will have an end.
+
+Such then is the nature of this servitude, that we can hardly expect to
+find in those, who undergo it, even the glimpse of genius. For if their
+minds are in a continual state of depression, and if they have no
+expectations in life to awaken their abilities, and make them eminent,
+we cannot be surprized if a sullen gloomy stupidity should be the
+leading mark in their character; or if they should appear inferiour to
+those, who do not only enjoy the invaluable blessings of freedom, but
+have every prospect before their eyes, that can allure them to exert
+their faculties. Now, if to these considerations we add, that the
+wretched Africans are torn from their country in a state of nature, and
+that in general, as long as their slavery continues, every obstacle is
+placed in the way of their improvement, we shall have a sufficient
+answer to any argument that may be drawn from the inferiority of their
+capacities.
+
+It appears then, from the circumstances that have been mentioned, that
+to form a true judgment of the abilities of these unfortunate people, we
+must either take a general view of them before their slavery commences,
+or confine our attention to such, as, after it has commenced, have had
+any opportunity given them of shewing their genius either in arts or
+letters. If, upon such a fair and impartial view, there should be any
+reason to suppose, that they are at all inferiour to others in the same
+situation, the argument will then gain some of that weight and
+importance, which it wants at present.
+
+In their own country, where we are to see them first, we must expect
+that the prospect will be unfavourable. They are mostly in a savage
+state. Their powers of mind are limited to few objects. Their ideas are
+consequently few. It appears, however, that they follow the same mode of
+life, and exercise the same arts, as the ancestors of those very
+Europeans, who boast of their great superiority, are described to have
+done in the same uncultivated state. This appears from the Nubian's
+Geography, the writings of Leo, the Moor, and all the subsequent
+histories, which those, who have visited the African continent, have
+written from their own inspection. Hence three conclusions; that their
+abilities are sufficient for their situation;--that they are as great,
+as those of other people have been, in the same stage of society;--and
+that they are as great as those of any civilized people whatever, when
+the degree of the barbarism of the one is drawn into a comparison with
+that of the civilization of the other.
+
+Let us now follow them to the colonies. They are carried over in the
+unfavourable situation described. It is observed here, that though their
+abilities cannot be estimated high from a want of cultivation, they are
+yet various, and that they vary in proportion as the nation, from which
+they have been brought, has advanced more or less in the scale of social
+life. This observation, which is so frequently made, is of great
+importance: for if their abilities expand in proportion to the
+improvement of their state, it is a clear indication, that if they were
+equally improved, they would be equally ingenious.
+
+But here, before we consider any opportunities that may be afforded
+them, let it be remembered that even their most polished situation may
+be called barbarous, and that this circumstance, should they appear less
+docile than others, may be considered as a sufficient answer to any
+objection that may be made to their capacities. Notwithstanding this,
+when they are put to the mechanical arts, they do not discover a want of
+ingenuity. They attain them in as short a time as the Europeans, and
+arrive at a degree of excellence equal to that of their teachers. This
+is a fact, almost universally known, and affords us this proof, that
+having learned with facility such of the mechanical arts, as they have
+been taught, they are capable of attaining any other, at least, of the
+same class, if they should receive but the same instruction.
+
+With respect to the liberal arts, their proficiency is certainly less;
+but not less in proportion to their time and opportunity of study; not
+less, because they are less capable of attaining them, but because they
+have seldom or ever an opportunity of learning them at all. It is yet
+extraordinary that their talents appear, even in some of these sciences,
+in which they are totally uninstructed. Their abilities in musick are
+such, as to have been generally noticed. They play frequently upon a
+variety of instruments, without any other assistance than their own
+ingenuity. They have also tunes of their own composition. Some of these
+have been imported among us; are now in use; and are admired for their
+sprightliness and ease, though the ungenerous and prejudiced importer
+has concealed their original.
+
+Neither are their talents in poetry less conspicuous. Every occurrence,
+if their spirits are not too greatly depressed, is turned into a song.
+These songs are said to be incoherent and nonsensical. But this proceeds
+principally from two causes, an improper conjunction of words, arising
+from an ignorance of the language in which they compose; and a wildness
+of thought, arising from the different manner, in which the organs of
+rude and civilized people will be struck by the same object. And as to
+their want of harmony and rhyme, which is the last objection, the
+difference of pronunciation is the cause. Upon the whole, as they are
+perfectly consistent with their own ideas, and are strictly musical as
+pronounced by themselves, they afford us as high a proof of their
+poetical powers, as the works of the most acknowledged poets.
+
+But where these impediments have been removed, where they have received
+an education, and have known and pronounced the language with propriety,
+these defects have vanished, and their productions have been less
+objectionable. For a proof of this, we appeal to the writings of an
+African girl[069], who made no contemptible appearance in this species
+of composition. She was kidnapped when only eight years old, and, in the
+year 1761, was transported to America, where she was sold with other
+slaves. She had no school education there, but receiving some little
+instruction from the family, with whom she was so fortunate as to live,
+she obtained such a knowledge of the English language within sixteen
+months from the time of her arrival, as to be able to speak it and read
+it to the astonishment of those who heard her. She soon afterwards
+learned to write, and, having a great inclination to learn the Latin
+tongue, she was indulged by her master, and made a progress. Her
+Poetical works were published with his permission, in the year 1773.
+They contain thirty-eight pieces on different subjects. We shall beg
+leave to make a short extract from two or three of them, for the
+observation of the reader.
+
+
+_From an Hymn to the Evening_[070].
+
+
+
+"Fill'd with the praise of him who gives the light,
+And draws the sable curtains of the night,
+Let placid slumbers sooth each weary mind,
+At morn to wake more heav'nly and refin'd;
+So shall the labours of the day begin,
+More pure and guarded from the snares of sin.
+----&c. &c."
+
+
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+_From an Hymn to the Morning_.
+
+
+
+"Aurora hail! and all the thousand dies,
+That deck thy progress through the vaulted skies!
+The morn awakes, and wide extends her rays,
+On ev'ry leaf the gentle zephyr plays.
+Harmonious lays the feather'd race resume,
+Dart the bright eye, and shake the painted plume.
+----&c. &c."
+
+
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+_From Thoughts on Imagination_.
+
+
+
+"Now here, now there, the roving _fancy_ flies,
+Till some lov'd object strikes her wand'ring eyes,
+Whose silken fetters all the senses bind,
+And soft captivity involves the mind.
+
+"_Imagination!_ who can sing thy force,
+Or who describe the swiftness of thy course?
+Soaring through air to find the bright abode,
+Th' empyreal palace of the thund'ring God,
+We on thy pinions can surpass the wind,
+And leave the rolling universe behind:
+From star to star the mental opticks rove,
+Measure the skies, and range the realms above.
+There in one view we grasp the mighty whole,
+Or with new worlds amaze th' unbounded soul.
+----&c. &c."
+
+
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+Such is the poetry which we produce as a proof of our assertions. How
+far it has succeeded, the reader may by this time have determined in his
+own mind. We shall therefore only beg leave to accompany it with this
+observation, that if the authoress _was designed for slavery_, (as
+the argument must confess) the greater part of the inhabitants of
+Britain must lose their claim to freedom.
+
+To this poetry we shall only add, as a farther proof of their abilities,
+the Prose compositions of Ignatius Sancho, who received some little
+education. His letters are too well known, to make any extract, or
+indeed any farther mention of him, necessary. If other examples of
+African genius should be required, suffice it to say, that they can be
+produced in abundance; and that if we were allowed to enumerate
+instances of African gratitude, patience, fidelity, honour, as so many
+instances of good sense, and a sound understanding, we fear that
+thousands of the enlightened Europeans would have occasion to blush.
+
+But an objection will be made here, that the two persons whom we have
+particularized by name, are prodigies, and that if we were to live for
+many years, we should scarcely meet with two other Africans of the same
+description. But we reply, that considering their situation as before
+described, two persons, above mediocrity in the literary way, are as
+many as can be expected within a certain period of years; and farther,
+that if these are prodigies, they are only such prodigies as every day
+would produce, if they had the same opportunities of acquiring knowledge
+as other people, and the same expectations in life to excite their
+genius. This has been constantly and solemnly asserted by the pious
+Benezet[071], whom we have mentioned before, as having devoted a
+considerable part of his time to their instruction. This great man, for
+we cannot but mention him with veneration, had a better opportunity of
+knowing them than any person whatever, and he always uniformly declared,
+that he could never find a difference between their capacities and those
+of other people; that they were as capable of reasoning as any
+individual Europeans; that they were as capable of the highest
+intellectual attainments; in short, that their abilities were equal, and
+that they only wanted to be equally cultivated, to afford specimens of
+as fine productions.
+
+Thus then does it appear from the testimony of this venerable man,
+whose authority is sufficient of itself to silence all objections
+against African capacity, and from the instances that have been
+produced, and the observations that have been made on the occasion, that
+if the minds of the Africans were unbroken by slavery; if they had the
+same expectations in life as other people, and the same opportunities of
+improvement, they would be equal; in all the various branches of
+science, to the Europeans, and that the argument that states them "to be
+an inferiour link of the chain of nature, and designed for servitude,"
+as far as it depends on the _inferiority of their capacities_, is
+wholly malevolent and false[072].
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 069: Phillis Wheatley, negro slave to Mr. John Wheatley, of
+Boston, in New-England.]
+
+
+[Footnote 070:
+Lest it should be doubted whether these Poems are genuine, we shall
+transcribe the names of those, who signed a certificate of their
+authenticity.
+
+
+His Excellency Thomas Hutchinson, Governor.
+The Honourable Andrew Oliver, Lieutenant Governor.
+
+The Hon. Thomas Hubbard
+The Hon. John Erving
+The Hon. James Pitts
+The Hon. Harrison Gray
+The Hon. James Bowdoin
+John Hancock, Esq.
+Joseph Green, Esq.
+Richard Carey, Esq.
+The Rev. Cha. Chauncy, D.D.
+The Rev. Mather Byles, D.D.
+The Rev. Ed. Pemberton, D.D.
+The Rev. Andrew Elliot, D.D.
+The Rev. Sam. Cooper, D.D.
+The Rev. Samuel Mather
+The Rev. John Moorhead
+Mr. John Wheatley, her Master.
+]
+
+
+[Footnote 071: In the Preface.]
+
+
+[Footnote 072: As to Mr. Hume's assertions with respect to African
+capacity, we have passed them over in silence, as they have been so
+admirably refuted by the learned Dr. Beattie, in his Essay on Truth, to
+which we refer the reader. The whole of this admirable refutation
+extends from p. 458. to 464.]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. VIII.
+
+The second argument, by which it is attempted to be proved, "that the
+Africans are an inferiour link of the chain of nature, and are designed
+for slavery," is drawn from _colour_, and from those other marks,
+which distinguish them from the inhabitants of Europe.
+
+To prove this with the greater facility, the _receivers_ divide in
+opinion. Some of them contend that the Africans, from these
+circumstances, are the descendants of Cain[073]: others, that they are
+the posterity of Ham; and that as it was declared by divine inspiration,
+that these should be servants to the rest of the world, so they are
+designed for slavery; and that the reducing of them to such a situation
+is only the accomplishment of the will of heaven: while the rest,
+considering them from the same circumstances as a totally distinct
+species of men, conclude them to be an inferiour link of the chain of
+nature, and deduce the inference described.
+
+To answer these arguments in the clearest and fullest manner, we are
+under the necessity of making two suppositions, first, that the
+scriptures are true; secondly, that they are false.
+
+If then the scriptures are true, it is evident that the posterity of
+Cain were extinguished in the flood. Thus one of the arguments is no
+more.
+
+With respect to the curse of Ham, it appears also that it was limited;
+that it did not extend to the posterity of all his sons, but only to the
+descendants of him who was called Canaan[074]: by which it was foretold
+that the Canaanites, a part of the posterity of Ham, should serve the
+posterity of Shem and Japhet. Now how does it appear that these wretched
+Africans are the descendants of Canaan?--By those marks, it will be
+said, which distinguish them from the rest of the world.--But where are
+these marks to be found in the divine writings? In what page is it said,
+that the Canaanites were to be known by their _colour_, their
+_features_, their _form_, or the very _hair of their heads_,
+which is brought into the account?--But alas! so far are the
+divine writings from giving any such account, that they shew the
+assertion to be false. They shew that the descendants of Cush[075] were
+of the colour, to which the advocates for slavery allude; and of course,
+that there was no such limitation of colour to the posterity of Canaan,
+or the inheritors of the curse.
+
+Suppose we should now shew, upon the most undeniable evidence[076], that
+those of the wretched Africans, who are singled out as inheriting the
+curse, are the descendants of Cush or Phut; and that we should shew
+farther, that but a single remnant of Canaan, which was afterwards
+ruined, was ever in Africa at all.--Here all is consternation.--
+
+But unfortunately again for the argument, though wonderfully for the
+confirmation that the scriptures are of divine original, the whole
+prophecy has been completed. A part of the descendants of Canaan were
+hewers of wood and drawers of water, and became tributary and subject to
+the Israelites, or the descendants of Shem. The Greeks afterwards, as
+well as the Romans, who were both the descendants of Japhet, not only
+subdued those who were settled in Syria and Palestine, but pursued and
+conquered all such as were then remaining. These were the Tyrians and
+Carthaginians: the former of whom were ruined by Alexander and the
+Greeks, the latter by Scipio and the Romans.
+
+It appears then that the second argument is wholly inapplicable and
+false: that it is false in its _application_, because those, who
+were the objects of the curse, were a totally distinct people: that it
+is false in its _proof_, because no such distinguishing marks, as
+have been specified, are to be found in the divine writings: and that,
+if the proof could be made out, it would be now _inapplicable_, as
+the curse has been long completed.
+
+With respect to the third argument, we must now suppose that the
+scriptures are false; that mankind did not all spring from the same
+original; that there are different species of men. Now what must we
+justly conclude from such a supposition? Must we conclude that one
+species is inferiour to another, and that the inferiority depends upon
+their _colour_, or their _features_, or their _form_?--No--We
+must now consult the analogy of nature, and the conclusion will be this:
+"that as she tempered the bodies of the different species of men in a
+different degree, to enable them to endure the respective climates of
+their habitation, so she gave them a variety of colour and appearance
+with a like benevolent design."
+
+To sum up the whole. If the scriptures are true, it is evident that the
+posterity of _Cain_ are no more; that the curse of _Ham_ has
+been accomplished; and that, as all men were derived from the same
+stock, so this variety of appearance in men must either have proceeded
+from some interposition of the Deity; or from a co-operation of certain
+causes, which have an effect upon the human frame, and have the power of
+changing it more or less from its primitive appearance, as they happen
+to be more or less numerous or powerful than those, which acted upon the
+frame of man in the first seat of his habitation. If from the
+interposition of the Deity, then we must conclude that he, who bringeth
+good out of evil, produced it for their convenience. If, from the
+co-operation of the causes before related, what argument may not be
+found against any society of men, who should happen to differ, in the
+points alluded to, from ourselves?
+
+If, on the other hand, the scriptures are false, then it is evident,
+that there was neither such a person as _Cain_, nor _Ham_, nor
+_Canaan_; and that nature bestowed such colour, features, and form,
+upon the different species of men, as were best adapted to their
+situation.
+
+Thus, on which ever supposition it is founded, the whole argument must
+fall. And indeed it is impossible that it can stand, even in the eye of
+common sense. For if you admit the _form_ of men as a justification
+of slavery, you may subjugate your own brother: if _features_, then
+you must quarrel with all the world: if _colour_, where are you to
+stop? It is evident, that if you travel from the equator to the northern
+pole, you will find a regular gradation of colour from black to white.
+Now if you can justly take him for your slave, who is of the deepest
+die, what hinders you from taking him also, who only differs from the
+former but by a shade. Thus you may proceed, taking each in a regular
+succession to the poles. But who are you, that thus take into slavery so
+many people? Where do you live yourself? Do you live in _Spain_, or
+in _France_, or in _Britain_? If in either of these countries,
+take care lest the _whiter natives of the north_ should have a
+claim upon yourself.--But the argument is too ridiculous to be farther
+noticed.
+
+Having now silenced the whole argument, we might immediately proceed to
+the discussion of other points, without even declaring our opinion as to
+which of the suppositions may be right, on which it has been refuted;
+but we do not think ourselves at liberty to do this. The present age
+would rejoice to find that the scriptures had no foundation, and would
+anxiously catch at the writings of him, who should mention them in a
+doubtful manner. We shall therefore declare our sentiments, by asserting
+that they are true, and that all mankind, however various their
+appearances are derived from the same stock.
+
+To prove this, we shall not produce those innumerable arguments, by
+which the scriptures have stood the test of ages, but advert to a single
+fact. It is an universal law, observable throughout the whole creation,
+_that if two animals of a different species propagate, their offspring
+is unable to continue its own species_. By this admirable law, the
+different species are preserved distinct; every possibility of confusion
+is prevented, and the world is forbidden to be over-run by a race of
+monsters. Now, if we apply this law to those of the human kind, who are
+said to be of a distinct species from each other, it immediately fails.
+The _mulattoe_ is as capable of continuing his own species as his
+father; a clear and irrefragable proof, that the scripture[077] account
+of the creation is true, and that "God, who hath made the world, hath
+made of one blood[078] all the nations of men that dwell on all the face
+of the earth."
+
+But if this be the case, it will be said that mankind were originally of
+one colour; and it will be asked at the same time, what it is probable
+that the colour was, and how they came to assume so various an
+appearance? To, each of these we shall make that reply, which we
+conceive to be the most rational.
+
+As mankind were originally of the same stock, so it is evident that they
+were originally of the same colour. But how shall we attempt to
+ascertain it? Shall we _Englishmen_ say, that it was the same as
+that which we now find to be peculiar to ourselves?--No--This would be
+a vain and partial consideration, and would betray our judgment to have
+arisen from that false fondness, which habituates us to suppose, that
+every thing belonging to ourselves is the perfectest and the best. Add
+to this, that we should always be liable to a just reproof from every
+inhabitant of the globe, whose colour was different from our own;
+because he would justly say, that he had as good a right to imagine that
+his own was the primitive colour, as that of any other people.
+
+How then shall we attempt to ascertain it? Shall we look into the
+various climates of the earth, see the colour that generally prevails in
+the inhabitants of each, and apply the rule? This will be certainly free
+from partiality, and will afford us a better prospect of success: for as
+every particular district has its particular colour, so it is evident
+that the complexion of Noah and his sons, from whom the rest of the
+world were descended, was the same as that, which is peculiar to the
+country, which was the seat of their habitation. This, by such a mode of
+decision, will be found a dark olive; a beautiful colour, and a just
+medium between white and black. That this was the primitive colour, is
+highly probable from the observations that have been made; and, if
+admitted, will afford a valuable lesson to the Europeans, to be cautious
+how they deride those of the opposite complexion, as there is great
+reason to presume, _that the purest white[079] is as far removed from
+the primitive colour as the deepest black_.
+
+We come now to the grand question, which is, that if mankind were
+originally of this or any other colour, how came it to pass, that they
+should wear so various an appearance? We reply, as we have had occasion
+to say before, either _by the interposition of the Deity_; or _by
+a co-operation of certain causes, which have an effect upon the human
+frame, and have the power of changing it more or less from its primitive
+appearance, as they are more or less numerous or powerful than those,
+which acted upon the frame of man in the first seat of his
+habitation_.
+
+With respect to the Divine interposition, two epochs have been assigned,
+when this difference of colour has been imagined to have been so
+produced. The first is that, which has been related, when the curse was
+pronounced on a branch of the posterity of _Ham_. But this argument
+has been already refuted; for if the particular colour alluded to were
+assigned at this period, it was assigned to the descendants of
+_Canaan_, to distinguish them from those of his other brothers, and
+was therefore _limited_ to the former. But the descendants of
+_Cush_[080], as we have shewn before, partook of the same colour; a
+clear proof, that it was neither assigned to them on this occasion, nor
+at this period.
+
+The second epoch is that, when mankind were dispersed on the building of
+_Babel_. It has been thought, that both _national features and
+colour_ might probably have been given them at this time, because
+these would have assisted the confusion of language, by causing them to
+disperse into tribes, and would have united more firmly the individuals
+of each, after the dispersion had taken place. But this is improbable:
+first, because there is great reason to presume that Moses, who has
+mentioned the confusion of language, would have mentioned these
+circumstances also, if they had actually contributed to bring about so
+singular an event: secondly, because the confusion of language was
+sufficient of itself to have accomplished this; and we cannot suppose
+that the Deity could have done any thing in vain: and thirdly, because,
+if mankind had been dispersed, each tribe in its peculiar hue, it is
+impossible to conceive, that they could have wandered and settled in
+such a manner, as to exhibit that regular gradation of colour from the
+equator to the poles, so conspicuous at the present day.
+
+These are the only periods, which there has been even the shadow of a
+probability for assigning; and we may therefore conclude that the
+preceding observations, together with such circumstances as will appear
+in the present chapter, will amount to a demonstration, that the
+difference of colour was never caused by any interposition of the Deity,
+and that it must have proceeded therefore from that _incidental
+co-operation of causes_, which has been before related.
+
+What these causes are, it is out of the power of human wisdom positively
+to assert: there are facts, however, which, if properly weighed and put
+together, will throw considerable light upon the subject. These we shall
+submit to the perusal of the reader, and shall deduce from them such
+inferences only, as almost every person must make in his own mind, on
+their recital.
+
+The first point, that occurs to be ascertained, is, "What part of the
+skin is the seat of colour?" The old anatomists usually divided the skin
+into two parts, or lamina; the exteriour and thinnest, called by the
+Greeks _Epidermis_, by the Romans _Cuticula_, and hence by us
+_Cuticle_; and the interiour, called by the former _Derma_,
+and by the latter _Cutis_, or _true skin_. Hence they must
+necessarily have supposed, that, as the _true skin_ was in every
+respect the same in all human subjects, however various their external
+hue, so the seat of colour must have existed in the _Cuticle_, or
+upper surface.
+
+Malphigi, an eminent Italian physician, of the last century, was the
+first person who discovered that the skin was divided into three lamina,
+or parts; the _Cuticle_, the _true skin_, and a certain
+coagulated substance situated between both, which he distinguished by
+the title of _Mucosum Corpus_; a title retained by anatomists to
+the present day: which coagulated substance adhered so firmly to the
+_Cuticle_, as, in all former anatomical preparations, to have come
+off with it, and, from this circumstance to have led the ancient
+anatomists to believe, that there were but two lamina, or divisible
+portions in the human skin.
+
+This discovery was sufficient to ascertain the point in question: for it
+appeared afterwards that the _Cuticle_, when divided according to
+this discovery from the other lamina, was semi-transparent; that the
+cuticle of the blackest negroe was of the same transparency and colour,
+as that of the purest white; and hence, the _true skins_ of both
+being invariably the same, that the _mucosum corpus_ was the seat
+of colour.
+
+This has been farther confirmed by all subsequent anatomical
+experiments, by which it appears, that, whatever is the colour of this
+intermediate coagulated substance, nearly the same is the apparent
+colour of the upper surface of the skin. Neither can it be otherwise;
+for the _Cuticle_, from its transparency, must necessarily transmit
+the colour of the substance beneath it, in the same manner, though not
+in the same degree, as the _cornea_ transmits the colour of the
+_iris_ of the eye. This transparency is a matter of ocular
+demonstration in white people. It is conspicuous in every blush; for no
+one can imagine, that the cuticle becomes red, as often as this happens:
+nor is it less discoverable in the veins, which are so easy to be
+discerned; for no one can suppose, that the blue streaks, which he
+constantly sees in the fairest complexions, are painted, as it were, on
+the surface of the upper skin. From these, and a variety of other
+observations[081], no maxim is more true in physiology, than that _on
+the mucosum corpus depends the colour of the human body_; or, in
+other words, that the _mucosum corpus_ being of a different colour
+in different inhabitants of the globe, and appearing through the cuticle
+or upper surface of the skin, gives them that various appearance, which
+strikes us so forcibly in contemplating the human race.
+
+As this can be incontrovertibly ascertained, it is evident, that
+whatever causes cooperate in producing this different appearance, they
+produce it by acting upon the _mucosum corpus_, which, from the
+almost incredible manner in which the cuticle[082] is perforated, is as
+accessible as the cuticle itself. These causes are probably those
+various qualities of things, which, combined with the influence of the
+sun, contribute to form what we call _climate_. For when any person
+considers, that the mucous substance, before-mentioned, is found to vary
+in its colour, as the _climates_ vary from the equator to the
+poles, his mind must be instantly struck with the hypothesis, and he
+must adopt it without any hesitation, as the genuine cause of the
+phaenomenon.
+
+This fact[083], _of the variation of the mucous substance according to
+the situation of the place_, has been clearly ascertained in the
+numerous anatomical experiments that have been made; in which, subjects
+of all nations have come under consideration. The natives of many of the
+kingdoms and isles of _Asia_, are found to have their _corpus
+mucosum_ black. Those of _Africa_, situated near the line, of
+the same colour. Those of the maritime parts of the same continent, of a
+dusky brown, nearly approaching to it; and the colour becomes lighter or
+darker in proportion as the distance from the equator is either greater
+or less. The Europeans are the fairest inhabitants of the world. Those
+situated in the most southern regions of _Europe_, have in their
+_corpus mucosum_ a tinge of the dark hue of their _African_
+neighbours: hence the epidemick complexion, prevalent among them, is
+nearly of the colour of the pickled Spanish olive; while in this
+country, and those situated nearer the north pole, it appears to be
+nearly, if not absolutely, white.
+
+These are facts[084], which anatomy has established; and we acknowledge
+them to be such, that we cannot divest ourselves of the idea, that
+_climate_ has a considerable share in producing a difference of
+colour. Others, we know, have invented other hypotheses, but all of them
+have been instantly refuted, as unable to explain the difficulties for
+which they were advanced, and as absolutely contrary to fact: and the
+inventors themselves have been obliged, almost as soon as they have
+proposed them, to acknowledge them deficient.
+
+The only objection of any consequence, that has ever been made to the
+hypothesis of _climate_, is this, _that people under the same
+parallels are not exactly of the same colour_. But this is no
+objection in fact: for it does not follow that those countries, which
+are at an equal distance from the equator, should have their climates
+the same. Indeed nothing is more contrary to experience than this.
+Climate depends upon a variety of accidents. High mountains, in the
+neighbourhood of a place, make it cooler, by chilling the air that is
+carried over them by the winds. Large spreading succulent plants, if
+among the productions of the soil, have the same effect: they afford
+agreeable cooling shades, and a moist atmosphere from their continual
+exhalations, by which the ardour of the sun is considerably abated.
+While the soil, on the other hand, if of a sandy nature, retains the
+heat in an uncommon degree, and makes the summers considerably hotter
+than those which are found to exist in the same latitude, where the soil
+is different. To this proximity of what may be termed _burning
+sands_, and to the sulphurous and metallick particles, which are
+continually exhaling from the bowels of the earth, is ascribed the
+different degree of blackness, by which some _African_ nations are
+distinguishable from each other, though under the same parallels. To
+these observations we may add, that though the inhabitants of the same
+parallel are not exactly of the same hue, yet they differ only by shades
+of the same colour; or, to speak with more precision, that there are no
+two people, in such a situation, one of whom is white, and the other
+black. To sum up the whole--Suppose we were to take a common globe; to
+begin at the equator; to paint every country along the meridian line in
+succession from thence to the poles; and to paint them with the same
+colour which prevails in the respective inhabitants of each, we should
+see the black, with which we had been obliged to begin, insensibly
+changing to an olive, and the olive, through as many intermediate
+colours, to a white: and if, on the other hand, we should complete any
+one of the parallels according to the same plan, we should see a
+difference perhaps in the appearance of some of the countries through
+which it ran, though the difference would consist wholly in shades of
+the same colour.
+
+The argument therefore, which is brought against the hypothesis, is so
+far from being, an objection, that we shall consider it one of the first
+arguments in its favour: for if _climate_ has really an influence
+on the _mucous substance_ of the body, it is evident, that we must
+not only expect to see a gradation of colour in the inhabitants from the
+equator to the poles, but also different[085] shades of the same colour
+in the inhabitants of the same parallel.
+
+To this argument, we shall add one that is incontrovertible, which is,
+that when the _black_ inhabitants of _Africa_ are transplanted
+to _colder_, or the _white_ inhabitants of _Europe_ to _hotter_
+climates, their children, _born there_, are of a _different
+colour from themselves_; that is, lighter in the first, and
+darker in the second instance.
+
+As a proof of the first, we shall give the words of the Abbe
+Raynal[086], in his admired publication. "The children," says he, "which
+they, (the _Africans_) procreate in _America_, are not so
+black as their parents were. After each generation the difference
+becomes more palpable. It is possible, that after a numerous succession
+of generations, the men come from _Africa_ would not be
+distinguished from those of the country, into which they may have been
+transplanted."
+
+This circumstance we have had the pleasure of hearing confirmed by a
+variety of persons, who have been witnesses of the fact; but
+particularly by many intelligent[087] Africans, who have been parents
+themselves in _America_, and who have declared that the difference
+is so palpable in the _northern provinces_, that not only they
+themselves have constantly observed it, but that they have heard it
+observed by others.
+
+Neither is this variation in the children from the colour of their
+parents improbable. _The children of the blackest Africans are born
+white_[088]. In this state they continue for about a month, when they
+change to a pale yellow. In process of time they become brown. Their
+skin still continues to increase in darkness with their age, till it
+becomes of a dirty, sallow black, and at length, after a certain period
+of years, glossy and shining. Now, if climate has any influence on the
+_mucous substance_ of the body, this variation in the children from
+the colour of their parents is an event, which must be reasonably
+expected: for being born white, and not having equally powerful causes
+to act upon them in colder, as their parents had in the hotter climates
+which they left, it must necessarily follow, that the same affect cannot
+possibly be produced.
+
+Hence also, if the hypothesis be admitted, may be deduced the reason,
+why even those children, who have been brought from their country at an
+early age into colder regions, have been observed[089] to be of a
+lighter colour than those who have remained at home till they arrived at
+a state of manhood. For having undergone some of the changes which we
+mentioned to have attended their countrymen from infancy to a certain
+age, and having been taken away before the rest could be completed,
+these farther changes, which would have taken place had they remained at
+home, seem either to have been checked in their progress, or weakened in
+their degree, by a colder climate.
+
+We come now to the second and opposite case; for a proof of which we
+shall appeal to the words of Dr. Mitchell[090], in the Philosophical
+Transactions. "The _Spaniards_ who have inhabited _America_
+under the torrid zone for any time, are become as dark coloured as our
+native _Indians_ of _Virginia_, of which, _I myself have
+been a witness_; and were they not to intermarry with the
+_Europeans_, but lead the same rude and barbarous lives with the
+_Indians_, it is very probable that, in a succession of many
+generations, they would become as dark in complexion."
+
+To this instance we shall add one, which is mentioned by a late
+writer[091], who describing the _African_ coast, and the
+_European_ settlements there, has the following passage. "There are
+several other small _Portuguese_ settlements, and one of some note
+at _Mitomba_, a river in _Sierra Leon_. The people here
+called _Portuguese_, are principally persons bred from a mixture of
+the first _Portuguese discoverers_ with the natives, and now
+become, in their _complexion_ and _woolly quality_ of their
+hair, _perfect negroes_, retaining however a smattering of the
+_Portuguese_ language."
+
+These facts, with respect to the colonists of the _Europeans_, are
+of the highest importance in the present case, and deserve a serious
+attention. For when we know to a certainty from whom they are descended;
+when we know that they were, at the time of their transplantation, of
+the same colour as those from whom they severally sprung; and when, on
+the other hand, we are credibly informed, that they have changed it for
+the native colour of the place which they now inhabit; the evidence in
+support of these facts is as great, as if a person, on the removal of
+two or three families into another climate, had determined to ascertain
+the circumstance; as if he had gone with them and watched their
+children; as if he had communicated his observations at his death to a
+successor; as if his successor had prosecuted the plan, and thus an
+uninterrupted chain of evidence had been kept up from their first
+removal to any determined period of succeeding time.
+
+But though these facts seem sufficient of themselves to confirm our
+opinion, they are not the only facts which can be adduced in its
+support. It can be shewn, that the members of the _very same
+family_, when divided from each other, and removed into different
+countries, have not only changed their family complexion, but that they
+have changed it to _as many different colours_ as they have gone
+into _different regions of the world_. We cannot have, perhaps, a
+more striking instance of this, than in the _Jews_. These people,
+are scattered over the face of the whole earth. They have preserved
+themselves distinct from the rest of the world by their religion; and,
+as they never intermarry with any but those of their own sect, so they
+have no mixture of blood in their veins, that they should differ from
+each other: and yet nothing is more true, than that the _English
+Jew_[092] is white, the _Portuguese_ swarthy, the _Armenian_
+olive, and the _Arabian_ copper; in short, that there appear
+to be as many different species of _Jews_, as there are countries
+in which they reside.
+
+To these facts we shall add the following observation, that if we can
+give credit to the ancient historians in general, a change from the
+darkest black to the purest white must have actually been accomplished.
+One instance, perhaps, may be thought sufficient. _Herodotus_[093]
+relates, that the _Colchi were black_, and that they had _crisped
+hair_. These people were a detachment of the _AEthiopian_ army
+under _Sesostris_, who followed him in his expedition, and settled
+in that part of the world, where _Colchis_ is usually represented
+to have been situated. Had not the same author informed us of this
+circumstance, we should have thought it strange[094], that a people of
+this description should have been found in such a latitude. Now as they
+were undoubtedly settled there, and as they were neither so totally
+destroyed, nor made any such rapid conquests, as that history should
+notice the event, there is great reason to presume, that their
+descendants continued in the same, or settled in the adjacent country;
+from whence it will follow, that they must have changed their complexion
+to that, which is observable in the inhabitants of this particular
+region at the present day; or, in other words, that the _black
+inhabitant of Colchis_ must have been changed into the _fair
+Circassian_[095].
+
+As we have now shewn it to be highly probable, from the facts which have
+been advanced, that climate is the cause of the difference of colour
+which prevails in the different inhabitants of the globe, we shall now
+shew its probability from so similar an effect produced on the _mucous
+substance_ before-mentioned by so similar a cause, that though the
+fact does not absolutely prove our conjecture to be right, yet it will
+give us a very lively conception of the manner, in which the phaenomenon
+may be caused.
+
+This probability may be shewn in the case of _freckles_, which are
+to be seen in the face of children, but of such only, as have the
+thinnest and most transparent skins, and are occasioned by the rays of
+the sun, striking forcibly on the _mucous substance_ of the face,
+and drying the accumulating fluid. This accumulating fluid, or
+perspirable matter, is at first colourless; but being exposed to violent
+heat, or dried, becomes brown. Hence, the _mucosum corpus_ being
+tinged in various parts by this brown coagulated fluid, and the parts so
+tinged appearing through the _cuticle_, or upper surface of the
+skin, arises that spotted appearance, observable in the case recited.
+
+Now, if we were to conceive a black skin to be an _universal
+freckle_, or the rays of the sun to act so universally on the
+_mucous substance_ of a person's face, as to produce these spots so
+contiguous to each other that they should unite, we should then see, in
+imagination, a face similar to those, which are daily to be seen among
+black people: and if we were to conceive his body to be exposed or acted
+upon in the same manner, we should then see his body assuming a similar
+appearance; and thus we should see the whole man of a perfect black, or
+resembling one of the naked inhabitants of the torrid zone. Now as the
+feat of freckles and of blackness is the same; as their appearance is
+similar; and as the cause of the first is the ardour of the sun, it is
+therefore probable that the cause of the second is the same: hence, if
+we substitute for the word "_sun_," what is analogous to it, the
+word _climate_, the same effect may be supposed to be produced, and
+the conjecture to receive a sanction.
+
+Nor is it unlikely that the hypothesis, which considers the cause of
+freckles and of blackness as the same, may be right. For if blackness is
+occasioned by the rays of the sun striking forcibly and universally on
+the _mucous substance_ of the body, and drying the accumulating
+fluid, we can account for the different degrees of it to be found in the
+different inhabitants of the globe. For as the quantity of perspirable
+fluid, and the force of the solar rays is successively increased, as
+the climates are successively warmer, from any given parallel to the
+line, it follows that the fluid, with which the _mucous substance_
+will be stained, will be successively thicker and deeper coloured; and
+hence, as it appears through the cuticle, the complexion successively
+darker; or, what amounts to the same thing, there will be a difference
+of colour in the inhabitants of every successive parallel.
+
+From these, and the whole of the preceding observations on the subject,
+we may conclude, that as all the inhabitants of the earth cannot be
+otherwise than the children of the same parents, and as the difference
+of their appearance must have of course proceeded from incidental
+causes, these causes are a combination of those qualities, which we call
+_climate_; that the blackness of the _Africans_ is so far
+ingrafted in their constitution, in a course of many generations, that
+their children wholly inherit it, if brought up in the same spot, but
+that it is not so absolutely interwoven in their nature, that it cannot
+be removed, if they are born and settled in another; that _Noah_
+and his sons were probably of an _olive_ complexion; that those of
+their descendants, who went farther to the south, became of a deeper
+olive or _copper_; while those, who went still farther, became of a
+deeper copper or _black_; that those, on the other hand, who
+travelled farther to the north, became less olive or _brown_, while
+those who went still farther than the former, became less brown or
+_white_; and that if any man were to point out any one of the
+colours which prevails in the human complexion, as likely to furnish an
+argument, that the people of such a complexion were of a different
+species from the rest, it is probable that his own descendants, if
+removed to the climate to which this complexion is peculiar, would, in
+the course of a few generations, degenerate into the same colour.
+
+Having now replied to the argument, "that the Africans are an inferiour
+link of the chain of nature," as far as it depended on their
+_capacity_ and _colour_, we shall now only take notice of an
+expression, which the _receivers_ before-mentioned are pleased to
+make use of, "that they are made for slavery."
+
+Had the Africans been _made for slavery_, or to become the property
+of any society of men, it is clear, from the observations that have been
+made in the second part of this Essay, that they must have been created
+_devoid of reason_: but this is contrary to fact. It is clear
+also, that there must have been, many and evident signs of the
+_inferiority of their nature_, and that this society of men must
+have had a _natural right_ to their dominion: but this is equally
+false. No such signs of _inferiority_ are to be found in the one,
+and the right to dominion in the other is _incidental_: for in what
+volume of nature or religion is it written, that one society of men
+should _breed slaves_ for the benefit, of another? Nor is it less
+evident that they would have wanted many of those qualities which they
+have, and which brutes have not: they would have wanted that _spirit
+of liberty_, that _sense of ignominy and shame_[096], which so
+frequently drives them to the horrid extremity of finishing their own
+existence. Nor would they have been endowed with a _contemplative
+power_; for such a power would have been unnecessary to people in
+such a situation; or rather, its only use could have been to increase
+their pain. We cannot suppose therefore that God has made an order of
+beings, with such mental qualities and powers, for the sole purpose of
+being used as _beasts_, or _instruments_ of labour. And here,
+what a dreadful argument presents itself against you _receivers_?
+For if they have no understandings as you confess, then is your conduct
+impious, because, as they cannot perceive the intention of your
+punishment, your severities cannot make them better. But if, on the
+other hand, they have had understandings, (which has evidently appeared)
+then is your conduct equally impious, who, by destroying their faculties
+by the severity of your discipline, have reduced men; who had once the
+power of reason, to an equality with the brute creation.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 073: Genesis, ch. iv. 15.]
+
+
+[Footnote 074: Genesis, ch. ix. 25, 26, 27.]
+
+
+[Footnote 075: Jeremiah says, ch. xiii. 23, "Can the AEthiopian change
+his colour, or the leopard his spots?" Now the word, which is here
+translated _AEthiopian_, is in the original Hebrew "_the descendant of
+Cush_," which shews that this colour was not confined to the descendants
+of _Canaan_, as the advocates for slavery assert.]
+
+
+[Footnote 076: It is very extraordinary that the advocates for slavery
+should consider those Africans, whom they call negroes, as the
+descendants of _Canaan_, when few historical facts can be so well
+ascertained, as that out of the descendants of the four sons of Ham, the
+descendants of Canaan were the only people, (if we except the
+Carthaginians, who were a colony of Canaan, and were afterwards ruined)
+who did not settle in that quarter of the globe. Africa was
+incontrovertibly peopled by the posterity of the three other sons. We
+cannot shew this in a clearer manner, than in the words of the learned
+Mr. Bryant, in his letter to Mr. Granville Sharp on this subject.
+
+"We learn from scripture, that Ham had four sons, _Chus, Mizraim, Phut_,
+and _Canaan_, Gen. x. 5, 6. _Canaan_ occupied _Palestine_, and the
+country called by his name: _Mizraim, Egypt_: but _Phut_ passed deep
+into _Africa_, and, I believe, most of the nations in that part of the
+world are descended from him; at least more than from any other person."
+_Josephus_ says, "_that Phut was the founder of the nations in Libya,
+and the people were from him called (phoutoi) Phuti_." Antiq. L. 1. c.
+7. "By _Lybia_ he understands, as the _Greeks_ did, _Africa_ in general:
+for the particular country called _Lybia Proper_, was peopled by the
+_Lubim_, or _Lehabim_, one of the branches from _Mizraim_, (Labieim ex ou
+Libnes) Chron. Paschale, p. 29.
+
+"The sons of _Phut_ settled in _Mauritania_, where was a country called
+_Phutia_, and a river of the like denomination. Mauritaniae Fluvius usque
+ad praesens Tempus _Phut_ dicitur, omnisq; circa eum Regio _Phutensis_.
+Hieron. Tradit. Hebroeae.--Amnem, quem vocant _Fut_." Pliny, L. 5. c. 1.
+Some of this family settled above AEgypt, near AEthiopia, and were styled
+Troglodytae. (phoud ex ou troglodotai). Syncellus, p. 47. Many of them
+passed inland, and peopled the Mediterranean country."
+
+"In process of time the sons of _Chus_ also, (after their expulsion from
+Egypt) made settlements upon the sea coast of _Africa_, and came into
+_Mauritania_. Hence we find traces of them also in the names of places,
+such as _Churis, Chusares_, upon the coast: and a river _Chusa_, and a
+city _Cotta_, together with a promontory, _Cotis_, in _Mauritania_, all
+denominated from _Chus_; who at different times, and by different
+people, was called _Chus, Cuth, Cosh_, and _Cotis_. The river _Cusa_ is
+mentioned by _Pliny_, Lib. 5. c. 1. and by _Ptolomy_."
+
+"Many ages after these settlements, there was another eruption of the
+_Cushites_ into these parts, under the name of _Saracens_ and _Moors_,
+who over-ran _Africa_, to the very extremity of Mount Atlas. They passed
+over and conquered _Spain_ to the north, and they extended themselves
+southward, as I said in my treatise, to the rivers _Senegal_ and
+_Gambia_, and as low as the _Gold Coast_. I mentioned this, because I do
+not think that they proceeded much farther: most of the nations to the
+_south_ being, as I imagine, of the race of _Phut_. The very country
+upon the river _Gambia_ on one side, is at this day called _Phuta_, of
+which _Bluet_, in his history of _Juba Ben Solomon_, gives an account."]
+
+
+[Footnote 077: When America was first discovered, it was thought by
+some, that the scripture account of the creation was false, and that
+there were different species of men, because they could never suppose
+that people, in so rude a state as the Americans, could have transported
+themselves to that continent from any parts of the known world. This
+opinion however was refuted by the celebrated Captain Cooke, who shewed
+that the traject between the continents of Asia and America, was as
+short as some, which people in as rude a state have been actually known
+to pass. This affords an excellent caution against an ill-judged and
+hasty censure of the divine writings, because every difficulty which may
+be started, cannot be instantly cleared up.]
+
+
+[Footnote 078: The divine writings, which assert that all men were
+derived from the _same stock_, shew also, in the same instance of
+_Cush_, (Footnote 075), that some of them had changed their original
+complexion.]
+
+
+[Footnote 079: The following are the grand colours discernible in
+mankind, between which there are many shades;
+
+White }         { Copper
+      }--Olive--{
+Brown }         { Black
+]
+
+
+[Footnote 080: See note, (Footnote 075). To this we may add, that the
+rest of the descendants of _Ham_, as far as they can be traced, are now
+also black, at well as many of the descendants of _Shem_.]
+
+
+[Footnote 081: Diseases have a great effect upon the _mucosum corpus_,
+but particularly the jaundice, which turns it yellow. Hence, being
+transmitted through the cuticle, the yellow appearance of the whole
+body. But this, even as a matter of ocular demonstration, is not
+confined solely to white people; negroes themselves, while affected with
+these or other disorders, changing their black colour for that which the
+disease has conveyed to the _mucous_ substance.]
+
+
+[Footnote 082: The cutaneous pores are so excessively small, that one
+grain of sand, (according to Dr. Lewenhoeck's calculations) would cover
+many hundreds of them.]
+
+
+[Footnote 083: We do not mean to insinuate that the same people have
+their _corpus mucosum_ sensibly vary, as often as they go into another
+latitude, but that the fact is true only of different people, who have
+been long established in different latitudes.]
+
+
+[Footnote 084: We beg leave to return our thanks here to a gentleman,
+eminent in the medical line, who furnished us with the above-mentioned
+facts.]
+
+
+[Footnote 085: Suppose we were to see two nations, contiguous to each
+other, of black and white inhabitants in the same parallel, even this
+would be no objection, for many circumstances are to be considered. A
+black people may have wandered into a white, and a white people into a
+black latitude, and they may not have been settled there a sufficient
+length of time for such a change to have been accomplished in their
+complexion, as that they should be like the old established inhabitants
+of the parallel, into which they have lately come.]
+
+
+[Footnote 086: Justamond's Abbe Raynal, v. 5. p. 193.]
+
+
+[Footnote 087: The author of this Essay made it his business to inquire
+of the most intelligent of those, whom he could meet with in London, as
+to the authenticity of the fact. All those from _America_ assured him
+that it was strictly true; those from the West-Indies, that they had
+never observed it there; but that they had found a sensible difference
+in themselves since they came to England.]
+
+
+[Footnote 088: This circumstance, which always happens, shews that they
+are descended from the same parents as ourselves; for had they been a
+distinct species of men, and the blackness entirely ingrafted in their
+constitution and frame, there is great reason to presume, that their
+children would have been born _black_.]
+
+
+[Footnote 089: This observation was communicated to us by the gentleman
+in the medical line, to whom we returned our thanks for certain
+anatomical facts.]
+
+
+[Footnote 090: Philos. Trans. No. 476. sect. 4.]
+
+
+[Footnote 091: Treatise upon the Trade from Great Britain to Africa, by
+an African merchant.]
+
+
+[Footnote 092: We mean such only as are _natives_ of the countries which
+we mention, and whose ancestors have been settled there for a certain
+period of time.]
+
+
+[Footnote 093: Herodotus. Euterpe. p. 80. Editio Stephani, printed
+1570.]
+
+
+[Footnote 094: This circumstance confirms what we said in a former note,
+(Footnote 085), that even if two nations were to be found in the same
+parallel, one of whom was black, and the other white, it would form no
+objection against the hypothesis of climate, as one of them might have
+been new settlers from a distant country.]
+
+
+[Footnote 095: Suppose, without the knowledge of any historian, they had
+made such considerable conquests, as to have settled themselves at the
+distance of 1000 miles in any one direction from _Colchis_, still they
+must have changed their colour. For had they gone in an Eastern or
+Western direction, they must have been of the same colour as the
+_Circassians_; if to the north, whiter; if to the south, of a copper.
+There are no people within that distance of _Colchis_, who are black.]
+
+
+[Footnote 096: There are a particular people among those transported
+from Africa to the colonies, who immediately on receiving punishment,
+destroy themselves. This is a fact which the _receivers_ are unable to
+contradict.]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. IX.
+
+The reader may perhaps think, that the _receivers_ have by this
+time expended all their arguments, but their store is not so easily
+exhausted. They are well aware that justice, nature, and religion, will
+continue, as they have ever uniformly done, to oppose their conduct.
+This has driven them to exert their ingenuity, and has occasioned that
+multiplicity of arguments to be found in the present question.
+
+These arguments are of a different complexion from the former. They
+consist in comparing the state of _slaves_ with that of some of the
+classes of _free_ men, and in certain scenes of felicity, which the
+former are said to enjoy.
+
+It is affirmed that the punishments which the Africans undergo, are less
+severe than the military; that their life is happier than that of the
+English peasant; that they have the advantages of manumission; that they
+have their little spots of ground, their holy-days, their dances; in
+short, that their life is a scene of festivity and mirth, and that they
+are much happier in the colonies than in their own country.
+
+These representations, which have been made out with much ingenuity and
+art, may have had their weight with the unwary; but they will never pass
+with men of consideration and sense, who are accustomed to estimate the
+probability of things, before they admit them to be true. Indeed the
+bare assertion, that their situation is even comfortable, contains its
+own refutation, or at least leads us to suspect that the person, who
+asserted it, has omitted some important considerations in the account.
+Such we shall shew to have been actually the case, and that the
+representations of the _receivers_, when stripped of their glossy
+ornaments, are but empty declamation.
+
+It is said, first, of _military punishments_, that they are more
+severe than those which the _Africans_ undergo. But this is a bare
+assertion without a proof. It is not shewn even by those, who assert it,
+how the fact can be made out. We are left therefore to draw the
+comparison ourselves, and to fill up those important considerations,
+which we have just said that the _receivers_ had omitted.
+
+That military punishments are severe we confess, but we deny that they
+are severer than those with which they are compared. Where is the
+military man, whose ears have been slit, whose limbs have been
+mutilated, or whose eyes have been beaten out? But let us even allow,
+that their punishments are equal in the degree of their severity: still
+they must lose by comparison. The soldier is never punished but after a
+fair and equitable trial, and the decision of a military court; the
+unhappy African, at the discretion of his Lord. The one knows what
+particular conduct will constitute an offence[097]; the other has no
+such information, as he is wholly at the disposal of passion and
+caprice, which may impose upon any action, however laudable, the
+appellation of a crime. The former has it of course in his power to
+avoid a punishment; the latter is never safe. The former is punished for
+a real, the latter, often, for an imaginary fault.
+
+Now will any person assert, on comparing the whole of those
+circumstances together, which relate to their respective punishments,
+that there can be any doubt, which of the two are in the worst
+situation, as to their penal systems?
+
+With respect to the declaration, that the life of an _African_ in
+the colonies is happier than that of an _English_ peasant, it is
+equally false. Indeed we can scarcely withhold our indignation, when we
+consider, how shamefully the situation of this latter class of men has
+been misrepresented, to elevate the former to a state of fictitious
+happiness. If the representations of the _receivers_ be true, it
+is evident that those of the most approved writers, who have placed a
+considerable share of happiness in the _cottage_, have been
+mistaken in their opinion; and that those of the rich, who have been
+heard to sigh, and envy the felicity of the _peasant_, have been
+treacherous to their own sensations.
+
+But which are we to believe on the occasion? Those, who endeavour to
+dress _vice_ in the habit of _virtue_, or those, who derive
+their opinion from their own feelings? The latter are surely to be
+believed; and we may conclude therefore, that the horrid picture which
+is given of the life of the _peasant_, has not so just a foundation
+as the _receivers_ would, lead us to suppose. For has he no
+pleasure in the thought, that he lives in his _own country_, and
+among his relations and friends? That he is actually _free_, and
+that his children will be the same? That he can never be _sold_ as
+a beast? That he can speak his mind _without the fear of the lash_?
+That he cannot even be struck _with impunity_? And that he
+partakes, equally with his superiours, of the _protection of the
+law_?--Now, there is no one of these advantages which the
+_African_ possesses, and no one, which the defenders of slavery
+take into their account.
+
+Of the other comparisons that are usually made, we may observe in
+general, that, as they consist in comparing the iniquitous practice of
+slavery with other iniquitous practices in force among other nations,
+they can neither raise it to the appearance of virtue, nor extenuate its
+guilt. The things compared are in these instances both of them evils
+alike. They call equally for redress[098], and are equally disgraceful
+to the governments which suffer them, if not encourage them, to exist.
+To attempt therefore to justify one species of iniquity by comparing it
+with another, is no justification at all; and is so far from answering
+the purpose, for which the comparison is intended, as to give us reason
+to suspect, that the _comparer_ has but little notion either of
+equity or honour.
+
+We come now to those scenes of felicity, which slaves are said to enjoy.
+The first advantage which they are said to experience, is that of
+_manumission_. But here the advocates for slavery conceal an
+important circumstance. They expatiate indeed on the charms of freedom,
+and contend that it must be a blessing in the eyes of those, upon whom
+it is conferred. We perfectly agree with them in this particular. But
+they do not tell us that these advantages are _confined_; that they
+are confined to some _favourite domestick_; that not _one in an
+hundred_ enjoy them; and that they are _never_ extended to
+those, who are employed in the _cultivation of the field_, as long
+as they can work. These are they, who are most to be pitied, who are
+destined to _perpetual_ drudgery; and of whom _no one whatever_
+has a chance of being freed from his situation, till death
+either releases him at once, or age renders him incapable of continuing
+his former labour. And here let it be remarked, _to the disgrace of
+the receivers_, that he is then made free, not--_as a reward for
+his past services_, but, as his labour is then of little or no
+value,--_to save the tax_[099].
+
+With the same artifice is mention also made of the little spots, or
+_gardens_, as they are called, which slaves are said to possess
+from the _liberality_ of _the receivers_. But people must not
+be led away by agreeable and pleasant sounds. They must not suppose that
+these gardens are made for _flowers_; or that they are places of
+_amusement_, in which they can spend their time in botanical
+researches and delights. Alas, they do not furnish them with a theme for
+such pleasing pursuits and speculations! They must be cultivated in
+those hours, which ought to be appropriated to rest[100]; and they must
+be cultivated, not for an amusement, but to make up, _if it be
+possible_, the great deficiency in their weekly allowance of
+provisions. Hence it appears, that the _receivers_ have no merit
+whatever in such an appropriation of land to their unfortunate slaves:
+for they are either under the necessity of doing this, or of
+_losing_ them by the jaws of famine. And it is a notorious fact,
+that, with their weekly allowance, and the produce of their spots
+together, it is often with the greatest difficulty that they preserve a
+wretched existence.
+
+The third advantage which they are said to experience, is that of
+_holy-days_, or days of respite from their usual discipline and
+fatigue. This is certainly a great indulgence, and ought to be recorded
+to the immortal honour of the _receivers_. We wish we could express
+their liberality in those handsome terms, in which it deserves to be
+represented, or applaud them sufficiently for deviating for once from
+the rigours of servile discipline. But we confess, that we are unequal
+to the task, and must therefore content ourselves with observing, that
+while the horse has _one_ day in _seven_ to refresh his limbs,
+the happy _African_[101] has but _one_ in _fifty-two_, as
+a relaxation from his labours.
+
+With respect to their _dances_, on which such a particular stress
+has been generally laid, we fear that people may have been as shamefully
+deceived, as in the former instances. For from the manner in which these
+are generally mentioned, we should almost be led to imagine, that they
+had certain hours allowed them for the purpose of joining in the dance,
+and that they had every comfort and convenience, that people are
+generally supposed to enjoy on such convivial occasions. But this is far
+from the case. Reason informs us, that it can never be. If they wish for
+such innocent recreations, they must enjoy them in the time that is
+allotted them for sleep; and so far are these dances from proceeding
+from any uncommon degree of happiness, which excites them to convivial
+society, that they proceed rather from an uncommon depression of
+spirits, which makes them even sacrifice their rest[102], for the sake
+of experiencing for a moment a more joyful oblivion of their cares. For
+suppose any one of the _receivers_, in the middle of a dance, were
+to address his slaves in the following manner: "_Africans!_ I begin
+at last to feel for your situation; and my conscience is severely hurt,
+whenever I reflect that I have been reducing those to a state of misery
+and pain, who have never given me offence. You seem to be fond of these
+exercises, but yet you are obliged to take them at such unseasonable
+hours, that they impair your health, which is sufficiently broken by the
+intolerable share of labour which I have hitherto imposed upon you. I
+will therefore make you a proposal. Will you be content to live in the
+colonies, and you shall have the half of every week entirely to
+yourselves? or will you choose to return to your miserable, wretched
+country?"--But what is that which strikes their ears? Which makes them
+motionless in an instant? Which interrupts the festive scene?--their
+country?--transporting sound!--Behold! they are now flying from the
+dance: you may see them running to the shore, and, frantick as it were
+with joy, demanding with open arms an instantaneous passage to their
+beloved native plains.
+
+Such are the _colonial delights_, by the representation of which
+the _receivers_ would persuade us, that the _Africans_ are
+taken from their country to a region of conviviality and mirth; and that
+like those, who leave their usual places of residence for a summer's
+amusement, they are conveyed to the colonies--_to bathe_,--_to
+dance_,--_to keep holy-day_,--_to be jovial_.--But there
+is something so truly ridiculous in the attempt to impose these scenes
+of felicity on the publick, as scenes which fall to the lot of slaves,
+that the _receivers_ must have been driven to great extremities, to
+hazard them to the eye of censure.
+
+The last point that remains to be considered, is the shameful assertion,
+that the _Africans_ are much _happier in the colonies, than in
+their own country_. But in what does this superiour happiness
+consist? In those real scenes, it must be replied, which have been just
+mentioned; for these, by the confession of the receivers, constitute the
+happiness they enjoy.--But it has been shewn that these have been
+unfairly represented; and, were they realized in the most extensive
+latitude, they would not confirm the fact. For if, upon a
+recapitulation, it consists in the pleasure of _manumission_, they
+surely must have passed their lives in a much more comfortable manner,
+who, like the _Africans at home_, have had no occasion for such a
+benefit at all. But the _receivers_, we presume, reason upon this
+principle, that we never know the value of a blessing but by its loss.
+This is generally true: but would any one of them make himself a
+_slave_ for years, that he might run the chance of the pleasures of
+_manumission_? Or that he might taste the charms of liberty with
+_a greater relish_? Nor is the assertion less false in every other
+consideration. For if their happiness consists in the few
+_holy-days_, which _in the colonies_ they are permitted to
+enjoy, what must be their situation _in their own country_, where
+the whole year is but one continued holy-day, or cessation from
+discipline and fatigue?--If in the possession of _a mean and
+contracted spot_, what must be their situation, where a whole region
+is their own, producing almost spontaneously the comforts of life, and
+requiring for its cultivation none of those hours, which should be
+appropriated to _sleep_?--If in the pleasures of the _colonial
+dance_, what must it be in _their own country_, where they may
+dance for ever; where there is no stated hour to interrupt their
+felicity, no intolerable labour immediately to succeed their
+recreations, and no overseer to receive them under the discipline of the
+lash?--If these therefore are the only circumstances, by which the
+assertion can be proved, we may venture to say, without fear of
+opposition, that it can never be proved at all.
+
+But these are not the only circumstances. It is said that they are
+barbarous at home.--But do you _receivers_ civilize them?--Your
+unwillingness to convert them to Christianity, because you suppose you
+must use them more kindly when converted, is but a bad argument in
+favour of the fact.
+
+It is affirmed again, that their manner of life, and their situation is
+such in their own country, that to say they are happy is a jest. "But
+who are you, who pretend to judge[103] of another man's happiness? That
+state which each man, under the guidance of his maker, forms for
+himself, and not one man for another? To know what constitutes mine or
+your happiness, is the sole prerogative of him who created us, and cast
+us in so various and different moulds. Did your slaves ever complain to
+you of their unhappiness, amidst their native woods and desarts? Or,
+rather, let me ask, did they ever cease complaining of their condition
+under you their lordly masters? Where they see, indeed, the
+accommodations of civil life, but see them all pass to others,
+themselves unbenefited by them. Be so gracious then, ye petty tyrants
+over human freedom, to let your slaves judge for themselves, what it is
+which makes their own happiness, and then see whether they do not place
+it _in the return to their own country_, rather than in the
+contemplation of your grandeur, of which their misery makes so large a
+part."
+
+But since you speak with so much confidence on the subject, let us ask
+you _receivers_ again, if you have ever been informed by your
+unfortunate slaves, that they had no connexions in the country from
+which they have forcibly been torn away: or, if you will take upon you
+to assert, that they never sigh, when they are alone; or that they never
+relate to each other their tales of misery and woe. But you judge of
+them, perhaps, in an happy moment, when you are dealing out to them
+their provisions for the week; and are but little aware, that, though
+the countenance may be cheered with a momentary smile, the heart may be
+exquisitely tortured. Were you to shew us, indeed, that there are laws,
+subject to no evasion, by which you are obliged to clothe and feed them
+in a comfortable manner; were you to shew us that they are
+protected[104] at all; or that even _one_ in a _thousand_ of
+those masters have suffered death[105], who have been guilty of
+_premeditated_ murder to their slaves, you would have a better
+claim to our belief: but you can neither produce the instances nor the
+laws. The people, of whom you speak, are _slaves_, are your own
+_property_, are wholly _at your own disposal_; and this idea
+is sufficient to overturn your assertions of their happiness.
+
+But we shall now mention a circumstance, which, in the present case,
+will have more weight than all the arguments which have hitherto been
+advanced. It is an opinion, which the _Africans_ universally
+entertain, that, as soon as death shall release them from the hands of
+their oppressors, they shall immediately be wafted back to their native
+plains, there to exist again, to enjoy the sight of their beloved
+countrymen, and to spend the whole of their new existence in scenes of
+tranquillity and delight; and so powerfully does this notion operate
+upon them, as to drive them frequently to the horrid extremity of
+putting a period to their lives. Now if these suicides are frequent,
+(which no person can deny) what are they but a proof, that the situation
+of those who destroy themselves must have been insupportably wretched:
+and if the thought of returning to their country after death, _when
+they have experienced the colonial joys_, constitutes their supreme
+felicity, what are they but a proof, that they think there is as much
+difference between the two situations, as there is between misery and
+delight?
+
+Nor is the assertion of the _receivers_ less liable to a refutation
+in the instance of those, who terminate their own existence, than of
+those, whom nature releases from their persecutions. They die with a
+smile upon their face, and their funerals are attended by a vast
+concourse of their countrymen, with every possible demonstration of
+joy[106]. But why this unusual mirth, if their departed brother has left
+an happy place? Or if he has been taken from the care of an indulgent
+master, who consulted his pleasures, and administered to his wants? But
+alas, it arises from hence, that _he is gone to his happy country_:
+a circumstance, sufficient of itself, to silence a myriad of those
+specious arguments, which the imagination has been racked, and will
+always be racked to produce, in favour of a system of tyranny and
+oppression.
+
+It remains only, that we should now conclude the chapter with a fact,
+which will shew that the account, which we have given of the situation
+of slaves, is strictly true, and will refute at the same time all the
+arguments which have hitherto been, and may yet be brought by the
+_receivers_, to prove that their treatment is humane. In one of the
+western colonies of the Europeans, [107]six hundred and fifty thousand
+slaves were imported within an hundred years; at the expiration of which
+time, their whole posterity were found to amount to one hundred and
+forty thousand. This fact will ascertain the treatment of itself. For
+how shamefully must these unfortunate people have been oppressed? What a
+dreadful havock must famine, fatigue, and cruelty, have made among them,
+when we consider, that the descendants of _six hundred and fifty
+thousand_ people in the prime of life, gradually imported within a
+century, are less numerous than those, which only _ten thousand_[108]
+would have produced in the same period, under common advantages,
+and in a country congenial to their constitutions?
+
+But the _receivers_ have probably great merit on the occasion. Let
+us therefore set it down to their humanity. Let us suppose for once,
+that this incredible waste of the human species proceeds from a
+benevolent design; that, sensible of the miseries of a servile state,
+they resolve to wear out, as fast as they possibly can, their
+unfortunate slaves, that their miseries may the sooner end, and that a
+wretched posterity may be prevented from sharing their parental
+condition. Now, whether this is the plan of reasoning which the
+_receivers_ adopt, we cannot take upon us to decide; but true it
+is, that the effect produced is exactly the same, as if they had
+reasoned wholly on this _benevolent_ principle.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 097: The articles of war are frequently read at the head of
+every regiment in the service, stating those particular actions which
+are to be considered as crimes.]
+
+
+[Footnote 098: We cannot omit here to mention one of the customs, which
+has been often brought as a palliation of slavery, and which prevailed
+but a little time ago, and we are doubtful whether it does not prevail
+now, in the metropolis of this country, of kidnapping men for the
+service of the East-India Company. Every subject, as long as he behaves
+well, has a right to the protection of government; and the tacit
+permission of such a scene of iniquity, when it becomes known, is as
+much a breach of duty in government, as the conduct of those subjects,
+who, on other occasions, would be termed, and punished as, rebellious.]
+
+
+[Footnote 099: The expences of every parish are defrayed by a poll-tax
+on negroes, to save which they pretend to liberate those who are past
+labour; but they still keep them employed in repairing fences, or in
+doing some trifling work on a scanty allowance. For to free a
+_field-negroe_, so long as he can work, is a maxim, which,
+notwithstanding the numerous boasted manumissions, no master _ever
+thinks of adopting_ in the colonies.]
+
+
+[Footnote 100: They must be cultivated always on a _Sunday_, and
+frequently in those hours which should be appropriated to _sleep_,
+or the wretched possessors must be inevitably _starved_.]
+
+
+[Footnote 101: They are allowed in general three holy-days at Christmas,
+but in Jamaica they have two also at Easter, and two at Whitsuntide: so
+that on the largest scale, they have only seven days in a year, or one
+day in fifty-two. But this is on a supposition, that the receivers do
+not break in upon the afternoons, which they are frequently too apt to
+do. If it should be said that Sunday is an holy-day, it is not true; it
+is so far an holy-day, that they do not work for their masters; but such
+an holy-day, that if they do not employ it in the cultivation of their
+little spots, they must _starved_.]
+
+
+[Footnote 102: These dances are usually in the middle of the night; and
+so desirous are these unfortunate people of obtaining but a joyful hour,
+that they not only often give up their sleep, but add to the labours of
+the day, by going several miles to obtain it.]
+
+
+[Footnote 103: Bishop of Glocester's sermon, preached before the society
+for the propagation of the gospel, at the anniversary meeting, on the
+21st of February, 1766.]
+
+
+[Footnote 104: There is a law, (but let the reader remark, that it
+prevails but in _one_ of the colonies), against mutilation. It took
+its rise from the frequency of the inhuman practice. But though a master
+cannot there chop off the limb of a slave with an axe, he may yet work,
+starve, and beat him to death with impunity.]
+
+
+[Footnote 105: _Two_ instances are recorded by the
+_receivers_, out of about _fifty-thousand_, where a white man
+has suffered death for the murder of a negroe; but the receivers do not
+tell us, that these suffered more because they were the pests of
+society, than because the _murder of slaves was a crime_.]
+
+
+[Footnote 106: A negroe-funeral is considered as a curious sight, and is
+attended with singing, dancing, musick, and every circumstance that can
+shew the attendants to be happy on the occasion.]
+
+
+[Footnote 107: In 96 years, ending in 1774, 800,000 slaves had been
+imported into the French part of St. Domingo, of which there remained
+only 290,000 in 1774. Of this last number only 140,000 were creoles, or
+natives of the island, i. e. of 650,000 slaves, the whole posterity were
+140,000. _Considerations sur la Colonie de St. Dominique_,(See
+errata--should be read as "_St. Domingue_") published by authority
+in 1777.]
+
+
+[Footnote 108: Ten thousand people under fair advantages, and in a soil
+congenial to their constitutions, and where the means of subsistence are
+easy, should produce in a century 160,000. This is the proportion in
+which the Americans increased; and the Africans in their own country
+increase in the same, if not in a greater proportion. Now as the climate
+of the colonies is as favourable to their health as that of their own
+country, the causes of the prodigious decrease in the one, and increase
+in the other, will be more conspicuous.]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. X.
+
+We have now taken a survey of the treatment which the unfortunate
+_Africans_ undergo, when they are put into the hands of the
+_receivers_. This treatment, by the four first chapters of the
+present part of this Essay, appears to be wholly insupportable, and to
+be such as no human being can apply to another, without the imputation
+of such crimes, as should make him tremble. But as many arguments are
+usually advanced by those who have any interest in the practice, by
+which they would either exculpate the treatment, or diminish its
+severity, we allotted the remaining chapters for their discussion. In
+these we considered the probability of such a treatment against the
+motives of interest; the credit that was to be given to those
+disinterested writers on the subject, who have recorded particular
+instances of barbarity; the inferiority of the _Africans_ to the
+human species; the comparisons that are generally made with respect to
+their situation; the positive scenes of felicity which they are said to
+enjoy, and every other argument, in short, that we have found to have
+ever been advanced in the defence of slavery. These have been all
+considered, and we may venture to pronounce, that, instead of answering
+the purpose for which they were intended, they serve only to bring such
+circumstances to light, as clearly shew, that if ingenuity were racked
+to invent a situation, that would be the most distressing and
+insupportable to the human race; it could never invent one, that would
+suit the description better, than the--_colonial slavery_.
+
+If this then be the case, and if slaves, notwithstanding all the
+arguments to the contrary, are exquisitely miserable, we ask you
+_receivers, by what right_ you reduce them to so wretched a
+situation?
+
+You reply, that you _buy them_; that your _money_ constitutes
+your _right_, and that, like all other things which you purchase,
+they are wholly at your own disposal.
+
+Upon this principle alone it was, that we professed to view your
+treatment, or examine your right, when we said, that "the question[109]
+resolved itself into two separate parts for discussion; into the
+_African_ commerce, as explained in the history of slavery, and the
+subsequent slavery in the colonies, _as founded on the equity of the
+commerce_." Now, since it appears that this commerce, upon the
+fullest investigation, is contrary to "_the principles[110] of law and
+government, the dictates of reason, the common maxims of equity, the
+laws of nature, the admonitions of conscience, and, in short, the whole
+doctrine of natural religion_," it is evident that the _right_,
+which is founded upon it, must be the same; and that if those
+things only are lawful in the sight of God, which are either
+virtuous in themselves, or proceed from virtuous principles, you _have
+no right over them at all_.
+
+You yourselves also confess this. For when we ask you, whether any human
+being has a right to sell you, you immediately answer, No; as if nature
+revolted at the thought, and as if it was so contradictory to your own
+feelings, as not to require consideration. But who are you, that have
+this exclusive charter of trading in the liberties of mankind? When did
+nature, or rather the Author of nature, make so partial a distinction
+between you and them? When did He say, that you should have the
+privilege of selling others, and that others should not have the
+privilege of selling you?
+
+Now since you confess, that no person whatever has a right to dispose of
+you in this manner, you must confess also, that those things are
+unlawful to be done to you, which are usually done in consequence of the
+sale. Let us suppose then, that in consequence of the _commerce_
+you were forced into a ship; that you were conveyed to another country;
+that you were sold there; that you were confined to incessant labour;
+that you were pinched by continual hunger and thirst; and subject to be
+whipped, cut, and mangled at discretion, and all this at the hands of
+those, whom you had never offended; would you not think that you had a
+right to resist their treatment? Would you not resist it with a safe
+conscience? And would you not be surprized, if your resistance should be
+termed rebellion?--By the former premises you must answer, yes.--Such
+then is the case with the wretched _Africans_. They have a right to
+resist your proceedings. They can resist them, and yet they cannot
+justly be considered as rebellious. For though we suppose them to have
+been guilty of crimes to one another; though we suppose them to have
+been the most abandoned and execrable of men, yet are they perfectly
+innocent with respect to you _receivers_. You have no right to
+touch even the hair of their heads without their own consent. It is not
+your money, that can invest you with a right. Human liberty can neither
+be bought nor sold. Every lash that you give them is unjust. It is a
+lash against nature and religion, and will surely stand recorded against
+you, since they are all, with respect to your _impious_ selves, in
+a state of nature; in a state of original dissociation; perfectly free.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 109: See Part II Chapter I second paragraph.]
+
+
+[Footnote 110: See Part II Chapter IX last paragraph.]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+CHAP. XI.
+
+Having now considered both the _commerce_ and _slavery_, it
+remains only to collect such arguments as are scattered in different
+parts of the work, and to make such additional remarks, as present
+themselves on the subject.
+
+And first, let us ask you, who have studied the law of nature, and you,
+who are learned in the law of the land, if all property must not be
+inferiour in its nature to its possessor, or, in other words, (for it is
+a case, which every person must bring home to his own breast) if you
+suppose that any human being can have _a property in yourselves_?
+Let us ask you appraisers, who scientifically know the value of things,
+if any human creature is equivalent only to any of the trinkets that you
+wear, or at most, to any of the horses that you ride: or in other words,
+if you have ever considered the most costly things that you have valued,
+as _equivalent to yourselves?_ Let us ask you rationalists, if man,
+as a reasonable being, is not _accountable_ for his actions, and
+let us put the same question to you, who have studied the divine
+writings? Let us ask you parents, if ever you thought that you possessed
+an _authority_ as such, or if ever you expected a _duty_ from
+your sons; and let us ask you sons, if ever you felt an impulse in your
+own breasts to _obey_ your parents. Now, if you should all answer
+as we could wish, if you should all answer consistently with reason,
+nature, and the revealed voice of God, what a dreadful argument will
+present itself against the commerce and slavery of the human species,
+when we reflect, that no man whatever can be bought or reduced to the
+situation of a slave, _but he must instantly become a brute, he must
+instantly be reduced to the value of those things, which were made for
+his own use and convenience; he must instantly cease to be accountable
+for his actions, and his authority as a parent, and his duty as a son,
+must be instantly no more_.
+
+Neither does it escape our notice, when we are speaking of the fatal
+wound which every social duty must receive, how considerably
+Christianity suffers by the conduct of you _receivers_. For by
+prosecuting this impious commerce, you keep the _Africans_ in a
+state of perpetual ferocity and barbarism; and by prosecuting it in such
+a manner, as must represent your religion, as a system of robbery and
+oppression, you not only oppose the propagation of the gospel, as far as
+you are able yourselves, but throw the most certain impediments in the
+way of others, who might attempt the glorious and important task.
+
+Such also is the effect, which the subsequent slavery in the colonies
+must produce. For by your inhuman treatment of the unfortunate
+_Africans_ there, you create the same insuperable impediments to a
+conversion. For how must they detest the very name of _Christians_,
+when you _Christians_ are deformed by so many and dreadful vices?
+How must they detest that system of religion, which appears to resist
+the natural rights of men, and to give a sanction to brutality and
+murder?
+
+But, as we are now mentioning Christianity, we must pause for a little
+time, to make a few remarks on the arguments which are usually deduced
+from thence by the _receivers_, in defence of their system of
+oppression. For the reader may readily suppose, that, if they did not
+hesitate to bring the _Old_ Testament in support of their
+barbarities, they would hardly let the _New_ escape them.
+
+_St. Paul_, having converted _Onesimus_ to the Christian
+faith, who was a fugitive slave of _Philemon_, sent him back to his
+master. This circumstance has furnished the _receivers_ with a
+plea, that Christianity encourages slavery. But they have not only
+strained the passages which they produce in support of their assertions,
+but are ignorant of historical facts. The benevolent apostle, in the
+letter which he wrote to _Philemon_, the master of _Onesimus_,
+addresses him to the following effect: "I send him back to you, but not
+in his former capacity[111], _not now as a servant, but above a
+servant, a brother beloved_. In this manner I beseech you to receive
+him, for though I could _enjoin_ you to do it, yet I had rather it
+should be a matter of your _own will_, than of _necessity_."
+
+It appears that the same _Onesimus_, when he was sent back, was no
+longer _a slave_, that he was a minister of the gospel, that he was
+joined with _Tychicus_ in an ecclesiastical commission to the
+church of the _Colossians_, and was afterwards bishop of
+_Ephesus_. If language therefore has any meaning, and if history
+has recorded a fact which may be believed, there is no case more
+opposite to the doctrine of the _receivers_, than this which they
+produce in its support.
+
+It is said again, that Christianity, among the many important precepts
+which it contains, does not furnish us with one for the abolition of
+slavery. But the reason is obvious. Slavery at the time of the
+introduction of the gospel was universally prevalent, and if
+Christianity had abruptly declared, that the millions of slaves should
+have been made free, who were then in the world, it would have been
+universally rejected, as containing doctrines that were dangerous, if
+not destructive, to society. In order therefore that it might be
+universally received, it never meddled, by any positive precept, with
+the civil institutions of the times; but though it does not expressly
+say, that "you shall neither buy, nor sell, nor possess a slave," it is
+evident that, in its general tenour, it sufficiently militates against
+the custom.
+
+The first doctrine which it inculcates, is that of _brotherly
+love_. It commands good will towards men. It enjoins us to love our
+neighbours as ourselves, and to do unto all men, as we would that they
+should do unto us. And how can any man fulfil this scheme of universal
+benevolence, who reduces an unfortunate person _against his will_,
+to the _most insupportable_ of all human conditions; who considers
+him as his _private property_, and treats him, not as a brother,
+nor as one of the same parentage with himself, but as an _animal of
+the brute creation?_
+
+But the most important doctrine is that, by which we are assured that
+mankind are to exist in a future state, and to give an account of those
+actions, which they have severally done in the flesh. This strikes at
+the very root of slavery. For how can any man be justly called to an
+account for his actions, whose actions are not _at his own
+disposal?_ This is the case with the _proper_[112] slave. His
+liberty is absolutely bought and _appropriated_; and if the
+purchase is _just and equitable_, he is _under the necessity_
+of perpetrating any crime, which the purchaser may order him to commit,
+or, in other words, of ceasing to be _accountable for his actions_.
+
+These doctrines therefore are sufficient to shew, that slavery is
+incompatible, with the Christian system. The _Europeans_ considered
+them as such, when, at the close of the twelfth century, they resisted,
+their hereditary prejudices, and occasioned its abolition. Hence one,
+among many other proofs, that Christianity was the production of
+infinite wisdom; that though it did not take such express cognizance of
+the wicked national institutions of the times, as should hinder its
+reception, it should yet contain such doctrines, as, when it should be
+fully established, would be sufficient for the abolition of them all.
+
+Thus then is the argument of you _receivers_ ineffectual, and your
+conduct impious. For, by the prosecution of this wicked slavery and
+commerce, you not only oppose the propagation of that gospel which was
+ordered to be preached unto every creature, and bring it into contempt,
+but you oppose its tenets also: first, because you violate that law of
+_universal benevolence_, which was to take away those hateful
+distinctions of _Jew_ and _Gentile_, _Greek_ and _Barbarian,
+bond_ and _free_, which prevailed when the gospel was introduced;
+and secondly, because, as every man is to give an account of
+his actions hereafter, it is necessary that he should be _free_.
+
+Another argument yet remains, which, though nature will absolutely turn
+pale at the recital, cannot possibly be omitted. In those wars, which
+are made for the sake of procuring slaves, it is evident that the
+contest must be generally obstinate, and that great numbers must be
+slain on both sides, before the event can be determined. This we may
+reasonably apprehend to be the case: and we have shewn[113], that there
+have not been wanting instances, where the conquerors have been so
+incensed at the resistance they have found, that their spirit of
+vengeance has entirely got the better of their avarice, and they have
+murdered, in cool blood, every individual, without discrimination,
+either of age or sex. From these and other circumstances, we thought we
+had sufficient reason to conclude, that, where _ten_ were supposed
+to be taken, an _hundred_, including the victors and vanquished,
+might be supposed to perish. Now, as the annual exportation from
+_Africa_ consists of an hundred thousand men, and as the two
+orders, of those who are privately kidnapped by individuals, and of
+those, who are publickly seized by virtue of the authority of their
+prince, compose together, at least, nine-tenths of the _African_
+slaves, it follows, that about ten thousand consist of convicts and
+prisoners of war. The last order is the most numerous. Let us suppose
+then that only six thousand of this order are annually sent into
+servitude, and it will immediately appear that no less than
+_sixty-thousand_ people annually perish in those wars, which are
+made only for the purpose of procuring slaves. But that this number,
+which we believe to be by no means exaggerated, may be free from all
+objection, we will include those in the estimate, who die as they are
+travelling to the ships. Many of these unfortunate people have a journey
+of one thousand miles to perform on foot, and are driven like sheep
+through inhospitable woods and deserts, where they frequently die in
+great numbers, from fatigue and want. Now if to those, who thus perish
+on the _African_ continent, by war and travelling, we subjoin
+those[114], who afterwards perish on the voyage, and in the seasoning
+together, it will appear that, in every yearly attempt to supply the
+colonies, an _hundred thousand_ must perish, even before _one_
+useful individual can be obtained.
+
+Gracious God! how wicked, how beyond all example impious, must be that
+servitude, which cannot be carried on without the continual murder of so
+many and innocent persons! What punishment is not to be expected for
+such monstrous and unparalleled barbarities! For if the blood of one
+man, unjustly shed, cries with so loud a voice for the divine vengeance,
+how shall the cries and groans of an _hundred thousand_ men,
+_annually murdered_, ascend the celestial mansions, and bring down
+that punishment, which such enormities deserve! But do we mention
+punishment? Do we allude to that punishment, which shall be inflicted on
+men as individuals, in a future life? Do we allude to that awful day,
+which shall surely come, when the master shall behold his murdered
+negroe face to face? When a train of mutilated slaves shall be brought
+against him? When he shall stand confounded and abashed? Or, do we
+allude to that punishment, which may be inflicted on them here, as
+members of a wicked community? For as a body politick, if its members
+are ever so numerous, may be considered as an whole, acting of itself,
+and by itself, in all affairs in which it is concerned, so it is
+accountable, as such, for its conduct; and as these kinds of polities
+have only their existence here, so it is only in this world, that, as
+such, they can be punished.
+
+"Now, whether we consider the crime, with respect to the individuals
+immediately concerned in this most barbarous and cruel traffick, or
+whether we consider it as patronized[115] and encouraged by the laws of
+the land, it presents to our view an equal degree of enormity. A crime,
+founded on a dreadful pre-eminence in wickedness,--a crime, which being
+both of individuals and the nation, must sometime draw down upon us the
+heaviest judgment of Almighty God, who made of one blood all the sons of
+men, and who gave to all equally a natural right to liberty; and who,
+ruling all the kingdoms of the earth with equal providential justice,
+cannot suffer such deliberate, such monstrous iniquity, to pass long
+unpunished[116]."
+
+But alas! he seems already to have interfered on the occasion! The
+violent[117] and supernatural agitations of all the elements, which, for
+a series of years, have prevailed in those European settlements, where
+the unfortunate _Africans_ are retained in a state of slavery, and
+which have brought unspeakable calamities on the inhabitants, and
+publick losses on the states to which they severally belong, are so many
+awful visitations of God for this inhuman violation of his laws. And it
+is not perhaps unworthy of remark, that as the subjects of Great-Britain
+have two thirds of this impious commerce in their own hands, so they
+have suffered[118] in the same proportion, or more severely than the
+rest.
+
+How far these misfortunes may appear to be acts of providence, and to
+create an alarm to those who have been accustomed to refer every effect
+to its apparent cause; who have been habituated to stop there, and to
+overlook the finger of God; because it is slightly covered under the
+veil of secondary laws, we will not pretend to determine? but this we
+will assert with confidence, that the _Europeans_ have richly
+deserved them all; that the fear of sympathy, which can hardly be
+restrained on other melancholy occasions, seems to forget to flow at the
+relation of these; and that we can never, with any shadow of justice,
+with prosperity to the undertakers of those, whose success must be at
+the expence of the happiness of millions of their fellow-creatures.
+
+But this is sufficient. For if liberty is only an adventitious right; if
+men are by no means superiour to brutes; if every social duty is a
+curse; if cruelty is highly to be esteemed; if murder is strictly
+honourable, and Christianity is a lye; then it is evident, that the
+_African_ slavery may be pursued, without either the remorse of
+conscience, or the imputation of a crime. But if the contrary of this is
+true, which reason must immediately evince, it is evident that no custom
+established among men was ever more impious; since it is contrary to
+_reason, justice, nature, the principles of law and government, the
+whole doctrine, in short, of natural religion, and the revealed voice of
+God_.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[Footnote 111: Epist. to Philemon.]
+
+
+[Footnote 112: The _African_ slave is of this description; and we
+could wish, in all our arguments on the present subject, to be
+understood as having spoken only of _proper slaves_. The slave who
+is condemned to the oar, to the fortifications, and other publick works,
+is in a different predicament. His liberty is not _appropriated_,
+and therefore none of those consequences can be justly drawn, which have
+been deduced in the present case.]
+
+
+[Footnote 113: See the description of an African battle (Footnote 049).]
+
+
+[Footnote 114: The lowest computation is 40,000, (Footnote 060).]
+
+
+[Footnote 115: The legislature has squandered away more money in the
+prosecution of the slave trade, within twenty years, than in any other
+trade whatever, having granted from the year 1750, to the year 1770, the
+sum of 300,000 pounds.]
+
+
+[Footnote 116: Sermon preached before the University of Cambridge, by
+the Rev. Peter Peckard.]
+
+
+[Footnote 117: The first noted earthquake at Jamaica, happened June the
+7th 1692, when Port Royal was totally sunk. This was succeeded by one in
+the year 1697, and by another in the year 1722, from which time to the
+present, these regions of the globe seem to have been severely visited,
+but particularly during the last six or seven years. See a general
+account of the calamities, occasioned by the late tremendous hurricanes
+and earthquakes in the West-Indian islands, by Mr. Fowler.]
+
+
+[Footnote 118: The many ships of war belonging to the British navy,
+which were lost with all their crews in these dreadful hurricanes, will
+sufficiently prove the fact.]
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+FINIS.
+
+
+       *        *        *        *        *
+
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of An Essay on the Slavery and Commerce
+of the Human Species, Particularly the African, by Thomas Clarkson
+
+*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ESSAY ON SLAVERY ***
+
+***** This file should be named 10611.txt or 10611.zip *****
+This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:
+        https://www.gutenberg.org/1/0/6/1/10611/
+
+Produced by Carlo Traverso, David Gundry and PG Distributed Proofreaders
+from images generously made available by the Biblioth que nationale
+de France (BnF/Gallica) at http://gallica.bnf.fr.
+
+
+Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions
+will be renamed.
+
+Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no
+one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation
+(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without
+permission and without paying copyright royalties.  Special rules,
+set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to
+copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to
+protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark.  Project
+Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you
+charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission.  If you
+do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the
+rules is very easy.  You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose
+such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and
+research.  They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do
+practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks.  Redistribution is
+subject to the trademark license, especially commercial
+redistribution.
+
+
+
+*** START: FULL LICENSE ***
+
+THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE
+PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK
+
+To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free
+distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
+(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project
+Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project
+Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at
+https://gutenberg.org/license).
+
+
+Section 1.  General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic works
+
+1.A.  By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
+and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
+(trademark/copyright) agreement.  If you do not agree to abide by all
+the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy
+all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession.
+If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the
+terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or
+entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.
+
+1.B.  "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark.  It may only be
+used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
+agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement.  There are a few
+things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works
+even without complying with the full terms of this agreement.  See
+paragraph 1.C below.  There are a lot of things you can do with Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement
+and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works.  See paragraph 1.E below.
+
+1.C.  The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation"
+or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic works.  Nearly all the individual works in the
+collection are in the public domain in the United States.  If an
+individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are
+located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from
+copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative
+works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg
+are removed.  Of course, we hope that you will support the Project
+Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by
+freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of
+this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with
+the work.  You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by
+keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project
+Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others.
+
+1.D.  The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
+what you can do with this work.  Copyright laws in most countries are in
+a constant state of change.  If you are outside the United States, check
+the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement
+before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or
+creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project
+Gutenberg-tm work.  The Foundation makes no representations concerning
+the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United
+States.
+
+1.E.  Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:
+
+1.E.1.  The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate
+access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently
+whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the
+phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project
+Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed,
+copied or distributed:
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+1.E.2.  If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived
+from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is
+posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied
+and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees
+or charges.  If you are redistributing or providing access to a work
+with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the
+work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1
+through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the
+Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or
+1.E.9.
+
+1.E.3.  If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted
+with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
+must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional
+terms imposed by the copyright holder.  Additional terms will be linked
+to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the
+permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work.
+
+1.E.4.  Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
+work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm.
+
+1.E.5.  Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
+electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
+prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
+active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
+Gutenberg-tm License.
+
+1.E.6.  You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
+compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any
+word processing or hypertext form.  However, if you provide access to or
+distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than
+"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version
+posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org),
+you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a
+copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon
+request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other
+form.  Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.
+
+1.E.7.  Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
+performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works
+unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
+
+1.E.8.  You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
+access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided
+that
+
+- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
+     the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method
+     you already use to calculate your applicable taxes.  The fee is
+     owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he
+     has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the
+     Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation.  Royalty payments
+     must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you
+     prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax
+     returns.  Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and
+     sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the
+     address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to
+     the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation."
+
+- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
+     you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
+     does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+     License.  You must require such a user to return or
+     destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium
+     and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of
+     Project Gutenberg-tm works.
+
+- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any
+     money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
+     electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days
+     of receipt of the work.
+
+- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
+     distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works.
+
+1.E.9.  If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set
+forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from
+both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael
+Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark.  Contact the
+Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.
+
+1.F.
+
+1.F.1.  Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
+effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
+public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm
+collection.  Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain
+"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or
+corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual
+property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a
+computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by
+your equipment.
+
+1.F.2.  LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right
+of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
+Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
+Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
+liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
+fees.  YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
+LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
+PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH F3.  YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
+TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
+LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
+INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
+DAMAGE.
+
+1.F.3.  LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
+defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
+receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
+written explanation to the person you received the work from.  If you
+received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with
+your written explanation.  The person or entity that provided you with
+the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a
+refund.  If you received the work electronically, the person or entity
+providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to
+receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund.  If the second copy
+is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further
+opportunities to fix the problem.
+
+1.F.4.  Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
+in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS," WITH NO OTHER
+WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO
+WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTIBILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.
+
+1.F.5.  Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
+warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages.
+If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the
+law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be
+interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by
+the applicable state law.  The invalidity or unenforceability of any
+provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions.
+
+1.F.6.  INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
+trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
+providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance
+with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production,
+promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works,
+harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees,
+that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do
+or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm
+work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any
+Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause.
+
+
+Section  2.  Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of
+electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers
+including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers.  It exists
+because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from
+people in all walks of life.
+
+Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
+assistance they need, is critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's
+goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will
+remain freely available for generations to come.  In 2001, the Project
+Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
+and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations.
+To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
+and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4
+and the Foundation web page at https://www.pglaf.org.
+
+
+Section 3.  Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
+Foundation
+
+The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit
+501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
+state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
+Revenue Service.  The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification
+number is 64-6221541.  Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at
+https://pglaf.org/fundraising.  Contributions to the Project Gutenberg
+Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent
+permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws.
+
+The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S.
+Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered
+throughout numerous locations.  Its business office is located at
+809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email
+business@pglaf.org.  Email contact links and up to date contact
+information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official
+page at https://pglaf.org
+
+For additional contact information:
+     Dr. Gregory B. Newby
+     Chief Executive and Director
+     gbnewby@pglaf.org
+
+Section 4.  Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
+Literary Archive Foundation
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide
+spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of
+increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
+freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest
+array of equipment including outdated equipment.  Many small donations
+($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
+status with the IRS.
+
+The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
+charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
+States.  Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
+considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
+with these requirements.  We do not solicit donations in locations
+where we have not received written confirmation of compliance.  To
+SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any
+particular state visit https://pglaf.org
+
+While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
+have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
+against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
+approach us with offers to donate.
+
+International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
+any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
+outside the United States.  U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.
+
+Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation
+methods and addresses.  Donations are accepted in a number of other
+ways including including checks, online payments and credit card
+donations.  To donate, please visit: https://pglaf.org/donate
+
+
+Section 5.  General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works.
+
+Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm
+concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared
+with anyone.  For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project
+Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support.
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed
+editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S.
+unless a copyright notice is included.  Thus, we do not necessarily
+keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition.
+
+Each eBook is in a subdirectory of the same number as the eBook's
+eBook number, often in several formats including plain vanilla ASCII,
+compressed (zipped), HTML and others.
+
+Corrected EDITIONS of our eBooks replace the old file and take over
+the old filename and etext number.  The replaced older file is renamed.
+VERSIONS based on separate sources are treated as new eBooks receiving
+new filenames and etext numbers.
+
+Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility:
+
+     https://www.gutenberg.org
+
+This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm,
+including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
+Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
+subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.
+
+EBooks posted prior to November 2003, with eBook numbers BELOW #10000,
+are filed in directories based on their release date.  If you want to
+download any of these eBooks directly, rather than using the regular
+search system you may utilize the following addresses and just
+download by the etext year.
+
+     https://www.gutenberg.org/etext06
+
+    (Or /etext 05, 04, 03, 02, 01, 00, 99,
+     98, 97, 96, 95, 94, 93, 92, 92, 91 or 90)
+
+EBooks posted since November 2003, with etext numbers OVER #10000, are
+filed in a different way.  The year of a release date is no longer part
+of the directory path.  The path is based on the etext number (which is
+identical to the filename).  The path to the file is made up of single
+digits corresponding to all but the last digit in the filename.  For
+example an eBook of filename 10234 would be found at:
+
+     https://www.gutenberg.org/1/0/2/3/10234
+
+or filename 24689 would be found at:
+     https://www.gutenberg.org/2/4/6/8/24689
+
+An alternative method of locating eBooks:
+     https://www.gutenberg.org/GUTINDEX.ALL
+
+
diff --git a/old/10611.zip b/old/10611.zip
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..06d8805
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/10611.zip