Initial commit of ebook 78161 filesHEADmain

12 files changed, 24547 insertions, 0 deletions

diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..6833f05
--- /dev/null
+++ b/.gitattributes
@@ -0,0 +1,3 @@
+* text=auto
+*.txt text
+*.md text
diff --git a/78161-0.txt b/78161-0.txt
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..b4b3464
--- /dev/null
+++ b/78161-0.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,11019 @@
+*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 78161 ***
+
+
+
+
+                       The Story of the Ukraine
+
+  [Illustration:
+
+    MAP OF
+    UKRAINE]
+
+
+
+
+                             The Story of
+                              The Ukraine
+
+                          CLARENCE A. MANNING
+
+                        Assistant Professor of
+                        East European Languages
+                          Columbia University
+
+  [Illustration]
+
+                         PHILOSOPHICAL LIBRARY
+                               NEW YORK
+
+
+
+
+                            Copyright 1947
+                   _By_ PHILOSOPHICAL LIBRARY, INC.
+                 15 EAST 40TH STREET, NEW YORK, N. Y.
+
+
+                PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
+
+
+
+
+                           TABLE OF CONTENTS
+
+
+                                                         PAGE
+
+    _Introduction_                                          9
+
+    _Chapter I_
+
+      UKRAINE                                              19
+
+    _Chapter II_
+
+      RUS’ AND UKRAINE                                     24
+
+    _Chapter III_
+
+      KIEVAN RUS’                                          31
+
+    _Chapter IV_
+
+      THE CULTURAL REVIVAL                                 45
+
+    _Chapter V_
+
+      THE KOZAKS                                           59
+
+    _Chapter VI_
+
+      BOHDAN KHMELNITSKY                                   73
+
+    _Chapter VII_
+
+      THE REVOLT OF MAZEPA                                 87
+
+    _Chapter VIII_
+
+      THE SPREAD OF KIEVAN CULTURE IN MOSCOW              106
+
+    _Chapter IX_
+
+      THE LAST ACTS IN POLAND                             121
+
+    _Chapter X_
+
+      THE END OF KOZAK LIBERTIES                          131
+
+    _Chapter XI_
+
+      UKRAINE AT THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY        145
+
+    _Chapter XII_
+
+      THE AWAKENING IN EASTERN UKRAINE                    155
+
+    _Chapter XIII_
+
+      THE SOCIETY OF SAINTS CYRIL AND METHODIUS           164
+
+    _Chapter XIV_
+
+      THE REVIVAL IN GALICIA                              172
+
+    _Chapter XV_
+
+      PROGRESS IN RUSSIA                                  184
+
+    _Chapter XVI_
+
+      DEVELOPMENTS IN WESTERN UKRAINE                     195
+
+    _Chapter XVII_
+
+      BETWEEN REVOLUTION AND WAR                          203
+
+    _Chapter XVIII_
+
+      THE FIRST WORLD WAR                                 210
+
+    _Chapter XIX_
+
+      UKRAINIAN INDEPENDENCE                              216
+
+    _Chapter XX_
+
+      FOREIGN RELATIONS                                   227
+
+    _Chapter XXI_
+
+      THE REPUBLIC OF WESTERN UKRAINE                     238
+
+    _Chapter XXII_
+
+      THE FALL OF UKRAINE                                 244
+
+    _Chapter XXIII_
+
+      WESTERN UKRAINE                                     255
+
+    _Chapter XXIV_
+
+      CARPATHO-UKRAINE                                    265
+
+    _Chapter XXV_
+
+      THE UKRAINIAN SOVIET REPUBLIC                       273
+
+    _Chapter XXVI_
+
+      UKRAINE IN WORLD WAR II                             288
+
+    _Chapter XXVII_
+
+      THE FUTURE OF UKRAINE                               301
+
+
+
+
+                       The Story of the Ukraine
+
+
+
+
+                            _INTRODUCTION_
+
+
+In the spring of 1945, the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic was
+formally accepted at the Conference in San Francisco as a member of the
+United Nations Organization. This could not satisfy the aspirations
+of the forty million Ukrainians who were suffering under Communist
+yoke and were witnessing the attempt to eradicate from their country
+all those principles of freedom and democracy for which they had so
+long been struggling, but it did bring prominently before the public
+opinion of the world that Ukraine was not the creation of a series of
+propagandists but a nation with its own geographical area, its own
+population, and its own history. The rulers of the Union of Soviet
+Socialist Republics had thought fit to bring before the representatives
+of the United Nations a situation that had been denied for centuries
+by Russian officials and scholars. After long denying its existence,
+the world was forced to acknowledge that Ukraine really did exist
+and it will be impossible for students in the future to take again
+the old widespread attitude that Ukraine is only a figment of the
+imagination. It will be impossible in the future to write European and
+world history, without taking account of this people which for good or
+ill have inhabited their homeland for over one thousand years and have
+taken part in nearly all the great movements of thought and action that
+have swept over Europe.
+
+There is no need to delve into prehistoric times and to endeavor to
+identify the various tribes and cultures that have passed forgotten
+into the composition of Ukraine. It is over one thousand years since
+the first known dynasty was established at Kiev on the Dnyeper River
+and the country was launched upon its historic course. It is nearly
+one thousand years since monks from Constantinople, the imperial city
+on the Bosphorus, were invited to Kiev and baptized the sovereign,
+Saint Volodymyr, and his court and made Kiev one of the civilized
+capitals of Christendom.
+
+For two centuries the Grand Prince of Kiev was known and respected
+throughout Europe, even though that Europe was very different
+politically from what it is to-day. Constantinople which had given
+richly of its culture to the new state in the east of Europe was
+then the great centre of Christian civilization. All nations in the
+West were looking at its wealth and power with admiration and with
+envy, for there was none that could compare with it. The Western Holy
+Roman Empire had just struggled to its feet under the rule of the
+Emperor Otto I. Hugh Capet had just been crowned King of France and
+was struggling to make his title valuable. The Norman conquest of
+England had not yet taken place and the last Saxon rulers were trying
+to hold their crown and to unify the country. Paganism still was rife
+in large sections of Germany. The reforms of Pope Gregory VII in the
+Roman Catholic Church were still in the future. All of western Europe
+was slowly recovering from the Dark Ages which had prevailed since the
+barbarian invasions of the fifth century.
+
+Against this background Kiev shines as a great and progressive state.
+Its early rulers represented culture and civilization. It is small
+wonder that Princesses of Kiev married into all the royal houses of
+Europe, that the struggling princes and kings and emperors of the West
+were only too proud and happy to be connected by ties of marriage and
+of blood to the Grand Princes of Kiev, their superiors in wealth and
+culture and enlightenment. Unless we realize this fact, we cannot
+hope to understand the tragedy that swept over Ukraine when internal
+dissension and the overwhelming attacks of the nomads of the steppes
+and then of the Mongols weakened and destroyed a state that had seemed
+secure and permanent but a short time before. We cannot understand
+otherwise the political vacuum that developed in eastern Europe, when
+early in the thirteenth century Rus’-Ukraine ceased to be the dominant
+force along the great river valleys of the east and left its lands and
+people to be the prey of one nation after another which for centuries
+had not dared to question their will.
+
+It was the tragedy of Ukraine that this collapse came at the very
+period when the countries of the Roman Catholic West were struggling
+to their feet. Those years when the Middle Ages were at their height
+formed the darkest and most hopeless years in Ukrainian history. It
+was the time when the old nobility were largely lost to the life
+of the people and when in large numbers they accepted the Polish
+language and Polish customs. The fall of Constantinople to the Turks
+in 1453 deprived the people and their Orthodox Church of all contact
+with Eastern Christian culture and left them helpless, with their
+educational system in ruins, their political organization shattered,
+and their economic life in chaos. Then, if ever, it seemed likely
+that the country would be reduced to ignorant peasants destined to
+be absorbed by their conquerors and to pass away among the forgotten
+peoples of the world. The great movements of chivalry and the
+Renaissance which prepared the way for modern Europe could have no
+meaning for the helpless serfs and uneducated city people who formed
+almost all that was left of the once proud state of Kiev.
+
+It was then that out of these masses and the few nobles who still
+retained the national spirit and tradition there grew the surprising
+movement which revived the spirit of Ukrainian culture. It was then
+that the unsettled conditions on the frontier, the bold and hazardous
+life of opposition to the Asiatic invaders developed the Kozaks.
+On land and sea they fought and the exploits of the heroes of the
+Zaporozhian Sich with their wild and untamed democracy in the sixteenth
+century fitted in well with the sturdy sea-dogs of England who were
+proud to singe the beard of the King of Spain on all of the seven seas.
+The era of Sir Francis Drake and Sir Walter Raleigh, of the English
+fight against the Spanish Armada in the reign of Queen Elizabeth
+coincided exactly with the years when the Kozaks made their raids
+against the Turks and the Tatars, when they dared to burn and plunder
+the suburbs of Constantinople itself, and when the cry that the Kozaks
+were coming was enough to spread the alarm through all eastern Europe,
+wherever there was oppression and evil.
+
+The sixteenth century was an era all over Europe when men dared to
+fight and risk their lives for the religious and political ideas which
+they respected and in which they believed. It was an era of religious
+confusion and of change and although the problem in Ukraine was
+different, the same spirit that a little earlier had sent Christopher
+Columbus across the ocean, that inspired Cortez and Pizarro to conquer
+the Aztecs and the Incas, that explored the New World under terrific
+odds, saw the development of the democratic Kozak Host.
+
+It was a glorious and a heroic period but it was costly in the blood
+of Ukraine’s sons. They had no base of supplies, no formal government
+on which they could lean, no resources behind them. They followed
+their love of liberty, their disregard for death, their own elected
+leaders and made their names forever memorable in the books of heroes
+and of men of action. It was a true revolt of the human spirit against
+oppression and tyranny. It was a time when men were so busy acting that
+they had no inclination to think and to reflect. They were so conscious
+of the need of winning freedom and of gaining wealth and power by their
+heroism that they neglected much that would have helped them later.
+
+So the struggle continued until in the seventeenth century Bohdan
+Khmelnitsky, the greatest of the hetmans, endeavored to organize
+the Host and Ukraine on a national basis. He exchanged letters with
+Oliver Cromwell. He lived and worked at the time when the Puritans
+were mastering the New England wilderness, when the Thirty Years War
+was decimating Germany, when the first seeds of modern thought were
+sprouting all over Europe.
+
+Had he won his fight, had he lived a little longer to make Ukraine
+really free, a restored Ukraine and the Thirteen American Colonies
+would have appeared in history at one and the same time. The ideals of
+popular rule would have taken root in two widely scattered parts of
+the world. There would have been in Europe a free republic set up in a
+strategic part of the continent, and the history of Europe would have
+been changed.
+
+It was not to be. In an evil moment, Khmelnitsky put the Kozak Host
+under the jurisdiction of the Tsar of Moscow and from that moment on,
+it was torn to pieces by the mutual efforts of Moscow and Poland. Step
+by step, as the New World went on to increasing power and unanimity,
+as the American colonies became conscious of their mutual interests
+and of their growing strength, Ukraine fell into greater and greater
+chaos. Hetman fought against hetman, instigated by foreign rulers,
+and the great masses of the Kozaks, losing their own ideals, again
+reverted to dissatisfied and impoverished peasants while their officers
+tried to become aristocrats like the nobles around them. It was in
+vain that Mazepa tried to rouse the Kozaks to revolt for Ukrainian
+independence. It was in vain that one leader after another endeavored
+to bring back the old spirit of unity and of cooperation. The power of
+Moscow increased over the Kozak Host. More of the leaders were lost to
+the popular cause and despair reigned throughout the land as Peter
+the Great and Catherine tore away and abrogated the last of the Kozak
+rights.
+
+It is striking and significant that it was in 1775, the very year when
+the Americans rose in revolt against the British Crown in defence of
+their liberties, that the armed forces of Catherine the Great destroyed
+the Zaporozhian Sich and ended once and for all the old institution
+that had carried Ukraine in the preceding century to a height
+unparalleled since the early days of Kiev. When we compare the power
+and population of the American colonies and of the Kozak Host in the
+days of Khmelnitsky and then again in 1775, we shall see how the ideas
+of liberty brought rich dividends to America and how the obscuring of
+them by the actions of foreign rulers and internal discord wrought
+havoc in Ukraine.
+
+The old system perished just at the very moment when in the New World
+those principles of individual initiative and of political liberty for
+which the Sich and the Kozak Host had always stood were winning their
+great triumph. It came to its end just as the American Revolution was
+breaking out, just when the “shot heard round the world” at Concord
+Bridge was ringing out a new appeal to mankind to fight and die for
+liberty and for freedom. It came to its end just as the thinkers of
+Western Europe dared to proclaim again the rights of man and the
+eternal principles of justice and of law.
+
+The old Ukraine disappeared just at the moment when conditions were
+becoming favorable for its continuation, when the power of public
+opinion was again being invoked to justify a struggle against tyranny
+and oppression. It was only fourteen years before the French Revolution
+was to carry into Europe itself those ideals and principles that men
+had fought to win in the New World. It was by such a narrow margin that
+Ukraine failed to be one of the states which could aspire to political
+continuity, to the passing from autocratic domination to liberty with
+its old forms preserved, with old traditions living in written statute
+as well as in the memory of the people.
+
+Then came the revival, but it was a slow and painful process, for
+the Ukrainian leaders had to struggle for every concession from the
+autocratic rulers who held the country. The very existence of the
+country was denied, the name was abolished, the language was mocked as
+an uncouth peasant dialect. Such a seer and a prophet as Shevchenko
+had to pay for his devotion to his country with years of exile and
+imprisonment in the Russian army. Yet step by step the struggle went
+on. All through the nineteenth century, the demand for a true Ukrainian
+solution of the Ukrainian question gained strength in the underground
+of the consciousness of the people. The sense of unity in all branches
+of the Ukrainian people, whether in Russia or in Austria-Hungary,
+grew and spread. It was not spectacular. There could not be any open
+proclamation of its hopes and its aspirations. There could be no open
+economic strengthening of the people for their own good. Yet they
+continued to work, to hope and to pray.
+
+The First World War broke out and it ruined the two empires that
+controlled Ukraine. The principles of the United States, the Fourteen
+Points of Wilson, the message of self-determination for all peoples,
+resounded through Ukraine and once more there was proclaimed in 1919
+a united sovereign Ukrainian Republic. The ideals that the Kozaks had
+had in common with the Americans two and a half centuries earlier once
+again found their voice on Ukrainian territory and for a while it
+seemed as if a final solution of the future of Ukraine had been
+reached.
+
+Again there came disaster. The democratic powers could never make up
+their minds as to their course of action. A century and a half of
+absence from the councils of the world, a century and a half of hostile
+propaganda denying the very existence of Ukraine was too heavy a
+burden for the restored Ukrainian Republic to carry. Ukraine found an
+inadequate and a biased hearing abroad. The ghosts of the past were
+present everywhere. The country had no influential friends. There was
+no one to supply her with sufficient arms and ammunition. There was no
+one to extend diplomatic support and Ukraine fell.
+
+Communism backed by Moscow conquered the country and Ukraine became the
+Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, included in the Soviet Union and
+ruled by Russian Communists. The national spirit did not die. Millions
+of the population perished in famines artificially created to break
+their spirit. Those of the cultural leaders who remained loyal to their
+belief and their traditions were executed or died by their own hand
+to escape a worse fate. Millions of people were deported for no other
+reason than their belief in their rights as human beings. Everything
+was done to eat out the heart of the Ukrainian spirit and to give it a
+Russian Communist aspect.
+
+Then came the Second World War and Ukraine became a battleground to
+be swept over by the German and the Red Armies. Again there came
+devastation, deportations and executions. Both armies acted to
+eliminate the native population and to stifle all national life and
+thought. No one has yet estimated the cost in Ukrainian lives and
+wealth but enough is known now to show that the old spirit of Ukraine
+has not been eliminated. There are still people who live and hope that
+Ukraine can be restored to its people. It makes no difference if all
+the forces of propaganda are mobilized to call the patriots bandits.
+Their struggle still goes on and even if it seems hopeless, it can
+hardly be more so than many times in the past.
+
+It is under such conditions that the world has accepted the Ukrainian
+Soviet Socialist Republic into the United Nations Organization. There
+may be questions as to the motives that inspired this demand of the
+Soviet Union. Yet once and for all it has answered the old charge
+iterated and reiterated so often during the past centuries that there
+is no Ukraine. Henceforth no historian will be able to accept the old
+thesis that Ukraine is only a rough name for some Russian or Polish
+provinces, that Ukraine was invented as a convenient tool for the
+destruction of two empires and that it has no existence in fact, in
+history, or in reality.
+
+What of the future? That is dark and uncertain but the trend of
+humanity toward the winning of freedom can hardly be stopped for long.
+For a thousand years Ukraine has shared in the vicissitudes of European
+and Christian civilization. It will continue to do so and if in the
+future Ukraine does not receive its just dues, if the Ukrainians fail
+to win the benefits of the Four Freedoms, it will be only because
+history has reversed itself and mankind in the midst of unparalleled
+scientific development has lost its hopes, its aspirations, and its
+power of moral advancement.
+
+To-day the name of Ukraine is once again upon the map of Europe. There
+it will stay. The Ukrainian spirit is not yet free but it has proved
+itself imperishable in the past and it will continue to remain so in
+the future. That is the point of the study of Ukrainian history and of
+this attempt to picture the past and the present of the country’s life,
+in the hope that it may throw some light upon the future.
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER ONE
+
+                               _UKRAINE_
+
+
+Ukraine is often called the granary of Europe and its natural wealth
+has long made it the object of envy of all of its neighbors and of all
+aggressive peoples in the eastern part of the continent. At the same
+time its geographical position has made it of pivotal importance in all
+of the European combinations, whether for war or peace.
+
+What then is Ukraine and where is it situated? In the simplest
+definition it is the area which is bounded by the Black Sea on the
+south, the Carpathian mountains on the west, and the Don River on the
+east. To the north its boundaries are far less definite, for there
+is no natural barrier and the northern section merges more or less
+imperceptibly into the southern part of the area inhabited by the Great
+Russians. This boundary has changed with the passing of the centuries
+but it has remained surprisingly constant when we consider the involved
+political history of eastern Europe.
+
+The country occupies the southernmost of the great belts of land that
+stretch across Europe and Asia on the great plains of the east. That
+is the belt of the steppes, wide expanses of level rolling country,
+with the celebrated and enormously fertile black earth regions which
+have been cultivated more or less continuously for over three thousand
+years. To the north in the Great Russian area is found a broad belt of
+forest land that covers the greater part of the old Russian Empire but
+Ukraine itself is ideally fitted by soil and climate to be a prosperous
+agricultural area which will offer an abundant living to hardy and
+rugged people who are not afraid of physical labor.
+
+The greatest extension of the country is from east to west, for it
+is far narrower from north to south, but despite all this Ukraine is
+a large country with an area of some 200,000 square miles and under
+favorable conditions it could easily support its population of some
+forty million people, most of whom speak the Ukrainian language, live
+according to the Ukrainian mode of life and are conscious of their
+national character.
+
+Across it from north to south flow most of the great rivers that empty
+into the Black Sea. There are the Dnyester, the Dnyeper and the Don,
+three great highways between central and northern Europe and the Black
+Sea. Ukraine lies squarely across their path and hence it comes about
+that the country controls all the arteries that lead into the Black Sea
+and from there through the Dardanelles into the Mediterranean. It gives
+the land a tremendous economic position which its own people and their
+conquerors have never undervalued.
+
+That favorable position contains within itself the source of danger.
+Unfortunately at no time in their history have the Ukrainian people
+moved sufficiently to the north to occupy the head waters of these
+streams and to take control of the rivers that flow to the north into
+the Baltic. The people there have always looked with envy at Ukraine;
+they have always tried to descend these rivers, usually broad and
+sluggish, and to take possession of the fertile plains which they saw
+stretching in all directions.
+
+Ukraine is the natural highway between the east and west. For centuries
+before recorded history begins, the nomad tribes pushing westward from
+central Asia found these same plains the most accessible and convenient
+road to Europe. Long before there came a national consciousness in
+the area, long before any existing European country even dreamed of
+coming into being, warriors mounted on small fast horses poured across
+this region, carrying their culture into Europe and making their way
+eastward again with the spoils of the west. Likewise invaders from the
+west sought access to the territory for the purposes of carrying their
+raids into the east and of returning home with the riches of the Orient.
+
+Trade followed the same general route. No one attempts to estimate
+when the trading caravans on their way from western China and central
+Asia to the early trading centers of Europe first passed across the
+territory for purposes of peace as did the military groups for war and
+plunder.
+
+Thus, at an early date, Ukraine was at the crossroads of the world. The
+Scandinavian Vikings were but following in the path of many peoples
+who sought to emphasize the route from north to south, exactly as
+others travelled from east to west. Kiev as the central point in these
+crossroads had a trading importance that was unequalled by any place
+except perhaps Constantinople, where sea-borne traffic added to the
+wealth of the population and offered a simpler outlet to the rest of
+the world.
+
+It is small wonder then that Kiev as a trading center can trace
+its origin before the dawn of history and that the area around it
+was inhabited from the earliest days of man in Europe. It is small
+wonder that Ukraine developed into a powerful and independent state
+long before the countries to the west and that it was one of the
+richest daughters of the Byzantine Empire. It is small wonder that
+for centuries the wishes of the rulers of Kiev were to be considered
+throughout all of eastern Europe.
+
+Yet the very accessibility of the country and the lack of definite
+boundaries to the north and to a lesser degree to the east cast upon
+the rulers of the land gigantic problems of self-defence. They had to
+be constantly alert, lest armed raiders harry their country and plunder
+the population and the rich grainfields.
+
+Geographically Ukraine occupies one of the most important portant
+locations in Europe. It is a position well adapted for the organization
+of a powerful state which is vitally interested in the development of
+communications with the outside world. A Ukraine developed for the
+benefit of her own people and playing her part in world organization
+would have been a stabilizing factor for much of Europe. It would have
+ended many of the most violent disputes that arose as one neighbor
+after another claimed her territory, and sought to build their own
+greatness and permanence on her ruins.
+
+Besides that, the country is rich. Its fertile soil is an almost
+inexhaustible resource. For millenia her fields have yielded wheat and
+the black earth, often several feet in depth, is still not exhausted.
+There is hardly a staple crop, with the exception of cotton, that is
+not adapted to the climate. Her soil is richer than that of any of her
+neighbors. It yields copious returns for the labor of her inhabitants.
+In the past centuries wheat, sugar beets and many other crops including
+fruits, have been produced and exported for the welfare of her
+neighbors and little or no attention has been paid to the welfare of
+the inhabitants of the country.
+
+As if this were not enough, Ukraine possesses an almost inexhaustible
+supply of mineral resources. The coal and iron mines which have been
+exploited during the last century have been among the most important
+in the Russian Empire. The industries of the Russian Empire and then
+of the Soviet Union were long dependent upon the raw materials which
+came from this section of the continent. There is oil in the west.
+This mineral and that are found in commercial deposits and it is now
+realized that the mineral resources of the country are fully equal to
+the wealth that lies buried in the fields.
+
+The land with such natural gifts is inhabited by a thrifty, industrious
+population who have shown in peace and in war their love of liberty
+and a proud, stubborn independence which has all too often degenerated
+into a factionalism that has broken the hearts of many of the wiser
+leaders. It is one of the paradoxes of human nature that the people of
+the plains have often found it more difficult to unite for a common
+cause than have the people of the mountains, who are more or less
+isolated in their narrow valleys. It has been easier to separate them
+and to divide their interests; once damage has been done to their
+organization it has been harder to repair. That is now and has been
+in the past the great weakness of the population. Once the fabric of
+the state was shattered in the early days, Ukraine, always aspiring to
+recover her lost unity, found it very difficult to achieve. The cities
+were unable to dominate the country. The peasants were interested in
+their several local problems and the foreign invaders far too often
+were able to manoeuvre them at will and to block those measures which
+alone could unify the land and enable the population of the villages to
+meet them on an equal level.
+
+All this has made Ukraine throughout the ages a land of wealth and of
+sadness, a land thirsting for liberty but again and again debarred from
+obtaining it. Here are all the resources, human and physical, that are
+needed to produce a great state, while untoward factors have worked
+against it and kept the land in turmoil.
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER TWO
+
+                          _RUS’ AND UKRAINE_
+
+
+Perhaps no single circumstance has done more to confuse the opinions of
+the world about Ukraine than the strange confusion that has taken place
+over the name of the country. The old name definitely and clearly was
+Rus’ but that name has been preempted by the northern offshoot of Rus’,
+Russia, and the people have been compelled for the sake of clarity to
+adopt another local title, Ukraine, which was early applied to a part
+of the country.
+
+The origin of the word Rus’ is obscure but we can trace it back in
+history well before the Christianization of the country, for it appears
+in the records of the Byzantine Empire early in the ninth century
+A.D., and the treaties made between the Emperors of Constantinople and
+the Princes of Rus’ show that the name referred to a very definite
+political entity, but as they do not concern questions of boundaries,
+we are not able to define accurately the territory to which they refer.
+Yet it is clear that Rus’ in its essence referred to the valley of the
+Dnyeper River, the southern part of the Varangian Road by which the
+Scandinavian Vikings penetrated from the Baltic Sea to the Black Sea.
+
+For centuries scholars have been debating the origin and meaning of
+the name. Since the earliest passages that are preserved in the Rus’
+language are clearly old Scandinavian, there has been a prevailing
+opinion that Rus’ was the name of one of the Scandinavian tribes that
+spread over Europe during the eighth and ninth centuries. They appeared
+along the Dnyeper about the same time that the Normans were settling
+in France, and like them they adopted the language of the population,
+which in this case was a race speaking an East Slavonic language.
+Historians have been inclined to connect this with the old legend of
+the conquest of Kiev and Novgorod by Rurik and his two brothers, who
+were invited to rule the country because it was a rich land and there
+was no order in it. It is an old fable common to many lands and places,
+but there is no evidence as to its truth and if there were, we would
+still be far from knowing the actual meaning of the word.
+
+A not less vocal group has felt that this story was not too dignified
+and has sought some other origin. Many have regarded it as a Slavonic
+borrowing from Iranian or they have tried to find some place name which
+could serve as a source. It is all in vain and for all intents and
+purposes we can only go back to recorded history and accept the fact
+that when that history first became definite, the word Rus’ was applied
+to the population of the Dnyeper valley and of the valley of the
+Volkhov that formed the northern end of the Varangian Road. Kiev on the
+south and Novgorod on the north were the two fortresses on this line of
+transport and they formed the two centres of the earliest Rus’.
+
+Yet even then Kiev was the more important of the two, for it lay not
+only on the north-south route but also on the east-west road from
+central Asia. It was then called the capital of Rus’ and as we learn
+more of the settlement of the country, we realize how the area of Rus’
+expanded until it covered with rare exactness the territory between the
+Carpathians and the Don that forms the modern Ukraine.
+
+It is by no means certain that the princes who went to the north and
+east into the territory of the various Finnic tribes and founded
+those centres which were later to be the heart of Moscow thought of
+themselves as forming part of Rus’. They are recorded in the ancient
+Chronicles as returning to Rus’, and the area to which they return is
+consistently that of Kiev and of Ukraine. The same is true of the area
+of Novgorod, which practically broke away from the south and went its
+own way after the trade between Kiev and the Scandinavians fell into
+abeyance and the merchants of Novgorod worked with the Baltic area and
+to the northeast.
+
+Later the region around Kiev came to bear the title of Mala Rus’,
+Little Russia, but this was clearly not a sign of inferiority. It was a
+common system of the past. In Poland the area around Krakow was called
+Little Poland to distinguish it from the Great Poland away from the
+nation’s capital. Ancient Greece was called Greece to distinguish it
+from Magna Graecia, that great area of Sicily, south Italy, the shores
+of Asia Minor and the Black Sea, where Greek colonies had been planted
+in the barbarian world.
+
+It was not until 1169, when Prince Andrey Bogolyubsky definitely
+decided to transfer the centre of the state to the northeast, that we
+have definite proof of the connection of the word Rus’ in any form with
+the northern principalities that were to form the origin of Moscow.
+Then he carried away with him the head of the Orthodox Church and
+attempted to create in another area a state of Rus’. Yet he did not
+find it too satisfactory and for some centuries the word almost dropped
+out of use in the north as the Princes of Moscow preferred to name
+their country after their capital. Russian historians of all ages and
+of all schools of thought have always spoken of the Grand Principality
+and Tsardom of Muscovy as the name of the country until the seventeenth
+century.
+
+Rus’ remained, except for official titles of the Tsars of Moscow in
+their most formal aspects, as the name of the area around Kiev. The
+Princes of Galicia who assumed the title of Kings of Rus’ in the
+thirteenth century used it to assert their lordship over the area that
+had fallen into the hands of the Tatars. They still continued to call a
+citizen of their lands a Rusin and the adjective that was used for it
+was Rus’sky.
+
+On Muscovite territory there came other changes, for during these years
+Moscow developed a sharp aversion to Kiev and everything for which
+it stood. The whole tradition of the Third Rome, which was hostile
+to everything outside the land, taught that Moscow was the centre of
+Christian civilization and that Kiev, like Constantinople and like
+the First Rome, had definitely fallen into heresy. Now and then the
+tsars might employ the word Rusia, but even this was too much of a
+concession for their stubborn pride and it was not until Tsar Alexis in
+the seventeenth century began to nourish hopes of recovering the area
+around Kiev that he gave any significance to the use of the word Rus’.
+
+In fact it was not until the time of Peter the Great that the name
+Rossiya--Russia--came into common use and even then Peter introduced
+it with the idea of asserting his power as a European sovereign and he
+did it against the usage of the European states, which continued to
+refer to him as Tsar or Emperor of Moscow. Even later the great poets
+of the eighteenth century continued to use the adjective Rossiysky and
+the ordinary form that was employed during the nineteenth century, i.e.
+Russky, was of rare occurrence.
+
+Through the centuries, regardless of the ups and downs of the two
+states, of the political issues of union and disunion, there remained
+a sharp differentiation between Moscow and Rus’. It was not until
+Moscow saw itself in a position to make itself the heir of Kiev in the
+eyes of the world that it preempted very definitely the name of Rus’,
+proclaimed that Rus’ was Russia, and dangled it before the eyes of the
+world to win belief that both Kiev and Moscow belonged together under
+the aegis of Moscow and St. Petersburg.
+
+In earlier ages Moscow had been content to seek the support of Rus’
+on the basis of the Orthodox religion, when it desired to secure
+cooperation. Then it was Orthodox Moscow and Orthodox Rus’ against the
+Roman Catholic Poles and Lithuanians. That idea could not appeal in the
+eighteenth century, when Peter was manifesting little interest in the
+traditional religion of the people and was trying to change all the old
+established customs. A new basis had to be found and this new equation
+was the result. The injustice of the action was appreciated even by the
+Poles, who had maintained to the end of their national existence their
+control of the province of Rus’. An Encyclopedia put out by the Polish
+National Committee during the First War (Vol. II, No. 5, p. 867) summed
+it up well. “In very deed, Russia stripped Ukraine of everything; she
+even appropriated its very name of ‘Rus’ (Ruthenia), she annexed its
+history of pre-Tatar times, she declared the language was a Russian
+dialect.” It is a clear statement of conditions.
+
+Yet even that was not the only cause of confusion, for in the
+Austro-Hungarian provinces which were stripped away after the division
+of Poland, the government of the Hapsburgs carefully created for the
+people the name of Ruthenians. This was but a Latinized form of the
+name Rus’ and was at first used merely in Latin correspondence. Early
+travellers spoke of Ruthenia as extending from near the region of
+Prague in Bohemia to the land of the Tatars. It was not to remain long
+in that range of activity for with the development of the Union of
+Brest Litovsk, and the growing loss of the leaders of Rus’, Ruthenia
+and Ruthenians came to be used as a mark of inferiority and of
+contempt. It was used to separate these people from the Poles and from
+their other neighbors in Austria-Hungary.
+
+Throughout the Hapsburg lands, Ruthenia became the common term. There
+was Ruthenia proper and then there was White Ruthenia, Red Ruthenia,
+Black Ruthenia, all sections inhabited by various branches of the
+people that had once dominated in Kiev. In the nineteenth century it
+was almost the only term allowed in the province of Galicia, as the
+ancient Halich was now named. It was the term that had to be employed
+by Franko and the writers around him, if they were to be allowed even
+moderate relief from the censorship.
+
+Under such circumstances, with the old name Rus’ taken over by the
+Muscovite Russians and the name Ruthenia forced upon part of the race
+by the Austro-Hungarian Empire, it is small wonder that the people
+themselves turned to the other title of Ukraine. It was an old word
+which is first found in literature about the year 1187, to denote that
+portion of Rus’ on the left bank of the Dnyeper facing the Polovtsy.
+By 1213, two years before the signing of Magna Charta in England, it
+was applied to the exposed sections of the country on the right bank
+of the same river. The word means the “Frontier,” the Borderland, and
+it originally referred to that section of Rus’ which lay facing the
+no-man’s land where Slav and Turk and Tatar struggled for mastery. It
+was the land where the Kozaks developed and it is small wonder that the
+people, faced with the loss of their traditional name, selected this
+term which bore witness to the most heroic period of their history.
+
+Its choice is intelligible and it was made certain when the poet
+Shevchenko in his _Kobzar_ and _Haydamaki_, and many other
+poems, emphasized again and again that “Ukraina’s weeping.” The word
+made its way despite official prohibition, for to the Russians the
+land was always Little Russia and to the Austro-Hungarians, Ruthenia.
+Ukraine might occasionally be used to include the two sections but
+it was always dangerous. There was always the possibility that the
+censors would object and punish the bold author as an advocate of
+separatism.
+
+Yet it triumphed. As the First War drew to its close, Ukraine became
+more and more the common appellation and after the Russian Revolution
+and the collapse of Austria-Hungary, it became the term that was used
+to apply to ancient Rus’ almost universally. There was no one now to
+continue the old nomenclature and it was as Ukraine and under the
+Ukrainian banner that the Republic fought in 1919 and 1920. It was
+under this title that the Soviets conquered the young country and
+deprived it of its independence and it was under this title that they
+introduced it to the United Nations Organization.
+
+All this may seem a petty linguistic and philological dispute, and it
+has been presented as such by all the enemies of the Ukrainian people.
+Yet as is so often the case in such discussion, the mere debate about
+words has veiled a deeper psychological and social division. It has
+been used to ignore the fact that the differences between Rus’ and
+Russia are not passing and superficial, but that they go to the very
+depths of the psychology and thought of the people, they concern the
+attitude toward the world, toward civilization and human rights; and
+to-day with a world in confusion the difference between Russia and
+Ukraine is summed up in the use of the national names. Ukraine exists
+to-day on the territory of ancient Rus’, where it has been since the
+dawn of history and where it will remain.
+
+
+
+
+                             CHAPTER THREE
+
+                             _KIEVAN RUS’_
+
+
+The actual history of Kievan Rus’ commenced in 862 with the accession
+to power of Rurik and his brothers. From this time we can trace a
+consistent history of the realm. Although during the rest of the ninth
+century there is much that is still obscure, we are on safer ground
+when we come to his son Oleh. Yet we would be very wrong to think that
+this was the real beginning of history for even the Chronicles that
+emphasize the role of Rurik make it abundantly clear that Kiev was
+already in existence and was a place of prominence both militarily and
+commercially.
+
+It is tempting to go back and endeavor to trace the earlier inhabitants
+of Ukraine. It is extremely dangerous, for we lack all written
+sources and are forced to depend upon the results of archaeological
+investigation and we can scarcely be sure that the differences in
+culture did not cloak differences in languages and perhaps considerable
+changes of population.
+
+We know that there were human inhabitants of Ukraine from the
+Paleolithic or Old Stone Age on. We can be sure too that the site
+of Kiev was inhabited during the ages for there has been found a
+Paleolithic settlement in Kiev itself. Yet only an enthusiast would
+hold that this settlement was Ukrainian in the sense in which it is
+used to-day. Scholar after scholar has commented upon the fact that
+some of the early dwellings of the Neolithic Period bear striking
+resemblances to the poorer types of Ukrainian peasant homes. They have
+noted that the figures on the vase of Chertomlyk and on other remains
+from the Scythian period, approximately the fourth century B.C., show
+physical types which are still met with in Ukraine. At the same time
+the accounts of the Greek authors and the names of the Scythian rulers
+which they have preserved have nothing Slavonic about them.
+
+This is not surprising. It is often forgotten that the ancient
+conquerors usually formed a relatively small and compact group who
+extended their control over the native populations. In part they killed
+or enslaved the people. In part they fell under the influence of the
+women of the conquered tribe. But there were rarely concerted and
+consistent attempts to wipe out completely the original population.
+Undoubtedly through the ages there remained in Ukraine descendants of
+the earliest inhabitants, but they were completely submerged in the
+changing culture that developed through the centuries.
+
+Perhaps we are on firmer ground when we come to the periods after the
+sixth century, when the Slavonic tribes began to appear in the area.
+The Byzantine historians speak of the Antae and the Veneti and make it
+clear that they did speak Slavonic. Yet even these names are replaced
+by many others and we can hardly decide which of them finally attained
+the mastery. The Chronicles give us many names and allude to various
+differences in culture and traditions but we know too little about any
+of them to determine exactly what these differences really meant.
+
+  [Illustration: Taras Shevchenko in 1840
+
+  (Self portrait)]
+
+  [Illustration: PROF. MICHAEL HRUSHEVSKY]
+
+It was apparently the Rus’ of Kiev who finally were able to extend
+their control over the other Slavonic tribes and to organize the
+new state. The moving spirit in this seems to have been a group of
+Scandinavians but they could not have been numerous enough to displace
+the Slavonic character of the people. It was not long before the rulers
+came to have Slavonic names, like Svyatoslav. In the tenth century he
+sought to extend his control over the northern Balkans and may have
+dreamed of moving his capital south of the Black Earth region. Yet he
+was finally killed by the Pechenegs, perhaps at the instigation of the
+Byzantine emperor, John Tsimiskes. After that, though there might be
+outbreaks between Constantinople and Kiev, relations were on the whole
+peaceful.
+
+At almost the same time Christianity made its appearance. It was only
+natural that the most aggressive missionaries came from Constantinople,
+for the commercial ambitions of Kiev led it to the Black Sea in which
+the Byzantine Empire was supreme. Queen Olha, the mother of Svyatoslav,
+had become an Orthodox Christian in the middle of the tenth century
+but paganism was still too strong for her to convert the druzhina, the
+leading warriors and counsellors of the king, and a half century was to
+pass before the country was definitely converted under Volodymyr, or
+Vladimir.
+
+In the beginning Volodymyr, as a younger son of Svyatoslav by one of
+his numerous concubines, had become the ruler of Novgorod. He was thus
+able to secure new levies of Scandinavian troops from the North and
+to win the throne of Kiev. In his early life he led a pagan revival
+but he was apparently much interested in matters of religion and was
+dissatisfied with the pagan cult. According to the legend of the
+chroniclers, he sent embassies to investigate the Jewish religion of
+the Khozars, Mohammedanism, and the Christianity of the Germans and
+of the Greeks of Constantinople. The envoys were most impressed by
+the splendor of the services in the great Church of St. Sophia and on
+their return Volodymyr decided to seek baptism from the Patriarch of
+Constantinople.
+
+It required some time to bring this about, but in 989 all difficulties
+were finally removed and the Grand Prince and his druzhina were
+definitely baptized. Volodymyr at once cast the idols of Perun and the
+other pagan gods into the Dnyeper and from that time on, he became
+a zealous Christian. Without delay he built the first of the great
+Churches of Kiev, the Church of the Tithe (Desyatinnaya) and for this
+he employed the services of Greek architects.
+
+Kiev became speedily a small scale replica of Constantinople. The Greek
+monks introduced into the country Byzantine culture, architecture,
+and methods of thinking. The Metropolitan of Kiev was a Greek. Yet
+there was no attempt to force the Greek language upon the people. The
+Church services were held not in Greek but in the Church Slavonic
+language, which had been developed by Saints Cyril and Methodius a
+century earlier. His piety and zeal for the spreading of Christianity
+won Volodymyr the title of saint and hence it came about that his name
+appears in the religious services and in the Chronicles as Vladimir,
+the Church Slavonic form of Volodymyr.
+
+From the moment of Volodymyr’s conversion to Christianity and the
+appearance of the Church Slavonic language, the deep darkness that
+covers the history of Kiev and Rus’ begins to disappear. The monks
+engaged in the task of preparing the conventional Chronicles have given
+us confused views of the earlier history in which truth and romance
+are strangely mixed, but from this moment we can begin more clearly to
+trace the history of the country.
+
+At this time Constantinople was the civilized centre of the Christian
+world and Kiev soon became one of its choicest spiritual and
+intellectual children. The rulers of Kiev and the upper classes of the
+population were on a far higher cultural level than were most of the
+rulers of western Europe. Education flourished. This does not mean
+that there was anything similar to our modern methods of widespread
+education and literacy, but larger classes of the population were
+affected than in the still barbaric countries of the West.
+
+The traditional idea that Kiev and Rus’ were backward for the time
+can hardly be maintained. Kiev and its rulers held an honored place
+throughout Europe. The members of the royal family married into
+the family of the Emperors of Constantinople. Other members made
+matrimonial alliances with the Saxon royal family of England, with the
+Kings of France, with Poland and Hungary. In the eleventh century,
+the schism between the Eastern and Western Churches had not yet taken
+place, although there were strong signs of its approach and nothing
+but distance existed to keep Kiev and Rus’ from being swept into the
+general development of European Christian civilization.
+
+The Grand Princes of Kiev were incomparably richer than many of the
+rulers of the West. They had direct connection with Constantinople,
+the greatest of the Christian markets, and they also could trade with
+the Eastern lands. Wealth flowed in. The Byliny, the folk epics, which
+preserved traditions of the greatness of Volodymyr and his court, his
+associates like Ilya of Murom, Dobrynya Nikitich, and the remainder of
+the heroes, never weary of speaking of golden Kiev and of the wealth
+and generosity of Kiev’s ruler. There may be exaggeration but there
+is enough other available material to show that the rulers and the
+upper classes imitated as best they could the luxury and splendor of
+Constantinople and the Byzantine Emperors.
+
+The son and successor of Volodymyr, Yaroslav the Wise, (d. 1054) raised
+the prestige of Kiev and of Rus’ still higher. His lawcode, the Rus’ska
+Pravda, was excellent for his day. It incorporated what was best of the
+Slavonic and the Scandinavian traditions. It pictures for us a great
+state with its urban and rural classes, with trade and commerce, with
+life good for the nobles but far less so for the lower classes and the
+indebted peasants, who were burdened with many obligations which they
+could scarcely meet.
+
+Yet the difficulties which were ultimately to overwhelm the state were
+already visible upon the horizon. The eleventh century was a period of
+nation building in Europe. Poland, Hungary, Bohemia were already coming
+into existence and aiming for expansion. The Holy Roman Empire, revived
+under Charlemagne, was encouraging them to turn to the east for their
+further growth. From the east there came a seemingly endless succession
+of invading nomad tribes, continuing those movements which had been
+sweeping over the black earth region for centuries and millennia.
+
+The new state had no natural boundaries for defence. Only where the
+country touched the Carpathian mountains was there any well defined
+border. In all other directions, south, east and northwest, the land
+lay open to the invaders. That situation which in times of peace had
+made Kiev the centre of commerce and had brought it wealth, in time of
+war was its greatest menace. It was only in the northeast, where the
+great woods sheltered the primitive Finnic peoples still untouched by
+culture and Christianity, that there lurked no danger. In all other
+areas the princes had continually to be on their guard. The danger was
+greatest to the east, for there they were confronted with the highly
+mobile nomad troops who could attack with startling suddenness, ravage
+the country, and if necessary disappear with the same speed.
+
+The heart of the state was the line of the Dnyeper and so long as that
+was not cut, it was possible for Kiev to exist in relative security.
+Outside of that, there were scattered throughout the land various
+lesser cities, such as Chernihiv and others, which served as rallying
+points for the princes and their forces. If it were possible to
+coordinate these into an effective system, all would be well.
+
+Yet it was not a time for coordination. Only a leader of superior
+personality and ability could hold in check the disruptive tendencies
+which made their appearance in every land. There was the bad tradition
+of the early feudalism, whereby the various princes and their forces
+felt themselves practically independent and able to defy the will of
+the central ruler. There was the equally unfortunate custom whereby
+that ruler, to satisfy the members of his immediate family, apportioned
+out the land into various fiefs. Both Volodymyr and Yaroslav obeyed
+this tradition. Each of them had been compelled to fight against his
+own brothers and relatives to secure absolute control of the whole
+of Rus’ and yet each of them had in turn divided his dominions among
+his own children in such a way that the task of unification had to
+be recommenced with each succeeding generation. The reason for their
+actions was clear. It was necessary to have in each strong post a
+strong ruler. It was impossible for a leader to be everywhere at once
+and, in the spirit of the day, a strong subordinate felt no scruples
+about asserting his own independence and seeking to seize the supreme
+power. The Church was the only force that definitely stood for a
+national unity. From the Monastery of the Caves at Kiev, bishops went
+out to try to maintain some semblance of unity. The Metropolitan of
+Kiev had some influence and authority, but he was usually a Greek from
+Constantinople and he was not always aware of the questions at issue.
+
+When we consider the turbulence of the times and the external menace,
+we can only wonder at the success achieved by some of the more able
+rulers. Men like Volodymyr Monomakh, in the twelfth century, could
+definitely take their stand on relatively high moral principles, and
+use their influence against internal dissensions and the oppression
+of their people. Yaroslav could build in Kiev the great Church of
+St. Sophia, modelled on the New Church of Constantinople. The arts
+flourished.
+
+It is abundantly clear also that the princes were not absolute
+sovereigns. They were compelled to pay attention to the wishes of their
+higher officers and counsellors, the druzhina. They were compelled also
+to give heed to the will of the people of the various cities expressed
+through their public assemblies or Veches. In fact in some cities, as
+in Novgorod, which really became an aristocratic republic, the Veche
+became the controlling body and was able to oust the prince whenever he
+displeased it. All of this points to the fact that Rus’ was really a
+form of aristocratic democracy, a state in which the power of the Grand
+Prince or of any of the subordinate princes was more or less closely
+restricted by his ability to hold or alienate the devotion of his
+people.
+
+The prize for which all the princes contended was Kiev. Every ambitious
+ruler sought to secure the coveted capital. Their efforts exhausted the
+country and seriously weakened it against outside aggression. There
+were too many cases where dissatisfied and struggling princes were only
+too willing to seek foreign aid and make alliances with one of the
+western powers or, still worse, with the nomads of the steppes, who
+always proved themselves unreliable allies and often inflicted upon
+their friends as much damage as they did upon the enemies against whom
+their efforts were directed. This was bad in the eleventh century, but
+in the twelfth there was an almost continuous civil war and within a
+century more than thirty princes had sat upon the throne at Kiev.
+
+Under such conditions it was only natural that there should be a
+division of the state. Certain rulers, wearied of the dangerous lures
+of ambition, set themselves to secure their own territory safely,
+even if they were forced to act as completely independent rulers and
+to flout the orders of the central authority. Galicia, the westernmost
+portion of the state of Rus’, was the first to assume practical
+independence. After the time of Yaroslav the Wise, the princes of this
+area set themselves up as provincial rulers and devoted all their
+energies to strengthening their own positions at home and abroad. They
+tried to keep out of the tangled intrigues for the possession of Kiev
+and they worked equally to keep the other princes from interfering
+with their own area, so that the province enjoyed relative peace for
+some centuries. It was not until the destruction of Kiev by the Tatars
+in the thirteenth century that they sought to make their authority
+paramount over the entire country. The example of Galicia was followed
+by the princes of Chernihiv and by many others, so that the original
+unity of Rus’ vanished amid the flames of civil war or in aristocratic
+anarchy.
+
+The ruin was accelerated by the appearance of the Polovtsy, another
+Turkic tribe, which was far more military and far more ably led than
+had been the Pechenegs. During the whole of the twelfth century, they
+ravaged the country almost at will and they were sure to find as allies
+some of the warring princes who were willing to enlist their aid for
+shortsighted personal advantage against other members of their own
+people. The damage which the Polovtsy did was well pictured in the
+_Song of the Armament of Ihor_. This is a unique work of the
+twelfth century and represents the only surviving specimen of the
+court poetry of the day. The unknown poet, in picturing the evils that
+disorder has brought upon the state, looks back to the whole history
+of Kiev and of Rus’, glorifies the princes of old and mourns the
+destruction of that splendid state which had been erected by Volodymyr
+and Yaroslav.
+
+The worst menace came however from the forest lands of the northeast
+which had formerly been the one safe spot on the boundaries. Various
+princes, deprived of their lands in Rus’, had gone up to the area
+around the headwaters of the Don and the Volga. There, amid the Finnic
+population, they had carved out domains for themselves, but they
+were not going to be hampered by the constitutional and democratic
+traditions that had prevailed at Kiev. In their new homes, they were
+able to create a thoroughly autocratic state and to destroy those
+rights and privileges which the old druzhinas had been able to maintain
+against the prince. They were not content with this alone. They also
+were able to keep from starting in their capitals of Vladimir, of
+Suzdal and later of Moscow, the various citizens’ councils which had
+acquired so much power in Novgorod.
+
+With increasing speed the culture of Moscow separated itself from
+that of Kiev. Connections between Kiev and Moscow were difficult,
+between Moscow and Constantinople almost impossible. On the other
+hand the Volga River easily became a route of commerce and of travel
+to the Caspian Sea and this brought Moscow far closer to Armenia and
+Georgia, then at their political height, than to Constantinople and the
+weakening Byzantine Empire. Architecture and art speedily felt the new
+influences. The types of churches that had been developed at Kiev and
+Novgorod under Byzantine influence gave way to new patterns borrowed
+from the east, with low relief for decorations and with simpler
+architectural forms.
+
+Kiev still remained the dominant factor in Rus’. It was a name to be
+conjured with, but it did not hold for these northern principalities
+the sympathetic appeal that it did for all the princes in the older
+part of the country. For a while they continued to yield to the
+spell of the older capital and they sought to play their role in the
+complicated game of politics. Yet only for a while.
+
+In 1169 Prince Andrey Bogolyubsky sacked the city of Kiev. It was the
+most destructive of any of the attacks that had been made against the
+southern capital, for this time it was an attempt at ruin and not at
+control. When Prince Andrey ordered his soldiers to ravage the city, he
+did it because he had no intention of remaining there and making it his
+capital. The earlier princes had fought for Kiev; Prince Andrey fought
+against it. There was no point in plundering ruthlessly a capital which
+the conquerors desired for themselves. There was no reason for sparing
+a city which the conquerors desired to ruin. Everything that was of
+value, whether of ecclesiastical or civil character, was taken and
+the plunder-laden hosts resumed the march to their northern citadel
+of Suzdal. Even the Metropolitan of Kiev, the head of the Church,
+was taken along with them and Prince Andrey Bogolyubsky could look
+with satisfaction at his conquests. He could be sure that it would be
+decades, if not longer, before Kiev would rise again from the ruins and
+dare to threaten his hegemony.
+
+This sack of Kiev was the most important date in the history of the
+country after the introduction of Christianity, for it marked the
+separation of Kiev and the northern cities, the line of demarcation
+between Ukraine-Rus’ and Moscow. It is idle to speculate what was in
+the minds of conquerors and conquered at the very moment of the battle.
+There can be no doubt that the princes of Suzdal were the lineal
+descendants of Volodymyr and Yaroslav. There can be no doubt too that
+their armies were largely composed of men who had never seen and felt
+the charm of Kiev, who had no appreciation for the ancient culture of
+the old metropolis.
+
+Ukrainian thought has been insistent for centuries that this was
+a foreign conquest. The princes of Galicia with the downfall of
+Kiev took in a few years the title of Grand Princes of Rus’. They
+proudly ignored the new principalities and strove to continue the old
+traditions.
+
+To Moscow and the northern princes, this conquest meant the transfer to
+them of all the primacy that had clustered around the fallen city. They
+proudly called themselves and their metropolitans the rulers of Rus’,
+but even so they much preferred to call themselves the Grand Princes of
+Moscow. They sneered at their victims and it was many centuries before
+they sought to value the city from which they secured their power.
+
+Henceforth the two states went on their independent ways and whatever
+unity still survived was to perish in the new historical developments.
+
+While Kiev was still struggling to repair the damage of the terrible
+plundering, there appeared a new invader. In 1224 there came the
+first onslaught of the forces of Genghis Khan, the dread lord of the
+Mongolian Empire. He defeated the combined princes at a battle on the
+Kalka River and killed Mstislav of Kiev, but his forces soon withdrew.
+
+They returned in 1240 under the Khan Batu and this time the Mongols and
+Tatars came to stay. They sacked and burned Chernihiv and on December
+6, 1240 they captured Kiev and ended the old mediaeval state. It was a
+terrible and thorough sacking of Kiev and Rus’. When it was over, the
+cities were mere shells, the princes annihilated, the land desolate.
+Apparently in their misery the ordinary people rose against the princes
+at the same time and sought to take vengeance upon their former lords.
+
+At the same time the princes of Suzdal and Moscow led the procession
+of nobles who were willing to accept the Mongol Tatar overlordship to
+maintain their thrones. They willingly submitted and for two centuries
+Moscow, for good or ill, formed part of the Mongolian Empire and later
+of its westernmost section, the Golden Horde, with its capital at
+Saray near Kazan on the Volga River. Moscow rapidly became Asianized,
+its princes married Mongol girls, and whatever had remained of the old
+traditions was swallowed up in the new order.
+
+The hope of an independent Rus’ remained only in the West where
+the princes of Halich endeavored to increase their power. It was a
+truncated state that they dominated. Without the rich hinterland of
+the Dnyeper basin and the regions to the east, they were isolated
+among the western states which had already come into existence and
+which formed part of the Western Roman Catholic world. The Orthodox
+state of Rus’ was closely surrounded by Poland and Hungary which had
+already succeeded in acquiring control of that section of Rus’ which
+was in the Carpathian Mountains. Separately or together, Poland and
+Hungary intrigued against or fought with the Princes of Halich and by
+the middle of the fourteenth century Poland succeeded in acquiring the
+control of Galicia.
+
+In the meanwhile there had come the rise of Lithuania in the north. A
+series of able princes pushed their way south through White Ruthenian
+territory and later acquired control of Volynia and Podolia. The
+rulers of Lithuania were either pagan or Orthodox. The White Ruthenian
+Church Slavonic became their court language and the language of
+official business. All this won for them a sympathetic hearing from
+the dismembered principalities of Rus’, especially as the rule of the
+Lithuanians was little harsher than had been the rule of their own
+princes in the later days.
+
+By the end of the fourteenth century, the old state of Rus’ had lost
+all its independence. It was formally divided between Poland, Lithuania
+and Hungary, and the rulers of these countries fought over its
+possessions. Only in Lithuania was there a semblance of the old rule,
+for it was only there that any of the princes were able to maintain
+their prestige and some shreds of their power. Everywhere else, a new
+order had been introduced and the princes had been compelled to submit
+or vanish into obscurity.
+
+It was a sad time for the people. The glories of the past were gone
+and they scarcely lived on, even in the memories of the people. No one
+could have recognized in the wretched, depopulated country the once
+proud state of Kievan Rus’, which had been acknowledged two centuries
+before as an equal of all of the countries of Europe.
+
+
+
+
+                             CHAPTER FOUR
+
+                        _THE CULTURAL REVIVAL_
+
+
+The fifteenth century opened on a ruined state of Rus’-Ukraine. There
+was nothing left of the old authority of the state. Its independence
+and its wealth were gone and its people had only to remain quiet and
+to follow as mute observers the changing pattern of history, for
+the fifteenth century saw the beginnings of modern Europe; it saw
+the discovery of America, the enormous expansion of Poland and the
+independence of Moscow from the Tatar yoke. Mediaeval Europe was
+passing into the modern era and Rus’-Ukraine, gone from the map, could
+only look on without comprehension.
+
+Everything seemed against the unfortunate people, for the two great
+events of the period worked to the disadvantage of the enslaved
+Ukrainians.
+
+First came the fall of Constantinople to the Turks in 1453. The
+collapse of the Byzantine Empire had been gradual. Step by step the
+Turks had pushed nearer to the great capital. They had conquered one
+province after another, until only the city itself was left upon the
+Golden Horn in a splendid isolation. It was in vain that the Emperors
+had appealed to the West for military assistance to ward off the final
+doom. They secured no answer. At the Council of Florence in 1439, they
+had made their submission to the Pope but even this brought them no
+practical benefit, for the age of the Crusades had passed. No one of
+the secular rulers who were busy carving out states for themselves was
+willing to hear the appeal of Rome to divert even a small part of their
+energies and resources to the saving of what had been the great centre
+of Christianity.
+
+Almost simultaneously with this, Ivan III of Moscow threw off the yoke
+of the Golden Horde and Moscow became a free state for the first time
+in two centuries. By his marriage with a member of the Paleolog dynasty
+of Constantinople, Ivan secured a shadowy claim to the double headed
+eagles of Byzantium. He and his followers became enthused with the idea
+that they were the lineal descendants of the Empire and that Moscow
+was now the Christian capital of the world, the Third Rome, entitled
+to recover its ancestral heritage and to shine forth in new glory. It
+was a proud ambition for the isolated state which had been orientalized
+by submission to the Mongols and Tatars and had sunk in all cultural
+matters far below its original source.
+
+In the meanwhile Poland, with its alliance with Lithuania, was rising
+to new heights. Proud of its western traditions, the reborn state
+wanted to know nothing of the culture of those peoples who had entered
+into it. It valued its contacts with Italy and the West. It sought to
+wipe out every trace of its connections with the east and the nobles
+and peasants of Rus’-Ukraine, with their Orthodox faith, seemed to them
+a reflection on the western character of Poland.
+
+Rus’-Ukraine was abandoned by all of its friends at the very moment
+when the Spanish traders and merchants were seeking a road to the
+riches of the Orient, when the new spirit and the teachers from the
+ruined Constantinople were leavening the whole of Europe, when in
+England the Wars of the Roses were wiping out the old feudal nobility
+and when everywhere new currents of life and of thought were changing
+the old system of society. None of these new and healthy currents could
+exert any appreciable influence upon the unfortunate state which five
+centuries earlier had been the cultural offshoot of the great Byzantine
+Empire.
+
+The fall of Constantinople deprived the people of Ukraine of their
+cultural and religious support. The patriarchs were so occupied with
+the heavy problems of personal survival that they had little or no time
+to think of the far distant Ukraine. There were few or no scholars to
+send there to carry on schools and to defend the faith. The people
+were left to themselves to supply their own cultural needs as best
+they could, for Moscow, even though it was the self-styled defender
+of Orthodoxy and the Third Rome, was not interested in any cultural
+development outside of its own restricted sphere and could listen
+gravely to an argument that it was a sin to write or think or add any
+knowledge to the world after the Seventh Oecumenical Council.
+
+This left Ukraine at the mercy of Poland and Lithuania. Galling as it
+was to be under the control of Lithuania, which had formerly ranked so
+low in comparison with Kiev, there were still compensations. Part of
+Lithuania was pagan but many of the lords were Orthodox, and Church
+Slavonic, especially in its White Ruthenian form, was really the
+language of the government records. No matter what was to come, it was
+possible, especially for the nobles and the educated, to be sure of a
+hearing and of their position in the ruling circles.
+
+It was far different in Poland. From its very beginning Poland had
+adopted the Roman Catholic faith and felt itself definitely part of
+the West. As such it had inherited the contempt for Orthodoxy that
+had been widely spread since the Fourth Crusade. Its kings and rulers
+were constantly seeking to eliminate from their body politic and their
+ruling class all those people who would not conform, and there was a
+steady pressure on the leading families and the leading ecclesiastics
+to enter the Roman Catholic Church.
+
+In 1386, Yagello of Lithuania married Queen Jadwiga of Poland and was
+baptized in the Roman Catholic Church. Almost at once the spirit of
+Lithuanian rule began to change as men trained in the Roman Catholic
+faith came to high positions in the state. The result was shown in the
+lessening of Orthodox influence. As the decades passed, the influence
+of Poland grew and finally the Ukrainian provinces of Lithuania were
+definitely brought under Poland and the central Polish system.
+
+This brought with it an increase of Polish and Latin schools. Many
+of the leading nobles adapted themselves to the new regime, and
+since religion was the chief distinguishing criterion, most of them
+definitely became Roman Catholic, and commenced to speak Polish, to
+live in the Polish way and to adopt the manners of their social equals
+in Poland. All this could not fail to react badly upon the Ukrainian
+population, which was still devoutly Orthodox but which was rapidly
+being stripped of its nobility and its educated class.
+
+Thus the sixteenth century bade fair to see the definite extinction
+of Ukrainian hopes and aspirations and even existence. The Ukrainian
+population was rapidly being reduced to an inchoate mass of illiterate
+peasants and townspeople without an intelligentsia and even without
+any educated clergy. Yet these expectations were not fulfilled. In the
+same century there came a revival, at first small in scope and often
+deficient in method, but yet vitally important to the preservation of
+the national and cultural identity.
+
+This revival concerned itself with education. There spread through
+the Ukrainian lands a desire to create schools for the people to
+counter-balance the Polish schools. Since there was already pressure
+for a union of the Churches, which had won the support of several of
+the leading bishops, the new schools adopted a severely Orthodox point
+of view. Their leaders were convinced that a knowledge of the new
+learning could not fail to weaken the position of the Church. They did
+not realize that much of the new learning was itself the result of the
+contact between the scholars who had fled to the West after the fall of
+Constantinople and the traditional wisdom of the West. The education
+became purely religious with very little regard for secular subjects.
+At the same time, insofar as it was possible, the leaders sought to
+spread a knowledge of the older forms of the Church Slavonic and gave
+little heed to the attempts that were being made to adapt this language
+to the living speech of the people.
+
+Such a reform was naturally successful in reviving the national
+consciousness of the Ukrainians but it could not check the tendency
+of many of the more progressive and prominent families to send their
+children to the more fashionable Polish schools and thus the leakage of
+part of the educated class continued with little abatement. Its success
+would have been far greater, had the Patriarch of Constantinople
+been able to send a considerable number of scholars to assist in the
+organization of the new Greek-Slavonic schools, but unfortunately there
+was not the available personnel.
+
+A few outstanding men appeared for a short time. Thus Cyril Loukaris,
+who was later to be the celebrated Patriarch of Constantinople, taught
+at Ostrih and Wilno for a few years and he was perhaps the most
+prominent of the teachers to arrive. Yet even his short stay shows the
+desperate straits to which Constantinople was reduced at the time,
+when it seemed as if Greek learning itself might vanish as had the old
+splendor of Kievan culture.
+
+It is only fair, however, to say that the Polish schools were
+themselves none too efficient. The ideas of Protestantism had spread
+widely throughout Poland during this period and at one time a
+considerable proportion of the great magnates were at least sympathetic
+to it. The movement was checked by the work of the Order of the
+Jesuits and especially by its greatest member, Peter Skarga, probably
+the keenest mind of the day in Poland. He worked vigorously as a
+propagandist for the unity of the Churches and also as a founder and
+administrator of the various schools. The curriculum in these, while
+broader than the average Greek schools, was still not satisfactory from
+the European standpoint of the day. They were heavily laden with a late
+form of scholasticism and this in turn exerted a certain influence upon
+the Orthodox schools which had to prepare their students to live in the
+Polish atmosphere.
+
+The first of the great Ukrainian schools was that of Ostrih. Here
+Prince Konstantin Ostrozky, one of the richest nobles who still adhered
+to the Orthodox faith, set up a school. He invited Greeks to serve on
+its staff. He bought a printing press. Through his friendship with
+Prince Andrey Kurbsky, who fled from Moscow, he was fully acquainted
+with the work that had been done at Novgorod a half century earlier
+by Archbishop Gennady at the time of the heresy of the Judaizers.
+Prince Ostrozky’s powerful position enabled him to secure a copy of
+the Bible prepared by Gennady, parts of which had been translated from
+the Latin Vulgate. This Bible was again revised at Ostrih and was
+published in 1580 as the Ostrih Bible, the first Bible published in
+any East Slavonic land. The school flourished for about twenty years
+until the death of Konstantin. His sons accepted the Roman Catholic
+faith and very soon lost all interest in the work that their father had
+undertaken, with bad results to the school.
+
+At Lviv, the work was under the Lviv Staropegian Brotherhood. This
+was the most important of the various brotherhoods that had been
+established years before in the various Ukrainian towns. These were
+in the nature of the mediaeval guilds but they were also largely
+concerned with the care of the poor and orphans. Membership in them was
+restricted to the Orthodox and they represented the more substantial
+portions of the merchant classes of the various cities. With the
+increasing realization of the need for education and for the defence
+of the Orthodox Faith, these brotherhoods voluntarily gave up part of
+their philanthropic and social activities and devoted themselves to the
+newer and more pressing needs.
+
+Their school was established in 1586, a few years later than that in
+Ostrih, but it was really on a firmer foundation because it could
+not be so severely affected by the defection of a single patron. It
+maintained high rank in Greek and Church Slavonic. At the various
+exercises the pupils were able to write and present Greek speeches and
+translations and some of them went to Mount Athos to continue their
+studies or to remain there as monks. Yet it was forced also to include
+a knowledge of Latin and the various writings of the school show that
+it had come under the influence of the Polish panegyric style of the
+day.
+
+The third centre of the national revival was Kiev, which had shrunken
+sadly in importance under the many sacks which it had undergone. The
+Monastery of the Caves was reorganized to undertake serious educational
+work and the brotherhood of the city also opened its own school. These
+were later combined into the Kiev Academy of Peter Mohyla, a talented
+Moldavian who became the Metropolitan of Kiev in 1632 after having
+been for five years Archimandrite of the Monastery of the Caves. The
+Kiev Academy, which was later able to found branches in various other
+cities, became the outstanding institution in the Ukraine and the
+entire Eastern Slav area. The catechism prepared by Mohyla was accepted
+by a council held under the Patriarch of Constantinople in 1643 as the
+standard for all the Slav-speaking Orthodox and this proved a great
+triumph for Ukrainian and Kievan scholarship, since it gave the Academy
+a standing far outside the area from which it drew its students.
+
+The beneficent results of this system of education would have been far
+greater, had events not made Ukraine the battleground for the renewal
+of the struggle between Rome and Constantinople. Although the Greek
+Church, after the fall of Constantinople, had repudiated the Union
+of Florence and the various negotiations between the Papacy and the
+Byzantine Empire, the results were left in Europe. Many of the Greeks
+who had signed the Union remained in high position in Rome and they
+left behind them their ideas, their hopes and aspirations.
+
+It was easy to see why advocates of such a policy could hope for
+success among the Ukrainians in Poland. Over a period of years many
+of the leading nobles had been Polonized, but they still retained all
+their former rights in making Church appointments, rights little more
+extensive than those possessed by the Roman Catholic nobles. Why should
+they not exercise these rights and place Roman Catholic sympathizers in
+responsible positions? Similarly the King of Poland assumed the various
+rights of the older Orthodox princes who had been expelled from their
+lands at the period of conquest.
+
+In the minds of the thinkers of the sixteenth century, such actions
+were not only moral and consistent but necessary. It suited the
+religious and political leaders of the century and it was powerfully
+reinforced by the efforts of the Jesuits. More and more the Kings and
+the magnates put pressure upon the Orthodox bishops. They even went
+so far in the early part of the century as to require heavy payments
+from the Orthodox before they would consent to the appointment of a new
+Orthodox bishop even for Lviv.
+
+At the same time every change in the constitution of Poland tended to
+increase the power of the lords and to decrease those of the peasants
+and the townspeople. The peasants saw themselves forced to harder and
+harder conditions of living, until they became practically serfs,
+living on the land of their masters and liable for more and more unpaid
+labor. The townspeople gradually lost most of their privileges. They
+were forbidden to buy land, if they were Ukrainians, outside of certain
+Ukrainian quarters, and the flourishing trade that had been built up
+fell to almost nothing. The Polish townspeople were little better off
+and the general history of the towns during the century was one of
+uninterrupted decay. Yet for the Poles religion was not impaired, since
+their clergy were influential in the state. For the Ukrainians, with
+the loss of their aristocracy, the diminution of their privileges left
+them without any defenders.
+
+What was needed was a reorganization of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church
+but this was difficult. Many of the higher ecclesiastics, bishops
+and heads of monasteries, were hardly willing to give up their own
+practical independence. At the same time the brotherhoods, who were the
+best organized and most intelligently conscious members of the Orthodox
+Church, sought for ways to make their influence felt, and as their
+school system grew, so did their claims and their potentialities.
+
+To add to the confusion, just at this moment there began to appear in
+Ukraine various of the Eastern patriarchs. These men, zealously trying
+to uphold their ancient privileges, were travelling not so much for the
+sake of supervising the various sees that were nominally under their
+control as for collecting alms and funds to help the Church in the
+Ottoman Empire. Yet they could not resist the temptation to act as the
+former Patriarchs who were something more than beggars and who had at
+their disposal abundant resources.
+
+Moscow was usually their goal. It was far easier to receive enormous
+funds there than from the poor peasants of Ukraine. It was not without
+significance that in 1589 the Patriarch Jeremias on one of these visits
+was induced by copious gifts for his suffering flock to consecrate a
+Patriarch for Moscow and to grant to the Church of Moscow the right
+to choose and consecrate its own Patriarch thereafter. It was the
+culmination of the dream of Moscow to become the Third Rome.
+
+That same Jeremias, while in Ukraine, and conscious of the sufferings
+and disorder of the Orthodox Church, carelessly approved an agreement
+that had been made a few years earlier between the Patriarch Joachim of
+Antioch and the brotherhood of Lviv. This agreement had conferred upon
+the brotherhood the right of supervision of the clergy and of reporting
+delinquent priests to the bishop who was to be himself liable to
+condemnation, if he refused to remedy the abuse complained of. It was
+a more than foolish proposal, for it meant a complete reversal of the
+traditional Orthodox method of church administration and intensified
+the friction between the higher classes who were usually of the gentry
+and the townsmen and the peasants who ranked lower in the social scale
+of the day.
+
+Sooner or later it was certain to promote a clash in the Ukrainian
+Orthodox Church which could be of profit to no one except its foes.
+Further attempts by the Patriarch to extend his control over the
+Ukrainian Church were equally resented by both clergy and laity. The
+fact was that with the state of irritation and frustration that existed
+in the land almost any action that was designed to tighten up the
+administration, as had been done by the Jesuits in the Roman Catholic
+Church, would have aroused anger and increased the confusion. The
+higher clergy were jealous of the brotherhoods and despised them as
+plebeian. The brotherhoods were suspicious of the bishops and regarded
+them as false to their duties.
+
+It is very possible that there was lurking in all this elements of
+Protestant propaganda from Bohemia. It is certain that the Jesuits
+were not in the slightest degree averse to fanning hostility among the
+Orthodox and that the King and the Polish magnates were willing to
+do anything to break up the solid front that had existed among the
+Orthodox.
+
+At all events a fight soon broke out between Gedeon Balaban, the Bishop
+of Lviv, and the brotherhood. As a result of this, Balaban conferred
+with the other bishops and a decision was made to place themselves
+under the Pope. The clergy and the nobles who took part in these
+discussions realized the danger to the nation from the policy of the
+Poles and the growing power of Moscow and hoped for at least moral
+support from the Papacy and the West. Negotiations went on rapidly in
+secret, for the bishops knew that a large part of their congregations
+would decline to follow them. In 1595, two of them, Terletsky and Poty,
+went to Rome and formally signed an agreement with the Pope, promising
+submission.
+
+The next year, 1596, the King of Poland called a public council of the
+Orthodox Church at Brest to confirm the Union. The result was hardly
+to his liking, for two of the bishops, Balaban who had initiated the
+movement and Kopistinsky, Bishop of Peremyshl, declined to ratify it.
+Despite the efforts of the Polish government, the Patriarchal Vicar
+Nicephorus appeared at the gathering with other Byzantine officials.
+More important than that, the remaining Orthodox lords, including
+Prince Ostrozky, came in protest and there were representatives of the
+brotherhoods and the lesser Orthodox gentry and townsmen.
+
+Thus the lines of battle were clearly drawn between the King, the
+Polish magnates, the Roman Catholic clergy and the bishops who had
+agreed to the Union and all other classes of the population. What
+had been intended as a peace meeting, as the formal ratification of
+something that had been decided upon, ended with ill concealed discord.
+The Orthodox refused to enter the cathedral because the bishop of
+the diocese had signed the Act of Union. The Uniats and the Roman
+Catholics declined to attend the Orthodox meeting presided over by the
+Patriarchal Vicar. A few days were spent in meaningless invitations to
+the opposing party and finally there were duly formed two councils, one
+of the Uniats and Roman Catholics, the other of the Orthodox. Each of
+these duly anathematized and deposed the bishops of the other faction
+and appealed to the King to carry out their wishes as representatives
+of the real desires of the Church and people.
+
+It was abundantly evident that in this controversy the actual power
+lay in the hands of the King and the Uniats. King Sigismund, of the
+Catholic branch of the Vasa line of Sweden, had no intention of giving
+any rights to the Orthodox and his followers controlled the organs of
+the state. The Orthodox could do little but argue, write and talk and
+that seemed little enough. With the control of the state on their side,
+the Uniats felt that they could overlook the many polemical pamphlets
+that were hurled against them, especially by Ivan Vyshensky, the most
+celebrated of the defenders of Orthodoxy. Vyshensky was a monk who
+had studied at Mount Athos. He was a conservative in the educational
+disputes and felt that the modern schools were not severely Orthodox
+enough, not enough critical of the modern Western learning; but when
+it came to the dispute over the Union, he stood firmly with the
+brotherhoods. His pamphlets, written with bitter invective against the
+Uniats, had a telling effect.
+
+The King and his lords paid no attention. They were sure of an ultimate
+victory and set about acting accordingly. They commenced to dispossess
+by force those of the bishops and priests who refused to accept the
+Union and on the death of the Metropolitan of Kiev, Rohoza, in 1590,
+they appointed as the new Metropolitan Poty, who was the violent
+advocate of the Union. Poty kept urging the King and the government to
+further acts of aggression against the Orthodox and his arguments fell
+upon willing ears.
+
+Yet it was a long distance between talk and realization. The Orthodox
+fought zealously in defence of their rights, as they considered them,
+although it was evident that they were fighting a losing battle. The
+number of influential lords on their side and in the Polish senate
+was steadily decreasing as more and more of them became Polonized and
+joined the Roman Catholic Church. Even a promise of the King in 1597,
+forced by the foreign situation, that he would appoint only Orthodox
+to the Orthodox sees and parishes remained a dead letter, for the
+King did not feel himself bound by any promise to the heretics or the
+dissidents, as they were now called in Polish official language.
+
+The reaction varied in the different provinces. In Lviv and Peremyshl
+where there were still Orthodox bishops, even though the influence
+of Polish landlords was strong, there was some relief. In those
+dioceses where the Catholic landlords joined with the Uniat bishops
+the situation was worse. In some others, as Kiev, where there still
+remained a considerable number of Orthodox landlords, there was a still
+different situation and in Kiev particularly, Prince Vasil Konstantin
+Ostrozky as governor of the province openly disobeyed the orders of the
+king.
+
+Yet all this was temporary. Time was clearly playing on the side of
+the Catholics and the Uniats. Sooner or later it was certain that
+there would come a moment when the Orthodox opposition would become
+negligible, when the Orthodox lords would cease to have the power
+to defend their coreligionists in the Polish government or on their
+estates, when the brotherhoods could be broken up or suppressed or won
+over. Steps were already taken in Wilno to expel the Orthodox from the
+Churches despite the pleas of the vast majority of the population.
+
+There was only one factor that might interfere. It had already appeared
+as a dark shadow when the King endeavored to seize the Monastery of the
+Caves at Kiev. That was the appearance of an armed band of Nalyvaykans,
+as they were called, within the walls of the monastery, who were ready
+to fight for the Orthodox Church. It was a grim portent and a warning,
+had the King and his advisors been prepared to heed it, for these men
+were a branch of the Kozaks of the Dnyeper valley and the Kozaks were
+destined to bear in the future the burden of the struggle for Ukrainian
+freedom.
+
+
+
+
+                             CHAPTER FIVE
+
+                             _THE KOZAKS_
+
+
+The sixteenth and seventeenth centuries were a brilliant and colorful
+age, an age of high thinking and of great adventure. Not since the age
+of the Vikings had men of courage and of determination dared so much
+upon the high seas. The Spanish conquistadores settled the whole of
+South America. They laid their hands upon the fabulous wealth of Mexico
+and Peru. Well armed and fearless, a handful of Europeans dared to face
+thousands of the Aztecs and the Incas and came off victorious in the
+name of the Christian religion. The English in still smaller and more
+manageable boats swarmed across the Atlantic Ocean and attacked the
+rich and treasure-laden galleons wherever they found them and then,
+early in the seventeenth century, they laid the foundations of their
+colonies in America. Europe meanwhile was torn by religious wars,
+as the new ideas of Protestantism sought to extend their sphere of
+influence.
+
+That same spirit and that same daring, that same zeal for the Faith
+which they had received from their fathers, that same longing for
+a freedom which they no longer had burst out in the east of Europe
+and started the Kozaks on their historic mission. Where the Atlantic
+seaboard saw men of courage and of action put out to sea in small and
+scarcely seaworthy craft, in the east men of similar character swept
+across the steppes, ready to fight and to sell their lives for liberty.
+They formed a force that was difficult to control and impossible to
+check. They revived the courage and the bravery of the early rulers of
+Kiev and they left an imperishable mark upon their surroundings. The
+Kozak Host became in a few years an object of terror and concern to
+all of their neighbors, be they Poles, Muscovites, Turks, Tatars or
+whoever else attempted to restrain their unbridled energy and to reduce
+them to the status of serfs. It was an outpouring of the human spirit
+that has scarcely been equalled at any time or in any region and the
+Kozaks were praised or hated, according as they met with friend or foe.
+
+The name Kozak is borrowed from the Turkish word meaning “free warrior”
+and the meaning of the word amply expresses the dominant characteristic
+of these people. They were in essence the frontiersmen of eastern
+Europe, living in those areas where there was no law but the sword and
+where no man could be called to account except by one who was stronger
+than he. They reacted fiercely against every invasion of their rights
+and in the beginning co-operated only for defence or attack.
+
+The stories of the first Kozaks have much in common with the legends
+of some of the American pioneers who crossed into Kentucky, the dark
+and bloody ground, as it was known in the eighteenth century. There was
+only the difference that the Kozaks were operating not in mountainous
+and wooded territory but on the open plains and that their opponents
+were not small bands of Indians, hardly more numerous than themselves,
+but large masses of well-mounted troops eager for plunder and for slave
+collecting.
+
+The weakening of the Golden Horde and conflicts between the Khan and
+the Sultan of Turkey had relaxed control over the black earth region
+across the Dnyeper. In that no man’s land and along the Dnyeper
+itself there was a rich area in which there were few or no permanent
+residents. It offered an ideal place for men who had no fear of death
+and who valued their personal liberty above everything else, to live a
+lawless and carefree life without personal obligations. The prospect
+appealed to many who were suffering under the oppressive rule of the
+feudal lords in both Poland and Lithuania. Likewise men streamed out
+of the Muscovite lands into the lower Don and the lower Volga areas.
+Out of these groups of men there developed the Don Cossacks, who were
+nominally subject to Moscow, and the Zaporozhian Kozaks, who were
+originally required to pay some sort of allegiance to Poland.
+
+We first hear of the Kozaks of the Dnyeper at the end of the fifteenth
+century, when men from various sections of Rus’ went into the
+wilderness which had already received the name of Ukraine and passed
+their time hunting, collecting honey, and fishing. They did not disdain
+any opportunity of plundering Tatar raiding detachments, caravans
+crossing the country or messengers passing between the Sultan and the
+Khan, and the Kings of Poland and of Lithuania. Very often they were
+able to return to their homes at the approach of winter with rich
+spoils which far outvalued the natural products even of a fabulously
+rich land.
+
+From these more or less accidental encounters, it was not long before
+the little bands gathered together in larger groups and set out
+deliberately to plunder their enemies. The frontier guards of Poland
+and Lithuania tried to levy taxes on the booty which they brought back.
+Then the obvious thing was not to return but to pass the winter in
+small fortresses built beyond the settled frontier.
+
+In the beginning men of every class who loved adventure joined in
+these raids. There were gentry who craved adventure and excitement.
+There were townspeople who were bored by the monotonous hardships of
+declining trade. There were peasants who had suffered at the hands of
+their landlords. There were men who innocently or for due cause were
+sought by the authorities of the law. Yet when they once came into
+this unsettled country, they realized that they had to work together.
+Neither birth nor wealth nor training counted for anything except in so
+far as it assisted a man in asserting his own power and in persuading
+his comrades to work with him.
+
+It was a free society in a free world. Gradually all the little
+fortresses and hangouts felt the need for closer cooperation, and step
+by step there was built up a rough organization which represented in
+general all the various groups. If this was to be effective, it had
+to have some sort of permanent headquarters and the ideal place was
+finally found to be the islands below the rapids of the Dnyeper River.
+Hence came the name Zaporozhe, the place below the rapids.
+
+About 1552 one Prince Dmytro Vyshnevetsky, a gentleman Kozak, took
+the initiative in building as this centre a fortress on the island
+of Khortytsya, in this general region. This was the beginning of the
+celebrated Sich which was to inspire terror in the hearts of all the
+surrounding lands. Here the Kozaks could gather in relative security.
+Here they could store the cannon which they captured on their various
+raids, the booty which they acquired. Here they could meet for
+deliberation and decide what enterprise they would next undertake.
+
+The Kozaks of the Sich, eternally ready for battle or for raids, became
+as it were a replica of the various orders of military knights that had
+played such a role in the area of the Baltic Sea and in the crusades.
+Here was a group of men ready to fight the battle for Christianity and
+the Orthodox faith against the apparently invincible Mohammedans.
+
+Yet it was also a democratic system. In the general gatherings of the
+Kozaks every man was free to speak his own mind, depending only on
+the permission of his fellows. There was no set rule of procedure.
+Human life was cheap and a man might easily pay with his own for an
+unpremeditated insult. He had only himself to blame and no one else
+cared a rap, if one Kozak or another perished in a brawl. Any man
+could rise to prominence if he was able in one way or another to sway
+the assembly. There was no post barred to him because of age or rank
+or previous existence. It was a man’s world in the full sense of the
+world. It was a free world in a way that was not true of life anywhere
+else in the conquered and subjugated Ukraine.
+
+Yet when we emphasize this side of life at the Sich, we can never
+forget that the Sich was located in an exposed position subject at
+any moment to the attack of powerful and unscrupulous enemies. It was
+absolutely essential that there should be unrelenting vigilance and
+strict discipline. If the Kozaks were to live at all in the area which
+they had picked out, they could not engage in meaningless squabbles, in
+martial disorder, and in perfect anarchy.
+
+They met the situation in a democratic way. The general assembly would
+meet and formally elect a hetman to whom they gave the horsetail
+standard and the mace of office. His word was law. He had all the
+powers of an army commander. He could punish even with death any who
+disobeyed his orders or showed cowardice in the face of danger. His
+power was absolute and limited by no constitutional restrictions. Yet
+at the ending of his term of office, he was liable to be questioned
+by the assembly and if he had not used his powers for the good of
+the Sich, he could be tried by the rough justice of his comrades and
+receive whatever punishment they desired to inflict.
+
+It was a rough system administered by rough, brave men, and while it
+was not fitted for a normal community of peaceful citizens, it was
+admirably suited to men living beyond the established frontier, every
+one of whom had faced death many times both from the enemy and from the
+storms of nature. It was a new system which had nothing in common with
+the elaborate system of aristocratic feudalism and the aristocratic
+republic of the squires of Poland or with the personal autocracy of the
+Muscovite tsar. The Kozak Host of the Zaporozhian Sich was a law unto
+itself.
+
+Vyshnevetsky had offered to combine with the Tsar against the Tatars of
+the Crimea and had taken part in one expedition with the Muscovites but
+had not received any support and it was a long while before the offer
+was repeated. His successors as hetmans preferred to go their own ways
+and build up and strengthen their Kozak system until it could stand
+alone.
+
+The Kozaks could not escape the attention of the Kings of Poland.
+They were uncomfortable neighbors but they were also useful. The King
+and the gentry of Poland had no taste for building up a military
+establishment strong enough to protect the country. In earlier days the
+bulk of the army was composed of Lithuanian forces, largely recruited
+from Ukraine and White Ruthenia. Once the full union of Poland and
+Lithuania had taken place and the golden liberty of the Polish szlachta
+had been extended throughout the land, this resource was gone. Between
+the weak Polish army and the Tatar and Turkish raiders there stood only
+the Kozaks.
+
+Common sense would have advised the King and the magnates of Poland to
+come to terms with the organization or to have secured enough forces
+of their own to render it useless and to destroy it. They did neither.
+In times of war with Turkey or the Tatars they willingly took the
+Kozaks into their service and welcomed their assistance. In times of
+peace they were constantly striving to prevent their growth. They did
+go so far as to register a few thousand Kozaks and consider them as a
+separate part of the Polish army but even then they rarely paid them
+the sums promised, because of the opposition of the gentry and the lack
+of money in the treasury.
+
+  [Illustration:
+
+  ST. VOLODYMYR
+
+  ST. OLHA
+
+  (Victor Vasnetsov)]
+
+  [Illustration: The Zaporozhian Kozaks writing a letter to the
+    Sultan
+
+  (Ilya Repin)]
+
+Even this slight support, however, gave the Kozaks the idea that they
+owed only a general loyalty to the King and they were bound only to
+obey their own elected hetmans. They came to feel that they were free
+from all taxes levied by the Polish government and they refused to
+draw a line of demarcation between registered and unregistered Kozaks,
+for they well knew that at the first sign of trouble on any Polish
+border, all the Kozaks, registered and unregistered alike, would be
+called into service on the same footing.
+
+The Polish policy was more than shortsighted but it was in line with
+the general attitude of the state. As the upper Dnyeper valley was
+resettled and as agriculture began to revive, the magnates were able to
+put forth claims for vast estates. They parcelled out among themselves
+the new lands as they had done the older lands of Rus’ over which they
+had assumed control centuries before. They shuddered at the idea that
+the Sich might embrace all the liberty-loving Ukrainians who were
+dissatisfied with their harsh rule. The Kozaks were furiously Orthodox.
+They were zealous supporters of the Orthodox Church. Poland prided
+itself on its Catholicism and particularly after the successful work
+of the Jesuits and the establishment of the Church Union, the Polish
+leaders did not want to do anything that would revive the Orthodox
+Church.
+
+The very existence of the Sich was a direct challenge to all for which
+the Polish state, with its theories of the equality of the szlachta and
+its religious interests, stood. The more the Sich became organized and
+turned from a handful of bold frontiersmen into a definite military
+force, the more it became the mouthpiece of the Ukrainian population
+and a refuge for them against oppression. The more it protected the
+Dnyeper valley and the regions to the east, the more it became a menace
+and a problem to the Polish rulers. The free republic of the warriors
+of the Sich was the direct antithesis of the aristocratic life of the
+great estates which were known throughout Europe for their luxury and
+their culture.
+
+There was more than this involved. The Kozaks, though nominal subjects
+of the King of Poland, maintained full freedom to harry the Turks
+and Tatars at will. Every spring, with almost unfailing regularity,
+they set out on expeditions down the Dnyeper to attack the Turkish
+and Tatar settlements on the shores of the Black Sea. They invaded
+Wallachia and Moldavia and interfered in the civil wars that were
+raging intermittently in both lands. They constantly attacked Ochakiv
+and plundered almost at will whatever city they wished to. They rescued
+thousands of Christian Slavs from the Crimean slave mart of Kaffa.
+
+As they grew more experienced, during the early part of the seventeenth
+century, they dared to set out on longer expeditions, which carried
+them into the harbors of Constantinople and Sinope. In their light
+boats, which were barely a few feet above the water, they defied the
+storms of the Black Sea, made sudden raids into the great Turkish
+cities, left a small guard for the boats and plundered for periods as
+long as three days before they saw fit to gather up the booty which
+they desired and, having burned the rest, put out to sea. The larger
+Turkish ships, if they attacked the Kozak boats in the daytime, could
+deal terrible damage to them; but if the Kozaks could surprise them or
+come upon them unexpectedly at dawn, their fierce bravery would carry
+them to the decks of the better armed Turkish ships and in hand to hand
+fighting, the Turks would be compelled to yield. Then, after plundering
+at will, the Kozaks would sink them and their crews and return home
+triumphantly. Of course their losses were terrific but the spoils which
+were brought back from these raids well paid the survivors for their
+hardships and their dangers.
+
+It was in vain that the Khan of the Crimea and the Sultan of Turkey
+remonstrated with the King of Poland and threatened war. The King had
+no more power to restrain these raids than he had to wipe out the Sich
+itself. Now and then he could capture some of the leaders and execute
+them to satisfy the threats of the Turkish ambassador but this only
+fanned the ill feelings between the Kozaks and the Poles. The next
+spring the Kozaks would start again on their raids and the process
+would be repeated.
+
+On the other hand, in time of war, the Poles were only too glad of
+their assistance. During the Troublous Times of Moscow, after the
+death of Boris Godunov, the Kozaks were encouraged to interfere in
+Muscovite affairs. Over forty thousand took part in the effort to make
+Wladyslaw Tsar of Moscow in 1610. Despite the similarity in religion
+the Kozaks fought as willingly against Moscow as they did at any time.
+They brought back to their homes the richest spoils of the tsardom and
+remained a continuous menace until the accession of Michael Romanov in
+1613.
+
+At the same time they were no peaceful citizens of Poland. They turned
+with equal fury against the princes, Orthodox and Roman Catholic,
+who were carving out estates in territory which they had made safe.
+Even the great Orthodox lord, Konstantin Ostrozky, the bulwark of the
+Orthodox in Poland, had to see his estates plundered and his serfs
+freed by the invincible Kozaks, who cared nothing for the pattern of
+rights set out by the King and the magnates.
+
+The Polish government paid no attention until the Kozaks began to
+plunder the land of the Roman Catholic lords, like the Potockis to the
+east of the Dnyeper, and until they began to advance to the west and
+plunder in Volynia and White Ruthenia. Then it sent against them the
+Hetman of the Republic, Zolkiewski, and finally defeated them at the
+battle of Lubny in 1596. It was a crushing blow to the Kozaks but it
+was only temporary, for it was not long before the King, in sore need
+of troops for foreign wars, called again upon the Kozaks for support
+and again the whole process of endeavoring to use them in war and
+suppress them in peace was resumed.
+
+In actual practice the Kozaks controlled practically all of Eastern
+Ukraine and much territory west of the Dnyeper. They represented
+the conscious active elements of the Ukrainian people and it was no
+accident that the Archimandrite of the Monastery of the Caves called
+in the followers of Nalyvayko to protect the Monastery when the King
+of Poland was trying to seize it for the Uniats. Had they formed a
+consistent policy, they could at any time have dominated a large part
+of Poland and forced their will upon the lords.
+
+Yet the very strength of the Kozak movement as a military organization
+was its main weakness. The Kozaks had developed as frontiersmen but
+it was a long while before they definitely tried to influence the
+government or to take over the administration of the territory which
+they controlled. The rough democracy of the Sich was little interested
+in problems of administration. Even the families of many of the
+leading Kozaks lived on farms not far from the estates which they
+were plundering. They had a purely military organization divided into
+regiments and companies, formed on a territorial basis and they called
+it the Zaporozhian Host. Thus this powerful force which might cooperate
+with the various townsmen and interfere in behalf of the peasants
+rarely went further and it did not attempt to take over many functions
+of the Polish local administration that it could have done.
+
+For its part the Polish government contented itself with sending
+commissioners to represent it at the meetings of the Host. At times it
+sent parts of its regular army to discipline the Host or to garrison
+forts in the areas where it dominated. Yet most of these troops were
+registered Kozaks and it was a fairly general rule that in case of any
+emergency, the registered Kozaks would abandon their Polish commanders
+and take sides with the unregistered.
+
+It seems incredible that neither the King nor the magnates saw the
+danger inherent in the possibility that the Kozaks with their fanatical
+Orthodoxy would interfere in the struggle between the Orthodox and
+Uniats, after the first attempts of the Kozaks to prevent the turning
+over of the monasteries and churches. Yet they did not. The magnates
+and the Roman Catholic authorities continued to think that the Kozak
+movement was unable to think of anything but plunder and war. Perhaps
+they relied upon the fact that many of the Ukrainian townspeople and
+the last of the Ukrainian Orthodox lords shared the same opinion.
+The Zaporozhians had pillaged many of the estates of Prince Ostrozky
+and others of his friends and it may have seemed that there was no
+possibility that anything constructive would come out of the movement.
+
+It was however as a result of the understanding between the Kievan
+Brotherhood and the Hetman Sahaydachny that this was finally brought
+about. For its part the brotherhood insisted that the Kozaks were
+the direct descendants of the people of Rus’ who had fought against
+Byzantium on land and sea, the same people whose ancestors had fought
+with Volodymyr and with Volodymyr Monomakh and who were still devoutly
+Orthodox.
+
+When there came the desire to restore the Orthodox hierarchy which
+had almost completely died out, it was Sahaydachny who came to the
+assistance of the brotherhood. When the Orthodox learned that the
+Patriarch Theophanes was going to Moscow, they induced him to come to
+Kiev. For a time the Patriarch hesitated from fear of the King and
+the Poles but Sahaydachny as Hetman promised him safe conduct and
+under armed protection, the Patriarch consecrated new bishops for the
+Orthodox. Still not influenced by this fact, the government refused to
+allow the new bishops to enter their dioceses.
+
+The government may have counted on the fact that there was a certain
+conflict within the Kozak organization. On several occasions, the
+Kozaks below the rapids, the Zaporozhians in the strict sense of the
+word, had chosen hetmans who were different from the hetmans elected
+by the Kozaks in the more settled regions to the north. The latter,
+living in the more settled portions of the country, were often deeply
+interested in the cultural and religious aspects of the problem. They
+were more settled people who were more interested in the cultural
+development of the Orthodox Ukrainians than were the Zaporozhians, who
+in this respect were nearer to the original conception of the Kozaks.
+
+Throughout the first half of the seventeenth century, there continued
+more or less constant disturbances. There were a number of armed
+outbreaks of the Kozaks against the Poles in which the Kozaks presented
+modifications of their essential demand, a constant increase in the
+number of registered Kozaks. Most of these were finally put down by the
+Poles under the leadership of Koniecpolski and Potocki and after each
+new setback the Poles carefully restricted the number of registered
+Kozaks. More important than that, they worked constantly to weaken the
+rules about the election of the Kozak hetmans and sought to restrict
+their choice to the Kozaks of good family, who came of gentry stock.
+In this way they hoped to drive a wedge between the Kozak officers and
+the rank and file and thus to prevent the movement from taking a more
+serious turn. They also arranged to build a fort near the rapids of the
+Dnyeper, so as to prevent free passage between the Zaporozhian Sich and
+the rest of the Kozaks.
+
+This perpetual conflict seriously weakened Poland, which still declined
+to take any measures which would either solve the Kozak problem or
+put the state in a position to defy them. In general the King was
+more inclined to support or compromise with the Kozaks than were the
+magnates and the gentry, who usually demanded severe measures against
+both the Kozaks and the Orthodox, but who were equally against any
+measure that would carry their policy into effect. It was no more
+favorable to the Kozaks, for the hetmans were continually forced to
+sign agreements which they could not and did not wish to carry out,
+while at the same time no hetman was strong enough to plan and carry
+through any policy which might allow him to win any real concession
+from the Poles. The ordinary Kozaks could not secure any permanent
+improvement in their status, and so there commenced a general exodus
+of the lesser Kozaks from the Ukraine and the Dnyeper valley to the
+so-called Slobidshchina, the land of free communes, a region in the
+neighborhood of Kharkiv but which was under the jurisdiction of
+Moscow. For years this region was weakly governed for it was still
+on the border of the Muscovite state and it offered many of the same
+advantages that Ukraine and the Dnyeper valley had a century earlier.
+
+A definite defeat of the Kozaks in 1638 finally brought this series
+of wars to an end. For ten years of peace there was little change in
+the situation. The Poles had succeeded in forcing the bulk of the
+unregistered Kozaks back into the hands of their masters and the
+number of registered Kozaks was not full. It seemed as if the problem
+had finally been settled and that it would not arise again. On the
+other hand, the Orthodox had succeeded in recovering their bishops
+and in getting them at least in part restored to their dioceses. The
+educational policies had taken a new lease on life with the development
+of the Kiev Academy under the leadership of Peter Mohyla. There were,
+however, grave doubts as to the extent to which the cultural and
+religious movements and the Kozaks were integrated.
+
+All this was but a preliminary to a new struggle which was destined to
+start, for there soon appeared at this moment of apparent quiescence a
+new leader, who was to take a long step forward in coordinating all the
+movements and also in outlining a definite program for the Ukrainian
+people, Kozak and non-Kozak, which was to give them temporary success
+and then lead to a more complete fiasco. This new leader was Bohdan
+Khmelnitsky.
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER SIX
+
+                         _BOHDAN KHMELNITSKY_
+
+
+In 1638 it might have seemed to a superficial observer that the cause
+of the Kozaks had been crushed once and for all. The old liberties
+and rights on which they had prided themselves had been abolished and
+a surface calm had been attained. The King of Poland and the Polish
+magnates seemed to have reached their goal and to have ended a force
+that was both valuable and threatening, valuable in case of war and
+threatening in time of peace.
+
+Yet a more careful observer could easily have predicted trouble in the
+future. Michael Romanov was steadily increasing his power in Moscow
+and his agents were already looking for ways of extending the country
+to include the easternmost provinces under the Polish crown. The feud
+between the Roman Catholic and Protestant branches of the royal family
+of Sweden was taking an ever sharper course and Sweden was seeking to
+turn the Baltic Sea into a Swedish lake. To the west the Thirty Years
+War was raging and devastating country after country, while still
+further off Richelieu was at the height of his power in France and the
+controversy between Charles I of England and Parliament was beginning
+to assume a serious form. All Europe was in turmoil and with diplomatic
+agents rushing back and forth and armies marching over the entire
+continent, it would seem to have been no time to have forced the Kozaks
+into new extremes of anger and of discontent.
+
+Yet at this period, when an explosion seemed so near on every side, no
+one gave a thought as to whether Ukraine should be pacified or goaded
+further. Every one in the country was dissatisfied. Kozaks registered
+and unregistered, townsmen and peasants, Orthodox and members of the
+Union, gentry and landowners, all had some special grievance. There was
+needed only a leader who would be able to galvanize the entire mass
+into active measures to create an outburst that would jeopardize the
+very existence of the Polish state; but no one gave any attention to
+the problem in the proud confidence that no leader could be found. Yet
+one appeared and that man was Bohdan Khmelnitsky.
+
+This man who was to open a new period in Ukrainian history was the son
+of an Orthodox squire and had served on the staff of the Polish hetman
+Zolkiewski, who had defeated the Kozaks in several of their uprisings
+and had later been killed by the Turks. Born around 1595, Bohdan had
+had the best of opportunities for an education at the Jesuit college in
+Yaroslav. He had filled several posts in the Kozak Host and had been
+one of the men removed after the changes of 1638. He had then retired
+to his estate at Subotiv, where he was living quietly with his wife and
+family.
+
+It might seem that Khmelnitsky was finished with politics and war. He
+was about fifty years of age but he was still active and vigorous.
+His wife died and then he took into his house a beautiful woman named
+Helen, but for some reason he did not marry her. The whole episode with
+Helen savors of the theatrical and is even more inexplicable than are
+the usual events of life. Suddenly a Polish nobleman, one Czaplinski,
+appeared at the home of Khmelnitsky, beat Khmelnitsky’s youngest son so
+badly that he died, burned the mill and barns, and carried Helen off
+and married her under the Roman Catholic rite.
+
+Bohdan was furious and sought justice. It was not forthcoming. The
+Polish authorities laughed at his case and even ordered his arrest.
+This was too much for the Kozak officer and he made his way to the
+Zaporozhians and sought refuge among them.
+
+He very soon became a recognized leader, was elected hetman and thus
+became able to plan for revenge on his enemies. His position among the
+Kozaks was the stronger because he possessed definite knowledge that
+King Wladyslaw was planning to restore the Kozak liberties on condition
+that they aid him against the Turks. It was the same old device that
+had occurred again and again. Kozak aid was desired in war and spurned
+in peace. The King was more kindly disposed to the Kozaks than were
+the magnates and was himself taking the initiative in stirring up the
+Kozaks to attack the Turks.
+
+Khmelnitsky’s scheme was simple. He played for time with the Polish
+authorities and meanwhile made an alliance with the Khan of the Crimea
+to send him some military aid in his new venture. Then when all was
+ready, he took the field.
+
+The Poles were by now well aware of what was going on. They sent an
+army under the Crown Hetman Potocki and the Field Hetman Kalinowski
+to Fort Kodak to keep the Zaporozhians from moving northward. This
+time they were too late. The King, who had himself incited the Kozak
+leaders, urged his officers not to fight. They decided to do so and
+sent the son of Potocki with a force of 1500 Poles and 2500 registered
+Kozaks overland to Fort Kodak, as a preliminary reinforcement for the
+troops stationed there.
+
+Bohdan learned of this movement and with some 8,000 Kozaks, by forced
+marches, he surrounded the young and unsuspecting Potocki at Zhorty
+Vody (the Yellow Waters) on April 29, 1648. Seeing himself outnumbered,
+Potocki fortified a camp, where he was besieged and waited for the
+aid of the Kozaks who were coming down the Dnyeper on barges. Bohdan
+reached these Kozaks, easily won them to his cause, and added them
+to his own forces. When the news of this reached the Poles, Potocki
+realized that his only chance was to cut his way out and reach
+his father and the main body of the troops at Korsun. He failed
+disastrously in this and was compelled to ask for terms. Khmelnitsky
+allowed them to retire without their artillery. They had barely started
+on their march when the forces of the Tatars under Tugai Khan attacked
+the disordered and heavily laden Polish force and destroyed them almost
+to a man. Stephen Potocki was taken prisoner but died of his wounds the
+next day.
+
+The news of this terrible defeat struck terror into the hearts of
+Potocki and Kalinowski. They realized that the entire country would
+soon be up in arms and that their plan of cutting off the Zaporozhe
+from the north had completely failed. Yet they disagreed on everything
+else. Kalinowski wanted to press on to Fort Kodak, Potocki wanted to
+stay where they were, and the lesser officers called for a retreat.
+This was finally decided upon and as they moved north, Potocki
+commenced to set fire to the villages and burned the city of Korsun
+for terroristic purposes. The result was not what he had expected. He
+merely aroused the anger of the population, who joined the Kozaks. In
+the meanwhile the Tatars attacked the army in front and Khmelnitsky
+sent to the rear a detachment of the Korsun regiment of Kozaks under
+the command of a Scotch adventurer, known by the name of Maksym
+Krivonos (Crooked-nose). Everything went like clockwork for the Kozaks.
+The Poles fell into the ambuscade and lost all semblance of discipline.
+One detachment under Prince Koretsky succeeded with heavy loss in
+cutting its way to safety, but the two hetmans, Potocki and Kalinowski,
+and over one thousand men were captured. The rest were killed. The
+prisoners were turned over to the Tatars and the leaders were sent to
+the Crimea until they should pay 20,000 gold coins each.
+
+This overwhelming defeat was the signal for a general uprising of the
+oppressed Ukrainian peasantry. The fire of revolt spread rapidly
+through the province of Kiev and throughout eastern Ukraine. Everywhere
+manor houses were burned, the nobles and their families were killed and
+the country was caught up in a savage civil war which threatened Polish
+control of the entire region. It was not only a struggle of the Kozaks
+but of the entire Orthodox Ukrainian population which was now seeking
+redress for all the cruelty and oppression which it had suffered.
+
+To add to the confusion, King Wladyslaw died on the same day as the
+battle of Korsun and under the loose Polish constitution, months were
+required before a new King could be elected. Never before had such a
+storm been unleashed.
+
+It would have been a simple matter for Khmelnitsky to have marched
+across Poland and menaced or taken Warsaw, but he had no desire to be
+at the head of a peasant uprising. The same dualism that had existed
+between the Kozaks and the peasantry, and the pride of the Kozak
+officers who felt that they were on a par with the Poles prevented him
+from taking this solution. Instead, he sent a letter a few weeks later
+to the Polish King as if he were still alive and set forth the main
+Kozak demands. They were, as can be well imagined, the restoration of
+the Orthodox Church, the doubling of the number of registered Kozaks,
+and the restoration of the old Kozak rights which had been abolished
+in 1638. The Polish government seemed inclined to accept them and in
+addition steps were taken whereby the marriage of Helen to Czaplinski
+was annulled and she married Bohdan in accordance with the Orthodox
+rites.
+
+Just at this moment, when it seemed as if Khmelnitsky and the Kozaks
+would effect some solution of their problem with the Poles, Prince
+Jarema Wisniowiecki sprang into action. One of the great landowners
+on the left bank of the Dnyeper, he was a descendant of that Prince
+Dmytro who had been one of the founders of the Sich a century earlier.
+Now as a convert to the Roman Catholic Church, he set himself to wipe
+out the Kozak movement with fire and sword. By far the ablest and
+the most warlike of the Polish magnates, he assumed the lead of the
+Polish opposition to Khmelnitsky and marched through the Ukrainian
+regions, giving no quarter and devastating ruthlessly all the Ukrainian
+villages. The result might have been foreseen.
+
+He forced Bohdan, after futile appeals to the government, to take the
+field again. The two armies met at Pylyava on September 13, 1648 and
+again the Poles were decisively defeated. The Ukrainians were then
+joined by the army of the Crimean Tatars, who insisted on continuing
+the war in order to secure booty. For this purpose the combined forces
+moved on Lviv which finally paid a large ransom. Just at this moment,
+Jan Kazimierz was elected King of Poland and Bohdan, trusting to his
+good intentions, repeated his demands on a somewhat broader scale,
+for now he demanded the recognition of the Orthodox Church and the
+abolition of the Union.
+
+Khmelnitsky returned to Kiev during the Christmas holidays in 1648
+in triumph. He was received with overwhelming acclaim by the entire
+population and all classes vied in doing him honor. Perhaps it was
+only then that his thoughts and his aspirations expanded, for he found
+waiting for him representatives of Turkey, Transylvania, Moldavia, and
+Wallachia and they were soon joined by an ambassador from Moscow. He
+could not fail to be impressed by the difference between his position
+at the moment and that of a year before when he was regarded as only a
+Kozak officer striving to avenge his personal wrongs and to win for the
+Kozaks some vestige of their ancient liberties.
+
+At the same time Patriarch Paisius of Jerusalem, who was present
+in Kiev on his way to Moscow for the collection of alms and for
+conferences on Muscovite Orthodoxy with the Patriarch Nikon, is said
+to have addressed Bohdan dan as King of Rus’ and to have encouraged
+him to undertake a grand alliance of all the Orthodox States which
+were represented at Kiev. The successful campaigns of 1648 certainly
+opened up visions of a future to Bohdan Khmelnitsky and inspired him to
+undertake extensive diplomatic negotiations among all the neighboring
+powers. They made him consider himself a real head of an independent
+people and he felt more confident than ever that he could tackle the
+problem of relations with Poland on a grand scale.
+
+As a result there is no reason to doubt the reports of the Polish
+commissioners whom he met in February, 1649. According to these he
+demanded that the Polish administration definitely quit Ukraine, that
+the Orthodox Metropolitan of Kiev be given a seat in the Polish senate,
+that the Union be abolished, and that the Kozak Host be responsible
+only to the King. All this meant that Ukraine would become a third
+member of the Polish state along with Poland and Lithuania.
+
+Yet to do this, it was necessary to have a more permanent political
+organization. The old Kozak system was well devised to win military
+victories but it had never taken up the problems of administration
+in any area. The Kozak officers had come to feel that they were the
+appointed mouthpieces of Kozakdom and compared themselves to the
+Polish magnates. The ordinary Kozaks, equally proud of their position,
+resented these claims of their officers and clamored for the old rights
+of frequent election. At the same time they looked down upon the
+non-Kozak elements of the population, even though the latter had taken
+an important part in the campaigns of 1648.
+
+The very success of the Kozak movement had created a new embarrassment.
+The pressing task before Bohdan and his associates was to build a
+state, to establish in it the rights of the townspeople and the
+burghers, the intellectuals and the peasants. They had to draw a line
+between the completely autocratic rule of Moscow and the aristocratic
+republic of Poland, to secure unity and obedience, democracy and
+authority. This was a colossal task and it is perhaps doubtful if even
+Khmelnitsky realized the many ramifications of the political problems.
+
+The best that he could do was to expand the Kozak authority and system,
+to make the regimental commanders the local authorities, and to hand
+over to them all the necessary functions of administration. In the long
+run this could not prevail in time of peace. It was little better as a
+permanent basis in war, when the commanders would be busy in the field.
+Thus the ruling groups of the Kozaks failed to set up a true government
+in the territory which they had with such relative ease acquired.
+
+It seemed far more tempting and agreeable to seek for foreign support
+and Khmelnitsky spent his time in endeavoring to secure foreign allies
+who would assist him against his main enemy. For this the Crimean
+Tatars seemed easily the most suitable and he bent his efforts to
+securing their aid in the future.
+
+When hostilities finally broke out in 1649, the Kozaks again speedily
+obtained the advantage and after a few minor defeats in the north,
+they entrapped the armies of their main enemy, Wisniowiecki, in the
+town of Zbarazh. It was only the daring and skill of Wisniowiecki that
+saved the day until the armies of the new King could arrive. Even that
+was no salvation, for Khmelnitsky and his men speedily defeated the
+reinforcements at Zboriv and besieged the King and the remains of his
+army in a fortified camp there. At the darkest hour for the Poles, they
+succeeded in bribing the Tatar Khan to abandon his Kozak allies. He
+was the more willing to do this, since he also had no desire to see a
+strong Ukraine.
+
+The result was the Treaty of Zboriv which granted on paper practically
+all of the Kozak demands. It conferred upon them complete control
+of the three provinces of Kiev, Braslav, and Chernihiv, placed the
+Orthodox Metropolitan in the Polish Senate and made the number of
+registered Kozaks 40,000. This was considerably less than Khmelnitsky
+had demanded the winter before and it aroused annoyance in both the
+Ukrainian and Polish camps. The Catholic prelates in the Senate
+declined to admit the Orthodox Metropolitan to their number and he
+obligingly returned from Warsaw to Kiev. It displeased most of the
+magnates, even those more moderate than Wisniowiecki, because it
+recognized the Kozak leaders as their equals. On the other hand it
+promised little for the bulk of the Ukrainian population, who had
+joined Khmelnitsky’s army, since in many sections it compelled them
+to return, even with an amnesty, to the harsh rule of their former
+lords. Many of the more independent went across the border of Moscow to
+the so-called Slobidshchina or Free Land which was still practically
+a lordless domain. Their departure of course weakened the Host and
+deprived it of many men who had done it good service.
+
+Yet the years after the Treaty of Zboriv marked the height of the
+influence of Bohdan. It was the time when he could have carried
+through far reaching reforms and strengthened the country internally.
+However he spent his energies in trying to marry his son Timosh to
+the daughter of Vasyl Lupul, the ruler of Moldavia, and in carrying
+on negotiations with the Sultan of Turkey and the Khan of the Crimea.
+As a result he gave the Poles the opportunity of recovering their
+strength and, under the driving force of Wisniowiecki, the work went
+forward rapidly, with the result that the Kozaks were badly defeated
+at the battle of Berestechko in the summer of 1651, again due to the
+treachery and fear of their Tatar allies. The Treaty of Bila Tserkva of
+that autumn reduced the Kozak power but it still left Bohdan strong.
+It increased discontent against him among the Ukrainians and drove him
+to still more far reaching diplomatic schemes. His mood was made worse
+by the discovery that his beloved Helen was intriguing against him and
+when proof was forthcoming, he had her and her friend executed. The
+final certainty that Helen had played him false wrecked his general
+shrewdness and embittered him in every way.
+
+Then came his most disastrous move. He appealed for assistance to
+Moscow, and offered to place the Kozak Host under the protection of the
+Tsar on condition that its privileges be respected. He had undoubtedly
+many reasons for this, but when the matter was put before the general
+body of the Kozaks, the argument that convinced them was religious.
+Moscow was also Orthodox and this appealed to all those classes of
+people who resented the Roman Catholicism of the Poles. It was not
+so favorably received by the Kozak officers who realized that the
+Muscovite regime did not and could not recognize any inherent rights
+in any class of the population. The Kievan Academy and many of the
+Orthodox hierarchy welcomed the move, however, for already many of
+their distinguished members were being invited by the Patriarch Nikon
+to Moscow and they felt that the act of Bohdan would place them in a
+better position there.
+
+After prolonged negotiations, the Muscovite envoys met Bohdan at
+Pereyaslav on January 18, 1654. In a last gesture Bohdan asked the
+Tsar’s envoy Buturlin to swear in his Sovereign’s name to respect the
+treaty. Buturlin refused on the ground that the Tsar could not swear to
+any subject. Popular sentiment had been so stirred up that Bohdan could
+not retract and the oath placing the Kozak Host under the Tsar was duly
+administered.
+
+Shortly after the Tsar confirmed various Kozak privileges. He
+granted the maintenance of the traditions of the Host, the right of
+maintaining Kozak courts, the raising of the quota of registered Kozaks
+to 60,000, the preservation of the privileges of the Ukrainian gentry,
+and the free right of election of the hetman, the payment of a large
+sum of money to the hetman, the officers and all registered Kozaks and
+the right of the hetman to receive foreign envoys (except that the Tsar
+insisted upon knowing and authorizing all negotiations with the King of
+Poland and the Sultan of Turkey).
+
+All this seemed very good and the Kozaks at first believed that they
+had profited by the agreement. The leaders were not long in discovering
+their mistake. There was no more peace than there had been before.
+It is true that the Kozaks in their wars with the Poles could depend
+upon some support from the Muscovites but the territories which they
+conquered from Poland passed directly under the control of the Tsar
+and did not add to the prestige or power of the Kozak Host. The Poles
+continued to invade their territory. Now they usually had the open
+support of the Tatars and the uncontrolled and encouraged devastations
+of these nomads often caused the Kozaks greater exertions than in the
+old days. Besides that, it was not long before it became evident that
+the Muscovite troops intended to settle down as garrisons in Kiev and
+in other Ukrainian cities, as an ostensible protection against the
+Poles, but in reality as an occupying force.
+
+Khmelnitsky, completely disillusioned, began to look for other allies.
+Sweden seemed the most promising, for it was then at the height of its
+power. It was invading Poland and was on such terms of friendship with
+Moscow that no open criticism could be made of the negotiations. His
+relations with Moldavia became entangled with the hopes of Lupul to
+capture Wallachia and these only led to the death of his son Timosh
+during the siege of Sochava, shortly before his submission to the Tsar.
+His plans for a great union of the Orthodox countries were definitely
+disrupted and it was not long before Sweden too proved a broken reed.
+
+In the spring of 1657, he was taken ill. To please him, his son Yury,
+a boy of fourteen who had shown no signs of having a strong character,
+was elected hetman over Ivan Vyhovsky, who had been secretary to Bohdan
+and was familiar with all of his plans and negotiations. Then the
+father died on July 27, 1657, was buried at his birthplace of Subotiv.
+
+It is difficult to evaluate correctly the work of Bohdan Khmelnitsky.
+There can be no question that he was an able and sincere patriot. He
+towered in ability, in military skill and in political vision high
+above all the hetmans who preceded and followed him. He became in a
+real sense the outstanding diplomatic figure of Eastern Europe during
+the years when he was at the height of his power.
+
+He definitely moved the Ukrainian, or more accurately, the Kozak
+question from one of purely internal Polish politics to the
+international arena where it deserved to be placed. In this connection
+he was the first of the hetmans who revived the Ukrainian claim to be
+a complete and sovereign state, able to negotiate as an equal with
+the various countries which were taking part in the game of Eastern
+European politics.
+
+Yet the defect and the tragedy of Khmelnitsky, and with him of the
+Ukrainian people, lay in the fact that he did not realize soon enough
+the essential problem which required an immediate solution. That was
+the relationship of the Kozak Host to all the other classes of the
+Ukrainian population. For Ukraine to rally all of its strength and
+resources, it was necessary to call upon all classes of the population.
+This was no easy task in the seventeenth century, when political
+thought concentrated upon the rights of the nobility, even more than
+upon the well being of the peasantry and the towns. The Polonization
+of the gentry had deprived the Ukrainians of exactly that class of
+their population which would have been most able to steer the course
+of the ship of state. The Kozaks and especially the Kozak officers
+felt themselves called upon to assume the role of a new nobility. At
+the same time they had so long conceived of themselves as a military
+group that they hesitated to make the transformation into a permanent
+administrative organization.
+
+Hence arose the insoluble conflict between the Kozaks and non-Kozaks
+in the growing Ukrainian organization. Perhaps had Khmelnitsky lived
+longer and had the time to think through the reforms that he was
+introducing, he might have changed his policies or in a period of
+peace he might have cemented his power and accustomed the people to
+accept it. He had neither time nor peace. It was necessary to organize,
+fight, and build all at the same moment and the result became a bitter
+circle in which he could see his way only through a complicated scheme
+of diplomatic intrigue. He did not have the power to carry to success
+any of his plans and as a result, Ukraine and the Kozak Host were left
+at the mercy of either Poland or Moscow or both, depending upon the
+general state of their relations at any given moment.
+
+Despite this fact, his work was not lost, for he had created an
+attitude, even if only in theory, that would assure to thinking
+Ukrainians a permanency and a place in the world. Even those later
+thinkers who condemned his submission to Moscow recognized that it
+was not a mere act of union, a mere desire to change masters for
+the Kozaks, but that it involved a deep political philosophy which
+circumstances destroyed.
+
+Khmelnitsky was the real founder of the Ukrainian national movement and
+he came nearer to making it successful than any one between the fall of
+Kiev and the modern Ukrainian Republic. That was a major achievement
+to carry out in less than nine years of uninterrupted turmoil. In one
+sense he was too late. Had he played his role a half century earlier,
+it is very possible that he might have accomplished more. Had he been
+able to hand the state over to some successor with the same breadth of
+vision, that man might have been able to continue and stabilize his
+work. As it was, he became the incarnation of the Ukrainian struggle
+for liberty and independence, and the inspiration of many of his
+followers. It was an unkind fate that preserved to the world only a
+knowledge of his submission to the Tsar and a distorted idea, zealously
+fostered by the Russians, that this was his ultimate goal.
+
+He died too soon, for he had not healed the breaches that were apparent
+in the Kozak organization, he had not solved definitely the entire
+Kozak problem from a Ukrainian standpoint and it was left for lesser
+men to corrupt his ideas and to lead Ukraine to a new and more complete
+ruin, with only his example to serve as a beacon light of what Ukraine
+might be.
+
+
+
+
+                             CHAPTER SEVEN
+
+                        _THE REVOLT OF MAZEPA_
+
+
+The seventeenth century, which saw the settlement of the English in
+America, witnessed a shift in the balance of power in Eastern Europe
+and no one had contributed more to this than had Khmelnitsky and the
+successful revolt of the Kozak Host. The sudden awakening of the
+Ukrainians politically to a sense of their importance was an event of
+more than usual significance, and they undoubtedly hoped to play the
+role of a neutral state between Poland and Moscow. To both contestants
+they presented an entirely new situation.
+
+The Poland of the beginning of the century was mortally wounded by
+the Kozak revolt. At the beginning of the century, the King of Poland
+had dared to dream of establishing himself in the Kremlin, and while
+he failed, the results were not disastrous. The lack of success in
+the Polish Kozak policy was disastrous, for the great revolt had not
+only torn away from Poland a large part of its eastern lands but had
+encouraged the Swedish wars which wrecked the country still further.
+The damage was done at Pereyaslav, for an honest acceptance of the
+demands of Khmelnitsky up to that moment might easily have permitted
+the restoration of the Republic under a different form and have allowed
+it to continue strong and powerful.
+
+The magnates and the Polish Catholic authorities would not hear of any
+settlement. They were neither ready nor able to support the thoroughly
+militant ideas of Wisniowiecki which would have laid upon them a heavy
+and continuous burden, perhaps beyond the power of the state, but
+which would have provided a consistent policy, the success or failure
+of which might be calculated in advance. They would not accept a policy
+of compromise, even when Khmelnitsky offered it, lest it injure their
+dignity. Thus again Polish wavering promised nothing but ill to the
+state as it had when the Kozak question was still a purely internal
+problem.
+
+Moscow welcomed the control over the Host. The defeat of the Golden
+Horde in the sixteenth century had in a way freed the hands of the
+Tsars. The submission of Khmelnitsky advanced their boundaries to the
+Dnyeper. Yet there was a definite fly in the ointment. The Kozaks were
+liberty-loving people, they were accustomed to personal rights, and
+they formed a serious menace to the monolithic structure in which the
+Tsar and the Tsar alone possessed absolute rights. If Moscow was to
+triumph over its old enemy to the west, it was necessary to hold the
+Kozak Host and if it was to continue its policy, it was necessary to
+break its influence.
+
+Thus Moscow could not rest satisfied with the conditions produced at
+Pereyaslav. Almost at once it commenced to infringe upon the rights
+of the Kozaks and to seek to turn them into typical Russian serfs. It
+knew that its acceptance of the Host would speedily involve it in war
+with Poland and that there would be a clash in which the loyalty of the
+Kozaks would be the decisive factor.
+
+This left the Host and the Ukrainians in a relatively advantageous
+position. Besides that, there was still the Sultan of Turkey who could
+play a hand in the game, for we must never forget that at this moment
+the Turkish tide was still running strongly. It was still twenty years
+before it would reach its height outside the walls of Vienna and all of
+Europe would be terrorized at the thought that a victorious Islam might
+push its way further into the heart of the continent.
+
+Everything depended upon the successor of Khmelnitsky. Would he be able
+to continue the task of welding the Host and the Ukrainian population
+into a strong whole which would be able to speak unhesitatingly and
+firmly to both friend and foe? Would he be able to heal the rifts that
+were already evident in the organization, which had been evident for a
+century and which awaited only a strong and continued effort to mend,
+or would he allow them to increase and destroy what had been already
+accomplished?
+
+Unfortunately disorder and blind passion were destined to be the
+guiding forces of the next half century. None of the successors of
+Khmelnitsky possessed his political acumen or the ability to control
+the unruly bands of Kozaks and to continue his work of turning a purely
+military order of fighters into a modern state. All the disruptive
+tendencies which had existed from the beginning appeared again with
+renewed force now that the Kozak question was pitched on international
+lines and formed a part of the European struggle for power.
+
+The Kozak officers were a body by themselves. Wherever the old
+landlords were driven away, the officers sought to secure their
+estates. They no longer considered themselves elective servants of the
+Host but they saw themselves as a new nobility. They demanded that
+they receive as their own the abandoned estates and that required the
+control over the former serf population, if the lands were to be run
+properly and profitably. They saw the Polish and Muscovite nobles
+ruling autocratically over large tracts of territory and being the
+masters of many villages. They realized that the old hit and miss
+elective system was not suited to the administration of large areas
+of territory and the maintenance of a consistent foreign policy and
+they could not visualize reform in any other way than by assimilating
+themselves to the prevailing mode of life in Eastern Europe. Their
+object was either the formation of an aristocratic republic like
+Poland or unrestrained overlordship like Moscow. They resented the
+rights of the lesser Kozaks and once they had secured estates, they
+were determined not to allow their serfs and peasants to join the
+Kozak body and thus escape the more burdensome obligations. Quite
+the reverse. Just as the Poles, they sought to force the Kozaks into
+servile labor. Their demands were mild at first but with each year they
+became more oppressive and galling. As a result they began to hire
+mercenary guards for their persons and property and this marked an
+overwhelming change in the constitution of the Host. The early Kozaks
+who had dared to raid the outskirts of Constantinople would have been
+aghast at this development, at this denial of the fundamental equality
+of the members of the Host, but the process went on inexorably.
+
+The ordinary Kozaks deeply resented this transformation of their corps
+of officers into something like the hated landlords and tried in every
+way to thwart and hinder the movement. They swung like a pendulum from
+one group of officers to another and allowed themselves to become the
+prey of all kinds of intrigues. Nevertheless very few of them thought
+seriously of the situation and even when they did succeed in electing
+a hetman from their own class, they did not support him and he in turn
+adapted his manners to those of the other officers. Thus the mass of
+the Kozaks in their search for their old freedom maintained only their
+old turbulence and their wild and unreasoning attachment to Orthodoxy
+and this prevented them from exerting the full force of their influence
+in a constructive way. At the same time, the Kozaks, even when they
+were almost reduced to serfs, still maintained their superiority to all
+other classes of the population.
+
+A new cause of discord arose over the Zaporozhian Sich. The Kozaks
+of the Sich, still in a sense the real frontiersmen, argued that the
+choice of hetmans should be conducted there and they developed an
+open hostility toward the officers and the Kozaks of the permanent
+regimental and territorial organizations that existed in the more
+settled part of the country. It only added more unpleasantness, for the
+Kozaks of the Sich did not realize that it required a consistent policy
+if the Host was to maintain itself under the new conditions.
+
+At the same time the international pot continued to boil. Both Moscow
+and Poland, busily engaged in fighting one another, angled for the
+support of the Kozaks. Both sides in cases of necessity made liberal
+promises. The Poles were only too willing to give the Kozaks anything
+for which they asked when they were driving back the Muscovites; the
+Muscovites were willing to extend political and financial assistance
+whenever the Kozaks were needed to turn back the Poles. As soon as
+discord raised its head in the Kozak ranks, the favorable offers were
+withdrawn, the Polish magnates renewed their claims to Ukrainian land
+and the Muscovites began to abrogate the Kozak privileges granted at
+the Treaty of Pereyaslav. At times the Turks and the Crimean Tatars,
+their vassals, took a hand in the game but they likewise did not carry
+out any consistent policy and did not try to fulfil the promises which
+they had made a short time before to the Kozak leaders.
+
+Under such conditions everybody suffered, but the Ukrainian population,
+which might have profited by the duel between Poland and Moscow, fared
+the worst. The land was terribly devastated and there came the period
+graphically called by the Ukrainians of this and later periods the
+Ruin. The helpless population, Kozak and non-Kozak alike, wandered
+from the right bank of the Dnyeper to the left bank. They went on into
+the land of free communes which was outside the Hetman state and then
+discovered that Moscow would not confirm their privileges there, since
+it was regarded as purely Muscovite territory. Then with a slight
+change or rumors of change in the west, the trend of wandering reversed
+its course and the settlers streamed back to the right bank, only to be
+again disillusioned and resume their melancholy travels.
+
+Under such conditions it is idle to seek for a coherent history. It
+is impossible even to speak of Polish and Muscovite parties among
+the Kozaks, for regiments and companies swung from side to side with
+appalling rapidity, handicapped their more able hetmans and either
+killed them or discredited them so thoroughly that they received little
+hearing at either Warsaw or Moscow.
+
+To cite but a few cases. Shortly after the death of Khmelnitsky, his
+secretary, Ivan Vyhovsky, almost unified the Host as a new hetman
+succeeding the weak Yury Khmelnitsky. Vyhovsky and his friends realized
+that with a weakened Poland, it might be possible for the Kozaks to
+force upon the King a recognition of their rights. He drew up the
+Union of Hadiach in 1658 and this more than fulfilled the dreams
+of Khmelnitsky, for it made the Kozak Host and Rus’ a third member
+of the Polish state along with Poland and Lithuania. It again gave
+the Orthodox Metropolitan the right to sit in the Polish Senate and
+conferred upon the Academy of Kiev the same rights that were given
+to the Polish Universities of Krakow and Wilno. It was all in vain.
+The blind hate of the Polish clergy and aristocratic landowners and
+Muscovite intrigues destroyed the plans of Vyhovsky and the Poles
+speedily withdrew their promises.
+
+Ten years later Peter Doroshenko, more hostile to the Poles,
+manipulated his power so skilfully that he was able to win complete
+independence from Poland and became the master of the right bank.
+Through an alliance with Mnohohrishny, the hetman of the left bank, he
+bade fair to unite again the whole of Ukraine with the hope of securing
+a definite autonomy from the Tsar. It was of no use. The officers
+overthrew Mnohohrishny because he was the son of a peasant and then
+they appealed to Moscow against Doroshenko. Of course the Tsar heard
+them for he welcomed the opportunity to deprive the Host of its rights
+to deal with foreign policy, and executed Mnohohrishny. Doroshenko
+tried in vain to secure Turkish help but this was not forthcoming and
+the hatred of the Kozaks for Islam brought about his downfall. When he
+had to surrender to Moscow, he received a long term in Siberia.
+
+Then came the turn of Ivan Samoylovich, who was as sympathetic and
+obedient to Moscow as the others had been critical and independent.
+He won a certain amount for the Host at the price of taking part in
+Muscovite plans against Turkey. Yet when an expedition under Prince
+Golitsyn met with failure against the Crimea, because of disregard of
+his advice, the other officers accused him to the Tsar of betraying
+the Russians. Samoylovich was deposed and imprisoned and his son was
+executed.
+
+Thus while the Host was relapsing into discord, it gave both Tsar and
+King the power to do with the Ukrainian lands as they would. In 1667,
+by the Treaty of Andrusivo, the two divided Ukraine at the Dnyeper,
+with Poland holding the right bank and Moscow the left and the city
+of Kiev on the right bank. This last was nominally for two years, but
+Moscow never returned the prize and used the occupation for still
+greater demands.
+
+The chief of these lay in the elimination of the autonomy of the
+Ukrainian Orthodox Church. This was still nominally under the control
+of the Patriarch of Constantinople but Moscow wanted it under the
+Patriarch of Moscow to cement its own power. Diplomatic pressure on
+the Sultan led him to force the Patriarch of Constantinople to consent
+to this and then the ever obedient Samoylovich appointed a relative
+Metropolitan of Kiev and the thing was done. Moscow had been able to
+lay its hand upon the last strong factor of Ukrainian independence and
+the rest was easy.
+
+It was in the midst of this chaos that Ivan Mazepa became hetman after
+the arrest of Samoylovich. He was the last of the hetmans who possessed
+any real strength of character and assurance of his position. Perhaps
+he misjudged his situation. Perhaps it was an unkind fate that drove
+him along the path of destruction and with him the Kozak Host and all
+Ukraine. Yet he played a striking role, albeit an unsuccessful one, in
+the events of the day and achieved lasting fame or ill-repute among his
+fellow countrymen and their oppressors.
+
+Mazepa was born about 1640 in Bila Tserkva on the right bank and
+received an excellent education. For a while he was at the court of
+the King of Poland and conducted various diplomatic negotiations with
+Ukraine for the King. Then he suddenly vanished, perhaps because of an
+unconventional love affair as described by Byron, and he turned up in
+the Hetman state. He attracted the attention of Samoylovich who made
+him the Inspector General of the Host. This brought him into prominence
+both with the Ukrainians and the Muscovites and when Samoylovich was
+arrested in 1687, Mazepa offered Prince Golitsyn ten thousand rubles
+for the post of hetman and Golitsyn saw to it that he was the sole
+candidate for the position.
+
+The world had changed since the time of Khmelnitsky and it would be
+impossible to recognize the traditional type of hetman in Mazepa.
+The gulf between the early Kozak hetmans, who acquired their power
+merely to conduct a raid against Constantinople, and Khmelnitsky was
+not so great as that between Khmelnitsky and Mazepa. The latter had
+become hetman only of the left bank. He might indeed possess some
+nominal control over the Kozaks of Paly in Poland but it was utterly
+ineffective and he had no power to bring them as organized units under
+his control. There were Muscovite garrisons in all of the important
+cities and the maintenance of his power depended upon his retention of
+the confidence of the Tsar. Still less than Khmelnitsky could he think
+of the welfare of the people. Still less than Khmelnitsky did he have
+the power to organize armies and use them for purposes of his own or of
+the Officers’ Council. He was bound hand and foot by the Tsar and this
+Tsar was Peter the Great.
+
+Mazepa had been hetman for only two years, when Peter succeeded in
+forcing his half-sister Sophia out of power, making her take refuge
+in a convent. He immediately removed Prince Golitsyn from all of his
+important posts, that same man who had been the patron of Mazepa and
+had placed him in the hetmanship. Then Peter began his policy of
+reforms. This is not the place to describe his transformation of old
+Moscow into the modern Russia, but it can well be seen that Ukraine and
+the Kozak Host, already stripped of most of the rights guaranteed by
+Tsar Alexis, would not escape his centralizing tendencies.
+
+Mazepa, although he was closely associated with Golitsyn, profited
+by the latter’s downfall. He succeeded in winning and holding the
+confidence of Peter, who willingly took from the Golitsyn estates
+and returned to Mazepa the money that he had paid Golitsyn for his
+election, and the generous Tsar gave him a good slice of the Golitsyn
+fortune as a mark of favor.
+
+This fortune together with the income of the Kozak Host allowed the
+new hetman to start an unparalleled period of monumental building in
+Ukraine. Thus, for example, he remodelled in Baroque architecture the
+old Church of St. Sophia in Kiev. He constructed the Cathedral of St.
+Nicholas and the Church of the Epiphany. He surrounded the Monastery
+of the Caves with an elaborate wall. In everything that he touched
+Mazepa showed the influence of the contemporary art of the West and his
+hetmanship marked the flowering of Ukrainian Baroque architecture.
+
+He had many motives for this. In the first place, he could feel the
+desire of Peter for the elimination of the old forms of Muscovite art
+and life. His liberal expenditure of funds for a westernizing purpose
+could not fail to increase the certainty of the Tsar that he was not
+interested in the maintenance of the old form of life. It appealed to
+large elements of the Ukrainian population, and Mazepa used his liberal
+support of the Orthodox Church to prove that he had no Polonizing
+tendencies and that he was not, as his enemies charged again and again,
+a mere servant of the Poles, for this was the favorite charge against
+the hetmans and could rouse against him both the suspicions of the Tsar
+and the ill will of the Ukrainian population, Kozak and non-Kozak alike.
+
+On the other hand, Mazepa was a true hetman of the later type. He
+was not in general on good terms with the leaders of the Zaporozhian
+Sich, who claimed to speak for the common Kozaks, and emphasized in
+their turbulent way the last elements of that democracy that had
+characterized the entire Host of a century earlier. Mazepa found
+his chief elements of support in the officers of the Kozak Host and
+he relied upon the gifts of the Tsar to these men to maintain their
+loyalty to him. For his protection he trusted chiefly to his mercenary
+forces, on whose continued loyalty he could count for financial
+reasons. His ambition was to be recognized as the master of Ukraine,
+perhaps the King of a subservient state, and his ambitions perhaps
+went no further than to hold the same position toward Moscow as the
+princes of Georgia and other bordering vassal states. His role was
+far different from that of the older hetmans who had felt themselves
+owing no responsibility except to God and the assembly of the Host. He
+himself owed supreme allegiance to the Tsar and he demanded the same
+loyalty to himself.
+
+The policy of Mazepa naturally did not make him friends among the
+ordinary Kozaks who bitterly denounced him and his officers for their
+high-handed actions. Yet when Petryk tried to secure the aid of the
+Zaporozhian Sich against him and also secured recognition from the
+Turks and Tatars, very few joined him and Mazepa was able to weather
+the storm without difficulty.
+
+Yet Mazepa was something more than a mere supporter of the Tsar. His
+friend Kochubey denounced him to Peter for writing a poem glorifying
+the independence of Ukraine and visualizing the hetman as an autocratic
+and independent monarch. Peter laughed at the accusations and merely
+condemned Kochubey to death when he added other insinuations against
+the loyalty of the hetman. Kochubey was probably right. Mazepa ardently
+desired to see Ukraine free but he was too well aware of the abuses of
+the past to risk a struggle under the old manners and customs of the
+hetmanate. He apparently had convinced himself and his friends that
+Ukraine could only recover its liberty under an absolute monarch and he
+intended to be that man.
+
+In the meanwhile the Northern War had broken out, and this radically
+changed the situation. Charles XII, a man of superb military talent and
+a ruthless desire to employ it, had inherited the Swedish army at a
+time when Sweden, as a result of the Thirty Years War, was one of the
+great powers of Europe. In 1700 he attacked Russia and badly defeated
+Peter at the battle of Narva. Then he wasted the next years in trying
+to depose August II, King of Poland, and replace him with Stanislas
+Leszczynski, a move in which he had the support of all the anti-Russian
+factions of Poland. This alliance of the King of Sweden and one faction
+of the Poles against the Tsar of Russia and the King of Poland opened
+new vistas to the Kozaks, who had not forgotten the negotiations
+between Khmelnitsky and the Swedes during the great Kozak revolt of a
+half century earlier.
+
+Intermittent hostilities between the forces of King August and the
+Kozaks of Paly, the leader of the Kozaks in Poland, led Paly to
+appeal for aid to Mazepa, but at the moment Peter was interested in
+maintaining relations with the King and he forbade Mazepa to interfere.
+Instead of that he offered himself to help in the suppression of Paly.
+This of course displeased Mazepa for he had hopes of bringing Western
+Ukraine under his control, but again he was compelled to wait.
+
+Finally in 1704 Peter ordered Mazepa to enter Western Ukraine to subdue
+the Polish nobles friendly to Charles. Mazepa obeyed in his own special
+way to aid the Kozaks. However, he distrusted the influence of Paly,
+who represented more democratic traditions, arrested him and reported
+to Peter what was probably the truth: that Paly was in touch with
+the Swedes. He replaced him with one of his own relatives, a Colonel
+Omelchenko, and finally this man was accepted by the Kozaks of the west
+and still more warmly by the population of the various towns. However,
+in 1707 Peter ordered him to restore Western Ukraine to Polish rule.
+This Mazepa was unwilling to do, although instead of open disobedience
+to the Tsar’s order, he made all kinds of excuses and promises, and
+evaded action.
+
+Mazepa had apparently already made up his mind to strike for the
+independence of Ukraine, if Charles showed any sign of success. The war
+was dragging on and Charles, true to his character, was dashing hither
+and yon through Europe, wasting his troops, winning victory after
+victory but not concentrating on any definite policy. The Kozak hetman
+therefore opened some sort of negotiations with Stanislas Leszczynski,
+and through him he could of course reach Charles. Yet he was so
+overcautious that he kept even his closest friends from knowing of his
+plans and continued to strengthen his bonds with Peter.
+
+This policy could not fail to overreach itself. On the one hand the
+Kozaks knew only of his apparent devotion to the cause of the Tsar
+and those officers and men who were most hostile to Peter steadily
+lost confidence in him. On the other hand he could not rally any wide
+classes to his standards nor could he take the most elementary steps
+for moving his own troops into advantageous positions for the coming
+struggle. Perhaps he believed that he had only to give the order and
+all the Kozaks would spring to arms in his behalf. If so, he was badly
+mistaken, for his whole policy had alienated a large part of the Kozak
+forces and he could not appeal to them as easily as could the older
+hetmans who had tried to keep in close contact with the masses of the
+Host.
+
+The sequence of events is still uncertain, but after a year of this
+double play, Charles suddenly turned his attention back to Russia and
+attacked Peter from Lithuania, not far from the Ukrainian border. His
+original plan seems to have been to seize Smolensk and march on Moscow,
+while General Loewenhaupt attacked from Livonia. Suddenly, as winter
+was coming on, Charles turned south into Ukraine.
+
+Mazepa now could realize the evils of his excessive caution. Peter, at
+the first attack, had ordered a large part of the Kozak regiments moved
+into Lithuania and had sent a Russian army into Ukraine to protect
+Mazepa and his officers from the hatred of the Ukrainians, something
+for which Mazepa had previously begged. This left him in an impossible
+position and did not strengthen Charles, for the very troops that might
+have swelled the size of the Swedish army were where they could not
+be easily reached and the Russians were in the very heart of Mazepa’s
+territory.
+
+Still it was now or never. There was the one chance that Charles
+might defeat the Russian army in the first encounter. If he did,
+Mazepa would have won his game of freeing Ukraine from both Russia and
+Poland, for Sweden was willing to promise them complete independence
+and Leszczynski and the Polish magnates were not in a position to
+oppose this. If Charles failed for lack of Ukrainian help, the fate of
+Ukraine was sealed. Mazepa could remain loyal to Peter but he would
+have to resign all thought of liberating his country and becoming an
+independent ruler.
+
+It hardly seems possible that Mazepa invited Charles to spend the
+winter in Ukraine, before he threw off the mask of allegiance to Peter.
+If he did, it certainly reflects upon his understanding of the military
+situation and it was a poor move on the part of Charles, although he
+might hope that he could receive more supplies and have better winter
+quarters in Ukraine than further to the north.
+
+Mazepa took the chance. He secretly set what troops he had in motion
+and led them to the camp of Charles before any of them were aware that
+a revolt was going on. Peter took immediate action and sent a Russian
+force to burn Baturyn, the capital of Mazepa, massacred the garrison
+and destroyed a large part of his supplies. This made it very difficult
+for the hetman to rally to his standards large numbers of the Kozaks
+and to spread the revolt far and wide through the Ukrainian lands.
+
+During the winter both Peter and Mazepa engaged in large scale
+propaganda. The former denounced Mazepa as a Pole and a Catholic and
+ordered the Kozak officers to meet at Hlukhiv and elect another hetman.
+This time he designated Ivan Skoropadsky. He also won back several of
+the officers who had gone with Mazepa to the Swedish camp. For his
+part, Mazepa sent word through the whole of Ukraine that he was now
+determined to free Ukraine once and for all from Muscovite domination
+and he urged all Ukrainian patriots to rally to his cause.
+
+The Tsar further ordered the authorities of the Orthodox Church to
+utter anathemas against Mazepa and the Church willingly complied,
+although Mazepa had been their most munificent donor during his entire
+period as hetman. Mazepa’s estates were confiscated and distributed
+to the officers who had remained loyal and the townspeople humbly
+assured Peter of their fidelity. In a word it was very difficult to
+stir up effective revolt, so carefully had Mazepa covered his steps and
+negotiations in advance of his declaration of rebellion.
+
+His main success lay in winning over the Kozaks of the Zaporozhian
+Sich. These doughty fighters for the old rights of the Host had long
+been opposed to Mazepa and to his policy of favoring the Tsar. They had
+been opposed also to the introduction of serfdom or practical serfdom
+in the country. Nevertheless, when they saw that the hetman had taken
+the final step, the Sich began to swing toward the side of Mazepa and
+Charles, and soldiers soon began to arrive in the Swedish camp. Yet
+their aid was not as important as it would have been a century earlier,
+for the Sich too had lost much of its original glory and prowess. There
+were no longer the abundant supplies of arms and artillery that had
+been there in the days when the Kozaks gathered and prepared their
+expedition against whoever seemed the most profitable foe.
+
+Charles moved southward toward the Sich but he was held up at Poltava,
+which refused to surrender to him. In the meanwhile the Russian armies
+in Ukraine had attacked and captured the Sich by treachery and then,
+in defiance of the terms of surrender, massacred and tortured a large
+part of the garrison. The rest escaped into Tatar territory and set up
+a Sich near the mouth of the Dnyeper.
+
+The final battle took place at Poltava on July 8, 1709. It was a
+crushing defeat for Charles, whose troops had been worn down by
+years of fighting and by lack of proper winter quarters. The Swedish
+and Kozak forces were cut to pieces and only a handful, including
+Charles and Mazepa, succeeded in escaping into Turkey. Here they were
+practically imprisoned by the Turks, while the Sultan deliberated
+whether or not to accept Russian offers of a handsome ransom to have
+the fugitives turned over to them. Charles was finally released and
+obliged to quit Turkey. Mazepa lived only a few months and then died.
+
+The officers with him still did not lose hope. They elected Philip
+Orlyk to be the new hetman and made plans to draw up a formal
+constitution for the Host. This was far more in accordance with Western
+standards than had been the old informal system of administration,
+for it provided for a regular governmental body to be composed of the
+officers, delegates elected by the ordinary Kozaks and still others
+selected by the Sich. The measure also provided those limitations on
+the power of the hetman that experience in the Western countries had
+found useful. Thus the hetman was no longer to control all the finances
+of the Host but would have his own source of income, and the treasurer
+would handle the general funds, subject only to the general assembly or
+staff. Of course this remained only a paper constitution, for Orlyk and
+his friends were never allowed to return home.
+
+They continued to hope, however, that relations between Russia, Turkey
+and Sweden would develop in such a way that Ukraine would regain its
+independence. The Swedes promised to treat Ukraine as an independent
+country, but their own strength had been exhausted. Turkey seemed more
+promising, especially after Peter and his forces were surrounded by
+the Turks near the Pruth. Once again bribery saved the day and the
+Turks, who had Peter definitely in their power, released him and signed
+a treaty that appeared to satisfy Ukrainian aspirations but which in
+reality gave increased power to Russia.
+
+The battle of Poltava and the fall of Mazepa definitely crushed the
+hopes of Ukraine and established the supremacy of Moscow, which now
+formally and officially accepted Russia as its new name. It was the
+last great attempt of the Ukrainians under the Russian Empire to attain
+their freedom and it had failed disastrously. Perhaps it hastened the
+destruction of the Kozak rights, but these had already been so whittled
+away by amendments to the Treaty of Pereyaslav carried through by
+imperial edict that the end could not have been long in coming.
+
+More important than that, the Russian government held Mazepa up as an
+outstanding example of a traitor. The Russians could carefully edit the
+career of Khmelnitsky and give him certain praise for his signing of
+the fatal treaty. In Mazepa they had a clear opportunity to vilify the
+unfortunate leader and to label all Ukrainians who henceforth sought
+freedom for their country as Mazepintsy, followers of Mazepa, with the
+definite implication that he was false to the great destiny of the
+Ukrainians: to be submerged in the great mass of the Empire and to
+abandon all their traditions and ideals.
+
+It is small wonder that the tradition of the hetman has lived on among
+the Ukrainians, and that they are willing to glorify him. Mazepa
+represented a last phase in Ukrainian development. Unfortunately, he
+was unable to solve the problem. The general trend of the seventeenth
+century had drawn a constantly wider gulf between the officers and
+the masses of the Kozaks and the civilians. Mazepa knew no way of
+organizing the country after the disastrous experiences of his
+predecessors except by adopting an anti-democratic attitude and setting
+himself up as almost an absolute ruler. His environment and his
+training had taught him to act by devious paths and he dallied too long
+before he took the final step. Had he acted earlier and more firmly in
+connection with the Swedes, he might have achieved his goal.
+
+Yet in another sense his doom was necessary. It was not until the
+constitution drawn up by Orlyk in exile that there emerged a clear
+idea in the minds of the Kozak leaders as to their relationship with
+the masses of the Ukrainians. Too long had the Sich and the hetmans
+sought to remain purely a military body without political implications.
+The need for organizing a Ukrainian state had seemed to them less
+immediate than the defending of the military rights of the Kozaks.
+In their political inexperience, they had neglected again and again
+opportunities that were really priceless. It was not until it was too
+late that they grasped the responsibilities of their position and freed
+themselves from their narrow political outlook.
+
+If Khmelnitsky was really the architect of Ukrainian conscious
+independence, then it was Mazepa and his followers who definitely cast
+away all hope of continuing the old ambiguous situation. It would have
+been one thing to have done this in the middle of the seventeenth
+century. It was quite different to undertake it in the eighteenth
+against such a Tsar as Peter. Mazepa’s only hope was to lay a broad
+foundation for his movement, to prepare a real basis for a national
+revolt. This was not in the spirit of the man; it was not practical in
+the face of the agents of Peter and of the murmuring and dissensions
+that still lingered on among many of the Kozaks. As a result, Mazepa
+became a really romantic figure, risking everything on what was almost
+certainly a lost cause, which only a miracle could have turned into
+victory. Yet that miracle was near at many moments and it was another
+tragedy of the Ukrainian people that they were not able to grasp the
+right moment, make the right moves and bring themselves to final
+independence.
+
+The fall of Mazepa marks the end of the Kozak wars and of the
+political significance of the Kozak Host. It marks within the Russian
+Empire the ending of a phase of history, turbulent but romantic and
+heroic to the last degree. It marks also the passing of the Ukrainian
+movement from a purely military enterprise to the modern political and
+economic struggle that it was to be in the future. At the same time
+the followers of Mazepa began to raise the Ukrainian question in the
+chancelleries and thought of Western Europe.
+
+
+
+
+                             CHAPTER EIGHT
+
+               _THE SPREAD OF KIEVAN CULTURE IN MOSCOW_
+
+
+At the very moment when Moscow was pursuing its consistent policy of
+reducing Ukraine to the level of a Muscovite province, it was falling
+just as steadily under the influence of Kievan culture. The monks and
+scholars of Kiev flowed in a steady stream to the northeastern capital
+and prepared the way for the transformations that were to be brought
+to their full fruition by Peter the Great in the early part of the
+eighteenth century. It is not too much to say that every scholar or
+literary man of Moscow during the eighteenth century was of Ukrainian
+origin or had been largely trained in the Academy of Kiev.
+
+The reason is not far to seek. During the period of subjection to the
+Tatars, the culture of Moscow and the general mode of life came under
+a marked oriental influence. After the liberation of the country,
+conditions changed little, despite the marriage of Tsar Ivan III with
+Sophia Paleolog of the royal house of Byzantium. Now and then there
+might be some slight influence from the west brought in, as was the
+case when an Italian architect was employed to remodel the Kremlin, but
+such cases were relatively rare and for all practical purposes there
+was little interchange of goods or ideas with Europe.
+
+The Muscovites of the day were not desirous of opening their country to
+foreign influences. Their national pride had worked out the theory of
+Moscow as the Third Rome, the capital of the Christian Orthodox empire
+_par excellence_, and they stubbornly believed that any contact
+with the outside world or the new learning could only lead to the
+development of heresy and the marring of the pristine virtue of their
+Orthodox religion. The Patriarch of Moscow was forbidden to dine at the
+same table with foreigners, even of the highest rank, and the example
+was followed by all classes of the population.
+
+Within the country formal education was at a low ebb. Education had
+never taken root at Moscow as it had in Kiev. There were not the direct
+connections with the outside world that had made the Grand Princes of
+Kiev part of the European family of nations. Moscow was a closed centre
+and the ideas of intellectual regimentation had gone so far that in
+the religious disputes of the sixteenth century, it could seriously be
+advanced that the writing of a book on theology was prohibited by the
+Seventh Oecumenical Council and that the preparation of any work was
+necessarily heretical.
+
+The Muscovites despised the Greeks, even though they were Orthodox,
+and they had little more respect for the scholars of Kiev. There are
+very few records of attempts made by the Tsars of Moscow to secure
+Greek scholars from Constantinople during these centuries, at the time
+when the Ukrainian princes and brotherhoods were only too willing
+to have Greek teachers in their schools and were trying to raise
+the intellectual level of the clergy and the other classes of the
+population. It goes without saying that Moscow regarded Poland and
+Lithuania, with their Catholic culture, as worse than pagan and refused
+to have any relations with them.
+
+The outstanding example of an attempt to secure a scholar from abroad
+was the case of Maxim the Greek, who was invited to Moscow to correct
+the Church books in the reign of Tsar Vasily III. The attempt was
+disastrous to the poor Greek, for even the slightest change in the
+books seemed to be ominous to the Muscovites and Maxim found himself in
+prison for many years.
+
+The only city included in the Muscovite Tsardom in which there was any
+attempt to develop independent thought was Novgorod, which as a trading
+centre had maintained connections with the Hanseatic League; but even
+the efforts of the Archbishops of Novgorod were received with little
+favor in the self-satisfied Moscow.
+
+Yet everyone in Moscow who went from one Church to another was well
+aware that during the ages there had occurred mistakes in the Church
+books, errors of copying, slight interpolations, even cases of
+corruption which destroyed the sense of the passages. What was to be
+done? The recognition of the need for some correction of the books was
+blocked by the impossibility of accepting any standard for the work.
+For nearly a century there went on a sterile debate on the subject
+and at the end of that time there was still no agreement as to the
+texts which should be taken as models. The nationalistic Muscovite
+leaders absolutely refused to accept any Greek texts, even though
+it was generally agreed that the Church Slavonic services had been
+translated from the Greek, for in their eyes the fall of Constantinople
+had seriously damaged the Orthodox character of even the oldest Greek
+texts and it was beneath the dignity of the Third Rome to learn from
+outsiders. As the last and greatest of these leaders, Avvakum, proudly
+declared at his trial before the Eastern Patriarchs in 1666, it was
+their duty to come and learn from Moscow rather than to pass judgment
+upon any Muscovites, for they alone possessed the true faith and a
+Christian and Orthodox autocrat.
+
+It is impossible to overemphasize this ingrown character of Muscovite
+culture and thought in the sixteenth century. Xenophobia was the order
+of the day and even such a tsar as Ivan the Terrible who allowed
+Germans and other foreigners to come in small numbers to Moscow could
+not defy the will of the boyars and the masses and accept foreign
+ideas.
+
+The Troublous Times that followed the death of Boris Godunov and saw
+the occupation of the Kremlin by a Polish army showed, however, to
+some of the intelligent Muscovites that all was not well at home. They
+realized that Moscow would sooner or later be compelled to accept some
+elements of Western and contemporary culture or the state would be
+in serious danger. They realized that it would be impossible to make
+progress at the expense of Poland and Lithuania, if they maintained
+this deliberate exclusion of all foreign ideas, and a steadily
+increasing number of men determined in one way or another to change the
+situation.
+
+The leading spirit of this group was Nikon, who was destined in 1652
+to become the Patriarch of Moscow. No less overbearing and haughty
+than had been his predecessors, Nikon was intelligent enough to know
+that something had to be done and done rapidly, if disaster was to be
+averted and in this he had the sympathetic backing of Tsar Alexis.
+
+It was only natural that they should turn with sympathetic interest
+to Kiev, for the revival of Ukrainian culture appealed to them in
+various ways. They were well aware of the bitter feud that was going
+on in Ukraine between the Orthodox and the followers of the Union and
+they had hopes of bringing Ukraine under their own domination. There
+was something attractive in the Orthodoxy of Kiev and they could dream
+of Moscow as an Orthodox Slav state accepting support from other
+Orthodox Slavs when it galled them to appeal directly to the Greeks.
+Besides that, there was a group of the Orthodox in Kiev whose religious
+antagonism to the Catholics overshadowed any questions of Ukrainian
+patriotism. As early as 1626, some of these monks had broached the idea
+of a union with Moscow, and exactly as they in a later time tended
+to facilitate the submission of the Kozaks to Moscow, so they dreamed
+that they might tap the more abundant resources of that state for
+intellectual accomplishments and perhaps for personal aggrandizement.
+
+Yet there was no doubt that any such rapprochement would be stubbornly
+contested by the masses of the Muscovite population and by many of the
+boyars and nobles. It required all the power of an autocratic monarch
+and ruthless force to carry through even the slightest correction of
+the books and the introduction of any ideas that were at variance
+with the traditional Muscovite mode of life. Throughout the entire
+seventeenth century, the Old Believers, as they were called, adopted
+the most desperate methods of opposition. Mass suicides of people who
+objected to living under the regime of Antichrist took place. The
+streltsy, the guards of the tsar, rose in armed revolt and the Don
+Kozaks burst out in several waves of destructive fury as they demanded
+the preservation of the old faith and the beard. It was undoubtedly
+this furious attitude of fanaticism that prevented any close relations
+between the Kozaks and the revolt of Stenka Razin or between Mazepa and
+the revolt of Bulavin in the days of Peter the Great.
+
+It was probably more than a coincidence, however, that the first
+serious invitations to Kievan scholars to come to Moscow coincided with
+the beginning of the revolt of Khmelnitsky. In 1649, Tsar Alexis, under
+the influence of Nikon, invited the Metropolitan of Kiev to send Arseny
+Satanovsky and Damaskin Ptitsky to Moscow to translate the Bible.
+Ptitsky went later, but he was replaced on this mission by Epifany
+Slavinetsky who remained in Moscow to the end of his life. Nikon and
+his friends were undoubtedly as much aware of the possibilities of
+securing control of Ukraine, if Poland were to be disintegrated, as
+they were of the aid that they would receive in intellectual matters
+from the Kiev scholars.
+
+A year before this, in 1648, there had appeared in Moscow an edition
+of the grammar of Melety Smotritsky, which had been first published in
+Kiev in 1619. This work, entitled _The Correct Construction of the
+Slav Grammar_, represented an attempt to purify the Church Slavonic
+language from some of the more glaring elements of popular speech
+which had been absorbed during the past years, and so represented
+exactly that attitude of the Kievan school which was working against
+the acceptance of the ordinary speech as the written norm. Yet it gave
+the general Ukrainian system of pronunciation and when it was taken
+to Moscow, it was used almost exclusively for over a century as the
+standard grammar, not only for Ukrainians but also for Muscovites
+and Southern Slavs, with notes carefully added so that the Muscovite
+scholars could make the necessary corrections to make the language
+and teachings of Smotritsky fit Great Russian. The work continued in
+popularity and was one of the main models in the eighteenth century
+when Lomonosov arranged his grammar.
+
+A little later Pamva Berinda published in 1627 a _Slave-norossian
+Lexikon and Interpretation of Names_, which after the work of
+Lavrenty Zizany marked the best attempt at a dictionary.
+
+All these books served as a basis for the work of Slavinetsky and
+his companions when they appeared at Moscow, for they represented at
+least an effort on the part of the Kiev Academy to provide the Church
+Slavonic language which they were teaching and using with the same
+kind of material aids that existed for Polish and Latin and the other
+languages of the West. Nothing of the sort existed in Moscow. It was
+not desired by the Muscovite bookmen, who devoted themselves to an
+unintelligent repetition of already known data from a purely religious
+training.
+
+Year by year Slavinetsky and the other Kievan scholars toiled on in
+Moscow against the steadily repeated accusation that their Orthodoxy
+was suspicious because they knew Polish and Latin. When Nikon appointed
+a Kievan scholar to a commission for reforming the Church books and it
+was discovered that the man had once studied at Rome, there broke out
+an open torrent of denunciation of Kiev and even of Patriarch Nikon,
+for daring to employ for Orthodox purposes a person who had actually
+been in a Catholic atmosphere.
+
+Nikon understood that he could not carry through his reforms of the
+Church books without the aid of the Kievan scholars, and he made
+every effort to attract more and more of them to Moscow. Practically
+the entire increase in theological writing there was due to their
+assistance, and they colored with their ideas and the Orthodox
+scholasticism which had been developed at Kiev all the intellectual
+outlook of the Great Russians.
+
+At first these Kievan monks busied themselves in Moscow only with
+purely religious writings. Thus Epifany Slavinetsky prepared over 150
+works, most of which consisted of translations from the Bible and the
+writings of the Church Fathers and also of short introductions to
+various sacred writings which he translated. This was all that could be
+developed at first in view of the prejudices of the Muscovites.
+
+It was not long, however, before these Kievan scholars gradually
+undertook to introduce to the court of Alexis all the various forms of
+literature which were practiced in Kiev and elsewhere in Ukraine. As we
+have seen, the Kiev Academy had a very limited theological outlook. It
+was more interested in maintaining the Orthodox faith and in carrying
+on polemical disputes with the Polish Catholics than it was in building
+up a high and widely varying secular culture. It imitated and put into
+Orthodox form the already antiquated scholasticism of Poland, which was
+itself all too often a pale reflection of what had been done in western
+Europe a few centuries earlier. The old miracle plays were reworked,
+comic and sometimes coarse scenes were added to suit the manners of the
+time, little interludes were composed, and there sprang up a rather
+uninspired but still active school of drama illustrating biblical
+themes and filled with moralizing and didactic teaching. It was in
+general a picture of the European literatures in the late Renaissance,
+without that spark of life and genius that had lifted English, French
+and Italian literatures to the heights of the sixteenth century and it
+was far below what had been achieved by the Polish writers of the same
+century, and then neglected.
+
+All this literature forms a dreary period but it was infinitely more
+advanced than was anything that was found in Moscow. As the various
+genres were made available in that capital, they seemed daringly
+novel to the younger Muscovites, who were blissfully unaware of how
+far Western Europe had advanced in recent decades. As a result there
+developed in the latter half of the seventeenth century a craze at
+Moscow for the Ukrainian literature of the day and Ukrainian monks and
+laymen who made their way to the Russian capital found themselves in
+constant demand. Ukrainian scholasticism dominated the reigns of Alexis
+and the following tsars, and students of Russian literature and history
+have often failed to emphasize the importance of this period as the
+first step in the Europeanization of the country.
+
+We can take for example the career of Simeon Polotsky as typical of
+this era. He was born in White Ruthenia in 1629 as Simeon Emelyanovich
+Petrovsky-Sitnyanovich. Like most of the leading students of the
+day he was educated at Kiev and then became a monk in the city of
+Polotsk, whence his usual name. In 1664 he went to Moscow as a teacher
+and there he won the favor of the Tsar, was appointed tutor to the
+various children of the monarch and became practically the court
+poet of Moscow. Here he poured out a long and never ending stream of
+works, usually destitute of any real inspiration and all based on the
+models with which he had become acquainted in Kiev. He even used that
+peculiar Ukrainian adaptation of the Polish system of verse in which,
+after the French system, more attention was paid to the number of the
+syllables than to the accent of the metre or the words. Simeon also
+produced various mystery plays, as the _Story of the Prodigal Son_
+and the _Tale of Nebuchadnezzar and the Three Children in the Fiery
+Furnace_. The very titles give us a good picture of the contents
+and show us how far the drama and the poetry of the Kiev Academy were
+removed from the average life of the day. The interest in the poems and
+dramas of Simeon soon passed but we cannot overestimate his importance
+in awakening the minds of the Muscovites, for it was the reading of
+these poems well into the eighteenth century that inspired the first of
+the native born Russian poets, Mikhail Lomonosov, to undertake his work.
+
+As the Russian hold upon Ukraine grew tighter, the number of educated
+Ukrainians who went into the service of Moscow steadily increased.
+They formed the overwhelming majority of Russian officials whose
+position required something more than dry and formal duties. They
+rose to high rank in state and church and it is interesting that the
+three outstanding clergymen of the reign of Peter the Great were all
+of Ukrainian origin and graduates of the Kiev Academy. They differed
+in many ways among themselves and also in their attitude toward Peter
+but they represented different sides of the Ukrainian and Kievan
+development.
+
+The oldest of the three was Dmytro Tuptalenko, who was born in 1651.
+After receiving his education at Kiev, he spent several years in
+various monasteries, especially those which were the most rigid in
+upholding the autonomy of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church. It was during
+this period that he conceived the idea of writing a book on the lives
+of the Saints and of preparing a work to take the place of the older
+editions of the Chetyi Minei. After the forced submission of the
+Ukrainian Church, Dmytro became friendly with the Patriarch Joachim
+and undertook to secure the publication of his work. It was a very
+difficult task for there were many troubles with the ecclesiastical
+censors, which were not fully settled for over half a century. Finally
+he was called to Moscow and in 1703 he was made Metropolitan of Rostov,
+where he died in 1709. The writings of Dmytro Tuptalenko, who was
+later canonized by the Russian Church, were among the most attractive
+of the Kievan School. They included the _Lives of the Saints_,
+chronicles, and Christmas and Easter plays and they reveal their author
+as a sincere and deeply spiritual man, earnestly trying to do his best
+for his people.
+
+The second of the three, Stefan Yavorsky, (1658–1722), was one of
+the men who were less interested in the Ukrainian problems and found
+it relatively easy to assimilate himself to the new situation which
+was confronting him. As Metropolitan of Ryazan and later the locum
+tenens for the Patriarch, Yavorsky opposed the reforms of Peter and
+his efforts to turn the Church into a mere department of the state; he
+even dared to criticize him for divorcing his first wife. On the whole,
+Yavorsky defended the traditional teachings of Orthodoxy as it was
+understood in Kiev and he represented that stalwart but narrow Orthodox
+scholasticism that had been developed by the school of Mohyla.
+
+The third of this group was very different. Teofan Prokopovich, who
+was born in 1681, received his entire education after the Ukrainian
+Church had been forced to acknowledge the Patriarch of Moscow as its
+canonical head. After graduating from the Academy, Prokopovich became
+a Uniat and thus secured the possibility of a course in the College
+of St. Athanasius in Rome. This was an institution aiming to prepare
+talented young men for energetic propaganda on behalf of the Catholic
+Church among the Greeks and the Orthodox peoples. It gave Prokopovich
+a good acquaintance with the classical world and also with the
+post-Renaissance developments in Western Europe, and fitted him to take
+the lead in breaking from the older scholasticism. On his return to
+Ukraine in 1702, Prokopovich left the Union and became an Orthodox monk
+and a teacher in the Academy of Kiev. Here he commenced his writing
+with a drama on Volodymyr. The work was dedicated with the greatest
+compliments to Mazepa and was perhaps one of the first attempts to
+introduce the later pseudo-classic style. Yet it was intended also to
+be a glorification of Peter the Great. As soon as Mazepa rose in revolt
+and the battle of Poltava had been won by Peter, Prokopovich turned to
+him with new compliments and with the most unsparing denunciations of
+his former patron.
+
+This naturally brought him into favor with Peter, who constantly
+relied more and more upon him, and finally made him Archbishop of
+Novgorod. It was in this capacity that he faithfully served the Tsar
+in drawing up the constitution that was to govern the Orthodox Church
+after the abolition of the Patriarchate. Prokopovich, whether from his
+experiences in Rome or otherwise, had become a bitter foe of the entire
+Catholic position and he turned with considerable ardor toward the
+Protestant theologians of northern Europe and especially of Germany. It
+was due to him that Peter was able to find ways of suppressing most of
+the activities of the Church through his control of the Holy Synod.
+
+It is no exaggeration to say that from the period of the revolt of
+Khmelnitsky to the final triumph of the Western pseudo-classicism under
+Peter, a period of more than half a century, every sign of intellectual
+and progressive life in Moscow and the later Russia was the direct
+product of the scholars of Kiev. At the moment when Ukraine was losing
+its political rights and independence, it was taking cultural control
+of its conqueror. The youth of Moscow were being trained by Ukrainians,
+they were being taught for the most part in Ukrainian, they were
+learning to read Great Russian from Ukrainian texts and grammars, and
+they were learning to think along the lines that had been developed in
+Kiev. It was an amazing phenomenon and we can only wonder what would
+have happened, had the Kievan Academy early in the seventeenth century
+adopted a broader attitude toward worldly knowledge and toward the
+national cause.
+
+As it was, the greater men of the Kievan school never came into contact
+with the world as it had developed in the West after the fall of
+Constantinople. They made no attempt to understand what was going on
+in England, France, and Germany, and they rested content to remodel
+their culture merely on the lines of the Polish-Jesuit schools. On the
+other hand, their ardent defence of Orthodoxy made them blind to the
+situation that was developing at home in the political field. It was
+undoubtedly not only a desire for personal aggrandizement that rendered
+them incapable of understanding the thoughts and the desires of their
+own people. It was not only deliberate selfishness that threw them into
+the arms of Moscow with the resulting confusion at home and the loss
+of those things which the intelligent part of the population valued so
+highly. It was rather a curious blindness which was perhaps inseparable
+from the circumstances under which the cultural revival had commenced
+in the sixteenth century.
+
+Yet for the most part Moscow did not welcome their assistance. The
+native spirit of Moscow continued to regard the Kiev scholars not only
+as men of doubtful Orthodoxy but as foreigners in the full sense of the
+word. Even the extension of Russian rule over Ukraine did not reconcile
+the Muscovites to the giving of good positions in Church and state to
+the people of Kiev. The gap in the mentality of the two races was too
+complete. The gibes of the conservative Muscovites were answered by
+equal attacks from these scholars that the Muscovites were barbarians
+with no culture and no civilization and it was a long while before the
+mutual dislike was even toned down on the surface. It was to crop up
+again years later when Kotlyarevsky and his associates began the use
+of the Ukrainian language in literature, at the end of the eighteenth
+century.
+
+It was in the field of theological education that Ukrainian and Kievan
+influence continued longest, for it was in this that the Academy of
+Kiev had found its chief interest. Elsewhere there was a speedier end,
+for the reforms of Peter called for the introduction of large numbers
+of Germans, Dutch and French into the service of Russia. They brought
+with them a new attitude toward life, new styles of dress and living,
+new manners of thinking which were alien to both Kiev and Moscow.
+St. Petersburg was from the beginning a place apart, where the old
+Muscovite traditions were securely hidden by the Western European
+facade.
+
+Nevertheless, all through the eighteenth century, one is surprised by
+the number of talented Ukrainian gentlemen who appeared in the newly
+developed Russian literature. Those men, who had been able to move by
+reasons of their wealth and influence in the higher circles of life
+in the old Ukraine, found themselves attracted to the new learning
+at St. Petersburg. They joined in the steady outflowing of the new
+literature and even though they no longer had the monopoly of learning,
+they formed a by no means negligible group in the life of the northern
+capital.
+
+Yet it is to be noted that at the same time, the Holy Synod, like the
+preceding patriarchs, was constantly on the lookout lest the Kievan
+school show too much independence of thought and action. The leaders
+of Moscow and later of St. Petersburg still cherished too much of the
+old xenophobia that had characterized the Muscovite past. They made
+every attempt to limit the publications of the Kiev Academy and of
+other schools in Ukraine. They even held up for decades the printing of
+the works of St. Dimitry of Rostov (the Ukrainian Dmytro Tuptalenko).
+He might be declared a saint but that was no reason why his writings
+should not be regarded for style and language as something alien to the
+new regime. The situation was worse with lesser men and once Moscow had
+taken over the scholarship of Kiev, it was only eager that that source
+should not be available to create a new generation of independent
+thinkers that might re-Ukrainianize their own land and spread a new
+influence abroad.
+
+The cultural successes of the Kievan scholars form a striking parallel
+and contrast to the failure of the Kozak Host to maintain and
+strengthen the political position and independence of Ukraine. The lack
+of political interest on the part of the scholars was as dangerous to
+the normal intellectual development of Ukrainian culture as were the
+unbridled dissensions of the men of action. Had the two groups worked
+together along the same lines and toward the same goals as they had
+done at the end of the sixteenth and in the seventeenth centuries,
+it is quite likely that the history of Ukraine would have contained
+more bright and fewer gloomy chapters, for the intelligence and the
+ideas which might have made the state modern and progressive were
+all torn away. The Ukrainization of Muscovite thought was a startling
+phenomenon. It could only be of passing importance in the great drama
+of history, but it remains as one of the great achievements of the
+work of the Ukrainian lords and the Brotherhoods, and it certainly
+strengthened those factors which enabled Ukraine to pass through the
+dark night of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.
+
+
+
+
+                             CHAPTER NINE
+
+                       _THE LAST ACTS IN POLAND_
+
+
+At the beginning of the seventeenth century nearly all of Ukraine was
+within the borders of Poland and the Polish King and the magnates were
+able to feel that Ukraine offered a purely Polish internal question.
+They were to be disillusioned. The formation of the Church Union and
+the Ukrainian cultural revival, together with the actions of the Kozak
+Host, proved that the Polish state as then constituted could not master
+the problem. The revolt of Khmelnitsky and his placing of the Host
+under the supremacy of the Tsar definitely established Ukraine as an
+international problem, perhaps the greatest in Eastern Europe.
+
+Poland had a last chance at the time of the Union of Hadiach in 1658,
+when it seemed for a moment as if Ukraine would enter along with Poland
+and Lithuania into a new tripartite form of government. It was not to
+be. The Kozaks were not willing to back Vyhovsky in his undertaking,
+the Polish King and magnates had learned nothing, and the scheme fell
+through. Instead there was made between the King and the Tsar the
+Treaty of Andrusivo in 1667 whereby Ukraine was definitely divided
+along the Dnyeper and Kiev passed into Muscovite hands.
+
+As we have seen, the struggle continued and Ukraine was cruelly
+devastated. More and more the Kozak Host was driven to the eastward and
+a large part of the Ukrainian lands in Poland lost contact with it. The
+last endeavor of the Kozaks came during the hetmanship of Mazepa, when
+Paly had endeavored to unite what was left of it in Poland with the
+main forces of the Kozaks.
+
+Poland was steadily falling into ruin. The Kings were no longer able to
+govern, except on paper, and during the eighteenth century, Russian and
+Swedish armies were constantly marching across her territory. The King
+and the magnates were only too ready to be peaceful, provided they were
+not asked to fight for themselves or for any else. It might have seemed
+an ideal time for a Kozak movement, but the main body of the Host had
+been so punished after the defeat of Mazepa, that it could give no
+support to the Kozaks in Poland. Step by step the Host vanished from
+the Polish lands. It was consistently deprived of its possible supports
+and from the early part of the eighteenth century, it ceased to play
+any role in Polish affairs.
+
+Lviv had been one of the centres of the Ukrainian cultural revival,
+but this too languished under the new conditions. By now there were
+practically no noble families that continued to support the Orthodox
+Church. The Poland of the late seventeenth century was no longer
+interested in the welfare of its own cities. Trade and commerce were
+hampered in every way by the senseless quarrels of the magnates and
+the szlachta and by the impotence of the Diet to take any action for
+the good of the state and the improvement of economic conditions. As
+a result the Brotherhoods which had played such an important part in
+Ukrainian life a few years earlier, no longer had the income that would
+permit them to continue their old scale of activities. The schools
+which they had supported languished and were finally closed, while the
+Polish government worked to accelerate the process of their dissolution.
+
+The formal division of the country in 1667 and the addition of Kiev
+to the Muscovite lands, foreshadowed the diminution of the power of
+the Orthodox in Poland. When the Tsar was putting pressure upon the
+Sultan of Turkey to have the Patriarch of Constantinople formally
+transfer the Metropolitan of Kiev and his subordinate dioceses to
+the jurisdiction of the Patriarch of Moscow, the Poles considered it
+time to act. In 1676 they forbade the Orthodox in case of dispute to
+appeal to the Patriarch and they demanded that all Orthodox cases be
+tried in Polish courts. They placed the Brotherhoods under the control
+of their bishops and the Polish courts and forbade the Orthodox to
+leave or re-enter the country. Such measures, far more drastic than
+those of a century earlier, aroused hostility but no revolt, for the
+Orthodox Church, except in a few areas, was now too weak to do more
+than present ineffectual protests. It was now unable to stage those
+mass demonstrations that fifty years before had revived a threatened
+hierarchy and under Kozak protection raised it to new heights of power.
+
+The next act was the elimination of Orthodoxy almost entirely from
+the bulk of the Polish lands, especially in Western Ukraine where
+the process of Polonization had gone furthest. The work of inducing
+the people of this area to accept the Union was accomplished largely
+through the efforts of Josef Shumlyansky, (1643–1707), the Archbishop
+of Lviv. Shumlyansky had very early in his career accepted the Union.
+He was doubtless an able, if hardly spiritual, man. He had taken part
+in various military campaigns and he was later, after his acceptance
+of the bishopric, wounded at the siege of Vienna, the last great
+exploit of Polish arms. He was also a skilful diplomat and served on
+many missions for the King. He profited by the Treaty of Andrusivo
+to have himself nominated by the King as the administrator of those
+lands of the Kiev metropolitan that still remained in Poland. All in
+all, he gathered under his own control all those Orthodox threads
+that still served to hold together a dying movement. Yet he felt that
+time was playing on his side and when the King, in 1680, attempted to
+expedite the Union by calling a council similar to the one in Brest a
+century earlier, Shumlyansky refused to attend. However, he secretly
+notified the King and the Roman Catholic authorities that his return to
+Orthodoxy from the Union was not a sign of altered interests. He won
+the confidence of the authorities and for twenty years he undermined
+the Orthodox Church by appointing only secret partisans of the Union
+to the more responsible posts. When he felt himself strong enough to
+come out into the open, he was ably seconded by the other bishops
+and the elimination of the Orthodox Church in Western Ukraine was
+an accomplished fact. Neither the Brotherhoods nor the nobles were
+able to resist the movement and that undertaking which had been so
+disastrous to the Polish state a century earlier was carried through as
+a well-prepared scheme by a Polish government that was already losing
+its control of events.
+
+Even the Brotherhood of Lviv, though it continued the struggle, was
+no longer able to protest effectively. Shumlyansky established his
+own printing press and this deprived the Brotherhood of its source
+of income, for it had formerly had a monopoly of printing in Church
+Slavonic and exported many books to the rest of Ukraine, a trade that
+had been cut off by the actions of Moscow. Finally, when the Swedes
+besieged the city in 1704, the Brotherhood was compelled to contribute
+an enormous sum to the ransom demanded. By these and many other acts of
+annoyance, it was finally ruined and in 1708 it too accepted the Union.
+
+Thus the two pillars of support of the Ukrainian revival, the cultural
+work of the Brotherhoods and the power of the Kozaks, were both
+liquidated in Poland, and Western Ukraine was put entirely at the mercy
+of the Polish government. The nobles had long since become Polonized
+and the eighteenth century is a sad period when there seemed even less
+hope of a revival than there had been in the sixteenth.
+
+All that seemed to be left of the old movement was the fanatic faith
+of the peasant serfs, who clung to their Orthodox religion and their
+native traditions. Yet what could they effect under the conditions of
+the time?
+
+They could merely grumble and at times break out into desperate
+revolts. Particularly in the eastern parts of the country and along the
+Hungarian and Moldavian borders there was a constant state of unrest
+headed by the Haydamaks. The name apparently comes from a Turkish
+word for brigand, but the Haydamaks were no ordinary bandits. They
+were a manifestation of that tendency that had earlier produced the
+original Kozaks, and had developed in the Ottoman Empire the various
+Chetniks and other groups which fought stubbornly and often without
+definite plan for the welfare of the enslaved populations. They could
+always rely upon the sympathy and protection of the peasants in their
+raids upon the manor houses and the Jewish merchants who worked for
+the nobles, for throughout the entire area the collapse of the Kozak
+movement had brought back the great estates that had existed before
+the time of Khmelnitsky and the landlords were even more tyrannical
+and overbearing than they had been before. Their demands for money to
+supply their western tastes were greater and life was almost impossible
+for their unfortunate underlings.
+
+It was small wonder then that the peasants welcomed the incursions
+of armed bands to burn and to plunder their oppressors. The result
+was a wild and turbulent period which made life dangerous but which
+could not offer, as had the Kozak Host, any prospect of improvement.
+The Haydamak bands rarely united except for some major operation. The
+leaders were even more torn by mutual feuds than had been the old Kozak
+organization, which had been on the way to achieving a stabilized
+organization.
+
+The Zaporozhian Sich, which had returned to Russian territory after
+a short stay in Turkey, was also only a shadow of its former self.
+Nevertheless now and again some particularly bold Haydamak leader would
+get in touch with the Sich and detachments of Kozaks would swarm across
+the unprotected border to aid them, and in case of defeat the Haydamaks
+would go back with the Zaporozhians. Yet this no longer had the same
+force as when the Kozaks would dare to defy even the Sultan of Turkey.
+The world was becoming settled and the social order had no real place
+for these doughty champions of liberty and independence.
+
+The Orthodox Ukrainians had still enough power and energy to rise up
+in short but furious revolts. Yet these usually lacked any directive
+purpose and spent themselves in savagery, without the formulation of
+any definite plan or purpose. They were usually called forth not only
+by the deplorable conditions of the people but they were abetted for
+the purposes of Russia in order to punish Poland and interfere with her
+affairs.
+
+This was the case with the revolt of the Haydamaks in 1734. Poland
+was in turmoil after the death of August II. The Russian Empress
+Anna was backing August III for his father’s post, while many of the
+anti-Russian nobles were trying again to place Stanislas Leszczynski
+on the throne. Under such conditions Russian armies, together with
+detachments of Kozaks, were invading the country. Rumors, perhaps
+spread by the Russian commanders, had it that the Russians and Kozaks
+were coming to expel the Polish landlords and to free Ukraine as in
+the days of Khmelnitsky. It was only a rumor but the peasants took it
+seriously and rose in revolt throughout the eastern provinces. This
+was especially marked in the province of Braslav, where the Russian
+commander had actually asked the nobles supporting August to send their
+Kozak retainers to help the Russians. On the strength of this, Verlan,
+who commanded the Kozaks of Prince Lubomirski, embroidered his fancies
+and declared that Anna had ordered a rising, so that the peasants could
+become Kozaks and join the Hetman state. Armed with this, he raised a
+considerable army and set out to plunder the nobles’ estates.
+
+In the middle of the spreading fire, the city of Danzig, the chief
+base of Leszczynski, fell to the Russians and August III ascended the
+throne. There was no longer any need of rousing the peasants against
+the Poles. As a result the Russian troops were at once put at the
+service of the Polish King and the nobles to suppress the uprising.
+Once the peasants had realized that the Russian army was backing their
+enemies and not themselves, the movement quickly subsided and the
+peasants had nothing to do but to return to their former serfdom. Those
+who were unwilling to do this or were too deeply involved to feel safe
+made their way to the Sich or into Wallachia and joined the more or
+less permanent Haydamak bands.
+
+Disorders continued during the following years but not on a
+sufficiently large scale to influence the general course of events. It
+was not until the revolt of the Kolii in 1768 that the fires of unrest
+flared up violently and again the revolt followed the same course
+as that of 1734. It is only remarkable because the grandfather of
+Shevchenko served in it and his tales induced the great poet to compose
+his longest narrative epic, the _Haydamaki_.
+
+The eternal controversies between the Orthodox and the Uniats were
+the spark that set off this turmoil. In 1760 there broke out renewed
+fighting in the Polish parts of the province of Kiev as the Uniats
+tried to force the Orthodox to join them and the Orthodox, under the
+backing of the abbot of the Motronin Monastery, refused. Violence
+followed violence on both sides and the Orthodox sexton of Mliiv was
+murdered. At the request of the people of the area he had hidden the
+chalice of the local church. He was accused by the Uniats of using it
+for purposes of orgies, and was publicly tortured by them and put to
+death.
+
+Even then these disturbances would have followed the normal course, had
+it not been for the Confederation of Bar, when the Pulaskis, including
+Casimir who was to die as a general in the American Army, raised the
+standard of revolt against Russian interference in Polish affairs.
+Russian troops were moved into the Ukrainian area in the southeast
+and the peasants again jumped to the conclusion that Catherine the
+Great was encouraging them to revolt against their landlords. Maksym
+Zalyznyak, a Zaporozhian Kozak, led the revolt and when he and his
+bands marched toward Uman, they were joined by Ivan Gonta, captain
+of the Kozak retainers of the Potocki estate at Uman. There was a
+considerable massacre at Uman when the Kozaks and the Haydamaks took
+the town and other bands operated in the southern part of the province.
+
+The outcome was the same. In June, the Confederates of Bar were forced
+to cross the Polish border into Turkey after being defeated by the
+Russian troops. The Russian commanders then willingly listened to the
+plea of Stanislas August Poniatowski for assistance. They invited the
+leaders of the revolt to meet them as if they were ready to give them
+more support, and then arrested them and turned them over to the Poles,
+where they received severe punishment. Some, including Gonta, were
+tortured to death.
+
+Again the situation returned to normal. The Haydamaks continued their
+raiding on a small scale. There were the usual burnings of manor
+houses, and the killing of nobles, but none of the attacks called
+forth a wide movement on the part of the population. The mood of the
+people continued uneasy but there was no open struggle and in 1792
+the division of Poland brought the Ukrainians directly under Russian
+control.
+
+Yet during this century, which saw the definite triumph of the Union
+in Galicia and the downfall of the Orthodox Ukrainian organizations,
+there began to be signs of an astonishing metamorphosis in the thought
+of the Union. It had been initiated in the sixteenth century to break
+the power of the Ukrainian cultural revival among the Orthodox and
+to safeguard the Polish state against the Kozaks and their unbridled
+devotion to Orthodoxy. For nearly two centuries it had been generally
+understood that the members of the Union, in submitting themselves to
+the Papacy, were cutting themselves off from the Ukrainian cause. It
+had been confidently believed that the Union would swing ultimately
+into the Roman Catholic Church and that it would lose its identity in
+the mass of Catholic Poland, exactly as the nobles had done, when they
+became Polonized and Catholic. This had been the great argument of all
+the Orthodox and had been the cause of the bitterness that had existed
+between the two groups.
+
+As Russia extended its control over Kiev and then abolished the
+autonomous Ukrainian Orthodox Church, things began to change. The
+Russian censors arbitrarily banned many of the books which had been
+circulating among both Orthodox and Uniats and insisted on replacing
+them with books of the pure Russian type. The Uniats adopted a contrary
+policy. They continued to use the old traditional books, written or
+printed in the old traditional way. It gave them a strong hold on many
+sections of the Ukrainian population who could no longer look to Kiev
+for the writings to which they were accustomed. In many sections,
+especially in Galicia, the bulk of the population, once they had
+accepted the Union and their children had been brought up in the new
+environment, commenced to feel at home in it.
+
+Some of the more enterprising and capable bishops of the Union spoke
+out very strongly against a further process of Latinization. For
+example, Bishop Shumlyansky who had played such a large part in winning
+over by guile or persuasion the population of Lviv and the Brotherhood
+of that city, was equally emphatic in his recommendations to his
+clergy to try to start parish schools and to build up the Ukrainian
+Uniat educational system. His work was watched and followed by many of
+the other bishops. The successes achieved were far scantier than had
+been those won by the Orthodox cultural movement of the sixteenth and
+seventeenth centuries; but the seed was sown, although it was not to
+take effective root until after the division of Poland. A keen observer
+could have predicted by the middle of the eighteenth century that the
+Union was not only a means of disrupting the Orthodox but that it
+would in time take its place as a definite Ukrainian Church. The idea
+seemed preposterous at first sight, but with each new effort that was
+put forth the tendencies in this direction became more clear and the
+actions of the Austrian rulers after the division of the country worked
+strongly in this direction.
+
+It thus happened that the very period that saw the ending in Poland
+of the old form of the Ukrainian problem witnessed another aspect of
+it that was to dominate the province of Galicia during the nineteenth
+century. The dream of using the Union to Polonize the country failed
+exactly as had the more direct methods that were employed before the
+Union, for the Union was in itself enrolled in the service of the
+Ukrainian cause, and it had its chance to be effective when Russian
+pressure was directed toward the suppression of that Ukrainian
+Orthodoxy that had been the first inspirer of the recovery of the
+national consciousness.
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER TEN
+
+                     _THE END OF KOZAK LIBERTIES_
+
+
+The disastrous outcome of the revolt of Mazepa gave to Peter the Great
+his opportunity. The battle of Poltava had definitely strengthened his
+position and that of Russia in Europe. It carried with it the definite
+weakening of Poland and made it clear that henceforth the Polish state
+would not be able even to cherish hopes of resisting the demands of the
+Russian Tsar. Thereby it freed him from any necessity of consulting
+the wishes of the Kozaks, who might in other cases have been tempted
+to resume their loyalty to the King. Besides that, the disloyalty of
+Mazepa had been so evident that Peter could have an open excuse for
+acting.
+
+As soon as the old Hetman’s treason had been made clear, Peter ordered
+the Kozak officers to elect Ivan Skoropadsky in his place; but he
+already took care that the new hetman should not have the power of
+the old. Within two months, as soon as Charles had been defeated
+and it was possible for Peter to make far-reaching plans, he sent a
+Russian official, Izmaylov, to remain with the hetman “to be resident
+minister at the hetman’s court with the function of assisting him
+with ‘forceful’ advice in settling all issues, because of the recent
+rebellion in Little Russia and the Zaporozhian uprising.” Skoropadsky
+and all the Kozaks well knew what this meant, especially when the Tsar
+refused to allow a formal confirmation of the conditions of the Treaty
+of Pereyaslav. To make the significance still plainer, the Tsar moved
+the hetman’s capital to Hlukhiv near the Russian border and assigned
+two regiments of Russian troops to watch over the safety of the hetman
+and arrest him at the slightest suspicious sign.
+
+This was a good beginning, for every one knew and realized that from
+that time on Skoropadsky would be hetman only in name. He and the Kozak
+officers would have to bear the brunt of any unpopular actions. The
+Kozaks would merely murmur at their own officers and the Russians could
+then step in to act as the champions of the masses and try to win them
+away from their allegiance to the Host. At the same time Peter very
+ostentatiously treated Skoropadsky with respect on the occasions of his
+state visits to the capital, and waited.
+
+The building of the city of St. Petersburg and the various other works
+in the north, like the construction of the Ladoga Canal, demanded
+an abundance of labor. The Kozaks were in a way bound to government
+service and Peter summoned large numbers of them to the north, where
+they were compelled to labor under the most unhealthy conditions. They
+died by the thousands, and the Host the next year or on the return of
+the survivors was compelled to furnish other large contingents. Orlyk,
+who kept in touch with the situation from abroad, openly said that it
+was the object of Peter to exterminate the whole Host by these methods.
+He may have exaggerated Peter’s purpose but facts certainly seemed to
+support him.
+
+At the same time Skoropadsky was not strong enough to maintain order
+at home. He was much under the influence of his wife and his friends.
+His son-in-law, whom he made army judge, indulged so extensively in
+bribery that Peter again felt himself called upon to intervene and in
+1722, he appointed a Little Russian Board under Brigadier Velyaminov
+to supervise the administration of justice under the hetman. This act
+definitely transferred the most important functions of the Host in
+times of peace to the Russian commanders of the garrison in Ukraine.
+Even Skoropadsky protested against this last act, and the refusal of
+his petition so hurt the old man that he died a few months later.
+
+In the meanwhile all the old vices that had existed in the Hetman
+state, of striving for the control of estates and land on the part of
+the officers, continued with increased energy. Peter saw to it that
+his favorites, like Menshikov, received large estates in Ukraine. He
+appointed Russian officers in the Kozak regiments and saw to it that
+they were richly rewarded, so that even the officers of the Hetman’s
+Council consisted largely of Russians and not of Ukrainians.
+
+On hearing of the death of Skoropadsky, Peter followed the same tactics
+that he had used in disposing of the Patriarchate. He appointed Colonel
+Polubotok Acting Hetman with instructions to listen to Velyaminov,
+exactly as he had used Stephen Yavorsky to carry on the Patriarchate
+until the Holy Synod was ready to function. Then he transferred the
+responsibility for the Little Russian Board to the Senate from the
+Ministry of Foreign Affairs where it had previously rested. It was
+another symbolic act in the elimination of all privileges on the part
+of the Kozak Host and the Ukrainian population, and was intended to
+show that the Ukrainians were only Little Russians and part of the
+Russian state. When the officers petitioned for the election of a new
+hetman, Peter postponed decision on the ground that all the hetmans had
+been traitors, except Khmelnitsky and Skoropadsky and he sent another
+agent to Ukraine to aid Velyaminov in securing evidence of Kozak
+dissatisfaction with their officers and in investigating the misdeeds
+of the latter.
+
+He also summoned Polubotok to St. Petersburg so that the Acting Hetman
+could be near the Tsar. This made it more difficult for Polubotok,
+who was sincerely endeavoring to restore justice and discipline in
+the Host, to undertake any positive action. His efforts to do this
+merely made his position worse and when it was discovered that he
+was sending letters to Ukraine to tell the people how to act under
+the new investigations, Peter solved all problems by arresting
+and incarcerating him in the Fortress of Saints Peter and Paul in
+Petersburg together with Colonels Apostol and Miloradovich, who had
+been summoned also to the capital. Thus the governing body of the
+Kozaks and their most influential leaders were in prison, while Peter
+was planning his next step. Polubotok could not stand the new insults
+and he died in prison in the fall of 1724, just a few months before
+Peter himself passed away.
+
+It is fair to presume that had Peter lived, he would ultimately have
+wiped out the Host. As Tsar he had no use for any factor in Russian
+life which reminded him too strongly of the past and which could find
+no parallel in Europe. The Kozak Host as the government of Russian
+Ukraine seemed to him superbly out of date. Its leaders still claimed
+to be entitled to the rights and liberties which they had enjoyed when
+they joined Moscow. They continued a military organization of the past
+and as Peter had abolished the old streltsy, the old Muscovite army, so
+he would the Kozaks.
+
+The ambitious monarch had already realized one thing which perhaps had
+not impressed itself so deeply upon the Kozak officers. They were to
+a certain degree outmoded as a military force. His long struggle with
+Charles XII had shown him that the irregular cavalry of the past, the
+Kozak strength, was not so fitted to cope with the trained armies of
+Western Europe as they had been with the mobile cavalry of the Turks
+and Tatars. With Russia interfering more and more in European quarrels,
+Peter needed the manpower of Ukraine. He did not need the Kozaks and
+his practical mind was only too ready to believe that the Host was
+no longer of service. It could, however, be employed to advantage in
+the far southeast, and so thousands of Kozaks were sent there on
+practically constant military service, where again their losses were
+tremendous.
+
+With the death of Peter, the era of rapid westernization spent its
+force. The Tsar’s successor and widow, Catherine I, with her favorite,
+Menshikov, did not have the energy of her late husband. She was not
+so permeated with the spirit of ruthless change and not so sure of
+her position that she could alienate large classes of the population.
+Difficulties were again appearing along the Turkish border and it
+seemed to the governing powers that the aid of the Kozaks might be
+useful, if hostilities broke out. Besides, the country was becoming
+dangerously underpopulated as a result of Peter’s inhuman methods, his
+excessive taxation, his deportations and his drawing off of thousands
+of Kozaks to practically certain death in the swamps of the north.
+
+Catherine, too, soon died but Peter’s grandson, Peter II, who came to
+the throne in 1727, carried out the policy at the advice of Menshikov
+and later of Prince Dolgoruky. Once more the Kozak officers were
+allowed to elect a hetman, the aged Daniel Apostol, who had been
+released from the prison where Polubotok died. The Kozaks were given
+back some of their privileges but not all, for they were now to be
+allowed to elect a hetman only when the Tsar gave permission. Besides
+that, the general army court was to be composed of three Russians and
+three Ukrainians, and the treasury of the Host was to be administered
+by two treasurers, one a Russian and the other a Ukrainian. In time of
+war the Host was to be under the field marshal of the Russian army. The
+lower officers were to be nominated by the companies and appointed by
+the hetman, the regimental officers were to be appointed by the hetman,
+but the colonels and the officer’s council had to have the approval of
+the Tsar.
+
+Apostol, who was over seventy years of age when he was elected to the
+post, did his best to revive the dignity of his position. He tried
+to arrange for the codifying of the Ukrainian laws and to prevent the
+Kozak officers from getting control of the lands still in the hands of
+the Kozaks. It was a difficult task because the constant assimilation
+of the position of the officers, first to the Polish nobles and then to
+the Russian, had started and continuously strengthened the demand that
+the officers act entirely like those of equal rank around them and this
+involved the lowering of the lesser Kozaks into serfdom.
+
+It was during the hetmanate of Apostol that the Zaporozhian Kozaks who
+had fled into Turkey after the fall of Mazepa finally returned to the
+country and in 1734, they were allowed to resettle on the site of the
+Sich. They were now only 7000 in number, but they were to be used under
+their own officers in the guard of the border.
+
+Meanwhile, in 1730, Anne had ascended the Russian throne as Empress.
+Anne left the control of the high positions in Petersburg almost
+entirely to German favorites but in general she approved the
+policies of Peter the Great, and the death of Apostol gave her the
+opportunity to renew the Little Russian Board, which was to consist
+of three Russians and three Ukrainians. The board was to be under
+the chairmanship of the Russian imperial resident, at first Prince
+Shakhovskoy. Shakhovskoy typified the harsher type of Russian
+administrator and constantly sought to be placed in complete control of
+Ukraine without any consideration of the rights of the Kozak officers.
+Although he did not succeed in this, the period became memorable in
+Ukrainian history for the harsh conduct of affairs, and the arrests of
+even the most important persons. The Metropolitan of Kiev and the city
+government of Kiev were all arrested on varying pretexts for desiring
+to maintain some part of their traditional rights.
+
+In 1741, following the death of Anne and the removal of the baby
+Emperor, Ivan VI, Elizabeth, the daughter of Peter the Great, seized
+the throne after a palace revolution. It might have been presumed that
+she would continue her father’s policy, but she had a personal reason
+for changing it.
+
+Elizabeth had been kept in retirement for many years and during this
+period she had met and fallen in love with a Ukrainian singer, Alexis
+Rozumovsky. The two were morganatically married and while Rozumovsky
+played no open role in Ukrainian affairs, he quietly influenced
+Elizabeth to look upon Ukraine with more sympathy and favor. She went
+with him on a trip through Ukraine in 1744 and at that time came into
+contact with the Officers’ Council. They assured her of their loyalty
+and petitioned for the election of a new hetman. She asked their
+leaders to Petersburg on the occasion of the marriage of her nephew,
+Peter of Holstein, to Catherine and then informed them that the new
+hetman would be Cyril Rozumovsky, the brother of Alexis, but that he
+was still being educated abroad and could not be considered for two
+years, when he would return to the country. She kept her word slowly.
+In 1747 the Senate was ordered to provide for the election of a new
+hetman, and in 1749, after Rozumovsky, who had been showered with
+various honors including the Presidency of the Academy of Sciences, had
+met the Kozak delegates and had visited Ukraine, the delegates were
+informed that an Imperial Minister was travelling to Ukraine to arrange
+for the election.
+
+The election took place on February 22, 1750 and of course Rozumovsky
+was unanimously elected amid general rejoicing. Elizabeth, following
+this, officially invested him with the insignia of office, turned back
+the control of Ukrainian affairs to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and
+officially restored the Kozak rights as they had been in 1722 before
+Peter commenced his changes almost simultaneously with the death of
+Skoropadsky. Rozumovsky was made a Russian Field Marshal.
+
+It might have seemed as if conditions of the past were back. But it was
+only an archaeological revival. Cyril Rozumovsky had the nominal and
+perhaps the real power of the preceding hetmans but Ukraine had greatly
+changed. In the past the hetmans, even if they had been elected under
+imperial orders, had been chosen from among the outstanding colonels
+of the Host. Rozumovsky was a young man, fond of pleasure, little
+skilled in administration and he owed his power entirely to the whim
+of Elizabeth, his more or less open sister-in-law. He had no desire to
+stay in Hlukhiv but spent most of his time in St. Petersburg where he
+frequented the court circles.
+
+He left the administration of the country entirely in the hands of the
+Officers’ Council, which did its best to reorganize the administration
+after the changes that had been made during the reign of Anne. It was
+really a thankless task, for in the last analysis they had the job of
+remodeling an administration which had never been quite suited to its
+purposes.
+
+The regimental areas still retained the purely military form, but the
+practical independence of the colonels separated them to a considerable
+degree from the Officers’ Council which handled the general affairs
+of the country. There were the same changes in the laws, whereby the
+smaller villages were theoretically under the army courts and the
+cities possessed their own courts, under the Magdeburg Law and the
+Lithuanian Law, both organized before the union of the Host and Russia.
+
+The great difficulty was that during the eighteenth century there had
+vanished almost the last remnants of the old Kozak democracy. The
+power of Russia rested outside of the tsars and bureaucrats in the
+hands of the great landowners, and the Kozak officers loved to think
+of themselves as the gentry of Little Russia and acted accordingly.
+Yet they were still proud of many of their ancient liberties and the
+hetmanate of Cyril Rozumovsky allowed at least the officers to be happy
+and contented. As for the peasants they were on the whole no worse off
+than they had been for decades, so that this period had really some
+justification for seeming the best part of the eighteenth century.
+
+It was however a period of cultural Russification. The abolition of
+the independence of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church brought the teaching
+of the Academy of Kiev into a purely Russian system. The richer people
+preferred to send their children to the newer and more fashionable
+schools in St. Petersburg and other Russian centres, and there was
+repeated again what had happened in the sixteenth century, when the
+older Ukrainian aristocracy became almost completely Polonized and
+there were left only the Kozaks and the townsmen to carry the burden
+of the cultural revival. Now the higher Kozak officers had become the
+aristocratic element and were Russianized superficially at least, and
+the towns had lost most of their original importance.
+
+The situation, such as it was, rested too largely upon the close bonds
+between Cyril Rozumovsky and Elizabeth. When she died in 1761, her
+nephew Peter III ascended the throne, only to be overthrown in a few
+months by his wife, Catherine, who then became Empress.
+
+Catherine at once decided to standardize the government of the Empire
+and to this end she decided to abolish the local autonomies that had
+existed in various border provinces. This meant the actual elimination
+of all the Ukrainian rights and privileges and the placing of the
+Ukrainians on the same basis as the Great Russians. At the same time
+Cyril Rozumovsky, in his role as Colonel of the Izmailovsky Regiment,
+had been one of the men to whom she owed her throne at the time of
+her coup d’état and she did not wish at once to cast him out of his
+position. She therefore waited until she received a report that he was
+seeking to have the hetmanate made hereditary in his family.
+
+It is not known definitely whether this proposal was put forward by
+some of the Officers’ Council in an endeavor to please him, whether
+he had engineered the move, or whether it was inspired by Teplov, who
+had accompanied him to Ukraine as his tutor and who was regarded as
+the spearhead of Russian influence during his hetmanate. Although the
+proposal was not signed by the officers, word of it was reported to
+Catherine and along with it were sent reports of the oppression of the
+peasants and ordinary Kozaks by their officers.
+
+The Seven Years War, which saw the end of the French possessions in
+America and the rise of Prussia, ended in 1763. Then, with peace in
+Europe, 1764 proved another turning point in the complicated game
+that involved Russia, Poland, and Ukraine. In that year Catherine
+succeeded in forcing the election as King of Poland of Stanislas August
+Poniatowski, a former lover. His relatives, the Czartoryski Family,
+had hoped to put one of their number on the throne, but Catherine by
+her energetic use of Russian money and Russian troops definitely had
+her way and she could know with satisfaction that Poland would from
+that time on cause no trouble. Just as the weakening of Poland had
+caused the Tsars to increase their control of Ukraine, so the placing
+of a Russian puppet on the Polish throne justified Catherine in going
+further in Ukraine.
+
+She accordingly requested the resignation of Rozumovsky. He postponed
+doing it as long as was practicable, but was finally compelled to yield
+and asked to be relieved of his difficult and dangerous office. This
+was accepted on November 10, 1764 and in return she gave him a pension
+of 60,000 rubles a year and allowed him to keep the vast estates that
+had formerly been connected with the post of hetman. She replaced him
+with a new Little Russian Board composed of four Russians and four
+Ukrainians, seated in order of seniority to show that there was no
+difference between the two peoples, and left the power in the hands of
+the governor general, Count Rumyantsev. At the same time she instructed
+Rumyantsev to give particular attention to the introduction of serfdom
+and to beware of the general dislike of the Kozak officers for Russia.
+
+At almost the same period she remodelled the Land of Free Communes.
+This was the area to the east where Kozaks who were dissatisfied
+with the Hetman state took refuge, and which had been spontaneously
+organized into regiments by the population on the Kozak model. Various
+hetmans had tried to secure the annexation of this territory to the
+Hetman state, but the Tsars had persistently refused to allow it and
+had encouraged the settling of Russians in the same area. Catherine
+accordingly turned this into a definite province, abolished the Kozak
+regiments, replaced them with hussars and introduced the Russian system
+of taxation.
+
+The restored Sich was the next to receive the attention of Catherine’s
+centralizing policy. She had early begun to colonize the south of
+Russia and she looked with envy at the lands occupied by the Kozaks.
+Yet they were still very useful whenever a Turkish war broke out.
+They fought with their usual bravery and received many honors for
+their courage both on land and sea. They might have expected some real
+sign of the gratitude of the Empress, but she was not interested in
+maintaining the organization despite its usefulness. It was in the way
+of Russian expansion.
+
+Finally in 1775, she issued a conflicting statement that the
+Zaporozhians were neglecting the land and also were abandoning their
+past mode of life and permitting farmers to settle on their lands to
+raise grain. The truth seems to have been that the Kozaks, under their
+koshovy Peter Kalnyshevsky, were trying to develop their own land in
+their own way and were succeeding too well.
+
+General Tökölyi was accordingly sent secretly with a large force of
+Russian troops and artillery to the Sich. When it was in position,
+Tökölyi peremptorily announced that the Sich was to be destroyed. The
+koshovy and several of the officers, including the chaplain, finally
+persuaded the Kozaks to yield without fighting, as many had wished to
+do. The fortress was razed on June 5 and the property was entirely
+turned over to the government.
+
+Then as a curious aftermath of this, Kalnyshevsky and the other
+officers who had led the movement for surrender were all arrested. The
+koshovy himself was sent for imprisonment to the Solovyetsky Monastery
+in the far north where he lived until 1803 in solitary confinement and
+was allowed to leave his cell but three times a year. It was the last
+ungrateful act of the Empress.
+
+The rest of the Kozaks who did not enter certain regiments were reduced
+to serfdom and the very name of the Zaporozhian Kozaks was ordered
+wiped out. Many of the Kozaks, however, succeeded in escaping into
+Turkey where the Turks allowed them to live near Ochakiv and about
+7,000 soon gathered there. Later they were allowed to settle near the
+mouth of the Danube, but they were on the whole dissatisfied with life
+in the Ottoman Empire.
+
+Finally, in 1783, Prince Potemkin, to prevent the flight of more of
+the Kozaks from Russian control, persuaded Catherine to renew the
+institution under the name of the Kozaks of the Black Sea and settle
+them in the area of the Kuban to the east. This brought together under
+Anton Holovaty a large number of the Kozaks who continued to take part
+in the Russian wars, and finally, early in the nineteenth century, a
+considerable number returned from Turkey on the outbreak of another war
+between Turkey and Russia.
+
+With the Sich and the eastern areas properly consolidated, Catherine
+turned her attention to the Hetman state, which had continued quietly
+under the iron rule of Count Rumyantsev. In 1780 Catherine issued a
+new order, completely abolishing this and dividing its territory into
+three provinces which were to be administered on the Russian pattern.
+This was done the next year and serfdom was introduced exactly as
+in Russia proper. In 1783, even the old regiments were dissolved as
+military units and those who wished to continue service were enrolled
+in new regiments of carbineers. Nothing was left which would preserve
+the memory of the Hetman state or of the heroic past of the Zaporozhian
+Kozaks. Finally in 1786 even the last remnants of autonomy in the
+Church were abolished and the property of the individual churches and
+monasteries was taken over by the state and placed in the same pool
+with all the property of the Church in Russia.
+
+Then in 1793, with the second division of Poland, the largest part of
+right bank Ukraine was also brought into the Russian Empire and those
+of the Ukrainians who had remained under Poland found themselves again
+united with the Ukrainians of the left bank under the new conditions.
+Their position had been hard enough before, but the masters were given
+even more power under Russian law than they had had under the rule of
+Poland and the condition of the helpless peasants grew steadily worse.
+
+The only people who profited were some of the officers, for the
+complete abolition of all Ukrainian rights and privileges moved them
+into the status of Russian landowners and nobles. Some of them had been
+striving to achieve this for a long while. To accomplish it they had
+broken down the democratic ideas of the Sich and throughout a troubled
+century, they had sought in every way to separate themselves from the
+mass of the Kozaks. Now they had at last succeeded, but at the cost of
+all of those special privileges which they had so long valued.
+
+The ruin was overwhelming. There was left not a vestige of that
+independence or of those traditions which had endured in the Dnyeper
+valley since the days of Prince Volodymyr. The spirit of Moscow had
+conquered and its will to unity had been achieved. Nothing could be
+left except the songs sung by despairing serfs. The written records
+were preempted by the conquerors and the official Russian history
+whereby Moscow was the legitimate descendant of Kiev had no one to
+contradict it.
+
+
+
+
+                            CHAPTER ELEVEN
+
+            _UKRAINE AT THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY_
+
+
+The Zaporozhian Sich was destroyed by the forces of Catherine the Great
+of Russia on June 5, 1775 and on August 3 of the same year the Empress
+by an edict abolished the very name of the Zaporozhian Kozaks. This
+was the symbolic ending of the old Ukraine, of the old struggle for
+liberty and independence. More than the Hetman state with its shadowy
+hetmans and its confused Russianized Little Russian Board, the Sich
+had embodied the ideals and aspirations of the Kozaks. Around it had
+gathered the memories and the traditions of the days when the Kozaks
+had formed an independent body of free men, administering their affairs
+and choosing their enemies in popular assemblies. It had typified the
+Kozak spirit of individual daring and of individual resource. Now
+its destruction meant that all that was past and that the autocratic
+sovereign of Russia felt it had no place in her domain.
+
+It is interesting and significant that this took place barely two
+months after the outbreak of the American Revolution at the battles
+of Lexington and Concord. It took place just two weeks before the
+battle of Bunker Hill, when for the first time the American army
+met a determined attack from British regular forces. It took place
+just a month before George Washington assumed at Boston his post
+as Commander-in-Chief of the American Army. The eleven years that
+followed, during which the Empress methodically eliminated every trace
+of Ukrainian independent rights, were the same that saw the successful
+carrying on of the American Revolution and the beginning of plans
+for the forming of the American Constitution. The year 1783, which
+witnessed the definite recognition of the independence of the United
+States, saw the elimination of the Kozak regiments from the already
+defunct Hetman state. In a word the old Ukraine passed away just as the
+new United States was coming into existence.
+
+It would be easy to draw sentimental parallels between these two events
+but there is something even more important that this, for it was only
+three years after the final liquidation of Ukraine that the French
+Revolution broke out and an era opened when all of the intellectual
+ferment of the eighteenth century turned into political activity. The
+new Europe, the new Europe of the nineteenth century, was in the making
+and Ukraine by the narrowest of margins missed being included in it.
+The new current of nationalism was beginning to run its course. In
+ten years more, Kotlyarevsky with the _Eneida_ was to create the
+modern Ukrainian literary language. The various nations and peoples
+included within the Hapsburg Empire were to begin their agitation for
+national recovery by the simple expedient of linguistic revival, and
+by the demand for the restoration of old and forgotten rights and
+privileges that had fallen into disuse, though they had never been
+officially abrogated.
+
+In the ferment that was to come, the very existence of the Sich would
+have served as a rallying point for Ukrainian national sentiment. All
+those classes of people who could appreciate the meaning of the new
+movements would have found a definite centre, and even though the Sich
+had lost its old time power and independence, it would still have been
+a living connection with the great past. With the Sich gone, the link
+with the great days was broken and the new movement was compelled to
+start from the beginning without any existing juridical basis.
+
+For this reason it may be well to pause a moment and look at the
+conditions as they existed in Ukraine at this crucial period.
+
+For all intents and purposes the noble class had either been
+Russianized or Polonized. In the sixteenth century a large part of the
+old noble families had definitely adopted Polish culture and the Roman
+Catholic Church. The newer nobles and landowners who had arisen from
+the ranks of the Kozak officers had nearly all been Russianized. They
+felt that it was beneath them to use the language of their peasants
+and serfs and they endeavored to carry on their daily activities
+in either one of the more fashionable languages. Many of them used
+French almost exclusively in their relations with members of their own
+class. These people sometimes preserved some relics of the past. They
+dearly loved to have serfs and attendants dressed in Kozak costume,
+as did the Engelhardts, the owners of the young Shevchenko, early in
+the nineteenth century. They enjoyed hearing Ukrainian folksongs sung
+by peasant choirs but they looked upon them as an inferior form of
+amusement and had that superior attitude that was so bitterly attacked
+by Shevchenko in his introduction to the _Haydamaki_. All in all,
+these people found the present situation to their personal interest
+and they did not care to jeopardize their own fortunes by challenging
+the power of the government or to injure their social standing by
+associating with people of the lower classes.
+
+In the same way the townsmen who had played such a large part in
+the cultural revival of the sixteenth century were no longer so
+influential. The towns had lost much of their importance, the leading
+classes, like the landowners, had fallen under the spell of the
+conquering cultures and those who still maintained the Ukrainian
+tradition had been so subjected to political disabilities that they
+were unable or indisposed to play their old role.
+
+The Ukrainian language and Ukrainian traditions were then largely
+restricted to the peasantry. Their lot had always been hard but as they
+approached the modern period, their burdens were increased by the law.
+They had lost the power of changing their homes, even though this had
+been rather closely restricted, and the vast majority were mere serfs
+on the estates of masters who were either of foreign origin or had been
+completely denationalized. They were overwhelmingly illiterate and
+could not be presumed to know much of the history of their country.
+
+Yet they were wiser than might easily be thought. The villagers had
+their rich and varied folksongs and there was hardly an occasion of
+the religious or secular year, hardly an event of public or private
+commemoration and festivity, when there did not appear some kobzar
+or bandurist to sing them songs of the exploits of the Kozaks or to
+retell some narrative of the past. These kobzars were often blind
+bards, accompanying themselves with a form of stringed instrument,
+something of the type of a banjo. They knew large numbers of songs,
+especially historical songs and dumy, which would serve to remind the
+peasants of other tales which had been handed down by their fathers.
+When we remember that scarcely a half century had passed since the last
+desperate revolts, we can understand that there was hardly a village
+where some old man or woman did not remember the stirring tales of the
+past and tell them to the young during the winter evenings or in the
+scanty hours of leisure. Shevchenko’s account of his grandfather’s
+tales of the Koliishchina can be paralleled again and again and allows
+us to see how the oral tradition of the village handed down much that
+was ignored or forgotten in the manor house.
+
+It was in this wealth of peasant tradition and of vague and indistinct
+memories that there lurked the dying sparks of Ukrainian consciousness.
+It was easy to see that the hard conditions of life were tapping this
+supply. Without literacy or writing, each generation knew less than
+had the preceding of what had gone before. The death of one old man
+might mean the irreparable loss of much that was valuable and true.
+With each decade there remained fewer and fewer accounts of the history
+of the past. Had the conquering classes thought of such a trifling
+subject, they would have realized that time was on their side and that
+the unpleasant and disturbing nightmares of the past would pass away
+and leave them in peace. The time was surely coming when the peasantry
+too would lose their consciousness, exactly as had the nobles and the
+upper classes who had been won over to the new and fashionable culture
+and accepted a new nationality!
+
+Of course there were some manuscripts that told the ancient history,
+but these were rarely printed and they remained hidden in the various
+archives and libraries. Thus there was the _Istoria Rusov, the
+History of the Rus’_, probably by Hrihori Poletika, who had prepared
+an appeal for the old rights of the Kozaks for presentation to
+Catherine the Great. Later this work was to have considerable influence
+on the development of the study of Ukrainian history. It was to inspire
+Kostomarov, Kulish and Shevchenko, but it was still an unknown work
+collecting dust in the archives and not valued even by the few people
+who stumbled upon it.
+
+The condition of the language was still more tragic. No one thought of
+using the vernacular speech, the language of the folksongs and the dumy
+in writing. The burden of Church Slavonic lay as a heavy weight upon
+the people and even a man like Skovoroda did not venture to challenge
+this spectre.
+
+After all, Church Slavonic had served a noble purpose in the past.
+It had been the distinguishing work of Orthodoxy. It had contributed
+to the splendid culture of Kiev in the beginning, but it was now
+outmoded. Even so, the Church Slavonic of the day was not the language
+of the early Chronicles. It had been brought from the Balkans by the
+first Christian monks that had penetrated the country. The people had
+received it at the time of the baptism of the nation and it was hoary
+with age and sacred from its many traditions. It required a man of
+genius to defy the centuries of reverence that it had acquired.
+
+In the early days, the old Balkan Church Slavonic had been modified to
+make it more intelligible to the people. There had been no attempts to
+translate it into the popular speech, but step by step popular words
+crept in and within the old framework there had come something that
+was well on its way to being the speech of the people. The cultural
+revival of the sixteenth century, with its emphasis upon religion
+and Orthodoxy, with its attempts to purify the national faith and
+consciousness, looked askance at these innovations. Patriotic and
+intelligent men had believed that the advance of Polonization and
+of the Roman Catholic Church could only be checked by a more rigid
+adherence to the old standards. As a result, with the best intentions
+in the world, the scholars of the sixteenth century and of the Kiev
+school worked directly against the popularization of the language.
+Their program was strikingly similar to that of the Ciceronian
+Latinists of the Renaissance who tried to make their Latin purely
+classical in scope, vocabulary and grammar and who only succeeded in
+making Latin truly a dead language.
+
+It was they who did so much to insure the triumph of the vernaculars
+of Western Europe, but then Latin was so different even from French
+and Italian that it was impossible to confuse the old and the new.
+The case with Church Slavonic was different. It had entered in large
+part into the phraseology of the peasants, it had colored the speech
+of the villages, and while it was not flexible and not adapted to the
+needs of the population as a medium of expression, it was too close
+to it to be cast off without regret and without remorse. Muscovite had
+already freed itself and become a modern language. The similarities
+between Muscovite Great Russian, Ukrainian and Church Slavonic were
+such that Russianizing influences could argue that there was no need
+to adapt Ukrainian to every-day literary use and that if the Church
+Slavonic were to be abandoned, Russian should be used in its place.
+The very unnational and religious attitude of the Kievan School all
+too often seemed to bear out this interpretation, and with each
+succeeding decade, the doom of the native speech seemed to be more
+surely impending. The action of the Russian ecclesiastical censorship
+after the destruction of the independence of the Ukrainian Orthodox
+Church seemed to be working in the same way, for the Church books were
+henceforth to be remodelled on the Russian Church Slavonic, even though
+that had been at one time really reformed on the Ukrainian pattern
+by the scholars who had gone from Kiev to Moscow in the seventeenth
+century.
+
+On the other hand, the Uniat Church did preserve the old Ukrainian
+Church Slavonic books. The result was the same, for their conservatism
+led them to preserve the old as a sacred tradition and to the devout
+members of the Uniat Church, it likewise seemed almost heretical to
+change the accepted forms and to seek to bring them in touch with the
+language of the uneducated people. The pride of these poorly educated
+priests in their superior knowledge worked as well as the conceit of
+the nobles and the censorship of Moscow to put apparently insuperable
+barriers in the way of adapting the ordinary language to practical and
+literary purposes, and added to the general conviction of the educated
+that the Ukrainian language was finished as a potent factor in the
+educated life of the day.
+
+Yet we would be much mistaken if we regarded this as a purely Ukrainian
+problem. Wherever the Church Slavonic liturgy had penetrated, whether
+in communion with Constantinople or with Rome, the same problem
+inevitably arose. The language question, the burning discussion as to
+whether the written language was to be that of the people or of the
+Church, was actively considered everywhere. Russia was the first to
+solve the problem and to restrict the Church language to the Church.
+The Serbs in the Balkans and the Bulgarians were destined to have the
+same conflict.
+
+More than that, they were faced with the same situation and even with
+the same books. Peter the Great had sent to the Balkans men educated
+in the Kiev tradition. He had sent down the same grammar of Smotritsky
+that had served for a century to teach the Russian grammar from the
+Ukrainian Church Slavonic standpoint. The same books appeared at
+Belgrade and Sofia that had vanished from Kiev and Chernihiv under
+Russian influence. During most of the eighteenth century, there was
+used among the Serbs exactly that same mixture of Church Slavonic,
+Muscovite and Ukrainian that was preventing the revival of the
+Ukrainian spirit. It had the same effect elsewhere. The Russian Church
+Slavonic that mastered Serb and Serb Church Slavonic blocked for nearly
+a century the cultural revival in the Balkans.
+
+The Russian rulers played heavily on the theme of the linguistic unity
+of Slavonic Orthodoxy. When it was necessary to check a dissent, they
+ignored the language and demanded the unity of the Orthodox Church.
+They stressed the religious unity as opposed to the Catholic West.
+At other moments, they were ready to ignore this and to emphasize
+the linguistic similarities and to argue that there was no need for
+linguistic reform among the Slavs, since Russian had already been thus
+favored and there was no need to have two literary Slavonic languages.
+They emphasized with a bland disregard of facts that it would be
+child’s play to remodel all the languages on the Russian basis and to
+combine into one Russian language all the varied tongues. It was no
+wonder that they aroused in the Balkans the same reactions that they
+did in Ukraine. The more rigid monks refused to listen to their demands
+and there was repeated on a small scale something of that revulsion of
+feeling that had come when the Kiev scholars first appeared at Moscow.
+
+We can parallel the Ukrainian situation with that of the Czechs and
+Slovaks. From the time of the Thirty Years War to the end of the
+eighteenth century, there was hardly a book of any value published
+in Czech. There was nothing as important as the _History of the
+Rus’_, for here it was Latin and German that took the lead as the
+permitted and encouraged languages. We must never forget that the great
+work of Dobrovsky which began the Czech revival was itself written in
+Latin, exactly as the few surviving scholars of Ukraine wrote in the
+archaic form of Ukrainian Church Slavonic.
+
+It is of interest that the only two Slavonic languages which were in
+a more or less healthy condition were Russian and Polish. In both
+cases, the upper classes had not been denationalized. They were still
+willing to use the popular language, even if in a refined or revised
+form. They were still able to produce literature such as it was and
+to secure access to printing presses to make their works known. They
+still maintained a historical culture, even though Peter had completely
+overturned Russian life and had started his new creation off on a
+Polish-Ukrainian-Western European tack. It gave the two peoples a
+tremendous advantage which they were not slow to recognize and it added
+tremendously to the burden of the other Slavonic peoples, who had not
+lost all hope and ambition of recovery. Even the dismemberment of
+Poland had not had time to damage the dreams of the Poles and to take
+away the advantages that centuries of political life had given them.
+
+The special burden of the Ukrainians was rather to be found in the
+nature of the Kozak Host. As we have seen, the Host did not in the
+beginning think of taking over civilian administration. It had been a
+brotherhood of fighting men. Its remains, the tales of its exploits,
+looked very little to territorial control and much to heroic deeds.
+Where a Czech, whether he were writing in Czech, Latin or German, could
+not fail to know of the achievements of the Kingdom of Bohemia, the
+Ukrainian could not look back easily to the Ukrainian state of two or
+three centuries before. He had to go back to Kiev and those traditions
+were torn and confused by the tragedies of seven hundred years. The
+Kozaks gave him much but not what was most important in a national
+revival.
+
+The people had confused ideas of the Kozaks but not of their valor.
+They could admire the songs of the fearless raiders; they could draw
+from them very little of political education. There was needed a long
+series of scholars and of thinkers to delve into the annals of the
+past and to draw the proper conclusions, before an intelligent and
+clear theory could be put before the average peasant serf. There was
+needed a work of study and of synthesis and it seemed clear under the
+conditions of the eighteenth century that that could not take place. As
+Catherine the Great looked out on the reorganized Ukraine, now turned
+into typical Russian provinces in Little Russia, she could be sure that
+there was no danger, that the last sparks of the Ukrainian idea had
+been quenched and that her work had been a success.
+
+She was startlingly incorrect, for all that the eighteenth century
+could not imagine suddenly happened. The intellectual changes of the
+world in one or two decades laid the basis for a Ukrainian revival
+in a form that would have seemed incredible to the leaders even a
+half-century earlier.
+
+
+
+
+                            CHAPTER TWELVE
+
+                  _THE AWAKENING IN EASTERN UKRAINE_
+
+
+In 1798 there suddenly appeared in St. Petersburg, a volume entitled
+the _Eneida_, written by one Ivan Kotlyarevsky. It was a travesty
+on Virgil’s Aeneid, in which the Trojans were depicted as the wandering
+Kozaks who had been expelled from the Sich less than twenty-five years
+before. Furthermore the volume was written in the popular dialect of
+the province of Poltava where the author was serving as an official of
+the government. The revival of the Ukrainian spirit had commenced.
+
+All possible honor must be paid to Kotlyarevsky for his audacious
+effort which was crowned with so much success and it would have been
+a godsend for Ukraine, had any one a century earlier had the courage
+and the intellectual independence to have made the same attempt.
+The tragedy of Ukraine had been, as we have seen, largely caused by
+the fact that the scholars of Kiev had adopted only a reactionary
+attitude toward the language question. They had striven so hard for
+the preservation of Church Slavonic that they had ignored the revival
+of the vernacular in both Poland and Russia. Even Skovoroda with all
+of his inspired teachings as to the rights of the individual had not
+ventured to break this old and stultifying tradition. Kotlyarevsky did
+and the results were at once visible.
+
+Yet there was more to this innovation than the mere publishing of a
+book in the Ukrainian language. The spirit of Europe had been changing
+for over a quarter of a century and consciously or not Kotlyarevsky was
+a reflection of that change. Not only he among the Ukrainians but such
+men as Dositey Obradovich among the Serbs and Dobrovsky for the Czechs
+reflected the new attitude.
+
+All of these men were products of the Enlightenment, that interesting
+movement of the eighteenth century which endeavored to apply the
+rule of reason to human affairs. They were often well trained in the
+classical languages and their cool intellectual powers fitted well
+with the powdered wigs and the stately manners of the courts of the
+enlightened despots. There was much in the writings of the Kievan
+school which encouraged a man like Kotlyarevsky. The various comedies
+produced in the school, the comical intermezzos, and all the varied
+performances which had dragged on at weary length in pseudo-Church
+Slavonic, all could be cited as prototypes for a whimsical treatment of
+a classical theme.
+
+There was more to it than this. The Russian scholars under the
+influence of Lomonosov carefully adapted to the new Russian literature
+the ideals of Boileau and the French scholars who created the high,
+low and middle styles of literary language. The low was to form
+the language of comedy and of humorous episodes. It was to be free
+from those survivals of Church Slavonic that still maintained a
+definite position in the odes and tragedies of Russian literature.
+There were many burlesques of classical authors being published in
+Russian. Ippolit Bogdanovich, a Ukrainian writing in Russian, had
+metamorphosized LaFontaine’s _Amours de Psyche_ into a Russian
+form. Free adaptation was the order of the day and if an author were to
+create humor by the use of the vernacular, how much better it was for a
+Ukrainian gentleman to employ the real vernacular and to transform the
+characters of Aeneas and his followers into the real Kozaks who were
+even then wandering around the Black Sea?
+
+That was one possible source of inspiration but there was another which
+was rising with increasing vehemence throughout Europe. For centuries,
+the goal of literature was to appeal to the educated and noble classes
+by describing in elevated language the feelings and the emotions of the
+nobles and the more elevated and developed personalities. The common
+people had vanished from literature, except in comic interludes.
+
+A new trend started with the work of Jean Jacques Rousseau who
+taught the superiority of the simple and natural man to the pattern
+of civilization and sophistication. His ideas were developed in the
+literary sphere by Johann Gottfried Herder, who emphasized the value of
+folksongs and of the poetry of so called primitive nations. Herder’s
+influence resulted in the collecting of folksongs from all the people
+of Europe. Among these the gatherings of Serb folksongs were especially
+prominent. Thus by the end of the eighteenth century, interest in the
+ideas, the poetry and the customs of the various peoples hitherto
+ignored had become one of the leading components of the new studies.
+
+It was thus that the _Eneida_ appeared at the psychological
+moment when interest in the people was reaching a new high and when
+the French Revolution was already disturbing the settled political
+situation. The work revealed Kotlyarevsky both as a masterly adapter of
+the _Aeneid_ and also as an authority on the manners and customs
+of the Kozaks. With its jesting and serious tone, it aroused attention
+among many of the descendants of the Kozak officers who had already
+become Russianized, and at the same time it fitted so well within the
+official and tolerated literary bounds that it was impossible for the
+authorities to regard it as revolutionary and administer any punishment
+to its bold author.
+
+Still later, in his two comedies, Kotlyarevsky gave examples of
+the drama in the vernacular Ukrainian, and in both he drew clear
+differentiations between the manners and customs of the Ukrainians and
+those of the Moskals. There is still in these no question of political
+separation, but the author went back very definitely to the ideas
+of the older Kievans who had gone to Moscow and St. Petersburg, and
+emphasized the difference in the psychologies of the two peoples.
+
+Whatever may have been the definite purpose of Kotlyarevsky in starting
+his work, he succeeded in giving the Ukrainians what they had long
+wanted--a definite modern language, and by doing this he laid a sound
+basis for a new movement. From the day when he first published the
+_Eneida_, Ukrainian literature has not lacked for writers. Of
+course in the beginning various people turned their hand to practicing
+the new medium for various purposes, but there has been an overwhelming
+tendency for all who had any special talent to emphasize the hardships
+of the people and to follow Kotlyarevsky in using their influence
+on behalf of the people as against the foreign and denationalized
+landowners. Thus from the very beginning the revived Ukrainian was not
+burdened with that type of aristocratic idealism that so marked the
+other Slavonic languages.
+
+Opponents of the modern Ukrainian movement have often spoken slurringly
+of this literary movement, because its early writers did not directly
+challenge the Russian government and remained merely literary men.
+It betrays a curious ignorance, for in all of the Slavonic revival
+the process was exactly the same. The emphasis, whether in Ukraine or
+among the Czechs or elsewhere, was at first on literary and grammatical
+points. The very nature of Kotlyarevsky’s work pushed the Ukrainian
+cause much further in the direction of democracy than was the case in
+the other languages.
+
+The second stage in the revival was the introduction of Romanticism.
+This movement tended to look back toward the past. Its masters, in
+Russia and Poland and in all other countries, sought striking episodes
+from the past. They looked for outbursts of unbridled passion, of
+daring and of excitement and they found it in plenty among the Kozaks.
+_The History of the Rus’_ was now printed and it, even more than
+Karamzin’s _History of the Russian Empire_, became the source
+book for the Romantic writers. Pushkin knew of it in Russian and so
+did Kondraty Fedorovich Ryleyev, that stormy petrel of the Decembrist
+movement who paid with his life for his participation in the movement
+in 1825. Many of his best poems dealt with the exploits of the old
+rulers of Kiev, of the Kozaks, of Nalyvayko and Voynarovsky, the nephew
+of Mazepa. Even though they tried to keep within the confines of the
+lawful type of Russian history, they could not fail to emphasize
+those qualities of personal independence which were rarely stressed
+in Muscovite tradition. Nikolay Gogol, the son of one of the earliest
+writers in Ukrainian, felt the same drive and in _Taras Bulba_ he
+pictured the unbridled courage and daring of the old Kozaks in their
+struggle against the Poles. The Poles too felt this same influence and
+there appeared again a large number of Polish poems with their scenes
+located in Ukraine among the Kozaks.
+
+It was to this phase of the revival that Taras Shevchenko, who was to
+be the stabilizer of Ukrainian and its greatest master, belongs. In
+the _Kobzar_, after dealing with various aspects of Ukrainian life and
+legend, all typical of the Romantic movement at its best, he turns
+to themes from Kozak history; and in the _Night of Taras_, in _Ivan
+Pidkova_, and later in the _Haydamaki_ and _Hamaliya_, he gives us some
+of the greatest poems in Ukrainian when he describes the campaigns
+of the Kozaks against the Poles and the Turks. It is noticeable that
+most of these themes deal with the struggle against the Poles. That
+was more filled with the type of episode which suited the Romantic
+poet than was the period of conflict between the Hetman state and
+Moscow. The grinding force of the Russian steam-roller had prevented
+incidents of the old traditional type and we need not wonder that the
+Romantic poets in their desire to go back to the distant past paid
+more attention to events of the days before Khmelnitsky, when the
+Kozaks were the most democratic, the most unrestrained, and the most
+successful.
+
+Thus, by the time the rumbles of the Revolution of 1848 began to be
+heard, Ukrainian literary and linguistic revival was well under way.
+The literature had reached in the works of Shevchenko the level of the
+other Slavonic literatures. It had done this despite the disapproval
+of the Russian literary critics, especially Belinsky, who affected to
+believe that there was no real call for the erection of Little Russian,
+as he loved to call Ukrainian, into a literary language. His judgments
+on the _Kobzar_ and the _Haydamaki_ are almost ludicrous in
+their efforts to prove that Shevchenko was only a peasant trying to
+show off before Russian society. A few years late Apollon Grigoryev
+unhesitatingly placed him on a level with Pushkin and Mickiewicz, but
+he was exceptional in his willingness to follow his own ideas rather
+than the official promulgations of the intelligentsia.
+
+In another field the Ukrainian revival went far: the field of ethnology
+and of folklore. The Romantic temperament, aided and abetted by the
+teachings of Herder, turned its attention to the manners and customs of
+the village. There grew up a veritable harvest of investigators who,
+whether in fiction form as in the case of Hrihori Kvitka-Osnovyanenko
+or in the form of scientific treatises, pictured every aspect of
+Ukrainian life. These men, and some of them were to be found among the
+Russianized gentry, emphasized the differences that existed in the
+manners and customs between the Ukrainians and the Great Russians. They
+noted with care the differences in the construction of the village
+houses, the arrangements of the houses and the farms, the embroideries,
+the legends, the folklore. They collected the popular songs, the dumy,
+the historical poems. Anything and everything that marked the life of
+the people in all of its manifestations they willingly committed to
+paper and step by step they gathered and preserved a picture of life in
+a Ukrainian village as it existed in the days of serfdom.
+
+It is easy to overlook this kind of work and to regard it as the mere
+product of literary men and scholars. Yet the works of Maksimovich,
+of Tsertelev, and of many more served as a preliminary step to the
+raising of political aspirations. The study of the past carried on
+both by Ukrainians and by the Russian authorities brought to light
+much forgotten information. Thus the Governor General Bibikov in 1843
+founded the Kiev Archaeological Commission, on which Shevchenko was
+for a time employed. This aimed to collect information on the past, to
+secure paintings of old buildings, and to supply details of history. It
+is highly significant that a firsthand knowledge of the past obtained
+in this work brought many of the young scholars and artists to realize
+more clearly than they had done before the historical value of many of
+the old Ukrainian writings which had existed up to that time only in
+manuscript.
+
+A comparison with almost all of the other cultural revivals of the
+suppressed nations of Europe shows that such a beginning was the
+usual procedure. Even among the Czechs it became necessary to awaken
+the country to an appreciation of its past and the earliest leaders
+were poets such as Kollar and Jungmann, and historians like Palacky
+and Safarik. Among the Serbs it was Obradovich and his friends who
+undertook the task of acquainting the people with the achievements of
+the past and with modern conditions.
+
+In all cases the political development came later and was not always in
+the beginning closely coordinated with the cultural movement. It was
+here that the difficulties of the Ukrainians multiplied. During the
+eighteenth century, the Estates of the Kingdom of Bohemia had become a
+completely moribund institution. They still went through the motions of
+existence and the same kind of historical study that called attention
+to the language and literature could be applied to searching out the
+rights of these long surviving traditions and breathing new life into
+them.
+
+So it could have been in Ukraine, had there existed even a rudimentary
+form of the Hetman state. When we realize that the Russian Governor
+General Repnin could fall into governmental disfavor because his wife
+was a relative of the last hetman, Cyril Rozumovsky, we can see what
+might have been the consequences of even a paper continuation of the
+old order. Catherine had done her work well and she had eliminated
+every vestige of the former Hetman state. She had eliminated the
+Sich and while she had allowed some of the Kozaks to form a new
+organization in the Kuban, there was after fifty years no sense of
+continuity anywhere. The nobles had been almost completely Russianized
+in outlook. They owed their wealth and position to the ruin of the old
+order and while they might sympathize with and be moved by the plea of
+Kotlyarevsky, there was no likelihood that they would bestir themselves
+and risk their position in any mad adventure. For good or ill, they
+were lost to the call of Ukraine.
+
+All they could do was to contribute in some small way to the foundation
+of the Universities of Kharkiv and Kiev, which had been started during
+the reign of Alexander I, largely through the advice and influence of
+Adam Czartoryski, one of the close friends of the Tsar and an ardent
+Polish patriot. His influence was rather expended on the problem of
+Poland and for this reason he had worked energetically in the revival
+of the University of Wilno in the old capital of Lithuania. For the
+same purpose he had inspired the foundation of universities in the
+Ukrainian cities but he had hoped that these would serve as centres of
+a Polish rather than of a Ukrainian revival. He partially succeeded,
+for Polish influence in both Kiev and Kharkiv grew rapidly during
+the years before the Polish revolt of 1831, even though it was from
+these institutions that many of the early Ukrainian song collectors,
+archaeologists, and historians were drawn.
+
+Besides this, the Russian system did not contain, as the Austrian
+did, any loopholes for the formation of legal parties or political
+agitation. Catherine had seen well to this and in fact her attitude was
+only a legitimate Westernized expansion of the attitude of Tsar Alexis,
+when his delegates refused an oath to Khmelnitsky at the moment when
+the Kozaks first accepted the protection of the Tsar at Pereyaslav.
+Russia was indeed a monolithic state in which no one possessed any real
+rights except the tsar. The Kozak Host had been an anachronism and it
+had perished. Now with the Ukrainian revival there was no legal means
+of recalling the old rights and privileges for any one, much less the
+peasants living as serfs on the lands of denationalized and foreign
+masters.
+
+The revival of the Ukrainians was, and was destined to remain, a purely
+cultural revival in a monolithic Russia which proudly had annexed
+the ancient history of Kiev and considered itself as its legitimate
+successor. Little Russia seemed to the authorities merely a part of the
+whole and once all distinguishing characteristics had been removed in
+law, there was no way of restoring them except as the gift of the tsar
+or by the disintegration of the country.
+
+
+
+
+                           CHAPTER THIRTEEN
+
+              _THE SOCIETY OF SAINTS CYRIL AND METHODIUS_
+
+
+It was impossible under Russian rule to have any immediate hopes for
+the beginning of definite political activity and this was no more true
+for the Ukrainian population than for any of the other nationalities
+of the Russian Empire, including the Russians themselves. Even those
+scanty means of popular expression which had survived the reforms of
+the Congress of Vienna and the growth of reaction in Western Europe
+were here excluded.
+
+It was impossible to shut out ideas. The years of conflict with
+Napoleon had shown to many of the Russian officers who had entered
+Paris with the victorious allies the difference between the situation
+in Russia and that in western Europe, and they willingly joined with
+the surviving older enlightened thinkers of the eighteenth century to
+make certain demands upon the government. The success of the United
+States as a republican federation affected many of them, and they began
+to dream of reorganizing their own country in the same fashion.
+
+The result was the development of a number of secret societies modelled
+on the Tugendbund (League of Virtue) in Germany and the Carbonari in
+Italy. Most of them demanded at least the limitation of the power of
+the tsar and the granting of more or less definite rights to the rest
+of the population. Some even demanded the complete abolition of serfdom.
+
+These societies, which were parallel to secret societies in
+Russian-occupied Poland, existed in all important garrisons of the
+Russian Empire. The Southern Society formed by Colonel Pestel among
+the Russian troops in Ukraine was the most radical of the entire
+number. Yet it cannot be said clearly that even this Society thought
+much of any special rights for Ukraine. It was composed largely of
+Russians or Russianized Ukrainians who had acquired rank and wealth in
+the Russian service, and they were not disposed in any numbers to do
+anything to harm the national unity. They made no effort to reach the
+masses of the people and win them over to any special cause. In a word
+these secret societies, instead of building on the past, sought rather
+to create something new and theoretically ideal.
+
+Conditions came to a head on the occasion of the death of Alexander I,
+when there ensued a dynastic tangle. The succession should have gone
+to the next younger brother Constantine, but he had abdicated under
+confusing circumstances. Finally on December 14, 1825, when it became
+certain that he was not going to assume the power, the third brother
+Nicholas ordered the troops to swear allegiance to him. When part
+of the Guards Regiments in Petersburg refused, under the leadership
+of members of these societies, he suppressed the recalcitrants by
+military force. It is interesting that the only serious fighting was
+in Chernihiv, where the regular garrison revolted under the influence
+of Colonel Pestel and was almost wiped out by loyal troops. Yet it is
+difficult to say that this was a manifestation of a Ukrainian desire
+for independence, since it was closely tied up with the movement in
+St. Petersburg and there is little evidence that the leaders of the
+movement had given any thought to the nature of the decentralization
+which they wished to introduce.
+
+The Decembrist movement was, however, a prelude to other action. On the
+one hand it increased the determination of the tsar to maintain order
+and the autocracy at all costs. On the other, it drove from active
+leadership in political movements the representatives of the higher
+aristocracy, who were without exception the foremost representatives
+of Russian influence in Ukraine and the best educated people of the
+day. It thus cleared the way for newer groups to appear upon the scene.
+It settled nothing in reality.
+
+There came a new tendency for autocratic control of everything and the
+new measures still more infuriated the Poles, who had already begun
+the work of active organization of secret societies. More and more, in
+places like Wilno, these societies became very active. Finally they
+burst out in a great Polish revolt in 1831 and its failure thrust down
+the hopes of the Poles for a restoration of their country. It is to be
+noted that Taras Shevchenko, as a young serf, was shortly before this
+time in Wilno and could not fail to have heard of the preparations for
+the revolt. Because of the danger, his master Engelhardt left Wilno and
+went to the capital and the young Shevchenko with his inquiring mind
+had the opportunity to make the acquaintance of several of the leaders
+of the revolt. Instead of winning him to the Polish cause, they seem to
+have sharpened his interest in his own people and to have revived in
+him an appreciation of the rights of Ukraine, even if those rights had
+been abolished by the decrees of Catherine the Great.
+
+It was at this moment that the poem of Jan Kollar, _The Daughter of
+Slava_, began to circulate throughout the Slavonic world. Kollar, a
+Slovak Protestant, went to Jena in 1817 to study. There he was greatly
+impressed by the sentiments of the students calling for a unification
+of Germany and the introduction of a republican form of government. It
+set him to thinking and when he fell in love with a German girl from
+the south, he transformed her in his own poetic way of thinking into
+a descendant of the Germanized Slavs. He published in 1821 his first
+collection of _Sonnets_ and then in 1824 he increased this to the
+book, _The Daughter of Slava_, in which he called for a great
+Slavonic union on liberal principles.
+
+It was probably as a result of this that there appeared a Pan-Slavic
+Society in Ukraine about the time of the Decembrists, but so few
+details have been preserved that it deserves little more than a passing
+mention, for we know very little of the actual development in Ukraine
+at this time, except among the officers of the Russian army who took
+part in the secret societies.
+
+With the suppression of the Russian movement, there came the Polish
+revolt of 1831, and then the poems of Pushkin, who, under the influence
+of Kollar and Russian imperialism, declared that all the Slavonic
+rivers had to flow into the Russian sea or they would dry up. This was
+the special Russian brand of imitation of Kollar and in this connection
+we can see how closely Pushkin follows the attitude of Tsar Alexis,
+Peter the Great and Catherine.
+
+Yet outside of Russia, Kollar found quite a different interpretation.
+The Southern Slavs, especially the Serbs, and the Czechs became
+enthused with his ideals and began to dream of a great Slavonic
+brotherhood in which Russia might play a leading but not a dominant
+role. Soon after there appeared such books as the _History of the
+Slavonic Language and Literature_ by Pavel Josef Safarik, in which
+the author attempted to give an introduction to all the writing in the
+various Slavonic languages. It is true that his remarks on Ukrainian or
+Little Russian are very scanty, but he does mention Kotlyarevsky and
+comments on the small amount of work that had been done in the study
+of this “dialect.” He alludes to the still more confused condition of
+knowledge of the language of Galicia. All this was just the beginning
+and more and more Czech students began to appear in Kiev and make known
+around the University of Kiev the recent discoveries and ideas of Czech
+scholarship.
+
+In the forties, the era of romantic idealism was not yet over. There
+was stirring already that ferment which was to lead to the revolutions
+of 1848 and there were high hopes that by some form of popular miracle
+the millennium would be speedily achieved. How or by what means were
+relatively unimportant questions to many of the young idealists, but
+these were no longer to be found among the ranks of the gentry or the
+army officers but in the universities.
+
+It was then no chance happening that the young men at Kiev became
+tremendously interested in the new movements, which were still
+wavering between dreams of a general Slavonic union and agitation
+for the recovery of the liberty of each individual people. The ideas
+were ardently discussed and it was only natural that those who were
+interested should form themselves into the traditional pattern of a
+secret society.
+
+At some time, perhaps in 1846, there was organized at Kiev the Society
+of Saints Cyril and Methodius. This may well be regarded as the first
+formulation of the dream of a self-governing Ukraine as part of a
+general Slavonic federation. The men who took part were the keenest
+thinkers and the outstanding characters of the Ukrainian movement for
+many years. Foremost among them was Taras Shevchenko. He had already
+made a name for himself as the author of the _Kobzar_ and the
+_Haydamaki_ and as a promising painter in St. Petersburg. Now
+he was in Kiev, attached to the Archaeological Commission, with a
+commission to paint the churches and the ruins from the times of the
+Kozaks and Khmelnitsky. Not only that, but his travels had given him
+the opportunity to see the wretched conditions of the Ukrainian people
+and the evil that serfdom and dependence was doing to them.
+
+Another of the group was Nikolay Kostomarov, a Russian by birth, but a
+close student of the history of Ukraine. He was becoming convinced in
+his own mind of the differences between the ancient culture of Kiev and
+of Moscow. Here too was Panteleimon Kulish, also a collector of folk
+songs and a historian. Others of the group were Vasil Bilozersky and
+Prof. Mikhail Maksimovich.
+
+These men were all familiar with the existing condition of Ukraine,
+with the difficulties of the common people and with the work that was
+being done abroad for popular education. As a result they worked out a
+purely idealistic program for the future of the Slavs in general and
+the Ukrainians in particular.
+
+What was this? They demanded the abolition of serfdom and they called
+for freedom of conscience, of the press, of thought and speech. All
+this meant merely the application to the whole of Russia and especially
+to Ukraine of those commonplaces of personal and civic liberty that had
+been achieved in the England of the day and were the common demand of
+all the thinking youth of Europe. They then went further and visualized
+an independent Ukrainian republic, which was to form part of a great
+Slavonic federation. This federation was not to be dominated by any one
+country but was to be a real federation, expressing the ideas of free
+and independent citizens.
+
+It is easy to see that their ideas were influenced by the little that
+they knew about the United States. It is easy to see how far they were
+from the reactionary ideas of Pushkin, but they were not dominated by
+thoughts of hatred or antagonism. The interesting point was that while
+Belinsky and various other authors were arguing in St. Petersburg and
+Moscow for the same liberties for the Russians, these men dared to
+assert that the Ukrainian language could be developed as well as could
+the Great Russian and had equal claim to be studied and used by the
+people, by writers and by scholars.
+
+Not one of the men who formed the Society was connected in any way
+with any military organization. They were for the most part typical
+of the university youth. Some of them came from the smaller noble
+families which had not been completely Russianized but which still
+retained traditions of the past. Shevchenko was a freed serf. Not one
+of them would have known or been interested in the type of political
+underground conspiracy that alone could have carried their program into
+execution.
+
+Thus they could have formed no danger to the Russian state, except
+insofar as that was based on the oppression of other races and on
+conditions which were unhealthy and unjust. Of course they were opposed
+to serfdom, but in one way or another their feelings were shared by
+large numbers of the Russians, nobles and non-nobles alike. They were
+taking little active part in any plans for carrying out their policy,
+except in their aspirations to spread education among the people:
+education in the Ukrainian language.
+
+However when Oleksy Petrov, a student who had overheard some of the
+glowing discussions in a neighboring room, reported the existence
+of the society to M. V. Yuzefovich, the supervisor of history, the
+latter was impressed with the idea that he had discovered a dangerous
+conspiracy. He hurriedly notified St. Petersburg and orders were given
+to arrest the entire group. It seemed to the mind of Nicholas I that
+this was exactly what he had suspected all along and he determined to
+make an example of the young men.
+
+It was relatively easy to catch them, for they were without any
+suspicion of what was coming. Shevchenko was arrested on April 5,
+1847 in Kiev with several others, for they had gathered there for the
+wedding of Kostomarov. Kulish, who had already received a fellowship
+to study abroad in preparation for a post in the University of St.
+Petersburg, was seized on his way to the border.
+
+Trials were soon held and the vast majority received sentences of
+imprisonment or exile. Shevchenko, because of the contents of his
+poetry, was ordered to serve as a private in a disciplinary battalion
+of the army in Central Asia and the tsar added in his own hand, “with
+a prohibition of writing and painting.” He was destined to serve there
+for ten years and was a broken man at the completion of his service.
+
+These arrests broke up the society. The trials revealed very clearly
+that the young men had taken no definite steps to carry out their
+ideas. Yet the decrees of the Tsar and the sentences made it very
+clear that the imperial regime considered it worse than treason to do
+anything to remind the Little Russians of their independent past or to
+indicate that in any way they were better off under the rule of the
+hetmans than under the beneficent rule of the Tsar’s officials. It was
+but another affirmation of the intentions of Catherine and Peter, and
+it put a definite stop to any political development in Russian Ukraine
+for many years.
+
+
+
+
+                           CHAPTER FOURTEEN
+
+                       _THE REVIVAL IN GALICIA_
+
+
+During the seventeenth century, there had gradually developed
+differences in those sections of Ukraine which had remained under
+Polish control after the Treaty of Andrusivo. This was largely the
+result of the endless conflict between the Orthodox and the Uniats, and
+was marked by the steady weakening of the Orthodox, especially after
+the beginning of the eighteenth century when the great Brotherhood of
+Lviv formally accepted the Union. In the eastern portions of the Polish
+controlled territory, the Orthodox still retained considerable, if only
+negative, power, and it was in those regions that the last revolts
+against Poland took place. At times the Koliishchina had threatened to
+spread westward along the Carpathians but the danger was averted and
+peace was maintained.
+
+Then came the divisions of Poland and most of the areas in which the
+Union had secured an undisputed supremacy passed into the hands of
+Austria-Hungary. Soon after, the latter seized from Turkey northern
+Bukovina, which was still largely Orthodox and had formed the northern
+section of Moldavia, long a storm centre.
+
+The Ukrainians living in the Carpathian Mountains formed part of the
+Kingdom of Hungary. These people had suffered from the vicissitudes of
+the past centuries and little is known of their early history or of
+their appearance in the area where they still dwell.
+
+In his historical novel, _Zakhar Berkut_, Ivan Franko gives a
+picture of the early democratic life of these villagers in the time
+of the Tatar invasions but it is not certain whether or not they ever
+formed an independent state. In all probability the central authority
+in these mountain valleys was not well developed in the Middle Ages.
+The various valleys paid more or less feudal allegiance to the rulers
+of Ukraine but the mountain passes were closed several months in the
+year by snow and with the confused conditions in Galicia and the
+struggles between Poland and Hungary, the region was more or less
+forgotten.
+
+The people were Orthodox and apparently formed part of the see of
+Peremyshl but the bishops rarely visited them. Education was on a
+far lower level than anywhere else in Ukraine and the revival of the
+sixteenth century had little or no effect upon the mountaineers.
+Hungarian rule, which had been established in the fourteenth century,
+weighed heavy upon them. Peasants and clergy alike were serfs,
+illiteracy was widely prevalent and almost the rule, and the physical,
+economic and intellectual conditions left everything to be desired.
+
+Apparently also in the fifteenth century an Orthodox bishop was settled
+at Mukachevo, but this again did not mean much. The monasteries
+had lost most of their wealth in the disturbances of the preceding
+centuries and the bishops had to live on fees collected from the
+ordination of young priests and the annual contributions that they were
+compelled to make for the support of the central organization. It was
+the same situation that had come up elsewhere in the Ukrainian lands
+but there was really no centre to maintain any education and things
+went constantly from bad to worse.
+
+It was an ideal situation for the spreading of the religious Union.
+One of the landowners, Homonai, introduced it on his estates in the
+seventeenth century. He won over the priests and monks, but the
+peasants, as they had done so often, refused to accept it. However,
+the idea took root and by 1640 a considerable number had more or less
+formally adhered, so that in 1649 it was possible for the adherents to
+hold a meeting at Uzhorod and formally request to be accepted under the
+same terms as had been satisfactory fifty years before at Brest. The
+Pope acknowledged this in 1652.
+
+As can be seen from the above, the struggle for the Union or the
+Orthodox faith in Carpatho-Ukraine, as everything else in the area,
+was far less centralized, far less standardized, and the villages
+maintained a certain independence in their misery, for the Hungarian
+system of administration had grouped the area into several counties
+with little possibility of cooperation or mutual help.
+
+There were times, however, when the temper of the people flared up to
+white heat and revolts broke out or were threatened. Thus, for example,
+at the time of the outbreak of the Koliishchina in the province of
+Kiev, around 1770, there was marked unrest in this area. The peasants,
+some of whom apparently did not know that they had accepted the Union,
+turned against their landlords and the Uniat priests and there were
+repeated on a small scale those disorders that marked the disturbances
+in the East. There were the same rumors that the Orthodox ruler of the
+east was going to come to their assistance and, as elsewhere, no help
+ever came, and the authorities put down the revolt and the unrest with
+an iron hand.
+
+The Empress Maria Theresa of Austria and her son Joseph II were made
+uneasy by these troubles. They were already looking with greedy eyes
+at the southwestern sections of Poland and of Western Ukraine, and it
+did not seem a wise policy to allow disorders to spread among people
+related to those whom they were desirous of annexing. Besides that,
+the old feuds as to the relative rights of Austria and Hungary became
+involved in the picture and once peace had been restored, the rulers
+began to look around to see what could be done.
+
+There were many things needed, but in the mind of the rulers of
+the eighteenth century, the idea of relieving the fundamentally bad
+economic conditions of the area made no impression. Rather the Empress
+felt that she was receiving good advice, when she was told that it
+was the ignorance of the people and still more of the clergy that
+was responsible for the confusion. As a result she soon turned her
+attention to the founding of schools in this area. One was established
+at Mukachevo for the clergy and steps were taken to improve the
+condition of the priests. These were timid and minor actions but they
+were destined to have great influence upon the future. Bishop Andrey
+Bachinsky, who was installed at Mukachevo at almost the same moment
+when the province of Galicia was falling into Austrian hands, was a
+competent administrator. He gathered around him a small number of
+educated priests and through his schools did what he could for the
+country.
+
+All this was not much, but when Maria Theresa took over Galicia and the
+other Ukrainian lands, she had already an example before her. She felt
+that she had hit upon the correct policy and it was not long before she
+opened a school in Vienna for the Western Ukrainians, or the Ruthenians
+as the Austrian government, following Polish practice, insisted upon
+calling them. In view of the attitude of the Austrian government toward
+religion, it was only natural that this education was at first made
+available only for young men who were candidates for the priesthood of
+the Uniat Church.
+
+As we have seen, the Uniat Church, which had been fostered by the
+Polish kings and magnates to disintegrate the Ukrainian Orthodox
+Church and the metropolitan see of Kiev, had become by the course of
+events inseparably connected with the Ukrainian cause in the west. Yet
+it possessed at the time of the division of Poland very few educated
+members, except some of the higher clergy. The parish priests and their
+congregations were woefully uneducated. The church was generally
+regarded as merely the church for the peasants and it was quite widely
+ridiculed by the Polish-speaking nobles.
+
+It was then an act of real charity and kindness for Maria Theresa
+to endeavor to educate the clergy and to raise their intellectual
+standards and equipment. It was to determine for nearly a century
+the nature of the national revival in Galicia and Western Ukraine
+generally. On the one hand, it bound the leaders of the Uniat Church
+more closely to the Austro-Hungarian throne and put them in the
+position of a welcome counter-balance to the Polish aspirations for
+recovery of their lost territory and, failing that, to dominate and
+play the role of an upper class under Austrian control.
+
+On the other hand, it preserved and strengthened all those conservative
+tendencies that had been inherent in the Kiev Academy during the
+seventeenth century and had been even earlier a handicap to the work of
+the Brotherhoods in the sixteenth. It meant the definite strengthening
+of those tendencies which were opposed to the introduction of the
+vernacular language. The vast majority of the educated priests and
+scholars of Austria-Hungary spoke Latin more or less well. It was only
+natural therefore that the Ukrainian clergy trained in the schools of
+Maria Theresa laid especial emphasis on the Church Slavonic in the form
+in which it had been traditionally preserved. Relatively little effort
+was expended on the modernization of this language and in many ways the
+writings of these men were even further from the daily speech of the
+people than had been the case two centuries before, when the scholars
+of Kiev sought to go back to the pure form of Church Slavonic.
+
+It was therefore nearly fifty years before the leaders of the Ukrainian
+movement in Austria-Hungary reached the point that had been arrived
+at by Kotlyarevsky in Eastern Ukraine. The intellectual life of the
+Western Ukrainians and their writings remained in that same artificial
+form that had been prevalent everywhere before the publication of the
+_Eneida_. More than that, there were many who looked askance at
+the new Ukrainian system that was coming into vogue under the power of
+the Tsar. They saw in the apparently new writing something which might
+develop into a menace to the integrity of the Church teachings and they
+opposed its introduction into the schools of the province.
+
+Nevertheless, although the Ukrainian revival came far later than that
+of many of the other peoples of the Austrian Empire, it followed the
+same general pattern, with a certain amount of political activity
+allowed to Ukrainians as Ukrainians, especially in the lower
+administrative levels and for those few members of the group who were
+not serfs but were recognized as free men.
+
+It was not long after the provinces passed into the hands of
+Austria-Hungary that there was established a theological seminary for
+Uniat priests in Lviv and this was even more accessible than was the
+school in Vienna. Later, in 1784, the University of Lviv was founded
+and in this it was provided that there should be certain courses in
+the Ruthenian language, that is, the old mixture of Church Slavonic,
+Ukrainian and Polish that had been the dominant language of the Kiev
+school in the seventeenth century. A preliminary school to prepare the
+Ukrainians for admission to the University was established. For a while
+all seemed well, but it was a false dawn.
+
+The key to these events was to be found in the policy of Maria Theresa
+and still more of the Emperor Joseph II, who reigned with her for
+many years and then was sole emperor from 1780 to 1790. Maria Theresa
+was devoutly religious. Joseph II, her son, belonged to the same
+class of enlightened despots as did Catherine the Great of Russia.
+He was interested in unifying his domains just as ardently as was
+Catherine, but he had a different problem to face, for he desired to
+make German and not another Slavonic language the general language
+of administration. Besides that, both mother and son were suspicious
+of the loyalty of the Poles, who had been just been annexed to the
+Austrian domains, and it seemed a wise measure to lighten the burdens
+of the Ukrainian population in an endeavor to win their loyalty.
+Besides these educational reforms, Joseph had very decided ideas on the
+necessity of lightening the burdens of the serfs and of abolishing most
+of the abuses to which they had been subjected in the past.
+
+All of these varying motives, often conflicting with one another,
+tended to give an opportunity for the Ukrainian population in Western
+Ukraine to improve their status. All the results achieved were won
+during the years of the reign of Joseph II and the brief years of
+Leopold II, but when Francis II came to the throne in 1792, conditions
+changed.
+
+Externally the French Revolution was then going on and Austria took
+a defiant attitude toward everything that savored of liberalism in
+any way. The rights of the landowners were restored throughout the
+Empire and this deprived the peasants of any hopes that might have
+been enkindled in them by the promises of Joseph II. Then too, there
+were no signs of revolt among the Poles in the annexed provinces. This
+was in a way a deliberate choice of the Polish authorities and even
+during the revolt of Kosciuszko in 1794, he did his best to prevent
+the spreading of the movement for a restored Poland into that part of
+the territory that was held by Austria, and endeavored to concentrate
+the national uprising against Russia and secondarily against Prussia.
+Thus it seemed to the interest of Vienna at this moment to cooperate
+with the Polish landlords in Western Ukraine and to try to limit the
+spread of dissension, while Austria prepared to take her share in the
+final division. Then with Poland out of the way, efforts to improve the
+conditions of the Ukrainians within Austria sagged severely and during
+the years that followed, the situation remained fairly static.
+
+Yet the situation never went quite back to that prevailing before
+the time of Joseph II. It is true that by 1808 the courses in the
+University of Lviv and the preparatory gymnasium had faded away at
+the instance of the Poles and there remained only a few parochial and
+private schools where the traditional dead language was the medium of
+instruction. Yet there was an increasing number of Ukrainians who were
+able to secure an education in schools where German as well as Polish
+was taught. All too often, however, these men acquired a contempt for
+the peasant masses and sought for positions elsewhere in the Austrian
+civil service, so that they did not give to their people the benefit of
+their education. Many of those who remained tended to prefer Polish as
+a more fashionable language and thus added to the number of able people
+who were lost to the Western Ukrainian cause.
+
+The real difficulty that prevented the Ukrainians of Western Ukraine
+from more successful work was the language question and until that was
+definitely settled, real progress was impossible. All the work at the
+University of Lviv was carried on in the old traditional language.
+None of the leaders of Western Ukraine had the vision or the energy of
+Kotlyarevsky to break away from the old ecclesiastical tongue and write
+in the language of the people. After the time of Joseph II, education
+fell back into the hands of the clergy and they maintained that same
+idea that had run through the history of the old Brotherhoods, the idea
+that the people’s cause and the people’s faith could only be maintained
+by emphasizing the use of the old ecclesiastical language. This never
+became adapted to the civil needs of the population, high or low, and
+in the early nineteenth century it had much to do with the delays in
+the Ukrainian cause.
+
+When the secular writings of Kotlyarevsky were first brought into
+Western Ukraine, they aroused only a series of attacks on the part
+of the conservative leaders who saw in them something secular and
+therefore suspicious or heretical. They made their way very slowly even
+among the literate classes who were bound up with the old ideas, and
+were not welcomed as enthusiastically as they had been in Great Ukraine.
+
+Indeed it was not until the end of the thirties, when Shevchenko was
+already doing some of his best work, that any serious attempt was made
+to introduce the speech of the people into literature. At that time
+Markian Shashkevich, a young priest, wrote a series of poems in the
+vernacular. They aroused a great deal of controversy and were refused
+publication in Galicia but the author succeeded in having them appear
+in Budapest. Still, such were the censorship laws of the time, that
+while they were officially approved in Hungary, every copy that reached
+Galicia was seized by the censor and police. Shashkevich died in
+1843. His two closest friends, who survived him, ultimately left the
+Ukrainian cause. Ivan Vahilevich after some years accepted the Polish
+thesis as to the Ukrainians of Galicia, and Yakiv Holovatsky accepted a
+position in the Russian Archaeological Service.
+
+Already there had begun that linguistic feud which was to stifle the
+life and thought of Western Ukraine for many years. The vast majority
+of the intellectual leaders were Uniat priests and they, together
+with some of the more conservative people, held out strongly for the
+maintenance of the old artificial Church Slavonic language. Among the
+more progressive elements there were the followers of Shashkevich, but
+there were others who seriously wanted to adopt Russian as the form of
+the vernacular to be followed, and these developed into the Moscophile
+or Russophile party of later days. It must not be supposed however that
+these people knew any Great Russian. Very few were ever able to read
+any of the Russian classics which were already being written, but they
+followed the most elaborate theories that almost any Ruthene would be
+able to use Great Russian in one hour, if he really set his mind on
+it. They refused to face any of the difficulties in their position and
+simply idealized Russia because it was not Austria-Hungary, and because
+it was a Slavonic country. Had they even attempted to learn Russian,
+the situation would not have been so absurd.
+
+This feeling spread quite widely in Western Ukraine and in Bukovina
+and even more strongly among the Carpatho-Ukrainians, where it has
+continued to the present time, especially among the more illiterate
+portions of the population, and the Orthodox elements. It was a curious
+mixture of a romantic idealization of Russia, a confusion of rus’-sky
+and russky, and a desire to get away at all costs from the horrible and
+unsatisfactory present.
+
+As the period of 1848 drew nearer, with the growing unrest among
+all the subject populations of Austria-Hungary, the situation again
+changed. After 1846 it was already becoming evident that unrest among
+the Poles was increasing. The government, especially Count Stadion,
+the governor of Galicia, set itself to woo the Ukrainians and to
+assure their loyalty. To this end there was allowed to be organized a
+political society, the Holovna Rada, which aimed to be the intermediary
+between the Ukrainians and the government. A newspaper the _Zora
+Halitska_ (_the Galician Star_) was started, and a Congress
+of Ruthenian Scholars demanded that the language should be completely
+reorganized, with a uniform system of spelling for both Eastern and
+Western Ukraine and that it should be freed from all Russian and
+Polish influences. To further this goal, there was organized an
+Educational Society, on the lines of the Czech Matica. Politically
+the Congress demanded the separation of the Polish and Ruthenian
+(Ukrainian) parts of Galicia, so that the Ukrainian people would be
+directly under the control of the Austrian government.
+
+The Austrian government did not look unkindly upon these demands and
+for a while it seemed likely that it would take steps to carry them
+out. Ukrainian lectures, this time in the vernacular, were introduced
+again into the University of Lviv and Ukrainian schools were started
+throughout the province. As a still further step, the government
+decreed the liberation of the serfs, and thereby it struck a powerful
+blow at the Polish landlords in a way well described a little later by
+Ivan Franko in the _Master’s Jokes_. The same promises were made
+in both Bukovina and Carpatho-Ukraine, where Adolph Dobryansky took
+the lead during the revolt of Kossuth and the Hungarians. Finally he
+joined the Russians when they invaded the country to help the Austrians
+against the revolting Hungarians, and he carried with him many of the
+intellectuals in the province.
+
+As so much else in Austria during the year 1848, little positive was
+gained, for when the unrest had subsided, the Austrians conveniently
+forgot all the promises that they had made a few months earlier. In
+1849, with the danger passed, they again turned the control of Galicia
+over to the Poles and in both Carpatho-Ukraine and in Bukovina, where
+the Russophile movement had grown strong, they turned against all of
+its leading representatives. The Ukrainian newspapers were largely
+abolished and the power passed back into the hands of those classes who
+had little use for the vernacular language of the people.
+
+The reaction after 1848 roughly coincided with the arrest of Shevchenko
+and the crushing of the Society of Saints Cyril and Methodius
+in Russia. Yet the revival up to that period had shown striking
+differences in Eastern and Western Ukraine. In Russia it had been a
+lay revival, with special emphasis upon the development of a modern
+literature in the face of a determined government, which insisted
+upon the unity of both Russians and Little Russians. Any thought of
+political action was in the beginning useless, and prison or Siberia
+was the fate of every one who dared to advocate national recognition.
+Under Austrian rule, the Uniat Church had taken the lead in the
+movement. It had developed into an anti-Polish but government-favored
+policy, which only too readily admitted the racial and cultural
+differences between the Poles and the Ruthenians. Unfortunately, there
+were no outstanding political leaders to profit by this opportunity.
+Before the triumph of reaction the Ruthenians were most hampered by the
+stubborn conservatism of their own people who refused to face the fact
+that it was necessary to modernize the language.
+
+Actually the two Ukraines had become widely separated areas with
+differences in religion, in the goal of their efforts, and in their
+weapons of struggle. There was little knowledge on either side of
+what the other was doing and perhaps even less appreciation. Yet in
+both regions, and in Bukovina and Carpatho-Ukraine, the Ukrainians
+had awakened from their long slumber. Something was stirring, but the
+trend to cooperation was still very weak and it was only the Congress
+of Ruthenian Scholars that had even mentioned the possibility of joint
+action, even in the cultural and linguistic spheres, so well had the
+enforced separation done its work. Everything seemed lost as 1850
+approached, but the new dullness was not of long duration.
+
+
+
+
+                            CHAPTER FIFTEEN
+
+                         _PROGRESS IN RUSSIA_
+
+
+The arrest and exile of the members of the Society of Saints Cyril and
+Methodius brought to a halt the first phase of the Ukrainian revival
+in the Russian Empire. It had been the work of a group of brilliant
+idealists who had ignored many of the practical difficulties in the way
+of their cause under the influence of the Romantic movement. There was
+no romanticism and hardly any sense of realism in the response that was
+delivered by the government of Nicholas I, who had been born before
+Kotlyarevsky had commenced the revival with the _Eneida_, and who
+could, from his childhood, obtain information from the men who had
+actually suppressed the last vestiges of the Hetman state.
+
+With the accession of his son, Alexander II, in 1855, conditions
+changed. Alexander started his reign with at least an appearance of
+liberality and issued a wide amnesty to persons who had incurred the
+displeasure of his father. Most of the members of the Society were
+released and allowed to resume work in St. Petersburg. Even Shevchenko,
+who had been singled out for special treatment because of his attacks
+on the Imperial Family, was released and he too joined his former
+friends in the Russian capital. As a result, by the end of the fifties,
+the former members of the Society of Saints Cyril and Methodius had
+come together again and were prepared to resume their work under
+conditions as they then existed.
+
+Kulish, one of the members of the group, started the work with the
+appearance of the _Memoirs on South Rus’_ in 1856, but he was
+refused permission to edit a journal in his own name because of his
+former connection with the Society of Saints Cyril and Methodius and
+the exile which he had suffered in consequence. Yet it would be wrong
+to assume that the new agitation was conducted only by the handful of
+people who had formed the former group.
+
+In Kiev and Chernihiv other Ukrainians, subject to the limitations that
+were imposed upon them by the Imperial government, tried to work for
+their people. Popular schools, usually held on Sunday, were opened to
+teach the illiterate peasants their own language. New writers appeared,
+such as Marko Vovchok, the pen-name of Maria Markovich, whose husband
+had been one of the members of the Society. Provincial newspapers
+appeared, societies were established for the purpose of glorifying
+Ukrainian culture, thinly camouflaged under the name of South Russia,
+and many other activities were started.
+
+This was the period on the eve of the emancipation of the serfs and it
+looked as if the new Emperor was going to open a new period in the life
+of his country. The first years of the reign of Alexander II indeed
+marked an era of good feeling, and there were wide hopes among almost
+all classes of society that he would wipe out all the dark memories of
+the strict reign of his father.
+
+It was under this hope that in 1860 there was founded in St. Petersburg
+the journal _Osnova_, (_the Basis_). Kulish was really responsible for
+it, although the nominal editor was his brother-in-law, Bilozersky, one
+of the lesser members of the Society. It called to its staff of writers
+and assistants all of the leaders of the younger generation, and for
+about a year there seemed to be a new spring in the Ukrainian movement
+in Russia.
+
+Then trouble began again. Kulish, Kostomarov, and Shevchenko, the
+leaders of the older generation, still endeavored to continue in the
+paths of the Society. In one of his articles Kostomarov referred to
+the dreams of the Ukrainians for membership in a great Federation of
+Slavs. This was, however, exceptional. The experiences of exile and
+growing caution with increasing age forced the writers to follow a more
+sober policy of emphasizing the necessity for educating the peasants
+and for promoting a modest cultural program.
+
+At the same time, Russian society itself had travelled far from the
+optimistic hopes that had swayed it during the Romantic period. In a
+sense, the Society of Saints Cyril and Methodius had been a belated
+child of that great idealistic movement that had swept over the Slavs
+in the thirties and had been inspired and nourished by the Czech
+writers of the period. It formed also a transition from the high hopes
+of the Decembrists of 1825 to the sentimental dreams of the forties.
+Now at the end of the fifties, the mood of the public had turned
+again. The intellectual leadership of Russia was in the hands of the
+intelligentsia, who were much interested in the social reforms that
+were sought for and were little interested in the general fate of
+Russia or of any particular part of it. It was the period of _Fathers
+and Children_ of Turgenev, the volume that launched on Russian
+society the character of Bazarov and the philosophy of nihilism, the
+idea that nothing was good that could not be justified by natural
+science and by reason.
+
+As a result, the younger men of the _Osnova_ cared very little for
+the more idealistic and sentimental sides of the journal. There was no
+one to control the contents of the magazine and to win the respect of
+the entire mass of people who were interested in the cause of Ukraine.
+Shevchenko was dying and within a year the _Osnova_ came to an
+untimely end. Yet it had done its work in transferring the cause of
+Ukraine from the older to the younger generation, even though the two
+differed in many important particulars.
+
+For the moment the government, under the spell of the liberation of
+the serfs, was disposed to tolerate all this activity. Kulish was
+even encouraged to prepare a Ukrainian translation of the Imperial
+decree providing for the liberation of the serfs. It seemed as if the
+Ukrainians might be allowed to establish schools where the children
+would be taught in their native tongue. The success of the cultural
+program of the young Ukrainian leaders seemed assured. Of course in all
+this there was no open political action, for it must not be forgotten
+that at this period there was no opening for political life anywhere in
+Russia. There was nothing that corresponded to political parties, to
+elections or to free political discussion. There was even no organized
+group among the Russians which aspired or voiced their aspirations for
+such procedure, so that there was necessarily a vagueness about the
+real goal of all this cultural activity that has been used at a later
+time by the enemies of Ukraine to dub it mere literary nationalism.
+
+Suddenly everything changed. In 1863 there came another revolt among
+the Poles in Russia. It was a heroic but desperate venture which was
+doomed in advance to failure. At the same time there were repeated the
+sad words of Shevchenko, “Poland fell but it ruined us.” A very few
+of the most Polonized Ukrainians joined in the movement. The Poles
+themselves complained that they did not receive Ukrainian support, but
+they succeeded in inspiring the fear in the Russian government that
+the movement to restore a free Poland would automatically involve the
+separation of all Ukraine from Russia. The leaders of the Empire now
+reversed the policy that they had taken in 1847. At that time they
+were afraid that the Ukrainians would long to go back to their days
+of practical independence and would throw off the Russian yoke. Now
+they became convinced that the Ukrainians would give up any hopes of
+winning their own liberty and would be glad to be lost in a Polish
+state.
+
+As a result they decided to renew their efforts to wipe out the last
+vestiges of Ukrainian separatism and to end the Ukrainian language.
+Count Valuyev, the Minister of the Interior, declared that there never
+was, is not and never will be a separate Little Russian language but
+that it was only a peasant dialect of Great Russian. To that end he
+gave an order that henceforth there should be allowed to be printed in
+Ukrainian only those books which fell in the field of belles-lettres.
+Publication of all books in the Little Russian language which had
+religious content, textbooks and in general books intended for
+elementary reading should be forbidden. Valuyev pretended that Great
+Russian was intelligible to every literate person and that there was no
+reason why the illiterate masses should not begin their education in
+it. He also pretended to think that the writings of the early Ukrainian
+authors were on the same par as peasant dialect stories in any language
+and so he ostensibly left a loophole, but since these books could be
+put in simple form for the masses, the censors interpreted his ideas to
+hold that works in belles-lettres might be used as elementary readers
+and therefore they could not be published. As a result there were some
+years in which no work in Ukrainian appeared at all.
+
+It would be interesting to know if this outburst of fear of separatism
+was in any degree aided by the American Civil War, then at its height.
+It was at this time that the Imperial Russian Government sent a fleet
+to New York, perhaps to serve as a counterweight to any possible
+interference by Western European powers on behalf of the South, and
+such authors as Dostoyevsky were making allusions to the bloody
+struggle that was going on in the New World. The establishment of the
+United States had had a great effect on Russian educated thought a half
+century earlier and perhaps some of the Russian officials now were
+apprehensive of trouble.
+
+At all events the sixties defined precisely the attitude that the
+Russian government was to take toward Ukrainian cultural aspirations
+for the rest of the nineteenth century, until the Revolution of 1905.
+The various Ukrainian journals were suppressed. Some of the writers
+were sent to Siberia for several years. Others, such as Kulish,
+ultimately made their way to Galicia and lived in virtual exile, while
+their books, published there in Lviv, were smuggled into Russia to keep
+alive the spark of Ukrainian freedom.
+
+It was difficult for the Imperial regime to maintain a consistent
+policy for long. In a few years there came a slight relaxation of the
+more stringent rulings of the censorship and some Ukrainian books
+were published. The seventies were the great period of the Narodniki,
+when the educated youth became convinced of their mission to go to
+the people, disguise themselves as peasants and try to educate their
+unfortunate brothers. Under such conditions it was only natural that
+the same movement was attempted by some of the younger Ukrainians, that
+there came similar publications intended for clandestine use by the
+Ukrainians who sought thus to keep their adherents from being submerged
+in the corresponding Russian movement. At the same time there can be
+no doubt that many of the more zealous partisans of social reform,
+especially in St. Petersburg, tended to join the Russian illegal
+movements and for a time at least lost any special interest in the fate
+of Ukraine in their zeal for humanity.
+
+At the same time there was founded in 1872 the Southern Branch of the
+Geographical Society and around this there gathered a large number of
+Ukrainians, writing scientific articles in Russian but emphasizing
+those aspects of South Russian life that were most alien to the general
+Russian traditions. They helped to place the knowledge of Ukrainian
+culture on a firmer basis, even though some of the more socially minded
+sneered at their efforts as of no immediate importance.
+
+These young men, largely at the University of Kiev, formed themselves
+into a society, the Hromada, which worked vigorously along purely
+scientific, ethnological and philological lines. They included Prof. V.
+Antonovich and later Mykhaylo Drahomaniv, by far the most brilliant of
+the scholars of this generation.
+
+Yet even this scientific work, published for the most part in Russian,
+still seemed suspicious to the Imperial government. Anything which
+demanded any cultural rights for the Ukrainian people or mentioned
+differences between the Great Russians and the Ukrainians or Little
+Russians or South Russians seemed to be dangerous separatism. This was
+the more striking because the scholars of Moscow and St. Petersburg
+at the same time were emphasizing the great differences between the
+cultures of Moscow and Kiev in the past, were emphasizing that the
+culture of Kiev was often more Polish than Russian and were teaching
+their own students, with governmental approval, that the Kievans
+who came to Moscow in the seventeenth century were to all intents
+and purposes foreigners who were ill received by the masses of the
+Muscovites. At the same time the force of public opinion among the
+radical intelligentsia was emphasizing the fact that Russian literature
+belonged to the areas around the capitals. It is interesting that
+except for Count Alexis K. Tolstoy, who advocated the point of view
+that Kiev represented the European side of the Russians, there were
+practically no novels written during this entire period depicting
+the life of the people of Ukraine. After the death of Gogol in 1852,
+it was possible to rummage into the highways and byways of Russian
+literature without becoming aware that Kiev and its adjoining regions
+even existed as part of the Russian Empire in the nineteenth century.
+It is fair to say that never, even in the most stringent period of
+Muscovite isolation, was Russian literature so confined to Great
+Russian territory as in the Golden Age of the Russian novel and of the
+intelligentsia, that is the period between 1840 and 1881.
+
+In 1875, a former friend of Kostomarov, one M. Yuzefovich, reported
+to authorities on the separatist tendencies of this work of the Kiev
+Hromada. As a result a commission was appointed consisting of him, the
+Ministers Timashev and Tolstoy and the Chief of the Gendarmes, Potapov,
+to study the dangerous situation that prevailed in “Little Russia.” The
+committee reported that, “the entire literary activity of the so-called
+Ukrainophiles must be considered as an attempt on the national
+unity and wholeness of Russia, only hidden by plausible forms.” As
+a result, the Tsar issued an order on May 18, 1876, forbidding the
+importation of books printed abroad in the Little Russian dialect and
+also forbidding the printing and publishing in the Empire of original
+works and translations in this dialect with the exception only of:
+“(a) historical documents and monuments; (b) works of belles-lettres,
+but with the proviso that with the printing of historical monuments
+there must be kept the correct orthography of the originals; in works
+of belles-lettres there must not be allowed any deviations from the
+generally accepted Russian orthography and that the permission to print
+works of belles-lettres should be given not otherwise than after the
+examination of the manuscripts in the Central Administration of the
+Press; and (c) forbidding various theatrical presentations and readings
+in the Little Russian dialect and also the printing of such a text to
+musical notes.”
+
+It is well to note the emphasis laid upon spelling in this decree. In
+the seventeenth century Great Russian had been taught from Ukrainian
+Church Slavonic grammars, as that of Smotritsky, and the students had
+been taught to make the necessary corrections in pronunciation. Once
+practice had brought to these letters the Russian values during the
+intervening centuries, the acceptance of the Russian pronunciation
+made difficulties for the pronunciation of Ukrainian words. Kulish had
+prepared a new alphabet which retained the Cyrillic script but which
+was suited to Ukrainian and this was being generally accepted by the
+modern Ukrainian authors. It was to resist this influence that the
+government decided not only to bar the new literature, but even where
+it allowed it, to bar the new alphabet and thus create another obstacle
+to the spread of the “Little Russian dialect.”
+
+The result might have been foreseen. Some of the more timorous souls
+dropped away from literature and consented to write in Great Russian.
+The others who were more determined, worked the harder to enter
+Galicia and to profit by the relative freedom there. The decree merely
+furnished more fuel to the fire and instead of ending the Ukrainian
+movement it caused it to take even more extreme forms.
+
+Yet some of the Russian authorities in Ukraine themselves felt that
+some of these rules and still more their methods of application were
+only adding to the difficulties of the situation. The prohibition
+of printing songs with a Ukrainian text for example cut hard at the
+rendering of songs which all agreed were of superior quality. Plays
+produced in Russian in Ukrainian villages did not satisfy the popular
+demand and the habit grew of allowing Ukrainian plays to be produced,
+provided that the company would also produce at the same time some
+Russian piece.
+
+In 1882 a group of Ukrainians secured permission to print in Kiev
+an archaeological journal, the _Antiquities of Kiev_, and this
+was granted in a temporary relaxation of the censorship. Later it
+became possible to include in it a few articles written in Ukrainian,
+especially when printed in the Russian manner. All such devices were
+unsatisfactory but the reign of Alexander III was a definite period
+of reaction in all fields and it was not until the time of Nicholas II
+that there came any marked lightening of the censorship.
+
+The censorship in Kiev and the other cities of Ukraine was vastly
+stricter than it was in St. Petersburg. Hence during these years the
+centre of such publishing as was allowed was the very capital from
+which the orders were coming to prevent the development of a Ukrainian
+literature. It was often possible there to issue relatively cheap
+editions which could be transported to the south and it was there that
+the new writers like Lesya Ukrainka, Hrinchenko and Kotsyubinsky saw
+their works in print. For books which could not come out there, there
+was always Galicia.
+
+In view of the conditions of Russian life, the Ukrainian revival in
+Russia had to take the exclusive form of cultural work and scientific
+study. There were many secret and underground groups as there were
+among the Russians. In many cases the two groups fused for actual
+revolutionary activity and Ukrainians were often involved in the plots
+of the various Russian movements. This was a handicap for the work
+of the Ukrainian leaders and it prevented a full appreciation of the
+situation by the often still illiterate peasants, who on the whole took
+relatively little part in the movements that were going on throughout
+the entire country.
+
+Insofar as the masses of the peasants were affected by the growing
+unrest, it was rather their desire for land and for better living
+conditions that moved them. They continued to speak their native
+language in their homes and villages but far too many of them had not
+been interested in the general development of the country. They thought
+in terms of their own communities. Many of them emigrated to Siberia
+and to Russian Central Asia. Others made their way abroad.
+
+At the same time there was a renewed period of Russification. This
+came from two distinct sources. As in the past, a considerable number
+of the Ukrainians who found it possible to secure an education in
+Russian schools tended to absorb the Russian point of view and to
+separate themselves from their original background. They accepted the
+theories which the government gave them, that Ukrainian was somehow a
+peasant dialect and that it was more fashionable and more modern to
+try to speak the ruling tongue. This was the same argument from which
+Ukraine had suffered for centuries and which had been aided immensely
+by the unfortunate decision in the sixteenth century to lay the main
+emphasis upon Church Slavonic as the bulwark of Orthodoxy.
+
+A second source developed however in the latter part of the nineteenth
+century, when there began an extensive movement of Great Russians into
+the growing cities of Ukraine. More and more Russians came to live in
+Kiev and Kharkiv and the other important sites which grew up with the
+building of railroads and the increase of industrial activity in the
+area. Russians began to settle in the Donets basin, where there were
+extensive coal deposits, and in the neighborhood of the iron mines not
+too far distant. Others moved into Odesa which became the chief seaport
+on the Black Sea.
+
+All of these factors proved a severe handicap to the development of the
+Ukrainian revival, but they did not hinder it and at the end of the
+nineteenth century, it was already abundantly clear that there was a
+large and steadily growing population which was proud of its language
+and of its traditions. It was evident that Ukrainian culture had again
+turned the corner and that it was a force to be reckoned with, despite
+the ideas of both the Imperial government and its enemies, the Russian
+radicals.
+
+
+
+
+                            CHAPTER SIXTEEN
+
+                   _DEVELOPMENTS IN WESTERN UKRAINE_
+
+
+After the failure of the movement of 1848, there ensued a period of
+reaction and of torpor in Galicia and the other Ukrainian lands in the
+Hapsburg Empire. For a brief moment it had seemed as if there might be
+a general solution of the various questions involved but outside of the
+formal liberation of the serfs nothing had been accomplished.
+
+At the same time there came a period of crisis throughout the Empire.
+With Russian help the revolt of Hungary had been suppressed, and for a
+decade the Emperor Francis Joseph II was able to rule as an absolute
+monarch and defy the wishes of all portions of the Empire. Yet even
+this could not last, for at the end of that decade the Austrian armies
+were badly defeated by the Italians at the battle of Solferino and
+worse was to come with the battle of Sadowa in 1867, when the armies
+were overwhelmed by the Prussians. The outcome of these defeats was
+the reorganization of Austria-Hungary as the Dual Monarchy, which it
+remained until 1918, and the granting to the Poles of the control of
+Galicia.
+
+These developments were not without significance for the fate of
+the Ukrainians, whether they lived in Galicia, in Bukovina or in
+Carpatho-Ukraine. The language question was still being bitterly
+debated but at this moment there were two leading parties.
+
+The conservatives, and they included a large part of the Uniat clergy
+and the richer and more prosperous sections of the laity, held out
+strongly for the old Church Slavonic. They still maintained the theory
+that there was almost something sacred in the maintenance of the
+traditional language and they felt vaguely that there was something
+heretical and impious about the attempts to read and write in the
+language of the ordinary peasants.
+
+On the other hand the influence of those who desired to approximate the
+language to Russian increased. The results of the intervention of the
+Russian army in its fight against the Hungarians had had a great effect
+upon the population of Carpatho-Ukraine in particular. Some of their
+ablest leaders, such as Dobryansky and Dukhnovich, had definitely taken
+sides with the invaders and had retired with them to Russia on their
+withdrawal. From this time on a large part of the people of this area
+remained devoted to the Russian cause and continued to use a jargon
+which they confidently believed to be Russian. The same was true to a
+lesser extent in Bukovina, and the Moscophile party in Galicia was very
+important.
+
+For a while it even seemed that the conservatives would make common
+cause with them. They gradually lost hope in Austria. They realized
+that the defeats of the Austrian army were jeopardizing the security
+of the Empire, and the Austrian recognition of the Polish interests in
+Galicia cut them to the quick. Under such circumstances they idealized
+the Empire of Nicholas I and paid little attention to the results of
+the Crimean War. They saw only that for a moment the Russian army had
+offered a brighter prospect to the Ukrainians of Eastern Ukraine.
+They also completely ignored the fact that even under the conditions
+prevailing in Galicia they were still able to have certain political
+rights which were completely denied in Eastern Ukraine.
+
+On the other hand, the younger generation passed under the influence of
+Shevchenko. They read the writings of Marko Vovchok and they realized
+the weaknesses of Imperial Russia. They had learned something of
+western ideals from study in Vienna and elsewhere and they felt more
+strongly the advantages of the more democratic tendencies which they
+learned from the West and from the modern literature of Eastern Ukraine.
+
+Thus the stage was set for a bitter struggle in Western Ukraine as
+a whole and it lasted for a couple of decades before there came the
+definite triumph of those forces which sought to develop the national
+tradition. Some even went so far as to argue for the creation of a
+definite Ruthenia which would include all of the Ukrainians in the
+Hapsburg dominions and sought to differentiate themselves both from the
+Poles, the Russians and the Eastern Ukrainians. They glorified as well
+as they could the government of Austria and promised absolute loyalty
+to the Hapsburg rulers.
+
+It soon became evident, however, that in its simplest and baldest form
+this position too was impossible. The differences between them and
+their neighbors proved to be greater than those between them and the
+Eastern Ukraine and it was not long before this idea went the way of so
+many other opinions in Ukrainian history.
+
+The entire controversy was based upon a curious misconception. The
+Moscophiles knew little more of Russia than that the Russian armies had
+successfully invaded Hungary in 1849. They knew very little about the
+difficulties of the Ukrainians resident in Russia and they knew little
+more about the development of life in Eastern Ukraine. At the very
+moment when they were dreaming of how much better off the Ukrainians
+were in Russia, the Ukrainians of the east were looking hopefully to
+Galicia for a freedom which they did not have at home.
+
+It was at this moment that the first copies of the _Osnova_ began
+to arrive in Lviv and the other cities. Then came in quick succession
+the news that this journal had ceased to exist and that a ban had been
+imposed on all Ukrainian writings in Russia. This startling news was
+followed by the appearance in Lviv of Kulish and of other Ukrainian
+authors who brought eye-witness accounts of the forcible suppression
+of Ukrainian culture in the land where the modern revival had started.
+
+The arrival of these refugees from their envied homeland started to
+turn the scale in the larger part of Galicia. It made it clear to the
+younger and more alert people that they had been mistaken and that
+much of the boasted well-being of the Ukrainians of Russia was only a
+mirage. They realized the advantages of their own position and they set
+to work to use the native language--sometimes in a Galician dialect
+which differed somewhat from that employed by Shevchenko and the
+writers from the left bank of the Dnyeper.
+
+For the next decades as we have seen, the bulk of Ukrainian literature
+written in Eastern Ukraine was published in Lviv. The young men came to
+know the refugees and emigrants and slowly but surely the century-old
+barrier between the provinces began to break down. For the first time
+in centuries there came a real transfer of ideas between Eastern and
+Western Ukraine.
+
+This movement was greatly assisted by the work of Mykhaylo Drahomaniv,
+one of the most brilliant of the publicists, who had profited by the
+relaxation of censorship in Russia during the early seventies. As
+a professor of the University of Kiev, he came in contact with the
+various socialist parties of Russia and then in 1876, after the renewed
+ban on Ukrainian work, he emigrated to Switzerland where he could work
+more freely. Later he became a professor at the University of Sofia in
+Bulgaria, where he died in 1895. Drahomaniv continued the ideas of the
+Society of Saints Cyril and Methodius in his belief that there should
+be developed a federal union of all the Slavs, but he differed from the
+earlier group in emphasizing the necessity of adapting Slavonic life
+to the progressive European thought of the seventies and eighties and
+in emphasizing freedom of the individual, socialism, and rationalism.
+He realized also that in such a case it would be necessary to bring
+together all the natives of Ukraine and his active work was devoted
+to bringing this about. Thus he corresponded freely with friends in
+Galicia as well as in Eastern Ukraine. He collected money to aid in
+the publication of journals at Lviv which would be favorable to his
+ideas and at the same time he worked to establish contacts between
+the thought of Ukraine and that of the western world. His influence,
+exerted upon both Moscophiles and nationalists, did much to weaken the
+former, for he was able to show that they knew little and cared less
+about the accomplishments of Russian literature and that it was idle
+for them to think of inclusion in a Great Russia on the basis of their
+chimerical dreams.
+
+His ideas were naturally opposed by the more conservative classes, who
+were still trying to support the artificial Church Slavonic language,
+and they repelled many because of their social hypotheses. Even the
+young Franko was arrested because it was supposed that he was in
+contact with Drahomaniv. Nevertheless, his position won adherents
+constantly and proved a strong ferment in the hitherto sterile
+controversies that had been going on.
+
+Drahomaniv laid great stress upon the Ukrainian development in Galicia,
+for he realized that there was here the only possibility of obtaining
+some experience in political organization. Bad as the government of
+Austria-Hungary was, there were possibilities for the Ukrainians
+to make their influence felt along political lines. There was no
+possibility of this in Russia, where party activity was still entirely
+forbidden.
+
+Under the various compromises that had been made in Austria-Hungary
+after the establishment of the Dual Monarchy, Galicia had passed
+entirely into the hands of the Poles, who furnished a large part of the
+higher officials of the province under Austrian rule. However, their
+power was not absolute, for it was the consistent policy of Vienna not
+to solve any of the main questions that confronted the Empire but to
+endeavor to maintain a balance between the various peoples in a given
+province, playing off one against another and thus preventing any
+definite lineup against the central authority.
+
+This had been the method adopted in 1848, when it looked at one time as
+if Austria would concede many rights to the Ukrainians in the province
+and even allow the establishment of a Ukrainian university at Lviv. It
+was never done, for the swing of reaction had blocked all moves in this
+direction. Nevertheless, much could be accomplished, if the Ukrainian
+population were really awakened to demand their rights and throughout
+the eighties a larger and larger number of persons appeared qualified
+to take the post of leadership in the undertaking.
+
+In many ways Ivan Franko played the leading role in this. As a
+journalist, novelist and poet, he worked steadily and effectively to
+arouse the people. He pointed out the economic needs of the province,
+he pictured the social defects of society, he translated into Ukrainian
+many of the masterpieces of European literature, and he worked
+energetically on all the progressive papers of the area.
+
+As early as 1868 there had been established in Lviv a cultural
+society, the Prosvita, and a little later in 1873 there was set up
+the Shevchenko Society, with the idea of publishing serious books in
+Ukrainian. Progress was very slow and it was more than ten years before
+enough funds were available to undertake any important work. Then it
+commenced to prosper. It was renamed the Scientific Society in 1892,
+and in 1898 it was again reorganized as the Shevchenko Scientific
+Society. It attracted the attention of scholars everywhere for the
+excellence of its publications. This and many other activities made
+Galicia the real centre for Ukrainian work and it gave a vitality
+to the Ukrainian cause which was impossible in Russia, where the
+censorship tried to block everything that was done.
+
+Early in the nineties there was made an attempt to unite the Poles
+and Ukrainians for political purposes but it came to nothing. By the
+beginning of the twentieth century, there had come a definite split
+between the two nationalities, and Polish and Ukrainian parties were
+set up.
+
+In one sense this separation had a tendency to hold back the securing
+of high posts by the Ukrainians, for the Poles, with Viennese backing,
+still retained their control of the province. On the other hand it
+trained the Ukrainians to act together and to take a more active
+interest in politics. It forced them to engage in many educational
+activities and, as they had done so often in Austria, to lay the
+foundation for their own school system, to be supported by their own
+funds. It encouraged them to engage in various financial enterprises
+on their own behalf, and although their economic situation remained
+unfavorable, demands were made for the establishment of a Ukrainian
+University in Lviv. Even more ambitious plans were seriously presented
+to the Viennese government of definitely separating Western Galicia,
+where the Poles were in a majority, from Eastern Galicia, where the
+Ukrainians were the dominant population. Such an act might have been
+of great importance for the future of Austria-Hungary, had the Emperor
+ever been willing to attempt a definite settlement of any of the
+problems before him.
+
+Instead of that, the movement only sharpened the antagonism between
+the two groups, for it was becoming evident that the Poles were
+losing their absolute control of the province. In each election to
+the Galician Diet the Ukrainians won for themselves a larger number
+of seats and their leaders were slowly becoming trained in the
+intricacies of Austrian politics. They were gradually shaking off
+their old hesitation and their own acquiescence in the superiority of
+Polish ability and Polish culture. The results were often increased
+disturbances and led even to the assassination of the Polish governor
+of the province, Count Andrew Potocki, in 1902. Every step of progress
+was bitterly contested by the Poles, who persisted in their traditional
+policy and could not understand why any concessions should be made to
+those whom they regarded as their natural inferiors.
+
+In this progress the Uniat Church played a great part. The technical
+head of the Church, Archbishop Count Andrey Sheptitsky, a member of a
+noble family which had furnished several archbishops to the Uniats, put
+himself at the head of all the various charitable and social movements.
+A distinguished figure and a devout and able leader, he was able to
+accomplish much for his people. He reorganized the spiritual life of
+the Church so as to bring it nearer to modern conditions and there was
+hardly a single feature of life in Galicia which promised well for the
+people in which he did not take a personal interest.
+
+Thus by the early years of the twentieth century and the approach
+of the First World War, conditions in Galicia had been vitally
+changed. The Ukrainian masses were no longer satisfied with the mere
+appellation of Ruthenian. The province which had been the most lost
+to the Ukrainian cause had been made the most advanced and the most
+conscious of its inheritance. The forces that had been striving for the
+adaptation of Ukrainian culture and language to that of Russia had been
+definitely checked and the influence that was radiating from Lviv was
+in its turn impinging upon Kiev and the Ukraine that was still under
+Russia. At the same time, conditions were still such that the fight
+in the province between the Ukrainian and Polish populations remained
+undecided, but a few more years of peace would undoubtedly strengthen
+the Ukrainian position still further.
+
+
+
+
+                           CHAPTER SEVENTEEN
+
+                     _BETWEEN REVOLUTION AND WAR_
+
+
+The revolution of 1905 made many changes in the life of Russia and
+these affected very materially the situation in Ukraine. For the period
+of a few weeks it appeared as if the entire country were reverting
+to a state of chaos. There seemed little positive agreement upon any
+definite course of action. Change was in the air. Each nationality in
+the Russian Empire, each social class propounded its own program and
+there was no central authority to decide between them. The Imperial
+power seemed weakened after the disastrous Russo-Japanese War but the
+various malcontents were not prepared to harmonize their differences
+into a working whole. As a result the forces of the central government
+were ultimately able to resume control and gradually annul many of
+the promises that they had been forced to make at the height of the
+movement.
+
+The agrarian disturbances in Eastern Ukraine were among the most bitter
+in the entire Empire but it was relatively easy to consider these as
+more agrarian than national, the more so as up to this time Russian
+authorities had refused to consider Ukraine as a separate entity within
+the Empire. That had been destroyed by Catherine and even though the
+conditions of landholding were far more favorable to the individual
+than elsewhere in Russia, it would have been exceedingly tactless
+for the autocracy and the liberals alike to stress any symptoms of
+dissatisfaction that came from a separatist source. For good or ill
+it was necessary for Russia, the Russia of the right or the left, to
+maintain the theory that Ukraine and Russia were one and inseparable
+or a fire would be kindled that would be difficult to extinguish.
+
+The prohibition of the publication of books in the Ukrainian language
+for forty years now bore very definite fruits. The Ukrainian leaders
+were not in a position to distribute revolutionary material in their
+native language as well as were the Poles, the Baltic peoples and the
+groups of the Caucasus. The peasants (and they were the chief force in
+the disturbances in the country) were concerned about the land question
+and undoubtedly paid more attention to the economic situation than the
+national and cultural problems.
+
+On the other hand, in the various cities of Ukraine where there had
+been an influx of Great Russians, largely workmen, the appeals of the
+radical parties that also denied the existence of Ukraine, led the
+strikers in the various factories to emphasize the demands that they
+made on the owners and on the government. Here again it was highly
+expedient to play down the feelings of any self-conscious Ukrainian
+groups and to label them as dreamers and as fantastic individuals who
+were romantically trying to recall a long vanished past.
+
+It is significant in view of the frequent statements that only a
+handful of scholars and literary men were in favor of Ukrainian
+separate development that the new laws introduced by the government
+repealed all the prohibitions that had been made in 1863 and 1876.
+The censorship was lifted and without delay there began a flood of
+Ukrainian newspapers and journals in all the cities of Ukraine. Several
+were started in Kiev, in Chernihiv, Kharkiv and Poltava. In places
+where for over a century there had not been a word of Ukrainian spoken
+(according to the information of the government), now newspapers sprang
+up almost like magic to supply a need that was solemnly declared to be
+non-existent.
+
+More than that, the Imperial Academy of Sciences re-studied the
+question of Little Russian and officially decided that Ukrainian formed
+an independent East Slavonic language and was not a mere dialect of
+Great Russian. This fact alone was a complete reversal of the position
+taken for a century by scholars, journalists, radicals and critics. It
+justified the position of the Ukrainian national party in Galicia and
+it also warmly supported the attitude of the Great Russian scholars
+who had so persistently and inconsistently emphasized the differences
+between the Muscovites and the people of Kiev in the seventeenth and
+eighteenth centuries. It could not of course restore to the Ukrainian
+cause those millions of people who during the past centuries had become
+Russianized in order to acquire the civilized and highly cultured
+society which they had lost hope of finding at home.
+
+Thus, following the Revolution of 1905, Ukrainian was restored, on
+paper at least, to its rightful place as a language in the Russian
+Empire. Yet for post-revolutionary Russia it was a dangerous thing.
+In the era of repression that followed the failure of the Revolution,
+attempts were made to censor the publications in Ukrainian more
+severely than those of other nationalities. It was also forbidden to
+open schools in Ukraine with instruction in Ukrainian. Many devices
+were tried to stem the spread of Ukrainian knowledge. Abroad the
+Russian government still continued to deny the existence of a separate
+Ukrainian people, and here it won its greatest success.
+
+There was a Ukrainian bloc forming in the First Duma which met in 1906
+but this was dissolved before it really could get to work. In the later
+Dumas the elections were better controlled and the Ukrainians were
+compelled to realize that they had a long way to go before they could
+secure even equal treatment with the other nationalities in the Russian
+Empire. It was too important for Russia at all costs to maintain
+the unity with the Ukraine, to control its Black Sea coast and its
+rich resources to allow too close examination of the forces that were
+spreading in the area.
+
+Yet even those reliefs that were offered to the people showed again
+the vitality of the movement. In 1907 there was established at Kiev a
+Shevchenko Scientific Society which worked very closely with the older
+foundation in Lviv. _The Literary and Scientific Review_, of which
+Franko was one of the chief editors and contributors, started a second
+edition in Kiev. In every way it was becoming uncomfortably clear to
+both Russia and Austria-Hungary that the two Ukraines were coming to
+consider themselves one, but separated by a foreign border, exactly as
+was the case in Russian and Austrian Poland.
+
+As a symbol of this new unification, Prof. Michael Hrushevsky moved
+from Lviv to Kiev. Prof Hrushevsky had made himself the outstanding
+authority on Ukrainian history. He was born in Russian Ukraine in 1866
+and had been educated in the University of Kiev. Then in 1890, when
+there was established at the University of Lviv a chair of Ukrainian
+history, he had been offered it and there he remained for nearly twenty
+years, producing the early volumes of his massive history of his native
+country. He examined the early records and did more than any one
+else to disprove the traditional point of view that after the Tatar
+invasions Ukraine had become merely an empty land and that the Kozaks
+and the later inhabitants were really a group of immigrants from either
+Poland or Moscow.
+
+His arrival in Kiev and his active part in the Shevchenko Scientific
+Society there was perhaps the outstanding event during this period. It
+meant that in Kiev and in Russian Ukraine, where the revival of the
+nation had actually started, there would now be established the real
+centre of Ukrainian historical scholarship. It meant that the bonds
+between Kiev and Lviv would be tightened and that it might not be
+impossible for the two sections to work together, in case there should
+be a conflagration in Europe which would involve the two Empires.
+
+This could not fail to have an effect upon European politics and
+indirectly upon the future fate of the Ukrainians and their position in
+world opinion. Russia as the self-appointed protector of all the Slavs
+could not fail to look with dissatisfaction at the loss of influence
+of her friends in Austria-Hungary. As the self-appointed model of
+Orthodoxy, she could not but be displeased at the success of the Uniats
+and at their revival in Eastern Galicia. During the years before
+1914, she made constant efforts to turn back the Greek Catholics to
+Orthodoxy, especially in Carpatho-Ukraine under Hungary. She exploited
+in every way possible any unrest or discontent in the mountain valleys
+and hoped in the coming struggle to be able to profit by these newfound
+friends. At the same time her own position and her own attitude
+insisted upon thinking of all Ukrainians as merely a form of Russians
+and she could not visualize any policy other than that of complete
+Russification.
+
+On the other hand, Austria-Hungary and later Germany could not be blind
+to the potentialities of the Ukrainian movement. They had first used
+it as a tool against the dangers offered by Polish irredentism. Now as
+they saw it growing in Russia, they began to wonder if it might not
+be used also as a means of disintegrating that country also. Some of
+their leaders began to scheme how this could best be done and they were
+willing to make minor concessions in Eastern Galicia which might win
+over the loyalty of the Ukrainians and make them more willing to be
+loyal to the Dual Monarchy.
+
+In this position there ensued a curious tug of war. With the two
+Empires still nominally at peace, each was doing its best to sponsor
+a movement that would redound to its advantage in case of war.
+Neither one was willing to take any action or embark upon a course
+that would benefit the Ukrainians themselves. Austria would not
+establish a separate Ukrainian province which could appear openly in
+the Parliament and speak freely for the Ukrainian citizens of the Dual
+Monarchy. Russia would not grant such privileges to the Ukrainians in
+her own land as would prevent them from looking across the border.
+She regularly repressed Ukrainian meetings held on the anniversary of
+the death of Shevchenko, even in St. Petersburg, and continued the
+monotonous list of arrests and annoying restrictions on all Ukrainian
+activities. Even such a man as Milyukov could not fail to see that
+the policy of the government was working to strengthen a movement
+for Ukrainian separatism, at the very moment when it was trying to
+Russianize the Ukrainians of Galicia, Carpatho-Ukraine and Bukovina.
+
+In this crisis the Ukrainians showed their lack of political maturity.
+They had been so absorbed in the struggle to lay the foundations for
+their survival and revival that they had had no opportunity to prepare
+their position before the outside world. Their great writers and
+thinkers were less well known abroad than were the leading figures
+of any other great people. They did not have the control of a single
+university which would make them known to the world of scholars. They
+did not have any outstanding figures, known abroad, to plead their
+cause before neutral opinion and they did not realize that their claims
+would be evaluated in foreign lands in accordance with the national
+prejudices of those countries toward the two great Empires which were
+quarreling over their possession.
+
+Hence it was that when the crisis actually broke in 1914, Ukraine was a
+land of mystery to all except a very few scholars. There was no voice
+raised in her behalf as that of Paderewski for Poland or Masaryk for
+Czechoslovakia. Lying within the initial theatre of war and destined
+to be ravaged by armies on both sides, the Ukrainians had little to
+do except to trust to the justice of their cause and hope that somehow
+and in some way they would attract the attention to their problem that
+it deserved. For years the neighboring peoples had been waiting for the
+day to come. They had made preparations, often more as an intangible
+dream than as stark reality but they could, in the crucial moment, put
+these preparations into action. They could rely upon distinguished
+sons to win them a hearing everywhere. Rich emigrants could come to
+their assistance. The Ukrainians had nothing of this. Franko might
+look forward to the independence of his people with the downfall of
+the Empires, but even he could hardly think of the way to put his
+country’s cause before the world. Ukraine entered the First World War
+as the forgotten nation, but the century and a quarter since the new
+revival started had changed it from an inchoate mass of serfs, as it
+was at the time of the extinction of the old traditions, into a fairly
+well concentrated group of people with a strong core and a strong
+self-consciousness that could not be ignored and that would not perish
+without striking a blow in its own behalf.
+
+
+
+
+                           CHAPTER EIGHTEEN
+
+                         _THE FIRST WORLD WAR_
+
+
+On August 1, 1914, Germany declared war upon Russia and the First World
+War was on. The tensions and controversies that had been growing in
+bitterness beneath the surface all through the nineteenth century now
+exploded with unparalleled force. The future was to be anybody’s guess,
+for the increasing magnitude of the struggle soon overflowed the bounds
+that had been set for it in the thoughts of the leaders of the various
+countries, and the most fantastic dreamer could not have imagined the
+strange changes that were to take place in an area that seemed to the
+outside world fixed and determined for centuries.
+
+In such a turmoil the Ukrainian problem was involved from almost
+the first day of the struggle. In Austria, without any delay, the
+government arrested and interned all the leaders of the Ukrainians who
+had been in any way sympathetic to Russia. Their institutions were
+closed, and their publications stopped, for Austria-Hungary had no
+intention of allowing them to be the focus of a movement on behalf of
+the enemy.
+
+At the same time, in Russian Ukraine, the Russian government for its
+part at once suppressed all Ukrainian activity. The newspapers that
+had been published in Kiev and elsewhere with governmental permission
+were closed and the patriotic enthusiasm played into the hands of the
+Russian nationalists, who had long been displeased at the Ukrainian
+development. From 1914 until the Revolution there was steadily
+increasing agitation to eliminate everything Ukrainian from the Russian
+Empire, and leaders of all parties vied with one another in discovering
+new methods of upsetting and preventing Ukrainian work. The ostensible
+excuse was that the Ukrainians were really Russians and that it was
+German influence and money that was developing the Ukrainian culture,
+language and national consciousness. It would take too long to recite
+all the devices that were invoked. Authors desiring to publish in
+Ukrainian were ordered to give three copies of their manuscripts to the
+censors in advance of publication. Then these were examined and held
+up, changes were made, and the publication was prevented. The leaders
+of the Ukrainians were arrested and moved further into the country so
+that they could have no possibility of working and of corresponding
+with the enemy. Requirements were made that all Ukrainian articles
+should be published only in the Russian orthography. Ukrainian work
+in Eastern Ukraine was brought to as complete a halt as the Tsarist
+government could accomplish.
+
+At the same time the Russian armies invaded Eastern Galicia and
+on September 3, 1914, within a month after the beginning of the
+war, they occupied the city of Lviv. It was now the turn of the
+pro-Russian faction. The Russian Governor General of Galicia, Count
+A. G. Bobrinsky, intended to wipe out the entire Ukrainian movement
+and willingly listened to the denunciations of the Ukrainians offered
+by the pro-Russian party. Ukrainian libraries and reading rooms were
+closed, Ukrainian co-operatives and other institutions were brought
+to an end, and everything was done to prove to the people that they
+were Russians and nothing else. Even Prof. Hrushevsky, who was seized
+at his summer home in the Carpathians, was sent to Nizhni Novgorod
+on the Volga under arrest, although the Russian Academy of Sciences
+later arranged to have him moved to Moscow where he could work in the
+libraries. He was followed into arrest and exile by thousands of the
+intellectual leaders of Galicia.
+
+It was not only the secular institutions that were affected. The
+Russians decided to wipe out the Uniat Church. Many of the priests had
+fled before the approach of the Russian armies. Those who remained were
+forced to return to Orthodoxy, exactly as Russia had done in all of the
+territory which she had taken from Poland during the last century and
+a half. As a result, relations between the peasantry and the Russians
+became even worse than between the Russians and the Poles in the
+western part of Galicia. Archbishop Sheptitsky, the head of the Uniat
+Church, was arrested and sent into Russia and was not allowed to return
+to his home for years.
+
+Finally the Tsar himself visited Lviv and other centres in the
+spring of 1915, and in well chosen words declared that Galicia was
+now an inherent part of Russia and would remain so. The Russians
+spread over the entire province up to Krakow. They occupied much
+of Carpatho-Ukraine and threatened to go through the passes of the
+mountains into the plains of Hungary.
+
+This was the high watermark of the Russian advance into
+Austria-Hungary. At the end of April, 1915, the German armies of
+General Mackensen broke the Russian line on the Dunajec River and
+compelled a general retreat. This meant more misery for the inhabitants
+of Western Ukraine. Naturally the pro-Russian Ukrainians hurried to get
+out of the province. In addition to them, the Russian armies gathered
+up as much of the population as they could and started them, willingly
+or unwillingly, with their families and their cattle on a long march
+into Russia to a place of safety. Thousands of displaced Ukrainians
+were thus gathered in prisons and concentration camps in and around
+Kiev and countless thousands were moved by train to Kazan, to Perm and
+on into Siberia. The enforced migration was the largest of its kind
+in Ukrainian history, even exceeding the depopulation of the country
+during the Ruin of the seventeenth century.
+
+When they reached their destination, the Russians continued to maintain
+the theory that they were only Russian and hence it was unnecessary
+for them to found Ukrainian schools for the children, to establish
+Ukrainian relief committees or to maintain any organizations in their
+new homes. They were given none of the privileges that were extended to
+the Poles or other nationalities uprooted in the same eastward retreat
+of the Russian armies, and it was intended that they should vanish
+without a trace into the Russian mass.
+
+A later offensive by General Brusilov in 1916 recovered for Russia a
+small area in the southeast, but of course the advance of the armies
+on Ukrainian territory only revived the oppression of the population.
+Until the Russian revolution, there could be no talk of any Ukrainian
+movement in the Russian Empire. Milyukov, it is true, once brought to
+the attention of the Duma the sad condition of these Western Ukrainians
+in Russian exile and prison camps but he aroused no enthusiasm, for
+liberals and reactionaries alike insisted that the Ukrainians were
+Russians and that there was no Ukrainian question at all.
+
+On the other hand the return of the Austro-German armies to Galicia
+after the Russian retreat brought back the status quo in the province.
+The Ukrainian institutions were reopened, where they had not been
+completely destroyed by the Russian occupation. At the outbreak of the
+war there had been established at Vienna a Society for the Liberation
+of Ukraine by various refugees from Russia. This endeavored to keep
+the Ukrainian question before the eyes of the Austrian authorities in
+the hope that the Central Powers would create an independent Ukraine
+out of any territory that might be detached from Russia. This was
+broadened in 1915 to form a General Ukrainian Council to consider all
+phases of the Ukrainian question and to oppose the activities of the
+Poles of Galicia. Like the Polish Legions of Pilsudski, the Ukrainians
+established the Sichovi Striltsi (The Riflemen of the Sich) and
+organized two regiments, although the development of the Austro-German
+policy prevented these from playing any important part in the war.
+
+On November 23, 1916, the Emperor Francis Joseph gave orders to prepare
+a decree establishing Galicia as a Polish state, with almost as much
+independence as had been planned for the Kingdom of Poland, to be set
+up by the Germans out of Polish territory taken from Russia. This
+was a severe blow to the Ukrainians, for they had hoped that Galicia
+would be divided and that the Ukrainian section would receive special
+recognition. It was not to be, but the Ukrainians protested sharply
+against the idea of adding the province of Kholm to the Polish lands.
+Yet they became bitterly disillusioned, for they realized that even
+during the strain of a War which was placing greater and greater
+burdens upon all the citizens of the Dual Monarchy, the blighting hand
+of the Hapsburgs was still working against them and preventing, as in
+the past, any final settlement of the position of the province. The
+activity of the Polish National Committee in the lands of the Entente
+seemed to the authorities a greater menace than the domestic feeling
+of the Ukrainian peasants and as these had been unable to get an
+effective hearing throughout the world and were the object of a vicious
+propaganda by Russia, it hardly seemed worthwhile to the government at
+Vienna to give much thought to the already devastated province.
+
+Thus the weary years of war dragged along and still nothing was done
+to improve the condition of the Ukrainians or to satisfy in any degree
+their legitimate aspirations. They were still as they had been in the
+past--the forgotten members of the Hapsburg dominions. They could pay
+taxes and serve in the army, but whenever there came any talk of a
+readjustment of conditions in the Empire, they were overlooked. They
+had won what they had through profiting by the fears of the government
+as to Polish intentions but they were discarded as soon as a working
+agreement was made between the government and the Polish aristocrats.
+
+The Hapsburg Empire was in this pursuing its usual policy, for it was
+a cardinal principle of the government of Francis Joseph to support
+in every way the noble classes against all other elements of the
+population, up to the point where they menaced the integrity of the
+Empire and the delicate balance that had existed since the settlement
+of 1867. The loss of the old Ukrainian aristocracy which had been
+Polonized centuries earlier was now keenly felt by the people, for they
+lacked those aristocratic spokesmen who could penetrate to the inner
+circles of the Viennese court and plead their cause in a way that would
+appeal to the Emperor. When Francis Joseph died and was succeeded by
+his nephew, the Emperor Karl, at the end of 1916, it was too late to do
+more than outline a new policy, but already the Empire was obviously
+collapsing and the Ukrainians were almost openly looking forward to the
+creation of their own independent state.
+
+
+
+
+                           CHAPTER NINETEEN
+
+                       _UKRAINIAN INDEPENDENCE_
+
+
+In February 1917 the position of the Russian government became more
+difficult. Rasputin had been murdered and an atmosphere of gloomy
+foreboding spread over the entire nation. Unrest began to spread
+and before any one realized what was happening, there broke out in
+Petrograd the revolution.
+
+This opened, by a strange coincidence, on February 25/March 10, the
+anniversary of the death of Shevchenko. Under the enthusiasm of the
+revolution, the ceremonies commemorating the great poet, which had
+always been an occasion for tsarist repressive measures, were held on
+a larger scale than ever before. On the next day, a regiment composed
+largely of Ukrainian soldiers was one of the first to go over to the
+Revolution as a mass and soon the glad tidings of the abdication of
+the Tsar swept over the country. Of course it was received joyfully in
+Ukraine but there was at first no clear idea of what this downfall of
+the Romanovs was actually going to mean in practice.
+
+The early days of the Revolution were a period of steadily increasing
+confusion. Once the strong hand of the old regime had been removed,
+there came the task of putting something in its place. A Provisional
+Government was set up, first under the premiership of Prince Lvov and
+later of Alexander Kerensky. It was the fond dream of these men and
+their associates that they could maintain the unity of the country and
+they even hoped to continue the war more effectively now that the dark
+forces which were supposed to be working with the Germans had been
+removed.
+
+This was not the dream of large sections of the population. The
+peasants saw in the Revolution the opportunity to divide the land and
+to improve their material well-being. This had been their dream in 1905
+and now it seemed as if they would be able to carry it out. But there
+were in Russia also large numbers of minority races and these thought
+of securing their practical independence or at least of bettering
+their condition through some sort of a federalized Russia. Under the
+changed conditions it seemed very possible that all those schemes of
+federalization which had been put forward by the Society of Saints
+Cyril and Methodius and later by such publicists as Drahomaniv might
+have some chance of success.
+
+As soon as the Revolution broke out, Prof. Hrushevsky left Moscow
+and made his way to Kiev. There he got in touch with the Ukrainian
+Progressive Organization, which had been a secret organization in
+Russia working for Ukrainian independence, and with the various
+socialist parties in Ukraine. There was set up without delay the
+Ukrainian Central Council (Ukrainska Tsentralna Rada) which aimed
+to crystalize Ukrainian interests and take over the necessary
+administrative functions in Ukraine and Professor Hrushevsky was
+elected President. At this period the Rada, or at least its majority,
+were far more interested in forming themselves into a government
+which would become part of a federal Russian republic than in full
+independence.
+
+In the meanwhile the chaos throughout Russia continued to increase
+and the Provisional Government showed itself unable to master the
+situation. The various Councils of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies
+were meeting throughout the country and passing resolutions which cut
+directly at the power of the Provisional Government. These Councils
+represented all the various radical parties and were by no means in the
+beginning under Bolshevik influence. Yet they reflected the various
+currents of popular thought which ranged from desires to secure the
+land for the peasants to definite local class aspirations. The prime
+necessity for the Provisional Government was the creation of an armed
+force that would be disciplined and obedient to it, but it was exactly
+this that was most neglected.
+
+Another important problem which was never sincerely tackled was that
+of the various nationalities. All around the borders of the old Great
+Russian territory, from Finland in the north to Central Asia on the
+east, groups of earnest patriots, to whom the problem of nationality
+was even more important than were the economic problems connected
+with the land, were coming into existence. In the beginning they all
+stressed the fact that the future Russia would have to become a federal
+state and that the old idea of a monolithic Russia had passed with the
+fall of the tsar. This the Great Russians refused to accept and the
+Provisional Government was fighting a losing battle in its attempts to
+hold all of those groups in line. Yet it held on stubbornly and made
+no attempt to do more than interpose an ineffective veto on everything
+that was suggested.
+
+Events moved rapidly in Ukraine. The Central Council called for a
+demonstration in Kiev on March 19/April 1 and declared that Ukrainian
+autonomy should be set up without waiting for the approval of the
+Provisional Government. Then followed another series of meetings during
+the next weeks. A teachers’ convention was held on Easter day and then
+on April 6–8 a Ukrainian National Convention was called for, in order
+to broaden the government and prepare for elections to determine the
+personnel of the new administration. It was attended by over nine
+hundred delegates and at once arranged to admit to its membership
+representatives of the various classes of the population: the army, the
+peasants, labor, professional organizations, etc.
+
+So far, so good. The early groups which started the movement had
+represented all types of social thought and it seemed to some of the
+leaders that the national question was the predominant one. At the
+same time, the peasants were more interested in the changes that were
+coming in the agrarian situation. This was an unconscious movement that
+was growing by popular demand and it was not long before the leaders of
+the Rada became convinced that they would have to reckon with this new
+movement. In reality there were two great movements, each running its
+own course but impinging upon the other at every point.
+
+At the same time the Ukrainian soldiers in the army began to demand
+that they be reorganized as Ukrainian regiments with their own
+commanders, their own flag, and their own units. To enforce their
+demands they held a military council in Kiev at which there were
+representatives of approximately one million men on April 5/18 and a
+month later there was held a still larger meeting at which appeared
+delegates of 1,736,000 Ukrainian soldiers from all over the Russian
+Empire. This was the more remarkable inasmuch as Alexander Kerensky,
+the Minister of War of the Provisional Government, definitely forbade
+its holding and gave orders that the delegates should not be allowed
+to go to Kiev. However, by this time the army was paying less and less
+attention to the Provisional Government, which could only threaten and
+bluster without accomplishing anything constructive for the country.
+
+At the same time the task of organizing a Ukrainian press was
+overwhelming. There were almost no Ukrainian newspapers before the
+Revolution and under the disturbed conditions, the task of founding and
+developing them and of securing their circulation in the disordered
+rural areas was almost insoluble, the more so as there were scattered
+Russian groups and organizations throughout the entire country which
+were bitterly opposed to the new efforts.
+
+All through the spring there went on this agitation with the Ukrainian
+army and the new regiments demanding that the Rada take more definite
+action, and the Russian authorities both in Petrograd and in Kiev
+complaining that already too much had been done. Yet at a Convention
+of the Ukrainian Soldiers and Peasants held on June 2–10 there were
+insistent demands that the Council arrange for a definite Ukrainian
+autonomy. On June 10/23 the Council acted and issued the First
+Universal which was read by Volodymyr Vynnychenko and concluded that
+“From this day on, we ourselves will create our own life.”
+
+By this act the Rada had definitely set forth its claims to be the
+government of Ukraine and it created the Council of General Secretaries
+with Vynnychenko acting as Prime Minister. Yet it is noticeable that
+the great majority of the Council still thought in terms of Ukraine
+as a state in a Russian federation. The news created a bombshell in
+Petrograd and three of the socialist ministers, Kerensky, Tsereteli and
+Tereshchenko, came down to Kiev for a conference with the Ukrainian
+Council. This was on the eve of the last offensive of the old Russian
+army and Kerensky and his friends were desirous of smoothing out
+conditions in Ukraine before the offensive was launched. At the same
+time, the more conservative members of the Provisional Government
+objected even to these negotiations and as soon as word reached the
+capital, they definitely resigned from the cabinet.
+
+In these conferences it was expected that Ukraine would take over the
+nine provinces that comprised the country and with this in view the
+Council drew up a Statute or Constitution for the governing of the
+country. They added to the Council representatives of the various
+minorities in Ukraine and then sent the document to the Provisional
+Government. Here it was badly received and when the conservative
+members returned to the cabinet, they sent a series of Instructions
+to the Council which cut Ukraine in half and worked to hamper its
+activities.
+
+The continuation of these tactics brought no profit to either the
+Ukrainian Central Council or the Provisional Government. They served
+only to weaken and embarrass the former and brought no benefit to
+the latter, for during July the Provisional Government was faced by
+a revolt of the Bolsheviks under Lenin in Petrograd. Although this
+was suppressed, it had its own not inconsiderable part in the general
+breakdown of administration.
+
+The six months between the Revolution and the accession to power
+of the Bolsheviks was a confused and confusing period. On the one
+hand the steadily weakening power of the Provisional Government was
+carrying down with it the old Russia, but the leaders declined to
+see this and loved to imagine that the new ideals of democracy would
+ultimately straighten out all the difficulties. The Central Council was
+endeavoring to go along with the Provisional Government and at the same
+time to secure the rights of Ukraine. Along with this, there was a vast
+majority of the peasants who were far more concerned with the solution
+of the agrarian problem than they were in matters of general policy and
+they envisaged freedom as meaning that there would be no government of
+any kind, no taxes, and no formal organization.
+
+This dubious situation could not continue indefinitely. Sooner or later
+one side or the other would have to yield and the Council was only
+weakening its own position and dignity by continuing negotiations. Yet
+no one wanted to take the initiative in any decisive action.
+
+The situation was not made any better by the actions of the foreign
+representatives in Petrograd. They too were unable to make up their
+own minds. On the one hand, they felt very strongly that they had an
+obligation to the Provisional Government because of the sacrifices that
+Russia had made in the common war. On the other, they were themselves
+sending representatives to be present in Kiev and the other national
+states but they refused to express themselves definitely as to what
+they desired to see set up on the ruins of the Empire. Under these
+circumstances it was difficult for the young governments to know on
+what diplomatic support they could rely or what policy would be most
+effective and practical.
+
+The seizure of power by the Bolsheviks promised for a while to clear
+up conditions. No one believed that the Bolshevik party would be able
+to maintain itself long in power but at the same time it made all talk
+of a federal Russia purely theoretical and placed upon Ukraine and
+the Rada the task of maintaining law and order in its own territory,
+of solving the economic problems of the country, and of setting up a
+generally efficient government. This was an overpowering task, for the
+political revolution and the agrarian movement were moving along at a
+rapid pace. Disorder reigned in the country and there was no time to
+bring together the various conflicting points of view.
+
+At the same time the curious political philosophy of the Bolsheviks was
+complicating the situation still further. The Soviets were perfectly
+willing to grant independence to Ukraine or to any of the other border
+territories, but they insisted that the power could only be turned
+over to true representatives of the workers and peasants, i.e. the
+Bolsheviks themselves, since all other elements of the population
+were clearly counter-revolutionary and not typical of the ideals of
+the workers and peasants. As most of their leaders in Ukraine were of
+non-Ukrainian origin, this meant that the Ukrainians as a people were
+to be governed by the Russians, who alone were able to speak for the
+Ukrainian population.
+
+This novel philosophy forced the Rada to take definite action, and
+on November 7/20, it issued the Third Universal, which declared that
+“from this day on, Ukraine becomes the Ukrainian People’s Republic.”
+There is a definite ambiguity in this phrase, for in Ukrainian the
+word “Narodna” means both “People’s” and “National.” It expressed both
+the idea of a government of the Ukrainian people as a separate nation
+and also the idea of the government as one preeminently of the common
+people, i.e. those who were concerned with the vague but revolutionary
+agrarian program. As a matter of fact the term had become a slogan
+in all the area affected by the Russian Revolution and like all such
+slogans with an indefinite and unclear meaning, it created as much
+confusion as it did agreement.
+
+Under the terms of this declaration the Council attempted to establish
+a definite government. It passed certain liberal regulations on land
+ownership for the benefit of the peasants, it instituted the eight
+hour day, granted amnesty to political prisoners, and also called for
+the holding of a Pan-Ukrainian Congress, to be composed of elective
+members, to found a constitutional government. This election was to be
+held on January 9, 1918 and the Constituent Assembly was to meet on
+January 22.
+
+It stands to reason that the Bolsheviks had no intention of allowing
+such an Assembly to meet, for they well knew that the Council and the
+Ukrainian people were opposed to the excesses of the Bolsheviks and
+their system of massacring their opponents, and that any expression of
+the wishes of the people would establish some other form of government.
+As a result they continued their policy of trying to disintegrate the
+Council and of arousing discontent in all possible quarters. By sending
+Bolshevik bands, composed largely of non-Ukrainians, into the country,
+by spreading incendiary appeals to the people, by fomenting class
+hatred in every way, they succeeded in keeping the country stirred up
+and in preventing the stabilization of conditions.
+
+Then they induced the Kiev Soviet, composed chiefly of non-Ukrainian
+workers in some of the factories, to demand the calling of an
+All-Ukrainian Council of Soviets on December 5/17. The Council saw
+to it that this was not a mere rump convention of the Bolsheviks, as
+Stalin had planned, but was widely representative of all the leftist
+elements of Ukraine which were grouped in Soviets or Councils. As a
+result, the Bolshevik resolutions were voted down and the following
+was adopted: “The meeting of the Ukrainian Councils emphasizes its
+definite decision that the Central Council in its further work stand
+solidly on guard over the achievement of the revolution, spreading
+and deepening without halt the revolutionary activity to safeguard
+the class interests of a laboring democracy and call together without
+delay the Ukrainian Constituent Assembly, which alone can reveal the
+true will of all democratic Ukraine. The meeting of the Councils of
+Peasants’, Workmen’s and Soldiers’ Delegates of Ukraine in this manner
+expresses to the Ukrainian Central Council its full confidence and
+promises it its absolute support.” The resolution went on to say, “On
+paper the Soviet of People’s Commissars seemingly recognizes the right
+of a nation to self-determination and even to separation, but only
+in words. In fact, the government of Commissars brutally attempts to
+interfere in the activities of the Ukrainian government which executes
+the will of the legislative organ of the Central Council. What sort
+of self-determination is this? It is certain the Commissars will
+permit self-determination only to their own party; all other groups
+and peoples they, like the Tsarist regime, desire to keep under their
+domination by force of arms. But the Ukrainian people did not cast
+off the Tsarist yoke only to take upon themselves the yoke of the
+Commissars.”
+
+This resolution, adopted in December, 1917, expresses with rare nicety
+the entire policy of Soviet thought on its relations with other peoples
+and groups and it would have been well for Ukraine, had the sober
+judgment of these Councils prevailed. It would have saved a great deal
+of anguish and bloodshed in the coming years.
+
+When the Bolsheviks saw that they were unable to control the assembly
+which they had inspired, Stalin sent an ultimatum to it, demanding
+unconditional submission within forty-eight hours. At the same time,
+the Bolshevik members, some 150 out of about 2000, under the leadership
+of two Russians, Sergeyev of the Don basin and Ivanov of Kiev, and a
+Ukrainian Communist, Horowitz, moved to Kharkiv and there proclaimed a
+Ukrainian Soviet Republic and called themselves the Secretaries of the
+new government instead of Commissars. They at once received support
+from the Russian Bolsheviks and opened a civil war.
+
+It is noticeable that throughout 1917 there had been far less disorder
+in Ukraine than there had been in Russia. There had been none of those
+revolts that had characterized the situation in Petrograd and adjacent
+areas since the very beginning of the revolution. During this year
+Ukraine alone of the territory of the former Empire had been relatively
+peaceful. The Council had been gradually assuming power and endeavoring
+to make the transition from the old to the new. It had seen the passage
+of large numbers of demoralized soldiers but it had escaped the main
+part of the violent scenes that had gone on elsewhere.
+
+Now all this was changed. The Bolsheviks definitely began an invasion
+of the country and this added to the trials of the Council. The
+changing conditions on the Eastern front now brought Ukraine into the
+international scene. It was impossible to hold elections with the chaos
+in the country. Finally, to solve the situation, on January 9/22, the
+Council announced in a Fourth Universal the complete independence of
+Ukraine and declared that, “From to-day the Ukrainian People’s Republic
+becomes the Independent, Free, Sovereign State of the Ukrainian People.”
+
+It had taken almost a year to bring the council to this decision. As
+in the case of the United States, the vast majority of the people did
+not realize in the beginning the issues involved. For a century many
+of the best and most patriotic minds of Ukraine had dreamed of a great
+federation of the Slavs or of a reorganized Russia which would give
+equal rights and liberties to all classes of the population. They had
+sought this from each of the governments since the Revolution and had
+failed to obtain it from any. Federation had never appealed to any
+party in the Russian Revolution. The conservative Cadets, men like
+Milyukov and his friends, Socialists like Kerensky, Bolsheviks like
+Lenin and Stalin, all in their own way demanded that there should be
+a centralized state. Just as the Russian intelligentsia in the field
+of thought throughout the nineteenth century refused to admit the
+possibility of a cultural development in Ukraine apart from Russia,
+just as Peter the Great and Catherine could not admit that they had to
+deal with a situation different from that prevailing in Moscow and St.
+Petersburg, so the revolutionary leaders held fast to the same idea.
+The Council had wasted months in futile discussion and negotiations at
+a time when they could have been profitably employed in building up
+local institutions and restoring order. Now when it became clear that
+war and organized war was to be the order of the day, they finally
+acted and Ukraine appeared again as an independent state with its
+capital at Kiev.
+
+
+
+
+                            CHAPTER TWENTY
+
+                          _FOREIGN RELATIONS_
+
+
+This struggle to win for Ukraine a position first as a federated state
+in a new Russia and secondly as a completely independent country was
+not proceeding in an atmosphere of peace and quiet. The First World
+War was still going on with the forces of the Triple Entente and the
+Central Powers locked in a terrific struggle.
+
+England and France had welcomed the Russian Revolution, because they
+believed that Russia after the fall of the Tsar would carry on the war
+against Germany and Austria-Hungary more successfully. It took them
+only a few weeks to realize that the collapse of Russia had imposed
+on them a still heavier burden. They could not understand that the
+Russian Revolution had been a collapse because of excessive strain and
+war weariness and it is quite a question how far the Russian leaders
+realized this themselves. At all events Lenin and Trotsky called for
+immediate peace and this, as much as their program of social reforms,
+won them a sympathetic hearing in many quarters. It brought them into
+conflict with the representatives of England, France and the United
+States, which were working to keep Russia in the war against the
+Central Powers.
+
+There were two other factors which were overlooked. The first was the
+question of supplies. With Turkey in the war, it was impossible to send
+supplies to the Russian or any other armies operating in what was the
+old Russian Empire except by way of Murmansk and Archangel on the north
+or Vladivostok on the Pacific Ocean. For example, it was impossible for
+the Ukrainian army, which was confronted with the German forces in the
+south, to receive any supplies except across Bolshevik-held territory.
+They could secure only those supplies that were left on their own
+soil at the time of the beginning of the Revolution. The failure of
+the Russian offensive of Kerensky had reduced these, and the troops
+opposing the Bolshevik bands were relatively unarmed.
+
+The second factor was the meaning of this war-weariness. It was
+opposed to fighting against the Central Powers. It was opposed to the
+preservation and maintenance of discipline. Yet with each advance in
+demoralization, the willingness to fight in scattered bands against a
+new enemy increased. The fanatic Bolsheviks, who refused to continue
+the war for any reason against the Central Powers, were only too ready
+in small bands to attack Ukraine. Part of this lay in the belief that
+there was still food in Ukraine and that this food was necessary for
+Moscow and Petrograd. Part of it lay in their equally fanatical belief
+that they were the real spokesmen of the laborers and peasants. At the
+same moment when they were opening negotiations to end the war with
+Germany and Austria-Hungary, they were commencing a war in Ukraine and
+in many other sections.
+
+Allied diplomacy was singularly ineffective. After welcoming the
+Revolution, England, France and the United States were unable to induce
+the Provisional Government to continue the war effectively. They were
+opposed to a peace between Russia or any part of it with the Central
+Powers. They were willing to cooperate with the Ukrainian Council or
+any other government that would continue the war. They were willing
+to recognize the Council as the de facto government of Ukraine and
+threatened it, if it made peace. They were willing to oppose the
+Bolsheviks, when they talked peace. On the other hand, the military
+missions that appeared in Kiev did not have the power to guarantee
+that they would continue to recognize the Council after the war and
+they most assuredly had no plans for supplying the Ukrainian army and
+making it able to oppose the Bolsheviks successfully, much less the
+Germans and Austro-Hungarians, if they decided to resume the offensive.
+What might have been done in Archangel or Vladivostok was impossible in
+Kiev, with Ukraine barred from access to Allied supplies and assistance
+by the Central Powers on the west and the Bolsheviks on the north and
+east. Ukraine was fighting a war on two fronts, and relations between
+the Germans and the Bolsheviks were such that peace between Germany
+and the Bolsheviks might result in Germany turning over Ukraine to the
+Bolsheviks as the price of peace. Again this threat, the words of small
+military missions were little defence, especially when the Ukrainian
+leaders knew of the widespread propaganda that had been directed
+against them abroad by imperial Russia for nearly four years.
+
+In the meanwhile conditions were becoming more critical in the country.
+The Council suffered from the same misconceptions that had ruined
+the Provisional Government. It was or felt itself unable to check
+barely concealed Bolshevik propaganda because of its interpretation of
+democracy. Its leaders, busied with negotiations with the Provisional
+Government, had not been able to use all their energies in building
+up a firm kernel of organization and in strengthening their own armed
+forces to a point where they could be sure of their unqualified
+support. Far too often resolutions that were adopted became dead
+letters almost as soon as they were passed. Regulations on the
+distribution of land, and others, were more honored in the breach than
+the observance. Despite the efforts of many of the members, it could
+hardly be said that many of the difficulties were being overcome.
+
+As a result when the Germans and Austro-Hungarians met with the
+Bolshevik envoys at Brest Litovsk in December, 1917, it became clear
+that the only hope of the Council was also to make peace with the
+Central Powers and use the next months as a breathing space during
+which they could strengthen their internal order and prepare themselves
+for the next round with the Bolsheviks. They were aware that this might
+be an expensive move, but between that and the annihilation of Ukraine
+there was no real choice.
+
+Accordingly, the Council decided to send three delegates to represent
+Ukraine at the Brest Litovsk meetings. The delegates selected were
+three young men, Levitsky, Lubinsky and Sevryuk, former students
+of Prof. Hrushevsky. They had had little training in international
+meetings. Their youth surprised the German representatives,
+General Hoffmann and his associates, and amused Count Czernin, the
+Austro-Hungarian representative. He could not imagine young men
+appearing in important posts and Ukrainians anywhere at all, for he
+represented those elements in his country which were most hostile to
+the progress of the Ukrainians in Galicia. To the especial annoyance of
+Czernin they put forth claims not only to independence but to the whole
+of Eastern Galicia, and also the province of Kholm.
+
+These claims appeared preposterous to the delegates of the Central
+Powers but they also touched on the weak spot of both Germany and
+Austria-Hungary. The representatives of the two powers were not
+friendly. Both Germany and Austria-Hungary had their own ideas as to
+the future of eastern Europe and each wished to secure the lion’s share
+for his own country, although the Austrians were well aware of the fact
+that nothing was well at home, especially since the death of Francis
+Joseph, who had at least been able to put up a brilliant facade to
+cover his policy of avoiding a settlement of all questions. Besides
+that, the delegates had taken the trouble to pass through Lviv on their
+way to Brest Litovsk and were well aware of the situation in Eastern
+Galicia, probably better than Count Czernin himself.
+
+On the other hand, Trotsky, as the leader of the Bolshevik delegation,
+argued bitterly that the Germans and Austrians should not receive the
+Ukrainian delegation at all. They denied that Ukraine existed and that
+the Council represented the will of the workers and peasants. Later he
+brought to the meeting representatives of the Ukrainian Soviet Republic
+from Kharkiv in an endeavor to strengthen his own case and kept
+reporting victories of the Bolsheviks over the troops of the Council.
+
+It was a strange conference, for all parties knew the issues at stake
+and none dared to move toward the desired goal. The Germans wanted
+peace with the Bolsheviks in order to be able to move the bulk of their
+forces to the Western Front for the campaign of 1918. They also, and
+still more the Austrians, wanted to secure food from Ukraine. Trotsky
+and the Bolsheviks also wanted peace. They hoped thereby to create
+disorder in the German and Austrian armies and hoped for a revolution
+by the masses of the population of those countries. They also wanted
+the opportunity to master Ukraine and secure the food which they
+needed for their capitals. The Ukrainian delegates, supported later
+by Vsevolod Holubovich, the Prime Minister, were willing to turn over
+a certain amount of grain, provided they could secure a guarantee of
+the liberty of their country and means of self defence against the
+Bolshevik attacks.
+
+Under these conditions a settlement was finally reached. Ukraine under
+the Council was recognized as a sovereign state and promised to send to
+the Central Powers at least a million tons of supplies. Trotsky, after
+receiving the German terms, announced that there was neither peace
+nor war between the Central Powers and the Bolsheviks, for he took
+the attitude that there could be no peace between a territorial state
+and an international government of workers and peasants and really
+demanded civil war in Germany. The Austrians, having compelled the
+Ukrainians to give up their claim to Galicia and to Kholm, sided with
+the Germans but were far less willing to take any action to make the
+treaty effective. The conference ended on February 11.
+
+In the meanwhile Bolshevik pressure on Kiev had increased and the
+Council was compelled to retreat from Kiev to Zhitomir to the west, and
+Trotsky could feel that he had more or less succeeded in his endeavors.
+When, however, the Germans, taking advantage of the situation that was
+left by the Bolsheviks, commenced to advance, a new wave of desire for
+war swept over the Bolsheviks and it took all of Lenin’s power to make
+them accept the terms that Trotsky had refused, for the passage of each
+day left more Bolshevik territory in the hands of the Germans.
+
+By March 1, the German troops had advanced into Ukraine and had
+restored the Council to Kiev. They set up Field Marshal Eichhorn as
+the practical head of the occupation forces and also of the new state,
+along with Baron Mumm as representative of the German Foreign Office.
+They also sent General Groener to Kiev to secure supplies.
+
+The Council was now put in another unpleasant situation. The presence
+of German troops created discontent. Order had been restored but the
+Council continued its policy of endless debate and found it difficult
+to agree on the legislation that was to be enacted. The old debates
+between the right and the left were intensified, although the Council
+decided that they would maintain the social reforms instituted by
+the Third and Fourth Universals and also proceed to the holding of
+elections for a Constituent Assembly which would meet on July 12, 1918.
+
+The collection of supplies proceeded slowly. 1917 had been a disturbed
+year and the harvest had not been properly gathered. The peasants were
+not disposed to turn over their supplies to the Germans, even in
+return for money, and the high hopes with which the Germans and the
+Austrians had entered the country vanished with each day’s failure to
+secure the needed food. At the same time, the German military machine
+had no sympathy with and little understanding for the attempts of the
+Council to fumble toward a democratic constitution and improve the
+conditions of the people.
+
+In an endeavor to create a more favorable situation, the Germans turned
+to the society of the Khliborody (the Agriculturists). This was a group
+of the former estate holders, Russian and Ukrainian alike, who had in
+their store-houses a certain amount of supplies. These conservatives
+were naturally opposed to the desires of the peasants to secure land
+and they were willing to see the Council removed.
+
+Through them the Germans made an arrangement with General Pavel
+Skoropadsky, a general in the Russian army, but a descendant of that
+Skoropadsky who had been appointed Hetman by Peter after the revolt of
+Mazepa. It was apparently believed that Skoropadsky, by assuming the
+title of Hetman, could rally to his support the sentiments of at least
+the propertied classes and perhaps part of the peasants. The details
+were all set. Then, on April 28, German soldiers under the orders of
+Field Marshal Eichhorn invaded the meeting of the Council and summarily
+dispersed it. The next day they formally proclaimed Skoropadsky Hetman
+of the Ukraine and commenced to make the new order effective.
+
+Skoropadsky went through the motions of ruling for about seven months
+and during this time Ukraine remained relatively peaceable. Kiev and
+the other cities were filled with Russian refugees from the Bolsheviks.
+These people appreciated the restoration of order and the freedom from
+massacre and pillage, but they had no use for the Ukrainian state and
+liked to believe that Skoropadsky was only waiting for the downfall of
+the Bolsheviks to bring Ukraine back again into Russia. Attempts were
+made to restore the former rights of the landowners and the old order
+as it had existed prior to 1917. As a result, dissatisfaction grew
+among the masses and more and more order had to be maintained by the
+Germans. This became less effective after the murder of Field Marshal
+Eichhorn on July 30, for his successor was far less able to handle both
+the Ukrainians and the representatives of the German Foreign Office.
+
+At the same time Germany continued to work with the Bolsheviks, much
+to the annoyance of the Russians in Ukraine, the Ukrainians and
+Skoropadsky himself. The Hetman secured incontrovertible proof that
+the Bolshevik delegates at Kiev, Rakovsky and Dmitry Manuilsky, who
+were ostensibly drawing up peace terms between Ukraine and Moscow, were
+spending huge sums of money in Bolshevik propaganda, but he could not
+secure permission to curb their activities. Similarly when the German
+ambassador in Moscow, Count Mirbach, was murdered, Germany took no
+steps to punish the Bolsheviks and continued to lay emphasis on the
+need of maintaining good relations with them.
+
+During the same months the Germans were busy in helping the Don
+Cossacks and the Georgians in their struggles against the Bolsheviks
+and there was developed a long chain of anti-Bolshevik states and
+organizations along the entire shore of the Black Sea. This year also
+saw the emergence of General Denikin at the head of a White Russian
+Army, with the backing of England, France and the United States in an
+attempt to restore a united Russia.
+
+The confused situation was brought to an abrupt end by the defeat of
+Germany on the Western Front. The Kaiser abdicated on November 9 and
+already Austria-Hungary had broken up into a number of independent
+states. Turkey left the war on October 30 and this at once opened the
+Dardanelles, so that military supplies could be sent into the area
+north of the Black Sea. Under such conditions, the only course open
+to the German armies was to retreat. Even this was not easy in the
+complicated circumstances of the day, for a large part of the German
+troops had come under Bolshevik influences and were not particularly
+interested in fighting or in doing anything except getting home, if
+they could. Under such circumstances Skoropadsky saw that his days were
+numbered. On December 14, he laid down his power, slipped out of Kiev
+and made his way to Berlin.
+
+In the meanwhile, with the approaching downfall of Germany, the
+Ukrainians again aspired to independence. Volodymyr Vynnychenko tried
+to rally the forces of the Rada by appointing a Direktoria composed
+of members of the various Ukrainian Socialist parties. He wanted to
+continue the general policy of the government as it had been before
+the time of Skoropadsky. More important for the Ukrainian cause was,
+however, the work of Simon Petlyura, for at the first sign of the
+weakening of the forces of Skoropadsky, he went to Bila Tserkva and won
+over one of the crack regiments of Skoropadsky’s forces, the Rifles of
+the Zaporozhian Sich. With this as a nucleus, he started a revolt which
+ultimately carried him and the Direktoria into Kiev as Skoropadsky left
+for exile.
+
+Petlyura was to be for the next years the dominant figure in the
+Ukrainian movement. A man of simple origin, he had secured an education
+and was making his living as a bookkeeper and writer when the Russian
+Revolution started. He had some military training and developed a
+considerable talent for leadership. Unlike most of the other leaders,
+he was more a man of action than a thinker and in the troublous times
+ahead, it was these qualities rather than thought and logic that were
+needed most for the new state.
+
+Petlyura and Vynnychenko differed violently on many subjects, and
+with each week the struggle became more intense. Petlyura felt that
+Vynnychenko’s policies, while Ukrainian in essence, were blurring the
+line between Ukrainian nationalism and Bolshevism. He was suspicious
+of too radical reforms and sought support rather from those elements
+of the state that laid the main stress on independence. Furthermore
+he believed that it was necessary to secure as much of the German
+military equipment as possible from the retreating German armies, and
+he won the good will of the peasants who had been angered by the German
+requisitioning of supplies by encouraging them to attack the retreating
+forces. Thus the actions of his troops seriously upset the plans of
+the more or less Bolshevized German armies and became a real menace to
+the hopes of the Bolsheviks for the taking over of the country on the
+German retreat.
+
+The victorious Allies now had the opportunity to intervene effectively
+in the general situation. They were able to send troops into Ukraine
+and South Russia through Romania. They were also able to land them
+at the Black Sea ports. For the first time since 1914, the southern
+gate of Russia and Ukraine was opened to the democratic nations. The
+future rested on their ability to formulate a program, make their own
+conditions, and see that they were carried out.
+
+They were as ineffective in this as they had been in 1917, for there
+came again a flood of diplomatic missions, promising everything and
+doing nothing. English and French representatives appeared at Kiev to
+expedite the German departure. At the same time, as if Skoropadsky
+had been a legitimate ruler, they ordered the Germans strictly not
+to surrender their arms to any of the Ukrainian rebels or to turn
+Kiev over to them. It is still not clear whether this was done by
+orders from the home governments or at the advice of the Russians
+around Skoropadsky. The result was the same. The Ukrainian forces were
+unwilling to remain quiet and see the Germans depart with rich booty
+and copious military supplies. The Allies sent no troops to back up
+their representatives and the Bolsheviks paid no attention to any one
+and continued their work of spreading propaganda among the Germans.
+
+Under such conditions, the forces of Petlyura increased rapidly and it
+soon became evident to the Germans that they would have to come to an
+understanding with him. This was done at Kasatin on December 11, when
+the Germans consented to turn over Kiev to the Direktoria and three
+days later Colonel Konovalets at the head of a Ukrainian detachment
+entered Kiev. Petlyura and the Direktoria arrived on December 19. The
+Germans had insisted that the Russian officers and men in the Hetman’s
+army should be allowed to leave with them. On the whole this was
+carried out, although there were some arrests and some murders, but by
+the end of December the bulk had been disposed of and were in Germany.
+
+The Ukrainian Republic had been once more established. It had a last
+chance to solve its problems and to emerge as a strong and respected
+government but it was not an optimistic picture. The country was still
+more disorganized than the year before. There were still the same
+factions in the state. There was still the same lack of harmony among
+the Allied military missions and above all the people of the Allied
+countries were sure that the war was over and that there was nothing
+left to be done, for the new period of human history had started at the
+hour of the Armistice, 11 A. M., November 11, 1918.
+
+
+
+
+                          CHAPTER TWENTY-ONE
+
+                   _THE REPUBLIC OF WESTERN UKRAINE_
+
+
+The successful Russian occupation of Lviv within a month after the
+beginning of the War threw into sharp relief the military weakness of
+Austria-Hungary and the following events showed that the Dual Monarchy,
+despite all its pretensions and claims, was hardly fitted to stand the
+rigors of modern warfare. The various national groups included within
+its borders were restive. Regiments of Czechs had gone over in mass
+formation to the Russians. Discontent was rife in other sections and it
+was easy to see that whatever the outcome of the war, bad times were in
+store for the country.
+
+On January 8, 1918, Woodrow Wilson laid down the Fourteen Points
+for a final settlement. These included phrases that called for
+self-determination of the various nations. It is immaterial how far
+he had intended to press this policy, for in Europe his words were
+taken in their full meaning and each and every group, large or small,
+prepared to take advantage of them. From this time on there could be
+no doubt that Austria-Hungary was going to disintegrate. The only
+questions were when and how and what would be the fate of the territory.
+
+It was almost the same day that the Ukrainian delegates to the Brest
+Litovsk Conference passed through Lviv, to establish contact with the
+Ukrainian leaders there and to tell them of the intention of Ukraine
+to declare its full independence of Russia. This act alone served to
+increase tension in the Ukrainian lands in the Dual Monarchy and to
+arouse more energetic work during the summer, so that the Ukrainians
+in Western Ukraine would be ready when the moment for action arrived.
+
+They were not alone in this, for the Poles also were planning to revive
+their state. The Polish National Committee working with the Allied
+nations elaborated plans for recovering the territory which they had
+held in 1772 at the time of the First Partition of the country. The
+Council of the Regency and the various groups around Joseph Pilsudski,
+which were more bitterly anti-Russian, looked for the establishment of
+some form of independent Poland in case of a German victory. The events
+of 1917 brought both groups together and there was a general agreement
+among Poles of all factions and trains of thought that there must
+emerge from the war a great Poland. In Galicia, they made ready to take
+over the country as soon as the Austrian grip showed signs of weakening.
+
+In the same way the various Ukrainian groups determined not to be
+outdone through inaction. They organized a Ukrainian Council with
+members in Eastern Galicia, in Carpatho-Ukraine and in Bukovina and
+then on October 18, as the hour of decision was approaching, they held
+a large conference in Lviv and made plans to declare their independence
+when the time came. So weak and disintegrated was Austria-Hungary
+already that it was possible to hold such a meeting without too great
+danger to the participants.
+
+It was already clearly realized that the dangers confronting Western
+Ukraine came not from the dying Empire but from the claims of the
+Poles and of the other succession states, each of which put forward
+demands to take over the same territory. Again Allied diplomacy was
+destined to be ineffective and the disagreements among the victorious
+nations prepared the way for a series of wars and disturbances that
+were to leave new causes of bitterness behind them. The disintegration
+of Austria-Hungary was not to be brought about under the control
+of the victorious powers but under the conflicting demands of local
+populations and improvised military forces.
+
+On November 1, during the night, the Ukrainians judged that it was
+time to act and the Council took over the control of the city of Lviv
+with the tacit permission of the Austrian Governor of Galicia. The
+blue and yellow flag of Ukraine was hoisted over the city hall and the
+Republic of Western Ukraine was formally proclaimed. At the same time,
+in Western Galicia, the Poles raised their standard over the city of
+Krakow. The old regime was ended.
+
+Soon the Ukrainians in other cities of Western Ukraine followed suit
+and the new Republic commenced the difficult and painful task of
+setting up an administration. Its resources were indeed scanty. There
+was no money and no trained corps of administrators, for the old
+government had kept most of the more responsible posts in Galicia in
+the hands of the Poles.
+
+More important than that, the forces available to maintain order were
+equally non-existent or unsatisfactory. There were the remains of the
+Ukrainian legions in the Austrian army, the Riflemen of the Sich, and
+there were some disorganized reserve units in the neighborhood of
+the city, which were largely composed of Ukrainians, since officers
+and men from other sections of the Empire had left them to return
+home. There was a marked lack of officers, since the unfavorable
+conditions of Galicia had prevented many Ukrainians from rising in the
+Austro-Hungarian service. It was with this scanty support that the new
+government under Dr. Evhen Petrushevich set to work.
+
+Any hopes of a peaceable period for organization were soon ended.
+As soon as the Poles realized that Lviv had been taken over by the
+Ukrainians, there began a revolt of the Polish population of the city.
+Many of the participants were mere schoolboys, but they seized the main
+post office and the Ukrainians were unable to dislodge them. Civil
+war broke out, but it was a civil war in which artillery and heavy
+weapons were absent from both sides. For three weeks the battle went on
+in the city as both sides tried to bring up what reinforcements were
+available. The Poles finally succeeded in moving from Krakow into the
+city by train a force of 140 officers and 1200 men. Even such a small
+body of more or less trained soldiers was enough to turn the scales in
+the favor of the Poles and two days after they arrived, the Ukrainian
+government left the city and retired to Stanislaviv and later to
+Ternopil.
+
+This did not mean that the Republic had given up the struggle. It
+still held the largest part of Eastern Galicia, with the exception of
+the railroad line from Peremyshl to Lviv, which the Poles succeeded
+in keeping open. At the same time there was a practical siege of Lviv
+during the entire winter. The Poles, however, were able to gather
+forces elsewhere in the country and steadily new and better armed
+detachments pushed their way into Eastern Galicia.
+
+As regards Bukovina, the Ukrainians occupied the capital Chernivtsy on
+November 3, but the Romanians with the nucleus of an army refused to
+concede this. Their troops on Armistice Day pressed into the city and
+overthrew the Ukrainian Regional Committee under Omelyan Popovich. Then
+they formally annexed the province.
+
+In Carpatho-Ukraine, there was the same general confusion. Various
+adherents of the Republic of Western Ukraine held gatherings in
+Preshiv, Uzhorod and Hust and they failed to come to a definite
+agreement as to the future of the country. The Czechs claimed it on
+the basis of an understanding with the American Ruska Nationalna Rada
+at a meeting in Scranton, Pennsylvania. There was, however, more delay
+in taking the land over from Hungary than there was from some of the
+other sections and there was not the complete change that had occurred
+elsewhere. Nevertheless on January 21, 1919, a Council in Hust voted
+to join Ukraine; but conditions kept changing and finally on May 5 the
+various groups in the country voted to become autonomous within the
+Czechoslovak state.
+
+It can be seen from all this that the Ukrainians of Eastern Galicia
+were the heart and the determining factor of the Republic of Western
+Ukraine. The loss of Lviv, the most important city in the area, proved
+a tremendous handicap to the new state, which looked forward very
+definitely to an ultimate union with the Ukrainian Republic set up at
+Kiev.
+
+The Allied military missions in Warsaw and in Lviv endeavored to make
+peace between the various factions and to throw the whole problem of
+Eastern Galicia into the hands of the Peace Conference which was to
+meet a few months later in Paris. They were completely helpless, for
+the Poles claimed control of the entire province on the ground that it
+had been under the Polish crown and formed part of the Polish Republic
+since the fourteenth century and the Polish leaders, both of the right
+and left, refused to listen to any pleas that would leave the territory
+even temporarily under Ukrainian control. At the same time, they were
+steadily increasing their armed forces and later they received several
+well-trained divisions which had fought under General Haller along with
+the French on the Western Front. Under such conditions the armies of
+Western Ukraine were steadily forced to retreat to the east in the hope
+of joining the forces of Eastern Ukraine, which were in little better
+condition.
+
+There is little need to go into the various efforts that were made at
+the time to make peace between the Poles and Western Ukrainians. All of
+them failed. During the entire Peace Conference, there was continuous
+talk of the future fate of Galicia but nothing definite was decided,
+for the Poles, with French backing, refused to concede anything and
+the changing political situation in the East made decisions useless,
+often before they were announced.
+
+In one sense the casual observer may see in the brief interlude of
+the Republic of Western Ukraine one of those numerous and transient
+organizations that appeared spontaneously everywhere in Europe during
+the troubled months of November and December, 1918, but it was more
+than that, for despite the speedy passing of the Republic, the
+population was left. The ill feelings generated long remained to fester
+in Poland and added abundant fuel to the fires that were waiting for
+1939. The retreat to Stanislaviv and then to Ternopil did not end the
+movement, although it lessened its immediate importance in a world that
+was still at war, despite its efforts to prove that peace had come.
+
+
+
+
+                          CHAPTER TWENTY-TWO
+
+                         _THE FALL OF UKRAINE_
+
+
+Petlyura returned to Kiev with the Direktoria on December 19, 1918 and
+he at once set about to rebuild the shattered structure of the state.
+Conditions were more unfavorable than they had been the year before,
+for the interlude with Skoropadsky had hindered the stabilization of
+Ukraine, even while it had allowed a development of the Bolshevik
+regime and the formation of a strong White Russian movement under
+Denikin. When we add to this the outbreak of the war between the newly
+formed Republic of Western Ukraine and Poland, we can appreciate the
+task that faced the new leader.
+
+The first constructive step was the formal union of the Republic of
+Western Ukraine with the rest of the country. On January 3, 1919, the
+Direktoria voted to accept the Western Ukraine into the state and on
+January 22, just one year after the formal independence of Ukraine had
+been declared by the Council, the representatives of Western Ukraine
+arrived to take their places in the government of the joint state. Dr.
+Longin E. Cehelsky of Western Ukraine read the formal decree of the
+Western Ukrainian Council and the decree of the Ukrainian Council was
+read by Prof. Shvets. It was then declared that, “From to-day until
+the end of time there will be One, Undivided, Independent Ukrainian
+People’s Republic.”
+
+In one sense the measure was inopportune, for the Western Ukrainian
+Republic was already being driven from much of its territory by the
+Poles. As a result it added to the enemies of the state, for Ukraine
+with its almost shadowy armies was now confronting in arms Poland,
+the Soviets and the White forces of Denikin. It was an overpowering
+combination, even though each of the three enemies was fighting the
+other two.
+
+Within two weeks after the declaration of national unity, the
+Bolsheviks compelled Petlyura to evacuate Kiev. They cut the
+connections between his army and a large part of the troops of Western
+Ukraine and forced the latter to retreat into Romania where they were
+disarmed and interned. Then Petlyura retired to Kaminets Podolsky
+and there, with a small nucleus of troops drawn from all sections of
+the country, he waited for some months while he was preparing a new
+offensive.
+
+Again the Peace Conference and the military missions showed themselves
+at their worst. They were entirely unable to discover whom to fight or
+whom to support. At the moment there were really no organized armies
+in the field. There were merely bands larger or smaller, owing vague
+allegiance to some cause and led by commissars, generals or atamans,
+largely self-appointed and often in absolute disagreement with other
+bands fighting on the same side. Frequently military missions of the
+same countries were present at the front or behind the lines of groups
+that were fighting one another. They were giving contrary directives
+and interfering, doling out supplies and unable to control their use.
+
+Under such conditions Ukraine reverted in large part to a condition
+similar to that in the days of the Ruin of the seventeenth century. The
+country was filled with independent atamans like Makhno, who refused
+to acknowledge any superior command but supported and attacked almost
+every one in turn. These leaders set up their control over small areas
+and proved unable to work out a plan of cooperation in conjunction with
+or in defiance of the Direktoria, but in large part their chaos in the
+beginning was no worse than the condition of their rivals.
+
+In the meanwhile, in the south of Ukraine the international confusion
+was reaching a new high. On December 18, 1918, a French army of some
+12,000 men had landed in Odesa to maintain order and assist the
+“healthy” portions of the population to obtain control. Their first
+action was to expel the Ukrainian forces from the city and appoint a
+White Russian as the governor. Then, with a miscellaneous force of all
+nationalities, the French endeavored to clear the neighborhood and
+finally invoked the aid of a German division which had been unable
+to leave because the followers of Petlyura were in control of the
+surrounding country. The farce and the tragedy continued until Ataman
+Gregoryev, who had formerly served with Petlyura, went over to the
+Bolsheviks and maintained himself in the neighborhood as a nuisance.
+Incidentally, he later broke again with them and fought as a Ukrainian.
+Disorders broke out in the French forces and they withdrew April 6,
+1919. Odesa was entered by a Bolshevik army of less than 2,000 men and
+the large quantity of military stores there fell into their hands. Soon
+after, the other Black Sea ports were taken by the Bolsheviks with as
+small or smaller forces.
+
+During the course of 1919, the situation continued confused. The army
+of Admiral Kolchak, advancing into European Russia from Siberia, had
+been broken but General Denikin was attempting to cut his way north
+and west from the Donets basin. The Allies by this time had convinced
+themselves that the one way of defeating Bolshevism was to arm and
+equip the White Russian armies, which stood for the absolute unity of
+Russia and the denial of all the accomplishments of the Revolution.
+Everywhere that Denikin and his men went, they restored the old
+system, banned the Ukrainian language, closed Ukrainian newspapers and
+bookstores and reverted to the Russian policy of the years before the
+War. The foreign missions had now given up any idea of utilizing the
+peasant opposition to Bolshevism and the national movements against
+Russia. They had fully accepted the thesis of a monolithic Russia in
+Ukraine. Instead of trying to coordinate the popular movements for
+independence and strengthen them, they turned a deaf ear to all the
+petitions that were presented to them and made it fully evident that
+they were not interested in the attempts of Ukraine and various other
+sections of the old Empire to secure independence.
+
+During this period the Peace Conference was in session in Paris and to
+the annoyance of the delegates, there appeared there representatives of
+the Direktoria to plead for recognition as the government of Ukraine
+along with representatives of many other states. The Allied position
+was singularly unrealistic and even unclear not only to the petitioners
+but to the official delegates themselves.
+
+No one could decide what was to be the position taken toward Russia.
+The high hopes which had been placed upon the Russian Revolution and
+the Provisional Government had been dissipated. The delegates at Paris
+were well aware that this had failed and had fallen definitely before
+the Bolsheviks. They were well aware also that every section of the
+old Empire which was not inhabited by Great Russians was in a state of
+more or less open revolt. All around the borders of the country there
+had been set up governments running from Finland in the north to the
+Turkic tribes of Central Asia, which had been subjugated by Russian
+arms scarcely half a century before. All this rendered it a practical
+policy to accept the disintegration of Russia as they had that of
+Austria-Hungary and create a new federation or a series of independent
+and allied states.
+
+On the other hand, the victorious Allies could not forget the
+sacrifices that had been made by the Russian Empire during the early
+years of the War and they persisted in believing that once Bolshevism
+was overthrown, all of these new nations would be only too willing to
+join in a new, free, and democratic Russia. They hated to do anything
+that would create a permanent situation. They were equally opposed to
+the efforts of the White Russian armies to form a definite conservative
+government which might be denounced as reactionary and aiming to
+restore the old Russian monarchy. Thus the policy of the Allies toward
+Russia remained in a dangerous position which could only in the long
+run strengthen the power of the Bolsheviks, the only group which was
+not affected by the desires of the Allies and which understood the
+general weakness of the entire Allied policy.
+
+As a result there was made almost no mention of Russia in any of the
+treaties that came out of the Paris Peace Conference, for it was
+intended that the matter should be reconsidered, when, as, and if
+Russia expelled the Bolsheviks and proceeded to hold democratic and
+free elections. This brought about the impossible situation that the
+Congress could seriously consider regulations as to the position of
+Eastern Galicia (Western Ukraine) toward Poland, since the area had
+been under Austria-Hungary, but could not and would not take action in
+regard to that part of Ukraine which had been under Russian rule prior
+to 1914.
+
+The Poles utilized the situation to extend their claims over Western
+Ukraine and they obstinately refused to consider any settlement which
+would establish a political boundary between Poland and Western
+Ukraine, no matter how the case was put forward. Step by step the
+Allies moderated their demands, especially since France insisted
+stubbornly on backing almost all of the Polish claims. Thus on June
+25, the Allied Supreme Council allowed Poland to occupy the territory
+up to the Zbruch River with a proviso that the Poles should guarantee
+local autonomy and freedom of religion to the non-Polish population.
+A little later they again offered to give Poland a twenty-five-year
+mandate over Eastern Galicia and to grant a plebiscite at the end of
+that time. Then, later in the year, they developed the idea of the
+Curzon line to mark the eastern boundary of the country, but there
+was also the supplementary idea that if Poland occupied land beyond
+this, she might receive it when the future of Russia was settled. In
+view of the weak Polish organization, which was only struggling to its
+feet and was short of all supplies, this idea that the Poles should
+organize a section of Russia by their own efforts could only increase
+the Polish claims. It is therefore not surprising in view of the entire
+tangle that the Peace Treaties provided no definite eastern boundary
+for Poland and in fact do not mention one in the official texts of the
+documents.
+
+Everyone seemed unaware of the fact that Eastern Europe was in a
+turmoil with many forces competing for the mastery. The statesmen and
+still more the masses of the population of the Allied countries knew
+little or nothing about these forces. They saw only problems where they
+desired to find peace, and public sentiment turned against attempts
+to find a difficult but relatively permanent solution to the entire
+problem. The world was sick of this continuing struggle but it could
+find no way of ending it.
+
+It was against this background that Petlyura and the forces of Ukraine
+carried on the struggle during the entire summer of 1919. Yet despite
+all of the hardships of the population and the lack of supplies,
+Petlyura was able to recover the control of Kiev on August 31. Again he
+was unable to hold it, because the Russian army of Denikin moving up
+from the south compelled him to evacuate a few days later. On the other
+hand, hostile as the Poles were to the Ukrainian national committee,
+they were little better pleased at the advance of the White Russian
+armies, even though definite hostilities did not break out between the
+Poles and the Russian armies.
+
+During these months there were four forces competing in the same
+general area. There were the steadily improving Polish forces supported
+by the Allies, especially the French, and constantly gaining in numbers
+and equipment. There were the White Russian armies with the backing
+of all the Allies striving to restore a unified non-Communist Russia.
+There were the Red armies pressing down from the north, fighting to
+spread Communism and to conquer territory. There were finally the
+Ukrainians organized under Petlyura and isolated leaders struggling to
+maintain their political independence. All four were hostile to one
+another but it was easy to see that the position of the Ukrainians
+fighting on their own territory, with no organized base of supplies
+outside of the disputed area, was really the most desperate, for they
+had no way of recruiting and unifying their forces or of securing
+adequate supplies.
+
+Then there broke out an epidemic of typhus. Under this and the
+growing pressure of the hostile armies, the Ukrainian forces began to
+disintegrate. The government of the Western Ukraine was the first that
+was forced into exile, for the Polish hold on Lviv was growing stronger
+with every week and the arrival of new and trained Polish troops
+allowed them to take over the entire province. The leaders retired into
+Romania and then moved to Vienna, where they continued to function as a
+government in exile.
+
+At this moment the growing hostility in the rear of Denikin’s White
+Russian Army came to a head and this as much as the power of the
+Soviets forced him to retreat and retire from the scene. Soon there
+was only the Crimea left in the hands of the White Russians. Yet the
+damage had already been done. Petlyura and the Ukrainians were not in
+a position to take over and organize the territory which Denikin had
+evacuated and it passed back into the hands of the Red forces, so that
+by the spring of 1920 nearly all of Great Ukraine was in the hands of
+the Bolsheviks. Petlyura and the remains of his organized forces were
+pushed on to Polish soil and the general cause seemed lost.
+
+Just then Petlyura made an important decision. He signed a treaty of
+peace with the Polish government which recognized the Direktoria as the
+government of an independent Ukrainian National Republic. This was the
+first recognition of Ukraine that had been officially granted since the
+Conference of Brest-Litovsk and there were high hopes that something
+might be saved from the wreckage of the last years.
+
+The treaty was signed on April 21, 1920 and four days later the Polish
+army, with what was left of Petlyura’s forces, marched on Kiev.
+There was little effective opposition and on May 6 a division of the
+Ukrainian Army and its Polish allies entered the city, almost without
+a battle. They even occupied a bridgehead on the east bank of the
+Dnyeper, and it seemed as if it would be possible to begin the work of
+rebuilding the shattered country.
+
+Again there came disappointment. The Polish forces far outnumbered
+those actually under Ukrainian command. The sight of the Poles in Kiev
+annoyed and angered many of the more ardent Ukrainians and they blamed
+Petlyura for his alliance and for his abandonment of Western Ukraine.
+Memories of the century-long hostility with the Poles were stirred up
+and the actions of some of the Poles increased the tension. The result
+was that Petlyura was not able to secure rapidly the support that he
+had hoped for among the Ukrainian population, especially as Kiev was
+still filled with Russian refugees and sympathizers, many of whom
+preferred the Bolsheviks as a government in Moscow to the Ukrainians.
+
+At the same time the Polish military situation was none too brilliant.
+Under the influence of the military tactics of the World War and its
+elaborate trench systems, little attention was paid to the service
+of supply behind the lines and the armies at the front were poorly
+supplied. Liaison between the various armies and divisions was bad and
+there was a possibility that an energetic attack by the Bolsheviks
+might jeopardize the situation.
+
+This did happen early in June, just one month after Petlyura resumed
+the attempt to organize the government and the Ukrainian army. The
+cavalry force of General Budenny succeeded in crossing the Dnyeper and
+placing itself in the Polish rear. The Poles were immediately forced to
+retreat and they abandoned Ukraine. Petlyura and his men had to retire
+with them and Kiev passed back into Bolshevik hands.
+
+The results were worse than at any time before, for while the Poles
+held well within the province of Eastern Galicia or Western Ukraine
+and Lviv was not seriously menaced, another Soviet attack from the
+north swept to the very outskirts of Warsaw. Here the Bolsheviks were
+definitely stopped in a great battle on the Vistula, between August
+13 and 20, and they were thrown back in a disastrous rout. The Poles
+followed them almost as rapidly as they retreated and by October 12
+had recovered nearly all the territory that they had held before the
+advance on Kiev. Then an armistice was signed, and this was followed by
+the Treaty of Riga which determined the frontiers between Poland and
+the Soviets until 1939.
+
+In this agreement Ukraine was entirely forgotten. Poland held on to
+Western Ukraine substantially in the form in which it had existed
+under Austro-Hungarian rule and it acquired a considerable stretch of
+Ukrainian land to the east. In return the government dissociated itself
+from the efforts of the Ukrainians to secure independence and Great
+Ukraine was again deprived of any possibility of foreign assistance.
+Petlyura was forced into exile with the whole of the Directoria, and
+only unorganized and scattered bands continued to carry on a futile
+and hopeless struggle against the Red armies.
+
+Thus, after more than three years of diplomacy and of fighting, the
+hopes of the Ukrainians to be masters in their own house were dashed
+to the ground. Their endeavors to create a democratic republic had
+ended only in disaster. Their leaders were dead or in exile and the
+population were helpless in the hands of their new masters. It was
+a sad and discouraging ending to a gallant attempt to profit by the
+collapse of the two great Empires that had long held them in subjection
+and had attempted to eliminate them from political life.
+
+It is easy to criticize the actions of the Ukrainian people and their
+governments during this troublous time and to point out that all too
+often they paralleled some of the more unsatisfactory aspects of the
+behavior of the Kozak Host in the seventeenth century. Yet this is
+hardly fair, for the dilemma of Ukraine standing alone was exactly
+that of all the other states in the area. A large part of the peasant
+population were far more interested in the solution of agrarian
+problems, of land reform, etc. than they were in the purely national
+revolution. They did not realize that the two had to be carried on
+simultaneously and they could not visualize all the changes that were
+being introduced into the country.
+
+Their dilemma was only increased by the long period of hesitation on
+the part of the Great Powers at Paris and elsewhere. These wavered so
+continuously between support of Russian unification and aid to the
+various separatist groups that they were unable to exert their full
+power to bring about any satisfactory settlement. Step by step they had
+allowed the Russian Bolsheviks to infiltrate into the various national
+republics that had been set up, and finally only Finland and the three
+Baltic states of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania, which had direct
+access to the sea, survived. At the same time their policy had failed
+to gain support for the White Russians even in purely Russian territory
+and had only succeeded in producing exactly the opposite results of
+what they wished.
+
+It might seem that the Ukrainian problem had thus been settled in a
+way that was to be permanent. Yet it had become more serious than
+before and it had been definitely pushed on to the international arena,
+whether they wished it or not. Exactly as the Kozak wars had removed
+Ukraine from a purely Polish problem, so now the Ukrainian ghost was to
+be present at all international gatherings, whether it was mentioned or
+not. It is not too much to say that the final collapse of the Ukrainian
+national government awoke far larger masses of the population to the
+reality of the question than had even the Ukrainian declaration of
+independence, and for that reason the name of Ukraine began to play an
+even more important role on the map of Europe than it had done before.
+
+
+
+
+                         CHAPTER TWENTY-THREE
+
+                           _WESTERN UKRAINE_
+
+
+By the summer of 1919 Polish military control had been extended over
+the whole of Western Ukraine and the alliance between Petlyura and the
+Polish government early in 1920 ratified the dismemberment of the joint
+state which had been so enthusiastically proclaimed a year before.
+Finally the Treaty of Riga between Poland and the Soviets secured from
+the latter the recognition of Polish control.
+
+There remained only one hope for the exiled government of Western
+Ukraine, and that was the Council of Ambassadors of the victorious
+Allies. They held out as did the Peace Conference against Polish
+control of the country but their opposition steadily diminished. France
+was strongly backing Poland and the Conference as a whole had no
+definite ideas as to the future. It definitely awarded Western Galicia
+to Poland, but on November 20, 1919 there was adopted a resolution
+providing that Poland should hold Eastern Galicia for twenty-five years
+under a mandate from the League of Nations, that there should be an
+Eastern Galician Diet with a representative in the Polish cabinet, that
+there should be broad autonomy for the province, and that at the end of
+the period there should be a plebiscite. Poland naturally refused to
+accept this solution and there was no one of the Allied Powers that was
+willing and able to enforce its decision.
+
+The attitude of Poland was unfortunate. The national spirit which
+had survived the dismemberment of the country and had even under
+desperate conditions been able to rouse the country to the recovery
+of its liberty was firmly imbued with the spirit of the past. During
+the centuries of Polish greatness, the Poles had been unwilling to
+concede any rights to the Ukrainians. They had never been able to solve
+the problems of the Kozak Host and they had been bitterly opposed to
+the Orthodox Church. Just as the failure to create a working agreement
+with the Ukrainians during the seventeenth century had precipitated
+the disastrous Kozak wars which had broken the state, so there was
+still an unwillingness to recognize that conditions in 1919 were also
+fundamentally different from those in 1600. The spirit of continuity
+was so strong that no Polish statesman could remain in power for a
+single instant if he cast any reflection on the policy of the old
+Poland in regard to its neighbors. The Polish control of Galicia during
+the Austrian regime merely confirmed them in the consciousness of their
+own rectitude.
+
+The proclamation of the Republic of Western Ukraine in 1918 and the
+resulting struggle between the Poles and the Western Ukrainians only
+increased the bitterness which had been developed by history. At the
+same time, the brief taste of independence on the part of Western
+Ukraine had also given the Ukrainians an increased sense of their own
+dignity, their own unity and their national identity. The ambiguous
+position adopted by the Peace Conference served only to convince both
+parties that they were well within their rights and served to make any
+reconciliation still more difficult.
+
+It is not at all impossible that the history of Europe would have been
+very different, if in 1919 there had been on the scene and in control
+men of the breath of vision of Hadiach, whereby Rus’ was recognized
+as a third component part of a Great Poland, on a par with Poland and
+Lithuania. The Soviet occupation of Eastern Ukraine was really leaving
+Western Ukraine to itself; with its bitter opposition to Communism and
+proper diplomacy it might have joined a great federation which would
+have solved the problem of eastern Europe. No one of any prominence
+put forward or even tried to secure a hearing for any such plan,
+and it is hard to see what would have been the position of Western
+Ukraine, had the proposal to grant it a plebiscite twenty-five years
+in the future been carried out. It could only have meant a continued
+unsettlement in policy and can become intelligible only if it is
+assumed that the Conference at Paris believed that within that time
+the entire Ukrainian problem would have been settled and that Eastern
+Galicia or Western Ukraine would then vote itself into union with
+the rest of the country. If that is true, then there is the further
+question as to why the Conference bound itself so strictly to its
+furtherance of the White Russian armies and the unity of Russia that
+it refused to send supplies to the Ukrainian forces who were still
+struggling against the overwhelming power of the Reds.
+
+Whatever may have been the motives back of the actions at Paris,
+the Poles determined to produce a unified state in which the power
+would be entirely in Polish hands. They realized that a considerable
+portion of the Ukrainians living in Eastern Galicia had already been
+Polonized, that, for example, the brother of Archbishop Sheptitsky was
+the Chief of Staff in the Polish army, and they still believed that
+in a relatively few years the restored Poland could so accelerate the
+process that the province would be thoroughly absorbed into a unified
+state.
+
+As a result, during the formative years, the Constituent Diet of Poland
+was elected at a time when Western Ukraine was still in arms in support
+of its own government and hence there was no reason why the Ukrainians
+should vote in the Polish elections. Thus in the formation of the
+Polish Constitution they had no vote and the power rested entirely in
+the hands of the Polish nationalists who were the strong supporters
+of a centralized state. Even later, in 1922 since under the decree of
+the Peace Conference, Eastern Galicia was supposed to have its own
+independent Diet, the Ukrainians again declined to vote for delegates
+to the Polish Diet, contrary to the decrees of the Peace Conference
+and the Council of Ambassadors that continued its work. There was thus
+produced an impasse between the Polish and Ukrainian points of view
+which could only add to the general bitterness and this required the
+most careful handling on the Polish part.
+
+In the fall of 1922, the Polish Diet did go so far as to pass a law
+providing for the creation of a special regime in the provinces of
+Lviv, Ternopil and Stanislaviv. Under this there was to be in each
+province a Polish and a Ukrainian diet which was to have certain powers
+dealing with local conditions and the ability to act separately on
+matters pertaining to one nationality. It was also provided that there
+should be founded a Ukrainian university. All these reforms were to
+be inaugurated within two years. It would have been an improvement on
+conditions as they then were, but it was far from the regime visualized
+by the Peace Conference and certainly was not an answer to the
+Ukrainian demands.
+
+These reforms, however, were never carried into practice, for on March
+14, 1923, the Council of Ambassadors yielded completely, and formally
+granted Eastern Galicia to Poland with the statement that Poland
+recognized that autonomy was needed in the area and that by signing the
+treaty providing for the rights of minorities, she had bound herself to
+do all that was needed. To all intents and purposes, this decision gave
+Poland a free hand. The exiled government of Western Ukraine formally
+protested and there were enormous demonstrations in Lviv and elsewhere
+against it, but there was nothing to be done. Once the unification had
+been achieved, Poland felt herself free to proceed as if nothing had
+happened. There was henceforth no talk in Warsaw of any autonomy for
+Eastern Galicia.
+
+Even before this, the Polish government had interfered with all
+Ukrainian cultural and financial institutions. It had even placed in
+custody Archbishop Sheptitsky when he returned from a trip to America
+in 1921, despite the influence that he exerted on the Ukrainians to
+maintain public order. It had carried out its claims that the Ukrainian
+movement was essentially a subversive movement, even though at the time
+there was a certain recognition of the privileged status of Eastern
+Galicia by the same international organs that were responsible for the
+creation of Poland itself.
+
+The recognition of Eastern Galicia as part of Poland in 1923 presented
+the Western Ukrainians with a new situation. They had henceforth to
+decide whether to accept their position as a definite part of Poland
+or to continue to struggle for independence. The latter position
+was taken by the Ukrainian Military Organization, headed by Col.
+Evhen Konovalets, a former regimental commander. This body carried
+out various acts of terrorism against individual members of the
+Polish government who were prominent in the suppression of Ukrainian
+activities. Another group, composed largely of intellectuals, like
+Professor Hrushevsky, accepted the invitation of the Ukrainian Soviet
+Republic to transfer the centre of their activities to Kiev. Professor
+Hrushevsky left Vienna, where much of the Ukrainian organized activity
+had been concentrated. The vast majority, however, began to tend toward
+such activity in the Polish state as they were permitted, without for
+a moment giving up the right of Ukraine to its independence in the
+future. Thus in 1923 the Ukrainians took part in the Polish elections
+and a considerable number took their seats in the Diet, while their
+leader, Dmytro Levitsky, declared publicly that they had not renounced
+their ideals of independence and that they considered all treaties
+denying the rights of the Ukrainian people to national independence to
+be without any legal basis.
+
+From year to year the struggle changed its form as various measures
+were put into effect by the Polish government to break down the solid
+block of Ukrainians living in Eastern Galicia and to introduce Poles
+into the area. Thus the Poles in their laws for breaking up large
+estates settled on these estates groups of Polish veterans in the
+hope that they might destroy the Ukrainian voting majority. They
+banned the use of Ukrainian in other than the three provinces in
+which the Ukrainians were a majority. They refused any steps toward
+the organization of a Ukrainian university and they did their best to
+limit the number of schools in which Ukrainian was used as the language
+of instruction. Again and again they initiated movements to close
+Ukrainian cultural, economic and even athletic organizations by arguing
+that they were merely being used for subversive activities.
+
+During the early years after the War, the relations between
+Czechoslovakia and Poland were badly strained. The Czechs accused
+the Poles of inciting the Slovaks and in return they opened their
+own institutions to offer refuge to the Ukrainians from Eastern
+Galicia. There was established at Prague a Ukrainian Free University,
+a Ukrainian Historical and Philological Society, a Union of Ukrainian
+Physicians of Czechoslovakia, a Museum of Ukraine’s Struggle for
+Liberation, and a Ukrainian Agricultural School at Podebrady. While
+these were ostensibly open to Ukrainians of all regions, they were
+for all intents and purposes largely catering to people from Eastern
+Galicia who had fled from Polish rule.
+
+The Ukrainian cause was kept alive before the League of Nations and
+other international bodies by a continuous stream of protests against
+Polish atrocities against the Ukrainians. These reached their height in
+1930, when the Polish army was sent into the Ukrainian areas to pacify
+the population and the acts of repression and cruelties practiced upon
+the village populations increased. Ukrainian institutions of every kind
+were closed, concentration camps were established, and the country was
+on the verge of a real revolt. Again an appeal was taken to the League
+of Nations, and in 1931 the League decided after some hearings that
+there was no direct persecution but that many of the Polish officials
+were undoubtedly showing excessive zeal in carrying out their orders.
+It was the kind of decision that could not settle the situation and
+restore peace to the area, for the Poles still insisted that the
+Ukrainians were and of right ought to be loyal Polish subjects, even
+though they were refused any positions of authority in the Ukrainian
+areas and very few were admitted to the Polish University of Lviv.
+
+Yet it must be remembered that all Ukrainian life was not stopped and
+controlled by the Polish government. Thus in 1929 they allowed the
+organization of a Ukrainian Scientific Institute in Warsaw in the hope
+that it would outshine the Shevchenko Scientific Society of Lviv, and
+that it would not develop the national and political consciousness that
+there would be in an organization in Lviv, where the entire historical
+tradition was permeated with the old struggle between the Ukrainians
+and Poles.
+
+There was no open attempt to destroy the various Ukrainian political
+parties which were able to elect members of the Diet. These parties
+represented all points of view, from conservatives to socialists, and
+their members had the same general treatment as members of the Polish
+parties. Yet their growth and functioning were hampered rather by
+administrative restrictions than by downright and open dissolution.
+There was no attempt to deny the Ukrainian character or traditions
+except in so far as the Poles argued that they were Polish citizens and
+therefore should develop Polish culture rather than their own national
+usages.
+
+The Poles were obsessed with the idea that there might develop a strong
+movement for joining their brothers in the Ukrainian Soviet Republic.
+It is true that during the period of Ukrainization there did spring
+up a certain amount of reciprocity but this remained purely on an
+intellectual plane. Bad as conditions were in Poland, the Ukrainians
+showed no desire, except in the case of isolated Communists, to join
+their brothers and become their companions in misery. Communists were
+conspicuously absent in the Ukrainian organizations, for the iron veil
+which grew up around the boundaries of the Soviet Union had separated
+families and villages, and the few refugees who succeeded in crossing
+into Poland did not give encouraging pictures of life under the Soviets.
+
+The Poles were even more suspicious of the Ukrainian Orthodox than
+they were of the Greek Catholics. They endeavored to form a Polish
+Orthodox Church but this remained either Russian or Ukrainian speaking
+and never was coordinated into an efficient whole, for it reflected
+the differences of the Orthodox in the different provinces. However,
+in 1938, in a tactless move the Poles seized over a hundred Orthodox
+Churches and closed them on the pretext that they had once been Uniat
+and that therefore they were not properly in Orthodox hands. Such an
+act, which drew the protest of Metropolitan Sheptitsky, only succeeded
+in antagonizing both the Uniats and the Orthodox against the Poles and
+in bringing the two religious groups closer together. It was another of
+the many mistakes that were made in the handling of the problem.
+
+It goes without saying that the policy of avoiding a clearcut
+settlement of the Ukrainian question reacted badly on the general
+position of Poland, for it created the tendency among the Ukrainians to
+seek for foreign support. At first they found this in Czechoslovakia,
+which gave refuge to the anti-Polish forces among the Ukrainians. Later
+some factions tended to look toward Germany for refuge and help.
+
+In 1934 some of the conservative Ukrainians made an attempt to
+“normalize” their relations with the Poles and to take a more active
+part in the life of the country. Again these attempts really came to
+nothing, for the Polish government used them as a sign of Ukrainian
+weakening and felt that they did not require mutual concession. As
+a result the Ukrainians received little actual relief and this in
+turn only called out renewed terrorist attacks, renewed attempts at
+pacification and the closing of Ukrainian institutions.
+
+Despite all of these bitter political feuds, the Ukrainian population,
+even during the years of depression, continued to solidify its position
+in the state. Its co-operative organizations increased in numbers, in
+capital and in membership. They became steadily more important and that
+progress that had been noted during the last years of Austro-Hungarian
+rule proceeded at an even more rapid tempo. The self-consciousness
+that had come to the Ukrainians through their attempt at independence
+made them more aware of their role and influence in the country and
+especially in their special areas than they had been before the War.
+Attempts to divide them into Ukrainians and Ruthenians on the ground
+of religious and economic differences fell upon sterile soil. By 1939
+the Ukrainians of the West were in a much better position than they had
+been at any time in the past.
+
+The situation in Western Ukraine aroused grave anxiety on the part of
+many sincere friends of Poland as the hour for the Second World War
+drew near, It presented many elements of danger to the Polish state
+and this danger was magnified by the policy that was adopted by every
+political party among the Poles. It seemed impossible for them to
+realize that conditions had changed with the abolition of serfdom. That
+same controversy which had broken out in the days when Galicia was
+still subject to Austria-Hungary continued as a mutual feud, especially
+in such areas as Lviv, where there was a large Polish as well as a
+Ukrainian population.
+
+The Poles fanned the flame of discord by their policy of antagonism
+and by their inability to see the justice of any of the Ukrainian
+demands. The restored Polish republic continued on the fatal path of
+the seventeenth century by overemphasizing on the one hand a supposed
+desire of the Ukrainians to join the Soviet Union as they had joined
+Russia earlier, and on the other, by underestimating the strength of
+the entire Ukrainian movement. They turned their attention and gave
+their confidence only to those people who had been completely Polonized
+and they ignored the long and unbroken struggle for equal rights
+which the Ukrainians had been carrying on for centuries in the old
+Poland, under the rule of the conquerors and later. An isolated and
+non-Communist Western Ukraine might have been brought into a Poland
+constructed on federal lines, but it could not feel happy as part of
+a unified state in which it was treated as inferior in every way and
+which was openly working for its complete absorption. After the failure
+of the Ukrainian Republic, the Poles regarded the question as closed,
+and their very insistence upon this only intensified that opposition
+which they fought constantly and affected to ignore. As a result
+Western Ukraine remained as a sore in the body politic of Poland,
+instead of becoming an element of strength and just as in the past, so
+in the present, the feud worked out to the marked disadvantage of both
+sides.
+
+
+
+
+                          CHAPTER TWENTY-FOUR
+
+                          _CARPATHO-UKRAINE_
+
+
+The fate of Carpatho-Ukraine was quite different. It was represented
+in the negotiations that led up to the formation of the Republic of
+Western Ukraine, but when the Western Ukrainian armies were forced
+eastward by the Poles, the district was left isolated and the various
+groups came together and decided upon union with Czechoslovakia.
+
+The ideas of the population on this point were somewhat hazy. They
+envisaged a situation where they would form a state within a state,
+possessing practically complete autonomy, very similar to the position
+of Hungary in the Austro-Hungarian Empire. In this connection they were
+also influenced by the Slovaks, who had dreams of holding a similar
+status. On the other hand, the Czechs certainly thought of a unified
+state of the same general type as France and it was the Czech ideas
+that were carried out in practice.
+
+On the whole the population of Carpatho-Ukraine was far more
+undeveloped politically and nationally than were the other sections.
+There were practically no schools in the area and what schools there
+were conducted instruction in Hungarian. The Hungarian government also
+had been extremely effective in imbuing the educated classes of its
+minorities with the idea that their future depended upon merging their
+own interests with those of the dominant Magyars. As a result there
+were few, outside of the clergy, who had any vital understanding of the
+cause of the people.
+
+Besides that, the Ukrainian revival in these northern Hungarian
+counties had not progressed as far since 1848 as it had among the
+other sections of the Ukrainian people. While there was an active
+Ukrainian group in the area, there were also many people who insisted,
+contrary to all philological and cultural facts, that their language
+was an archaic dialect of Russian and they looked to Russia for all
+improvement in their status. This was particularly true of the Orthodox
+in the area, even though their bishops were still nominally dependent
+upon the Patriarch of Constantinople who retained the same vague powers
+of control that he had in mediaeval Kiev. Many of these people, even
+when they desired to be free of Hungarian control, still treasured some
+sort of belief that they should be attached to Russia and refused to
+consider merging their lot with that of the other Ukrainians.
+
+Economic conditions were very bad and the mountainous nature of the
+country was responsible for difficulties in communication between the
+various mountain valleys, which formed the headwaters of the rivers
+flowing down into the Hungarian plains to the south. Many of the
+younger men and women emigrated or at least went down to Hungary as
+seasonal laborers and the relations with the northern slopes of the
+Carpathians were rather weak.
+
+With such a background, effective organization was very difficult
+and the Czechs, although they signed a definite agreement with the
+representatives of the Carpatho-Ukrainians to grant the country as much
+autonomy as was consistent with the unity of the state, did not hurry
+themselves to apply this. On the contrary, they took the attitude that
+the people would fall of necessity under the control of the Hungarians
+and the Jews if they were allowed to handle their own affairs, and they
+sent large numbers of Czechs into the area to carry on the essential
+government services. There was at times a Carpatho-Ukrainian governor
+but his powers were severely limited by the Czech officials who
+surrounded him.
+
+At the same time the Czechs opened large numbers of schools in the
+area and they did much to spread literacy among the population. It is
+certain that during the first ten years of Czech control, the people
+of the area were far better off than at any time under Hungary. Yet
+the improving conditions could not fail to increase the national
+consciousness of the people. It was the Czech hope that when a new
+generation, educated in Prague, came into the important offices of
+the region, they would be completely satisfied with their position in
+Czechoslovakia and that any separatist feelings would be assuaged.
+
+The increase of literacy had another effect upon the people. In the
+past many had been content to talk their own dialect without any
+thought of grammatical accuracy. Village differed from village and
+there were the same differences that had appeared earlier throughout
+Ukraine when the first writers were adopting and working out literary
+Ukrainian. It became evident that the old ambiguous situation would
+pass away. The children in school read Shevchenko and Franko and
+the other Ukrainian authors and the general trend was to develop
+Carpatho-Ukraine along the same general lines. This displeased many of
+those people who had a sentimental attachment to Russian. They tended
+to gravitate toward the use of true Great Russian and many of them fell
+under Communist influence.
+
+Thus, the period between the Wars was one largely of intensifying the
+national feeling in the country and one of considerable material and
+intellectual improvement and development. On the whole there were
+relatively few of those disorders which had marked the liquidation
+of the Republic of Western Ukraine by Poland. Yet tensions continued
+to increase, especially after 1925 when the reforms in Hungary by
+Jeremiah Smith, acting as financial representative of the League
+of Nations, forced the return to the area of many of the former
+Hungarian-sympathizing Carpatho-Ukrainians who had been able to
+establish themselves in white collar jobs in Hungary. They tried to
+recover their old position in the community but were prevented by the
+Czech authorities, and so they began an underground campaign to win the
+country over to its former rulers.
+
+In 1928 the Czechoslovak government reorganized the whole section as
+the province of Podkarpatska Rus, but it still hesitated to grant local
+autonomy and the diet that had been promised to the population and had
+been persistently withheld. As a result there grew up a marked coolness
+between the population and the central government in Prague, which
+continued to waver between a definite support of those groups which
+were conscious of their Ukrainian character and those which believed
+themselves some kind of Russians. In all this the relations between the
+Czechs and the Russians played a considerable part. After the signing
+of a treaty of alliance between Czechoslovakia and the Soviet Union in
+1933, the Czechs gradually lessened any support of the Ukrainophile
+party and at the same time they dropped some of their more ardent
+support of the Ukrainians in Prague.
+
+Ill feeling was also generated in the province by the results of the
+depression. This had struck hardest in the Sudeten German areas, where
+the glass trade was especially affected. It coincided with the rise
+of the Henlein party under the influence of the Nazi seizure of power
+in Germany and with the strengthening of the followers of Monsignor
+Andrew Hlinka in Slovakia, with their demand for full autonomy there.
+Naturally all this was carried over into the province of Podkarpatska
+Rus and some of those groups which had formerly leaned upon Hungary now
+looked toward Germany for support.
+
+The situation came to a head after the dismemberment of Czechoslovakia
+at Munich in 1938. The immediate result was the setting up of the
+so-called Second Republic, which was greatly decentralized. As
+a result, for the first time Carpatho-Ukraine received the local
+diet which had been promised and refused time after time during the
+preceding twenty years.
+
+This marked a new period of hope not only for the Ukrainians of
+Carpatho-Ukraine but also for Ukrainians throughout the world.
+Satisfaction in this was however mitigated by the fact that the
+Germans, to please Hungary, had turned over to that country large
+sections of the land, including the two chief cities of Uzhorod
+and Mukachevo, in which the leading educational and governmental
+institutions were located. The government was then compelled to meet
+in Hust, a small provincial town which contained almost no facilities.
+Yet despite all the hardships and the difficulties in setting up a
+government, the Ukrainians were enthusiastic, for now, at last, there
+was again a centre where Ukrainian life could develop freely without
+undue foreign interference. The Czech officials were recalled and the
+increasing autonomy of Slovakia completely isolated Carpatho-Ukraine
+from Czech influence. Ukrainians from all sections of the dismembered
+country flocked to Hust and were able to offer great help and
+assistance to the local population. Steps were taken to organize a
+small army and as in 1918 they took the name of the Riflemen of the
+Zaporozhian Sich. They unfurled the blue and yellow standard of Ukraine
+and it became clear to all that Carpatho-Ukraine was on the way to
+becoming a free and independent state.
+
+Under the conditions that prevailed, it was necessary for the young
+state to remain on friendly terms with Nazi Germany and to seek
+its protection against Hungary which was claiming the whole of its
+territory. The first Prime Minister, Andrew Brody, was soon removed by
+the Czechoslovak government in one of its last acts outside the borders
+of Bohemia and Moravia. The power then passed to Monsignor Andrew
+Voloshyn, who worked hard and steadily to make the new state successful.
+
+Throughout the winter of 1938–9 progress went on. There were repeated
+difficulties with Poland, which wished Hungary to annex the territory
+so as to remove the sympathy and support which the Ukrainians of
+Eastern Galicia felt for this new centre of Ukrainian freedom. Hungary
+continued to press demands upon the new state. Yet President Voloshyn
+had definite promises from Germany that its independence would be
+safeguarded and that peace would be maintained.
+
+Then came another of those inscrutable changes on the part of Hitler
+that had so much to do with the downfall of Nazi Germany. It was
+commonly believed that Hitler, in his hatred of both Communism and
+Poland, would use the little state of Carpatho-Ukraine as a centre of
+Ukrainian propaganda. It was thought that he would foment discontent
+in Eastern Galicia, arouse a revolt there and allow the Ukrainians of
+Eastern Galicia and Carpatho-Ukraine to unite. Then optimists believed
+that ultimately the pressure of Germany would result in the liberation
+of Eastern Ukraine and that Ukraine would again be free, even if it
+was compelled to remain within the German sphere of influence. Some
+Ukrainian leaders, even if they were democratic and opposed to the
+principles of Nazism, saw in this the same situation that had occurred
+at the time of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk when Ukraine could find no
+support in any other quarter.
+
+It was not to be. The German policy can only be understood on the
+assumption that friendly relations had already been established
+between the Nazis and the Communists. On March 13, at the urging
+of Hitler, Slovakia declared its complete independence and this
+completely separated Carpatho-Ukraine from the rest of Czechoslovakia.
+On March 15, the German troops moved into Prague and on the same day
+Carpatho-Ukraine formally declared its independence.
+
+It was almost the last act of the tragedy. The day before, Hungary,
+more powerful and willingly a satellite of the Nazis, sent an ultimatum
+to the new government. Voloshyn appealed to Hitler to stand by his
+promises to maintain the independence of the country and was rudely
+rebuffed on the ground that the situation had entirely changed. Without
+any delay the Hungarian troops, which had been well-armed by the
+Germans, crossed the boundary of Carpatho-Ukraine and attacked Hust.
+The Riflemen of the Sich fought bravely under the leadership of the
+Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists, the head of which was Colonel
+Andrew Melnyk, but their light weapons were useless before the heavier
+guns of the Hungarians. The government with President Voloshyn, was
+forced to flee to Romania and there offered to place itself under
+Romanian control. The offer was refused.
+
+The Hungarians met with severe opposition from the little army of
+Carpatho-Ukraine and from the armed peasants whose knowledge of the
+country served them in good stead. By the beginning of May, the
+country had been pacified and brought under full Hungarian control.
+Its constitution and name were wiped out, the Hungarian language was
+introduced, and the Hungarian government did everything in its power
+to bring conditions back to what they had been in 1918. Schools were
+closed or Magyarized. Ukrainian institutions were liquidated and a new
+era of oppression opened for those people who had been but a few days
+before jubilant over their newly won independence.
+
+Apparently the change of policy was connected with the plans of Hitler
+to come to terms with Stalin for the division of Eastern Europe, and
+the weakening of anti-Communist Ukrainian movements was part of the
+larger design. Yet it had a very important result. It completely
+destroyed the unnatural alliance between the democratic Ukrainians and
+the Nazi Germans. It ended any lingering dreams that there might be a
+real friendship between the Germans and the Ukrainians. The result was
+that during the next months and years there were no further attempts
+to secure German support. When in the fall of 1939 Germany attacked
+Poland, there did not come any revolt in Eastern Galicia against the
+Poles, despite the increasingly severe measures taken by the Polish
+government, and when Germany finally attacked the Soviet Union, she
+secured more aid from the dissatisfied Russians than she did from the
+Ukrainians whom she had so flagrantly abandoned.
+
+The development of Carpatho-Ukraine was then only another one of the
+unsuccessful Ukrainian attempts to win liberty for at least one part of
+the divided country, but it showed the growing feeling of unity that
+existed amid the overwhelming tragedies of the past years. It played
+a disproportionate role in the fateful year of 1939 and it emphasized
+anew the important strategic position of Carpatho-Ukraine and indeed of
+Ukraine as a whole in the coming struggles.
+
+
+
+
+                         CHAPTER TWENTY-FIVE.
+
+                    _THE UKRAINIAN SOVIET REPUBLIC_
+
+
+The seizure of power in Russia by the Bolsheviks gave them the
+opportunity to carry out their theories of government, which were
+in marked variance to all previous political thought. Hitherto,
+everywhere in the world there had been attempts to set up national
+or dynastic governments located in definite areas of the earth’s
+surface. The Soviets now cast all this into the wastebasket and in
+their zeal for an international and worldwide revolution, they planned
+to build a government based upon the worldwide community of interests
+of the workers and peasants. In theory at least this was to be an
+international government and they had high hopes that the laboring
+classes of the world would rally to their standard.
+
+It happened that Lenin, Trotsky, and also the vast majority of the
+other leaders were Russian and that the seat of the government was in
+Moscow, but in theory they cared very little about Russia as such.
+In the first heat of their enthusiasm, they even went so far as to
+recognize the equality of all the nationalities in the old Russian
+Empire and allow them full self-determination and even the right
+of secession. The old organization was completely wiped out and a
+new structure, the Russian Soviet Federated Socialist Republic, was
+established.
+
+At this moment the Ukrainian National Republic was struggling to
+its feet and the demand was growing for a declaration of complete
+independence which was finally adopted on January 9/22, 1918, as we
+have seen. It might have been assumed that this coincided with the
+decrees adopted by the Bolsheviks and that the way was now cleared for
+the development of an independent Ukraine. Yet this explanation was too
+simple, for the Bolsheviks had another string to their bow and they had
+already commenced to play it.
+
+The Ukrainian Council was an organization working along democratic
+lines. The Bolsheviks therefore declared that it did not represent the
+workers and peasants. After their discomfiture in Kiev in December,
+1917 they retired to Kharkiv and there, on December 13, proclaimed
+the existence of a Ukrainian Soviet Republic which would satisfy the
+conditions for a real workers’ and peasants’ government. It made no
+difference to them that the leaders of this movement were not primarily
+Ukrainian, that its organization had been pushed by various Russian
+bands which had penetrated into Ukraine, and that its first military
+support was furnished by Russian Communists.
+
+This group appointed a Committee which became the executive body under
+the name of the All-Ukrainian Revolutionary Committee on January 3,
+1918. This consisted of Manuilsky, a Ukrainian who had long lived
+in Russia, Rakovsky, a Bulgarian or Romanian Jew, Hrynko, and two
+Ukrainian politicians, Zatonsky and Skrypnyk. They proceeded to carry
+out the regular Soviet plan of organization and on February 14,
+announced a federation with the Russian Soviet Republic. The Soviets
+introduced members of this group at the Conference in Brest Litovsk
+with the Germans and insisted that it was the true representative
+government of Ukraine, but they were compelled to recognize the
+regularly constituted Ukrainian government.
+
+The question was more or less academic during the years of civil war,
+when the Ukrainian government was struggling against overwhelming odds
+to maintain its new-won independence. Yet in theory it was fighting
+against the adherents of the Ukrainian Soviet Republic, although it was
+generally recognized that this was but a puppet of the Russian Soviets
+and that the vast majority of the troops at its command were Russian.
+
+However, when the Ukrainian government was finally overwhelmed, the
+Ukrainian Soviet Government was definitely installed at Kharkiv as the
+capital of Ukraine and for a short time went through the motions of
+being an independent state. It sent its own representatives to foreign
+governments, there was a Ukrainian Commissariat for Foreign Affairs,
+and on paper all seemed well. At the same time, when there came too
+open evidence of interference from Moscow with the sovereign Ukrainian
+Soviet Republic, steps were taken to end such interference.
+
+Yet the Communists had absolute control over the new state, not
+through the Russian Soviet government but through the Communist Party,
+which boasted of being an international organization and which could
+discipline the various national Communist parties if they did not obey
+the decrees issued by the central authority in Moscow. Any deviation
+from these orders was interpreted as a counter-revolutionary act,
+contrary to the wishes of the workers and peasants whose mouthpiece was
+the Communist Party.
+
+During 1921 and 1922 there came one of those periods of drought which
+are not unknown in Ukraine. The grain crop was an utter failure, all
+kinds of transportation had broken down as a result of the Civil Wars,
+and the country was plunged into misery. It is estimated that several
+million people died in Ukraine and the country was brought to the
+deepest depths, far worse than during the earlier years of war. Typhus
+added to the misery and carried away still more of the population.
+Outside aid was sought and the American Relief Administration did
+wonderful work in securing food from abroad and in distributing it to
+the starving population.
+
+The Ukrainians in their misery did their best to reject all
+communization. In the Ukrainian districts there had never been the
+communal ownership of land which was so typical of the Great Russians,
+and the peasants fought hard and steadily to maintain possession of
+their own land and that which they had secured from the landlords
+during the period of the Ukrainian Republic. This naturally antagonized
+the Soviets, and made them realize that they were going to have a hard
+task to bring the country around to their mode of life.
+
+They attacked the problem in two ways. On the governmental side, the
+Ukrainian Soviet Republic authorized the Russian Soviet government to
+represent it in foreign negotiations at a conference in Genoa. From
+that time on it became customary for the Ukrainian Soviet Republic
+to follow the Russian line, although for a while there was always a
+Ukrainian representative in the Soviet Embassy in all those countries
+where Ukraine had been formerly recognized.
+
+Then, at the end of 1922, there was signed a declaration for the
+formation of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. This was
+ratified in 1923 and came into effect in 1924. Under this new system,
+the various Soviet Republics, including Ukraine, transferred all
+their foreign and most of their domestic affairs to the government
+of the Soviet Union, which was, as before, almost identical with the
+government of the old Russian Soviet Republic. In the All Union Soviet
+of Workers’ and Peasants’ Delegates, the Russian Republic had an
+overwhelming majority, if there was to be any voting, and between the
+control of the Communist Party by the Russians and the control of the
+Soviet Union by the same people, it was abundantly evident that any
+autonomy in Ukraine was a mere shadow which could be stopped at any
+time.
+
+Yet while the central authority was being extended over the country,
+the Soviets gave a wide scope to cultural Ukrainization. The New
+Economic Policy was very popular in the land, since it gave a certain
+liberty to the individual peasants and there were many people who
+believed that the worst extremes of Militant Communism were over.
+
+There was great attention paid to the founding of the Ukrainian Academy
+of Sciences and the Ukrainian Soviet government sent out the most
+cordial invitations to the old leaders of the Ukrainian Republic to
+return and take their places in the new order and in the rebuilding of
+the country. Many accepted. Professor Hrushevsky returned from Vienna
+and was made head of the Historical Section of the Academy of Sciences.
+Holubovich, who had been President of the Council of Ministers of the
+Ukrainian National Republic, followed and many of the other leaders
+moved to Kharkiv and Kiev. The Academy of Sciences flourished and
+intellectual work was liberally supported. It elected to membership the
+outstanding scholars of Western Ukraine, who welcomed this opportunity
+to have free and open communication with their friends and kindred
+of Great Ukraine. At the same time, steps were taken to introduce
+Ukrainian into all the offices of the government of the Ukrainian
+Soviet Republic. A Ukrainian army was established, with the official
+language Ukrainian, and while it formed part of the Red Army of the
+Soviet Union, it was national enough to win much sympathy and support
+from all classes of the population.
+
+It was only the hardened and incorrigible opponents of Communism who
+refused to be appeased by these actions and who persisted in refusing
+to credit the new regime with good intentions. It is true that there
+remained on the statute books the old Communist regulations in regard
+to the Academy of Sciences but there were relatively few attempts to
+enforce them, and while there was some hampering of the work of the
+scholars by zealous advocates of Marxism, it hardly seemed important
+for the average person. The same was true in almost all walks of life.
+Ukraine began to recover from the devastations of the civil wars.
+
+Yet during these years, Communism made very little advance among the
+Ukrainian people, and by 1925 the non-Ukrainian members of the party
+far outnumbered the Ukrainian, as they had from the beginning. This was
+very satisfactory to all those who were eager for the well-being of
+the Ukrainians, but it was not good news to the representatives of the
+ruling group in the Kremlin, who were hoping for the spread of their
+doctrines throughout the country. For a while there was little that
+they felt able to do and even when Kaganovich appeared in Ukraine, he
+had only kind words for the progress that Ukrainian culture was making
+throughout the land.
+
+The problem before the Communists was to find the most convenient and
+easy way to assert the control of the Moscow standardizing policy
+without arousing too much discontent among the people. The return of
+agricultural prosperity under individual farming was supplying the rest
+of the Soviet Union with food and at the moment the leaders were not
+desirous of upsetting conditions too strongly. It was true, of course,
+that Ukraine was being laid under heavier and heavier contributions
+until it seemed even to some of the Communists that the entire land was
+being ruined.
+
+Then came the problem of extending Communism to the country. The First
+Five Year Plan was started in 1928 and this gave a good opportunity
+for changing conditions. Enormous factories and power plants were
+projected for Ukraine, such as the Dnyeprostroy near the site where the
+old Sich had been located. There was needed a large mass of workmen
+and the government saw to it that these were recruited from the Great
+Russians and from non-Ukrainian elements. The first step in the change
+of character of Ukraine had been taken.
+
+At about the same time, the first steps were taken to handle the
+cultural problem which had been intensified by the success of the
+preceding program of Ukrainization. Under the guise of promoting the
+solidarity of the Soviet Union, it was ordered that Russian be taught
+as a second language in all schools. Arrangements were made so that
+possibility for personal advancement was only opened to those persons
+who knew Russian. Army officers who desired a career were sent to
+Russian All-Union schools, and then for the most part were assigned to
+units from other Soviet Republics. Along with such tendencies, which
+removed from the state organization many of the outstanding young men
+even among the Communists, there came a shift of emphasis, so that
+Stalin could declare that the culture of the various Soviet Republics
+would be varied in language but socialist in essence. In other words,
+exactly the same thoughts were to be expressed in all the various
+Soviet Republics, which were to be at liberty to repeat in their native
+tongue the ideas of the Kremlin and nothing else.
+
+There was strong opposition to this stand in Ukraine and the old
+and more or less disused talk of Ukrainian counter-revolution and
+nationalism was again brought out of the discard. Mykola Skrypnyk, an
+old Ukrainian Communist, but an ardent advocate of Ukrainian culture,
+undertook to bring Communism into the Academy of Sciences. The various
+Communist organizations were invited to propose candidates for its
+membership, for party prominence and familiarity with the slogans and
+practice of Communism were henceforth to be the determining features of
+the membership, rather than eminence in any field of learning.
+
+To counter-balance the influence of the leading scholars and writers of
+the last few years, Kaganovich and Postyshev, who had been appointed
+Second Secretary of the Ukrainian Communist Party, began to discover
+that the leaders of Ukraine were in close touch with the nationalist
+and counter-revolutionary elements abroad, especially in Eastern
+Galicia. It was hardly a secret, for the Soviet authorities had
+encouraged such communication in the hope that discontent with Poland
+would bring the Western Ukrainians to declare their desire for union
+with their brothers to the east. The attempt had not been successful,
+and now the Soviet authorities were ready to turn this to account.
+They arrested many of the intellectual leaders, such as Yefremiv, the
+Vice President of the Academy of Sciences. Claiming that they belonged
+to a society for the liberation of Ukraine, they sentenced them to
+long terms in prison. Soon after they involved Professor Hrushevsky,
+deposed him from his place in the Academy of Sciences and deported him
+to a place near Moscow, where he was deprived of all possibilities of
+study. When his health was completely broken, he was allowed to go to a
+resthouse in the Caucasus to die.
+
+In 1931, the authorities discovered a new liberation centre. In
+connection with this they arrested Holubovich and many political
+leaders who had returned to Ukraine during the era of Ukrainization
+and after the usual trial condemned them to death. In 1933 it was
+discovered that more Ukrainian leaders were acting with the Ukrainian
+Military Organization abroad and these too were liquidated. Even
+Skrypnyk, who had been one of the most zealous partisans of Communism
+in Ukraine, was brought under suspicion and committed suicide. So did
+the writer Mykola Khvylovy, who was accused of counter-revolutionary
+work because he desired to strengthen the cultural connections between
+the Ukrainian Soviet Republic and Western Europe, something which was
+regarded as opposed to the growing unification of the Soviet Union and
+its increasing isolation from the rest of the world. Step by step the
+independence that had characterized the Ukrainian writers, even the
+Ukrainian Communists, during the twenties was taken away and those who
+survived accepted the necessity of producing a culture that was purely
+socialist and Kremlinesque in essence and Ukrainian only in language,
+and not always that, for the new tendencies aimed to assimilate into
+Ukrainian as many Russian words as possible.
+
+The continued trials and arrests can be explained in only two ways.
+Either the Ukrainian national movement had gained prodigiously during
+the years of Soviet rule and had swung to itself not only the remains
+of those people who had fought for the Ukrainian National Republic
+but also the founders of the Ukrainian Soviet Republic itself. If
+so, it would have required little help from outside to have won the
+independence of the country. Or the government of Stalin had decided
+to eliminate as counter-revolutionary all men of any capacity for
+independent thinking and the accusations against them were devoid of
+factual foundation. One after another such Communists as Postyshev, who
+had carried on the first trials, were themselves accused of Ukrainian
+nationalism and liquidated or deported.
+
+While this was going on in intellectual circles, Stalin announced his
+plans for the socialization of agriculture. It was ordered that this be
+carried through with the greatest speed and the peasants were forced
+to give up their lands and to enter the newly established collective
+farms, which were established throughout Ukraine as well as throughout
+the entire Soviet Union. Here the government encountered and proceeded
+to deal with the other aspect of Ukrainian life that had embarrassed
+the Ukrainian National Government. That had attempted to satisfy the
+peasant hunger for land by taking it away from the great landlords and
+giving it to the peasants. It was the opposition of these Russianized
+classes that had been used by the Germans in supporting the hetmanate
+of Skoropadsky against the Republic, and by the Russians with Denikin,
+when it came their turn.
+
+Now by a clever extension of the use of the term “kulak,” all the
+peasants who had been prospering on their own land and on that which
+they had acquired, were declared enemies of the Soviet Union and were
+driven into the collective farms. Armed detachments commandeered all
+the grain of the individual landowners. These retaliated by killing
+their cattle when they were ordered to turn them over to the collective
+farms, and the situation became steadily more serious.
+
+The result was the political famine of 1932–33. The collective farms
+failed to function efficiently and to secure food for the cities, the
+government confiscated all the grain in the villages and allowed the
+peasants to go hungry until they were ready to work for the government
+on its own terms. The area was closed to the outside world and for a
+long while there were no definite reports of what was going on. Even
+now many details are not known, but it seems clear that at least ten
+percent of the population of Ukraine starved to death and this time
+the government did not allow outside relief as it had in the famine
+of 1921–22. Naturally the loss of life was greater in the purely
+Ukrainian villages than it was in the cities which had been filled with
+the new people brought into Ukraine for the sake of the industrial
+development. As a result of this, it is certain that the proportion of
+non-Ukrainians in the country has increased not only by the continued
+process of immigration but also by the tremendous destruction of the
+native population. The same results were achieved also by the enforced
+deportation of millions more of the Ukrainians, who were sent to remote
+areas of the Soviet Union where enormous numbers more perished because
+of the conditions under which they were compelled to live.
+
+While the Soviet government was thus remodelling Ukrainian life in
+the country, it was exerting every effort to create a non-Ukrainian
+population in the cities. The enormous coal and iron resources of the
+eastern part of Ukraine were developed at a rapid rate. The Soviet
+Union hired American engineers to construct the enormous power plant
+of the Dnyeprostroy and they built huge factories in Kiev and Kharkiv.
+As a result Ukraine rapidly became one of the foremost industrialized
+areas in the Soviet Union and the only one about which any information
+was allowed to pass to the outside world, for it was impossible to keep
+the development in Ukraine as secret as the building of factories in
+the Urals and further east in Siberia. The majority of the workmen in
+these factories were brought in from other parts of the Union and the
+Soviets carried out a definite policy of transportation of population
+in order to crush once and for all the growth of a national or even a
+local spirit in any of the subsidiary republics.
+
+The extent of this is well shown in the writings of those Ukrainian
+authors who accepted the new regime and became ardent citizens of the
+Union. The poems of Tychyna, for example, a distinguished poet who
+early accepted the full ideology of the Communists, boast that the
+factories of Kiev are far more important than the Cathedral of St.
+Sophia and all that represented the past culture. The writers sing
+loudly the praise of Stalin, who with unerring judgment has pointed out
+the path on which Ukraine must go in connection with the older brother,
+Moscow, and all the nations of the Soviet Union.
+
+Under such conditions support was withdrawn very ostentatiously from
+all those movements which aimed to create brotherhood on the basis of
+Ukrainian tradition with the population of Eastern Galicia and Western
+Ukraine. Step by step the Ukrainian Academy of Sciences dropped direct
+connections even with those foreign scholars whom it had elected to
+membership. Later still its organization was changed, and instead
+of being an institution founded by and responsible to the Ukrainian
+Soviet Republic, it became merely a branch of the All-Union Academy of
+Sciences and represented those activities which were carried on within
+the territory of the Ukrainian Soviet Republic. Most of its special and
+localized activities were abolished and it became merely one part of a
+great organization spreading throughout the entire country and devoted
+to the study of the general interests of the whole.
+
+All these tendencies were written into law by the All-Union
+constitution of 1936, which definitely conferred upon the central
+authority all possible control over the various Soviet Republics. This
+marked the end of the illusory independence that had characterized
+the position of Ukraine since the organization of the Soviet Union.
+The power of the Kremlin was not in fact increased, but it rendered
+possible the use of this power through the official agencies of the
+government and not through the machinery of the Communist Party, which
+was in effect a duplication of the channels of command. The change was
+really one of name only, for the power of Stalin was as absolute before
+as after, the same men filled the leading positions in the central
+government and in the Party, and the constitution merely affirmed
+publicly what every one knew privately to be true.
+
+The following years witnessed the continued development of industry
+and the renewal of attempts to bind Ukrainian manufacturing and mining
+even more closely into the whole of the Soviet Union. There was a
+continuation of the purges of every one who might be remotely charged
+with holding a distinctively Ukrainian opinion on the ground that he
+was cooperating with the Ukrainian nationalist agitation, but the
+purges now came to include not only the possible suspects but almost
+all of the men who had been zealous both in Ukraine and the Russian
+Soviet Republic in organizing the regime. The old Bolsheviks were
+nearly all liquidated and year by year fewer of the more convinced
+young Communists of Ukraine found their way to the higher places in the
+Soviet Union. Those positions were more and more confined to Russians
+and even very few of the Ukrainians who had gone to other parts of the
+country for their careers were rewarded.
+
+At the same time, agriculture did revive as the collective farms became
+a little more efficient. Yet even there a new danger developed, for the
+plots of land which the individual households were allowed to cultivate
+for their own use tended to increase and to be better cared for. The
+peasants grasped at the slightest straw that would allow them to retain
+a vestige of their old independence. The government was obliged to act
+again to prevent these local family plots from taking up the best lands
+of the communal farms and to limit them at most to an acre or so. There
+were more decrees issued on this subject, there were more arrests and
+deportations and more attempts to destroy the Ukrainian character of
+the villages. The opposition could not be as strong as in the earlier
+periods when the peasants were better organized but events made it
+clear that the Soviet Union intended to leave no stone unturned to wipe
+out the slightest survival of any of the old traditional feelings.
+
+At the same time the rise of Nazism in Germany and the growing power
+of that country created a certain alarm in Moscow. Many of Hitler’s
+speeches called for the separation of Ukraine as the granary of Europe
+from the Soviet Union. The Communists could not fail to know that
+there were at least some of the Ukrainian nationalist leaders who were
+living in Berlin and presumably receiving some support from the German
+government. Yet it is noticeable that despite the many Nazi attacks
+upon the Communists, relations continued at least formally between the
+Nazis and the Communists through most of the thirties. It was obvious
+that Germany was trying to win Western support against the Soviet Union
+at the same time that the Communists were doing their best to stir
+up discontent throughout the world, whether directly or through the
+Communist International.
+
+This situation increased the Soviet desire to stifle anything that
+savored of Ukrainian nationalism and it added a certain reason for
+the Communist desire to incorporate fully the Ukraine in the national
+life of the Soviet Union. The idea of winning Ukrainian confidence
+by proper treatment did not occur to the authorities, for it was
+basically opposed to their fundamental belief that the Communist Party
+as developed in the Soviet Union was the only legitimate spokesman for
+the laboring masses of the world. It was this belief that had won them
+their position in the Soviet Union and it was to that belief that they
+were going to cling to the end of their stay in power.
+
+Thus the Soviet Union pressed on its policy of remodeling Ukrainian
+life to eliminate from it everything that had separated it from Great
+Russia in the past. Harder and harder measures were devised, the number
+of victims increased, and the new Ukrainian culture that developed
+under the Soviet Union contained less and less of those elements of
+freedom and democracy that had inspired Ukrainian thought during the
+preceding century. The Soviets not only aimed to conquer the present
+but they also attacked the past. They searched every means of changing
+the attitude of the people toward their heroes of the past They strove
+to emphasize every document that might reflect the revolutionary
+feelings of Shevchenko and Franko, they indulged in diatribes against
+Kulish and others as bourgeois, and they painted a picture of the past
+which in its opposition to the definite aspirations of the Ukrainian
+people came to sound very much like the decrees of the various rulers
+of Russia of the past. The only difference was that they paid at least
+lip service to the Ukrainian language in token of their theory that the
+culture of Ukraine as of the other republics was to be socialist in
+essence and only Ukrainian in language.
+
+It is difficult to draw up a balance sheet in detail and to weigh the
+gains of industrialization and the losses of the old life. It seems
+certain that there was no more real happiness in Ukraine during these
+years than during the long night of suppression that had preceded the
+Revolution. Every step was taken to break the national spirit and to
+train the new generation in an alien path. The only result was the
+building up of a sullen and defiant mood which might bode ill for the
+Communists, if it were properly exploited.
+
+
+
+
+                          CHAPTER TWENTY-SIX
+
+                      _UKRAINE IN WORLD WAR II._
+
+
+By the middle of 1939 it became clear that divided Ukraine was in an
+unfortunate situation. For a brief moment the promise of a free and
+independent Carpatho-Ukraine seemed to indicate where the interest
+of the country lay. The growing autonomy of the province during the
+winter of 1938–9 had gathered to it many of those Ukrainians to whom
+national independence was the chief and only goal. Democratic as
+they were, they believed that they could use Carpatho-Ukraine as a
+base, even with German blessing. They had expected to profit by the
+German-Polish dispute to win Western Ukraine in case of trouble and
+they had visualized then a clash between Germany and the Soviet Union
+which would allow them to win the independence of Great Ukraine. Then
+a united Ukraine could be set up and this would be able to play an
+independent role in the world as a nation of over forty million people.
+
+It was a nice dream of the old world but it failed to take into account
+the new practices of totalitarianism which discounted human dignity and
+human rights and regarded men and women as but the tools of the machine
+or the inanimate members of a caste. The easy way in which the Nazi
+government turned over Carpatho-Ukraine, despite its promises, to the
+Hungarians and the ruthless murder of many of its leaders showed to all
+clearsighted Ukrainians that the future was not so simple as that. Even
+those Western Ukrainians who were most hostile to Poland realized that
+they had nothing to gain by the overwhelming of the Polish state as it
+was in 1939 and despite the growing oppressive measures of the Poles,
+any plans for a Ukrainian revolt in Eastern Galicia were laid aside.
+
+The suddenly revealed conclusion of a non-aggression pact between Nazi
+Germany and the Soviet Union in August, 1939, made this even more
+evident. Little or nothing has been made public of the negotiations
+preceding this pact. The sacrifice of Carpatho-Ukraine was apparently
+connected with it but no details are known. Yet it made still clearer
+the fact that Ukraine was again in the position of 1914. Then it was
+clear to the wiser political leaders that Ukraine could only profit
+by the complete elimination of both Austria-Hungary and Russia. In
+1939, it was certain that Ukraine could profit only by the complete
+elimination of both Germany and the Soviet Union, and this meant
+that the country would suffer heavily even under the most favorable
+circumstances.
+
+The German attack on Poland started on September 1, and as expected,
+the German army pushed rapidly into Eastern Galicia and soon entered
+Lviv. They seized practically all of the area but they were not to hold
+it long. On September 17, the Soviet army invaded from the east despite
+various treaties, on the ground that the Polish Republic had ceased to
+exist as an organized state. On September 23, Ribbentrop and Molotov
+signed another pact for the division of Poland. Again the exact line
+has not been disclosed throughout its full course. Yet under it on
+September 28, the Soviet army pushed into Lviv and occupied the whole
+of Western Ukraine. This second act of treachery to Ukraine completely
+broke any Ukrainian confidence in the Nazis, and showed them that any
+further relations could only be fatal.
+
+This was the first time that the Red Army had penetrated as far as
+Lviv and they at once began to reorganize the country on the familiar
+pattern. The landowners were dispossessed and the initial steps were
+taken to collectivize the country. A large number of professors,
+journalists, clergy and other intellectual and popular leaders were
+removed. They were arrested by the NKVD and executed or deported to
+other portions of the Soviet Union. Many were killed by so-called
+outbreaks of the population led by Soviet agents. In fact all of
+the methods tested by twenty years of Soviet work in Ukraine were
+concentrated on the helpless province, in preparation for a “free”
+election.
+
+This election was held on October 22 and 91 percent of the population
+voted for the formation of a Popular Council of Western Ukraine. It was
+openly said that any one who refused to vote for the single list of
+candidates, which included almost no known Ukrainian leaders of Western
+Ukraine, would be treated as a counter-revolutionary and there was no
+need to amplify this statement. At its first meeting on October 27,
+the new Council formally begged to be included in the Ukrainian Soviet
+Republic. There were more meetings of the picked groups at Kiev and at
+Moscow and on November 1, representatives of the Council were invited
+to Moscow where they presented their petition and were duly accepted
+into the bosom of the Ukrainian Soviet Republic. From then on Western
+Ukraine was regarded as an inalienable part of the Ukrainian Soviet
+Republic.
+
+It was the same act that had been symbolically performed in 1919,
+when the delegates of the Republic of Western Ukraine had appeared
+at Kiev and the united Ukrainian Republic had been proclaimed. But
+what a difference! Then representatives had appeared; there was joint
+discussion of the problems that had to be solved; there were attempts
+to resolve them on democratic lines. Now the appeal was to the Council
+of Commissars and the Supreme Soviet at Moscow. The delegates were
+handpicked and there had been already a long list of arrests and
+executions before the conscious portion of the population adequately
+reflected the will of the Communist Party, which had won few adherents
+during the preceding twenty years.
+
+The farce continued with new demonstrations of love and affection for
+Stalin and the Soviet Union. On December 24, after more preparation,
+the proper candidates were elected to the local soviets and on March
+24, 1940, Western Ukraine elected delegates to the Supreme Soviet of
+the Ukrainian Soviet Republic and to the Supreme Soviet of the Soviet
+Union. The next year and a half were spent in remodelling the country
+and in stopping any manifestations of the popular spirit which were not
+socialist in essence and only Ukrainian in language. Only the personal
+reputation of Archbishop Sheptitsky saved him from sharing the fate of
+the vast majority of the intellectuals and clergy of the country.
+
+All this had barely been started when on June 27, 1940, the Soviet
+Union intimated to Romania that it would be extremely appreciative,
+if it would hand over Bukovina and Bessarabia. The Nazi-Soviet accord
+was still working smoothly and Romania graciously consented. The
+next day the Red Army moved in and awarded to the Ukrainian Republic
+northern Bukovina and northern Bessarabia. The rest of the territory
+so graciously ceded was added to the Moldavian Soviet Republic. Again
+there were the same speeches of gratitude, the same elections, the same
+choosing of delegates to the various Soviet Republics and the Supreme
+Soviet of the Soviet Union and the same introduction of the ideals and
+practices of the Communist Party.
+
+Then on June 21, 1941 there came the lightning attack of the Germans
+upon the Soviet Union. In a few weeks the German armies smashed across
+the Soviet borders, occupied Kiev and Kharkiv and approached Moscow.
+Once again Ukraine had changed masters.
+
+There was little reason for the population to rejoice. The Germans
+came not as liberators but as conquerors. They made no attempt to
+remedy any of the abuses of the Soviet authorities but they added to
+them by insisting that all of the property confiscated by the Soviets
+was the property of a hostile government and therefore entitled
+to confiscation. They made no effort to consult the wishes of the
+Ukrainians or to establish a self-respecting Ukrainian government.
+They sought only for a few leaders who would consent to act as German
+representatives to push the people into a definitely subordinate
+position as a subject race. They did allow some of the churches to
+reopen and they gave a grudging support to the revival of the Ukrainian
+Orthodox Church, which had been banned as soon as the National Republic
+had been suppressed.
+
+Yet they prevented any considerable mass movement from developing by
+seizing several million Ukrainians, both men and women, and sending
+them to Germany as slave labor. There is no need to recount the
+hardships of these unfortunate people, who were compelled to work
+for almost no wages and on starvation diets for the benefit of the
+master-race. Their fate was additional proof, if such were needed, that
+Ukraine could expect even less from the Germans than it could in 1918,
+and it speedily served to disillusion even the most inveterate enemies
+of the Communists.
+
+On the other hand, the fate of another large section of the population
+was little better, for the Soviets endeavored to move as large a part
+of the population as possible to the east and millions more found
+themselves forcibly deported from their homes on the pretext that they
+would thus escape the scourge of war. The Academy of Sciences and much
+of the Universities of both Kiev and Kharkiv were thus moved and the
+Academy of Sciences celebrated the twenty-fifth anniversary of its
+foundation in Ufa in western Siberia.
+
+Partisan warfare broke out on a large scale both among Ukrainian
+patriots and Soviet sympathizers. Bands of men, sometimes numbering
+thousands, with equipment taken from both sides, ravaged the country,
+while the Soviets announced that those who fought the Germans were
+patriots and those who attacked the Red Army were fascists and
+bandits. The names of such leaders as Taras Bulba and Bandera who were
+distinctively Ukrainian nationalists and fought both sides are known
+but again there is little detailed knowledge of their activities.
+The worst aspects of 1918 were repeated for these leaders, although
+struggling only for an independent Ukraine, came into frequent clashes.
+Some of them seem to have been the survivors of the older nationalist
+bands that had fought even after the formal ending of the Civil Wars,
+others were communistically inclined and fought for the Soviets,
+and undoubtedly some were able to profit by more or less temporary
+alliances with various German units which controlled the main centres
+of population and the lines of communication but which were unable to
+occupy the broad expanses of the country.
+
+Soviet propaganda during the war emphasized the fact that the purges of
+the thirties had completely destroyed any fifth-column activities in
+the Soviet Union and glorified all the partisans, but despatches since
+the close of hostilities indicate that in some areas the great swarms
+of bandits and deserters from the Red Army could hardly have appeared
+in the course of a few weeks. Apparently in some districts there was
+almost as much anti-Soviet as anti-Nazi activity going on in the no
+man’s land between the two armies.
+
+At the same time, there can be no doubt that this partisan activity
+played an enormous role in hemming in the German forces and in
+rendering it impossible for them to secure supplies even from land
+which seemed to be safely under their control. It is indeed possible
+to wonder what would have been the outcome in many areas, especially in
+Ukraine, had the Germans seriously undertaken the task of liberating
+the community and of dealing honestly with the people who had
+experienced so many years of starvation and confiscation. Yet these
+ideas were entirely foreign to the Nazi temperament, which sought to
+displace the native population by settling German colonists on the soil
+and to reduce the original inhabitants to still greater misery or to
+carry them off and destroy them by forced labor.
+
+After reaching Stalingrad and the northern Caucasus, the German tide
+began to ebb and soon flowed back into Ukraine and White Ruthenia.
+Slowly but surely the retreat continued and its speed increased as the
+Germans made their way back to the land from which they had set out so
+gaily three years before. After the wave of battle had swept again over
+Ukraine, the Soviet armies were reorganized into Ukrainian and White
+Ruthenian armies to bring these Soviet republics into prominence. It
+does not seem likely that these armies under Soviet Russian generals
+can be regarded as armies either of Ukrainian or White Ruthenian
+citizens. If we accept this version, we must assume that few members of
+the Russian Soviet Republic took part in the war, for at no time was
+there mention of any Russian armies and this conflicts with the stories
+of general mobilization that have been so often told. Apparently the
+Ukrainian and White Ruthenian armies were armies that were formed or
+based on the territory of the two Soviet Republics but they served
+as the basis of the claim that both Ukraine and White Ruthenia were
+entitled to enter the United Nations.
+
+To facilitate this, the Soviet constitution was changed in autumn of
+1944 to provide special Commissars for Foreign Affairs for the various
+Soviet Republics and to allow them to send diplomatic representatives
+to foreign countries. In one sense this is a return to the conditions
+prevailing in Ukraine before the organization of the Soviet Union,
+when the bond of connection was the iron control of the Communist
+Party over all the Communists in the various Soviet Republics. It
+bears a superficial resemblance to the decentralization of the British
+Commonwealth of Nations, but this is only superficial, for so far as
+we know, there has been no change in the provision of the Constitution
+that provides that the All-Union Soviet can cancel any measure that is
+adopted by the individual Soviet Republic, if it wishes to do so.
+
+It is interesting, to say the least, that the Ukrainian representative
+at San Francisco was the same Manuilsky who had come down from Moscow
+to act as the Muscovite representative at the formation of the
+Ukrainian Soviet Republic. He was born in Ukraine but he spent most
+of his life in the service of the Russian Soviet Federated Republic
+and later the All-Union Soviet, and his relations with Ukraine have
+been rather as a Russian or Soviet delegate than as a spokesman for
+the Ukrainians. The Chairman of the Council of Commissars, Khrushchev,
+seems to be definitely a Russian. In fact there is little to suggest
+that there is any Ukrainian of prominence on the Ukrainian scene in
+a major role. It seems abundantly clear that Ukraine is now being
+considered merely as a definite tract of territory with no special
+connection with its own past, for it must have a culture socialist in
+essence and only Ukrainian in language, and there is some doubt as to
+whether the language is not being remodelled on the Russian pattern.
+
+As the German troops retreated further and further, Ukraine was again
+thoroughly ravaged. The cities were largely in ruins, the population
+had been murdered or deported either to east or west, and the material
+progress that had been accomplished during the twenty years between
+the wars was largely wiped out. It was necessary to begin to rebuild
+the country after a desolation which exceeded that of 1918–20. Yet
+there have been few consistent stories of what has happened. Side by
+side with accounts of starvation as a result of the German seizure of
+foodstuffs, there have been equal stories of gifts by the joyful and
+liberated population to the victorious Red Army and these gifts have
+been reported on a scale that would indicate abundance in the areas
+which were the most hotly contested. There is no way to harmonize the
+various accounts that have been put out officially and it is probably
+wiser not to attempt it at the present time.
+
+Then as the Red Army swept on into Western Ukraine, the same procedure
+was repeated. In every city there were held gatherings greeting Stalin
+as the liberator of the land with the glorious Red Army. There were the
+usual resolutions of gratitude, the usual concerts at which Russian
+music formed the bulk of the program, the usual glorification of all
+those Ukrainian heroes who worked for the union of Ukraine and Russia
+and the usual condemnation of every event or person who did not fit
+into the Russian or the Russian Soviet program.
+
+Then came the turn of Carpatho-Ukraine. At the time when the Soviet
+Union recognized the Czechoslovak government-in-exile during the War,
+it recognized the old boundaries of the country and this included
+Carpatho-Ukraine. When the Red Army crossed into the area, there came
+the usual demonstrations, the usual resolutions, the usual appointment
+of temporary Soviets, and then the usual request that the country
+be allowed to join the Ukrainian Soviet Republic, and of course the
+petition was accepted.
+
+Yet when it came to a question of carrying on negotiations with
+the “independent” Polish government set up after the Allied powers
+had withdrawn recognition from the Polish government-in-exile, the
+negotiations were carried on in Moscow. The district of Kholm, which
+was an old part of Ukraine, was freely handed over to Poland without
+any consultation with the wishes of the population, a consultation that
+would have been unnecessary, for the entire population of the Soviet
+Union desires only what has been put forward by the Kremlin, and the
+same process was followed in Lemkivshchina.
+
+With the occupation of the whole of Ukraine by the Red Army there has
+descended an even more impenetrable veil over the country. The silence
+that reigned during the war has become even more intense and the
+information that comes out is hardly credible, unless the entire past
+for centuries has been one long nightmare.
+
+It was to be expected that all traces of an independent Ukrainian
+Orthodox Church would disappear as soon as the Soviet government was
+back in control, especially since it has allowed the restoration of
+the Patriarchate of Moscow to carry out its plans among the other
+Slavs. It was to be expected that punishment would be visited upon
+the leaders of the Uniat Church, for they had proved themselves in
+Western Ukraine to be the guardians of the Ukrainian national spirit.
+Throughout the nineteenth century they had worked for the spiritual
+and material welfare of their people and in the past the Russian
+Empire had dealt harshly with them in all areas under its control.
+Archbishop Sheptitsky, the patriarch and leader of the Church, died.
+His successor, Joseph Slipy, was arrested and apparently deported. The
+other bishops vanished from the scene either by exile, imprisonment or
+death, and an uncanonical synod of a few priests was convoked. Again
+that body did the usual thing. It officially requested to be received
+back into the Orthodox Church and to come under the Patriarchate of
+Moscow and of course the wish was granted in March, 1946. The Cathedral
+at Lviv was turned over to the Russian Church and so were many other
+Church buildings. Priests who do not conform are being imprisoned or
+tried as fascists. The Uniat and Ukrainian Orthodox bishops abroad
+have protested and have pointed out the typically uncanonical nature of
+the whole proceedings. The Pope has protested against the persecution
+of the faithful in these areas, at the violation of concordats with
+former governments in the area. All in vain. Resolutions and requests
+continue to pour out to justify and glorify the Red Army and their
+leader and the fate of the individuals involved grows ever more obscure.
+
+Yet on the other hand two phenomena stand out in clear relief. The one
+is the problem of banditry. Again and again we read that in Ukraine,
+in Poland, in Carpatho-Ukraine and along all the borders of the
+friendly states large bodies of men, largely in Red Army uniforms,
+are plundering the country, and persecuting the communists and that
+part of the population which is cooperating with the Red Army. We are
+told these men in Red Army uniforms are a mixture of Nazis, traitors
+who fought in the Nazi armies from the Slavonic lands and the general
+riff-raff that always follows in the path of war. Among them are
+Ukrainian nationalists of various groups, especially those who form the
+Ukrainian Revolutionary Army. They are said to present a formidable
+problem for the forces that are interested in preserving Soviet
+“democracy.”
+
+All this sounds strange when we compare it with the general tone of the
+communiques reflecting the jubilation of the people in being liberated
+from the Nazi yoke. It fits in well with the stories or perhaps the
+legends that patriots and nationalists saw their opportunity to strike
+a blow in their own behalf against both masters and that they have not
+been so wholeheartedly on the side of the Red Army as we were led to
+believe earlier.
+
+Side by side with them we have the amazing and distressing picture
+of the displaced persons. At the Yalta Conference it was provided
+that the persons who had been moved from an area by the Nazis should
+be allowed to return and that the governments should assist in this
+task. It sounded a reasonable measure and so it turned out in the west.
+There were few French who wished to remain in Germany or in Holland.
+There were few Dutch who were not ready to go back to their homes and
+country, even if they were to find their families dead or scattered and
+their homes burned.
+
+Yet there are millions of people who have been transported against
+their will from those portions of the Soviet Union that were occupied
+by the Germans, who refuse to go back to certain death. They have
+experienced for years the cruelty of German prison camps and the abuses
+of forced labor and even so they do not wish to go back. The methods
+that have been employed to force them to do so have become a scandal to
+the Western and civilized powers. Men and women of all walks of life
+have been ready to commit suicide rather than to face again life within
+the Soviet paradise. It is idle to call them fascists and to say that
+they fear just punishment.
+
+The suspicion cannot be put down that these are people who have once
+been within the veil and are now willing to face even death rather than
+return. There can be but one reason, that life there was so hard and
+desperate that their present fate, such as it is and has been during
+the War, seems far better and more hopeful, even when hope is lacking,
+and when their future is dark and unsettled. We cannot help thinking
+that their stories and still more their actions throw into lurid
+relief and confirm the tales of the deportations, the famines, the
+concentration camps in the wastes of Siberia and of Central Asia, that
+have drifted across the sealed borders of the Soviet Union and which
+have never been accepted at face value.
+
+Behind the veil that the Soviet Union has cast around it, Ukraine has
+been united. Ravaged by war, plundered and destroyed by the marching
+and countermarching of two armies, drained of its population by
+death and by deportations, it remains a tragic spot in the wreckage
+of a great war. Impartial observers have told us of the devastation
+and the suffering in other lands, but Ukraine remains in the shadows.
+Her spokesmen at home are mute and there are only the official
+representatives of the Ukrainian Soviet Republic speaking, as is their
+wont, the words of the Soviet Union to assure us that all is well. The
+world would like to believe it, it is resting its hopes of a better
+future upon it and yet the doubts are not dispelled, when it would be
+so easy, if the Soviet Union wished to do it.
+
+But not only that. With the triumph of the Soviet “democracy” in
+Ukraine, the Soviet Union is hastening to assure the world that it
+has discovered new examples of the revival of Ukrainian nationalism.
+It has found new cases on a large scale of the evil influences of the
+work of Professor Hrushevsky. It has found reasons for new purges of
+the Ukrainian Communist leaders who are unworthy of their great task
+of promoting the new “democracy.” There are new rumors of a drought in
+Ukraine. The world has heard all this several times and realizes now
+that it is the story of the last twenty-five years since the fall of an
+independent Ukraine.
+
+To-day Ukraine is one. For the first time in centuries it has been
+united under one government. Not since the days of ancient Kiev has
+this been so fully true, but it is a far cry from the Ukrainian Soviet
+Republic to that free and independent government which was formed so
+hopefully in 1918, in the heat and confusion of the First World War.
+It is a far cry from the dream of a free and independent republic
+organized on the democratic principles of the West to the present
+Soviet Republic, from the wild and tumultuous Kozak Host with its
+elected officers to the present organization with the chiefs appointed
+by Moscow. It is a sad story and the present chapter is by no means the
+most hopeful.
+
+
+
+
+                         CHAPTER TWENTY-SEVEN
+
+                        _THE FUTURE OF UKRAINE_
+
+
+At the end of the First World War, Ukraine won a shortlived
+independence and then it was torn apart and divided among its
+neighbors. For a while it seemed to have reverted to the conditions
+in the seventeenth century when Russia and Poland struggled for its
+ownership. At the end of World War Two it was reunited within the
+Ukrainian Soviet Republic and found its place as such in the number of
+the United Nations. What does the future hold in store for it?
+
+What is to be the future development of Ukraine? This depends on the
+future of the democratic ideals which have long been held by England,
+the United States and the whole of Western Christian civilization and
+which are now challenged by the new ideas of the Soviet Union.
+
+Perhaps never in recorded human history has the future of the world
+been so uncertain. The ending of the greatest war in history has not
+brought a feeling of peace to mankind. The power of the atom bomb,
+the enormous advances in science and in methods of destruction, the
+annihilation of space by the improvement of transportation and the
+increased range of rockets and other weapons, all have brought humanity
+to realize that in the material sphere there must be an end of war and
+of conflict or civilization will be irretrievably destroyed.
+
+On the other hand, the dissension in the ideals of man has reached a
+new high. Earlier wars between Christians and pagans, between Catholics
+and Protestants, have concerned a certain range of ideas but the
+opposing contestants have recognized many human qualities as common to
+both sides. For centuries there has been a slow but steady increase in
+recognition of the rights of the individual, of his innate right to
+choose his own place of residence, to think his own thoughts, to sing
+his own songs, and to rear his family as he would. The great despotisms
+and empires of the past ruthlessly eliminated large masses of the
+population, but they were content to demand only outer loyalty and not
+to interfere with the inner life of their subjects. Even the slaves
+could have an area of thought which they could call their own.
+
+It has remained for the twentieth century to undertake the task of
+subjugating the inner life of man. We may smile at the crudities of the
+Japanese thought police who carefully interrogated the subjects of the
+Emperor to see if they had any dangerous thoughts, but in more subtle
+ways the whole power of the Soviet Union is devoted to the creation
+of a culture that shall be socialist in essence and only differ in
+the language. Around the area which it controls there has been drawn
+an iron veil of silence and of secrecy. Its admirers abroad willingly
+accept the same restrictions and when the word filters through from
+Moscow, they willingly change their position, perform a complete
+revolution in their mode of thinking and follow the new line without
+criticism or debate.
+
+On the other hand, the United States and Western Europe are trying to
+maintain an appreciation of the old values. They are concerned with
+problems of liberty and human rights. They may fall short of their
+ideals and of their goals. There may be and often are actions which can
+only be condemned by all thinking men. Yet with it all there is the
+same hope and confidence that the human being can find his way to a
+better, happier and free future.
+
+The struggle between these two conceptions of life is destined to form
+the essence of the history of the coming years. It is truly a battle
+for the human spirit that is coming to the foreground of the world
+stage at the end of the great struggle that has thrown the whole of
+Europe and large parts of Asia and the Pacific Islands into the abyss.
+To-day it appears in the councils of the United Nations, for that body
+has been formed with the greatest care as to methods of organization,
+but with surprisingly little attention to the contents of the spirit
+of that organization. The founders did not venture to write into it
+the spirit of the Four Freedoms and the Atlantic Charter, the ideals
+of self-determination of Woodrow Wilson, or the principles on which
+American and Western Christian life has been based since the days of
+ancient Judaism and Hellenism, lest the clash between the two ways of
+life be brought into the open and doom in advance the hopes of men for
+a peaceful world.
+
+What is to be the outcome? The human mind is staggered at the
+potentialities for good and ill in the present situation. As we look
+at the human misery, the ruined cities, the scorched earth, and the
+destructive power of man, we can only wonder at what is going to
+happen, and perhaps soon.
+
+Where does Ukraine stand in all this? The Ukrainian spirit has survived
+for over a thousand years. The Ukrainians on two occasions have lost
+their upper and more cultured classes, when these were Polonized and
+Russianized. The peasant life kept on, close to the soil and has sent
+forth new shoots as soon as conditions became ripe. Every great shift
+of the European balance, every great movement that has given a new
+outlet to the human spirit has sooner or later had its effect upon the
+people.
+
+To-day as never before the Ukrainian population is scattered. The
+Soviet government has worked unflinchingly to liquidate or break every
+leader who has refused to bow to its all-embracing rule. The Ukrainian
+literature of the present is indistinguishable from the literature of
+the Russian Soviet Republic, of the Georgian Soviet Republic and of
+the Kazak Soviet Republic. Millions of Ukrainians have been torn from
+their native soil and scattered alone or with their families throughout
+the length and breadth of the Soviet Union. Their places have been
+taken by other similarly uprooted individuals, in the hope that there
+may be formed a conglomerate mass of rootless people attached to the
+traditions of the Communist Party.
+
+Can such an ambitious plan succeed? There can be no doubt that under
+the rule of Stalin and his associates, the Soviet Union has grown into
+a powerful force which is apparently able to retain the iron control
+that is necessary for its existence. There has been a terrible cost and
+this is shown by the refusal of the displaced persons to return. It
+is shown by the desperate struggle of the Ukrainians during the past
+decades to maintain their homes and their identity. How long can they
+endure? No one knows the ultimate power of resistance of the human
+spirit. No one knows how long devoted fathers and mothers will continue
+at the risk of their lives to nourish in their children those old
+traditions which can be handed down secretly and then spring to life
+with renewed vigor. No one knows how long the ruling group can maintain
+that iron unity which alone can enable it to continue its herculean
+task.
+
+The world cannot continue half free and half Communist. Sooner or
+later there will be an open clash or the ideals of one side will
+penetrate and destroy the other. The final struggle may not take the
+form of armed hostilities in the sense of a clash between the nations
+representing the two ideals, but it will inevitably spread ruin and
+devastation within one or both of the groups. The lurid tales of
+deportations when the Red Army entered Western Ukraine will be but a
+portent, a token of what will ultimately happen if the regime falls or
+extends its power throughout the world.
+
+It is chimerical to speak now of a relaxation of the methods of
+control in the Soviet Union. For a quarter of a century, the world has
+been waiting for a clear sign that this was already taking place and
+it has been disappointed. The power of the Communist Party is stronger
+than ever and it is able to profit immediately by all signs of weakness
+and of confusion among the free nations. It is able to reach out beyond
+its borders and it brooks no interference with its ideals or its
+desires.
+
+It is no time for optimism or for pessimism. Neither is it the time
+for false and wishful thinking or for easy platitudes. The fundamental
+issue is clear and however it may be glossed over, it cannot be avoided.
+
+The traditional Ukrainian culture can now flourish only outside the
+borders of Ukraine. The Ukrainian Soviet Republic, under the control
+of its Communist leaders, is becoming a part of the great and unified
+Soviet Union. Step by step the dreams of many sincere Ukrainian
+Communists that they could adapt Communism to the Ukrainian spirit
+have been blasted and those who held them have paid the price of their
+beliefs. The struggle now is to adapt the Ukrainian spirit to Communism
+by ruthless actions and by careful training. A democratic people is
+being remodelled to serve the purposes of a strictly regimented regime.
+Its past is being rewritten for it. Its present is being controlled.
+Its future is being planned.
+
+It is idle to deny that it may succeed, but we can be sure of only
+one thing. It cannot succeed until the sway of Communism over the
+whole world has been made absolute. So long as there is a fortress
+of democracy anywhere in the world, there will remain a centre from
+which the ideas of freedom and of humanity will emanate and which will
+continually menace any system which denies them and their validity and
+existence.
+
+The problem of Ukraine lies to-day as one of the great problems of
+the world. Here is a nation of forty million people that is sealed
+off from its natural contacts and deprived of its natural rights and
+desires. The tragic events of the last half century have shown that
+alone it cannot throw off the yoke that is upon its neck. Yet that does
+not mean that it must forever suffer.
+
+Once the free nations awake to the situation and bend their efforts to
+establish that freedom and dignity that is the right of every man, they
+will realize that they will have no more devoted friends and allies
+than the Ukrainians and then it will be possible to reestablish a free
+and independent Ukraine as one of the free nations of the world.
+
+
+
+
+                                 INDEX
+
+
+    _Aeneid_, 155.
+
+    Alexander I, Emperor of Russia, 162, 165.
+
+    Alexander II, Emperor of Russia, 184, 185.
+
+    Alexander III, Emperor of Russia, 193.
+
+    Alexis, Tsar of Moscow, 27, 95, 109, 112, 113, 163, 167.
+
+    All-Ukrainian Council of Soviets, 223, 224.
+
+    All-Ukrainian Revolutionary Committee, 274.
+
+    All-Union Academy of Soviets, 284.
+
+    All-Union Soviet, 276, 295.
+
+    Allies (World War I) 236, 246–249, 250, 253, 255.
+      Missions to Ukraine, 242.
+
+    Allied Supreme Council, 248.
+
+    American Civil War, 188.
+
+    American Constitution, 146.
+
+    America, 13, 14, 15, 45, 59, 87, 140, 145, 259, 303.
+      See United States.
+
+    American engineers, 283.
+
+    American pioneers, 60.
+
+    American Relief Administration, 275.
+
+    American Revolution, 14, 128, 145.
+
+    American Ruska Nationalna Rada, 241.
+
+    Andrusivo, Treaty of, 93, 121, 123, 172.
+
+    Anna, Empress of Russia, 126, 127, 136, 138.
+
+    Antae, tribe, 32.
+
+    _Antiquities of Kiev_, 192.
+
+    Antioch, 54.
+
+    Antonovich, V., Prof., 190.
+
+    Apostol, D., Kozak Hetman, 134, 135.
+
+    Archangel, 227, 229.
+
+    Armenia, 40
+
+    Armistice, World War I, 237.
+
+    Asia, 25, 303.
+
+    Asia Minor, 26
+
+    Asiatic invaders, 11, 20
+
+    Athos, Mount, 51, 56
+
+    Atlantic Charter, 303
+
+    August II, King of Poland, 126.
+
+    August III, King of Poland, 126, 127.
+
+    Austria, 163, 174–233, 256.
+      See Austria-Hungary, Hapsburgs.
+
+    Austria-Hungary, 15, 28–30, 172, 183, 195–202, 210, 212.
+
+    Avvakum, Russian religious leader, 108.
+
+    Aztecs, 12, 59.
+
+
+    Bachinsky, A., Uniat Bishop, 175.
+
+    Balaban, Gedeon, Bishop, 55.
+
+    Balkans, 33, 150, 152, 153.
+
+    Baltic Sea, 20, 24–25, 73,
+      peoples, 204, 253.
+
+    Bandera, S., Ukrainian leader, World War II, 293.
+
+    Batu Khan, 42.
+
+    Baturyn, 100.
+
+    Bazarov, character of Turgenev, 186.
+
+    Belgrade, 152.
+
+    Belinsky, V. G., 160, 169.
+
+    Berinda, P., Kievan scholar, 111.
+
+    Berestechko, battle of, 81.
+
+    Berlin, 235, 285.
+
+    Bessarabia, 291.
+
+    Bibikov, D. G., Russian Governor-General of Ukraine, 162.
+
+    Bible, 50.
+
+    Bila Tserkva, 94, 235.
+      Treaty of, 81.
+
+    Bilozersky, V. I., Ukrainian writer, 169, 185.
+
+    Black Sea, 19, 20, 24, 26, 33, 66, 194, 206, 234, 235, 246.
+
+    Bobrinsky, Count A. G., Russian Administrator, 211.
+
+    Bogdanovich, I., Russian writer, 156.
+
+    Bogolyubsky, Prince Andrey, Prince of Suzdal, 26, 41.
+
+    Bohemia, 28, 36, 54, 154, 269. Estates of, 161.
+      See also Czech, Czechoslovakia.
+
+    Boileau, N., French critic, 156.
+
+    Bolsheviks, 217, 221–253, 273, 274, 285.
+      See also Soviets, Soviet Union, Communists.
+
+    Bosphorus, 10.
+
+    Boston, Mass, 145.
+
+    Braslav, 81, 126.
+
+    Brest-Litovsk, 55, 123, 229, 238, 251, 270, 274.
+      See also Union of Brest.
+
+    British, 145.
+
+    British Commonwealth of Nations, 295.
+
+    Brody, 269.
+
+    Brotherhoods, 53, 57, 69, 107, 120, 122–124, 176, 179.
+
+    Brusilov, A. A., Russian general, 213.
+
+    Budenny, S., Soviet general, 252.
+
+    Bukovina, 172, 181–196, 208, 239, 241, 291.
+      See also Austria-Hungary, Romania.
+
+    Bunker Hill, 145.
+
+    Bulavin, K., Don Cossack ataman, 110.
+
+    Bulgarians, 152.
+
+    Buturlin, V. V., Russian boyar, 82.
+
+    Byliny, 35.
+
+    Byron, Lord G. G., 94.
+
+    Byzantine Empire, 21, 24, 33, 34, 40, 45, 46, 52, 69.
+      See also Constantinople, Turkey.
+
+
+    Cadets, Russian political party, 226.
+
+    Capet, Hugh, King of France, 10.
+
+    Carbonari, Italian secret societies, 164.
+
+    Carpathian Mountains, 19, 25, 36, 43, 172, 211, 266.
+
+    Carpatho-Ukraine, 174, 182, 195–196, 207–212, 239, 241, 265–272,
+        288–289, 296, 298.
+      See also Austria, Austria-Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Hungary.
+
+    Caspian Sea, 40.
+
+    Catherine I, Empress of Russia, 135.
+
+    Catherine II, the Great, Empress of Russia, 14, 128, 137–178, 203,
+        226.
+
+    Caucasus, 204, 280, 294.
+
+    Cehelsky, L., Western Ukrainian leader, 246.
+
+    Central Administration of Press, Russia, 191.
+
+    Central Asia, 171, 193, 218, 247, 299.
+
+    Central Powers (World War I), 227–231.
+      See also Germany, Austria-Hungary.
+
+    Charlemagne, 36.
+
+    Charles XII, King of Sweden, 97–102, 131, 134.
+
+    Chernihiv, 36, 39, 42, 81, 152, 165, 185, 204.
+
+    Chernivtsy, 241.
+
+    Chertomlyk, vase, 32.
+
+    Chetniks, 125.
+
+    Chetyi Minei, 115.
+
+    China, 21.
+
+    Chronicles of Kievan Rus’, 26, 31, 32, 115, 150.
+
+    Church Schism, 35.
+
+    Church Slavonic, 34, 43–51, 108–112, 149–176, 180–199.
+
+    Ciceronian Latinists, 150.
+
+    College of St. Athanasius, Rome, 116.
+
+    Columbus, Christopher, 12.
+
+    Communism, 262–292.
+      Communist Party, 276, 284, 291, 295, 304, 305.
+      Russian Communists, 274, 306.
+      Ukrainian Communists, 279–285.
+      See also Bolsheviks, Soviets.
+
+    Communist International, 286.
+
+    Concord Bridge, Mass., 14.
+
+    Confederation of Bar, 127, 128.
+
+    Congress of Ruthenian Scholars, 181, 183.
+
+    Constantine, Russian Grand Duke, 165.
+
+    Constantinople, 9, 12, 21, 27, 33, 35, 37–52, 66, 90, 94, 107, 108,
+        117, 122, 152.
+      Patriarch of, 33, 54, 93, 122, 266.
+      Church of St. Sophia, 33.
+      New Church, 38.
+
+    Convention of Ukrainian Soldiers and Peasants, 220.
+
+    Cortez, H., Spanish leader, 12.
+
+    Council of Ambassadors, 255, 258.
+
+    Council of Florence, 45, 52.
+
+    Council of General Secretaries, Ukraine, 220.
+
+    Council of the Regency, Polish, 239.
+
+    Councils of Workers’ and Soldiers’, Deputies, 217.
+
+    Crimea, 64, 66, 76, 91, 93, 250.
+
+    Cromwell, Oliver, 13.
+
+    Crusades, 45, 47.
+
+    Curzon Line, 249.
+
+    Cyrillic script, 192.
+
+    Cyril Loukaris, 49.
+
+    Czaplinski, Polish officer, 74, 77.
+
+    Czartoryski family, Polish, 140.
+      Prince Adam, 162.
+
+    Czech, 153–167, 186, 238, 241, 265–269.
+      See also Czechoslovakia.
+
+    Czechoslovakia, 208, 242, 260–270, 296.
+      See also Carpatho-Ukraine.
+
+    Czernin, Count O., Austro-Hungarian diplomat, 230, 231.
+
+
+    Danube River, 142.
+
+    Danzig, 127.
+
+    Dardanelles, 20, 235.
+
+    Decembrists, Russian revolutionary movement, 165, 167, 186.
+
+    Denikin, A. I., Russian general, 234, 244–250, 282.
+
+    Direktoria, 235–252.
+
+    Dnyeper River, 9, 20, 24, 25, 29, 34, 36, 43, 58–77, 88, 91, 93,
+        101, 121, 144, 198, 251, 252.
+
+    Dnyeprostroy, 278, 283.
+
+    Dnyester River, 20.
+
+    Dobrovsky, J., Czech scholar, 153, 156.
+
+    Dobryansky, A., Carpatho-Ukrainian leader, 182, 196.
+
+    Dobrynya Nikitich, bylina hero, 35.
+
+    Dolgoruky, V. V., Russian minister, 135.
+
+    Don Cossacks, 61, 110, 234.
+
+    Don River, 19, 20, 25, 40, 61.
+
+    Donets River, 194, 246.
+
+    Doroshenko, Peter, Kozak ataman, 92, 93.
+
+    Dostoyevsky, F. M., Russian writer, 188.
+
+    Drahomaniv, Mykhaylo, Ukrainian publicist, 190, 198, 199, 217.
+
+    Drake, Sir Francis, 12.
+
+    Druzhina, 33, 38, 40.
+
+    Dukhnovich, O., Carpatho-Ukrainian leader, 196.
+
+    Duma, 205, 213.
+
+    Dunajec River, 212.
+
+    Dutch, 118.
+
+
+    Eastern Galicia, 201, 207, 211, 230, 239–260, 270, 272, 280, 283,
+        289.
+      See also Galicia, Western Ukraine.
+
+    Eastern Ukraine, 196–206, 242.
+      See also Ukraine.
+
+    Educational Society, Galicia, 182.
+
+    Eichhorn, German general, 232–233.
+
+    Elizabeth, English Queen, 12.
+
+    Elizabeth, Empress of Russia, 136, 138.
+
+    _Eneida_, work of Kotlyaresky, 155, 158.
+
+    Engelhardt, Pavel, owner of the Shevchenko family, 147, 166.
+
+    England, 10, 29, 46, 59, 73, 87, 117, 169, 227, 234, 301.
+
+    Enlightenment, 156.
+
+    Entente (World War I), 214, 227.
+
+    Estonia, 253.
+
+    Europe, 1–45, 52, 59, 60, 65, 73, 84–89, 105, 106, 113–121, 146,
+        155.
+      See also Western Europe.
+
+
+    Finland, 218, 247, 253.
+
+    Finnic tribes, 25, 36, 40.
+
+    Five Years Plan, 278.
+
+    Fort Kodak, 75, 76.
+
+    Four Freedoms, 17, 303.
+
+    Fourteen Points, 15, 238.
+
+    Francis II, Emperor of Austria, 178.
+
+    Francis Joseph II, Emperor of Austria-Hungary, 195, 214, 215, 230.
+
+    Franko, Ivan, Ukrainian writer, 172, 182, 199, 200, 206, 209, 267,
+        286.
+
+    France, 25, 35, 73, 117, 118, 140, 156, 227, 234, 250, 255, 265,
+        299.
+
+    French language, 147, 150.
+
+    French Revolution, 14, 146, 157, 178.
+
+
+    Galicia, 29, 39, 129, 130, 167–214, 230–264.
+      Princes of, 26, 39, 41.
+
+    Galician Diet, 201.
+
+    Genghis Khan, 42.
+
+    Gennady, Archbishop of Novgorod, 50.
+
+    Genoa, 276.
+
+    Georgia, 40, 96, 234.
+      Georgian Soviet Republic, 303.
+
+    Germany, 10, 13, 116, 117, 164, 207–234, 263, 269–299.
+      See also Nazis.
+
+    German language, 153, 154, 178, 179.
+
+    Godunov, Boris, Tsar of Moscow, 67, 109.
+
+    Gogol, N. V., Russian writer, 159, 190.
+
+    Golden Horde, 42, 46, 60, 88.
+
+    Golden Horn, 45.
+
+    Golitsyn, Prince V., Russian minister, 93, 94, 95.
+
+    Gonta, Ivan, Haydamak leader, 128.
+
+    Great Russian, 19, 112, 139, 160, 194, 199, 204, 218, 276, 278,
+        286.
+      See also Moscow, Muscovite, Russian.
+
+    Great Russian Language, 111, 117, 151, 169, 181, 188, 191, 192,
+        205, 267.
+
+    Greek, 26, 49, 50, 107–109.
+      Greek monks, 34–37.
+      Language, 108.
+
+    Greek Catholics, 207, 262.
+      See also Uniat Church.
+
+    Gregory VII, Pope, 10.
+
+    Gregoryev, ataman, 246.
+
+    Grigoryev, A. A., Russian critic, 160.
+
+    Groener, German general, 232.
+
+
+    Halich, 29, 43.
+
+    Haller, Joseph, Polish general, 242.
+
+    Hanseatic League, 108.
+
+    Hapsburgs, 28, 29, 146, 197, 214, 215.
+      See also Austria, Austria-Hungary.
+
+    Haydamaks, 125–128.
+
+    Helen, wife of B. Khmelnitsky, 74, 77, 82.
+
+    Hellenism, 202.
+
+    Henlein, K. Sudeten leader, 268.
+
+    Herder, J. G., German writer, 157, 160.
+
+    Hetman (title), 13, 63–145, 235.
+
+    Hetman’s Council, 133, 137, 138, 140.
+
+    Hetman State, 133–162, 184.
+      See also Kozaks, Ukraine.
+
+    Hitler, A., German Fuhrer, 270, 271, 285.
+
+    Hlinka, Mgr. A., Slovak leader, 268.
+
+    Hlukhiv, 100, 131, 138.
+
+    Hoffman, German general, 230.
+
+    Holland, 299.
+
+    Holovatsky, Y., Ukrainian scholar, 180.
+
+    Holovaty, A., Kozak officer, 142.
+
+    Holovna Rada (Galicia), 181.
+
+    Holubovich, V., Ukrainian minister, 231, 277, 280.
+
+    Holy Roman Empire, 10, 36.
+
+    Holy Synod, Russia, 116, 119, 133.
+
+    Homonai, Hungarian magnate, 173.
+
+    Horowitz, Ukrainian Communist leader, 225.
+
+    Hrinchenko, B., Ukrainian author, 193.
+
+    Hromada, 190, 191.
+
+    Hrushevsky, M., Ukrainian president, 206, 211, 217, 230, 259, 277,
+        280, 300.
+
+    Hrynko, Ukrainian Communist leader, 274.
+
+    Hungary, 35, 36, 43, 125, 172–179, 195, 197, 207, 212, 265–271,
+        288.
+
+    Hust, 241, 242, 269, 271.
+
+
+    Ilya of Murom, hero of Rus’, 35.
+
+    Incas, 12, 59.
+
+    Iranian, 25.
+
+    Islam, 88, 93.
+      See also Mohammedanism, Tatars, Turkey.
+
+    _Istoria Rusov_, 149, 153, 159.
+
+    Italy, 26, 46, 106, 164, 195.
+
+    Italian Language, 150.
+
+    Ivan III, Tsar of Moscow, 46, 106.
+
+    Ivan IV (the Terrible), Tsar of Moscow, 108.
+
+    Ivan VI, Tsar of Moscow, 136.
+
+    Ivanov, Russian Communist leader, 225.
+
+    Izmaylov, Russian Minister, 131.
+
+
+    Jadwiga, Queen of Poland, 47.
+
+    Jan Kazimierz, King of Poland, 78.
+
+    Japan, 302.
+
+    Jena, German University, 166.
+
+    Jeremias, Patriarch of Constantinople, 53, 54.
+
+    Jerusalem, 78.
+
+    Jesuits, 49, 52, 54, 65, 74, 117.
+
+    Jews, 125, 266.
+
+    Joachim, Patriarch of Antioch, 54.
+
+    Joachim, Patriarch of Moscow, 115.
+
+    Joseph II, Emperor of Austria, 174, 177, 178, 179.
+
+    Judaism, 33, 303.
+
+    Judaizers, Russian religious sect, 50.
+
+    Jungmann, J., Czech writer, 161.
+
+
+    Kaffa, 66.
+
+    Kaganovich, Soviet minister, 279.
+
+    Kalinowski, Polish hetman, 75, 76.
+
+    Kalka River, 42.
+
+    Kalnyshevsky, P., Kozak koshovy, 141, 142.
+
+    Kaminets Podolsky, 245.
+
+    Karamzin, N. M., Russian historian, 159.
+
+    Karl, Emperor of Austria-Hungary, 215.
+
+    Kasatin, 237.
+
+    Kazak Soviet Republic, 304.
+
+    Kazan, 43, 212.
+
+    Kentucky, 60.
+
+    Kerensky, A. F., Russian politician, 216, 219, 220, 226, 228.
+
+    Khan of the Crimean Tatars, 60, 61, 66, 75, 80, 81.
+
+    Kharkiv, 71, 104, 204, 225, 274–291.
+      University of, 162, 292.
+
+    Khliborody, 233.
+
+    Khmelnitsky, Bohdan, Kozak hetman, 13, 14, 72–97, 103, 104, 110,
+        116, 121, 125, 126, 133, 160, 163, 168.
+
+    Khmelnitsky, Timosh, son of Bohdan, 81, 83.
+
+    Khmelnitsky, Yury, son of Bohdan, 84, 92.
+
+    Kholm, 214, 230, 232, 296.
+
+    Khortytsya, 62.
+
+    Khozars, 33.
+
+    Khrushchev, Soviet Ukrainian President, 295.
+
+    Khvylovy, M., 280.
+
+    Kiev, 9–14, 21, 25–42, 47–59, 69, 78–85, 93, 106–119, 121, 127,
+        129, 144, 151–170, 174, 180, 191–194, 202–212, 217–237,
+        242–259, 266, 274, 277, 283, 290, 291, 300.
+      Academy of, 51, 71, 82, 92, 106, 111–190.
+      Archaeological Commission, 161, 168.
+      Cathedral of St. Nicholas, 95.
+      Church of St. Sophia, 38, 95, 283.
+      Church of the Epiphany, 95.
+      Church of the Tithe (Desyatinnaya), 34.
+      Grand Princes of, 10, 11, 107.
+      Metropolitan of, 37, 41, 79, 93, 110, 122, 123, 136, 175.
+      Monastery of the Caves, 37, 51, 58, 68, 95.
+      University of, 162, 167, 190, 198, 206, 292.
+      See Rus’, Ukraine.
+
+    Kochubey, Kozak general judge, 97.
+
+    Kolchak, Admiral, Russian leader, 246.
+
+    Kolii, 127, 148, 172, 174.
+
+    Kollar, J. Slovak writer, 161, 166, 167.
+
+    Koniecpolski, Polish general, 70.
+
+    Konovalets, E., Ukrainian officer, 237, 259.
+
+    Kopistinsky, Bishop of Peremyshl, 55.
+
+    Koretsky, Prince, 76.
+
+    Korsun, 76, 77.
+
+    Kosciuszko, T. Polish leader, 178.
+
+    Kossuth, L., Hungarian leader, 182.
+
+    Kostomarov, N., Historian, 149, 168, 170, 185, 186, 191.
+
+    Kotlyarevsky, I., Ukrainian author, 118, 146, 155, 156, 157, 158,
+        162, 167, 176, 179, 180, 184.
+
+    Kotsyubinsky, M., Ukrainian author, 193.
+
+    Kozaks, 11–15, 29, 58–104, 110, 121–154, 156–168, 206.
+      Host, 12–14, 59–105, 119–125, 132–138, 154, 163, 253, 256, 300.
+      Officers, 89, 100, 131–138, 141, 147.
+      Organization, 83, 86, 125, 133, 141, 146.
+      See also Zaporozhian Kozaks.
+
+    Kozaks of the Black Sea, 142.
+
+    Krakow, 26, 212, 240, 241
+      University of, 92.
+
+    Kremlin, Moscow, 87, 106, 108, 278, 284, 297.
+
+    Krivonos, Maksym, Kozak leader, 76.
+
+    Kuban, 142, 162.
+
+    Kulish, P., Ukrainian author, 149, 169, 170, 184, 185, 187, 189,
+        192, 197, 286.
+
+    Kulak, 282.
+
+    Kurbsky, Prince A., Russian boyar, 50.
+
+    Kvitka-Osnovyanenko, H., 160.
+
+
+    Ladoga Canal, 132.
+
+    LaFontaine, J. de, French fable writer, 156.
+
+    Latin, 28, 48, 50, 51, 111, 112, 130, 150, 153, 154, 176.
+
+    Latvia, 253.
+
+    League of Nations, 260, 261, 267.
+
+    Lemikivshchina, 297.
+
+    Lenin, V. I., Communist leader, 221, 226, 227, 232, 273.
+
+    Leopold II, Emperor of Austria, 178.
+
+    Lesya Ukrainka, Ukrainian poetess, 193.
+
+    Leszczynski, Stanislaw, King of Poland, 97, 98, 100, 126, 127.
+
+    Levitsky, Dmytro, Ukrainian politician, 259.
+
+    Levitsky, Ukrainian diplomat, 230.
+
+    Lexington, Mass., 145.
+
+    Literary and Scientific Review, 206.
+
+    Lithuania, 43–47, 61, 64, 79, 92, 99, 107, 109, 121, 162, 253, 256.
+      Lithuanian Charter, 139.
+
+    Little Russia, 131, 133, 138, 154, 160–183, 191.
+      Language, 188, 191, 192, 205.
+      See also Ukraine.
+
+    Little Russian Board, 132, 133, 136, 140, 145.
+
+    Livonia, 99.
+
+    Loewenhaupt, Swedish general, 99.
+
+    Lomonosov, M., Russian poet, 111, 114, 156.
+
+    Lubinsky, Ukrainian diplomat, 230.
+
+    Lubny, battle of, 67.
+
+    Lubomirski, Prince, Polish landlord, 126.
+
+    Lupul, Vasyl, ruler of Moldavia, 81, 83.
+
+    Lviv, 50–57, 78, 122, 130, 189, 195–212, 230, 238, 264, 289, 297.
+      Cathedral, 297.
+      University, 177–182, 200, 201, 206, 261.
+      Staropegian Brotherhood of, 50, 54, 55, 124, 130, 172.
+
+    Lvov, Prince G., Russian politician, 216.
+
+
+    Mackensen, German general, 212.
+
+    Magdeburg Law, 138.
+
+    Magna Charta, 29.
+
+    Magyars, 265.
+      See also Hungary.
+
+    Makhno, Ukrainian leader, 245.
+
+    Maksimovich, M., Ukrainian scholar, 161, 169.
+
+    Mala Rus’, 26.
+      See also Little Russia, Ukraine.
+
+    Manuilsky, D. Z., Ukrainian Soviet politician, 234, 274, 295.
+
+    Maria Theresa, Empress of Austria, 174, 175, 176, 177.
+
+    Marko Vovchok (Maria Markovich), Ukrainian writer, 185, 196.
+
+    Marxism, 277.
+
+    Masaryk, T. G., Czechoslovak president, 208.
+
+    Maxim the Greek, 107.
+
+    Mazepa, I., Kozak hetman, 13, 94–110, 116, 121, 122, 131, 159, 233.
+
+    Mazepintsy, 103.
+
+    Mediterranean Sea, 20.
+
+    Melnyk, A., Colonel, Ukrainian leader, 271.
+
+    Menshikov, A., Russian minister, 133, 135.
+
+    Mexico, 59.
+
+    Mickiewicz, A., Polish poet, 160.
+
+    Miloradovich, Kozak officer, 134.
+
+    Militant Communism, 277.
+      See also Communism, Soviets.
+
+    Milyukov, P., Russian politician, 208, 213, 226.
+
+    Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Russia, 133–137.
+
+    Mirbach, Count, German minister, 234.
+
+    Mliiv, 127.
+
+    Mnohohrishny, D., Kozak hetman, 92, 93.
+
+    Mohammedanism, 33, 62.
+      See also Islam.
+
+    Mohyla, P., Kiev metropolitan, 51, 71, 115.
+
+    Moldavia, 51, 66, 78, 81, 83, 125, 172.
+      See also Romania.
+
+    Moldavian Soviet Republic, 291.
+
+    Molotov, V. G., Soviet statesman, 289.
+
+    Mongols, 42, 43, 46.
+
+    Moravia, 269.
+      See also Czechoslovakia.
+
+    Moscow, 16, 25–28, 40–130, 144, 151, 153, 158, 159, 169, 190, 206,
+        217, 226, 228, 234, 251, 273–300, 302.
+      Patriarch of, 53, 107, 109, 116, 123, 133, 297.
+      See also Muscovite, Russia, Great Russia.
+
+    Moscophile party, 181, 196, 197, 199.
+
+    Moskals, 157.
+
+    Motronin Monastery, 127.
+
+    Mstislav, Kiev Grand Prince, 42.
+
+    Mukachevo, 173, 175, 269.
+
+    Mumm, Baron, German diplomat, 232.
+
+    Munich, 268.
+
+    Murmansk, 227.
+
+    Muscovite, 29, 60–121, 190, 205.
+      See also Moscow, Russia, Great Russia.
+
+
+    Nalyvaykans, 58.
+
+    Nalyvayko, Kozak leader, 68, 159.
+
+    Napoleon, French emperor, 164.
+
+    Narodniki, Russian movement, 189.
+
+    Narva, battle of, 97.
+
+    Nazis, 271, 272, 285, 288, 289, 291, 294, 298.
+      See also Germany.
+
+    Neolithic period, 31.
+
+    New Economic Policy, 276.
+
+    New England, 13.
+
+    New York, 188.
+
+    Nicephorus, Vicar of Constantinople Patriarch, 55.
+
+    Nicholas I, Emperor of Russia, 165, 170, 184, 196.
+
+    Nicholas II, Emperor of Russia, 193.
+
+    Nikon, Patriarch of Moscow, 78, 82, 109, 110, 112.
+
+    Nizhni Novgorod, 211.
+
+    NKVD, Soviet secret police, 290.
+
+    Normans, 10, 25.
+
+    Northern War, 97.
+
+    Novgorod, 25, 26, 33, 38, 40, 108, 116.
+
+
+    Obradovich, D., Serb scholar, 156, 161.
+
+    Ochakiv, 66, 142.
+
+    Odesa, 194, 246.
+
+    Old Believers, Russian religious sect, 110.
+
+    Oleh, Grand Prince of Kiev, 31.
+
+    Olha, Princess of Kiev, 33.
+
+    Omelchenko, Kozak colonel, 98.
+
+    Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists, 271.
+
+    Orient, 21, 46.
+
+    Orlyk, Philip, Kozak hetman, 102, 104, 132.
+
+    Orthodox Church, 11, 26, 28, 33, 52–130, 172, 175, 256, 262.
+      Polish, 262.
+      Russian, 41, 106–120, 212, 297.
+      Ukrainian, 93, 143, 292, 297.
+
+    _Osnova_, 185, 186, 197.
+
+    Ostrih, 49, 50.
+
+    Ostrozky, Prince Vasyl Konstantin, 50, 55, 57, 67.
+
+    Otto I, Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire, 10.
+
+    Ottoman Empire, 53, 125.
+      See also Turkey.
+
+
+    Pacific Islands, 303.
+
+    Paderewski, I. J., Polish statesman, 208.
+
+    Paganism, 33, 36, 107.
+
+    Paisius, Patriarch of Jerusalem, 78.
+
+    Palacky, F., Czech historian, 161.
+
+    Paleolithic period, 31.
+
+    Paleolog, Sophia, princess of Constantinople, 46, 106.
+
+    Paly, 94, 98, 121.
+
+    Pan-Slavic Society, 167.
+
+    Parliament, Austria, 208.
+
+    Paris, 242, 247, 248, 253, 257.
+
+    Peace Conference, Versailles, 242, 245, 247, 248, 255, 256, 257,
+        258.
+
+    Peace treaties after World War I, 249.
+
+    Pechenegs, 33, 39.
+
+    Peremyshl, 55, 57, 173, 241.
+
+    Pereyaslav, 82, 87, 88, 91.
+      Treaty of, 103, 131.
+
+    Perm, 212.
+
+    Peru, 59.
+
+    Perun, pagan god, 33.
+
+    Pestel, Russian army officer, 165.
+
+    Peter I (the Great), Emperor of Russia, 14, 27, 28, 95–118,
+        131–137, 152, 153, 167, 171, 226, 233.
+
+    Peter II, Emperor of Russia, 135.
+
+    Peter III, Emperor of Russia, 137, 139.
+
+    Petlyura S., Ukrainian leader, 235–255.
+
+    Petrograd, 220, 221, 225, 228.
+      See also St. Petersburg.
+
+    Petrovsky-Sitnyanovich, S. E. 113.
+      See also Simeon Polotsky.
+
+    Petrov, O., 170.
+
+    Petryk, Zaporozhian leader, 97.
+
+    Petrushevich, Dr. E., head of Ukrainian National Council in Western
+        Ukraine, 240.
+
+    Pilsudski, J., Polish military leader, 214, 239.
+
+    Pizarro, F., Spanish leader, 12.
+
+    Podebrady, 260.
+
+    Podkarpatska Rus, 268.
+      See also Carpatho-Ukraine, Austria-Hungary, Hungary.
+
+    Podolia, 43.
+
+    Poland, 26, 28, 35, 36, 43, 45–143, 153, 162, 164, 172–187,
+        206–208, 212, 239–298, 301.
+      Constituent diet, 257.
+      Constitution, 257.
+      Diet, 258, 259, 261.
+
+    Poletika, H., Ukrainian writer, 149.
+
+    Polish language and culture, 51, 111, 112, 153.
+
+    Polish legions, 214.
+
+    Polish National Committee, 28, 214, 239.
+
+    Polish revolt of 1831, 162, 166, 167.
+
+    Polonization, 139, 147, 150.
+
+    Polotsk, 114.
+
+    Polotsky, Simeon, Ukrainian writer, 113, 114.
+      See also Petrovsky Sitnyanovich.
+
+    Polovtsy, 29, 39.
+
+    Poltava, 101, 155, 204.
+      Battle of, 103, 116, 131.
+
+    Polubotok, Kozak, acting hetman, 133, 134, 135.
+
+    Poniatowski, Stanislas August, King of Poland, 128, 140.
+
+    Popovich, O., Bukovina Ukrainian leader, 241.
+
+    Postyshev, P. P., Ukrainian Communist leader, 279, 281.
+
+    Potapov, Russian police official, 191.
+
+    Potemkin, Prince G., Russian imperial commissioner, 142.
+
+    Potocki family, Polish landlords, 67, 70, 128.
+
+    Potocki, N., Polish Crown hetman, 75, 76.
+
+    Potocki, S., son of preceding, 76.
+
+    Potocki, A., governor of Galicia, 202.
+
+    Poty, Uniat bishop, 55, 56.
+
+    Prague, 28, 260, 267, 268, 270.
+
+    Preshiv, 241.
+
+    Prokopovich, Teofan, Archbishop of Novgorod, 115, 116.
+
+    Prosvita, 200.
+
+    Protestantism, 54, 59, 73, 116, 301.
+
+    Prussia, 140, 178, 195.
+      See also Germany.
+
+    Pruth river, 102.
+
+    Ptitsky, D., Kievan scholar, 110.
+
+    Pulaski, Casimir, Polish leader, 128.
+
+    Puritans, 13.
+
+    Pushkin, A. S., Russian poet, 159, 160, 167, 169.
+
+    Pylyava, battle of, 78.
+
+
+    Rakovsky, communist leader, 234, 274.
+
+    Raleigh, Sir Walter, 12.
+
+    Rasputin, G., Russian “monk”, 216.
+
+    Razin, Stenka, Don Cossack leader, 110.
+
+    Red Armies, 16, 250, 253, 277, 289, 291, 293, 296, 297, 298, 304.
+
+    Renaissance, 11, 113, 116, 150.
+
+    Repnin, Prince N., Russian governor-general, 162.
+
+    Revolution of 1848, 160, 168.
+
+    Revolution of 1905, 189.
+
+    Ribbentrop, Nazi minister, 289.
+
+    Richelieu, Cardinal, 73.
+
+    Rifles of the Sich, 235, 240, 269, 271.
+
+    Rohoza, M., Metropolitan of Kiev, 56.
+
+    Romania, 236, 241, 245, 250, 291.
+      See also Moldavia.
+
+    Roman Catholic Church, 10, 28, 47–57, 65, 67, 73–82, 100, 107, 108,
+        124, 129, 147, 150.
+
+    Romanov family, Russian sovereigns, 216.
+
+    Romanov, Michael, Tsar of Moscow, 67, 73.
+
+    Romanticism, 158, 159, 160, 186.
+
+    Rome, 27, 45, 55, 112, 116, 152.
+
+    Rostov, 115, 119.
+
+    Rousseau, J. J., French writer, 157.
+
+    Rozumovsky, Alexis, Ukrainian count, 137.
+
+    Rozumovsky, Cyril, hetman of Ukraine, 137, 138, 139, 140, 162.
+
+    Ruin, 91, 213, 245.
+
+    Rumyantsev, P. A., Russian administrator, 141.
+
+    Rurik, 25, 31.
+
+    Rus’, 11, 24–46, 61, 65, 69, 79, 92, 256.
+      See also Ukraine, Russia.
+
+    _Rus’ska Pravda_, 35.
+
+    Russia, 15, 21, 28, 30, 95–103, 117, 126, 129, 133, 140, 152–249,
+        250, 264, 266, 268, 272, 273, 286, 289, 296, 301.
+      See also Great Russians, Moscow, Muscovite, Soviets.
+
+    Russian Academy of Sciences, 137, 205.
+
+    Russian Archaeological Service, 180, 205.
+
+    Russian army, 12, 99–101, 122, 126–135, 140, 164, 196, 247.
+
+    Russian imperialism, 167.
+
+    Russian language, 266, 267, 278, 281.
+      See also Great Russian.
+
+    Russian Provisional Government, 216–229, 247.
+
+    Russian revolution, 30, 210–247, 287.
+
+    Russian Soviet Republic, 273–284, 294, 295, 303.
+
+    Russification, 139, 147, 151, 162, 193, 207, 208.
+
+    Russo-Japanese War, 203.
+
+    Russophile party in Galicia, 181, 182.
+      See also Moscophile.
+
+    Ruthenia, 28, 29, 64, 175, 177, 183, 197, 202, 263.
+      See also Carpatho-Ukraine, Galicia, Eastern Galicia, Western
+          Ukraine.
+
+    Ryazan, 115.
+
+    Ryleyev, K. F., Russian poet, 159.
+
+
+    Sadowa, battle of, 195.
+
+    Safarik, P. J., Czech scholar, 161, 167.
+
+    Sahaydachny, P., Hetman of Ukraine, 69.
+
+    Saints Cyril and Methodius, 34.
+
+    Saint Dmitry of Rostov, 119.
+      See also Dmytro Tuptalenko.
+
+    St. Petersburg, 28, 118, 119, 132, 137, 138, 139, 155, 158, 165,
+        169, 170, 185, 189, 190, 193, 208, 226.
+      University of, 170.
+      Fortress of Saints Peter and Paul, 134.
+      See also Petrograd.
+
+    Samoylovich, Ivan, Hetman of Ukraine, 93, 94.
+
+    San Francisco, 295.
+
+    Saray, 43.
+
+    Satanovsky, Arseny, Kievan scholar, 110.
+
+    Saxons, 35.
+
+    Scandinavians, 21, 24, 32, 33, 59.
+      See also Sweden.
+
+    Scientific Society, Lviv, 200.
+
+    Scranton, Pa., 241.
+
+    Scythians, 32.
+
+    Serbs, 151, 152, 156, 161, 167.
+
+    Sergeyev, Russian communist leader, 225.
+
+    Seven Years War, 140.
+
+    Seventh Occumenical Council, 47, 107.
+
+    Sevryuk, Ukrainian diplomat, 230.
+
+    Shakhovskoy, Prince A., Russian administrator, 136.
+
+    Shashkevich, M., 180.
+
+    Sheptitsky, Andrew, Uniat Metropolitan of Kiev, 202, 257, 259, 262,
+        291, 297.
+
+    Shevchenko, T., 15, 29, 127, 147, 148, 159, 160, 161, 166, 168,
+        170, 171, 180, 182, 184, 185, 187, 196, 198, 208, 216, 267,
+        286.
+
+    Shevchenko Society, 200.
+
+    Shevchenko Scientific Society in Lviv, 200, 206, 261.
+      In Kiev, 206.
+
+    Shvets, Prof., Ukrainian statesman, 244.
+
+    Shumlyansky, J., Metropolitan of Lviv, 123, 124, 130.
+
+    Siberia, 183, 189, 193, 212, 246, 283, 292, 299.
+
+    Sich, Zaporozhian. See Zaporozhian Sich.
+
+    Sichovi Striltsy, 214.
+      See also Rifles of the Sich.
+
+    Sicily, 26.
+
+    Sigismund Vasa, III, King of Poland, 56.
+
+    Sinope, 66.
+
+    Skarga, Peter, Polish Jesuit, 49.
+
+    Skoropadsky, Ivan, hetman of Ukraine, 100, 131, 132, 133, 137, 233.
+
+    Skoropadsky, Pavel, hetman of Ukraine, 233, 234, 235, 236, 237,
+        244, 282.
+
+    Skovoroda, H., Ukrainian scholar, 149, 155.
+
+    Skrypnyk, M., Ukrainian communist, 274, 279, 280.
+
+    Slavinetsky, Epifany, Kievan scholar, 110, 111, 112.
+
+    Slavs, 29, 32, 35, 66, 152, 158, 160, 166, 207, 226, 297.
+
+    Slavonic brotherhood, 167, 168, 186, 198.
+
+    Slipy, J., Metropolitan of Lviv, 297.
+
+    Slobidshchina, 71, 81, 141.
+
+    Slovakia, 153, 265, 268, 269, 270.
+      See also Austria-Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Hungary.
+
+    Smith, Jeremiah, American diplomat, 267.
+
+    Smolensk, 99.
+
+    Smotritsky, Melety, Kievan scholar, 111, 152, 191.
+
+    Sochava, siege of, 83.
+
+    Society of Saints Cyril and Methodius, 168, 182, 184, 185, 186,
+        198, 217.
+
+    Society for the Liberation of Ukraine, 213.
+
+    Sofia, 152, 198.
+      University of, 198.
+
+    Solferino, battle of, 195.
+
+    Solovetsky Monastery, 142.
+
+    _Song of the Armament of Igor_, 39.
+
+    Sophia, Tsarevna of Russia, 95.
+
+    South America, 59.
+
+    South Russia, 185, 189, 236.
+      See also Little Russia, Ukraine.
+
+    Southern Branch of the Geographical Society, 189.
+
+    Southern Slavs, 111, 167.
+
+    Southern Society, 164.
+
+    Soviet Army, 209, 294.
+      See also Red Army.
+
+    Soviet Constitution of 1936, 284.
+
+    Soviets, 222, 244–300.
+
+    Soviet Union, 16, 17, 22, 30, 264–300, 302, 304, 305.
+
+    Spain, 12, 46, 59.
+
+    Stadion, Count, viceroy of Galicia, 181.
+
+    Stalin, J. V., Soviet leader, 224, 226, 271, 279, 281, 283, 291,
+        296, 304.
+
+    Stalingrad, siege of, 294.
+
+    Stanislaviv, 241, 243, 258.
+
+    Streltsy, guards of the Tsar, 110, 134.
+
+    Subotiv, 74, 84.
+
+    Sudeten Germans, 268.
+
+    Suzdal, 40, 41, 42.
+
+    Svyatoslav, Grand Prince of Kiev, 32, 33.
+
+    Sweden, 56, 73, 83, 84, 87, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 104, 122,
+        124.
+
+    Switzerland, 198.
+
+
+    Taras Bulba, Ukrainian military leader, 293.
+
+    Tatars, 12, 27–29, 39–46, 60–83, 96, 101, 106, 134, 172, 206.
+      Of the Crimea, 64, 78, 80, 91.
+
+    Teplov V. N., Russian official, 140.
+
+    Tereshchenko, Russian politician, 220.
+
+    Terletsky, Uniat bishop, 55.
+
+    Ternopil, 241, 243, 258.
+
+    Theophanes, Patriarch of Jerusalem, 69.
+
+    Third Rome, 27, 46, 47, 53, 106, 108.
+      See also Moscow.
+
+    Thirty Years War, 13, 73, 97.
+
+    Timashev, Russian minister, 191.
+
+    Tokolyi, Russian general, 142.
+
+    Tolstoy, Count A. K., Russian writer, 190.
+
+    Tolstoy, P., Russian minister, 191.
+
+    Transylvania, 78.
+
+    Treaty of Riga, 252, 255.
+
+    Trotsky, L., Communist leader, 227, 231, 232, 273.
+
+    Troublous Times of Moscow, 67, 109.
+
+    Tsereteli, Russian politician, 220.
+
+    Tsertelev, N., Ukrainian scholar, 161.
+
+    Tsimiskes, John, Emperor of Constantinople, 33.
+
+    Tugai Khan, Khan of the Crimea, 76.
+
+    Tugendbund, German revolutionary society, 164.
+
+    Tuptalenko, Dmytro, 115, 119.
+      See also St. Dmitry of Rostov.
+
+    Turgenev, I. S., Russian author, 186.
+
+    Turkey, 11, 12, 29, 45, 60–77, 88–96, 102, 126, 128, 142, 172,
+        229, 234.
+      See also Ottoman Empire.
+
+    Tychyna, P., Ukrainian poet, 283.
+
+
+    Ufa, 292.
+
+    Ukraine, economic advantages, 21, 22.
+      Geographical position, 19, 20, 21.
+      Name, 24–30.
+      Revival, 155ff.
+
+    Ukrainian Academy of Sciences, 277, 279, 280, 283, 292.
+
+    Ukrainian Baroque architecture, 95.
+
+    Ukrainian Constituent Assembly, 223, 224, 232.
+
+    Ukrainian Central Council, 217–233, 244, 274.
+      See also Ukrainian Rada.
+
+    Ukrainian Commissariat for Foreign Affairs, 275.
+
+    Ukrainian Council in Western Ukraine, 239.
+
+    Ukrainian literary language, 146, 169, 188.
+
+    Ukrainian Military Organization, 259, 280.
+
+    Ukrainian National Convention, 218.
+
+    Ukrainian Progressive Organization, 217.
+
+    Ukrainian People’s Republic, 15, 16, 30, 86, 87, 222, 225, 237–281.
+      Union with Republic of Western Ukraine, 244.
+
+    Ukrainian Rada, 220, 222, 235.
+      See also Ukrainian Central Council.
+
+    Ukrainian regional committees, 241.
+
+    Ukrainian Revolutionary Army, 298.
+
+    Ukrainian Scientific Institute, Warsaw, 261.
+
+    Ukrainian socialists, 235.
+
+    Ukrainian Soviet Republic, 9, 16, 225, 231, 259, 262, 274–296, 300,
+        301, 305.
+
+    Ukrainophile party, 268.
+
+    Uman, 128.
+
+    Uniat Church, 56, 57, 68, 69, 116, 127–129, 151, 174–183, 195, 202,
+        207, 212, 267, 297.
+
+    Union of Brest, 28, 55–57, 74–79, 109, 116, 123, 124, 129, 130,
+        174.
+
+    Union of Hadiach, 92, 121, 256.
+
+    Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. See Soviet Union.
+
+    Union of Uzhorod, 173.
+
+    United Nations Organization, 9, 16, 30, 294, 301, 303.
+
+    United States of America, 15, 146, 164, 169, 188, 226, 227, 234,
+        301, 302.
+      See also America.
+
+    Universals, 220, 222, 225, 232.
+
+    Urals, 283.
+
+    Uzhorod, 174, 241, 269.
+
+
+    Vahilevich, I., Western Ukrainian scholar, 180.
+
+    Valuyev, Count P. A., Russian minister, 188.
+
+    Vasily III, Tsar of Moscow, 107.
+
+    Varangian Road, 24, 25.
+
+    Veche, 38.
+
+    Velyaminov, S., Russian officer, 132, 133.
+
+    Veneti, 32.
+
+    Verlan, Haydamak leader, 126.
+
+    Vienna, 88, 123, 164, 178, 196, 200, 201, 213, 214, 215, 250, 259,
+        277.
+
+    Virgil, Roman poet, 155.
+
+    Vistula River, 252.
+
+    Vladimir, Saint. See Volodymyr.
+
+    Vladimir, city, 40.
+
+    Vladivostok, 227, 229.
+
+    Volga River, 40, 43, 61, 211.
+
+    Volkhov River, 25.
+
+    Volodymyr, Saint, Grand Prince of Kiev, 10, 33, 34, 37, 39, 41, 69,
+        116, 144.
+
+    Volodymyr Monomakh, Grand Prince of Kiev, 37, 69.
+
+    Voloshyn, Mgr. A., Carpatho-Ukrainian leader, 269, 270, 271.
+
+    Volynia, 43, 67.
+
+    Voynarovsky, A., nephew of Mazepa, 159.
+
+    Vulgate, 50.
+
+    Vyhovsky, I., Kozak hetman, 84, 92, 121.
+
+    Vynnychenko, V., Ukrainian statesman, 220, 235, 236.
+
+    Vyshensky, I., Ukrainian author, 56.
+
+    Vyshnevetsky, Prince Dmytro, Kozak hetman, 62, 64, 77.
+
+
+    Wallachia, 66, 78, 83, 127.
+
+    Warsaw, 77, 81, 92, 242, 252, 258, 261.
+
+    Washington, George, 145.
+
+    Western Front, World War I, 231, 234, 242.
+
+    Western Galicia, 201, 212, 240, 255.
+
+    Western Ukraine, 174–183, 197–198, 212, 238–252, 255–264, 265, 267,
+        277, 280, 283, 288–297, 304.
+      Republic of, 238–243, 244, 256, 290.
+      See also Eastern Galicia.
+
+    Western Ukrainian Council, 244.
+
+    Western Ukrainian Popular Council, 290.
+
+    White Russian armies, 234, 244–257.
+
+    White Ruthenia, 43, 47, 64, 67, 113, 294.
+
+    Wilno, 49, 57, 162, 166.
+      University of, 92.
+
+    Wilson, Woodrow, 15, 238, 303.
+
+    Wisniowiecki, Prince Jarema, Polish leader, 77, 80, 81, 87.
+
+    Wladyslaw IV, King of Poland, 67, 75, 77.
+
+    World War I, 15, 28, 30, 209, 227, 238, 251, 301.
+
+    World War II, 16, 263, 301.
+
+
+    Yagello, King of Poland, Grand Duke of Lithuania, 47.
+
+    Yalta Conference, 298.
+
+    Yaroslav Jesuit College, 74.
+
+    Yaroslav the Wise, Grand Prince of Kiev, 35, 37, 38, 39, 41.
+
+    Yavorsky, Stefan, acting Patriarch of Moscow, 115, 133.
+
+    Yefremiv, S., Ukrainian scholar, 280.
+
+    Yuzefovich, M., Russian official, 170, 191.
+
+
+    Zalyznyak, M., Haydamak leader, 128.
+
+    Zaporozhe, 62, 76.
+
+    Zaporozhian Sich, 12, 14, 62–104, 125–127, 130, 141–146, 162, 278.
+      Host, 68, 81,
+      Kozaks, 61, 70, 128, 141–145.
+      See also Kozaks.
+
+    Zatonsky, Ukrainian Communist, 274.
+
+    Zbarazh, battle of, 80.
+
+    Zboriv, 80,
+      Treaty of, 80, 81.
+
+    Zbruch River, 248.
+
+    Zhitomir, 232.
+
+    Zhovty Vody, battle of, 75.
+
+    Zizany, Lavrenty, Kievan scholar, 111.
+
+    Zolkiewski, S., Polish hetman, 67.
+
+    _Zora Halitska_, 181.
+
+
+
+
+                             BIBLIOGRAPHY
+
+
+   Allen, W. E. D., The Ukraine. Cambridge, 1940.
+
+   Chamberlin, W. H., The Ukraine, A Submerged Nation. New York,
+   1944.
+
+   Doroshenko, D., History of the Ukraine, Edmonton, 1940.
+
+   Hrushevsky, M., A History of Ukraine, New Haven, 1941.
+
+   Manning, C. A., Ukrainian Literature, Studies of the Leading
+   Authors, Jersey City, 1944.
+
+   Manning, C. A., Taras Shevchenko, Selected Poems, Jersey City,
+   1945.
+
+   Margolin, A. D., From a Political Diary, Russia, the Ukraine,
+   and America, New York, 1946.
+
+   Vernadsky, G., Bohdan, Hetman of Ukraine, New Haven, 1941.
+
+   Snowyd, D., Spirit of Ukraine; Ukrainian Contributions to World
+   Culture, 1935.
+
+   Gambal, M. S., Ukraine, Rus and Moscovy and Russia, 1937.
+
+   Ukrainian Quarterly, Ukrainian Congress Committee of America,
+   New York.
+
+
+Transcriber’s Notes:
+
+1. Obvious printers’, punctuation and spelling errors have been
+corrected silently.
+
+2. Some hyphenated and non-hyphenated versions of the same words have
+been retained as in the original.
+
+3. Italics are shown as _xxx_.
+
+
+
+
+*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 78161 ***
diff --git a/78161-h/78161-h.htm b/78161-h/78161-h.htm
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..781fe49
--- /dev/null
+++ b/78161-h/78161-h.htm
@@ -0,0 +1,13512 @@
+<!DOCTYPE html>
+<html lang="en">
+<head>
+    <meta charset="UTF-8">
+    <title>
+      The Story of the Ukraine | Project Gutenberg
+    </title>
+    <link rel="icon" href="images/cover.jpg" type="image/x-cover">
+    <style>
+
+body {
+    margin-left: 10%;
+    margin-right: 10%;
+}
+
+    h1,h2 {
+    text-align: center; /* all headings centered */
+    clear: both;
+    font-weight: normal;
+}
+
+h2     {font-size: 110%; }
+
+.subhed { display: block; margin-top: 1em; font-size: 80%; font-weight: normal; }
+
+p {
+    margin-top: .51em;
+    text-align: justify;
+    margin-bottom: .49em;
+    text-indent: 1.2em;
+}
+
+.p0       {margin-top: 0em;}
+.p1       {margin-top: 1em;}
+.p2       {margin-top: 2em;}
+.p4       {margin-top: 4em;}
+.p6       {margin-top: 6em;}
+
+.p-left  {text-indent: 0em; }
+
+hr {
+    width: 33%;
+    margin-top: 2em;
+    margin-bottom: 2em;
+    margin-left: 33.5%;
+    margin-right: 33.5%;
+    clear: both;
+}
+
+hr.chap {width: 65%; margin-left: 17.5%; margin-right: 17.5%;}
+
+div.chapter {page-break-before: always;}
+
+ul        { list-style-type: none; }
+li.i1 {
+    text-indent: -2em;
+    padding-left: 2em;
+}
+li.i2 {
+    text-indent: -2em;
+    padding-left: 3em;
+}
+
+table {
+margin: auto;
+width:auto;
+border: 0;
+border-spacing: 0;
+border-collapse: collapse; }
+
+td {
+padding:  0em .2em 0em 2.5em;
+border: .1em none white;
+text-align: left;
+text-indent: -2em; }
+
+th.pag {
+font-weight: normal;
+font-size: x-small;
+text-align: right;
+padding-left: 2em; }
+
+td.cht {
+text-align: left;
+vertical-align: top;
+padding-left: 1.5em;
+text-indent: -1em;}
+
+td.cht1 {
+text-align: left;
+vertical-align: top;
+padding-left: 2.5em;
+text-indent: -1em;}
+
+td.pag {
+text-align: right;
+vertical-align: bottom;
+padding-left: 2em;}
+
+.pagenum { /* uncomment the next line for invisible page numbers */
+    /*  visibility: hidden;  */
+    position: absolute;
+    left: 92%;
+    font-size: small;
+    text-align: right;
+    font-style: normal;
+    font-weight: normal;
+    font-variant: normal;
+    text-indent: 0;
+} /* page numbers */
+
+.blockquot {
+    margin-left: 5%;
+    margin-right: 10%;
+    font-size: 90%;
+}
+
+#half-title {  text-align: center;
+                      font-size: 150%; }
+
+.hangingindent {
+  padding-left: 2em ;
+  text-indent: -2em ;}
+
+p.drop-cap {
+text-indent: 0em; }
+
+p.drop-cap:first-letter
+{
+float: left;
+margin: 0.1em 0em 0em 0em;
+font-size: 250%;
+line-height:0.85em;
+}
+
+.xs { font-size: x-small;}
+
+.sm { font-size: small;}
+
+.xl  { font-size: x-large;}
+
+.smaller  {font-size: 90%; }
+
+.center   {text-align: center;
+           text-indent: 0em;}
+
+.smcap    {font-variant: small-caps;}
+
+/* Images */
+
+img {
+    max-width: 100%;
+    height: auto;
+}
+
+.figcenter {
+    margin: auto;
+    text-align: center;
+    page-break-inside: avoid;
+    max-width: 100%;
+}
+
+/* Transcriber's notes */
+.transnote {background-color: #E6E6FA;
+    color: black;
+    font-size:small;
+    padding:0.5em;
+    margin-bottom:5em;
+    font-family:sans-serif, serif;
+}
+
+    </style>
+</head>
+<body>
+<div style='text-align:center'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 78161 ***</div>
+
+
+
+
+<p id="half-title" class="p6">The Story of the Ukraine</p>
+
+  <div class="figcenter" id="i_frontispiece">
+    <img
+    class="p1"
+    src="images/i_frontispiece.jpg"
+     alt="">
+     <p class="p0 sm center">MAP OF UKRAINE</p>
+   </div>
+
+<div class="chapter">
+
+<h1><span class="xl">The Story of</span><br>
+The Ukraine</h1></div>
+
+<p class="center sm p2">CLARENCE A. MANNING</p>
+
+<p class="center xs">Assistant Professor of<br>
+East European Languages<br>
+Columbia University</p>
+
+  <div class="figcenter">
+  <img
+    class="p2"
+    src="images/i_title.jpg"
+    alt="">
+  </div>
+
+<p class="center sm p4">PHILOSOPHICAL LIBRARY<br>
+<span class="xs">NEW YORK</span></p>
+
+<p class="center xs p4">Copyright 1947<br>
+<i>By</i> PHILOSOPHICAL LIBRARY, <span class="smcap">Inc.</span><br>
+<span class="smcap">15 East 40th Street, New York, N. Y.</span></p>
+
+
+<p class="center p4 xs">PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA</p>
+
+
+
+<div class="chapter">
+<h2>TABLE OF CONTENTS</h2>
+</div>
+
+<table class="smaller" style="max-width: 50em">
+  <tr>
+    <th></th>
+    <th class="pag smcap">Page</th>
+  </tr>
+
+  <tr>
+   <td class="cht"><i>Introduction</i></td>
+   <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_9">9</a></td>
+  </tr>
+
+  <tr>
+   <td class="cht" colspan="2"><i>Chapter I</i></td>
+  </tr>
+
+  <tr>
+   <td class="cht1 smcap">Ukraine</td>
+   <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_19">19</a></td>
+  </tr>
+
+  <tr>
+   <td class="cht" colspan="2"><i>Chapter II</i></td>
+  </tr>
+
+  <tr>
+   <td class="cht1 smcap">Rus’ and Ukraine</td>
+   <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_24">24</a></td>
+  </tr>
+
+  <tr>
+   <td class="cht" colspan="2"><i>Chapter III</i></td>
+  </tr>
+
+  <tr>
+   <td class="cht1 smcap">Kievan Rus’</td>
+   <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_31">31</a></td>
+  </tr>
+
+  <tr>
+   <td class="cht" colspan="2"><i>Chapter IV</i></td>
+  </tr>
+
+  <tr>
+   <td class="cht1 smcap">The Cultural Revival</td>
+   <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_45">45</a></td>
+  </tr>
+
+  <tr>
+   <td class="cht" colspan="2"><i>Chapter V</i></td>
+  </tr>
+
+  <tr>
+   <td class="cht1 smcap">The Kozaks</td>
+   <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_59">59</a></td>
+  </tr>
+
+  <tr>
+   <td class="cht" colspan="2"><i>Chapter VI</i></td>
+  </tr>
+
+  <tr>
+   <td class="cht1 smcap">Bohdan Khmelnitsky</td>
+   <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_73">73</a></td>
+  </tr>
+
+  <tr>
+   <td class="cht" colspan="2"><i>Chapter VII</i></td>
+  </tr>
+
+  <tr>
+   <td class="cht1 smcap">The Revolt of Mazepa</td>
+   <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_87">87</a></td>
+  </tr>
+
+  <tr>
+   <td class="cht" colspan="2"><i>Chapter VIII</i></td>
+  </tr>
+
+  <tr>
+   <td class="cht1 smcap">The Spread of Kievan Culture in Moscow</td>
+   <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_106">106</a></td>
+  </tr>
+
+  <tr>
+   <td class="cht" colspan="2"><i>Chapter IX</i></td>
+  </tr>
+
+  <tr>
+   <td class="cht1 smcap">The Last Acts in Poland</td>
+   <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_121">121</a></td>
+  </tr>
+
+  <tr>
+   <td class="cht" colspan="2"><i>Chapter X</i></td>
+  </tr>
+
+  <tr>
+   <td class="cht1 smcap">The End of Kozak Liberties</td>
+   <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_131">131</a></td>
+  </tr>
+
+  <tr>
+   <td class="cht" colspan="2"><i>Chapter XI</i></td>
+  </tr>
+
+  <tr>
+   <td class="cht1 smcap">Ukraine at the End of the Eighteenth Century</td>
+   <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_145">145</a></td>
+  </tr>
+
+  <tr>
+   <td class="cht" colspan="2"><i>Chapter XII</i></td>
+  </tr>
+
+  <tr>
+   <td class="cht1 smcap">The Awakening in Eastern Ukraine</td>
+   <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_155">155</a></td>
+  </tr>
+
+  <tr>
+   <td class="cht" colspan="2"><i>Chapter XIII</i></td>
+  </tr>
+
+  <tr>
+   <td class="cht1 smcap">The Society of Saints Cyril and Methodius</td>
+   <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_164">164</a></td>
+  </tr>
+
+  <tr>
+   <td class="cht" colspan="2"><i>Chapter XIV</i></td>
+  </tr>
+
+  <tr>
+   <td class="cht1 smcap">The Revival in Galicia</td>
+   <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_172">172</a></td>
+  </tr>
+
+  <tr>
+   <td class="cht" colspan="2"><i>Chapter XV</i></td>
+  </tr>
+
+  <tr>
+   <td class="cht1 smcap">Progress in Russia</td>
+   <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_184">184</a></td>
+  </tr>
+
+  <tr>
+   <td class="cht" colspan="2"><i>Chapter XVI</i></td>
+  </tr>
+
+  <tr>
+   <td class="cht1 smcap">Developments in Western Ukraine</td>
+   <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_195">195</a></td>
+  </tr>
+
+  <tr>
+   <td class="cht" colspan="2"><i>Chapter XVII</i></td>
+  </tr>
+
+  <tr>
+   <td class="cht1 smcap">Between Revolution and War</td>
+   <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_203">203</a></td>
+  </tr>
+
+  <tr>
+   <td class="cht" colspan="2"><i>Chapter XVIII</i></td>
+  </tr>
+
+  <tr>
+   <td class="cht1 smcap">The First World War</td>
+   <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_210">210</a></td>
+  </tr>
+
+  <tr>
+   <td class="cht" colspan="2"><i>Chapter XIX</i></td>
+  </tr>
+
+  <tr>
+   <td class="cht1 smcap">Ukrainian Independence</td>
+   <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_216">216</a></td>
+  </tr>
+
+  <tr>
+   <td class="cht" colspan="2"><i>Chapter XX</i></td>
+  </tr>
+
+  <tr>
+   <td class="cht1 smcap">Foreign Relations</td>
+   <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_227">227</a></td>
+  </tr>
+
+  <tr>
+   <td class="cht" colspan="2"><i>Chapter XXI</i></td>
+  </tr>
+
+  <tr>
+   <td class="cht1 smcap">The Republic of Western Ukraine</td>
+   <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_238">238</a></td>
+  </tr>
+
+  <tr>
+   <td class="cht" colspan="2"><i>Chapter XXII</i></td>
+  </tr>
+
+  <tr>
+   <td class="cht1 smcap">The Fall of Ukraine</td>
+   <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_244">244</a></td>
+  </tr>
+
+  <tr>
+   <td class="cht" colspan="2"><i>Chapter XXIII</i></td>
+  </tr>
+
+  <tr>
+   <td class="cht1 smcap">Western Ukraine</td>
+   <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_255">255</a></td>
+  </tr>
+
+  <tr>
+   <td class="cht" colspan="2"><i>Chapter XXIV</i></td>
+  </tr>
+
+  <tr>
+   <td class="cht1 smcap">Carpatho-Ukraine</td>
+   <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_265">265</a></td>
+  </tr>
+
+  <tr>
+   <td class="cht" colspan="2"><i>Chapter XXV</i></td>
+  </tr>
+
+  <tr>
+   <td class="cht1 smcap">The Ukrainian Soviet Republic</td>
+   <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_273">273</a></td>
+  </tr>
+
+  <tr>
+   <td class="cht" colspan="2"><i>Chapter XXVI</i></td>
+  </tr>
+
+  <tr>
+   <td class="cht1 smcap">Ukraine in World War II</td>
+   <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_288">288</a></td>
+  </tr>
+
+  <tr>
+   <td class="cht" colspan="2"><i>Chapter XXVII</i></td>
+  </tr>
+
+  <tr>
+   <td class="cht1 smcap">The Future of Ukraine</td>
+   <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_301">301</a></td>
+  </tr>
+</table>
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_9">[9]</span></p>
+
+<p class="center p6 xl">The Story of the Ukraine</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="chapter">
+<h2 class="p4"><i>INTRODUCTION</i></h2>
+</div>
+
+
+<p class="drop-cap p-left">In the spring of 1945, the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic was
+formally accepted at the Conference in San Francisco as a member of the
+United Nations Organization. This could not satisfy the aspirations
+of the forty million Ukrainians who were suffering under Communist
+yoke and were witnessing the attempt to eradicate from their country
+all those principles of freedom and democracy for which they had so
+long been struggling, but it did bring prominently before the public
+opinion of the world that Ukraine was not the creation of a series of
+propagandists but a nation with its own geographical area, its own
+population, and its own history. The rulers of the Union of Soviet
+Socialist Republics had thought fit to bring before the representatives
+of the United Nations a situation that had been denied for centuries
+by Russian officials and scholars. After long denying its existence,
+the world was forced to acknowledge that Ukraine really did exist
+and it will be impossible for students in the future to take again
+the old widespread attitude that Ukraine is only a figment of the
+imagination. It will be impossible in the future to write European and
+world history, without taking account of this people which for good or
+ill have inhabited their homeland for over one thousand years and have
+taken part in nearly all the great movements of thought and action that
+have swept over Europe.</p>
+
+<p>There is no need to delve into prehistoric times and to endeavor to
+identify the various tribes and cultures that have passed forgotten
+into the composition of Ukraine. It is over one thousand years since
+the first known dynasty was established at Kiev on the Dnyeper River
+and the country<span class="pagenum" id="Page_10">[10]</span> was launched upon its historic course. It is nearly
+one thousand years since monks from Constantinople, the imperial city
+on the Bosphorus, were invited to Kiev and baptized the sovereign,
+Saint Volodymyr, and his court and made Kiev one of the civilized
+capitals of Christendom.</p>
+
+<p>For two centuries the Grand Prince of Kiev was known and respected
+throughout Europe, even though that Europe was very different
+politically from what it is to-day. Constantinople which had given
+richly of its culture to the new state in the east of Europe was
+then the great centre of Christian civilization. All nations in the
+West were looking at its wealth and power with admiration and with
+envy, for there was none that could compare with it. The Western Holy
+Roman Empire had just struggled to its feet under the rule of the
+Emperor Otto I. Hugh Capet had just been crowned King of France and
+was struggling to make his title valuable. The Norman conquest of
+England had not yet taken place and the last Saxon rulers were trying
+to hold their crown and to unify the country. Paganism still was rife
+in large sections of Germany. The reforms of Pope Gregory VII in the
+Roman Catholic Church were still in the future. All of western Europe
+was slowly recovering from the Dark Ages which had prevailed since the
+barbarian invasions of the fifth century.</p>
+
+<p>Against this background Kiev shines as a great and progressive state.
+Its early rulers represented culture and civilization. It is small
+wonder that Princesses of Kiev married into all the royal houses of
+Europe, that the struggling princes and kings and emperors of the West
+were only too proud and happy to be connected by ties of marriage and
+of blood to the Grand Princes of Kiev, their superiors in wealth and
+culture and enlightenment. Unless we realize this fact, we cannot
+hope to understand the tragedy that swept over Ukraine when internal
+dissension and the overwhelming attacks of the nomads of the steppes
+and then of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_11">[11]</span> the Mongols weakened and destroyed a state that had seemed
+secure and permanent but a short time before. We cannot understand
+otherwise the political vacuum that developed in eastern Europe, when
+early in the thirteenth century Rus’-Ukraine ceased to be the dominant
+force along the great river valleys of the east and left its lands and
+people to be the prey of one nation after another which for centuries
+had not dared to question their will.</p>
+
+<p>It was the tragedy of Ukraine that this collapse came at the very
+period when the countries of the Roman Catholic West were struggling
+to their feet. Those years when the Middle Ages were at their height
+formed the darkest and most hopeless years in Ukrainian history. It
+was the time when the old nobility were largely lost to the life
+of the people and when in large numbers they accepted the Polish
+language and Polish customs. The fall of Constantinople to the Turks
+in 1453 deprived the people and their Orthodox Church of all contact
+with Eastern Christian culture and left them helpless, with their
+educational system in ruins, their political organization shattered,
+and their economic life in chaos. Then, if ever, it seemed likely
+that the country would be reduced to ignorant peasants destined to
+be absorbed by their conquerors and to pass away among the forgotten
+peoples of the world. The great movements of chivalry and the
+Renaissance which prepared the way for modern Europe could have no
+meaning for the helpless serfs and uneducated city people who formed
+almost all that was left of the once proud state of Kiev.</p>
+
+<p>It was then that out of these masses and the few nobles who still
+retained the national spirit and tradition there grew the surprising
+movement which revived the spirit of Ukrainian culture. It was then
+that the unsettled conditions on the frontier, the bold and hazardous
+life of opposition to the Asiatic invaders developed the Kozaks.
+On land and sea they fought and the exploits of the heroes of the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_12">[12]</span>
+Zaporozhian Sich with their wild and untamed democracy in the sixteenth
+century fitted in well with the sturdy sea-dogs of England who were
+proud to singe the beard of the King of Spain on all of the seven seas.
+The era of Sir Francis Drake and Sir Walter Raleigh, of the English
+fight against the Spanish Armada in the reign of Queen Elizabeth
+coincided exactly with the years when the Kozaks made their raids
+against the Turks and the Tatars, when they dared to burn and plunder
+the suburbs of Constantinople itself, and when the cry that the Kozaks
+were coming was enough to spread the alarm through all eastern Europe,
+wherever there was oppression and evil.</p>
+
+<p>The sixteenth century was an era all over Europe when men dared to
+fight and risk their lives for the religious and political ideas which
+they respected and in which they believed. It was an era of religious
+confusion and of change and although the problem in Ukraine was
+different, the same spirit that a little earlier had sent Christopher
+Columbus across the ocean, that inspired Cortez and Pizarro to conquer
+the Aztecs and the Incas, that explored the New World under terrific
+odds, saw the development of the democratic Kozak Host.</p>
+
+<p>It was a glorious and a heroic period but it was costly in the blood
+of Ukraine’s sons. They had no base of supplies, no formal government
+on which they could lean, no resources behind them. They followed
+their love of liberty, their disregard for death, their own elected
+leaders and made their names forever memorable in the books of heroes
+and of men of action. It was a true revolt of the human spirit against
+oppression and tyranny. It was a time when men were so busy acting that
+they had no inclination to think and to reflect. They were so conscious
+of the need of winning freedom and of gaining wealth and power by their
+heroism that they neglected much that would have helped them later.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_13">[13]</span></p>
+
+<p>So the struggle continued until in the seventeenth century Bohdan
+Khmelnitsky, the greatest of the hetmans, endeavored to organize
+the Host and Ukraine on a national basis. He exchanged letters with
+Oliver Cromwell. He lived and worked at the time when the Puritans
+were mastering the New England wilderness, when the Thirty Years War
+was decimating Germany, when the first seeds of modern thought were
+sprouting all over Europe.</p>
+
+<p>Had he won his fight, had he lived a little longer to make Ukraine
+really free, a restored Ukraine and the Thirteen American Colonies
+would have appeared in history at one and the same time. The ideals of
+popular rule would have taken root in two widely scattered parts of
+the world. There would have been in Europe a free republic set up in a
+strategic part of the continent, and the history of Europe would have
+been changed.</p>
+
+<p>It was not to be. In an evil moment, Khmelnitsky put the Kozak Host
+under the jurisdiction of the Tsar of Moscow and from that moment on,
+it was torn to pieces by the mutual efforts of Moscow and Poland. Step
+by step, as the New World went on to increasing power and unanimity,
+as the American colonies became conscious of their mutual interests
+and of their growing strength, Ukraine fell into greater and greater
+chaos. Hetman fought against hetman, instigated by foreign rulers,
+and the great masses of the Kozaks, losing their own ideals, again
+reverted to dissatisfied and impoverished peasants while their officers
+tried to become aristocrats like the nobles around them. It was in
+vain that Mazepa tried to rouse the Kozaks to revolt for Ukrainian
+independence. It was in vain that one leader after another endeavored
+to bring back the old spirit of unity and of cooperation. The power of
+Moscow increased over the Kozak Host. More of the leaders were lost to
+the popular cause and despair reigned throughout<span class="pagenum" id="Page_14">[14]</span> the land as Peter
+the Great and Catherine tore away and abrogated the last of the Kozak
+rights.</p>
+
+<p>It is striking and significant that it was in 1775, the very year when
+the Americans rose in revolt against the British Crown in defence of
+their liberties, that the armed forces of Catherine the Great destroyed
+the Zaporozhian Sich and ended once and for all the old institution
+that had carried Ukraine in the preceding century to a height
+unparalleled since the early days of Kiev. When we compare the power
+and population of the American colonies and of the Kozak Host in the
+days of Khmelnitsky and then again in 1775, we shall see how the ideas
+of liberty brought rich dividends to America and how the obscuring of
+them by the actions of foreign rulers and internal discord wrought
+havoc in Ukraine.</p>
+
+<p>The old system perished just at the very moment when in the New World
+those principles of individual initiative and of political liberty for
+which the Sich and the Kozak Host had always stood were winning their
+great triumph. It came to its end just as the American Revolution was
+breaking out, just when the “shot heard round the world” at Concord
+Bridge was ringing out a new appeal to mankind to fight and die for
+liberty and for freedom. It came to its end just as the thinkers of
+Western Europe dared to proclaim again the rights of man and the
+eternal principles of justice and of law.</p>
+
+<p>The old Ukraine disappeared just at the moment when conditions were
+becoming favorable for its continuation, when the power of public
+opinion was again being invoked to justify a struggle against tyranny
+and oppression. It was only fourteen years before the French Revolution
+was to carry into Europe itself those ideals and principles that men
+had fought to win in the New World. It was by such a narrow margin that
+Ukraine failed to be one of the states which could aspire to political
+continuity, to the passing<span class="pagenum" id="Page_15">[15]</span> from autocratic domination to liberty with
+its old forms preserved, with old traditions living in written statute
+as well as in the memory of the people.</p>
+
+<p>Then came the revival, but it was a slow and painful process, for
+the Ukrainian leaders had to struggle for every concession from the
+autocratic rulers who held the country. The very existence of the
+country was denied, the name was abolished, the language was mocked as
+an uncouth peasant dialect. Such a seer and a prophet as Shevchenko
+had to pay for his devotion to his country with years of exile and
+imprisonment in the Russian army. Yet step by step the struggle went
+on. All through the nineteenth century, the demand for a true Ukrainian
+solution of the Ukrainian question gained strength in the underground
+of the consciousness of the people. The sense of unity in all branches
+of the Ukrainian people, whether in Russia or in Austria-Hungary,
+grew and spread. It was not spectacular. There could not be any open
+proclamation of its hopes and its aspirations. There could be no open
+economic strengthening of the people for their own good. Yet they
+continued to work, to hope and to pray.</p>
+
+<p>The First World War broke out and it ruined the two empires that
+controlled Ukraine. The principles of the United States, the Fourteen
+Points of Wilson, the message of self-determination for all peoples,
+resounded through Ukraine and once more there was proclaimed in 1919
+a united sovereign Ukrainian Republic. The ideals that the Kozaks had
+had in common with the Americans two and a half centuries earlier once
+again found their voice on Ukrainian territory and for a while it
+seemed as if a final solution of the future of Ukraine had been reached.</p>
+
+<p>Again there came disaster. The democratic powers could never make up
+their minds as to their course of action. A century and a half of
+absence from the councils of the world, a century and a half of hostile
+propaganda denying<span class="pagenum" id="Page_16">[16]</span> the very existence of Ukraine was too heavy a
+burden for the restored Ukrainian Republic to carry. Ukraine found an
+inadequate and a biased hearing abroad. The ghosts of the past were
+present everywhere. The country had no influential friends. There was
+no one to supply her with sufficient arms and ammunition. There was no
+one to extend diplomatic support and Ukraine fell.</p>
+
+<p>Communism backed by Moscow conquered the country and Ukraine became the
+Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, included in the Soviet Union and
+ruled by Russian Communists. The national spirit did not die. Millions
+of the population perished in famines artificially created to break
+their spirit. Those of the cultural leaders who remained loyal to their
+belief and their traditions were executed or died by their own hand
+to escape a worse fate. Millions of people were deported for no other
+reason than their belief in their rights as human beings. Everything
+was done to eat out the heart of the Ukrainian spirit and to give it a
+Russian Communist aspect.</p>
+
+<p>Then came the Second World War and Ukraine became a battleground to
+be swept over by the German and the Red Armies. Again there came
+devastation, deportations and executions. Both armies acted to
+eliminate the native population and to stifle all national life and
+thought. No one has yet estimated the cost in Ukrainian lives and
+wealth but enough is known now to show that the old spirit of Ukraine
+has not been eliminated. There are still people who live and hope that
+Ukraine can be restored to its people. It makes no difference if all
+the forces of propaganda are mobilized to call the patriots bandits.
+Their struggle still goes on and even if it seems hopeless, it can
+hardly be more so than many times in the past.</p>
+
+<p>It is under such conditions that the world has accepted the Ukrainian
+Soviet Socialist Republic into the United Nations Organization. There
+may be questions as to the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_17">[17]</span> motives that inspired this demand of the
+Soviet Union. Yet once and for all it has answered the old charge
+iterated and reiterated so often during the past centuries that there
+is no Ukraine. Henceforth no historian will be able to accept the old
+thesis that Ukraine is only a rough name for some Russian or Polish
+provinces, that Ukraine was invented as a convenient tool for the
+destruction of two empires and that it has no existence in fact, in
+history, or in reality.</p>
+
+<p>What of the future? That is dark and uncertain but the trend of
+humanity toward the winning of freedom can hardly be stopped for long.
+For a thousand years Ukraine has shared in the vicissitudes of European
+and Christian civilization. It will continue to do so and if in the
+future Ukraine does not receive its just dues, if the Ukrainians fail
+to win the benefits of the Four Freedoms, it will be only because
+history has reversed itself and mankind in the midst of unparalleled
+scientific development has lost its hopes, its aspirations, and its
+power of moral advancement.</p>
+
+<p>To-day the name of Ukraine is once again upon the map of Europe. There
+it will stay. The Ukrainian spirit is not yet free but it has proved
+itself imperishable in the past and it will continue to remain so in
+the future. That is the point of the study of Ukrainian history and of
+this attempt to picture the past and the present of the country’s life,
+in the hope that it may throw some light upon the future.</p>
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_19">[19]</span></p>
+
+<h2>CHAPTER ONE<br>
+<span class="subhed"><i>UKRAINE</i></span></h2></div>
+
+<p class="drop-cap p-left">Ukraine is often called the granary of Europe and its natural wealth
+has long made it the object of envy of all of its neighbors and of all
+aggressive peoples in the eastern part of the continent. At the same
+time its geographical position has made it of pivotal importance in all
+of the European combinations, whether for war or peace.</p>
+
+<p>What then is Ukraine and where is it situated? In the simplest
+definition it is the area which is bounded by the Black Sea on the
+south, the Carpathian mountains on the west, and the Don River on the
+east. To the north its boundaries are far less definite, for there
+is no natural barrier and the northern section merges more or less
+imperceptibly into the southern part of the area inhabited by the Great
+Russians. This boundary has changed with the passing of the centuries
+but it has remained surprisingly constant when we consider the involved
+political history of eastern Europe.</p>
+
+<p>The country occupies the southernmost of the great belts of land that
+stretch across Europe and Asia on the great plains of the east. That
+is the belt of the steppes, wide expanses of level rolling country,
+with the celebrated and enormously fertile black earth regions which
+have been cultivated more or less continuously for over three thousand
+years. To the north in the Great Russian area is found a broad belt of
+forest land that covers the greater part of the old Russian Empire but
+Ukraine itself is ideally fitted by soil and climate to be a prosperous
+agricultural area which will offer an abundant living to hardy and
+rugged people who are not afraid of physical labor.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_20">[20]</span></p>
+
+<p>The greatest extension of the country is from east to west, for it
+is far narrower from north to south, but despite all this Ukraine is
+a large country with an area of some 200,000 square miles and under
+favorable conditions it could easily support its population of some
+forty million people, most of whom speak the Ukrainian language, live
+according to the Ukrainian mode of life and are conscious of their
+national character.</p>
+
+<p>Across it from north to south flow most of the great rivers that empty
+into the Black Sea. There are the Dnyester, the Dnyeper and the Don,
+three great highways between central and northern Europe and the Black
+Sea. Ukraine lies squarely across their path and hence it comes about
+that the country controls all the arteries that lead into the Black Sea
+and from there through the Dardanelles into the Mediterranean. It gives
+the land a tremendous economic position which its own people and their
+conquerors have never undervalued.</p>
+
+<p>That favorable position contains within itself the source of danger.
+Unfortunately at no time in their history have the Ukrainian people
+moved sufficiently to the north to occupy the head waters of these
+streams and to take control of the rivers that flow to the north into
+the Baltic. The people there have always looked with envy at Ukraine;
+they have always tried to descend these rivers, usually broad and
+sluggish, and to take possession of the fertile plains which they saw
+stretching in all directions.</p>
+
+<p>Ukraine is the natural highway between the east and west. For centuries
+before recorded history begins, the nomad tribes pushing westward from
+central Asia found these same plains the most accessible and convenient
+road to Europe. Long before there came a national consciousness in
+the area, long before any existing European country even dreamed of
+coming into being, warriors mounted on small fast horses poured across
+this region, carrying their<span class="pagenum" id="Page_21">[21]</span> culture into Europe and making their way
+eastward again with the spoils of the west. Likewise invaders from the
+west sought access to the territory for the purposes of carrying their
+raids into the east and of returning home with the riches of the Orient.</p>
+
+<p>Trade followed the same general route. No one attempts to estimate
+when the trading caravans on their way from western China and central
+Asia to the early trading centers of Europe first passed across the
+territory for purposes of peace as did the military groups for war and
+plunder.</p>
+
+<p>Thus, at an early date, Ukraine was at the crossroads of the world. The
+Scandinavian Vikings were but following in the path of many peoples
+who sought to emphasize the route from north to south, exactly as
+others travelled from east to west. Kiev as the central point in these
+crossroads had a trading importance that was unequalled by any place
+except perhaps Constantinople, where sea-borne traffic added to the
+wealth of the population and offered a simpler outlet to the rest of
+the world.</p>
+
+<p>It is small wonder then that Kiev as a trading center can trace
+its origin before the dawn of history and that the area around it
+was inhabited from the earliest days of man in Europe. It is small
+wonder that Ukraine developed into a powerful and independent state
+long before the countries to the west and that it was one of the
+richest daughters of the Byzantine Empire. It is small wonder that
+for centuries the wishes of the rulers of Kiev were to be considered
+throughout all of eastern Europe.</p>
+
+<p>Yet the very accessibility of the country and the lack of definite
+boundaries to the north and to a lesser degree to the east cast upon
+the rulers of the land gigantic problems of self-defence. They had to
+be constantly alert, lest armed raiders harry their country and plunder
+the population and the rich grainfields.</p>
+
+<p>Geographically Ukraine occupies one of the most important<span class="pagenum" id="Page_22">[22]</span> portant
+locations in Europe. It is a position well adapted for the organization
+of a powerful state which is vitally interested in the development of
+communications with the outside world. A Ukraine developed for the
+benefit of her own people and playing her part in world organization
+would have been a stabilizing factor for much of Europe. It would have
+ended many of the most violent disputes that arose as one neighbor
+after another claimed her territory, and sought to build their own
+greatness and permanence on her ruins.</p>
+
+<p>Besides that, the country is rich. Its fertile soil is an almost
+inexhaustible resource. For millenia her fields have yielded wheat and
+the black earth, often several feet in depth, is still not exhausted.
+There is hardly a staple crop, with the exception of cotton, that is
+not adapted to the climate. Her soil is richer than that of any of her
+neighbors. It yields copious returns for the labor of her inhabitants.
+In the past centuries wheat, sugar beets and many other crops including
+fruits, have been produced and exported for the welfare of her
+neighbors and little or no attention has been paid to the welfare of
+the inhabitants of the country.</p>
+
+<p>As if this were not enough, Ukraine possesses an almost inexhaustible
+supply of mineral resources. The coal and iron mines which have been
+exploited during the last century have been among the most important
+in the Russian Empire. The industries of the Russian Empire and then
+of the Soviet Union were long dependent upon the raw materials which
+came from this section of the continent. There is oil in the west.
+This mineral and that are found in commercial deposits and it is now
+realized that the mineral resources of the country are fully equal to
+the wealth that lies buried in the fields.</p>
+
+<p>The land with such natural gifts is inhabited by a thrifty, industrious
+population who have shown in peace<span class="pagenum" id="Page_23">[23]</span> and in war their love of liberty
+and a proud, stubborn independence which has all too often degenerated
+into a factionalism that has broken the hearts of many of the wiser
+leaders. It is one of the paradoxes of human nature that the people of
+the plains have often found it more difficult to unite for a common
+cause than have the people of the mountains, who are more or less
+isolated in their narrow valleys. It has been easier to separate them
+and to divide their interests; once damage has been done to their
+organization it has been harder to repair. That is now and has been
+in the past the great weakness of the population. Once the fabric of
+the state was shattered in the early days, Ukraine, always aspiring to
+recover her lost unity, found it very difficult to achieve. The cities
+were unable to dominate the country. The peasants were interested in
+their several local problems and the foreign invaders far too often
+were able to manoeuvre them at will and to block those measures which
+alone could unify the land and enable the population of the villages to
+meet them on an equal level.</p>
+
+<p>All this has made Ukraine throughout the ages a land of wealth and of
+sadness, a land thirsting for liberty but again and again debarred from
+obtaining it. Here are all the resources, human and physical, that are
+needed to produce a great state, while untoward factors have worked
+against it and kept the land in turmoil.</p>
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_24">[24]</span></p>
+
+<h2>CHAPTER TWO<br>
+<span class="subhed"><i>RUS’ AND UKRAINE</i></span></h2></div>
+
+
+<p class="drop-cap p-left">Perhaps no single circumstance has done more to confuse the opinions of
+the world about Ukraine than the strange confusion that has taken place
+over the name of the country. The old name definitely and clearly was
+Rus’ but that name has been preempted by the northern offshoot of Rus’,
+Russia, and the people have been compelled for the sake of clarity to
+adopt another local title, Ukraine, which was early applied to a part
+of the country.</p>
+
+<p>The origin of the word Rus’ is obscure but we can trace it back in
+history well before the Christianization of the country, for it appears
+in the records of the Byzantine Empire early in the ninth century
+A.D., and the treaties made between the Emperors of Constantinople and
+the Princes of Rus’ show that the name referred to a very definite
+political entity, but as they do not concern questions of boundaries,
+we are not able to define accurately the territory to which they refer.
+Yet it is clear that Rus’ in its essence referred to the valley of the
+Dnyeper River, the southern part of the Varangian Road by which the
+Scandinavian Vikings penetrated from the Baltic Sea to the Black Sea.</p>
+
+<p>For centuries scholars have been debating the origin and meaning of
+the name. Since the earliest passages that are preserved in the Rus’
+language are clearly old Scandinavian, there has been a prevailing
+opinion that Rus’ was the name of one of the Scandinavian tribes that
+spread over Europe during the eighth and ninth centuries. They appeared
+along the Dnyeper about the same time that the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_25">[25]</span> Normans were settling
+in France, and like them they adopted the language of the population,
+which in this case was a race speaking an East Slavonic language.
+Historians have been inclined to connect this with the old legend of
+the conquest of Kiev and Novgorod by Rurik and his two brothers, who
+were invited to rule the country because it was a rich land and there
+was no order in it. It is an old fable common to many lands and places,
+but there is no evidence as to its truth and if there were, we would
+still be far from knowing the actual meaning of the word.</p>
+
+<p>A not less vocal group has felt that this story was not too dignified
+and has sought some other origin. Many have regarded it as a Slavonic
+borrowing from Iranian or they have tried to find some place name which
+could serve as a source. It is all in vain and for all intents and
+purposes we can only go back to recorded history and accept the fact
+that when that history first became definite, the word Rus’ was applied
+to the population of the Dnyeper valley and of the valley of the
+Volkhov that formed the northern end of the Varangian Road. Kiev on the
+south and Novgorod on the north were the two fortresses on this line of
+transport and they formed the two centres of the earliest Rus’.</p>
+
+<p>Yet even then Kiev was the more important of the two, for it lay not
+only on the north-south route but also on the east-west road from
+central Asia. It was then called the capital of Rus’ and as we learn
+more of the settlement of the country, we realize how the area of Rus’
+expanded until it covered with rare exactness the territory between the
+Carpathians and the Don that forms the modern Ukraine.</p>
+
+<p>It is by no means certain that the princes who went to the north and
+east into the territory of the various Finnic tribes and founded
+those centres which were later to be the heart of Moscow thought of
+themselves as forming<span class="pagenum" id="Page_26">[26]</span> part of Rus’. They are recorded in the ancient
+Chronicles as returning to Rus’, and the area to which they return is
+consistently that of Kiev and of Ukraine. The same is true of the area
+of Novgorod, which practically broke away from the south and went its
+own way after the trade between Kiev and the Scandinavians fell into
+abeyance and the merchants of Novgorod worked with the Baltic area and
+to the northeast.</p>
+
+<p>Later the region around Kiev came to bear the title of Mala Rus’,
+Little Russia, but this was clearly not a sign of inferiority. It was a
+common system of the past. In Poland the area around Krakow was called
+Little Poland to distinguish it from the Great Poland away from the
+nation’s capital. Ancient Greece was called Greece to distinguish it
+from Magna Graecia, that great area of Sicily, south Italy, the shores
+of Asia Minor and the Black Sea, where Greek colonies had been planted
+in the barbarian world.</p>
+
+<p>It was not until 1169, when Prince Andrey Bogolyubsky definitely
+decided to transfer the centre of the state to the northeast, that we
+have definite proof of the connection of the word Rus’ in any form with
+the northern principalities that were to form the origin of Moscow.
+Then he carried away with him the head of the Orthodox Church and
+attempted to create in another area a state of Rus’. Yet he did not
+find it too satisfactory and for some centuries the word almost dropped
+out of use in the north as the Princes of Moscow preferred to name
+their country after their capital. Russian historians of all ages and
+of all schools of thought have always spoken of the Grand Principality
+and Tsardom of Muscovy as the name of the country until the seventeenth
+century.</p>
+
+<p>Rus’ remained, except for official titles of the Tsars of Moscow in
+their most formal aspects, as the name of the area around Kiev. The
+Princes of Galicia who assumed<span class="pagenum" id="Page_27">[27]</span> the title of Kings of Rus’ in the
+thirteenth century used it to assert their lordship over the area that
+had fallen into the hands of the Tatars. They still continued to call a
+citizen of their lands a Rusin and the adjective that was used for it
+was Rus’sky.</p>
+
+<p>On Muscovite territory there came other changes, for during these years
+Moscow developed a sharp aversion to Kiev and everything for which
+it stood. The whole tradition of the Third Rome, which was hostile
+to everything outside the land, taught that Moscow was the centre of
+Christian civilization and that Kiev, like Constantinople and like
+the First Rome, had definitely fallen into heresy. Now and then the
+tsars might employ the word Rusia, but even this was too much of a
+concession for their stubborn pride and it was not until Tsar Alexis in
+the seventeenth century began to nourish hopes of recovering the area
+around Kiev that he gave any significance to the use of the word Rus’.</p>
+
+<p>In fact it was not until the time of Peter the Great that the name
+Rossiya—Russia—came into common use and even then Peter introduced
+it with the idea of asserting his power as a European sovereign and he
+did it against the usage of the European states, which continued to
+refer to him as Tsar or Emperor of Moscow. Even later the great poets
+of the eighteenth century continued to use the adjective Rossiysky and
+the ordinary form that was employed during the nineteenth century, i.e.
+Russky, was of rare occurrence.</p>
+
+<p>Through the centuries, regardless of the ups and downs of the two
+states, of the political issues of union and disunion, there remained
+a sharp differentiation between Moscow and Rus’. It was not until
+Moscow saw itself in a position to make itself the heir of Kiev in the
+eyes of the world that it preempted very definitely the name of Rus’,
+proclaimed that Rus’ was Russia, and dangled<span class="pagenum" id="Page_28">[28]</span> it before the eyes of the
+world to win belief that both Kiev and Moscow belonged together under
+the aegis of Moscow and St. Petersburg.</p>
+
+<p>In earlier ages Moscow had been content to seek the support of Rus’
+on the basis of the Orthodox religion, when it desired to secure
+cooperation. Then it was Orthodox Moscow and Orthodox Rus’ against the
+Roman Catholic Poles and Lithuanians. That idea could not appeal in the
+eighteenth century, when Peter was manifesting little interest in the
+traditional religion of the people and was trying to change all the old
+established customs. A new basis had to be found and this new equation
+was the result. The injustice of the action was appreciated even by the
+Poles, who had maintained to the end of their national existence their
+control of the province of Rus’. An Encyclopedia put out by the Polish
+National Committee during the First War (Vol. II, No. 5, p. 867) summed
+it up well. “In very deed, Russia stripped Ukraine of everything; she
+even appropriated its very name of ‘Rus’ (Ruthenia), she annexed its
+history of pre-Tatar times, she declared the language was a Russian
+dialect.” It is a clear statement of conditions.</p>
+
+<p>Yet even that was not the only cause of confusion, for in the
+Austro-Hungarian provinces which were stripped away after the division
+of Poland, the government of the Hapsburgs carefully created for the
+people the name of Ruthenians. This was but a Latinized form of the
+name Rus’ and was at first used merely in Latin correspondence. Early
+travellers spoke of Ruthenia as extending from near the region of
+Prague in Bohemia to the land of the Tatars. It was not to remain long
+in that range of activity for with the development of the Union of
+Brest Litovsk, and the growing loss of the leaders of Rus’, Ruthenia
+and Ruthenians came to be used as a mark of inferiority and of
+contempt. It was used to separate these people from the Poles and from
+their other neighbors in Austria-Hungary.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_29">[29]</span></p>
+
+<p>Throughout the Hapsburg lands, Ruthenia became the common term. There
+was Ruthenia proper and then there was White Ruthenia, Red Ruthenia,
+Black Ruthenia, all sections inhabited by various branches of the
+people that had once dominated in Kiev. In the nineteenth century it
+was almost the only term allowed in the province of Galicia, as the
+ancient Halich was now named. It was the term that had to be employed
+by Franko and the writers around him, if they were to be allowed even
+moderate relief from the censorship.</p>
+
+<p>Under such circumstances, with the old name Rus’ taken over by the
+Muscovite Russians and the name Ruthenia forced upon part of the race
+by the Austro-Hungarian Empire, it is small wonder that the people
+themselves turned to the other title of Ukraine. It was an old word
+which is first found in literature about the year 1187, to denote that
+portion of Rus’ on the left bank of the Dnyeper facing the Polovtsy.
+By 1213, two years before the signing of Magna Charta in England, it
+was applied to the exposed sections of the country on the right bank
+of the same river. The word means the “Frontier,” the Borderland, and
+it originally referred to that section of Rus’ which lay facing the
+no-man’s land where Slav and Turk and Tatar struggled for mastery. It
+was the land where the Kozaks developed and it is small wonder that the
+people, faced with the loss of their traditional name, selected this
+term which bore witness to the most heroic period of their history.</p>
+
+<p>Its choice is intelligible and it was made certain when the poet
+Shevchenko in his <i>Kobzar</i> and <i>Haydamaki</i>, and many other
+poems, emphasized again and again that “Ukraina’s weeping.” The word
+made its way despite official prohibition, for to the Russians the
+land was always Little Russia and to the Austro-Hungarians, Ruthenia.
+Ukraine might occasionally be used to include the two sections but
+it was always dangerous. There was always the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_30">[30]</span> possibility that the
+censors would object and punish the bold author as an advocate of
+separatism.</p>
+
+<p>Yet it triumphed. As the First War drew to its close, Ukraine became
+more and more the common appellation and after the Russian Revolution
+and the collapse of Austria-Hungary, it became the term that was used
+to apply to ancient Rus’ almost universally. There was no one now to
+continue the old nomenclature and it was as Ukraine and under the
+Ukrainian banner that the Republic fought in 1919 and 1920. It was
+under this title that the Soviets conquered the young country and
+deprived it of its independence and it was under this title that they
+introduced it to the United Nations Organization.</p>
+
+<p>All this may seem a petty linguistic and philological dispute, and it
+has been presented as such by all the enemies of the Ukrainian people.
+Yet as is so often the case in such discussion, the mere debate about
+words has veiled a deeper psychological and social division. It has
+been used to ignore the fact that the differences between Rus’ and
+Russia are not passing and superficial, but that they go to the very
+depths of the psychology and thought of the people, they concern the
+attitude toward the world, toward civilization and human rights; and
+to-day with a world in confusion the difference between Russia and
+Ukraine is summed up in the use of the national names. Ukraine exists
+to-day on the territory of ancient Rus’, where it has been since the
+dawn of history and where it will remain.</p>
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_31">[31]</span></p>
+
+<h2>CHAPTER THREE<br>
+<span class="subhed"><i>KIEVAN RUS’</i></span></h2></div>
+
+
+<p class="drop-cap p-left">The actual history of Kievan Rus’ commenced in 862 with the accession
+to power of Rurik and his brothers. From this time we can trace a
+consistent history of the realm. Although during the rest of the ninth
+century there is much that is still obscure, we are on safer ground
+when we come to his son Oleh. Yet we would be very wrong to think that
+this was the real beginning of history for even the Chronicles that
+emphasize the role of Rurik make it abundantly clear that Kiev was
+already in existence and was a place of prominence both militarily and
+commercially.</p>
+
+<p>It is tempting to go back and endeavor to trace the earlier inhabitants
+of Ukraine. It is extremely dangerous, for we lack all written
+sources and are forced to depend upon the results of archaeological
+investigation and we can scarcely be sure that the differences in
+culture did not cloak differences in languages and perhaps considerable
+changes of population.</p>
+
+<p>We know that there were human inhabitants of Ukraine from the
+Paleolithic or Old Stone Age on. We can be sure too that the site
+of Kiev was inhabited during the ages for there has been found a
+Paleolithic settlement in Kiev itself. Yet only an enthusiast would
+hold that this settlement was Ukrainian in the sense in which it is
+used to-day. Scholar after scholar has commented upon the fact that
+some of the early dwellings of the Neolithic Period bear striking
+resemblances to the poorer types of Ukrainian peasant homes. They have
+noted that the figures on the vase of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_32">[32]</span> Chertomlyk and on other remains
+from the Scythian period, approximately the fourth century B.C., show
+physical types which are still met with in Ukraine. At the same time
+the accounts of the Greek authors and the names of the Scythian rulers
+which they have preserved have nothing Slavonic about them.</p>
+
+<p>This is not surprising. It is often forgotten that the ancient
+conquerors usually formed a relatively small and compact group who
+extended their control over the native populations. In part they killed
+or enslaved the people. In part they fell under the influence of the
+women of the conquered tribe. But there were rarely concerted and
+consistent attempts to wipe out completely the original population.
+Undoubtedly through the ages there remained in Ukraine descendants of
+the earliest inhabitants, but they were completely submerged in the
+changing culture that developed through the centuries.</p>
+
+<p>Perhaps we are on firmer ground when we come to the periods after the
+sixth century, when the Slavonic tribes began to appear in the area.
+The Byzantine historians speak of the Antae and the Veneti and make it
+clear that they did speak Slavonic. Yet even these names are replaced
+by many others and we can hardly decide which of them finally attained
+the mastery. The Chronicles give us many names and allude to various
+differences in culture and traditions but we know too little about any
+of them to determine exactly what these differences really meant.</p>
+
+  <div class="figcenter" id="i_032fp">
+    <img
+    class="p1"
+    src="images/i_032fp.jpg"
+     alt="">
+     <p class="p0 smaller center">Taras Shevchenko in 1840</p>
+     <p class="p0 sm center">(Self portrait)</p>
+   </div>
+
+  <div class="figcenter" id="i_033fp">
+    <img
+    class="p1"
+    src="images/i_033fp.jpg"
+     alt="">
+     <p class="p0 smaller center smcap">Prof. Michael Hrushevsky</p>
+   </div>
+
+<p>It was apparently the Rus’ of Kiev who finally were able to extend
+their control over the other Slavonic tribes and to organize the
+new state. The moving spirit in this seems to have been a group of
+Scandinavians but they could not have been numerous enough to displace
+the Slavonic character of the people. It was not long before the rulers
+came to have Slavonic names, like Svyatoslav. In the tenth century he
+sought to extend his control over the northern<span class="pagenum" id="Page_33">[33]</span> Balkans and may have
+dreamed of moving his capital south of the Black Earth region. Yet he
+was finally killed by the Pechenegs, perhaps at the instigation of the
+Byzantine emperor, John Tsimiskes. After that, though there might be
+outbreaks between Constantinople and Kiev, relations were on the whole
+peaceful.</p>
+
+<p>At almost the same time Christianity made its appearance. It was only
+natural that the most aggressive missionaries came from Constantinople,
+for the commercial ambitions of Kiev led it to the Black Sea in which
+the Byzantine Empire was supreme. Queen Olha, the mother of Svyatoslav,
+had become an Orthodox Christian in the middle of the tenth century
+but paganism was still too strong for her to convert the druzhina, the
+leading warriors and counsellors of the king, and a half century was to
+pass before the country was definitely converted under Volodymyr, or
+Vladimir.</p>
+
+<p>In the beginning Volodymyr, as a younger son of Svyatoslav by one of
+his numerous concubines, had become the ruler of Novgorod. He was thus
+able to secure new levies of Scandinavian troops from the North and
+to win the throne of Kiev. In his early life he led a pagan revival
+but he was apparently much interested in matters of religion and was
+dissatisfied with the pagan cult. According to the legend of the
+chroniclers, he sent embassies to investigate the Jewish religion of
+the Khozars, Mohammedanism, and the Christianity of the Germans and
+of the Greeks of Constantinople. The envoys were most impressed by
+the splendor of the services in the great Church of St. Sophia and on
+their return Volodymyr decided to seek baptism from the Patriarch of
+Constantinople.</p>
+
+<p>It required some time to bring this about, but in 989 all difficulties
+were finally removed and the Grand Prince and his druzhina were
+definitely baptized. Volodymyr at once cast the idols of Perun and the
+other pagan gods into the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_34">[34]</span> Dnyeper and from that time on, he became
+a zealous Christian. Without delay he built the first of the great
+Churches of Kiev, the Church of the Tithe (Desyatinnaya) and for this
+he employed the services of Greek architects.</p>
+
+<p>Kiev became speedily a small scale replica of Constantinople. The Greek
+monks introduced into the country Byzantine culture, architecture,
+and methods of thinking. The Metropolitan of Kiev was a Greek. Yet
+there was no attempt to force the Greek language upon the people. The
+Church services were held not in Greek but in the Church Slavonic
+language, which had been developed by Saints Cyril and Methodius a
+century earlier. His piety and zeal for the spreading of Christianity
+won Volodymyr the title of saint and hence it came about that his name
+appears in the religious services and in the Chronicles as Vladimir,
+the Church Slavonic form of Volodymyr.</p>
+
+<p>From the moment of Volodymyr’s conversion to Christianity and the
+appearance of the Church Slavonic language, the deep darkness that
+covers the history of Kiev and Rus’ begins to disappear. The monks
+engaged in the task of preparing the conventional Chronicles have given
+us confused views of the earlier history in which truth and romance
+are strangely mixed, but from this moment we can begin more clearly to
+trace the history of the country.</p>
+
+<p>At this time Constantinople was the civilized centre of the Christian
+world and Kiev soon became one of its choicest spiritual and
+intellectual children. The rulers of Kiev and the upper classes of the
+population were on a far higher cultural level than were most of the
+rulers of western Europe. Education flourished. This does not mean
+that there was anything similar to our modern methods of widespread
+education and literacy, but larger classes of the population were
+affected than in the still barbaric countries of the West.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_35">[35]</span></p>
+
+<p>The traditional idea that Kiev and Rus’ were backward for the time
+can hardly be maintained. Kiev and its rulers held an honored place
+throughout Europe. The members of the royal family married into
+the family of the Emperors of Constantinople. Other members made
+matrimonial alliances with the Saxon royal family of England, with the
+Kings of France, with Poland and Hungary. In the eleventh century,
+the schism between the Eastern and Western Churches had not yet taken
+place, although there were strong signs of its approach and nothing
+but distance existed to keep Kiev and Rus’ from being swept into the
+general development of European Christian civilization.</p>
+
+<p>The Grand Princes of Kiev were incomparably richer than many of the
+rulers of the West. They had direct connection with Constantinople,
+the greatest of the Christian markets, and they also could trade with
+the Eastern lands. Wealth flowed in. The Byliny, the folk epics, which
+preserved traditions of the greatness of Volodymyr and his court, his
+associates like Ilya of Murom, Dobrynya Nikitich, and the remainder of
+the heroes, never weary of speaking of golden Kiev and of the wealth
+and generosity of Kiev’s ruler. There may be exaggeration but there
+is enough other available material to show that the rulers and the
+upper classes imitated as best they could the luxury and splendor of
+Constantinople and the Byzantine Emperors.</p>
+
+<p>The son and successor of Volodymyr, Yaroslav the Wise, (d. 1054) raised
+the prestige of Kiev and of Rus’ still higher. His lawcode, the Rus’ska
+Pravda, was excellent for his day. It incorporated what was best of the
+Slavonic and the Scandinavian traditions. It pictures for us a great
+state with its urban and rural classes, with trade and commerce, with
+life good for the nobles but far less so for the lower classes and the
+indebted peasants, who were burdened<span class="pagenum" id="Page_36">[36]</span> with many obligations which they
+could scarcely meet.</p>
+
+<p>Yet the difficulties which were ultimately to overwhelm the state were
+already visible upon the horizon. The eleventh century was a period of
+nation building in Europe. Poland, Hungary, Bohemia were already coming
+into existence and aiming for expansion. The Holy Roman Empire, revived
+under Charlemagne, was encouraging them to turn to the east for their
+further growth. From the east there came a seemingly endless succession
+of invading nomad tribes, continuing those movements which had been
+sweeping over the black earth region for centuries and millennia.</p>
+
+<p>The new state had no natural boundaries for defence. Only where the
+country touched the Carpathian mountains was there any well defined
+border. In all other directions, south, east and northwest, the land
+lay open to the invaders. That situation which in times of peace had
+made Kiev the centre of commerce and had brought it wealth, in time of
+war was its greatest menace. It was only in the northeast, where the
+great woods sheltered the primitive Finnic peoples still untouched by
+culture and Christianity, that there lurked no danger. In all other
+areas the princes had continually to be on their guard. The danger was
+greatest to the east, for there they were confronted with the highly
+mobile nomad troops who could attack with startling suddenness, ravage
+the country, and if necessary disappear with the same speed.</p>
+
+<p>The heart of the state was the line of the Dnyeper and so long as that
+was not cut, it was possible for Kiev to exist in relative security.
+Outside of that, there were scattered throughout the land various
+lesser cities, such as Chernihiv and others, which served as rallying
+points for the princes<span class="pagenum" id="Page_37">[37]</span> and their forces. If it were possible to
+coordinate these into an effective system, all would be well.</p>
+
+<p>Yet it was not a time for coordination. Only a leader of superior
+personality and ability could hold in check the disruptive tendencies
+which made their appearance in every land. There was the bad tradition
+of the early feudalism, whereby the various princes and their forces
+felt themselves practically independent and able to defy the will of
+the central ruler. There was the equally unfortunate custom whereby
+that ruler, to satisfy the members of his immediate family, apportioned
+out the land into various fiefs. Both Volodymyr and Yaroslav obeyed
+this tradition. Each of them had been compelled to fight against his
+own brothers and relatives to secure absolute control of the whole
+of Rus’ and yet each of them had in turn divided his dominions among
+his own children in such a way that the task of unification had to
+be recommenced with each succeeding generation. The reason for their
+actions was clear. It was necessary to have in each strong post a
+strong ruler. It was impossible for a leader to be everywhere at once
+and, in the spirit of the day, a strong subordinate felt no scruples
+about asserting his own independence and seeking to seize the supreme
+power. The Church was the only force that definitely stood for a
+national unity. From the Monastery of the Caves at Kiev, bishops went
+out to try to maintain some semblance of unity. The Metropolitan of
+Kiev had some influence and authority, but he was usually a Greek from
+Constantinople and he was not always aware of the questions at issue.</p>
+
+<p>When we consider the turbulence of the times and the external menace,
+we can only wonder at the success achieved by some of the more able
+rulers. Men like Volodymyr Monomakh, in the twelfth century, could
+definitely take their stand on relatively high moral principles, and
+use their influence against internal dissensions and the oppression<span class="pagenum" id="Page_38">[38]</span>
+of their people. Yaroslav could build in Kiev the great Church of
+St. Sophia, modelled on the New Church of Constantinople. The arts
+flourished.</p>
+
+<p>It is abundantly clear also that the princes were not absolute
+sovereigns. They were compelled to pay attention to the wishes of their
+higher officers and counsellors, the druzhina. They were compelled also
+to give heed to the will of the people of the various cities expressed
+through their public assemblies or Veches. In fact in some cities, as
+in Novgorod, which really became an aristocratic republic, the Veche
+became the controlling body and was able to oust the prince whenever he
+displeased it. All of this points to the fact that Rus’ was really a
+form of aristocratic democracy, a state in which the power of the Grand
+Prince or of any of the subordinate princes was more or less closely
+restricted by his ability to hold or alienate the devotion of his
+people.</p>
+
+<p>The prize for which all the princes contended was Kiev. Every ambitious
+ruler sought to secure the coveted capital. Their efforts exhausted the
+country and seriously weakened it against outside aggression. There
+were too many cases where dissatisfied and struggling princes were only
+too willing to seek foreign aid and make alliances with one of the
+western powers or, still worse, with the nomads of the steppes, who
+always proved themselves unreliable allies and often inflicted upon
+their friends as much damage as they did upon the enemies against whom
+their efforts were directed. This was bad in the eleventh century, but
+in the twelfth there was an almost continuous civil war and within a
+century more than thirty princes had sat upon the throne at Kiev.</p>
+
+<p>Under such conditions it was only natural that there should be a
+division of the state. Certain rulers, wearied of the dangerous lures
+of ambition, set themselves to secure<span class="pagenum" id="Page_39">[39]</span> their own territory safely,
+even if they were forced to act as completely independent rulers and
+to flout the orders of the central authority. Galicia, the westernmost
+portion of the state of Rus’, was the first to assume practical
+independence. After the time of Yaroslav the Wise, the princes of this
+area set themselves up as provincial rulers and devoted all their
+energies to strengthening their own positions at home and abroad. They
+tried to keep out of the tangled intrigues for the possession of Kiev
+and they worked equally to keep the other princes from interfering
+with their own area, so that the province enjoyed relative peace for
+some centuries. It was not until the destruction of Kiev by the Tatars
+in the thirteenth century that they sought to make their authority
+paramount over the entire country. The example of Galicia was followed
+by the princes of Chernihiv and by many others, so that the original
+unity of Rus’ vanished amid the flames of civil war or in aristocratic
+anarchy.</p>
+
+<p>The ruin was accelerated by the appearance of the Polovtsy, another
+Turkic tribe, which was far more military and far more ably led than
+had been the Pechenegs. During the whole of the twelfth century, they
+ravaged the country almost at will and they were sure to find as allies
+some of the warring princes who were willing to enlist their aid for
+shortsighted personal advantage against other members of their own
+people. The damage which the Polovtsy did was well pictured in the
+<i>Song of the Armament of Ihor</i>. This is a unique work of the
+twelfth century and represents the only surviving specimen of the
+court poetry of the day. The unknown poet, in picturing the evils that
+disorder has brought upon the state, looks back to the whole history
+of Kiev and of Rus’, glorifies the princes of old and mourns the
+destruction of that splendid state which had been erected by Volodymyr
+and Yaroslav.</p>
+
+<p>The worst menace came however from the forest lands<span class="pagenum" id="Page_40">[40]</span> of the northeast
+which had formerly been the one safe spot on the boundaries. Various
+princes, deprived of their lands in Rus’, had gone up to the area
+around the headwaters of the Don and the Volga. There, amid the Finnic
+population, they had carved out domains for themselves, but they
+were not going to be hampered by the constitutional and democratic
+traditions that had prevailed at Kiev. In their new homes, they were
+able to create a thoroughly autocratic state and to destroy those
+rights and privileges which the old druzhinas had been able to maintain
+against the prince. They were not content with this alone. They also
+were able to keep from starting in their capitals of Vladimir, of
+Suzdal and later of Moscow, the various citizens’ councils which had
+acquired so much power in Novgorod.</p>
+
+<p>With increasing speed the culture of Moscow separated itself from
+that of Kiev. Connections between Kiev and Moscow were difficult,
+between Moscow and Constantinople almost impossible. On the other
+hand the Volga River easily became a route of commerce and of travel
+to the Caspian Sea and this brought Moscow far closer to Armenia and
+Georgia, then at their political height, than to Constantinople and the
+weakening Byzantine Empire. Architecture and art speedily felt the new
+influences. The types of churches that had been developed at Kiev and
+Novgorod under Byzantine influence gave way to new patterns borrowed
+from the east, with low relief for decorations and with simpler
+architectural forms.</p>
+
+<p>Kiev still remained the dominant factor in Rus’. It was a name to be
+conjured with, but it did not hold for these northern principalities
+the sympathetic appeal that it did for all the princes in the older
+part of the country. For a while they continued to yield to the
+spell of the older capital and they sought to play their role in the
+complicated game of politics. Yet only for a while.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_41">[41]</span></p>
+
+<p>In 1169 Prince Andrey Bogolyubsky sacked the city of Kiev. It was the
+most destructive of any of the attacks that had been made against the
+southern capital, for this time it was an attempt at ruin and not at
+control. When Prince Andrey ordered his soldiers to ravage the city, he
+did it because he had no intention of remaining there and making it his
+capital. The earlier princes had fought for Kiev; Prince Andrey fought
+against it. There was no point in plundering ruthlessly a capital which
+the conquerors desired for themselves. There was no reason for sparing
+a city which the conquerors desired to ruin. Everything that was of
+value, whether of ecclesiastical or civil character, was taken and
+the plunder-laden hosts resumed the march to their northern citadel
+of Suzdal. Even the Metropolitan of Kiev, the head of the Church,
+was taken along with them and Prince Andrey Bogolyubsky could look
+with satisfaction at his conquests. He could be sure that it would be
+decades, if not longer, before Kiev would rise again from the ruins and
+dare to threaten his hegemony.</p>
+
+<p>This sack of Kiev was the most important date in the history of the
+country after the introduction of Christianity, for it marked the
+separation of Kiev and the northern cities, the line of demarcation
+between Ukraine-Rus’ and Moscow. It is idle to speculate what was in
+the minds of conquerors and conquered at the very moment of the battle.
+There can be no doubt that the princes of Suzdal were the lineal
+descendants of Volodymyr and Yaroslav. There can be no doubt too that
+their armies were largely composed of men who had never seen and felt
+the charm of Kiev, who had no appreciation for the ancient culture of
+the old metropolis.</p>
+
+<p>Ukrainian thought has been insistent for centuries that this was
+a foreign conquest. The princes of Galicia with the downfall of
+Kiev took in a few years the title of Grand<span class="pagenum" id="Page_42">[42]</span> Princes of Rus’. They
+proudly ignored the new principalities and strove to continue the old
+traditions.</p>
+
+<p>To Moscow and the northern princes, this conquest meant the transfer to
+them of all the primacy that had clustered around the fallen city. They
+proudly called themselves and their metropolitans the rulers of Rus’,
+but even so they much preferred to call themselves the Grand Princes of
+Moscow. They sneered at their victims and it was many centuries before
+they sought to value the city from which they secured their power.</p>
+
+<p>Henceforth the two states went on their independent ways and whatever
+unity still survived was to perish in the new historical developments.</p>
+
+<p>While Kiev was still struggling to repair the damage of the terrible
+plundering, there appeared a new invader. In 1224 there came the
+first onslaught of the forces of Genghis Khan, the dread lord of the
+Mongolian Empire. He defeated the combined princes at a battle on the
+Kalka River and killed Mstislav of Kiev, but his forces soon withdrew.</p>
+
+<p>They returned in 1240 under the Khan Batu and this time the Mongols and
+Tatars came to stay. They sacked and burned Chernihiv and on December
+6, 1240 they captured Kiev and ended the old mediaeval state. It was a
+terrible and thorough sacking of Kiev and Rus’. When it was over, the
+cities were mere shells, the princes annihilated, the land desolate.
+Apparently in their misery the ordinary people rose against the princes
+at the same time and sought to take vengeance upon their former lords.</p>
+
+<p>At the same time the princes of Suzdal and Moscow led the procession
+of nobles who were willing to accept the Mongol Tatar overlordship to
+maintain their thrones. They willingly submitted and for two centuries
+Moscow, for good or ill, formed part of the Mongolian Empire and later
+of its westernmost section, the Golden Horde, with its capital<span class="pagenum" id="Page_43">[43]</span> at
+Saray near Kazan on the Volga River. Moscow rapidly became Asianized,
+its princes married Mongol girls, and whatever had remained of the old
+traditions was swallowed up in the new order.</p>
+
+<p>The hope of an independent Rus’ remained only in the West where
+the princes of Halich endeavored to increase their power. It was a
+truncated state that they dominated. Without the rich hinterland of
+the Dnyeper basin and the regions to the east, they were isolated
+among the western states which had already come into existence and
+which formed part of the Western Roman Catholic world. The Orthodox
+state of Rus’ was closely surrounded by Poland and Hungary which had
+already succeeded in acquiring control of that section of Rus’ which
+was in the Carpathian Mountains. Separately or together, Poland and
+Hungary intrigued against or fought with the Princes of Halich and by
+the middle of the fourteenth century Poland succeeded in acquiring the
+control of Galicia.</p>
+
+<p>In the meanwhile there had come the rise of Lithuania in the north. A
+series of able princes pushed their way south through White Ruthenian
+territory and later acquired control of Volynia and Podolia. The
+rulers of Lithuania were either pagan or Orthodox. The White Ruthenian
+Church Slavonic became their court language and the language of
+official business. All this won for them a sympathetic hearing from
+the dismembered principalities of Rus’, especially as the rule of the
+Lithuanians was little harsher than had been the rule of their own
+princes in the later days.</p>
+
+<p>By the end of the fourteenth century, the old state of Rus’ had lost
+all its independence. It was formally divided between Poland, Lithuania
+and Hungary, and the rulers of these countries fought over its
+possessions. Only in Lithuania was there a semblance of the old rule,
+for it was only<span class="pagenum" id="Page_44">[44]</span> there that any of the princes were able to maintain
+their prestige and some shreds of their power. Everywhere else, a new
+order had been introduced and the princes had been compelled to submit
+or vanish into obscurity.</p>
+
+<p>It was a sad time for the people. The glories of the past were gone
+and they scarcely lived on, even in the memories of the people. No one
+could have recognized in the wretched, depopulated country the once
+proud state of Kievan Rus’, which had been acknowledged two centuries
+before as an equal of all of the countries of Europe.</p>
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_45">[45]</span></p>
+
+<h2>CHAPTER FOUR<br>
+<span class="subhed"><i>THE CULTURAL REVIVAL</i></span></h2></div>
+
+
+<p class="drop-cap p-left">The fifteenth century opened on a ruined state of Rus’-Ukraine. There
+was nothing left of the old authority of the state. Its independence
+and its wealth were gone and its people had only to remain quiet and
+to follow as mute observers the changing pattern of history, for
+the fifteenth century saw the beginnings of modern Europe; it saw
+the discovery of America, the enormous expansion of Poland and the
+independence of Moscow from the Tatar yoke. Mediaeval Europe was
+passing into the modern era and Rus’-Ukraine, gone from the map, could
+only look on without comprehension.</p>
+
+<p>Everything seemed against the unfortunate people, for the two great
+events of the period worked to the disadvantage of the enslaved
+Ukrainians.</p>
+
+<p>First came the fall of Constantinople to the Turks in 1453. The
+collapse of the Byzantine Empire had been gradual. Step by step the
+Turks had pushed nearer to the great capital. They had conquered one
+province after another, until only the city itself was left upon the
+Golden Horn in a splendid isolation. It was in vain that the Emperors
+had appealed to the West for military assistance to ward off the final
+doom. They secured no answer. At the Council of Florence in 1439, they
+had made their submission to the Pope but even this brought them no
+practical benefit, for the age of the Crusades had passed. No one of
+the secular rulers who were busy carving out states for themselves was
+willing to hear the appeal of Rome to divert even a small part of their
+energies and resources to the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_46">[46]</span> saving of what had been the great centre
+of Christianity.</p>
+
+<p>Almost simultaneously with this, Ivan III of Moscow threw off the yoke
+of the Golden Horde and Moscow became a free state for the first time
+in two centuries. By his marriage with a member of the Paleolog dynasty
+of Constantinople, Ivan secured a shadowy claim to the double headed
+eagles of Byzantium. He and his followers became enthused with the idea
+that they were the lineal descendants of the Empire and that Moscow
+was now the Christian capital of the world, the Third Rome, entitled
+to recover its ancestral heritage and to shine forth in new glory. It
+was a proud ambition for the isolated state which had been orientalized
+by submission to the Mongols and Tatars and had sunk in all cultural
+matters far below its original source.</p>
+
+<p>In the meanwhile Poland, with its alliance with Lithuania, was rising
+to new heights. Proud of its western traditions, the reborn state
+wanted to know nothing of the culture of those peoples who had entered
+into it. It valued its contacts with Italy and the West. It sought to
+wipe out every trace of its connections with the east and the nobles
+and peasants of Rus’-Ukraine, with their Orthodox faith, seemed to them
+a reflection on the western character of Poland.</p>
+
+<p>Rus’-Ukraine was abandoned by all of its friends at the very moment
+when the Spanish traders and merchants were seeking a road to the
+riches of the Orient, when the new spirit and the teachers from the
+ruined Constantinople were leavening the whole of Europe, when in
+England the Wars of the Roses were wiping out the old feudal nobility
+and when everywhere new currents of life and of thought were changing
+the old system of society. None of these new and healthy currents could
+exert any appreciable influence upon the unfortunate state which five
+centuries earlier had been the cultural offshoot of the great Byzantine
+Empire.</p>
+
+<p>The fall of Constantinople deprived the people of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_47">[47]</span> Ukraine of their
+cultural and religious support. The patriarchs were so occupied with
+the heavy problems of personal survival that they had little or no time
+to think of the far distant Ukraine. There were few or no scholars to
+send there to carry on schools and to defend the faith. The people
+were left to themselves to supply their own cultural needs as best
+they could, for Moscow, even though it was the self-styled defender
+of Orthodoxy and the Third Rome, was not interested in any cultural
+development outside of its own restricted sphere and could listen
+gravely to an argument that it was a sin to write or think or add any
+knowledge to the world after the Seventh Oecumenical Council.</p>
+
+<p>This left Ukraine at the mercy of Poland and Lithuania. Galling as it
+was to be under the control of Lithuania, which had formerly ranked so
+low in comparison with Kiev, there were still compensations. Part of
+Lithuania was pagan but many of the lords were Orthodox, and Church
+Slavonic, especially in its White Ruthenian form, was really the
+language of the government records. No matter what was to come, it was
+possible, especially for the nobles and the educated, to be sure of a
+hearing and of their position in the ruling circles.</p>
+
+<p>It was far different in Poland. From its very beginning Poland had
+adopted the Roman Catholic faith and felt itself definitely part of
+the West. As such it had inherited the contempt for Orthodoxy that
+had been widely spread since the Fourth Crusade. Its kings and rulers
+were constantly seeking to eliminate from their body politic and their
+ruling class all those people who would not conform, and there was a
+steady pressure on the leading families and the leading ecclesiastics
+to enter the Roman Catholic Church.</p>
+
+<p>In 1386, Yagello of Lithuania married Queen Jadwiga of Poland and was
+baptized in the Roman Catholic Church. Almost at once the spirit of
+Lithuanian rule began to change as men trained in the Roman Catholic
+faith came to high<span class="pagenum" id="Page_48">[48]</span> positions in the state. The result was shown in the
+lessening of Orthodox influence. As the decades passed, the influence
+of Poland grew and finally the Ukrainian provinces of Lithuania were
+definitely brought under Poland and the central Polish system.</p>
+
+<p>This brought with it an increase of Polish and Latin schools. Many
+of the leading nobles adapted themselves to the new regime, and
+since religion was the chief distinguishing criterion, most of them
+definitely became Roman Catholic, and commenced to speak Polish, to
+live in the Polish way and to adopt the manners of their social equals
+in Poland. All this could not fail to react badly upon the Ukrainian
+population, which was still devoutly Orthodox but which was rapidly
+being stripped of its nobility and its educated class.</p>
+
+<p>Thus the sixteenth century bade fair to see the definite extinction
+of Ukrainian hopes and aspirations and even existence. The Ukrainian
+population was rapidly being reduced to an inchoate mass of illiterate
+peasants and townspeople without an intelligentsia and even without
+any educated clergy. Yet these expectations were not fulfilled. In the
+same century there came a revival, at first small in scope and often
+deficient in method, but yet vitally important to the preservation of
+the national and cultural identity.</p>
+
+<p>This revival concerned itself with education. There spread through
+the Ukrainian lands a desire to create schools for the people to
+counter-balance the Polish schools. Since there was already pressure
+for a union of the Churches, which had won the support of several of
+the leading bishops, the new schools adopted a severely Orthodox point
+of view. Their leaders were convinced that a knowledge of the new
+learning could not fail to weaken the position of the Church. They did
+not realize that much of the new learning was itself the result of the
+contact between the scholars who had fled to the West after the fall of
+Constantinople and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_49">[49]</span> the traditional wisdom of the West. The education
+became purely religious with very little regard for secular subjects.
+At the same time, insofar as it was possible, the leaders sought to
+spread a knowledge of the older forms of the Church Slavonic and gave
+little heed to the attempts that were being made to adapt this language
+to the living speech of the people.</p>
+
+<p>Such a reform was naturally successful in reviving the national
+consciousness of the Ukrainians but it could not check the tendency
+of many of the more progressive and prominent families to send their
+children to the more fashionable Polish schools and thus the leakage of
+part of the educated class continued with little abatement. Its success
+would have been far greater, had the Patriarch of Constantinople
+been able to send a considerable number of scholars to assist in the
+organization of the new Greek-Slavonic schools, but unfortunately there
+was not the available personnel.</p>
+
+<p>A few outstanding men appeared for a short time. Thus Cyril Loukaris,
+who was later to be the celebrated Patriarch of Constantinople, taught
+at Ostrih and Wilno for a few years and he was perhaps the most
+prominent of the teachers to arrive. Yet even his short stay shows the
+desperate straits to which Constantinople was reduced at the time,
+when it seemed as if Greek learning itself might vanish as had the old
+splendor of Kievan culture.</p>
+
+<p>It is only fair, however, to say that the Polish schools were
+themselves none too efficient. The ideas of Protestantism had spread
+widely throughout Poland during this period and at one time a
+considerable proportion of the great magnates were at least sympathetic
+to it. The movement was checked by the work of the Order of the
+Jesuits and especially by its greatest member, Peter Skarga, probably
+the keenest mind of the day in Poland. He worked vigorously as a
+propagandist for the unity of the Churches<span class="pagenum" id="Page_50">[50]</span> and also as a founder and
+administrator of the various schools. The curriculum in these, while
+broader than the average Greek schools, was still not satisfactory from
+the European standpoint of the day. They were heavily laden with a late
+form of scholasticism and this in turn exerted a certain influence upon
+the Orthodox schools which had to prepare their students to live in the
+Polish atmosphere.</p>
+
+<p>The first of the great Ukrainian schools was that of Ostrih. Here
+Prince Konstantin Ostrozky, one of the richest nobles who still adhered
+to the Orthodox faith, set up a school. He invited Greeks to serve on
+its staff. He bought a printing press. Through his friendship with
+Prince Andrey Kurbsky, who fled from Moscow, he was fully acquainted
+with the work that had been done at Novgorod a half century earlier
+by Archbishop Gennady at the time of the heresy of the Judaizers.
+Prince Ostrozky’s powerful position enabled him to secure a copy of
+the Bible prepared by Gennady, parts of which had been translated from
+the Latin Vulgate. This Bible was again revised at Ostrih and was
+published in 1580 as the Ostrih Bible, the first Bible published in
+any East Slavonic land. The school flourished for about twenty years
+until the death of Konstantin. His sons accepted the Roman Catholic
+faith and very soon lost all interest in the work that their father had
+undertaken, with bad results to the school.</p>
+
+<p>At Lviv, the work was under the Lviv Staropegian Brotherhood. This
+was the most important of the various brotherhoods that had been
+established years before in the various Ukrainian towns. These were
+in the nature of the mediaeval guilds but they were also largely
+concerned with the care of the poor and orphans. Membership in them was
+restricted to the Orthodox and they represented the more substantial
+portions of the merchant classes of the various cities. With the
+increasing realization of the need for education and for the defence
+of the Orthodox Faith,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_51">[51]</span> these brotherhoods voluntarily gave up part of
+their philanthropic and social activities and devoted themselves to the
+newer and more pressing needs.</p>
+
+<p>Their school was established in 1586, a few years later than that in
+Ostrih, but it was really on a firmer foundation because it could
+not be so severely affected by the defection of a single patron. It
+maintained high rank in Greek and Church Slavonic. At the various
+exercises the pupils were able to write and present Greek speeches and
+translations and some of them went to Mount Athos to continue their
+studies or to remain there as monks. Yet it was forced also to include
+a knowledge of Latin and the various writings of the school show that
+it had come under the influence of the Polish panegyric style of the
+day.</p>
+
+<p>The third centre of the national revival was Kiev, which had shrunken
+sadly in importance under the many sacks which it had undergone. The
+Monastery of the Caves was reorganized to undertake serious educational
+work and the brotherhood of the city also opened its own school. These
+were later combined into the Kiev Academy of Peter Mohyla, a talented
+Moldavian who became the Metropolitan of Kiev in 1632 after having
+been for five years Archimandrite of the Monastery of the Caves. The
+Kiev Academy, which was later able to found branches in various other
+cities, became the outstanding institution in the Ukraine and the
+entire Eastern Slav area. The catechism prepared by Mohyla was accepted
+by a council held under the Patriarch of Constantinople in 1643 as the
+standard for all the Slav-speaking Orthodox and this proved a great
+triumph for Ukrainian and Kievan scholarship, since it gave the Academy
+a standing far outside the area from which it drew its students.</p>
+
+<p>The beneficent results of this system of education would have been far
+greater, had events not made Ukraine the battleground for the renewal
+of the struggle between Rome<span class="pagenum" id="Page_52">[52]</span> and Constantinople. Although the Greek
+Church, after the fall of Constantinople, had repudiated the Union
+of Florence and the various negotiations between the Papacy and the
+Byzantine Empire, the results were left in Europe. Many of the Greeks
+who had signed the Union remained in high position in Rome and they
+left behind them their ideas, their hopes and aspirations.</p>
+
+<p>It was easy to see why advocates of such a policy could hope for
+success among the Ukrainians in Poland. Over a period of years many
+of the leading nobles had been Polonized, but they still retained all
+their former rights in making Church appointments, rights little more
+extensive than those possessed by the Roman Catholic nobles. Why should
+they not exercise these rights and place Roman Catholic sympathizers in
+responsible positions? Similarly the King of Poland assumed the various
+rights of the older Orthodox princes who had been expelled from their
+lands at the period of conquest.</p>
+
+<p>In the minds of the thinkers of the sixteenth century, such actions
+were not only moral and consistent but necessary. It suited the
+religious and political leaders of the century and it was powerfully
+reinforced by the efforts of the Jesuits. More and more the Kings and
+the magnates put pressure upon the Orthodox bishops. They even went
+so far in the early part of the century as to require heavy payments
+from the Orthodox before they would consent to the appointment of a new
+Orthodox bishop even for Lviv.</p>
+
+<p>At the same time every change in the constitution of Poland tended to
+increase the power of the lords and to decrease those of the peasants
+and the townspeople. The peasants saw themselves forced to harder and
+harder conditions of living, until they became practically serfs,
+living on the land of their masters and liable for more and more unpaid
+labor. The townspeople gradually lost most of their<span class="pagenum" id="Page_53">[53]</span> privileges. They
+were forbidden to buy land, if they were Ukrainians, outside of certain
+Ukrainian quarters, and the flourishing trade that had been built up
+fell to almost nothing. The Polish townspeople were little better off
+and the general history of the towns during the century was one of
+uninterrupted decay. Yet for the Poles religion was not impaired, since
+their clergy were influential in the state. For the Ukrainians, with
+the loss of their aristocracy, the diminution of their privileges left
+them without any defenders.</p>
+
+<p>What was needed was a reorganization of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church
+but this was difficult. Many of the higher ecclesiastics, bishops
+and heads of monasteries, were hardly willing to give up their own
+practical independence. At the same time the brotherhoods, who were the
+best organized and most intelligently conscious members of the Orthodox
+Church, sought for ways to make their influence felt, and as their
+school system grew, so did their claims and their potentialities.</p>
+
+<p>To add to the confusion, just at this moment there began to appear in
+Ukraine various of the Eastern patriarchs. These men, zealously trying
+to uphold their ancient privileges, were travelling not so much for the
+sake of supervising the various sees that were nominally under their
+control as for collecting alms and funds to help the Church in the
+Ottoman Empire. Yet they could not resist the temptation to act as the
+former Patriarchs who were something more than beggars and who had at
+their disposal abundant resources.</p>
+
+<p>Moscow was usually their goal. It was far easier to receive enormous
+funds there than from the poor peasants of Ukraine. It was not without
+significance that in 1589 the Patriarch Jeremias on one of these visits
+was induced by copious gifts for his suffering flock to consecrate a
+Patriarch for Moscow and to grant to the Church of Moscow the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_54">[54]</span> right
+to choose and consecrate its own Patriarch thereafter. It was the
+culmination of the dream of Moscow to become the Third Rome.</p>
+
+<p>That same Jeremias, while in Ukraine, and conscious of the sufferings
+and disorder of the Orthodox Church, carelessly approved an agreement
+that had been made a few years earlier between the Patriarch Joachim of
+Antioch and the brotherhood of Lviv. This agreement had conferred upon
+the brotherhood the right of supervision of the clergy and of reporting
+delinquent priests to the bishop who was to be himself liable to
+condemnation, if he refused to remedy the abuse complained of. It was
+a more than foolish proposal, for it meant a complete reversal of the
+traditional Orthodox method of church administration and intensified
+the friction between the higher classes who were usually of the gentry
+and the townsmen and the peasants who ranked lower in the social scale
+of the day.</p>
+
+<p>Sooner or later it was certain to promote a clash in the Ukrainian
+Orthodox Church which could be of profit to no one except its foes.
+Further attempts by the Patriarch to extend his control over the
+Ukrainian Church were equally resented by both clergy and laity. The
+fact was that with the state of irritation and frustration that existed
+in the land almost any action that was designed to tighten up the
+administration, as had been done by the Jesuits in the Roman Catholic
+Church, would have aroused anger and increased the confusion. The
+higher clergy were jealous of the brotherhoods and despised them as
+plebeian. The brotherhoods were suspicious of the bishops and regarded
+them as false to their duties.</p>
+
+<p>It is very possible that there was lurking in all this elements of
+Protestant propaganda from Bohemia. It is certain that the Jesuits
+were not in the slightest degree averse to fanning hostility among the
+Orthodox and that the King and the Polish magnates were willing to
+do anything to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_55">[55]</span> break up the solid front that had existed among the
+Orthodox.</p>
+
+<p>At all events a fight soon broke out between Gedeon Balaban, the Bishop
+of Lviv, and the brotherhood. As a result of this, Balaban conferred
+with the other bishops and a decision was made to place themselves
+under the Pope. The clergy and the nobles who took part in these
+discussions realized the danger to the nation from the policy of the
+Poles and the growing power of Moscow and hoped for at least moral
+support from the Papacy and the West. Negotiations went on rapidly in
+secret, for the bishops knew that a large part of their congregations
+would decline to follow them. In 1595, two of them, Terletsky and Poty,
+went to Rome and formally signed an agreement with the Pope, promising
+submission.</p>
+
+<p>The next year, 1596, the King of Poland called a public council of the
+Orthodox Church at Brest to confirm the Union. The result was hardly
+to his liking, for two of the bishops, Balaban who had initiated the
+movement and Kopistinsky, Bishop of Peremyshl, declined to ratify it.
+Despite the efforts of the Polish government, the Patriarchal Vicar
+Nicephorus appeared at the gathering with other Byzantine officials.
+More important than that, the remaining Orthodox lords, including
+Prince Ostrozky, came in protest and there were representatives of the
+brotherhoods and the lesser Orthodox gentry and townsmen.</p>
+
+<p>Thus the lines of battle were clearly drawn between the King, the
+Polish magnates, the Roman Catholic clergy and the bishops who had
+agreed to the Union and all other classes of the population. What
+had been intended as a peace meeting, as the formal ratification of
+something that had been decided upon, ended with ill concealed discord.
+The Orthodox refused to enter the cathedral because the bishop of
+the diocese had signed the Act of Union. The Uniats and the Roman
+Catholics declined to attend the Orthodox meeting<span class="pagenum" id="Page_56">[56]</span> presided over by the
+Patriarchal Vicar. A few days were spent in meaningless invitations to
+the opposing party and finally there were duly formed two councils, one
+of the Uniats and Roman Catholics, the other of the Orthodox. Each of
+these duly anathematized and deposed the bishops of the other faction
+and appealed to the King to carry out their wishes as representatives
+of the real desires of the Church and people.</p>
+
+<p>It was abundantly evident that in this controversy the actual power
+lay in the hands of the King and the Uniats. King Sigismund, of the
+Catholic branch of the Vasa line of Sweden, had no intention of giving
+any rights to the Orthodox and his followers controlled the organs of
+the state. The Orthodox could do little but argue, write and talk and
+that seemed little enough. With the control of the state on their side,
+the Uniats felt that they could overlook the many polemical pamphlets
+that were hurled against them, especially by Ivan Vyshensky, the most
+celebrated of the defenders of Orthodoxy. Vyshensky was a monk who
+had studied at Mount Athos. He was a conservative in the educational
+disputes and felt that the modern schools were not severely Orthodox
+enough, not enough critical of the modern Western learning; but when
+it came to the dispute over the Union, he stood firmly with the
+brotherhoods. His pamphlets, written with bitter invective against the
+Uniats, had a telling effect.</p>
+
+<p>The King and his lords paid no attention. They were sure of an ultimate
+victory and set about acting accordingly. They commenced to dispossess
+by force those of the bishops and priests who refused to accept the
+Union and on the death of the Metropolitan of Kiev, Rohoza, in 1590,
+they appointed as the new Metropolitan Poty, who was the violent
+advocate of the Union. Poty kept urging the King and the government to
+further acts of aggression<span class="pagenum" id="Page_57">[57]</span> against the Orthodox and his arguments fell
+upon willing ears.</p>
+
+<p>Yet it was a long distance between talk and realization. The Orthodox
+fought zealously in defence of their rights, as they considered them,
+although it was evident that they were fighting a losing battle. The
+number of influential lords on their side and in the Polish senate
+was steadily decreasing as more and more of them became Polonized and
+joined the Roman Catholic Church. Even a promise of the King in 1597,
+forced by the foreign situation, that he would appoint only Orthodox
+to the Orthodox sees and parishes remained a dead letter, for the
+King did not feel himself bound by any promise to the heretics or the
+dissidents, as they were now called in Polish official language.</p>
+
+<p>The reaction varied in the different provinces. In Lviv and Peremyshl
+where there were still Orthodox bishops, even though the influence
+of Polish landlords was strong, there was some relief. In those
+dioceses where the Catholic landlords joined with the Uniat bishops
+the situation was worse. In some others, as Kiev, where there still
+remained a considerable number of Orthodox landlords, there was a still
+different situation and in Kiev particularly, Prince Vasil Konstantin
+Ostrozky as governor of the province openly disobeyed the orders of the
+king.</p>
+
+<p>Yet all this was temporary. Time was clearly playing on the side of
+the Catholics and the Uniats. Sooner or later it was certain that
+there would come a moment when the Orthodox opposition would become
+negligible, when the Orthodox lords would cease to have the power
+to defend their coreligionists in the Polish government or on their
+estates, when the brotherhoods could be broken up or suppressed or won
+over. Steps were already taken in Wilno to expel the Orthodox from the
+Churches despite the pleas of the vast majority of the population.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_58">[58]</span></p>
+
+<p>There was only one factor that might interfere. It had already appeared
+as a dark shadow when the King endeavored to seize the Monastery of the
+Caves at Kiev. That was the appearance of an armed band of Nalyvaykans,
+as they were called, within the walls of the monastery, who were ready
+to fight for the Orthodox Church. It was a grim portent and a warning,
+had the King and his advisors been prepared to heed it, for these men
+were a branch of the Kozaks of the Dnyeper valley and the Kozaks were
+destined to bear in the future the burden of the struggle for Ukrainian
+freedom.</p>
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_59">[59]</span></p>
+
+<h2>CHAPTER FIVE<br>
+<span class="subhed"><i>THE KOZAKS</i></span></h2></div>
+
+
+<p class="drop-cap p-left">The sixteenth and seventeenth centuries were a brilliant and colorful
+age, an age of high thinking and of great adventure. Not since the age
+of the Vikings had men of courage and of determination dared so much
+upon the high seas. The Spanish conquistadores settled the whole of
+South America. They laid their hands upon the fabulous wealth of Mexico
+and Peru. Well armed and fearless, a handful of Europeans dared to face
+thousands of the Aztecs and the Incas and came off victorious in the
+name of the Christian religion. The English in still smaller and more
+manageable boats swarmed across the Atlantic Ocean and attacked the
+rich and treasure-laden galleons wherever they found them and then,
+early in the seventeenth century, they laid the foundations of their
+colonies in America. Europe meanwhile was torn by religious wars,
+as the new ideas of Protestantism sought to extend their sphere of
+influence.</p>
+
+<p>That same spirit and that same daring, that same zeal for the Faith
+which they had received from their fathers, that same longing for
+a freedom which they no longer had burst out in the east of Europe
+and started the Kozaks on their historic mission. Where the Atlantic
+seaboard saw men of courage and of action put out to sea in small and
+scarcely seaworthy craft, in the east men of similar character swept
+across the steppes, ready to fight and to sell their lives for liberty.
+They formed a force that was difficult to control and impossible to
+check. They revived the courage and the bravery of the early rulers of
+Kiev and they left an imperishable mark upon their surroundings. The
+Kozak Host became<span class="pagenum" id="Page_60">[60]</span> in a few years an object of terror and concern to
+all of their neighbors, be they Poles, Muscovites, Turks, Tatars or
+whoever else attempted to restrain their unbridled energy and to reduce
+them to the status of serfs. It was an outpouring of the human spirit
+that has scarcely been equalled at any time or in any region and the
+Kozaks were praised or hated, according as they met with friend or foe.</p>
+
+<p>The name Kozak is borrowed from the Turkish word meaning “free warrior”
+and the meaning of the word amply expresses the dominant characteristic
+of these people. They were in essence the frontiersmen of eastern
+Europe, living in those areas where there was no law but the sword and
+where no man could be called to account except by one who was stronger
+than he. They reacted fiercely against every invasion of their rights
+and in the beginning co-operated only for defence or attack.</p>
+
+<p>The stories of the first Kozaks have much in common with the legends
+of some of the American pioneers who crossed into Kentucky, the dark
+and bloody ground, as it was known in the eighteenth century. There was
+only the difference that the Kozaks were operating not in mountainous
+and wooded territory but on the open plains and that their opponents
+were not small bands of Indians, hardly more numerous than themselves,
+but large masses of well-mounted troops eager for plunder and for slave
+collecting.</p>
+
+<p>The weakening of the Golden Horde and conflicts between the Khan and
+the Sultan of Turkey had relaxed control over the black earth region
+across the Dnyeper. In that no man’s land and along the Dnyeper
+itself there was a rich area in which there were few or no permanent
+residents. It offered an ideal place for men who had no fear of death
+and who valued their personal liberty above everything else, to live a
+lawless and carefree life without personal obligations. The prospect
+appealed to many who were suffering under the oppressive rule of the
+feudal lords in both Poland and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_61">[61]</span> Lithuania. Likewise men streamed out
+of the Muscovite lands into the lower Don and the lower Volga areas.
+Out of these groups of men there developed the Don Cossacks, who were
+nominally subject to Moscow, and the Zaporozhian Kozaks, who were
+originally required to pay some sort of allegiance to Poland.</p>
+
+<p>We first hear of the Kozaks of the Dnyeper at the end of the fifteenth
+century, when men from various sections of Rus’ went into the
+wilderness which had already received the name of Ukraine and passed
+their time hunting, collecting honey, and fishing. They did not disdain
+any opportunity of plundering Tatar raiding detachments, caravans
+crossing the country or messengers passing between the Sultan and the
+Khan, and the Kings of Poland and of Lithuania. Very often they were
+able to return to their homes at the approach of winter with rich
+spoils which far outvalued the natural products even of a fabulously
+rich land.</p>
+
+<p>From these more or less accidental encounters, it was not long before
+the little bands gathered together in larger groups and set out
+deliberately to plunder their enemies. The frontier guards of Poland
+and Lithuania tried to levy taxes on the booty which they brought back.
+Then the obvious thing was not to return but to pass the winter in
+small fortresses built beyond the settled frontier.</p>
+
+<p>In the beginning men of every class who loved adventure joined in
+these raids. There were gentry who craved adventure and excitement.
+There were townspeople who were bored by the monotonous hardships of
+declining trade. There were peasants who had suffered at the hands of
+their landlords. There were men who innocently or for due cause were
+sought by the authorities of the law. Yet when they once came into
+this unsettled country, they realized that they had to work together.
+Neither birth nor wealth nor training counted for anything except in so
+far as it assisted a man<span class="pagenum" id="Page_62">[62]</span> in asserting his own power and in persuading
+his comrades to work with him.</p>
+
+<p>It was a free society in a free world. Gradually all the little
+fortresses and hangouts felt the need for closer cooperation, and step
+by step there was built up a rough organization which represented in
+general all the various groups. If this was to be effective, it had
+to have some sort of permanent headquarters and the ideal place was
+finally found to be the islands below the rapids of the Dnyeper River.
+Hence came the name Zaporozhe, the place below the rapids.</p>
+
+<p>About 1552 one Prince Dmytro Vyshnevetsky, a gentleman Kozak, took
+the initiative in building as this centre a fortress on the island
+of Khortytsya, in this general region. This was the beginning of the
+celebrated Sich which was to inspire terror in the hearts of all the
+surrounding lands. Here the Kozaks could gather in relative security.
+Here they could store the cannon which they captured on their various
+raids, the booty which they acquired. Here they could meet for
+deliberation and decide what enterprise they would next undertake.</p>
+
+<p>The Kozaks of the Sich, eternally ready for battle or for raids, became
+as it were a replica of the various orders of military knights that had
+played such a role in the area of the Baltic Sea and in the crusades.
+Here was a group of men ready to fight the battle for Christianity and
+the Orthodox faith against the apparently invincible Mohammedans.</p>
+
+<p>Yet it was also a democratic system. In the general gatherings of the
+Kozaks every man was free to speak his own mind, depending only on
+the permission of his fellows. There was no set rule of procedure.
+Human life was cheap and a man might easily pay with his own for an
+unpremeditated insult. He had only himself to blame and no one else
+cared a rap, if one Kozak or another perished in a brawl. Any man
+could rise to prominence if he was able in one way or<span class="pagenum" id="Page_63">[63]</span> another to sway
+the assembly. There was no post barred to him because of age or rank
+or previous existence. It was a man’s world in the full sense of the
+world. It was a free world in a way that was not true of life anywhere
+else in the conquered and subjugated Ukraine.</p>
+
+<p>Yet when we emphasize this side of life at the Sich, we can never
+forget that the Sich was located in an exposed position subject at
+any moment to the attack of powerful and unscrupulous enemies. It was
+absolutely essential that there should be unrelenting vigilance and
+strict discipline. If the Kozaks were to live at all in the area which
+they had picked out, they could not engage in meaningless squabbles, in
+martial disorder, and in perfect anarchy.</p>
+
+<p>They met the situation in a democratic way. The general assembly would
+meet and formally elect a hetman to whom they gave the horsetail
+standard and the mace of office. His word was law. He had all the
+powers of an army commander. He could punish even with death any who
+disobeyed his orders or showed cowardice in the face of danger. His
+power was absolute and limited by no constitutional restrictions. Yet
+at the ending of his term of office, he was liable to be questioned
+by the assembly and if he had not used his powers for the good of
+the Sich, he could be tried by the rough justice of his comrades and
+receive whatever punishment they desired to inflict.</p>
+
+<p>It was a rough system administered by rough, brave men, and while it
+was not fitted for a normal community of peaceful citizens, it was
+admirably suited to men living beyond the established frontier, every
+one of whom had faced death many times both from the enemy and from the
+storms of nature. It was a new system which had nothing in common with
+the elaborate system of aristocratic feudalism and the aristocratic
+republic of the squires of Poland or with the personal autocracy of the
+Muscovite tsar. The Kozak Host of the Zaporozhian Sich was a law unto
+itself.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_64">[64]</span></p>
+
+<p>Vyshnevetsky had offered to combine with the Tsar against the Tatars of
+the Crimea and had taken part in one expedition with the Muscovites but
+had not received any support and it was a long while before the offer
+was repeated. His successors as hetmans preferred to go their own ways
+and build up and strengthen their Kozak system until it could stand
+alone.</p>
+
+<p>The Kozaks could not escape the attention of the Kings of Poland.
+They were uncomfortable neighbors but they were also useful. The King
+and the gentry of Poland had no taste for building up a military
+establishment strong enough to protect the country. In earlier days the
+bulk of the army was composed of Lithuanian forces, largely recruited
+from Ukraine and White Ruthenia. Once the full union of Poland and
+Lithuania had taken place and the golden liberty of the Polish szlachta
+had been extended throughout the land, this resource was gone. Between
+the weak Polish army and the Tatar and Turkish raiders there stood only
+the Kozaks.</p>
+
+<p>Common sense would have advised the King and the magnates of Poland to
+come to terms with the organization or to have secured enough forces
+of their own to render it useless and to destroy it. They did neither.
+In times of war with Turkey or the Tatars they willingly took the
+Kozaks into their service and welcomed their assistance. In times of
+peace they were constantly striving to prevent their growth. They did
+go so far as to register a few thousand Kozaks and consider them as a
+separate part of the Polish army but even then they rarely paid them
+the sums promised, because of the opposition of the gentry and the lack
+of money in the treasury.</p>
+
+  <div class="figcenter" id="i_064fp">
+    <img
+    class="p1"
+    src="images/i_064fp.jpg"
+     alt="">
+     <p class="p0 smaller smcap center">St. Volodymyr</p>
+     <p class="p0 smaller smcap center">St. Olha</p>
+     <p class="p0 sm center">(Victor Vasnetsov)</p>
+   </div>
+
+  <div class="figcenter" id="i_065fp">
+    <img
+    class="p1"
+    src="images/i_065fp.jpg"
+     alt="">
+     <p class="p0 smaller center">The Zaporozhian Kozaks writing a letter to the Sultan</p>
+     <p class="p0 sm center">(Ilya Repin)</p>
+   </div>
+
+<p>Even this slight support, however, gave the Kozaks the idea that they
+owed only a general loyalty to the King and they were bound only to
+obey their own elected hetmans. They came to feel that they were free
+from all taxes levied<span class="pagenum" id="Page_65">[65]</span> by the Polish government and they refused to
+draw a line of demarcation between registered and unregistered Kozaks,
+for they well knew that at the first sign of trouble on any Polish
+border, all the Kozaks, registered and unregistered alike, would be
+called into service on the same footing.</p>
+
+<p>The Polish policy was more than shortsighted but it was in line with
+the general attitude of the state. As the upper Dnyeper valley was
+resettled and as agriculture began to revive, the magnates were able to
+put forth claims for vast estates. They parcelled out among themselves
+the new lands as they had done the older lands of Rus’ over which they
+had assumed control centuries before. They shuddered at the idea that
+the Sich might embrace all the liberty-loving Ukrainians who were
+dissatisfied with their harsh rule. The Kozaks were furiously Orthodox.
+They were zealous supporters of the Orthodox Church. Poland prided
+itself on its Catholicism and particularly after the successful work
+of the Jesuits and the establishment of the Church Union, the Polish
+leaders did not want to do anything that would revive the Orthodox
+Church.</p>
+
+<p>The very existence of the Sich was a direct challenge to all for which
+the Polish state, with its theories of the equality of the szlachta and
+its religious interests, stood. The more the Sich became organized and
+turned from a handful of bold frontiersmen into a definite military
+force, the more it became the mouthpiece of the Ukrainian population
+and a refuge for them against oppression. The more it protected the
+Dnyeper valley and the regions to the east, the more it became a menace
+and a problem to the Polish rulers. The free republic of the warriors
+of the Sich was the direct antithesis of the aristocratic life of the
+great estates which were known throughout Europe for their luxury and
+their culture.</p>
+
+<p>There was more than this involved. The Kozaks, though nominal subjects
+of the King of Poland, maintained full<span class="pagenum" id="Page_66">[66]</span> freedom to harry the Turks
+and Tatars at will. Every spring, with almost unfailing regularity,
+they set out on expeditions down the Dnyeper to attack the Turkish
+and Tatar settlements on the shores of the Black Sea. They invaded
+Wallachia and Moldavia and interfered in the civil wars that were
+raging intermittently in both lands. They constantly attacked Ochakiv
+and plundered almost at will whatever city they wished to. They rescued
+thousands of Christian Slavs from the Crimean slave mart of Kaffa.</p>
+
+<p>As they grew more experienced, during the early part of the seventeenth
+century, they dared to set out on longer expeditions, which carried
+them into the harbors of Constantinople and Sinope. In their light
+boats, which were barely a few feet above the water, they defied the
+storms of the Black Sea, made sudden raids into the great Turkish
+cities, left a small guard for the boats and plundered for periods as
+long as three days before they saw fit to gather up the booty which
+they desired and, having burned the rest, put out to sea. The larger
+Turkish ships, if they attacked the Kozak boats in the daytime, could
+deal terrible damage to them; but if the Kozaks could surprise them or
+come upon them unexpectedly at dawn, their fierce bravery would carry
+them to the decks of the better armed Turkish ships and in hand to hand
+fighting, the Turks would be compelled to yield. Then, after plundering
+at will, the Kozaks would sink them and their crews and return home
+triumphantly. Of course their losses were terrific but the spoils which
+were brought back from these raids well paid the survivors for their
+hardships and their dangers.</p>
+
+<p>It was in vain that the Khan of the Crimea and the Sultan of Turkey
+remonstrated with the King of Poland and threatened war. The King had
+no more power to restrain these raids than he had to wipe out the Sich
+itself. Now and then he could capture some of the leaders and execute
+them to satisfy the threats of the Turkish ambassador but<span class="pagenum" id="Page_67">[67]</span> this only
+fanned the ill feelings between the Kozaks and the Poles. The next
+spring the Kozaks would start again on their raids and the process
+would be repeated.</p>
+
+<p>On the other hand, in time of war, the Poles were only too glad of
+their assistance. During the Troublous Times of Moscow, after the
+death of Boris Godunov, the Kozaks were encouraged to interfere in
+Muscovite affairs. Over forty thousand took part in the effort to make
+Wladyslaw Tsar of Moscow in 1610. Despite the similarity in religion
+the Kozaks fought as willingly against Moscow as they did at any time.
+They brought back to their homes the richest spoils of the tsardom and
+remained a continuous menace until the accession of Michael Romanov in
+1613.</p>
+
+<p>At the same time they were no peaceful citizens of Poland. They turned
+with equal fury against the princes, Orthodox and Roman Catholic,
+who were carving out estates in territory which they had made safe.
+Even the great Orthodox lord, Konstantin Ostrozky, the bulwark of the
+Orthodox in Poland, had to see his estates plundered and his serfs
+freed by the invincible Kozaks, who cared nothing for the pattern of
+rights set out by the King and the magnates.</p>
+
+<p>The Polish government paid no attention until the Kozaks began to
+plunder the land of the Roman Catholic lords, like the Potockis to the
+east of the Dnyeper, and until they began to advance to the west and
+plunder in Volynia and White Ruthenia. Then it sent against them the
+Hetman of the Republic, Zolkiewski, and finally defeated them at the
+battle of Lubny in 1596. It was a crushing blow to the Kozaks but it
+was only temporary, for it was not long before the King, in sore need
+of troops for foreign wars, called again upon the Kozaks for support
+and again the whole process of endeavoring to use them in war and
+suppress them in peace was resumed.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_68">[68]</span></p>
+
+<p>In actual practice the Kozaks controlled practically all of Eastern
+Ukraine and much territory west of the Dnyeper. They represented
+the conscious active elements of the Ukrainian people and it was no
+accident that the Archimandrite of the Monastery of the Caves called
+in the followers of Nalyvayko to protect the Monastery when the King
+of Poland was trying to seize it for the Uniats. Had they formed a
+consistent policy, they could at any time have dominated a large part
+of Poland and forced their will upon the lords.</p>
+
+<p>Yet the very strength of the Kozak movement as a military organization
+was its main weakness. The Kozaks had developed as frontiersmen but
+it was a long while before they definitely tried to influence the
+government or to take over the administration of the territory which
+they controlled. The rough democracy of the Sich was little interested
+in problems of administration. Even the families of many of the
+leading Kozaks lived on farms not far from the estates which they
+were plundering. They had a purely military organization divided into
+regiments and companies, formed on a territorial basis and they called
+it the Zaporozhian Host. Thus this powerful force which might cooperate
+with the various townsmen and interfere in behalf of the peasants
+rarely went further and it did not attempt to take over many functions
+of the Polish local administration that it could have done.</p>
+
+<p>For its part the Polish government contented itself with sending
+commissioners to represent it at the meetings of the Host. At times it
+sent parts of its regular army to discipline the Host or to garrison
+forts in the areas where it dominated. Yet most of these troops were
+registered Kozaks and it was a fairly general rule that in case of any
+emergency, the registered Kozaks would abandon their Polish commanders
+and take sides with the unregistered.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_69">[69]</span></p>
+
+<p>It seems incredible that neither the King nor the magnates saw the
+danger inherent in the possibility that the Kozaks with their fanatical
+Orthodoxy would interfere in the struggle between the Orthodox and
+Uniats, after the first attempts of the Kozaks to prevent the turning
+over of the monasteries and churches. Yet they did not. The magnates
+and the Roman Catholic authorities continued to think that the Kozak
+movement was unable to think of anything but plunder and war. Perhaps
+they relied upon the fact that many of the Ukrainian townspeople and
+the last of the Ukrainian Orthodox lords shared the same opinion.
+The Zaporozhians had pillaged many of the estates of Prince Ostrozky
+and others of his friends and it may have seemed that there was no
+possibility that anything constructive would come out of the movement.</p>
+
+<p>It was however as a result of the understanding between the Kievan
+Brotherhood and the Hetman Sahaydachny that this was finally brought
+about. For its part the brotherhood insisted that the Kozaks were
+the direct descendants of the people of Rus’ who had fought against
+Byzantium on land and sea, the same people whose ancestors had fought
+with Volodymyr and with Volodymyr Monomakh and who were still devoutly
+Orthodox.</p>
+
+<p>When there came the desire to restore the Orthodox hierarchy which
+had almost completely died out, it was Sahaydachny who came to the
+assistance of the brotherhood. When the Orthodox learned that the
+Patriarch Theophanes was going to Moscow, they induced him to come to
+Kiev. For a time the Patriarch hesitated from fear of the King and
+the Poles but Sahaydachny as Hetman promised him safe conduct and
+under armed protection, the Patriarch consecrated new bishops for the
+Orthodox. Still not influenced by this fact, the government refused to
+allow the new bishops to enter their dioceses.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_70">[70]</span></p>
+
+<p>The government may have counted on the fact that there was a certain
+conflict within the Kozak organization. On several occasions, the
+Kozaks below the rapids, the Zaporozhians in the strict sense of the
+word, had chosen hetmans who were different from the hetmans elected
+by the Kozaks in the more settled regions to the north. The latter,
+living in the more settled portions of the country, were often deeply
+interested in the cultural and religious aspects of the problem. They
+were more settled people who were more interested in the cultural
+development of the Orthodox Ukrainians than were the Zaporozhians, who
+in this respect were nearer to the original conception of the Kozaks.</p>
+
+<p>Throughout the first half of the seventeenth century, there continued
+more or less constant disturbances. There were a number of armed
+outbreaks of the Kozaks against the Poles in which the Kozaks presented
+modifications of their essential demand, a constant increase in the
+number of registered Kozaks. Most of these were finally put down by the
+Poles under the leadership of Koniecpolski and Potocki and after each
+new setback the Poles carefully restricted the number of registered
+Kozaks. More important than that, they worked constantly to weaken the
+rules about the election of the Kozak hetmans and sought to restrict
+their choice to the Kozaks of good family, who came of gentry stock.
+In this way they hoped to drive a wedge between the Kozak officers and
+the rank and file and thus to prevent the movement from taking a more
+serious turn. They also arranged to build a fort near the rapids of the
+Dnyeper, so as to prevent free passage between the Zaporozhian Sich and
+the rest of the Kozaks.</p>
+
+<p>This perpetual conflict seriously weakened Poland, which still declined
+to take any measures which would either solve the Kozak problem or
+put the state in a position to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_71">[71]</span> defy them. In general the King was
+more inclined to support or compromise with the Kozaks than were the
+magnates and the gentry, who usually demanded severe measures against
+both the Kozaks and the Orthodox, but who were equally against any
+measure that would carry their policy into effect. It was no more
+favorable to the Kozaks, for the hetmans were continually forced to
+sign agreements which they could not and did not wish to carry out,
+while at the same time no hetman was strong enough to plan and carry
+through any policy which might allow him to win any real concession
+from the Poles. The ordinary Kozaks could not secure any permanent
+improvement in their status, and so there commenced a general exodus
+of the lesser Kozaks from the Ukraine and the Dnyeper valley to the
+so-called Slobidshchina, the land of free communes, a region in the
+neighborhood of Kharkiv but which was under the jurisdiction of
+Moscow. For years this region was weakly governed for it was still
+on the border of the Muscovite state and it offered many of the same
+advantages that Ukraine and the Dnyeper valley had a century earlier.</p>
+
+<p>A definite defeat of the Kozaks in 1638 finally brought this series
+of wars to an end. For ten years of peace there was little change in
+the situation. The Poles had succeeded in forcing the bulk of the
+unregistered Kozaks back into the hands of their masters and the
+number of registered Kozaks was not full. It seemed as if the problem
+had finally been settled and that it would not arise again. On the
+other hand, the Orthodox had succeeded in recovering their bishops
+and in getting them at least in part restored to their dioceses. The
+educational policies had taken a new lease on life with the development
+of the Kiev Academy under the leadership of Peter Mohyla. There were,
+however, grave doubts as to the extent to which the cultural and
+religious movements and the Kozaks were integrated.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_72">[72]</span></p>
+
+<p>All this was but a preliminary to a new struggle which was destined to
+start, for there soon appeared at this moment of apparent quiescence a
+new leader, who was to take a long step forward in coordinating all the
+movements and also in outlining a definite program for the Ukrainian
+people, Kozak and non-Kozak, which was to give them temporary success
+and then lead to a more complete fiasco. This new leader was Bohdan
+Khmelnitsky.</p>
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_73">[73]</span></p>
+
+<h2>CHAPTER SIX<br>
+<span class="subhed"><i>BOHDAN KHMELNITSKY</i></span></h2></div>
+
+
+<p class="drop-cap p-left">In 1638 it might have seemed to a superficial observer that the cause
+of the Kozaks had been crushed once and for all. The old liberties
+and rights on which they had prided themselves had been abolished and
+a surface calm had been attained. The King of Poland and the Polish
+magnates seemed to have reached their goal and to have ended a force
+that was both valuable and threatening, valuable in case of war and
+threatening in time of peace.</p>
+
+<p>Yet a more careful observer could easily have predicted trouble in the
+future. Michael Romanov was steadily increasing his power in Moscow
+and his agents were already looking for ways of extending the country
+to include the easternmost provinces under the Polish crown. The feud
+between the Roman Catholic and Protestant branches of the royal family
+of Sweden was taking an ever sharper course and Sweden was seeking to
+turn the Baltic Sea into a Swedish lake. To the west the Thirty Years
+War was raging and devastating country after country, while still
+further off Richelieu was at the height of his power in France and the
+controversy between Charles I of England and Parliament was beginning
+to assume a serious form. All Europe was in turmoil and with diplomatic
+agents rushing back and forth and armies marching over the entire
+continent, it would seem to have been no time to have forced the Kozaks
+into new extremes of anger and of discontent.</p>
+
+<p>Yet at this period, when an explosion seemed so near on every side, no
+one gave a thought as to whether Ukraine should be pacified or goaded
+further. Every one in the country was dissatisfied. Kozaks registered
+and unregistered,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_74">[74]</span> townsmen and peasants, Orthodox and members of the
+Union, gentry and landowners, all had some special grievance. There was
+needed only a leader who would be able to galvanize the entire mass
+into active measures to create an outburst that would jeopardize the
+very existence of the Polish state; but no one gave any attention to
+the problem in the proud confidence that no leader could be found. Yet
+one appeared and that man was Bohdan Khmelnitsky.</p>
+
+<p>This man who was to open a new period in Ukrainian history was the son
+of an Orthodox squire and had served on the staff of the Polish hetman
+Zolkiewski, who had defeated the Kozaks in several of their uprisings
+and had later been killed by the Turks. Born around 1595, Bohdan had
+had the best of opportunities for an education at the Jesuit college in
+Yaroslav. He had filled several posts in the Kozak Host and had been
+one of the men removed after the changes of 1638. He had then retired
+to his estate at Subotiv, where he was living quietly with his wife and
+family.</p>
+
+<p>It might seem that Khmelnitsky was finished with politics and war. He
+was about fifty years of age but he was still active and vigorous.
+His wife died and then he took into his house a beautiful woman named
+Helen, but for some reason he did not marry her. The whole episode with
+Helen savors of the theatrical and is even more inexplicable than are
+the usual events of life. Suddenly a Polish nobleman, one Czaplinski,
+appeared at the home of Khmelnitsky, beat Khmelnitsky’s youngest son so
+badly that he died, burned the mill and barns, and carried Helen off
+and married her under the Roman Catholic rite.</p>
+
+<p>Bohdan was furious and sought justice. It was not forthcoming. The
+Polish authorities laughed at his case and even ordered his arrest.
+This was too much for the Kozak officer and he made his way to the
+Zaporozhians and sought refuge among them.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_75">[75]</span></p>
+
+<p>He very soon became a recognized leader, was elected hetman and thus
+became able to plan for revenge on his enemies. His position among the
+Kozaks was the stronger because he possessed definite knowledge that
+King Wladyslaw was planning to restore the Kozak liberties on condition
+that they aid him against the Turks. It was the same old device that
+had occurred again and again. Kozak aid was desired in war and spurned
+in peace. The King was more kindly disposed to the Kozaks than were
+the magnates and was himself taking the initiative in stirring up the
+Kozaks to attack the Turks.</p>
+
+<p>Khmelnitsky’s scheme was simple. He played for time with the Polish
+authorities and meanwhile made an alliance with the Khan of the Crimea
+to send him some military aid in his new venture. Then when all was
+ready, he took the field.</p>
+
+<p>The Poles were by now well aware of what was going on. They sent an
+army under the Crown Hetman Potocki and the Field Hetman Kalinowski
+to Fort Kodak to keep the Zaporozhians from moving northward. This
+time they were too late. The King, who had himself incited the Kozak
+leaders, urged his officers not to fight. They decided to do so and
+sent the son of Potocki with a force of 1500 Poles and 2500 registered
+Kozaks overland to Fort Kodak, as a preliminary reinforcement for the
+troops stationed there.</p>
+
+<p>Bohdan learned of this movement and with some 8,000 Kozaks, by forced
+marches, he surrounded the young and unsuspecting Potocki at Zhorty
+Vody (the Yellow Waters) on April 29, 1648. Seeing himself outnumbered,
+Potocki fortified a camp, where he was besieged and waited for the
+aid of the Kozaks who were coming down the Dnyeper on barges. Bohdan
+reached these Kozaks, easily won them to his cause, and added them
+to his own forces. When the news of this reached the Poles, Potocki
+realized that his only<span class="pagenum" id="Page_76">[76]</span> chance was to cut his way out and reach
+his father and the main body of the troops at Korsun. He failed
+disastrously in this and was compelled to ask for terms. Khmelnitsky
+allowed them to retire without their artillery. They had barely started
+on their march when the forces of the Tatars under Tugai Khan attacked
+the disordered and heavily laden Polish force and destroyed them almost
+to a man. Stephen Potocki was taken prisoner but died of his wounds the
+next day.</p>
+
+<p>The news of this terrible defeat struck terror into the hearts of
+Potocki and Kalinowski. They realized that the entire country would
+soon be up in arms and that their plan of cutting off the Zaporozhe
+from the north had completely failed. Yet they disagreed on everything
+else. Kalinowski wanted to press on to Fort Kodak, Potocki wanted to
+stay where they were, and the lesser officers called for a retreat.
+This was finally decided upon and as they moved north, Potocki
+commenced to set fire to the villages and burned the city of Korsun
+for terroristic purposes. The result was not what he had expected. He
+merely aroused the anger of the population, who joined the Kozaks. In
+the meanwhile the Tatars attacked the army in front and Khmelnitsky
+sent to the rear a detachment of the Korsun regiment of Kozaks under
+the command of a Scotch adventurer, known by the name of Maksym
+Krivonos (Crooked-nose). Everything went like clockwork for the Kozaks.
+The Poles fell into the ambuscade and lost all semblance of discipline.
+One detachment under Prince Koretsky succeeded with heavy loss in
+cutting its way to safety, but the two hetmans, Potocki and Kalinowski,
+and over one thousand men were captured. The rest were killed. The
+prisoners were turned over to the Tatars and the leaders were sent to
+the Crimea until they should pay 20,000 gold coins each.</p>
+
+<p>This overwhelming defeat was the signal for a general uprising of the
+oppressed Ukrainian peasantry. The fire<span class="pagenum" id="Page_77">[77]</span> of revolt spread rapidly
+through the province of Kiev and throughout eastern Ukraine. Everywhere
+manor houses were burned, the nobles and their families were killed and
+the country was caught up in a savage civil war which threatened Polish
+control of the entire region. It was not only a struggle of the Kozaks
+but of the entire Orthodox Ukrainian population which was now seeking
+redress for all the cruelty and oppression which it had suffered.</p>
+
+<p>To add to the confusion, King Wladyslaw died on the same day as the
+battle of Korsun and under the loose Polish constitution, months were
+required before a new King could be elected. Never before had such a
+storm been unleashed.</p>
+
+<p>It would have been a simple matter for Khmelnitsky to have marched
+across Poland and menaced or taken Warsaw, but he had no desire to be
+at the head of a peasant uprising. The same dualism that had existed
+between the Kozaks and the peasantry, and the pride of the Kozak
+officers who felt that they were on a par with the Poles prevented him
+from taking this solution. Instead, he sent a letter a few weeks later
+to the Polish King as if he were still alive and set forth the main
+Kozak demands. They were, as can be well imagined, the restoration of
+the Orthodox Church, the doubling of the number of registered Kozaks,
+and the restoration of the old Kozak rights which had been abolished
+in 1638. The Polish government seemed inclined to accept them and in
+addition steps were taken whereby the marriage of Helen to Czaplinski
+was annulled and she married Bohdan in accordance with the Orthodox
+rites.</p>
+
+<p>Just at this moment, when it seemed as if Khmelnitsky and the Kozaks
+would effect some solution of their problem with the Poles, Prince
+Jarema Wisniowiecki sprang into action. One of the great landowners
+on the left bank of the Dnyeper, he was a descendant of that Prince
+Dmytro who had been one of the founders of the Sich a century<span class="pagenum" id="Page_78">[78]</span> earlier.
+Now as a convert to the Roman Catholic Church, he set himself to wipe
+out the Kozak movement with fire and sword. By far the ablest and
+the most warlike of the Polish magnates, he assumed the lead of the
+Polish opposition to Khmelnitsky and marched through the Ukrainian
+regions, giving no quarter and devastating ruthlessly all the Ukrainian
+villages. The result might have been foreseen.</p>
+
+<p>He forced Bohdan, after futile appeals to the government, to take the
+field again. The two armies met at Pylyava on September 13, 1648 and
+again the Poles were decisively defeated. The Ukrainians were then
+joined by the army of the Crimean Tatars, who insisted on continuing
+the war in order to secure booty. For this purpose the combined forces
+moved on Lviv which finally paid a large ransom. Just at this moment,
+Jan Kazimierz was elected King of Poland and Bohdan, trusting to his
+good intentions, repeated his demands on a somewhat broader scale,
+for now he demanded the recognition of the Orthodox Church and the
+abolition of the Union.</p>
+
+<p>Khmelnitsky returned to Kiev during the Christmas holidays in 1648
+in triumph. He was received with overwhelming acclaim by the entire
+population and all classes vied in doing him honor. Perhaps it was
+only then that his thoughts and his aspirations expanded, for he found
+waiting for him representatives of Turkey, Transylvania, Moldavia, and
+Wallachia and they were soon joined by an ambassador from Moscow. He
+could not fail to be impressed by the difference between his position
+at the moment and that of a year before when he was regarded as only a
+Kozak officer striving to avenge his personal wrongs and to win for the
+Kozaks some vestige of their ancient liberties.</p>
+
+<p>At the same time Patriarch Paisius of Jerusalem, who was present
+in Kiev on his way to Moscow for the collection of alms and for
+conferences on Muscovite Orthodoxy with the Patriarch Nikon, is said
+to have addressed Bohdan<span class="pagenum" id="Page_79">[79]</span> dan as King of Rus’ and to have encouraged
+him to undertake a grand alliance of all the Orthodox States which
+were represented at Kiev. The successful campaigns of 1648 certainly
+opened up visions of a future to Bohdan Khmelnitsky and inspired him to
+undertake extensive diplomatic negotiations among all the neighboring
+powers. They made him consider himself a real head of an independent
+people and he felt more confident than ever that he could tackle the
+problem of relations with Poland on a grand scale.</p>
+
+<p>As a result there is no reason to doubt the reports of the Polish
+commissioners whom he met in February, 1649. According to these he
+demanded that the Polish administration definitely quit Ukraine, that
+the Orthodox Metropolitan of Kiev be given a seat in the Polish senate,
+that the Union be abolished, and that the Kozak Host be responsible
+only to the King. All this meant that Ukraine would become a third
+member of the Polish state along with Poland and Lithuania.</p>
+
+<p>Yet to do this, it was necessary to have a more permanent political
+organization. The old Kozak system was well devised to win military
+victories but it had never taken up the problems of administration
+in any area. The Kozak officers had come to feel that they were the
+appointed mouthpieces of Kozakdom and compared themselves to the
+Polish magnates. The ordinary Kozaks, equally proud of their position,
+resented these claims of their officers and clamored for the old rights
+of frequent election. At the same time they looked down upon the
+non-Kozak elements of the population, even though the latter had taken
+an important part in the campaigns of 1648.</p>
+
+<p>The very success of the Kozak movement had created a new embarrassment.
+The pressing task before Bohdan and his associates was to build a
+state, to establish in it the rights of the townspeople and the
+burghers, the intellectuals<span class="pagenum" id="Page_80">[80]</span> and the peasants. They had to draw a line
+between the completely autocratic rule of Moscow and the aristocratic
+republic of Poland, to secure unity and obedience, democracy and
+authority. This was a colossal task and it is perhaps doubtful if even
+Khmelnitsky realized the many ramifications of the political problems.</p>
+
+<p>The best that he could do was to expand the Kozak authority and system,
+to make the regimental commanders the local authorities, and to hand
+over to them all the necessary functions of administration. In the long
+run this could not prevail in time of peace. It was little better as a
+permanent basis in war, when the commanders would be busy in the field.
+Thus the ruling groups of the Kozaks failed to set up a true government
+in the territory which they had with such relative ease acquired.</p>
+
+<p>It seemed far more tempting and agreeable to seek for foreign support
+and Khmelnitsky spent his time in endeavoring to secure foreign allies
+who would assist him against his main enemy. For this the Crimean
+Tatars seemed easily the most suitable and he bent his efforts to
+securing their aid in the future.</p>
+
+<p>When hostilities finally broke out in 1649, the Kozaks again speedily
+obtained the advantage and after a few minor defeats in the north,
+they entrapped the armies of their main enemy, Wisniowiecki, in the
+town of Zbarazh. It was only the daring and skill of Wisniowiecki that
+saved the day until the armies of the new King could arrive. Even that
+was no salvation, for Khmelnitsky and his men speedily defeated the
+reinforcements at Zboriv and besieged the King and the remains of his
+army in a fortified camp there. At the darkest hour for the Poles, they
+succeeded in bribing the Tatar Khan to abandon his Kozak allies. He
+was the more willing to do this, since he also had no desire to see a
+strong Ukraine.</p>
+
+<p>The result was the Treaty of Zboriv which granted on<span class="pagenum" id="Page_81">[81]</span> paper practically
+all of the Kozak demands. It conferred upon them complete control
+of the three provinces of Kiev, Braslav, and Chernihiv, placed the
+Orthodox Metropolitan in the Polish Senate and made the number of
+registered Kozaks 40,000. This was considerably less than Khmelnitsky
+had demanded the winter before and it aroused annoyance in both the
+Ukrainian and Polish camps. The Catholic prelates in the Senate
+declined to admit the Orthodox Metropolitan to their number and he
+obligingly returned from Warsaw to Kiev. It displeased most of the
+magnates, even those more moderate than Wisniowiecki, because it
+recognized the Kozak leaders as their equals. On the other hand it
+promised little for the bulk of the Ukrainian population, who had
+joined Khmelnitsky’s army, since in many sections it compelled them
+to return, even with an amnesty, to the harsh rule of their former
+lords. Many of the more independent went across the border of Moscow to
+the so-called Slobidshchina or Free Land which was still practically
+a lordless domain. Their departure of course weakened the Host and
+deprived it of many men who had done it good service.</p>
+
+<p>Yet the years after the Treaty of Zboriv marked the height of the
+influence of Bohdan. It was the time when he could have carried
+through far reaching reforms and strengthened the country internally.
+However he spent his energies in trying to marry his son Timosh to
+the daughter of Vasyl Lupul, the ruler of Moldavia, and in carrying
+on negotiations with the Sultan of Turkey and the Khan of the Crimea.
+As a result he gave the Poles the opportunity of recovering their
+strength and, under the driving force of Wisniowiecki, the work went
+forward rapidly, with the result that the Kozaks were badly defeated
+at the battle of Berestechko in the summer of 1651, again due to the
+treachery and fear of their Tatar allies. The Treaty of Bila Tserkva of
+that autumn reduced the Kozak power but it<span class="pagenum" id="Page_82">[82]</span> still left Bohdan strong.
+It increased discontent against him among the Ukrainians and drove him
+to still more far reaching diplomatic schemes. His mood was made worse
+by the discovery that his beloved Helen was intriguing against him and
+when proof was forthcoming, he had her and her friend executed. The
+final certainty that Helen had played him false wrecked his general
+shrewdness and embittered him in every way.</p>
+
+<p>Then came his most disastrous move. He appealed for assistance to
+Moscow, and offered to place the Kozak Host under the protection of the
+Tsar on condition that its privileges be respected. He had undoubtedly
+many reasons for this, but when the matter was put before the general
+body of the Kozaks, the argument that convinced them was religious.
+Moscow was also Orthodox and this appealed to all those classes of
+people who resented the Roman Catholicism of the Poles. It was not
+so favorably received by the Kozak officers who realized that the
+Muscovite regime did not and could not recognize any inherent rights
+in any class of the population. The Kievan Academy and many of the
+Orthodox hierarchy welcomed the move, however, for already many of
+their distinguished members were being invited by the Patriarch Nikon
+to Moscow and they felt that the act of Bohdan would place them in a
+better position there.</p>
+
+<p>After prolonged negotiations, the Muscovite envoys met Bohdan at
+Pereyaslav on January 18, 1654. In a last gesture Bohdan asked the
+Tsar’s envoy Buturlin to swear in his Sovereign’s name to respect the
+treaty. Buturlin refused on the ground that the Tsar could not swear to
+any subject. Popular sentiment had been so stirred up that Bohdan could
+not retract and the oath placing the Kozak Host under the Tsar was duly
+administered.</p>
+
+<p>Shortly after the Tsar confirmed various Kozak privileges. He
+granted the maintenance of the traditions of the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_83">[83]</span> Host, the right of
+maintaining Kozak courts, the raising of the quota of registered Kozaks
+to 60,000, the preservation of the privileges of the Ukrainian gentry,
+and the free right of election of the hetman, the payment of a large
+sum of money to the hetman, the officers and all registered Kozaks and
+the right of the hetman to receive foreign envoys (except that the Tsar
+insisted upon knowing and authorizing all negotiations with the King of
+Poland and the Sultan of Turkey).</p>
+
+<p>All this seemed very good and the Kozaks at first believed that they
+had profited by the agreement. The leaders were not long in discovering
+their mistake. There was no more peace than there had been before.
+It is true that the Kozaks in their wars with the Poles could depend
+upon some support from the Muscovites but the territories which they
+conquered from Poland passed directly under the control of the Tsar
+and did not add to the prestige or power of the Kozak Host. The Poles
+continued to invade their territory. Now they usually had the open
+support of the Tatars and the uncontrolled and encouraged devastations
+of these nomads often caused the Kozaks greater exertions than in the
+old days. Besides that, it was not long before it became evident that
+the Muscovite troops intended to settle down as garrisons in Kiev and
+in other Ukrainian cities, as an ostensible protection against the
+Poles, but in reality as an occupying force.</p>
+
+<p>Khmelnitsky, completely disillusioned, began to look for other allies.
+Sweden seemed the most promising, for it was then at the height of its
+power. It was invading Poland and was on such terms of friendship with
+Moscow that no open criticism could be made of the negotiations. His
+relations with Moldavia became entangled with the hopes of Lupul to
+capture Wallachia and these only led to the death of his son Timosh
+during the siege of Sochava, shortly before his submission to the Tsar.
+His plans for a great<span class="pagenum" id="Page_84">[84]</span> union of the Orthodox countries were definitely
+disrupted and it was not long before Sweden too proved a broken reed.</p>
+
+<p>In the spring of 1657, he was taken ill. To please him, his son Yury,
+a boy of fourteen who had shown no signs of having a strong character,
+was elected hetman over Ivan Vyhovsky, who had been secretary to Bohdan
+and was familiar with all of his plans and negotiations. Then the
+father died on July 27, 1657, was buried at his birthplace of Subotiv.</p>
+
+<p>It is difficult to evaluate correctly the work of Bohdan Khmelnitsky.
+There can be no question that he was an able and sincere patriot. He
+towered in ability, in military skill and in political vision high
+above all the hetmans who preceded and followed him. He became in a
+real sense the outstanding diplomatic figure of Eastern Europe during
+the years when he was at the height of his power.</p>
+
+<p>He definitely moved the Ukrainian, or more accurately, the Kozak
+question from one of purely internal Polish politics to the
+international arena where it deserved to be placed. In this connection
+he was the first of the hetmans who revived the Ukrainian claim to be
+a complete and sovereign state, able to negotiate as an equal with
+the various countries which were taking part in the game of Eastern
+European politics.</p>
+
+<p>Yet the defect and the tragedy of Khmelnitsky, and with him of the
+Ukrainian people, lay in the fact that he did not realize soon enough
+the essential problem which required an immediate solution. That was
+the relationship of the Kozak Host to all the other classes of the
+Ukrainian population. For Ukraine to rally all of its strength and
+resources, it was necessary to call upon all classes of the population.
+This was no easy task in the seventeenth century, when political
+thought concentrated upon the rights of the nobility, even more than
+upon the well being of the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_85">[85]</span> peasantry and the towns. The Polonization
+of the gentry had deprived the Ukrainians of exactly that class of
+their population which would have been most able to steer the course
+of the ship of state. The Kozaks and especially the Kozak officers
+felt themselves called upon to assume the role of a new nobility. At
+the same time they had so long conceived of themselves as a military
+group that they hesitated to make the transformation into a permanent
+administrative organization.</p>
+
+<p>Hence arose the insoluble conflict between the Kozaks and non-Kozaks
+in the growing Ukrainian organization. Perhaps had Khmelnitsky lived
+longer and had the time to think through the reforms that he was
+introducing, he might have changed his policies or in a period of
+peace he might have cemented his power and accustomed the people to
+accept it. He had neither time nor peace. It was necessary to organize,
+fight, and build all at the same moment and the result became a bitter
+circle in which he could see his way only through a complicated scheme
+of diplomatic intrigue. He did not have the power to carry to success
+any of his plans and as a result, Ukraine and the Kozak Host were left
+at the mercy of either Poland or Moscow or both, depending upon the
+general state of their relations at any given moment.</p>
+
+<p>Despite this fact, his work was not lost, for he had created an
+attitude, even if only in theory, that would assure to thinking
+Ukrainians a permanency and a place in the world. Even those later
+thinkers who condemned his submission to Moscow recognized that it
+was not a mere act of union, a mere desire to change masters for
+the Kozaks, but that it involved a deep political philosophy which
+circumstances destroyed.</p>
+
+<p>Khmelnitsky was the real founder of the Ukrainian national movement and
+he came nearer to making it successful than any one between the fall of
+Kiev and the modern<span class="pagenum" id="Page_86">[86]</span> Ukrainian Republic. That was a major achievement
+to carry out in less than nine years of uninterrupted turmoil. In one
+sense he was too late. Had he played his role a half century earlier,
+it is very possible that he might have accomplished more. Had he been
+able to hand the state over to some successor with the same breadth of
+vision, that man might have been able to continue and stabilize his
+work. As it was, he became the incarnation of the Ukrainian struggle
+for liberty and independence, and the inspiration of many of his
+followers. It was an unkind fate that preserved to the world only a
+knowledge of his submission to the Tsar and a distorted idea, zealously
+fostered by the Russians, that this was his ultimate goal.</p>
+
+<p>He died too soon, for he had not healed the breaches that were apparent
+in the Kozak organization, he had not solved definitely the entire
+Kozak problem from a Ukrainian standpoint and it was left for lesser
+men to corrupt his ideas and to lead Ukraine to a new and more complete
+ruin, with only his example to serve as a beacon light of what Ukraine
+might be.</p>
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_87">[87]</span></p>
+
+<h2>CHAPTER SEVEN<br>
+<span class="subhed"><i>THE REVOLT OF MAZEPA</i></span></h2></div>
+
+
+<p class="drop-cap p-left">The seventeenth century, which saw the settlement of the English in
+America, witnessed a shift in the balance of power in Eastern Europe
+and no one had contributed more to this than had Khmelnitsky and the
+successful revolt of the Kozak Host. The sudden awakening of the
+Ukrainians politically to a sense of their importance was an event of
+more than usual significance, and they undoubtedly hoped to play the
+role of a neutral state between Poland and Moscow. To both contestants
+they presented an entirely new situation.</p>
+
+<p>The Poland of the beginning of the century was mortally wounded by
+the Kozak revolt. At the beginning of the century, the King of Poland
+had dared to dream of establishing himself in the Kremlin, and while
+he failed, the results were not disastrous. The lack of success in
+the Polish Kozak policy was disastrous, for the great revolt had not
+only torn away from Poland a large part of its eastern lands but had
+encouraged the Swedish wars which wrecked the country still further.
+The damage was done at Pereyaslav, for an honest acceptance of the
+demands of Khmelnitsky up to that moment might easily have permitted
+the restoration of the Republic under a different form and have allowed
+it to continue strong and powerful.</p>
+
+<p>The magnates and the Polish Catholic authorities would not hear of any
+settlement. They were neither ready nor able to support the thoroughly
+militant ideas of Wisniowiecki which would have laid upon them a heavy
+and continuous burden, perhaps beyond the power of the state,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_88">[88]</span> but
+which would have provided a consistent policy, the success or failure
+of which might be calculated in advance. They would not accept a policy
+of compromise, even when Khmelnitsky offered it, lest it injure their
+dignity. Thus again Polish wavering promised nothing but ill to the
+state as it had when the Kozak question was still a purely internal
+problem.</p>
+
+<p>Moscow welcomed the control over the Host. The defeat of the Golden
+Horde in the sixteenth century had in a way freed the hands of the
+Tsars. The submission of Khmelnitsky advanced their boundaries to the
+Dnyeper. Yet there was a definite fly in the ointment. The Kozaks were
+liberty-loving people, they were accustomed to personal rights, and
+they formed a serious menace to the monolithic structure in which the
+Tsar and the Tsar alone possessed absolute rights. If Moscow was to
+triumph over its old enemy to the west, it was necessary to hold the
+Kozak Host and if it was to continue its policy, it was necessary to
+break its influence.</p>
+
+<p>Thus Moscow could not rest satisfied with the conditions produced at
+Pereyaslav. Almost at once it commenced to infringe upon the rights
+of the Kozaks and to seek to turn them into typical Russian serfs. It
+knew that its acceptance of the Host would speedily involve it in war
+with Poland and that there would be a clash in which the loyalty of the
+Kozaks would be the decisive factor.</p>
+
+<p>This left the Host and the Ukrainians in a relatively advantageous
+position. Besides that, there was still the Sultan of Turkey who could
+play a hand in the game, for we must never forget that at this moment
+the Turkish tide was still running strongly. It was still twenty years
+before it would reach its height outside the walls of Vienna and all of
+Europe would be terrorized at the thought that a victorious Islam might
+push its way further into the heart of the continent.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_89">[89]</span></p>
+
+<p>Everything depended upon the successor of Khmelnitsky. Would he be able
+to continue the task of welding the Host and the Ukrainian population
+into a strong whole which would be able to speak unhesitatingly and
+firmly to both friend and foe? Would he be able to heal the rifts that
+were already evident in the organization, which had been evident for a
+century and which awaited only a strong and continued effort to mend,
+or would he allow them to increase and destroy what had been already
+accomplished?</p>
+
+<p>Unfortunately disorder and blind passion were destined to be the
+guiding forces of the next half century. None of the successors of
+Khmelnitsky possessed his political acumen or the ability to control
+the unruly bands of Kozaks and to continue his work of turning a purely
+military order of fighters into a modern state. All the disruptive
+tendencies which had existed from the beginning appeared again with
+renewed force now that the Kozak question was pitched on international
+lines and formed a part of the European struggle for power.</p>
+
+<p>The Kozak officers were a body by themselves. Wherever the old
+landlords were driven away, the officers sought to secure their
+estates. They no longer considered themselves elective servants of the
+Host but they saw themselves as a new nobility. They demanded that
+they receive as their own the abandoned estates and that required the
+control over the former serf population, if the lands were to be run
+properly and profitably. They saw the Polish and Muscovite nobles
+ruling autocratically over large tracts of territory and being the
+masters of many villages. They realized that the old hit and miss
+elective system was not suited to the administration of large areas
+of territory and the maintenance of a consistent foreign policy and
+they could not visualize reform in any other way than by assimilating
+themselves to the prevailing mode of life in Eastern Europe. Their
+object was either the formation of an aristocratic<span class="pagenum" id="Page_90">[90]</span> republic like
+Poland or unrestrained overlordship like Moscow. They resented the
+rights of the lesser Kozaks and once they had secured estates, they
+were determined not to allow their serfs and peasants to join the
+Kozak body and thus escape the more burdensome obligations. Quite
+the reverse. Just as the Poles, they sought to force the Kozaks into
+servile labor. Their demands were mild at first but with each year they
+became more oppressive and galling. As a result they began to hire
+mercenary guards for their persons and property and this marked an
+overwhelming change in the constitution of the Host. The early Kozaks
+who had dared to raid the outskirts of Constantinople would have been
+aghast at this development, at this denial of the fundamental equality
+of the members of the Host, but the process went on inexorably.</p>
+
+<p>The ordinary Kozaks deeply resented this transformation of their corps
+of officers into something like the hated landlords and tried in every
+way to thwart and hinder the movement. They swung like a pendulum from
+one group of officers to another and allowed themselves to become the
+prey of all kinds of intrigues. Nevertheless very few of them thought
+seriously of the situation and even when they did succeed in electing
+a hetman from their own class, they did not support him and he in turn
+adapted his manners to those of the other officers. Thus the mass of
+the Kozaks in their search for their old freedom maintained only their
+old turbulence and their wild and unreasoning attachment to Orthodoxy
+and this prevented them from exerting the full force of their influence
+in a constructive way. At the same time, the Kozaks, even when they
+were almost reduced to serfs, still maintained their superiority to all
+other classes of the population.</p>
+
+<p>A new cause of discord arose over the Zaporozhian Sich. The Kozaks
+of the Sich, still in a sense the real frontiersmen, argued that the
+choice of hetmans should be conducted<span class="pagenum" id="Page_91">[91]</span> there and they developed an
+open hostility toward the officers and the Kozaks of the permanent
+regimental and territorial organizations that existed in the more
+settled part of the country. It only added more unpleasantness, for the
+Kozaks of the Sich did not realize that it required a consistent policy
+if the Host was to maintain itself under the new conditions.</p>
+
+<p>At the same time the international pot continued to boil. Both Moscow
+and Poland, busily engaged in fighting one another, angled for the
+support of the Kozaks. Both sides in cases of necessity made liberal
+promises. The Poles were only too willing to give the Kozaks anything
+for which they asked when they were driving back the Muscovites; the
+Muscovites were willing to extend political and financial assistance
+whenever the Kozaks were needed to turn back the Poles. As soon as
+discord raised its head in the Kozak ranks, the favorable offers were
+withdrawn, the Polish magnates renewed their claims to Ukrainian land
+and the Muscovites began to abrogate the Kozak privileges granted at
+the Treaty of Pereyaslav. At times the Turks and the Crimean Tatars,
+their vassals, took a hand in the game but they likewise did not carry
+out any consistent policy and did not try to fulfil the promises which
+they had made a short time before to the Kozak leaders.</p>
+
+<p>Under such conditions everybody suffered, but the Ukrainian population,
+which might have profited by the duel between Poland and Moscow, fared
+the worst. The land was terribly devastated and there came the period
+graphically called by the Ukrainians of this and later periods the
+Ruin. The helpless population, Kozak and non-Kozak alike, wandered
+from the right bank of the Dnyeper to the left bank. They went on into
+the land of free communes which was outside the Hetman state and then
+discovered that Moscow would not confirm their privileges there, since
+it was regarded as purely Muscovite territory.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_92">[92]</span> Then with a slight
+change or rumors of change in the west, the trend of wandering reversed
+its course and the settlers streamed back to the right bank, only to be
+again disillusioned and resume their melancholy travels.</p>
+
+<p>Under such conditions it is idle to seek for a coherent history. It
+is impossible even to speak of Polish and Muscovite parties among
+the Kozaks, for regiments and companies swung from side to side with
+appalling rapidity, handicapped their more able hetmans and either
+killed them or discredited them so thoroughly that they received little
+hearing at either Warsaw or Moscow.</p>
+
+<p>To cite but a few cases. Shortly after the death of Khmelnitsky, his
+secretary, Ivan Vyhovsky, almost unified the Host as a new hetman
+succeeding the weak Yury Khmelnitsky. Vyhovsky and his friends realized
+that with a weakened Poland, it might be possible for the Kozaks to
+force upon the King a recognition of their rights. He drew up the
+Union of Hadiach in 1658 and this more than fulfilled the dreams
+of Khmelnitsky, for it made the Kozak Host and Rus’ a third member
+of the Polish state along with Poland and Lithuania. It again gave
+the Orthodox Metropolitan the right to sit in the Polish Senate and
+conferred upon the Academy of Kiev the same rights that were given
+to the Polish Universities of Krakow and Wilno. It was all in vain.
+The blind hate of the Polish clergy and aristocratic landowners and
+Muscovite intrigues destroyed the plans of Vyhovsky and the Poles
+speedily withdrew their promises.</p>
+
+<p>Ten years later Peter Doroshenko, more hostile to the Poles,
+manipulated his power so skilfully that he was able to win complete
+independence from Poland and became the master of the right bank.
+Through an alliance with Mnohohrishny, the hetman of the left bank, he
+bade fair to unite again the whole of Ukraine with the hope of securing
+a definite autonomy from the Tsar. It was of no use.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_93">[93]</span> The officers
+overthrew Mnohohrishny because he was the son of a peasant and then
+they appealed to Moscow against Doroshenko. Of course the Tsar heard
+them for he welcomed the opportunity to deprive the Host of its rights
+to deal with foreign policy, and executed Mnohohrishny. Doroshenko
+tried in vain to secure Turkish help but this was not forthcoming and
+the hatred of the Kozaks for Islam brought about his downfall. When he
+had to surrender to Moscow, he received a long term in Siberia.</p>
+
+<p>Then came the turn of Ivan Samoylovich, who was as sympathetic and
+obedient to Moscow as the others had been critical and independent.
+He won a certain amount for the Host at the price of taking part in
+Muscovite plans against Turkey. Yet when an expedition under Prince
+Golitsyn met with failure against the Crimea, because of disregard of
+his advice, the other officers accused him to the Tsar of betraying
+the Russians. Samoylovich was deposed and imprisoned and his son was
+executed.</p>
+
+<p>Thus while the Host was relapsing into discord, it gave both Tsar and
+King the power to do with the Ukrainian lands as they would. In 1667,
+by the Treaty of Andrusivo, the two divided Ukraine at the Dnyeper,
+with Poland holding the right bank and Moscow the left and the city
+of Kiev on the right bank. This last was nominally for two years, but
+Moscow never returned the prize and used the occupation for still
+greater demands.</p>
+
+<p>The chief of these lay in the elimination of the autonomy of the
+Ukrainian Orthodox Church. This was still nominally under the control
+of the Patriarch of Constantinople but Moscow wanted it under the
+Patriarch of Moscow to cement its own power. Diplomatic pressure on
+the Sultan led him to force the Patriarch of Constantinople to consent
+to this and then the ever obedient Samoylovich appointed a relative
+Metropolitan of Kiev and the thing was done. Moscow had been able to
+lay its hand upon the last strong<span class="pagenum" id="Page_94">[94]</span> factor of Ukrainian independence and
+the rest was easy.</p>
+
+<p>It was in the midst of this chaos that Ivan Mazepa became hetman after
+the arrest of Samoylovich. He was the last of the hetmans who possessed
+any real strength of character and assurance of his position. Perhaps
+he misjudged his situation. Perhaps it was an unkind fate that drove
+him along the path of destruction and with him the Kozak Host and all
+Ukraine. Yet he played a striking role, albeit an unsuccessful one, in
+the events of the day and achieved lasting fame or ill-repute among his
+fellow countrymen and their oppressors.</p>
+
+<p>Mazepa was born about 1640 in Bila Tserkva on the right bank and
+received an excellent education. For a while he was at the court of
+the King of Poland and conducted various diplomatic negotiations with
+Ukraine for the King. Then he suddenly vanished, perhaps because of an
+unconventional love affair as described by Byron, and he turned up in
+the Hetman state. He attracted the attention of Samoylovich who made
+him the Inspector General of the Host. This brought him into prominence
+both with the Ukrainians and the Muscovites and when Samoylovich was
+arrested in 1687, Mazepa offered Prince Golitsyn ten thousand rubles
+for the post of hetman and Golitsyn saw to it that he was the sole
+candidate for the position.</p>
+
+<p>The world had changed since the time of Khmelnitsky and it would be
+impossible to recognize the traditional type of hetman in Mazepa.
+The gulf between the early Kozak hetmans, who acquired their power
+merely to conduct a raid against Constantinople, and Khmelnitsky was
+not so great as that between Khmelnitsky and Mazepa. The latter had
+become hetman only of the left bank. He might indeed possess some
+nominal control over the Kozaks of Paly in Poland but it was utterly
+ineffective and he had no power to bring them as organized units under
+his control. There were Muscovite garrisons in all of the important
+cities and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_95">[95]</span> the maintenance of his power depended upon his retention of
+the confidence of the Tsar. Still less than Khmelnitsky could he think
+of the welfare of the people. Still less than Khmelnitsky did he have
+the power to organize armies and use them for purposes of his own or of
+the Officers’ Council. He was bound hand and foot by the Tsar and this
+Tsar was Peter the Great.</p>
+
+<p>Mazepa had been hetman for only two years, when Peter succeeded in
+forcing his half-sister Sophia out of power, making her take refuge
+in a convent. He immediately removed Prince Golitsyn from all of his
+important posts, that same man who had been the patron of Mazepa and
+had placed him in the hetmanship. Then Peter began his policy of
+reforms. This is not the place to describe his transformation of old
+Moscow into the modern Russia, but it can well be seen that Ukraine and
+the Kozak Host, already stripped of most of the rights guaranteed by
+Tsar Alexis, would not escape his centralizing tendencies.</p>
+
+<p>Mazepa, although he was closely associated with Golitsyn, profited
+by the latter’s downfall. He succeeded in winning and holding the
+confidence of Peter, who willingly took from the Golitsyn estates
+and returned to Mazepa the money that he had paid Golitsyn for his
+election, and the generous Tsar gave him a good slice of the Golitsyn
+fortune as a mark of favor.</p>
+
+<p>This fortune together with the income of the Kozak Host allowed the
+new hetman to start an unparalleled period of monumental building in
+Ukraine. Thus, for example, he remodelled in Baroque architecture the
+old Church of St. Sophia in Kiev. He constructed the Cathedral of St.
+Nicholas and the Church of the Epiphany. He surrounded the Monastery
+of the Caves with an elaborate wall. In everything that he touched
+Mazepa showed the influence of the contemporary art of the West and his
+hetmanship marked the flowering of Ukrainian Baroque architecture.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_96">[96]</span></p>
+
+<p>He had many motives for this. In the first place, he could feel the
+desire of Peter for the elimination of the old forms of Muscovite art
+and life. His liberal expenditure of funds for a westernizing purpose
+could not fail to increase the certainty of the Tsar that he was not
+interested in the maintenance of the old form of life. It appealed to
+large elements of the Ukrainian population, and Mazepa used his liberal
+support of the Orthodox Church to prove that he had no Polonizing
+tendencies and that he was not, as his enemies charged again and again,
+a mere servant of the Poles, for this was the favorite charge against
+the hetmans and could rouse against him both the suspicions of the Tsar
+and the ill will of the Ukrainian population, Kozak and non-Kozak alike.</p>
+
+<p>On the other hand, Mazepa was a true hetman of the later type. He
+was not in general on good terms with the leaders of the Zaporozhian
+Sich, who claimed to speak for the common Kozaks, and emphasized in
+their turbulent way the last elements of that democracy that had
+characterized the entire Host of a century earlier. Mazepa found
+his chief elements of support in the officers of the Kozak Host and
+he relied upon the gifts of the Tsar to these men to maintain their
+loyalty to him. For his protection he trusted chiefly to his mercenary
+forces, on whose continued loyalty he could count for financial
+reasons. His ambition was to be recognized as the master of Ukraine,
+perhaps the King of a subservient state, and his ambitions perhaps
+went no further than to hold the same position toward Moscow as the
+princes of Georgia and other bordering vassal states. His role was
+far different from that of the older hetmans who had felt themselves
+owing no responsibility except to God and the assembly of the Host. He
+himself owed supreme allegiance to the Tsar and he demanded the same
+loyalty to himself.</p>
+
+<p>The policy of Mazepa naturally did not make him<span class="pagenum" id="Page_97">[97]</span> friends among the
+ordinary Kozaks who bitterly denounced him and his officers for their
+high-handed actions. Yet when Petryk tried to secure the aid of the
+Zaporozhian Sich against him and also secured recognition from the
+Turks and Tatars, very few joined him and Mazepa was able to weather
+the storm without difficulty.</p>
+
+<p>Yet Mazepa was something more than a mere supporter of the Tsar. His
+friend Kochubey denounced him to Peter for writing a poem glorifying
+the independence of Ukraine and visualizing the hetman as an autocratic
+and independent monarch. Peter laughed at the accusations and merely
+condemned Kochubey to death when he added other insinuations against
+the loyalty of the hetman. Kochubey was probably right. Mazepa ardently
+desired to see Ukraine free but he was too well aware of the abuses of
+the past to risk a struggle under the old manners and customs of the
+hetmanate. He apparently had convinced himself and his friends that
+Ukraine could only recover its liberty under an absolute monarch and he
+intended to be that man.</p>
+
+<p>In the meanwhile the Northern War had broken out, and this radically
+changed the situation. Charles XII, a man of superb military talent and
+a ruthless desire to employ it, had inherited the Swedish army at a
+time when Sweden, as a result of the Thirty Years War, was one of the
+great powers of Europe. In 1700 he attacked Russia and badly defeated
+Peter at the battle of Narva. Then he wasted the next years in trying
+to depose August II, King of Poland, and replace him with Stanislas
+Leszczynski, a move in which he had the support of all the anti-Russian
+factions of Poland. This alliance of the King of Sweden and one faction
+of the Poles against the Tsar of Russia and the King of Poland opened
+new vistas to the Kozaks, who had not forgotten the negotiations
+between Khmelnitsky and the Swedes during the great Kozak revolt of a
+half century earlier.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_98">[98]</span></p>
+
+<p>Intermittent hostilities between the forces of King August and the
+Kozaks of Paly, the leader of the Kozaks in Poland, led Paly to
+appeal for aid to Mazepa, but at the moment Peter was interested in
+maintaining relations with the King and he forbade Mazepa to interfere.
+Instead of that he offered himself to help in the suppression of Paly.
+This of course displeased Mazepa for he had hopes of bringing Western
+Ukraine under his control, but again he was compelled to wait.</p>
+
+<p>Finally in 1704 Peter ordered Mazepa to enter Western Ukraine to subdue
+the Polish nobles friendly to Charles. Mazepa obeyed in his own special
+way to aid the Kozaks. However, he distrusted the influence of Paly,
+who represented more democratic traditions, arrested him and reported
+to Peter what was probably the truth: that Paly was in touch with
+the Swedes. He replaced him with one of his own relatives, a Colonel
+Omelchenko, and finally this man was accepted by the Kozaks of the west
+and still more warmly by the population of the various towns. However,
+in 1707 Peter ordered him to restore Western Ukraine to Polish rule.
+This Mazepa was unwilling to do, although instead of open disobedience
+to the Tsar’s order, he made all kinds of excuses and promises, and
+evaded action.</p>
+
+<p>Mazepa had apparently already made up his mind to strike for the
+independence of Ukraine, if Charles showed any sign of success. The war
+was dragging on and Charles, true to his character, was dashing hither
+and yon through Europe, wasting his troops, winning victory after
+victory but not concentrating on any definite policy. The Kozak hetman
+therefore opened some sort of negotiations with Stanislas Leszczynski,
+and through him he could of course reach Charles. Yet he was so
+overcautious that he kept even his closest friends from knowing of his
+plans and continued to strengthen his bonds with Peter.</p>
+
+<p>This policy could not fail to overreach itself. On the one<span class="pagenum" id="Page_99">[99]</span> hand the
+Kozaks knew only of his apparent devotion to the cause of the Tsar
+and those officers and men who were most hostile to Peter steadily
+lost confidence in him. On the other hand he could not rally any wide
+classes to his standards nor could he take the most elementary steps
+for moving his own troops into advantageous positions for the coming
+struggle. Perhaps he believed that he had only to give the order and
+all the Kozaks would spring to arms in his behalf. If so, he was badly
+mistaken, for his whole policy had alienated a large part of the Kozak
+forces and he could not appeal to them as easily as could the older
+hetmans who had tried to keep in close contact with the masses of the
+Host.</p>
+
+<p>The sequence of events is still uncertain, but after a year of this
+double play, Charles suddenly turned his attention back to Russia and
+attacked Peter from Lithuania, not far from the Ukrainian border. His
+original plan seems to have been to seize Smolensk and march on Moscow,
+while General Loewenhaupt attacked from Livonia. Suddenly, as winter
+was coming on, Charles turned south into Ukraine.</p>
+
+<p>Mazepa now could realize the evils of his excessive caution. Peter, at
+the first attack, had ordered a large part of the Kozak regiments moved
+into Lithuania and had sent a Russian army into Ukraine to protect
+Mazepa and his officers from the hatred of the Ukrainians, something
+for which Mazepa had previously begged. This left him in an impossible
+position and did not strengthen Charles, for the very troops that might
+have swelled the size of the Swedish army were where they could not
+be easily reached and the Russians were in the very heart of Mazepa’s
+territory.</p>
+
+<p>Still it was now or never. There was the one chance that Charles
+might defeat the Russian army in the first encounter. If he did,
+Mazepa would have won his game of freeing Ukraine from both Russia and
+Poland, for Sweden<span class="pagenum" id="Page_100">[100]</span> was willing to promise them complete independence
+and Leszczynski and the Polish magnates were not in a position to
+oppose this. If Charles failed for lack of Ukrainian help, the fate of
+Ukraine was sealed. Mazepa could remain loyal to Peter but he would
+have to resign all thought of liberating his country and becoming an
+independent ruler.</p>
+
+<p>It hardly seems possible that Mazepa invited Charles to spend the
+winter in Ukraine, before he threw off the mask of allegiance to Peter.
+If he did, it certainly reflects upon his understanding of the military
+situation and it was a poor move on the part of Charles, although he
+might hope that he could receive more supplies and have better winter
+quarters in Ukraine than further to the north.</p>
+
+<p>Mazepa took the chance. He secretly set what troops he had in motion
+and led them to the camp of Charles before any of them were aware that
+a revolt was going on. Peter took immediate action and sent a Russian
+force to burn Baturyn, the capital of Mazepa, massacred the garrison
+and destroyed a large part of his supplies. This made it very difficult
+for the hetman to rally to his standards large numbers of the Kozaks
+and to spread the revolt far and wide through the Ukrainian lands.</p>
+
+<p>During the winter both Peter and Mazepa engaged in large scale
+propaganda. The former denounced Mazepa as a Pole and a Catholic and
+ordered the Kozak officers to meet at Hlukhiv and elect another hetman.
+This time he designated Ivan Skoropadsky. He also won back several of
+the officers who had gone with Mazepa to the Swedish camp. For his
+part, Mazepa sent word through the whole of Ukraine that he was now
+determined to free Ukraine once and for all from Muscovite domination
+and he urged all Ukrainian patriots to rally to his cause.</p>
+
+<p>The Tsar further ordered the authorities of the Orthodox Church to
+utter anathemas against Mazepa and the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_101">[101]</span> Church willingly complied,
+although Mazepa had been their most munificent donor during his entire
+period as hetman. Mazepa’s estates were confiscated and distributed
+to the officers who had remained loyal and the townspeople humbly
+assured Peter of their fidelity. In a word it was very difficult to
+stir up effective revolt, so carefully had Mazepa covered his steps and
+negotiations in advance of his declaration of rebellion.</p>
+
+<p>His main success lay in winning over the Kozaks of the Zaporozhian
+Sich. These doughty fighters for the old rights of the Host had long
+been opposed to Mazepa and to his policy of favoring the Tsar. They had
+been opposed also to the introduction of serfdom or practical serfdom
+in the country. Nevertheless, when they saw that the hetman had taken
+the final step, the Sich began to swing toward the side of Mazepa and
+Charles, and soldiers soon began to arrive in the Swedish camp. Yet
+their aid was not as important as it would have been a century earlier,
+for the Sich too had lost much of its original glory and prowess. There
+were no longer the abundant supplies of arms and artillery that had
+been there in the days when the Kozaks gathered and prepared their
+expedition against whoever seemed the most profitable foe.</p>
+
+<p>Charles moved southward toward the Sich but he was held up at Poltava,
+which refused to surrender to him. In the meanwhile the Russian armies
+in Ukraine had attacked and captured the Sich by treachery and then,
+in defiance of the terms of surrender, massacred and tortured a large
+part of the garrison. The rest escaped into Tatar territory and set up
+a Sich near the mouth of the Dnyeper.</p>
+
+<p>The final battle took place at Poltava on July 8, 1709. It was a
+crushing defeat for Charles, whose troops had been worn down by
+years of fighting and by lack of proper winter quarters. The Swedish
+and Kozak forces were cut to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_102">[102]</span> pieces and only a handful, including
+Charles and Mazepa, succeeded in escaping into Turkey. Here they were
+practically imprisoned by the Turks, while the Sultan deliberated
+whether or not to accept Russian offers of a handsome ransom to have
+the fugitives turned over to them. Charles was finally released and
+obliged to quit Turkey. Mazepa lived only a few months and then died.</p>
+
+<p>The officers with him still did not lose hope. They elected Philip
+Orlyk to be the new hetman and made plans to draw up a formal
+constitution for the Host. This was far more in accordance with Western
+standards than had been the old informal system of administration,
+for it provided for a regular governmental body to be composed of the
+officers, delegates elected by the ordinary Kozaks and still others
+selected by the Sich. The measure also provided those limitations on
+the power of the hetman that experience in the Western countries had
+found useful. Thus the hetman was no longer to control all the finances
+of the Host but would have his own source of income, and the treasurer
+would handle the general funds, subject only to the general assembly or
+staff. Of course this remained only a paper constitution, for Orlyk and
+his friends were never allowed to return home.</p>
+
+<p>They continued to hope, however, that relations between Russia, Turkey
+and Sweden would develop in such a way that Ukraine would regain its
+independence. The Swedes promised to treat Ukraine as an independent
+country, but their own strength had been exhausted. Turkey seemed more
+promising, especially after Peter and his forces were surrounded by
+the Turks near the Pruth. Once again bribery saved the day and the
+Turks, who had Peter definitely in their power, released him and signed
+a treaty that appeared to satisfy Ukrainian aspirations but which in
+reality gave increased power to Russia.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_103">[103]</span></p>
+
+<p>The battle of Poltava and the fall of Mazepa definitely crushed the
+hopes of Ukraine and established the supremacy of Moscow, which now
+formally and officially accepted Russia as its new name. It was the
+last great attempt of the Ukrainians under the Russian Empire to attain
+their freedom and it had failed disastrously. Perhaps it hastened the
+destruction of the Kozak rights, but these had already been so whittled
+away by amendments to the Treaty of Pereyaslav carried through by
+imperial edict that the end could not have been long in coming.</p>
+
+<p>More important than that, the Russian government held Mazepa up as an
+outstanding example of a traitor. The Russians could carefully edit the
+career of Khmelnitsky and give him certain praise for his signing of
+the fatal treaty. In Mazepa they had a clear opportunity to vilify the
+unfortunate leader and to label all Ukrainians who henceforth sought
+freedom for their country as Mazepintsy, followers of Mazepa, with the
+definite implication that he was false to the great destiny of the
+Ukrainians: to be submerged in the great mass of the Empire and to
+abandon all their traditions and ideals.</p>
+
+<p>It is small wonder that the tradition of the hetman has lived on among
+the Ukrainians, and that they are willing to glorify him. Mazepa
+represented a last phase in Ukrainian development. Unfortunately, he
+was unable to solve the problem. The general trend of the seventeenth
+century had drawn a constantly wider gulf between the officers and
+the masses of the Kozaks and the civilians. Mazepa knew no way of
+organizing the country after the disastrous experiences of his
+predecessors except by adopting an anti-democratic attitude and setting
+himself up as almost an absolute ruler. His environment and his
+training had taught him to act by devious paths and he dallied too long
+before he took the final step. Had he acted earlier and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_104">[104]</span> more firmly in
+connection with the Swedes, he might have achieved his goal.</p>
+
+<p>Yet in another sense his doom was necessary. It was not until the
+constitution drawn up by Orlyk in exile that there emerged a clear
+idea in the minds of the Kozak leaders as to their relationship with
+the masses of the Ukrainians. Too long had the Sich and the hetmans
+sought to remain purely a military body without political implications.
+The need for organizing a Ukrainian state had seemed to them less
+immediate than the defending of the military rights of the Kozaks.
+In their political inexperience, they had neglected again and again
+opportunities that were really priceless. It was not until it was too
+late that they grasped the responsibilities of their position and freed
+themselves from their narrow political outlook.</p>
+
+<p>If Khmelnitsky was really the architect of Ukrainian conscious
+independence, then it was Mazepa and his followers who definitely cast
+away all hope of continuing the old ambiguous situation. It would have
+been one thing to have done this in the middle of the seventeenth
+century. It was quite different to undertake it in the eighteenth
+against such a Tsar as Peter. Mazepa’s only hope was to lay a broad
+foundation for his movement, to prepare a real basis for a national
+revolt. This was not in the spirit of the man; it was not practical in
+the face of the agents of Peter and of the murmuring and dissensions
+that still lingered on among many of the Kozaks. As a result, Mazepa
+became a really romantic figure, risking everything on what was almost
+certainly a lost cause, which only a miracle could have turned into
+victory. Yet that miracle was near at many moments and it was another
+tragedy of the Ukrainian people that they were not able to grasp the
+right moment, make the right moves and bring themselves to final
+independence.</p>
+
+<p>The fall of Mazepa marks the end of the Kozak wars and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_105">[105]</span> of the
+political significance of the Kozak Host. It marks within the Russian
+Empire the ending of a phase of history, turbulent but romantic and
+heroic to the last degree. It marks also the passing of the Ukrainian
+movement from a purely military enterprise to the modern political and
+economic struggle that it was to be in the future. At the same time
+the followers of Mazepa began to raise the Ukrainian question in the
+chancelleries and thought of Western Europe.</p>
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_106">[106]</span></p>
+
+<h2>CHAPTER EIGHT<br>
+<span class="subhed"><i>THE SPREAD OF KIEVAN CULTURE IN MOSCOW</i></span></h2></div>
+
+
+<p class="drop-cap p-left">At the very moment when Moscow was pursuing its consistent policy of
+reducing Ukraine to the level of a Muscovite province, it was falling
+just as steadily under the influence of Kievan culture. The monks and
+scholars of Kiev flowed in a steady stream to the northeastern capital
+and prepared the way for the transformations that were to be brought
+to their full fruition by Peter the Great in the early part of the
+eighteenth century. It is not too much to say that every scholar or
+literary man of Moscow during the eighteenth century was of Ukrainian
+origin or had been largely trained in the Academy of Kiev.</p>
+
+<p>The reason is not far to seek. During the period of subjection to the
+Tatars, the culture of Moscow and the general mode of life came under
+a marked oriental influence. After the liberation of the country,
+conditions changed little, despite the marriage of Tsar Ivan III with
+Sophia Paleolog of the royal house of Byzantium. Now and then there
+might be some slight influence from the west brought in, as was the
+case when an Italian architect was employed to remodel the Kremlin, but
+such cases were relatively rare and for all practical purposes there
+was little interchange of goods or ideas with Europe.</p>
+
+<p>The Muscovites of the day were not desirous of opening their country to
+foreign influences. Their national pride had worked out the theory of
+Moscow as the Third Rome, the capital of the Christian Orthodox empire
+<i>par excellence</i>, and they stubbornly believed that any contact
+with the outside world or the new learning could only lead to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_107">[107]</span> the
+development of heresy and the marring of the pristine virtue of their
+Orthodox religion. The Patriarch of Moscow was forbidden to dine at the
+same table with foreigners, even of the highest rank, and the example
+was followed by all classes of the population.</p>
+
+<p>Within the country formal education was at a low ebb. Education had
+never taken root at Moscow as it had in Kiev. There were not the direct
+connections with the outside world that had made the Grand Princes of
+Kiev part of the European family of nations. Moscow was a closed centre
+and the ideas of intellectual regimentation had gone so far that in
+the religious disputes of the sixteenth century, it could seriously be
+advanced that the writing of a book on theology was prohibited by the
+Seventh Oecumenical Council and that the preparation of any work was
+necessarily heretical.</p>
+
+<p>The Muscovites despised the Greeks, even though they were Orthodox,
+and they had little more respect for the scholars of Kiev. There are
+very few records of attempts made by the Tsars of Moscow to secure
+Greek scholars from Constantinople during these centuries, at the time
+when the Ukrainian princes and brotherhoods were only too willing
+to have Greek teachers in their schools and were trying to raise
+the intellectual level of the clergy and the other classes of the
+population. It goes without saying that Moscow regarded Poland and
+Lithuania, with their Catholic culture, as worse than pagan and refused
+to have any relations with them.</p>
+
+<p>The outstanding example of an attempt to secure a scholar from abroad
+was the case of Maxim the Greek, who was invited to Moscow to correct
+the Church books in the reign of Tsar Vasily III. The attempt was
+disastrous to the poor Greek, for even the slightest change in the
+books seemed to be ominous to the Muscovites and Maxim found himself in
+prison for many years.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_108">[108]</span></p>
+
+<p>The only city included in the Muscovite Tsardom in which there was any
+attempt to develop independent thought was Novgorod, which as a trading
+centre had maintained connections with the Hanseatic League; but even
+the efforts of the Archbishops of Novgorod were received with little
+favor in the self-satisfied Moscow.</p>
+
+<p>Yet everyone in Moscow who went from one Church to another was well
+aware that during the ages there had occurred mistakes in the Church
+books, errors of copying, slight interpolations, even cases of
+corruption which destroyed the sense of the passages. What was to be
+done? The recognition of the need for some correction of the books was
+blocked by the impossibility of accepting any standard for the work.
+For nearly a century there went on a sterile debate on the subject
+and at the end of that time there was still no agreement as to the
+texts which should be taken as models. The nationalistic Muscovite
+leaders absolutely refused to accept any Greek texts, even though
+it was generally agreed that the Church Slavonic services had been
+translated from the Greek, for in their eyes the fall of Constantinople
+had seriously damaged the Orthodox character of even the oldest Greek
+texts and it was beneath the dignity of the Third Rome to learn from
+outsiders. As the last and greatest of these leaders, Avvakum, proudly
+declared at his trial before the Eastern Patriarchs in 1666, it was
+their duty to come and learn from Moscow rather than to pass judgment
+upon any Muscovites, for they alone possessed the true faith and a
+Christian and Orthodox autocrat.</p>
+
+<p>It is impossible to overemphasize this ingrown character of Muscovite
+culture and thought in the sixteenth century. Xenophobia was the order
+of the day and even such a tsar as Ivan the Terrible who allowed
+Germans and other foreigners to come in small numbers to Moscow could
+not<span class="pagenum" id="Page_109">[109]</span> defy the will of the boyars and the masses and accept foreign
+ideas.</p>
+
+<p>The Troublous Times that followed the death of Boris Godunov and saw
+the occupation of the Kremlin by a Polish army showed, however, to
+some of the intelligent Muscovites that all was not well at home. They
+realized that Moscow would sooner or later be compelled to accept some
+elements of Western and contemporary culture or the state would be
+in serious danger. They realized that it would be impossible to make
+progress at the expense of Poland and Lithuania, if they maintained
+this deliberate exclusion of all foreign ideas, and a steadily
+increasing number of men determined in one way or another to change the
+situation.</p>
+
+<p>The leading spirit of this group was Nikon, who was destined in 1652
+to become the Patriarch of Moscow. No less overbearing and haughty
+than had been his predecessors, Nikon was intelligent enough to know
+that something had to be done and done rapidly, if disaster was to be
+averted and in this he had the sympathetic backing of Tsar Alexis.</p>
+
+<p>It was only natural that they should turn with sympathetic interest
+to Kiev, for the revival of Ukrainian culture appealed to them in
+various ways. They were well aware of the bitter feud that was going
+on in Ukraine between the Orthodox and the followers of the Union and
+they had hopes of bringing Ukraine under their own domination. There
+was something attractive in the Orthodoxy of Kiev and they could dream
+of Moscow as an Orthodox Slav state accepting support from other
+Orthodox Slavs when it galled them to appeal directly to the Greeks.
+Besides that, there was a group of the Orthodox in Kiev whose religious
+antagonism to the Catholics overshadowed any questions of Ukrainian
+patriotism. As early as 1626, some of these monks had broached the idea
+of a union with Moscow, and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_110">[110]</span> exactly as they in a later time tended
+to facilitate the submission of the Kozaks to Moscow, so they dreamed
+that they might tap the more abundant resources of that state for
+intellectual accomplishments and perhaps for personal aggrandizement.</p>
+
+<p>Yet there was no doubt that any such rapprochement would be stubbornly
+contested by the masses of the Muscovite population and by many of the
+boyars and nobles. It required all the power of an autocratic monarch
+and ruthless force to carry through even the slightest correction of
+the books and the introduction of any ideas that were at variance
+with the traditional Muscovite mode of life. Throughout the entire
+seventeenth century, the Old Believers, as they were called, adopted
+the most desperate methods of opposition. Mass suicides of people who
+objected to living under the regime of Antichrist took place. The
+streltsy, the guards of the tsar, rose in armed revolt and the Don
+Kozaks burst out in several waves of destructive fury as they demanded
+the preservation of the old faith and the beard. It was undoubtedly
+this furious attitude of fanaticism that prevented any close relations
+between the Kozaks and the revolt of Stenka Razin or between Mazepa and
+the revolt of Bulavin in the days of Peter the Great.</p>
+
+<p>It was probably more than a coincidence, however, that the first
+serious invitations to Kievan scholars to come to Moscow coincided with
+the beginning of the revolt of Khmelnitsky. In 1649, Tsar Alexis, under
+the influence of Nikon, invited the Metropolitan of Kiev to send Arseny
+Satanovsky and Damaskin Ptitsky to Moscow to translate the Bible.
+Ptitsky went later, but he was replaced on this mission by Epifany
+Slavinetsky who remained in Moscow to the end of his life. Nikon and
+his friends were undoubtedly as much aware of the possibilities of
+securing control of Ukraine, if Poland were to be disintegrated, as
+they were<span class="pagenum" id="Page_111">[111]</span> of the aid that they would receive in intellectual matters
+from the Kiev scholars.</p>
+
+<p>A year before this, in 1648, there had appeared in Moscow an edition
+of the grammar of Melety Smotritsky, which had been first published in
+Kiev in 1619. This work, entitled <i>The Correct Construction of the
+Slav Grammar</i>, represented an attempt to purify the Church Slavonic
+language from some of the more glaring elements of popular speech
+which had been absorbed during the past years, and so represented
+exactly that attitude of the Kievan school which was working against
+the acceptance of the ordinary speech as the written norm. Yet it gave
+the general Ukrainian system of pronunciation and when it was taken
+to Moscow, it was used almost exclusively for over a century as the
+standard grammar, not only for Ukrainians but also for Muscovites
+and Southern Slavs, with notes carefully added so that the Muscovite
+scholars could make the necessary corrections to make the language
+and teachings of Smotritsky fit Great Russian. The work continued in
+popularity and was one of the main models in the eighteenth century
+when Lomonosov arranged his grammar.</p>
+
+<p>A little later Pamva Berinda published in 1627 a <i>Slave-norossian
+Lexikon and Interpretation of Names</i>, which after the work of
+Lavrenty Zizany marked the best attempt at a dictionary.</p>
+
+<p>All these books served as a basis for the work of Slavinetsky and
+his companions when they appeared at Moscow, for they represented at
+least an effort on the part of the Kiev Academy to provide the Church
+Slavonic language which they were teaching and using with the same
+kind of material aids that existed for Polish and Latin and the other
+languages of the West. Nothing of the sort existed in Moscow. It was
+not desired by the Muscovite bookmen, who devoted themselves to an
+unintelligent repetition of already known data from a purely religious
+training.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_112">[112]</span></p>
+
+<p>Year by year Slavinetsky and the other Kievan scholars toiled on in
+Moscow against the steadily repeated accusation that their Orthodoxy
+was suspicious because they knew Polish and Latin. When Nikon appointed
+a Kievan scholar to a commission for reforming the Church books and it
+was discovered that the man had once studied at Rome, there broke out
+an open torrent of denunciation of Kiev and even of Patriarch Nikon,
+for daring to employ for Orthodox purposes a person who had actually
+been in a Catholic atmosphere.</p>
+
+<p>Nikon understood that he could not carry through his reforms of the
+Church books without the aid of the Kievan scholars, and he made
+every effort to attract more and more of them to Moscow. Practically
+the entire increase in theological writing there was due to their
+assistance, and they colored with their ideas and the Orthodox
+scholasticism which had been developed at Kiev all the intellectual
+outlook of the Great Russians.</p>
+
+<p>At first these Kievan monks busied themselves in Moscow only with
+purely religious writings. Thus Epifany Slavinetsky prepared over 150
+works, most of which consisted of translations from the Bible and the
+writings of the Church Fathers and also of short introductions to
+various sacred writings which he translated. This was all that could be
+developed at first in view of the prejudices of the Muscovites.</p>
+
+<p>It was not long, however, before these Kievan scholars gradually
+undertook to introduce to the court of Alexis all the various forms of
+literature which were practiced in Kiev and elsewhere in Ukraine. As we
+have seen, the Kiev Academy had a very limited theological outlook. It
+was more interested in maintaining the Orthodox faith and in carrying
+on polemical disputes with the Polish Catholics than it was in building
+up a high and widely varying secular<span class="pagenum" id="Page_113">[113]</span> culture. It imitated and put into
+Orthodox form the already antiquated scholasticism of Poland, which was
+itself all too often a pale reflection of what had been done in western
+Europe a few centuries earlier. The old miracle plays were reworked,
+comic and sometimes coarse scenes were added to suit the manners of the
+time, little interludes were composed, and there sprang up a rather
+uninspired but still active school of drama illustrating biblical
+themes and filled with moralizing and didactic teaching. It was in
+general a picture of the European literatures in the late Renaissance,
+without that spark of life and genius that had lifted English, French
+and Italian literatures to the heights of the sixteenth century and it
+was far below what had been achieved by the Polish writers of the same
+century, and then neglected.</p>
+
+<p>All this literature forms a dreary period but it was infinitely more
+advanced than was anything that was found in Moscow. As the various
+genres were made available in that capital, they seemed daringly
+novel to the younger Muscovites, who were blissfully unaware of how
+far Western Europe had advanced in recent decades. As a result there
+developed in the latter half of the seventeenth century a craze at
+Moscow for the Ukrainian literature of the day and Ukrainian monks and
+laymen who made their way to the Russian capital found themselves in
+constant demand. Ukrainian scholasticism dominated the reigns of Alexis
+and the following tsars, and students of Russian literature and history
+have often failed to emphasize the importance of this period as the
+first step in the Europeanization of the country.</p>
+
+<p>We can take for example the career of Simeon Polotsky as typical of
+this era. He was born in White Ruthenia in 1629 as Simeon Emelyanovich
+Petrovsky-Sitnyanovich. Like most of the leading students of the
+day he was educated<span class="pagenum" id="Page_114">[114]</span> at Kiev and then became a monk in the city of
+Polotsk, whence his usual name. In 1664 he went to Moscow as a teacher
+and there he won the favor of the Tsar, was appointed tutor to the
+various children of the monarch and became practically the court
+poet of Moscow. Here he poured out a long and never ending stream of
+works, usually destitute of any real inspiration and all based on the
+models with which he had become acquainted in Kiev. He even used that
+peculiar Ukrainian adaptation of the Polish system of verse in which,
+after the French system, more attention was paid to the number of the
+syllables than to the accent of the metre or the words. Simeon also
+produced various mystery plays, as the <i>Story of the Prodigal Son</i>
+and the <i>Tale of Nebuchadnezzar and the Three Children in the Fiery
+Furnace</i>. The very titles give us a good picture of the contents
+and show us how far the drama and the poetry of the Kiev Academy were
+removed from the average life of the day. The interest in the poems and
+dramas of Simeon soon passed but we cannot overestimate his importance
+in awakening the minds of the Muscovites, for it was the reading of
+these poems well into the eighteenth century that inspired the first of
+the native born Russian poets, Mikhail Lomonosov, to undertake his work.</p>
+
+<p>As the Russian hold upon Ukraine grew tighter, the number of educated
+Ukrainians who went into the service of Moscow steadily increased.
+They formed the overwhelming majority of Russian officials whose
+position required something more than dry and formal duties. They
+rose to high rank in state and church and it is interesting that the
+three outstanding clergymen of the reign of Peter the Great were all
+of Ukrainian origin and graduates of the Kiev Academy. They differed
+in many ways among themselves and also in their attitude toward Peter
+but they represented different sides of the Ukrainian and Kievan
+development.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_115">[115]</span></p>
+
+<p>The oldest of the three was Dmytro Tuptalenko, who was born in 1651.
+After receiving his education at Kiev, he spent several years in
+various monasteries, especially those which were the most rigid in
+upholding the autonomy of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church. It was during
+this period that he conceived the idea of writing a book on the lives
+of the Saints and of preparing a work to take the place of the older
+editions of the Chetyi Minei. After the forced submission of the
+Ukrainian Church, Dmytro became friendly with the Patriarch Joachim
+and undertook to secure the publication of his work. It was a very
+difficult task for there were many troubles with the ecclesiastical
+censors, which were not fully settled for over half a century. Finally
+he was called to Moscow and in 1703 he was made Metropolitan of Rostov,
+where he died in 1709. The writings of Dmytro Tuptalenko, who was
+later canonized by the Russian Church, were among the most attractive
+of the Kievan School. They included the <i>Lives of the Saints</i>,
+chronicles, and Christmas and Easter plays and they reveal their author
+as a sincere and deeply spiritual man, earnestly trying to do his best
+for his people.</p>
+
+<p>The second of the three, Stefan Yavorsky, (1658–1722), was one of
+the men who were less interested in the Ukrainian problems and found
+it relatively easy to assimilate himself to the new situation which
+was confronting him. As Metropolitan of Ryazan and later the locum
+tenens for the Patriarch, Yavorsky opposed the reforms of Peter and
+his efforts to turn the Church into a mere department of the state; he
+even dared to criticize him for divorcing his first wife. On the whole,
+Yavorsky defended the traditional teachings of Orthodoxy as it was
+understood in Kiev and he represented that stalwart but narrow Orthodox
+scholasticism that had been developed by the school of Mohyla.</p>
+
+<p>The third of this group was very different. Teofan Prokopovich, who
+was born in 1681, received his entire education<span class="pagenum" id="Page_116">[116]</span> after the Ukrainian
+Church had been forced to acknowledge the Patriarch of Moscow as its
+canonical head. After graduating from the Academy, Prokopovich became
+a Uniat and thus secured the possibility of a course in the College
+of St. Athanasius in Rome. This was an institution aiming to prepare
+talented young men for energetic propaganda on behalf of the Catholic
+Church among the Greeks and the Orthodox peoples. It gave Prokopovich
+a good acquaintance with the classical world and also with the
+post-Renaissance developments in Western Europe, and fitted him to take
+the lead in breaking from the older scholasticism. On his return to
+Ukraine in 1702, Prokopovich left the Union and became an Orthodox monk
+and a teacher in the Academy of Kiev. Here he commenced his writing
+with a drama on Volodymyr. The work was dedicated with the greatest
+compliments to Mazepa and was perhaps one of the first attempts to
+introduce the later pseudo-classic style. Yet it was intended also to
+be a glorification of Peter the Great. As soon as Mazepa rose in revolt
+and the battle of Poltava had been won by Peter, Prokopovich turned to
+him with new compliments and with the most unsparing denunciations of
+his former patron.</p>
+
+<p>This naturally brought him into favor with Peter, who constantly
+relied more and more upon him, and finally made him Archbishop of
+Novgorod. It was in this capacity that he faithfully served the Tsar
+in drawing up the constitution that was to govern the Orthodox Church
+after the abolition of the Patriarchate. Prokopovich, whether from his
+experiences in Rome or otherwise, had become a bitter foe of the entire
+Catholic position and he turned with considerable ardor toward the
+Protestant theologians of northern Europe and especially of Germany. It
+was due to him that Peter was able to find ways of suppressing most of
+the activities of the Church through his control of the Holy Synod.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_117">[117]</span></p>
+
+<p>It is no exaggeration to say that from the period of the revolt of
+Khmelnitsky to the final triumph of the Western pseudo-classicism under
+Peter, a period of more than half a century, every sign of intellectual
+and progressive life in Moscow and the later Russia was the direct
+product of the scholars of Kiev. At the moment when Ukraine was losing
+its political rights and independence, it was taking cultural control
+of its conqueror. The youth of Moscow were being trained by Ukrainians,
+they were being taught for the most part in Ukrainian, they were
+learning to read Great Russian from Ukrainian texts and grammars, and
+they were learning to think along the lines that had been developed in
+Kiev. It was an amazing phenomenon and we can only wonder what would
+have happened, had the Kievan Academy early in the seventeenth century
+adopted a broader attitude toward worldly knowledge and toward the
+national cause.</p>
+
+<p>As it was, the greater men of the Kievan school never came into contact
+with the world as it had developed in the West after the fall of
+Constantinople. They made no attempt to understand what was going on
+in England, France, and Germany, and they rested content to remodel
+their culture merely on the lines of the Polish-Jesuit schools. On the
+other hand, their ardent defence of Orthodoxy made them blind to the
+situation that was developing at home in the political field. It was
+undoubtedly not only a desire for personal aggrandizement that rendered
+them incapable of understanding the thoughts and the desires of their
+own people. It was not only deliberate selfishness that threw them into
+the arms of Moscow with the resulting confusion at home and the loss
+of those things which the intelligent part of the population valued so
+highly. It was rather a curious blindness which was perhaps inseparable
+from the circumstances under which the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_118">[118]</span> cultural revival had commenced
+in the sixteenth century.</p>
+
+<p>Yet for the most part Moscow did not welcome their assistance. The
+native spirit of Moscow continued to regard the Kiev scholars not only
+as men of doubtful Orthodoxy but as foreigners in the full sense of the
+word. Even the extension of Russian rule over Ukraine did not reconcile
+the Muscovites to the giving of good positions in Church and state to
+the people of Kiev. The gap in the mentality of the two races was too
+complete. The gibes of the conservative Muscovites were answered by
+equal attacks from these scholars that the Muscovites were barbarians
+with no culture and no civilization and it was a long while before the
+mutual dislike was even toned down on the surface. It was to crop up
+again years later when Kotlyarevsky and his associates began the use
+of the Ukrainian language in literature, at the end of the eighteenth
+century.</p>
+
+<p>It was in the field of theological education that Ukrainian and Kievan
+influence continued longest, for it was in this that the Academy of
+Kiev had found its chief interest. Elsewhere there was a speedier end,
+for the reforms of Peter called for the introduction of large numbers
+of Germans, Dutch and French into the service of Russia. They brought
+with them a new attitude toward life, new styles of dress and living,
+new manners of thinking which were alien to both Kiev and Moscow.
+St. Petersburg was from the beginning a place apart, where the old
+Muscovite traditions were securely hidden by the Western European
+facade.</p>
+
+<p>Nevertheless, all through the eighteenth century, one is surprised by
+the number of talented Ukrainian gentlemen who appeared in the newly
+developed Russian literature. Those men, who had been able to move by
+reasons of their wealth and influence in the higher circles of life
+in the old Ukraine, found themselves attracted to the new learning
+at St. Petersburg. They joined in the steady outflowing<span class="pagenum" id="Page_119">[119]</span> of the new
+literature and even though they no longer had the monopoly of learning,
+they formed a by no means negligible group in the life of the northern
+capital.</p>
+
+<p>Yet it is to be noted that at the same time, the Holy Synod, like the
+preceding patriarchs, was constantly on the lookout lest the Kievan
+school show too much independence of thought and action. The leaders
+of Moscow and later of St. Petersburg still cherished too much of the
+old xenophobia that had characterized the Muscovite past. They made
+every attempt to limit the publications of the Kiev Academy and of
+other schools in Ukraine. They even held up for decades the printing of
+the works of St. Dimitry of Rostov (the Ukrainian Dmytro Tuptalenko).
+He might be declared a saint but that was no reason why his writings
+should not be regarded for style and language as something alien to the
+new regime. The situation was worse with lesser men and once Moscow had
+taken over the scholarship of Kiev, it was only eager that that source
+should not be available to create a new generation of independent
+thinkers that might re-Ukrainianize their own land and spread a new
+influence abroad.</p>
+
+<p>The cultural successes of the Kievan scholars form a striking parallel
+and contrast to the failure of the Kozak Host to maintain and
+strengthen the political position and independence of Ukraine. The lack
+of political interest on the part of the scholars was as dangerous to
+the normal intellectual development of Ukrainian culture as were the
+unbridled dissensions of the men of action. Had the two groups worked
+together along the same lines and toward the same goals as they had
+done at the end of the sixteenth and in the seventeenth centuries,
+it is quite likely that the history of Ukraine would have contained
+more bright and fewer gloomy chapters, for the intelligence and the
+ideas which might have made the state modern and progressive<span class="pagenum" id="Page_120">[120]</span> were
+all torn away. The Ukrainization of Muscovite thought was a startling
+phenomenon. It could only be of passing importance in the great drama
+of history, but it remains as one of the great achievements of the
+work of the Ukrainian lords and the Brotherhoods, and it certainly
+strengthened those factors which enabled Ukraine to pass through the
+dark night of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.</p>
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_121">[121]</span></p>
+
+<h2>CHAPTER NINE<br>
+<span class="subhed"><i>THE LAST ACTS IN POLAND</i></span></h2></div>
+
+
+<p class="drop-cap p-left">At the beginning of the seventeenth century nearly all of Ukraine was
+within the borders of Poland and the Polish King and the magnates were
+able to feel that Ukraine offered a purely Polish internal question.
+They were to be disillusioned. The formation of the Church Union and
+the Ukrainian cultural revival, together with the actions of the Kozak
+Host, proved that the Polish state as then constituted could not master
+the problem. The revolt of Khmelnitsky and his placing of the Host
+under the supremacy of the Tsar definitely established Ukraine as an
+international problem, perhaps the greatest in Eastern Europe.</p>
+
+<p>Poland had a last chance at the time of the Union of Hadiach in 1658,
+when it seemed for a moment as if Ukraine would enter along with Poland
+and Lithuania into a new tripartite form of government. It was not to
+be. The Kozaks were not willing to back Vyhovsky in his undertaking,
+the Polish King and magnates had learned nothing, and the scheme fell
+through. Instead there was made between the King and the Tsar the
+Treaty of Andrusivo in 1667 whereby Ukraine was definitely divided
+along the Dnyeper and Kiev passed into Muscovite hands.</p>
+
+<p>As we have seen, the struggle continued and Ukraine was cruelly
+devastated. More and more the Kozak Host was driven to the eastward and
+a large part of the Ukrainian lands in Poland lost contact with it. The
+last endeavor of the Kozaks came during the hetmanship of Mazepa, when
+Paly had endeavored to unite what was left of it in Poland with the
+main forces of the Kozaks.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_122">[122]</span></p>
+
+<p>Poland was steadily falling into ruin. The Kings were no longer able to
+govern, except on paper, and during the eighteenth century, Russian and
+Swedish armies were constantly marching across her territory. The King
+and the magnates were only too ready to be peaceful, provided they were
+not asked to fight for themselves or for any else. It might have seemed
+an ideal time for a Kozak movement, but the main body of the Host had
+been so punished after the defeat of Mazepa, that it could give no
+support to the Kozaks in Poland. Step by step the Host vanished from
+the Polish lands. It was consistently deprived of its possible supports
+and from the early part of the eighteenth century, it ceased to play
+any role in Polish affairs.</p>
+
+<p>Lviv had been one of the centres of the Ukrainian cultural revival,
+but this too languished under the new conditions. By now there were
+practically no noble families that continued to support the Orthodox
+Church. The Poland of the late seventeenth century was no longer
+interested in the welfare of its own cities. Trade and commerce were
+hampered in every way by the senseless quarrels of the magnates and
+the szlachta and by the impotence of the Diet to take any action for
+the good of the state and the improvement of economic conditions. As
+a result the Brotherhoods which had played such an important part in
+Ukrainian life a few years earlier, no longer had the income that would
+permit them to continue their old scale of activities. The schools
+which they had supported languished and were finally closed, while the
+Polish government worked to accelerate the process of their dissolution.</p>
+
+<p>The formal division of the country in 1667 and the addition of Kiev
+to the Muscovite lands, foreshadowed the diminution of the power of
+the Orthodox in Poland. When the Tsar was putting pressure upon the
+Sultan of Turkey to have the Patriarch of Constantinople formally
+transfer the Metropolitan of Kiev and his subordinate dioceses to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_123">[123]</span>
+the jurisdiction of the Patriarch of Moscow, the Poles considered it
+time to act. In 1676 they forbade the Orthodox in case of dispute to
+appeal to the Patriarch and they demanded that all Orthodox cases be
+tried in Polish courts. They placed the Brotherhoods under the control
+of their bishops and the Polish courts and forbade the Orthodox to
+leave or re-enter the country. Such measures, far more drastic than
+those of a century earlier, aroused hostility but no revolt, for the
+Orthodox Church, except in a few areas, was now too weak to do more
+than present ineffectual protests. It was now unable to stage those
+mass demonstrations that fifty years before had revived a threatened
+hierarchy and under Kozak protection raised it to new heights of power.</p>
+
+<p>The next act was the elimination of Orthodoxy almost entirely from
+the bulk of the Polish lands, especially in Western Ukraine where
+the process of Polonization had gone furthest. The work of inducing
+the people of this area to accept the Union was accomplished largely
+through the efforts of Josef Shumlyansky, (1643–1707), the Archbishop
+of Lviv. Shumlyansky had very early in his career accepted the Union.
+He was doubtless an able, if hardly spiritual, man. He had taken part
+in various military campaigns and he was later, after his acceptance
+of the bishopric, wounded at the siege of Vienna, the last great
+exploit of Polish arms. He was also a skilful diplomat and served on
+many missions for the King. He profited by the Treaty of Andrusivo
+to have himself nominated by the King as the administrator of those
+lands of the Kiev metropolitan that still remained in Poland. All in
+all, he gathered under his own control all those Orthodox threads
+that still served to hold together a dying movement. Yet he felt that
+time was playing on his side and when the King, in 1680, attempted to
+expedite the Union by calling a council similar to the one in Brest a
+century earlier, Shumlyansky refused to attend. However,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_124">[124]</span> he secretly
+notified the King and the Roman Catholic authorities that his return to
+Orthodoxy from the Union was not a sign of altered interests. He won
+the confidence of the authorities and for twenty years he undermined
+the Orthodox Church by appointing only secret partisans of the Union
+to the more responsible posts. When he felt himself strong enough to
+come out into the open, he was ably seconded by the other bishops
+and the elimination of the Orthodox Church in Western Ukraine was
+an accomplished fact. Neither the Brotherhoods nor the nobles were
+able to resist the movement and that undertaking which had been so
+disastrous to the Polish state a century earlier was carried through as
+a well-prepared scheme by a Polish government that was already losing
+its control of events.</p>
+
+<p>Even the Brotherhood of Lviv, though it continued the struggle, was
+no longer able to protest effectively. Shumlyansky established his
+own printing press and this deprived the Brotherhood of its source
+of income, for it had formerly had a monopoly of printing in Church
+Slavonic and exported many books to the rest of Ukraine, a trade that
+had been cut off by the actions of Moscow. Finally, when the Swedes
+besieged the city in 1704, the Brotherhood was compelled to contribute
+an enormous sum to the ransom demanded. By these and many other acts of
+annoyance, it was finally ruined and in 1708 it too accepted the Union.</p>
+
+<p>Thus the two pillars of support of the Ukrainian revival, the cultural
+work of the Brotherhoods and the power of the Kozaks, were both
+liquidated in Poland, and Western Ukraine was put entirely at the mercy
+of the Polish government. The nobles had long since become Polonized
+and the eighteenth century is a sad period when there seemed even less
+hope of a revival than there had been in the sixteenth.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_125">[125]</span></p>
+
+<p>All that seemed to be left of the old movement was the fanatic faith
+of the peasant serfs, who clung to their Orthodox religion and their
+native traditions. Yet what could they effect under the conditions of
+the time?</p>
+
+<p>They could merely grumble and at times break out into desperate
+revolts. Particularly in the eastern parts of the country and along the
+Hungarian and Moldavian borders there was a constant state of unrest
+headed by the Haydamaks. The name apparently comes from a Turkish
+word for brigand, but the Haydamaks were no ordinary bandits. They
+were a manifestation of that tendency that had earlier produced the
+original Kozaks, and had developed in the Ottoman Empire the various
+Chetniks and other groups which fought stubbornly and often without
+definite plan for the welfare of the enslaved populations. They could
+always rely upon the sympathy and protection of the peasants in their
+raids upon the manor houses and the Jewish merchants who worked for
+the nobles, for throughout the entire area the collapse of the Kozak
+movement had brought back the great estates that had existed before
+the time of Khmelnitsky and the landlords were even more tyrannical
+and overbearing than they had been before. Their demands for money to
+supply their western tastes were greater and life was almost impossible
+for their unfortunate underlings.</p>
+
+<p>It was small wonder then that the peasants welcomed the incursions
+of armed bands to burn and to plunder their oppressors. The result
+was a wild and turbulent period which made life dangerous but which
+could not offer, as had the Kozak Host, any prospect of improvement.
+The Haydamak bands rarely united except for some major operation. The
+leaders were even more torn by mutual feuds than had been the old Kozak
+organization, which had been on the way to achieving a stabilized
+organization.</p>
+
+<p>The Zaporozhian Sich, which had returned to Russian<span class="pagenum" id="Page_126">[126]</span> territory after
+a short stay in Turkey, was also only a shadow of its former self.
+Nevertheless now and again some particularly bold Haydamak leader would
+get in touch with the Sich and detachments of Kozaks would swarm across
+the unprotected border to aid them, and in case of defeat the Haydamaks
+would go back with the Zaporozhians. Yet this no longer had the same
+force as when the Kozaks would dare to defy even the Sultan of Turkey.
+The world was becoming settled and the social order had no real place
+for these doughty champions of liberty and independence.</p>
+
+<p>The Orthodox Ukrainians had still enough power and energy to rise up
+in short but furious revolts. Yet these usually lacked any directive
+purpose and spent themselves in savagery, without the formulation of
+any definite plan or purpose. They were usually called forth not only
+by the deplorable conditions of the people but they were abetted for
+the purposes of Russia in order to punish Poland and interfere with her
+affairs.</p>
+
+<p>This was the case with the revolt of the Haydamaks in 1734. Poland
+was in turmoil after the death of August II. The Russian Empress
+Anna was backing August III for his father’s post, while many of the
+anti-Russian nobles were trying again to place Stanislas Leszczynski
+on the throne. Under such conditions Russian armies, together with
+detachments of Kozaks, were invading the country. Rumors, perhaps
+spread by the Russian commanders, had it that the Russians and Kozaks
+were coming to expel the Polish landlords and to free Ukraine as in
+the days of Khmelnitsky. It was only a rumor but the peasants took it
+seriously and rose in revolt throughout the eastern provinces. This
+was especially marked in the province of Braslav, where the Russian
+commander had actually asked the nobles supporting August to send their
+Kozak retainers to help the Russians. On the strength of this, Verlan,
+who commanded the Kozaks of Prince Lubomirski, embroidered<span class="pagenum" id="Page_127">[127]</span> his fancies
+and declared that Anna had ordered a rising, so that the peasants could
+become Kozaks and join the Hetman state. Armed with this, he raised a
+considerable army and set out to plunder the nobles’ estates.</p>
+
+<p>In the middle of the spreading fire, the city of Danzig, the chief
+base of Leszczynski, fell to the Russians and August III ascended the
+throne. There was no longer any need of rousing the peasants against
+the Poles. As a result the Russian troops were at once put at the
+service of the Polish King and the nobles to suppress the uprising.
+Once the peasants had realized that the Russian army was backing their
+enemies and not themselves, the movement quickly subsided and the
+peasants had nothing to do but to return to their former serfdom. Those
+who were unwilling to do this or were too deeply involved to feel safe
+made their way to the Sich or into Wallachia and joined the more or
+less permanent Haydamak bands.</p>
+
+<p>Disorders continued during the following years but not on a
+sufficiently large scale to influence the general course of events. It
+was not until the revolt of the Kolii in 1768 that the fires of unrest
+flared up violently and again the revolt followed the same course
+as that of 1734. It is only remarkable because the grandfather of
+Shevchenko served in it and his tales induced the great poet to compose
+his longest narrative epic, the <i>Haydamaki</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The eternal controversies between the Orthodox and the Uniats were
+the spark that set off this turmoil. In 1760 there broke out renewed
+fighting in the Polish parts of the province of Kiev as the Uniats
+tried to force the Orthodox to join them and the Orthodox, under the
+backing of the abbot of the Motronin Monastery, refused. Violence
+followed violence on both sides and the Orthodox sexton of Mliiv was
+murdered. At the request of the people of the area he had hidden the
+chalice of the local church. He was<span class="pagenum" id="Page_128">[128]</span> accused by the Uniats of using it
+for purposes of orgies, and was publicly tortured by them and put to
+death.</p>
+
+<p>Even then these disturbances would have followed the normal course, had
+it not been for the Confederation of Bar, when the Pulaskis, including
+Casimir who was to die as a general in the American Army, raised the
+standard of revolt against Russian interference in Polish affairs.
+Russian troops were moved into the Ukrainian area in the southeast
+and the peasants again jumped to the conclusion that Catherine the
+Great was encouraging them to revolt against their landlords. Maksym
+Zalyznyak, a Zaporozhian Kozak, led the revolt and when he and his
+bands marched toward Uman, they were joined by Ivan Gonta, captain
+of the Kozak retainers of the Potocki estate at Uman. There was a
+considerable massacre at Uman when the Kozaks and the Haydamaks took
+the town and other bands operated in the southern part of the province.</p>
+
+<p>The outcome was the same. In June, the Confederates of Bar were forced
+to cross the Polish border into Turkey after being defeated by the
+Russian troops. The Russian commanders then willingly listened to the
+plea of Stanislas August Poniatowski for assistance. They invited the
+leaders of the revolt to meet them as if they were ready to give them
+more support, and then arrested them and turned them over to the Poles,
+where they received severe punishment. Some, including Gonta, were
+tortured to death.</p>
+
+<p>Again the situation returned to normal. The Haydamaks continued their
+raiding on a small scale. There were the usual burnings of manor
+houses, and the killing of nobles, but none of the attacks called
+forth a wide movement on the part of the population. The mood of the
+people continued uneasy but there was no open struggle and in 1792
+the division of Poland brought the Ukrainians directly under Russian
+control.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_129">[129]</span></p>
+
+<p>Yet during this century, which saw the definite triumph of the Union
+in Galicia and the downfall of the Orthodox Ukrainian organizations,
+there began to be signs of an astonishing metamorphosis in the thought
+of the Union. It had been initiated in the sixteenth century to break
+the power of the Ukrainian cultural revival among the Orthodox and
+to safeguard the Polish state against the Kozaks and their unbridled
+devotion to Orthodoxy. For nearly two centuries it had been generally
+understood that the members of the Union, in submitting themselves to
+the Papacy, were cutting themselves off from the Ukrainian cause. It
+had been confidently believed that the Union would swing ultimately
+into the Roman Catholic Church and that it would lose its identity in
+the mass of Catholic Poland, exactly as the nobles had done, when they
+became Polonized and Catholic. This had been the great argument of all
+the Orthodox and had been the cause of the bitterness that had existed
+between the two groups.</p>
+
+<p>As Russia extended its control over Kiev and then abolished the
+autonomous Ukrainian Orthodox Church, things began to change. The
+Russian censors arbitrarily banned many of the books which had been
+circulating among both Orthodox and Uniats and insisted on replacing
+them with books of the pure Russian type. The Uniats adopted a contrary
+policy. They continued to use the old traditional books, written or
+printed in the old traditional way. It gave them a strong hold on many
+sections of the Ukrainian population who could no longer look to Kiev
+for the writings to which they were accustomed. In many sections,
+especially in Galicia, the bulk of the population, once they had
+accepted the Union and their children had been brought up in the new
+environment, commenced to feel at home in it.</p>
+
+<p>Some of the more enterprising and capable bishops of the Union spoke
+out very strongly against a further process<span class="pagenum" id="Page_130">[130]</span> of Latinization. For
+example, Bishop Shumlyansky who had played such a large part in winning
+over by guile or persuasion the population of Lviv and the Brotherhood
+of that city, was equally emphatic in his recommendations to his
+clergy to try to start parish schools and to build up the Ukrainian
+Uniat educational system. His work was watched and followed by many of
+the other bishops. The successes achieved were far scantier than had
+been those won by the Orthodox cultural movement of the sixteenth and
+seventeenth centuries; but the seed was sown, although it was not to
+take effective root until after the division of Poland. A keen observer
+could have predicted by the middle of the eighteenth century that the
+Union was not only a means of disrupting the Orthodox but that it
+would in time take its place as a definite Ukrainian Church. The idea
+seemed preposterous at first sight, but with each new effort that was
+put forth the tendencies in this direction became more clear and the
+actions of the Austrian rulers after the division of the country worked
+strongly in this direction.</p>
+
+<p>It thus happened that the very period that saw the ending in Poland
+of the old form of the Ukrainian problem witnessed another aspect of
+it that was to dominate the province of Galicia during the nineteenth
+century. The dream of using the Union to Polonize the country failed
+exactly as had the more direct methods that were employed before the
+Union, for the Union was in itself enrolled in the service of the
+Ukrainian cause, and it had its chance to be effective when Russian
+pressure was directed toward the suppression of that Ukrainian
+Orthodoxy that had been the first inspirer of the recovery of the
+national consciousness.</p>
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_131">[131]</span></p>
+
+<h2>CHAPTER TEN<br>
+<span class="subhed"><i>THE END OF KOZAK LIBERTIES</i></span></h2></div>
+
+
+<p class="drop-cap p-left">The disastrous outcome of the revolt of Mazepa gave to Peter the Great
+his opportunity. The battle of Poltava had definitely strengthened his
+position and that of Russia in Europe. It carried with it the definite
+weakening of Poland and made it clear that henceforth the Polish state
+would not be able even to cherish hopes of resisting the demands of the
+Russian Tsar. Thereby it freed him from any necessity of consulting
+the wishes of the Kozaks, who might in other cases have been tempted
+to resume their loyalty to the King. Besides that, the disloyalty of
+Mazepa had been so evident that Peter could have an open excuse for
+acting.</p>
+
+<p>As soon as the old Hetman’s treason had been made clear, Peter ordered
+the Kozak officers to elect Ivan Skoropadsky in his place; but he
+already took care that the new hetman should not have the power of
+the old. Within two months, as soon as Charles had been defeated
+and it was possible for Peter to make far-reaching plans, he sent a
+Russian official, Izmaylov, to remain with the hetman “to be resident
+minister at the hetman’s court with the function of assisting him
+with ‘forceful’ advice in settling all issues, because of the recent
+rebellion in Little Russia and the Zaporozhian uprising.” Skoropadsky
+and all the Kozaks well knew what this meant, especially when the Tsar
+refused to allow a formal confirmation of the conditions of the Treaty
+of Pereyaslav. To make the significance still plainer, the Tsar moved
+the hetman’s capital to Hlukhiv near the Russian border and assigned
+two regiments of Russian troops to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_132">[132]</span> watch over the safety of the hetman
+and arrest him at the slightest suspicious sign.</p>
+
+<p>This was a good beginning, for every one knew and realized that from
+that time on Skoropadsky would be hetman only in name. He and the Kozak
+officers would have to bear the brunt of any unpopular actions. The
+Kozaks would merely murmur at their own officers and the Russians could
+then step in to act as the champions of the masses and try to win them
+away from their allegiance to the Host. At the same time Peter very
+ostentatiously treated Skoropadsky with respect on the occasions of his
+state visits to the capital, and waited.</p>
+
+<p>The building of the city of St. Petersburg and the various other works
+in the north, like the construction of the Ladoga Canal, demanded
+an abundance of labor. The Kozaks were in a way bound to government
+service and Peter summoned large numbers of them to the north, where
+they were compelled to labor under the most unhealthy conditions. They
+died by the thousands, and the Host the next year or on the return of
+the survivors was compelled to furnish other large contingents. Orlyk,
+who kept in touch with the situation from abroad, openly said that it
+was the object of Peter to exterminate the whole Host by these methods.
+He may have exaggerated Peter’s purpose but facts certainly seemed to
+support him.</p>
+
+<p>At the same time Skoropadsky was not strong enough to maintain order
+at home. He was much under the influence of his wife and his friends.
+His son-in-law, whom he made army judge, indulged so extensively in
+bribery that Peter again felt himself called upon to intervene and in
+1722, he appointed a Little Russian Board under Brigadier Velyaminov
+to supervise the administration of justice under the hetman. This act
+definitely transferred the most important functions of the Host in
+times of peace to the Russian commanders of the garrison in Ukraine.
+Even Skoropadsky<span class="pagenum" id="Page_133">[133]</span> protested against this last act, and the refusal of
+his petition so hurt the old man that he died a few months later.</p>
+
+<p>In the meanwhile all the old vices that had existed in the Hetman
+state, of striving for the control of estates and land on the part of
+the officers, continued with increased energy. Peter saw to it that
+his favorites, like Menshikov, received large estates in Ukraine. He
+appointed Russian officers in the Kozak regiments and saw to it that
+they were richly rewarded, so that even the officers of the Hetman’s
+Council consisted largely of Russians and not of Ukrainians.</p>
+
+<p>On hearing of the death of Skoropadsky, Peter followed the same tactics
+that he had used in disposing of the Patriarchate. He appointed Colonel
+Polubotok Acting Hetman with instructions to listen to Velyaminov,
+exactly as he had used Stephen Yavorsky to carry on the Patriarchate
+until the Holy Synod was ready to function. Then he transferred the
+responsibility for the Little Russian Board to the Senate from the
+Ministry of Foreign Affairs where it had previously rested. It was
+another symbolic act in the elimination of all privileges on the part
+of the Kozak Host and the Ukrainian population, and was intended to
+show that the Ukrainians were only Little Russians and part of the
+Russian state. When the officers petitioned for the election of a new
+hetman, Peter postponed decision on the ground that all the hetmans had
+been traitors, except Khmelnitsky and Skoropadsky and he sent another
+agent to Ukraine to aid Velyaminov in securing evidence of Kozak
+dissatisfaction with their officers and in investigating the misdeeds
+of the latter.</p>
+
+<p>He also summoned Polubotok to St. Petersburg so that the Acting Hetman
+could be near the Tsar. This made it more difficult for Polubotok,
+who was sincerely endeavoring to restore justice and discipline in
+the Host, to undertake any positive action. His efforts to do this
+merely made his position worse and when it was discovered that he
+was<span class="pagenum" id="Page_134">[134]</span> sending letters to Ukraine to tell the people how to act under
+the new investigations, Peter solved all problems by arresting
+and incarcerating him in the Fortress of Saints Peter and Paul in
+Petersburg together with Colonels Apostol and Miloradovich, who had
+been summoned also to the capital. Thus the governing body of the
+Kozaks and their most influential leaders were in prison, while Peter
+was planning his next step. Polubotok could not stand the new insults
+and he died in prison in the fall of 1724, just a few months before
+Peter himself passed away.</p>
+
+<p>It is fair to presume that had Peter lived, he would ultimately have
+wiped out the Host. As Tsar he had no use for any factor in Russian
+life which reminded him too strongly of the past and which could find
+no parallel in Europe. The Kozak Host as the government of Russian
+Ukraine seemed to him superbly out of date. Its leaders still claimed
+to be entitled to the rights and liberties which they had enjoyed when
+they joined Moscow. They continued a military organization of the past
+and as Peter had abolished the old streltsy, the old Muscovite army, so
+he would the Kozaks.</p>
+
+<p>The ambitious monarch had already realized one thing which perhaps had
+not impressed itself so deeply upon the Kozak officers. They were to
+a certain degree outmoded as a military force. His long struggle with
+Charles XII had shown him that the irregular cavalry of the past, the
+Kozak strength, was not so fitted to cope with the trained armies of
+Western Europe as they had been with the mobile cavalry of the Turks
+and Tatars. With Russia interfering more and more in European quarrels,
+Peter needed the manpower of Ukraine. He did not need the Kozaks and
+his practical mind was only too ready to believe that the Host was
+no longer of service. It could, however, be employed to advantage in
+the far southeast, and so thousands of Kozaks<span class="pagenum" id="Page_135">[135]</span> were sent there on
+practically constant military service, where again their losses were
+tremendous.</p>
+
+<p>With the death of Peter, the era of rapid westernization spent its
+force. The Tsar’s successor and widow, Catherine I, with her favorite,
+Menshikov, did not have the energy of her late husband. She was not
+so permeated with the spirit of ruthless change and not so sure of
+her position that she could alienate large classes of the population.
+Difficulties were again appearing along the Turkish border and it
+seemed to the governing powers that the aid of the Kozaks might be
+useful, if hostilities broke out. Besides, the country was becoming
+dangerously underpopulated as a result of Peter’s inhuman methods, his
+excessive taxation, his deportations and his drawing off of thousands
+of Kozaks to practically certain death in the swamps of the north.</p>
+
+<p>Catherine, too, soon died but Peter’s grandson, Peter II, who came to
+the throne in 1727, carried out the policy at the advice of Menshikov
+and later of Prince Dolgoruky. Once more the Kozak officers were
+allowed to elect a hetman, the aged Daniel Apostol, who had been
+released from the prison where Polubotok died. The Kozaks were given
+back some of their privileges but not all, for they were now to be
+allowed to elect a hetman only when the Tsar gave permission. Besides
+that, the general army court was to be composed of three Russians and
+three Ukrainians, and the treasury of the Host was to be administered
+by two treasurers, one a Russian and the other a Ukrainian. In time of
+war the Host was to be under the field marshal of the Russian army. The
+lower officers were to be nominated by the companies and appointed by
+the hetman, the regimental officers were to be appointed by the hetman,
+but the colonels and the officer’s council had to have the approval of
+the Tsar.</p>
+
+<p>Apostol, who was over seventy years of age when he was elected to the
+post, did his best to revive the dignity of his<span class="pagenum" id="Page_136">[136]</span> position. He tried
+to arrange for the codifying of the Ukrainian laws and to prevent the
+Kozak officers from getting control of the lands still in the hands of
+the Kozaks. It was a difficult task because the constant assimilation
+of the position of the officers, first to the Polish nobles and then to
+the Russian, had started and continuously strengthened the demand that
+the officers act entirely like those of equal rank around them and this
+involved the lowering of the lesser Kozaks into serfdom.</p>
+
+<p>It was during the hetmanate of Apostol that the Zaporozhian Kozaks who
+had fled into Turkey after the fall of Mazepa finally returned to the
+country and in 1734, they were allowed to resettle on the site of the
+Sich. They were now only 7000 in number, but they were to be used under
+their own officers in the guard of the border.</p>
+
+<p>Meanwhile, in 1730, Anne had ascended the Russian throne as Empress.
+Anne left the control of the high positions in Petersburg almost
+entirely to German favorites but in general she approved the
+policies of Peter the Great, and the death of Apostol gave her the
+opportunity to renew the Little Russian Board, which was to consist
+of three Russians and three Ukrainians. The board was to be under
+the chairmanship of the Russian imperial resident, at first Prince
+Shakhovskoy. Shakhovskoy typified the harsher type of Russian
+administrator and constantly sought to be placed in complete control of
+Ukraine without any consideration of the rights of the Kozak officers.
+Although he did not succeed in this, the period became memorable in
+Ukrainian history for the harsh conduct of affairs, and the arrests of
+even the most important persons. The Metropolitan of Kiev and the city
+government of Kiev were all arrested on varying pretexts for desiring
+to maintain some part of their traditional rights.</p>
+
+<p>In 1741, following the death of Anne and the removal of the baby
+Emperor, Ivan VI, Elizabeth, the daughter of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_137">[137]</span> Peter the Great, seized
+the throne after a palace revolution. It might have been presumed that
+she would continue her father’s policy, but she had a personal reason
+for changing it.</p>
+
+<p>Elizabeth had been kept in retirement for many years and during this
+period she had met and fallen in love with a Ukrainian singer, Alexis
+Rozumovsky. The two were morganatically married and while Rozumovsky
+played no open role in Ukrainian affairs, he quietly influenced
+Elizabeth to look upon Ukraine with more sympathy and favor. She went
+with him on a trip through Ukraine in 1744 and at that time came into
+contact with the Officers’ Council. They assured her of their loyalty
+and petitioned for the election of a new hetman. She asked their
+leaders to Petersburg on the occasion of the marriage of her nephew,
+Peter of Holstein, to Catherine and then informed them that the new
+hetman would be Cyril Rozumovsky, the brother of Alexis, but that he
+was still being educated abroad and could not be considered for two
+years, when he would return to the country. She kept her word slowly.
+In 1747 the Senate was ordered to provide for the election of a new
+hetman, and in 1749, after Rozumovsky, who had been showered with
+various honors including the Presidency of the Academy of Sciences, had
+met the Kozak delegates and had visited Ukraine, the delegates were
+informed that an Imperial Minister was travelling to Ukraine to arrange
+for the election.</p>
+
+<p>The election took place on February 22, 1750 and of course Rozumovsky
+was unanimously elected amid general rejoicing. Elizabeth, following
+this, officially invested him with the insignia of office, turned back
+the control of Ukrainian affairs to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and
+officially restored the Kozak rights as they had been in 1722 before
+Peter commenced his changes almost simultaneously with the death of
+Skoropadsky. Rozumovsky was made a Russian Field Marshal.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_138">[138]</span></p>
+
+<p>It might have seemed as if conditions of the past were back. But it was
+only an archaeological revival. Cyril Rozumovsky had the nominal and
+perhaps the real power of the preceding hetmans but Ukraine had greatly
+changed. In the past the hetmans, even if they had been elected under
+imperial orders, had been chosen from among the outstanding colonels
+of the Host. Rozumovsky was a young man, fond of pleasure, little
+skilled in administration and he owed his power entirely to the whim
+of Elizabeth, his more or less open sister-in-law. He had no desire to
+stay in Hlukhiv but spent most of his time in St. Petersburg where he
+frequented the court circles.</p>
+
+<p>He left the administration of the country entirely in the hands of the
+Officers’ Council, which did its best to reorganize the administration
+after the changes that had been made during the reign of Anne. It was
+really a thankless task, for in the last analysis they had the job of
+remodeling an administration which had never been quite suited to its
+purposes.</p>
+
+<p>The regimental areas still retained the purely military form, but the
+practical independence of the colonels separated them to a considerable
+degree from the Officers’ Council which handled the general affairs
+of the country. There were the same changes in the laws, whereby the
+smaller villages were theoretically under the army courts and the
+cities possessed their own courts, under the Magdeburg Law and the
+Lithuanian Law, both organized before the union of the Host and Russia.</p>
+
+<p>The great difficulty was that during the eighteenth century there had
+vanished almost the last remnants of the old Kozak democracy. The
+power of Russia rested outside of the tsars and bureaucrats in the
+hands of the great landowners, and the Kozak officers loved to think
+of themselves as the gentry of Little Russia and acted accordingly.
+Yet they were still proud of many of their ancient liberties and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_139">[139]</span> the
+hetmanate of Cyril Rozumovsky allowed at least the officers to be happy
+and contented. As for the peasants they were on the whole no worse off
+than they had been for decades, so that this period had really some
+justification for seeming the best part of the eighteenth century.</p>
+
+<p>It was however a period of cultural Russification. The abolition of
+the independence of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church brought the teaching
+of the Academy of Kiev into a purely Russian system. The richer people
+preferred to send their children to the newer and more fashionable
+schools in St. Petersburg and other Russian centres, and there was
+repeated again what had happened in the sixteenth century, when the
+older Ukrainian aristocracy became almost completely Polonized and
+there were left only the Kozaks and the townsmen to carry the burden
+of the cultural revival. Now the higher Kozak officers had become the
+aristocratic element and were Russianized superficially at least, and
+the towns had lost most of their original importance.</p>
+
+<p>The situation, such as it was, rested too largely upon the close bonds
+between Cyril Rozumovsky and Elizabeth. When she died in 1761, her
+nephew Peter III ascended the throne, only to be overthrown in a few
+months by his wife, Catherine, who then became Empress.</p>
+
+<p>Catherine at once decided to standardize the government of the Empire
+and to this end she decided to abolish the local autonomies that had
+existed in various border provinces. This meant the actual elimination
+of all the Ukrainian rights and privileges and the placing of the
+Ukrainians on the same basis as the Great Russians. At the same time
+Cyril Rozumovsky, in his role as Colonel of the Izmailovsky Regiment,
+had been one of the men to whom she owed her throne at the time of
+her coup d’état and she did not wish at once to cast him out of his
+position. She therefore<span class="pagenum" id="Page_140">[140]</span> waited until she received a report that he was
+seeking to have the hetmanate made hereditary in his family.</p>
+
+<p>It is not known definitely whether this proposal was put forward by
+some of the Officers’ Council in an endeavor to please him, whether
+he had engineered the move, or whether it was inspired by Teplov, who
+had accompanied him to Ukraine as his tutor and who was regarded as
+the spearhead of Russian influence during his hetmanate. Although the
+proposal was not signed by the officers, word of it was reported to
+Catherine and along with it were sent reports of the oppression of the
+peasants and ordinary Kozaks by their officers.</p>
+
+<p>The Seven Years War, which saw the end of the French possessions in
+America and the rise of Prussia, ended in 1763. Then, with peace in
+Europe, 1764 proved another turning point in the complicated game
+that involved Russia, Poland, and Ukraine. In that year Catherine
+succeeded in forcing the election as King of Poland of Stanislas August
+Poniatowski, a former lover. His relatives, the Czartoryski Family,
+had hoped to put one of their number on the throne, but Catherine by
+her energetic use of Russian money and Russian troops definitely had
+her way and she could know with satisfaction that Poland would from
+that time on cause no trouble. Just as the weakening of Poland had
+caused the Tsars to increase their control of Ukraine, so the placing
+of a Russian puppet on the Polish throne justified Catherine in going
+further in Ukraine.</p>
+
+<p>She accordingly requested the resignation of Rozumovsky. He postponed
+doing it as long as was practicable, but was finally compelled to yield
+and asked to be relieved of his difficult and dangerous office. This
+was accepted on November 10, 1764 and in return she gave him a pension
+of 60,000 rubles a year and allowed him to keep the vast estates that
+had formerly been connected with the post of hetman. She replaced him
+with a new Little Russian Board<span class="pagenum" id="Page_141">[141]</span> composed of four Russians and four
+Ukrainians, seated in order of seniority to show that there was no
+difference between the two peoples, and left the power in the hands of
+the governor general, Count Rumyantsev. At the same time she instructed
+Rumyantsev to give particular attention to the introduction of serfdom
+and to beware of the general dislike of the Kozak officers for Russia.</p>
+
+<p>At almost the same period she remodelled the Land of Free Communes.
+This was the area to the east where Kozaks who were dissatisfied
+with the Hetman state took refuge, and which had been spontaneously
+organized into regiments by the population on the Kozak model. Various
+hetmans had tried to secure the annexation of this territory to the
+Hetman state, but the Tsars had persistently refused to allow it and
+had encouraged the settling of Russians in the same area. Catherine
+accordingly turned this into a definite province, abolished the Kozak
+regiments, replaced them with hussars and introduced the Russian system
+of taxation.</p>
+
+<p>The restored Sich was the next to receive the attention of Catherine’s
+centralizing policy. She had early begun to colonize the south of
+Russia and she looked with envy at the lands occupied by the Kozaks.
+Yet they were still very useful whenever a Turkish war broke out.
+They fought with their usual bravery and received many honors for
+their courage both on land and sea. They might have expected some real
+sign of the gratitude of the Empress, but she was not interested in
+maintaining the organization despite its usefulness. It was in the way
+of Russian expansion.</p>
+
+<p>Finally in 1775, she issued a conflicting statement that the
+Zaporozhians were neglecting the land and also were abandoning their
+past mode of life and permitting farmers to settle on their lands to
+raise grain. The truth seems to have been that the Kozaks, under their
+koshovy Peter Kalnyshevsky,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_142">[142]</span> were trying to develop their own land in
+their own way and were succeeding too well.</p>
+
+<p>General Tökölyi was accordingly sent secretly with a large force of
+Russian troops and artillery to the Sich. When it was in position,
+Tökölyi peremptorily announced that the Sich was to be destroyed. The
+koshovy and several of the officers, including the chaplain, finally
+persuaded the Kozaks to yield without fighting, as many had wished to
+do. The fortress was razed on June 5 and the property was entirely
+turned over to the government.</p>
+
+<p>Then as a curious aftermath of this, Kalnyshevsky and the other
+officers who had led the movement for surrender were all arrested. The
+koshovy himself was sent for imprisonment to the Solovyetsky Monastery
+in the far north where he lived until 1803 in solitary confinement and
+was allowed to leave his cell but three times a year. It was the last
+ungrateful act of the Empress.</p>
+
+<p>The rest of the Kozaks who did not enter certain regiments were reduced
+to serfdom and the very name of the Zaporozhian Kozaks was ordered
+wiped out. Many of the Kozaks, however, succeeded in escaping into
+Turkey where the Turks allowed them to live near Ochakiv and about
+7,000 soon gathered there. Later they were allowed to settle near the
+mouth of the Danube, but they were on the whole dissatisfied with life
+in the Ottoman Empire.</p>
+
+<p>Finally, in 1783, Prince Potemkin, to prevent the flight of more of
+the Kozaks from Russian control, persuaded Catherine to renew the
+institution under the name of the Kozaks of the Black Sea and settle
+them in the area of the Kuban to the east. This brought together under
+Anton Holovaty a large number of the Kozaks who continued to take part
+in the Russian wars, and finally, early in the nineteenth century, a
+considerable number returned from Turkey on the outbreak of another war
+between Turkey and Russia.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_143">[143]</span></p>
+
+<p>With the Sich and the eastern areas properly consolidated, Catherine
+turned her attention to the Hetman state, which had continued quietly
+under the iron rule of Count Rumyantsev. In 1780 Catherine issued a
+new order, completely abolishing this and dividing its territory into
+three provinces which were to be administered on the Russian pattern.
+This was done the next year and serfdom was introduced exactly as
+in Russia proper. In 1783, even the old regiments were dissolved as
+military units and those who wished to continue service were enrolled
+in new regiments of carbineers. Nothing was left which would preserve
+the memory of the Hetman state or of the heroic past of the Zaporozhian
+Kozaks. Finally in 1786 even the last remnants of autonomy in the
+Church were abolished and the property of the individual churches and
+monasteries was taken over by the state and placed in the same pool
+with all the property of the Church in Russia.</p>
+
+<p>Then in 1793, with the second division of Poland, the largest part of
+right bank Ukraine was also brought into the Russian Empire and those
+of the Ukrainians who had remained under Poland found themselves again
+united with the Ukrainians of the left bank under the new conditions.
+Their position had been hard enough before, but the masters were given
+even more power under Russian law than they had had under the rule of
+Poland and the condition of the helpless peasants grew steadily worse.</p>
+
+<p>The only people who profited were some of the officers, for the
+complete abolition of all Ukrainian rights and privileges moved them
+into the status of Russian landowners and nobles. Some of them had been
+striving to achieve this for a long while. To accomplish it they had
+broken down the democratic ideas of the Sich and throughout a troubled
+century, they had sought in every way to separate themselves from the
+mass of the Kozaks. Now they had at last<span class="pagenum" id="Page_144">[144]</span> succeeded, but at the cost of
+all of those special privileges which they had so long valued.</p>
+
+<p>The ruin was overwhelming. There was left not a vestige of that
+independence or of those traditions which had endured in the Dnyeper
+valley since the days of Prince Volodymyr. The spirit of Moscow had
+conquered and its will to unity had been achieved. Nothing could be
+left except the songs sung by despairing serfs. The written records
+were preempted by the conquerors and the official Russian history
+whereby Moscow was the legitimate descendant of Kiev had no one to
+contradict it.</p>
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_145">[145]</span></p>
+
+<h2>CHAPTER ELEVEN<br>
+<span class="subhed"><i>UKRAINE AT THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY</i></span></h2></div>
+
+
+<p class="drop-cap p-left">The Zaporozhian Sich was destroyed by the forces of Catherine the Great
+of Russia on June 5, 1775 and on August 3 of the same year the Empress
+by an edict abolished the very name of the Zaporozhian Kozaks. This
+was the symbolic ending of the old Ukraine, of the old struggle for
+liberty and independence. More than the Hetman state with its shadowy
+hetmans and its confused Russianized Little Russian Board, the Sich
+had embodied the ideals and aspirations of the Kozaks. Around it had
+gathered the memories and the traditions of the days when the Kozaks
+had formed an independent body of free men, administering their affairs
+and choosing their enemies in popular assemblies. It had typified the
+Kozak spirit of individual daring and of individual resource. Now
+its destruction meant that all that was past and that the autocratic
+sovereign of Russia felt it had no place in her domain.</p>
+
+<p>It is interesting and significant that this took place barely two
+months after the outbreak of the American Revolution at the battles
+of Lexington and Concord. It took place just two weeks before the
+battle of Bunker Hill, when for the first time the American army
+met a determined attack from British regular forces. It took place
+just a month before George Washington assumed at Boston his post
+as Commander-in-Chief of the American Army. The eleven years that
+followed, during which the Empress methodically eliminated every trace
+of Ukrainian independent rights, were the same that saw the successful
+carrying on of the American Revolution and the beginning of plans
+for<span class="pagenum" id="Page_146">[146]</span> the forming of the American Constitution. The year 1783, which
+witnessed the definite recognition of the independence of the United
+States, saw the elimination of the Kozak regiments from the already
+defunct Hetman state. In a word the old Ukraine passed away just as the
+new United States was coming into existence.</p>
+
+<p>It would be easy to draw sentimental parallels between these two events
+but there is something even more important that this, for it was only
+three years after the final liquidation of Ukraine that the French
+Revolution broke out and an era opened when all of the intellectual
+ferment of the eighteenth century turned into political activity. The
+new Europe, the new Europe of the nineteenth century, was in the making
+and Ukraine by the narrowest of margins missed being included in it.
+The new current of nationalism was beginning to run its course. In
+ten years more, Kotlyarevsky with the <i>Eneida</i> was to create the
+modern Ukrainian literary language. The various nations and peoples
+included within the Hapsburg Empire were to begin their agitation for
+national recovery by the simple expedient of linguistic revival, and
+by the demand for the restoration of old and forgotten rights and
+privileges that had fallen into disuse, though they had never been
+officially abrogated.</p>
+
+<p>In the ferment that was to come, the very existence of the Sich would
+have served as a rallying point for Ukrainian national sentiment. All
+those classes of people who could appreciate the meaning of the new
+movements would have found a definite centre, and even though the Sich
+had lost its old time power and independence, it would still have been
+a living connection with the great past. With the Sich gone, the link
+with the great days was broken and the new movement was compelled to
+start from the beginning without any existing juridical basis.</p>
+
+<p>For this reason it may be well to pause a moment and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_147">[147]</span> look at the
+conditions as they existed in Ukraine at this crucial period.</p>
+
+<p>For all intents and purposes the noble class had either been
+Russianized or Polonized. In the sixteenth century a large part of the
+old noble families had definitely adopted Polish culture and the Roman
+Catholic Church. The newer nobles and landowners who had arisen from
+the ranks of the Kozak officers had nearly all been Russianized. They
+felt that it was beneath them to use the language of their peasants
+and serfs and they endeavored to carry on their daily activities
+in either one of the more fashionable languages. Many of them used
+French almost exclusively in their relations with members of their own
+class. These people sometimes preserved some relics of the past. They
+dearly loved to have serfs and attendants dressed in Kozak costume,
+as did the Engelhardts, the owners of the young Shevchenko, early in
+the nineteenth century. They enjoyed hearing Ukrainian folksongs sung
+by peasant choirs but they looked upon them as an inferior form of
+amusement and had that superior attitude that was so bitterly attacked
+by Shevchenko in his introduction to the <i>Haydamaki</i>. All in all,
+these people found the present situation to their personal interest
+and they did not care to jeopardize their own fortunes by challenging
+the power of the government or to injure their social standing by
+associating with people of the lower classes.</p>
+
+<p>In the same way the townsmen who had played such a large part in
+the cultural revival of the sixteenth century were no longer so
+influential. The towns had lost much of their importance, the leading
+classes, like the landowners, had fallen under the spell of the
+conquering cultures and those who still maintained the Ukrainian
+tradition had been so subjected to political disabilities that they
+were unable or indisposed to play their old role.</p>
+
+<p>The Ukrainian language and Ukrainian traditions were<span class="pagenum" id="Page_148">[148]</span> then largely
+restricted to the peasantry. Their lot had always been hard but as they
+approached the modern period, their burdens were increased by the law.
+They had lost the power of changing their homes, even though this had
+been rather closely restricted, and the vast majority were mere serfs
+on the estates of masters who were either of foreign origin or had been
+completely denationalized. They were overwhelmingly illiterate and
+could not be presumed to know much of the history of their country.</p>
+
+<p>Yet they were wiser than might easily be thought. The villagers had
+their rich and varied folksongs and there was hardly an occasion of
+the religious or secular year, hardly an event of public or private
+commemoration and festivity, when there did not appear some kobzar
+or bandurist to sing them songs of the exploits of the Kozaks or to
+retell some narrative of the past. These kobzars were often blind
+bards, accompanying themselves with a form of stringed instrument,
+something of the type of a banjo. They knew large numbers of songs,
+especially historical songs and dumy, which would serve to remind the
+peasants of other tales which had been handed down by their fathers.
+When we remember that scarcely a half century had passed since the last
+desperate revolts, we can understand that there was hardly a village
+where some old man or woman did not remember the stirring tales of the
+past and tell them to the young during the winter evenings or in the
+scanty hours of leisure. Shevchenko’s account of his grandfather’s
+tales of the Koliishchina can be paralleled again and again and allows
+us to see how the oral tradition of the village handed down much that
+was ignored or forgotten in the manor house.</p>
+
+<p>It was in this wealth of peasant tradition and of vague and indistinct
+memories that there lurked the dying sparks of Ukrainian consciousness.
+It was easy to see that the hard conditions of life were tapping this
+supply. Without literacy<span class="pagenum" id="Page_149">[149]</span> or writing, each generation knew less than
+had the preceding of what had gone before. The death of one old man
+might mean the irreparable loss of much that was valuable and true.
+With each decade there remained fewer and fewer accounts of the history
+of the past. Had the conquering classes thought of such a trifling
+subject, they would have realized that time was on their side and that
+the unpleasant and disturbing nightmares of the past would pass away
+and leave them in peace. The time was surely coming when the peasantry
+too would lose their consciousness, exactly as had the nobles and the
+upper classes who had been won over to the new and fashionable culture
+and accepted a new nationality!</p>
+
+<p>Of course there were some manuscripts that told the ancient history,
+but these were rarely printed and they remained hidden in the various
+archives and libraries. Thus there was the <i>Istoria Rusov, the
+History of the Rus’</i>, probably by Hrihori Poletika, who had prepared
+an appeal for the old rights of the Kozaks for presentation to
+Catherine the Great. Later this work was to have considerable influence
+on the development of the study of Ukrainian history. It was to inspire
+Kostomarov, Kulish and Shevchenko, but it was still an unknown work
+collecting dust in the archives and not valued even by the few people
+who stumbled upon it.</p>
+
+<p>The condition of the language was still more tragic. No one thought of
+using the vernacular speech, the language of the folksongs and the dumy
+in writing. The burden of Church Slavonic lay as a heavy weight upon
+the people and even a man like Skovoroda did not venture to challenge
+this spectre.</p>
+
+<p>After all, Church Slavonic had served a noble purpose in the past.
+It had been the distinguishing work of Orthodoxy. It had contributed
+to the splendid culture of Kiev in the beginning, but it was now
+outmoded. Even so, the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_150">[150]</span> Church Slavonic of the day was not the language
+of the early Chronicles. It had been brought from the Balkans by the
+first Christian monks that had penetrated the country. The people had
+received it at the time of the baptism of the nation and it was hoary
+with age and sacred from its many traditions. It required a man of
+genius to defy the centuries of reverence that it had acquired.</p>
+
+<p>In the early days, the old Balkan Church Slavonic had been modified to
+make it more intelligible to the people. There had been no attempts to
+translate it into the popular speech, but step by step popular words
+crept in and within the old framework there had come something that
+was well on its way to being the speech of the people. The cultural
+revival of the sixteenth century, with its emphasis upon religion
+and Orthodoxy, with its attempts to purify the national faith and
+consciousness, looked askance at these innovations. Patriotic and
+intelligent men had believed that the advance of Polonization and
+of the Roman Catholic Church could only be checked by a more rigid
+adherence to the old standards. As a result, with the best intentions
+in the world, the scholars of the sixteenth century and of the Kiev
+school worked directly against the popularization of the language.
+Their program was strikingly similar to that of the Ciceronian
+Latinists of the Renaissance who tried to make their Latin purely
+classical in scope, vocabulary and grammar and who only succeeded in
+making Latin truly a dead language.</p>
+
+<p>It was they who did so much to insure the triumph of the vernaculars
+of Western Europe, but then Latin was so different even from French
+and Italian that it was impossible to confuse the old and the new.
+The case with Church Slavonic was different. It had entered in large
+part into the phraseology of the peasants, it had colored the speech
+of the villages, and while it was not flexible and not adapted to the
+needs of the population as a medium of expression,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_151">[151]</span> it was too close
+to it to be cast off without regret and without remorse. Muscovite had
+already freed itself and become a modern language. The similarities
+between Muscovite Great Russian, Ukrainian and Church Slavonic were
+such that Russianizing influences could argue that there was no need
+to adapt Ukrainian to every-day literary use and that if the Church
+Slavonic were to be abandoned, Russian should be used in its place.
+The very unnational and religious attitude of the Kievan School all
+too often seemed to bear out this interpretation, and with each
+succeeding decade, the doom of the native speech seemed to be more
+surely impending. The action of the Russian ecclesiastical censorship
+after the destruction of the independence of the Ukrainian Orthodox
+Church seemed to be working in the same way, for the Church books were
+henceforth to be remodelled on the Russian Church Slavonic, even though
+that had been at one time really reformed on the Ukrainian pattern
+by the scholars who had gone from Kiev to Moscow in the seventeenth
+century.</p>
+
+<p>On the other hand, the Uniat Church did preserve the old Ukrainian
+Church Slavonic books. The result was the same, for their conservatism
+led them to preserve the old as a sacred tradition and to the devout
+members of the Uniat Church, it likewise seemed almost heretical to
+change the accepted forms and to seek to bring them in touch with the
+language of the uneducated people. The pride of these poorly educated
+priests in their superior knowledge worked as well as the conceit of
+the nobles and the censorship of Moscow to put apparently insuperable
+barriers in the way of adapting the ordinary language to practical and
+literary purposes, and added to the general conviction of the educated
+that the Ukrainian language was finished as a potent factor in the
+educated life of the day.</p>
+
+<p>Yet we would be much mistaken if we regarded this as a purely Ukrainian
+problem. Wherever the Church Slavonic<span class="pagenum" id="Page_152">[152]</span> liturgy had penetrated, whether
+in communion with Constantinople or with Rome, the same problem
+inevitably arose. The language question, the burning discussion as to
+whether the written language was to be that of the people or of the
+Church, was actively considered everywhere. Russia was the first to
+solve the problem and to restrict the Church language to the Church.
+The Serbs in the Balkans and the Bulgarians were destined to have the
+same conflict.</p>
+
+<p>More than that, they were faced with the same situation and even with
+the same books. Peter the Great had sent to the Balkans men educated
+in the Kiev tradition. He had sent down the same grammar of Smotritsky
+that had served for a century to teach the Russian grammar from the
+Ukrainian Church Slavonic standpoint. The same books appeared at
+Belgrade and Sofia that had vanished from Kiev and Chernihiv under
+Russian influence. During most of the eighteenth century, there was
+used among the Serbs exactly that same mixture of Church Slavonic,
+Muscovite and Ukrainian that was preventing the revival of the
+Ukrainian spirit. It had the same effect elsewhere. The Russian Church
+Slavonic that mastered Serb and Serb Church Slavonic blocked for nearly
+a century the cultural revival in the Balkans.</p>
+
+<p>The Russian rulers played heavily on the theme of the linguistic unity
+of Slavonic Orthodoxy. When it was necessary to check a dissent, they
+ignored the language and demanded the unity of the Orthodox Church.
+They stressed the religious unity as opposed to the Catholic West.
+At other moments, they were ready to ignore this and to emphasize
+the linguistic similarities and to argue that there was no need for
+linguistic reform among the Slavs, since Russian had already been thus
+favored and there was no need to have two literary Slavonic languages.
+They emphasized with a bland disregard of facts that it would be<span class="pagenum" id="Page_153">[153]</span>
+child’s play to remodel all the languages on the Russian basis and to
+combine into one Russian language all the varied tongues. It was no
+wonder that they aroused in the Balkans the same reactions that they
+did in Ukraine. The more rigid monks refused to listen to their demands
+and there was repeated on a small scale something of that revulsion of
+feeling that had come when the Kiev scholars first appeared at Moscow.</p>
+
+<p>We can parallel the Ukrainian situation with that of the Czechs and
+Slovaks. From the time of the Thirty Years War to the end of the
+eighteenth century, there was hardly a book of any value published
+in Czech. There was nothing as important as the <i>History of the
+Rus’</i>, for here it was Latin and German that took the lead as the
+permitted and encouraged languages. We must never forget that the great
+work of Dobrovsky which began the Czech revival was itself written in
+Latin, exactly as the few surviving scholars of Ukraine wrote in the
+archaic form of Ukrainian Church Slavonic.</p>
+
+<p>It is of interest that the only two Slavonic languages which were in
+a more or less healthy condition were Russian and Polish. In both
+cases, the upper classes had not been denationalized. They were still
+willing to use the popular language, even if in a refined or revised
+form. They were still able to produce literature such as it was and
+to secure access to printing presses to make their works known. They
+still maintained a historical culture, even though Peter had completely
+overturned Russian life and had started his new creation off on a
+Polish-Ukrainian-Western European tack. It gave the two peoples a
+tremendous advantage which they were not slow to recognize and it added
+tremendously to the burden of the other Slavonic peoples, who had not
+lost all hope and ambition of recovery. Even the dismemberment of
+Poland had not had time to damage the dreams of the Poles and to take
+away the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_154">[154]</span> advantages that centuries of political life had given them.</p>
+
+<p>The special burden of the Ukrainians was rather to be found in the
+nature of the Kozak Host. As we have seen, the Host did not in the
+beginning think of taking over civilian administration. It had been a
+brotherhood of fighting men. Its remains, the tales of its exploits,
+looked very little to territorial control and much to heroic deeds.
+Where a Czech, whether he were writing in Czech, Latin or German, could
+not fail to know of the achievements of the Kingdom of Bohemia, the
+Ukrainian could not look back easily to the Ukrainian state of two or
+three centuries before. He had to go back to Kiev and those traditions
+were torn and confused by the tragedies of seven hundred years. The
+Kozaks gave him much but not what was most important in a national
+revival.</p>
+
+<p>The people had confused ideas of the Kozaks but not of their valor.
+They could admire the songs of the fearless raiders; they could draw
+from them very little of political education. There was needed a long
+series of scholars and of thinkers to delve into the annals of the
+past and to draw the proper conclusions, before an intelligent and
+clear theory could be put before the average peasant serf. There was
+needed a work of study and of synthesis and it seemed clear under the
+conditions of the eighteenth century that that could not take place. As
+Catherine the Great looked out on the reorganized Ukraine, now turned
+into typical Russian provinces in Little Russia, she could be sure that
+there was no danger, that the last sparks of the Ukrainian idea had
+been quenched and that her work had been a success.</p>
+
+<p>She was startlingly incorrect, for all that the eighteenth century
+could not imagine suddenly happened. The intellectual changes of the
+world in one or two decades laid the basis for a Ukrainian revival
+in a form that would have seemed incredible to the leaders even a
+half-century earlier.</p>
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_155">[155]</span></p>
+
+<h2>CHAPTER TWELVE<br>
+<span class="subhed"><i>THE AWAKENING IN EASTERN UKRAINE</i></span></h2></div>
+
+
+<p class="drop-cap p-left">In 1798 there suddenly appeared in St. Petersburg, a volume entitled
+the <i>Eneida</i>, written by one Ivan Kotlyarevsky. It was a travesty
+on Virgil’s Aeneid, in which the Trojans were depicted as the wandering
+Kozaks who had been expelled from the Sich less than twenty-five years
+before. Furthermore the volume was written in the popular dialect of
+the province of Poltava where the author was serving as an official of
+the government. The revival of the Ukrainian spirit had commenced.</p>
+
+<p>All possible honor must be paid to Kotlyarevsky for his audacious
+effort which was crowned with so much success and it would have been
+a godsend for Ukraine, had any one a century earlier had the courage
+and the intellectual independence to have made the same attempt.
+The tragedy of Ukraine had been, as we have seen, largely caused by
+the fact that the scholars of Kiev had adopted only a reactionary
+attitude toward the language question. They had striven so hard for
+the preservation of Church Slavonic that they had ignored the revival
+of the vernacular in both Poland and Russia. Even Skovoroda with all
+of his inspired teachings as to the rights of the individual had not
+ventured to break this old and stultifying tradition. Kotlyarevsky did
+and the results were at once visible.</p>
+
+<p>Yet there was more to this innovation than the mere publishing of a
+book in the Ukrainian language. The spirit of Europe had been changing
+for over a quarter of a century and consciously or not Kotlyarevsky was
+a reflection of that change. Not only he among the Ukrainians but such
+men<span class="pagenum" id="Page_156">[156]</span> as Dositey Obradovich among the Serbs and Dobrovsky for the Czechs
+reflected the new attitude.</p>
+
+<p>All of these men were products of the Enlightenment, that interesting
+movement of the eighteenth century which endeavored to apply the
+rule of reason to human affairs. They were often well trained in the
+classical languages and their cool intellectual powers fitted well
+with the powdered wigs and the stately manners of the courts of the
+enlightened despots. There was much in the writings of the Kievan
+school which encouraged a man like Kotlyarevsky. The various comedies
+produced in the school, the comical intermezzos, and all the varied
+performances which had dragged on at weary length in pseudo-Church
+Slavonic, all could be cited as prototypes for a whimsical treatment of
+a classical theme.</p>
+
+<p>There was more to it than this. The Russian scholars under the
+influence of Lomonosov carefully adapted to the new Russian literature
+the ideals of Boileau and the French scholars who created the high,
+low and middle styles of literary language. The low was to form
+the language of comedy and of humorous episodes. It was to be free
+from those survivals of Church Slavonic that still maintained a
+definite position in the odes and tragedies of Russian literature.
+There were many burlesques of classical authors being published in
+Russian. Ippolit Bogdanovich, a Ukrainian writing in Russian, had
+metamorphosized LaFontaine’s <i>Amours de Psyche</i> into a Russian
+form. Free adaptation was the order of the day and if an author were to
+create humor by the use of the vernacular, how much better it was for a
+Ukrainian gentleman to employ the real vernacular and to transform the
+characters of Aeneas and his followers into the real Kozaks who were
+even then wandering around the Black Sea?</p>
+
+<p>That was one possible source of inspiration but there was another which
+was rising with increasing vehemence<span class="pagenum" id="Page_157">[157]</span> throughout Europe. For centuries,
+the goal of literature was to appeal to the educated and noble classes
+by describing in elevated language the feelings and the emotions of the
+nobles and the more elevated and developed personalities. The common
+people had vanished from literature, except in comic interludes.</p>
+
+<p>A new trend started with the work of Jean Jacques Rousseau who
+taught the superiority of the simple and natural man to the pattern
+of civilization and sophistication. His ideas were developed in the
+literary sphere by Johann Gottfried Herder, who emphasized the value of
+folksongs and of the poetry of so called primitive nations. Herder’s
+influence resulted in the collecting of folksongs from all the people
+of Europe. Among these the gatherings of Serb folksongs were especially
+prominent. Thus by the end of the eighteenth century, interest in the
+ideas, the poetry and the customs of the various peoples hitherto
+ignored had become one of the leading components of the new studies.</p>
+
+<p>It was thus that the <i>Eneida</i> appeared at the psychological
+moment when interest in the people was reaching a new high and when
+the French Revolution was already disturbing the settled political
+situation. The work revealed Kotlyarevsky both as a masterly adapter of
+the <i>Aeneid</i> and also as an authority on the manners and customs
+of the Kozaks. With its jesting and serious tone, it aroused attention
+among many of the descendants of the Kozak officers who had already
+become Russianized, and at the same time it fitted so well within the
+official and tolerated literary bounds that it was impossible for the
+authorities to regard it as revolutionary and administer any punishment
+to its bold author.</p>
+
+<p>Still later, in his two comedies, Kotlyarevsky gave examples of
+the drama in the vernacular Ukrainian, and in both he drew clear
+differentiations between the manners and customs of the Ukrainians and
+those of the Moskals. There is still in these no question of political
+separation, but the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_158">[158]</span> author went back very definitely to the ideas
+of the older Kievans who had gone to Moscow and St. Petersburg, and
+emphasized the difference in the psychologies of the two peoples.</p>
+
+<p>Whatever may have been the definite purpose of Kotlyarevsky in starting
+his work, he succeeded in giving the Ukrainians what they had long
+wanted—a definite modern language, and by doing this he laid a sound
+basis for a new movement. From the day when he first published the
+<i>Eneida</i>, Ukrainian literature has not lacked for writers. Of
+course in the beginning various people turned their hand to practicing
+the new medium for various purposes, but there has been an overwhelming
+tendency for all who had any special talent to emphasize the hardships
+of the people and to follow Kotlyarevsky in using their influence
+on behalf of the people as against the foreign and denationalized
+landowners. Thus from the very beginning the revived Ukrainian was not
+burdened with that type of aristocratic idealism that so marked the
+other Slavonic languages.</p>
+
+<p>Opponents of the modern Ukrainian movement have often spoken slurringly
+of this literary movement, because its early writers did not directly
+challenge the Russian government and remained merely literary men.
+It betrays a curious ignorance, for in all of the Slavonic revival
+the process was exactly the same. The emphasis, whether in Ukraine or
+among the Czechs or elsewhere, was at first on literary and grammatical
+points. The very nature of Kotlyarevsky’s work pushed the Ukrainian
+cause much further in the direction of democracy than was the case in
+the other languages.</p>
+
+<p>The second stage in the revival was the introduction of Romanticism.
+This movement tended to look back toward the past. Its masters, in
+Russia and Poland and in all other countries, sought striking episodes
+from the past. They looked for outbursts of unbridled passion, of
+daring and of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_159">[159]</span> excitement and they found it in plenty among the Kozaks.
+<i>The History of the Rus’</i> was now printed and it, even more than
+Karamzin’s <i>History of the Russian Empire</i>, became the source
+book for the Romantic writers. Pushkin knew of it in Russian and so
+did Kondraty Fedorovich Ryleyev, that stormy petrel of the Decembrist
+movement who paid with his life for his participation in the movement
+in 1825. Many of his best poems dealt with the exploits of the old
+rulers of Kiev, of the Kozaks, of Nalyvayko and Voynarovsky, the nephew
+of Mazepa. Even though they tried to keep within the confines of the
+lawful type of Russian history, they could not fail to emphasize
+those qualities of personal independence which were rarely stressed
+in Muscovite tradition. Nikolay Gogol, the son of one of the earliest
+writers in Ukrainian, felt the same drive and in <i>Taras Bulba</i> he
+pictured the unbridled courage and daring of the old Kozaks in their
+struggle against the Poles. The Poles too felt this same influence and
+there appeared again a large number of Polish poems with their scenes
+located in Ukraine among the Kozaks.</p>
+
+<p>It was to this phase of the revival that Taras Shevchenko, who was to
+be the stabilizer of Ukrainian and its greatest master, belongs. In the
+<i>Kobzar</i>, after dealing with various aspects of Ukrainian life and
+legend, all typical of the Romantic movement at its best, he turns to
+themes from Kozak history; and in the <i>Night of Taras</i>, in <i>Ivan
+Pidkova</i>, and later in the <i>Haydamaki</i> and <i>Hamaliya</i>,
+he gives us some of the greatest poems in Ukrainian when he describes
+the campaigns of the Kozaks against the Poles and the Turks. It is
+noticeable that most of these themes deal with the struggle against
+the Poles. That was more filled with the type of episode which suited
+the Romantic poet than was the period of conflict between the Hetman
+state and Moscow. The grinding force of the Russian steam-roller had
+prevented incidents of the old traditional type and we need not<span class="pagenum" id="Page_160">[160]</span> wonder
+that the Romantic poets in their desire to go back to the distant past
+paid more attention to events of the days before Khmelnitsky, when the
+Kozaks were the most democratic, the most unrestrained, and the most
+successful.</p>
+
+<p>Thus, by the time the rumbles of the Revolution of 1848 began to be
+heard, Ukrainian literary and linguistic revival was well under way.
+The literature had reached in the works of Shevchenko the level of the
+other Slavonic literatures. It had done this despite the disapproval
+of the Russian literary critics, especially Belinsky, who affected to
+believe that there was no real call for the erection of Little Russian,
+as he loved to call Ukrainian, into a literary language. His judgments
+on the <i>Kobzar</i> and the <i>Haydamaki</i> are almost ludicrous in
+their efforts to prove that Shevchenko was only a peasant trying to
+show off before Russian society. A few years late Apollon Grigoryev
+unhesitatingly placed him on a level with Pushkin and Mickiewicz, but
+he was exceptional in his willingness to follow his own ideas rather
+than the official promulgations of the intelligentsia.</p>
+
+<p>In another field the Ukrainian revival went far: the field of ethnology
+and of folklore. The Romantic temperament, aided and abetted by the
+teachings of Herder, turned its attention to the manners and customs of
+the village. There grew up a veritable harvest of investigators who,
+whether in fiction form as in the case of Hrihori Kvitka-Osnovyanenko
+or in the form of scientific treatises, pictured every aspect of
+Ukrainian life. These men, and some of them were to be found among the
+Russianized gentry, emphasized the differences that existed in the
+manners and customs between the Ukrainians and the Great Russians. They
+noted with care the differences in the construction of the village
+houses, the arrangements of the houses and the farms, the embroideries,
+the legends, the folklore. They collected the popular songs, the dumy,
+the historical poems. Anything and everything that marked the life of
+the people in all of its manifestations<span class="pagenum" id="Page_161">[161]</span> they willingly committed to
+paper and step by step they gathered and preserved a picture of life in
+a Ukrainian village as it existed in the days of serfdom.</p>
+
+<p>It is easy to overlook this kind of work and to regard it as the mere
+product of literary men and scholars. Yet the works of Maksimovich,
+of Tsertelev, and of many more served as a preliminary step to the
+raising of political aspirations. The study of the past carried on
+both by Ukrainians and by the Russian authorities brought to light
+much forgotten information. Thus the Governor General Bibikov in 1843
+founded the Kiev Archaeological Commission, on which Shevchenko was
+for a time employed. This aimed to collect information on the past, to
+secure paintings of old buildings, and to supply details of history. It
+is highly significant that a firsthand knowledge of the past obtained
+in this work brought many of the young scholars and artists to realize
+more clearly than they had done before the historical value of many of
+the old Ukrainian writings which had existed up to that time only in
+manuscript.</p>
+
+<p>A comparison with almost all of the other cultural revivals of the
+suppressed nations of Europe shows that such a beginning was the
+usual procedure. Even among the Czechs it became necessary to awaken
+the country to an appreciation of its past and the earliest leaders
+were poets such as Kollar and Jungmann, and historians like Palacky
+and Safarik. Among the Serbs it was Obradovich and his friends who
+undertook the task of acquainting the people with the achievements of
+the past and with modern conditions.</p>
+
+<p>In all cases the political development came later and was not always in
+the beginning closely coordinated with the cultural movement. It was
+here that the difficulties of the Ukrainians multiplied. During the
+eighteenth century, the Estates of the Kingdom of Bohemia had become a
+completely moribund institution. They still went through the motions of
+existence and the same kind of historical study that called<span class="pagenum" id="Page_162">[162]</span> attention
+to the language and literature could be applied to searching out the
+rights of these long surviving traditions and breathing new life into
+them.</p>
+
+<p>So it could have been in Ukraine, had there existed even a rudimentary
+form of the Hetman state. When we realize that the Russian Governor
+General Repnin could fall into governmental disfavor because his wife
+was a relative of the last hetman, Cyril Rozumovsky, we can see what
+might have been the consequences of even a paper continuation of the
+old order. Catherine had done her work well and she had eliminated
+every vestige of the former Hetman state. She had eliminated the
+Sich and while she had allowed some of the Kozaks to form a new
+organization in the Kuban, there was after fifty years no sense of
+continuity anywhere. The nobles had been almost completely Russianized
+in outlook. They owed their wealth and position to the ruin of the old
+order and while they might sympathize with and be moved by the plea of
+Kotlyarevsky, there was no likelihood that they would bestir themselves
+and risk their position in any mad adventure. For good or ill, they
+were lost to the call of Ukraine.</p>
+
+<p>All they could do was to contribute in some small way to the foundation
+of the Universities of Kharkiv and Kiev, which had been started during
+the reign of Alexander I, largely through the advice and influence of
+Adam Czartoryski, one of the close friends of the Tsar and an ardent
+Polish patriot. His influence was rather expended on the problem of
+Poland and for this reason he had worked energetically in the revival
+of the University of Wilno in the old capital of Lithuania. For the
+same purpose he had inspired the foundation of universities in the
+Ukrainian cities but he had hoped that these would serve as centres of
+a Polish rather than of a Ukrainian revival. He partially succeeded,
+for Polish influence in both Kiev and Kharkiv grew rapidly during
+the years before the Polish revolt of 1831, even<span class="pagenum" id="Page_163">[163]</span> though it was from
+these institutions that many of the early Ukrainian song collectors,
+archaeologists, and historians were drawn.</p>
+
+<p>Besides this, the Russian system did not contain, as the Austrian
+did, any loopholes for the formation of legal parties or political
+agitation. Catherine had seen well to this and in fact her attitude was
+only a legitimate Westernized expansion of the attitude of Tsar Alexis,
+when his delegates refused an oath to Khmelnitsky at the moment when
+the Kozaks first accepted the protection of the Tsar at Pereyaslav.
+Russia was indeed a monolithic state in which no one possessed any real
+rights except the tsar. The Kozak Host had been an anachronism and it
+had perished. Now with the Ukrainian revival there was no legal means
+of recalling the old rights and privileges for any one, much less the
+peasants living as serfs on the lands of denationalized and foreign
+masters.</p>
+
+<p>The revival of the Ukrainians was, and was destined to remain, a purely
+cultural revival in a monolithic Russia which proudly had annexed
+the ancient history of Kiev and considered itself as its legitimate
+successor. Little Russia seemed to the authorities merely a part of the
+whole and once all distinguishing characteristics had been removed in
+law, there was no way of restoring them except as the gift of the tsar
+or by the disintegration of the country.</p>
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_164">[164]</span></p>
+
+<h2>CHAPTER THIRTEEN<br>
+<span class="subhed"><i>THE SOCIETY OF SAINTS CYRIL AND METHODIUS</i></span></h2></div>
+
+
+<p class="drop-cap p-left">It was impossible under Russian rule to have any immediate hopes for
+the beginning of definite political activity and this was no more true
+for the Ukrainian population than for any of the other nationalities
+of the Russian Empire, including the Russians themselves. Even those
+scanty means of popular expression which had survived the reforms of
+the Congress of Vienna and the growth of reaction in Western Europe
+were here excluded.</p>
+
+<p>It was impossible to shut out ideas. The years of conflict with
+Napoleon had shown to many of the Russian officers who had entered
+Paris with the victorious allies the difference between the situation
+in Russia and that in western Europe, and they willingly joined with
+the surviving older enlightened thinkers of the eighteenth century to
+make certain demands upon the government. The success of the United
+States as a republican federation affected many of them, and they began
+to dream of reorganizing their own country in the same fashion.</p>
+
+<p>The result was the development of a number of secret societies modelled
+on the Tugendbund (League of Virtue) in Germany and the Carbonari in
+Italy. Most of them demanded at least the limitation of the power of
+the tsar and the granting of more or less definite rights to the rest
+of the population. Some even demanded the complete abolition of serfdom.</p>
+
+<p>These societies, which were parallel to secret societies in
+Russian-occupied Poland, existed in all important garrisons of the
+Russian Empire. The Southern Society formed by<span class="pagenum" id="Page_165">[165]</span> Colonel Pestel among
+the Russian troops in Ukraine was the most radical of the entire
+number. Yet it cannot be said clearly that even this Society thought
+much of any special rights for Ukraine. It was composed largely of
+Russians or Russianized Ukrainians who had acquired rank and wealth in
+the Russian service, and they were not disposed in any numbers to do
+anything to harm the national unity. They made no effort to reach the
+masses of the people and win them over to any special cause. In a word
+these secret societies, instead of building on the past, sought rather
+to create something new and theoretically ideal.</p>
+
+<p>Conditions came to a head on the occasion of the death of Alexander I,
+when there ensued a dynastic tangle. The succession should have gone
+to the next younger brother Constantine, but he had abdicated under
+confusing circumstances. Finally on December 14, 1825, when it became
+certain that he was not going to assume the power, the third brother
+Nicholas ordered the troops to swear allegiance to him. When part
+of the Guards Regiments in Petersburg refused, under the leadership
+of members of these societies, he suppressed the recalcitrants by
+military force. It is interesting that the only serious fighting was
+in Chernihiv, where the regular garrison revolted under the influence
+of Colonel Pestel and was almost wiped out by loyal troops. Yet it is
+difficult to say that this was a manifestation of a Ukrainian desire
+for independence, since it was closely tied up with the movement in
+St. Petersburg and there is little evidence that the leaders of the
+movement had given any thought to the nature of the decentralization
+which they wished to introduce.</p>
+
+<p>The Decembrist movement was, however, a prelude to other action. On the
+one hand it increased the determination of the tsar to maintain order
+and the autocracy at all costs. On the other, it drove from active
+leadership in political movements the representatives of the higher
+aristocracy,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_166">[166]</span> who were without exception the foremost representatives
+of Russian influence in Ukraine and the best educated people of the
+day. It thus cleared the way for newer groups to appear upon the scene.
+It settled nothing in reality.</p>
+
+<p>There came a new tendency for autocratic control of everything and the
+new measures still more infuriated the Poles, who had already begun
+the work of active organization of secret societies. More and more, in
+places like Wilno, these societies became very active. Finally they
+burst out in a great Polish revolt in 1831 and its failure thrust down
+the hopes of the Poles for a restoration of their country. It is to be
+noted that Taras Shevchenko, as a young serf, was shortly before this
+time in Wilno and could not fail to have heard of the preparations for
+the revolt. Because of the danger, his master Engelhardt left Wilno and
+went to the capital and the young Shevchenko with his inquiring mind
+had the opportunity to make the acquaintance of several of the leaders
+of the revolt. Instead of winning him to the Polish cause, they seem to
+have sharpened his interest in his own people and to have revived in
+him an appreciation of the rights of Ukraine, even if those rights had
+been abolished by the decrees of Catherine the Great.</p>
+
+<p>It was at this moment that the poem of Jan Kollar, <i>The Daughter of
+Slava</i>, began to circulate throughout the Slavonic world. Kollar, a
+Slovak Protestant, went to Jena in 1817 to study. There he was greatly
+impressed by the sentiments of the students calling for a unification
+of Germany and the introduction of a republican form of government. It
+set him to thinking and when he fell in love with a German girl from
+the south, he transformed her in his own poetic way of thinking into
+a descendant of the Germanized Slavs. He published in 1821 his first
+collection of <i>Sonnets</i> and then in 1824 he increased this to the
+book, <i>The<span class="pagenum" id="Page_167">[167]</span> Daughter of Slava</i>, in which he called for a great
+Slavonic union on liberal principles.</p>
+
+<p>It was probably as a result of this that there appeared a Pan-Slavic
+Society in Ukraine about the time of the Decembrists, but so few
+details have been preserved that it deserves little more than a passing
+mention, for we know very little of the actual development in Ukraine
+at this time, except among the officers of the Russian army who took
+part in the secret societies.</p>
+
+<p>With the suppression of the Russian movement, there came the Polish
+revolt of 1831, and then the poems of Pushkin, who, under the influence
+of Kollar and Russian imperialism, declared that all the Slavonic
+rivers had to flow into the Russian sea or they would dry up. This was
+the special Russian brand of imitation of Kollar and in this connection
+we can see how closely Pushkin follows the attitude of Tsar Alexis,
+Peter the Great and Catherine.</p>
+
+<p>Yet outside of Russia, Kollar found quite a different interpretation.
+The Southern Slavs, especially the Serbs, and the Czechs became
+enthused with his ideals and began to dream of a great Slavonic
+brotherhood in which Russia might play a leading but not a dominant
+role. Soon after there appeared such books as the <i>History of the
+Slavonic Language and Literature</i> by Pavel Josef Safarik, in which
+the author attempted to give an introduction to all the writing in the
+various Slavonic languages. It is true that his remarks on Ukrainian or
+Little Russian are very scanty, but he does mention Kotlyarevsky and
+comments on the small amount of work that had been done in the study
+of this “dialect.” He alludes to the still more confused condition of
+knowledge of the language of Galicia. All this was just the beginning
+and more and more Czech students began to appear in Kiev and make known
+around the University of Kiev the recent discoveries and ideas of Czech
+scholarship.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_168">[168]</span></p>
+
+<p>In the forties, the era of romantic idealism was not yet over. There
+was stirring already that ferment which was to lead to the revolutions
+of 1848 and there were high hopes that by some form of popular miracle
+the millennium would be speedily achieved. How or by what means were
+relatively unimportant questions to many of the young idealists, but
+these were no longer to be found among the ranks of the gentry or the
+army officers but in the universities.</p>
+
+<p>It was then no chance happening that the young men at Kiev became
+tremendously interested in the new movements, which were still
+wavering between dreams of a general Slavonic union and agitation
+for the recovery of the liberty of each individual people. The ideas
+were ardently discussed and it was only natural that those who were
+interested should form themselves into the traditional pattern of a
+secret society.</p>
+
+<p>At some time, perhaps in 1846, there was organized at Kiev the Society
+of Saints Cyril and Methodius. This may well be regarded as the first
+formulation of the dream of a self-governing Ukraine as part of a
+general Slavonic federation. The men who took part were the keenest
+thinkers and the outstanding characters of the Ukrainian movement for
+many years. Foremost among them was Taras Shevchenko. He had already
+made a name for himself as the author of the <i>Kobzar</i> and the
+<i>Haydamaki</i> and as a promising painter in St. Petersburg. Now
+he was in Kiev, attached to the Archaeological Commission, with a
+commission to paint the churches and the ruins from the times of the
+Kozaks and Khmelnitsky. Not only that, but his travels had given him
+the opportunity to see the wretched conditions of the Ukrainian people
+and the evil that serfdom and dependence was doing to them.</p>
+
+<p>Another of the group was Nikolay Kostomarov, a Russian by birth, but a
+close student of the history of Ukraine.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_169">[169]</span> He was becoming convinced in
+his own mind of the differences between the ancient culture of Kiev and
+of Moscow. Here too was Panteleimon Kulish, also a collector of folk
+songs and a historian. Others of the group were Vasil Bilozersky and
+Prof. Mikhail Maksimovich.</p>
+
+<p>These men were all familiar with the existing condition of Ukraine,
+with the difficulties of the common people and with the work that was
+being done abroad for popular education. As a result they worked out a
+purely idealistic program for the future of the Slavs in general and
+the Ukrainians in particular.</p>
+
+<p>What was this? They demanded the abolition of serfdom and they called
+for freedom of conscience, of the press, of thought and speech. All
+this meant merely the application to the whole of Russia and especially
+to Ukraine of those commonplaces of personal and civic liberty that had
+been achieved in the England of the day and were the common demand of
+all the thinking youth of Europe. They then went further and visualized
+an independent Ukrainian republic, which was to form part of a great
+Slavonic federation. This federation was not to be dominated by any one
+country but was to be a real federation, expressing the ideas of free
+and independent citizens.</p>
+
+<p>It is easy to see that their ideas were influenced by the little that
+they knew about the United States. It is easy to see how far they were
+from the reactionary ideas of Pushkin, but they were not dominated by
+thoughts of hatred or antagonism. The interesting point was that while
+Belinsky and various other authors were arguing in St. Petersburg and
+Moscow for the same liberties for the Russians, these men dared to
+assert that the Ukrainian language could be developed as well as could
+the Great Russian and had equal claim to be studied and used by the
+people, by writers and by scholars.</p>
+
+<p>Not one of the men who formed the Society was connected<span class="pagenum" id="Page_170">[170]</span> in any way
+with any military organization. They were for the most part typical
+of the university youth. Some of them came from the smaller noble
+families which had not been completely Russianized but which still
+retained traditions of the past. Shevchenko was a freed serf. Not one
+of them would have known or been interested in the type of political
+underground conspiracy that alone could have carried their program into
+execution.</p>
+
+<p>Thus they could have formed no danger to the Russian state, except
+insofar as that was based on the oppression of other races and on
+conditions which were unhealthy and unjust. Of course they were opposed
+to serfdom, but in one way or another their feelings were shared by
+large numbers of the Russians, nobles and non-nobles alike. They were
+taking little active part in any plans for carrying out their policy,
+except in their aspirations to spread education among the people:
+education in the Ukrainian language.</p>
+
+<p>However when Oleksy Petrov, a student who had overheard some of the
+glowing discussions in a neighboring room, reported the existence
+of the society to M. V. Yuzefovich, the supervisor of history, the
+latter was impressed with the idea that he had discovered a dangerous
+conspiracy. He hurriedly notified St. Petersburg and orders were given
+to arrest the entire group. It seemed to the mind of Nicholas I that
+this was exactly what he had suspected all along and he determined to
+make an example of the young men.</p>
+
+<p>It was relatively easy to catch them, for they were without any
+suspicion of what was coming. Shevchenko was arrested on April 5,
+1847 in Kiev with several others, for they had gathered there for the
+wedding of Kostomarov. Kulish, who had already received a fellowship
+to study abroad in preparation for a post in the University of St.
+Petersburg, was seized on his way to the border.</p>
+
+<p>Trials were soon held and the vast majority received<span class="pagenum" id="Page_171">[171]</span> sentences of
+imprisonment or exile. Shevchenko, because of the contents of his
+poetry, was ordered to serve as a private in a disciplinary battalion
+of the army in Central Asia and the tsar added in his own hand, “with
+a prohibition of writing and painting.” He was destined to serve there
+for ten years and was a broken man at the completion of his service.</p>
+
+<p>These arrests broke up the society. The trials revealed very clearly
+that the young men had taken no definite steps to carry out their
+ideas. Yet the decrees of the Tsar and the sentences made it very
+clear that the imperial regime considered it worse than treason to do
+anything to remind the Little Russians of their independent past or to
+indicate that in any way they were better off under the rule of the
+hetmans than under the beneficent rule of the Tsar’s officials. It was
+but another affirmation of the intentions of Catherine and Peter, and
+it put a definite stop to any political development in Russian Ukraine
+for many years.</p>
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_172">[172]</span></p>
+
+<h2>CHAPTER FOURTEEN<br>
+<span class="subhed"><i>THE REVIVAL IN GALICIA</i></span></h2></div>
+
+
+<p class="drop-cap p-left">During the seventeenth century, there had gradually developed
+differences in those sections of Ukraine which had remained under
+Polish control after the Treaty of Andrusivo. This was largely the
+result of the endless conflict between the Orthodox and the Uniats, and
+was marked by the steady weakening of the Orthodox, especially after
+the beginning of the eighteenth century when the great Brotherhood of
+Lviv formally accepted the Union. In the eastern portions of the Polish
+controlled territory, the Orthodox still retained considerable, if only
+negative, power, and it was in those regions that the last revolts
+against Poland took place. At times the Koliishchina had threatened to
+spread westward along the Carpathians but the danger was averted and
+peace was maintained.</p>
+
+<p>Then came the divisions of Poland and most of the areas in which the
+Union had secured an undisputed supremacy passed into the hands of
+Austria-Hungary. Soon after, the latter seized from Turkey northern
+Bukovina, which was still largely Orthodox and had formed the northern
+section of Moldavia, long a storm centre.</p>
+
+<p>The Ukrainians living in the Carpathian Mountains formed part of the
+Kingdom of Hungary. These people had suffered from the vicissitudes of
+the past centuries and little is known of their early history or of
+their appearance in the area where they still dwell.</p>
+
+<p>In his historical novel, <i>Zakhar Berkut</i>, Ivan Franko gives a
+picture of the early democratic life of these villagers in the time
+of the Tatar invasions but it is not certain whether or not they ever
+formed an independent state. In all probability<span class="pagenum" id="Page_173">[173]</span> the central authority
+in these mountain valleys was not well developed in the Middle Ages.
+The various valleys paid more or less feudal allegiance to the rulers
+of Ukraine but the mountain passes were closed several months in the
+year by snow and with the confused conditions in Galicia and the
+struggles between Poland and Hungary, the region was more or less
+forgotten.</p>
+
+<p>The people were Orthodox and apparently formed part of the see of
+Peremyshl but the bishops rarely visited them. Education was on a
+far lower level than anywhere else in Ukraine and the revival of the
+sixteenth century had little or no effect upon the mountaineers.
+Hungarian rule, which had been established in the fourteenth century,
+weighed heavy upon them. Peasants and clergy alike were serfs,
+illiteracy was widely prevalent and almost the rule, and the physical,
+economic and intellectual conditions left everything to be desired.</p>
+
+<p>Apparently also in the fifteenth century an Orthodox bishop was settled
+at Mukachevo, but this again did not mean much. The monasteries
+had lost most of their wealth in the disturbances of the preceding
+centuries and the bishops had to live on fees collected from the
+ordination of young priests and the annual contributions that they were
+compelled to make for the support of the central organization. It was
+the same situation that had come up elsewhere in the Ukrainian lands
+but there was really no centre to maintain any education and things
+went constantly from bad to worse.</p>
+
+<p>It was an ideal situation for the spreading of the religious Union.
+One of the landowners, Homonai, introduced it on his estates in the
+seventeenth century. He won over the priests and monks, but the
+peasants, as they had done so often, refused to accept it. However,
+the idea took root and by 1640 a considerable number had more or less
+formally adhered, so that in 1649 it was possible for the adherents<span class="pagenum" id="Page_174">[174]</span> to
+hold a meeting at Uzhorod and formally request to be accepted under the
+same terms as had been satisfactory fifty years before at Brest. The
+Pope acknowledged this in 1652.</p>
+
+<p>As can be seen from the above, the struggle for the Union or the
+Orthodox faith in Carpatho-Ukraine, as everything else in the area,
+was far less centralized, far less standardized, and the villages
+maintained a certain independence in their misery, for the Hungarian
+system of administration had grouped the area into several counties
+with little possibility of cooperation or mutual help.</p>
+
+<p>There were times, however, when the temper of the people flared up to
+white heat and revolts broke out or were threatened. Thus, for example,
+at the time of the outbreak of the Koliishchina in the province of
+Kiev, around 1770, there was marked unrest in this area. The peasants,
+some of whom apparently did not know that they had accepted the Union,
+turned against their landlords and the Uniat priests and there were
+repeated on a small scale those disorders that marked the disturbances
+in the East. There were the same rumors that the Orthodox ruler of the
+east was going to come to their assistance and, as elsewhere, no help
+ever came, and the authorities put down the revolt and the unrest with
+an iron hand.</p>
+
+<p>The Empress Maria Theresa of Austria and her son Joseph II were made
+uneasy by these troubles. They were already looking with greedy eyes
+at the southwestern sections of Poland and of Western Ukraine, and it
+did not seem a wise policy to allow disorders to spread among people
+related to those whom they were desirous of annexing. Besides that,
+the old feuds as to the relative rights of Austria and Hungary became
+involved in the picture and once peace had been restored, the rulers
+began to look around to see what could be done.</p>
+
+<p>There were many things needed, but in the mind of the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_175">[175]</span> rulers of
+the eighteenth century, the idea of relieving the fundamentally bad
+economic conditions of the area made no impression. Rather the Empress
+felt that she was receiving good advice, when she was told that it
+was the ignorance of the people and still more of the clergy that
+was responsible for the confusion. As a result she soon turned her
+attention to the founding of schools in this area. One was established
+at Mukachevo for the clergy and steps were taken to improve the
+condition of the priests. These were timid and minor actions but they
+were destined to have great influence upon the future. Bishop Andrey
+Bachinsky, who was installed at Mukachevo at almost the same moment
+when the province of Galicia was falling into Austrian hands, was a
+competent administrator. He gathered around him a small number of
+educated priests and through his schools did what he could for the
+country.</p>
+
+<p>All this was not much, but when Maria Theresa took over Galicia and the
+other Ukrainian lands, she had already an example before her. She felt
+that she had hit upon the correct policy and it was not long before she
+opened a school in Vienna for the Western Ukrainians, or the Ruthenians
+as the Austrian government, following Polish practice, insisted upon
+calling them. In view of the attitude of the Austrian government toward
+religion, it was only natural that this education was at first made
+available only for young men who were candidates for the priesthood of
+the Uniat Church.</p>
+
+<p>As we have seen, the Uniat Church, which had been fostered by the
+Polish kings and magnates to disintegrate the Ukrainian Orthodox
+Church and the metropolitan see of Kiev, had become by the course of
+events inseparably connected with the Ukrainian cause in the west. Yet
+it possessed at the time of the division of Poland very few educated
+members, except some of the higher clergy. The parish priests and their
+congregations were woefully uneducated.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_176">[176]</span> The church was generally
+regarded as merely the church for the peasants and it was quite widely
+ridiculed by the Polish-speaking nobles.</p>
+
+<p>It was then an act of real charity and kindness for Maria Theresa
+to endeavor to educate the clergy and to raise their intellectual
+standards and equipment. It was to determine for nearly a century
+the nature of the national revival in Galicia and Western Ukraine
+generally. On the one hand, it bound the leaders of the Uniat Church
+more closely to the Austro-Hungarian throne and put them in the
+position of a welcome counter-balance to the Polish aspirations for
+recovery of their lost territory and, failing that, to dominate and
+play the role of an upper class under Austrian control.</p>
+
+<p>On the other hand, it preserved and strengthened all those conservative
+tendencies that had been inherent in the Kiev Academy during the
+seventeenth century and had been even earlier a handicap to the work of
+the Brotherhoods in the sixteenth. It meant the definite strengthening
+of those tendencies which were opposed to the introduction of the
+vernacular language. The vast majority of the educated priests and
+scholars of Austria-Hungary spoke Latin more or less well. It was only
+natural therefore that the Ukrainian clergy trained in the schools of
+Maria Theresa laid especial emphasis on the Church Slavonic in the form
+in which it had been traditionally preserved. Relatively little effort
+was expended on the modernization of this language and in many ways the
+writings of these men were even further from the daily speech of the
+people than had been the case two centuries before, when the scholars
+of Kiev sought to go back to the pure form of Church Slavonic.</p>
+
+<p>It was therefore nearly fifty years before the leaders of the Ukrainian
+movement in Austria-Hungary reached the point that had been arrived
+at by Kotlyarevsky in Eastern<span class="pagenum" id="Page_177">[177]</span> Ukraine. The intellectual life of the
+Western Ukrainians and their writings remained in that same artificial
+form that had been prevalent everywhere before the publication of the
+<i>Eneida</i>. More than that, there were many who looked askance at
+the new Ukrainian system that was coming into vogue under the power of
+the Tsar. They saw in the apparently new writing something which might
+develop into a menace to the integrity of the Church teachings and they
+opposed its introduction into the schools of the province.</p>
+
+<p>Nevertheless, although the Ukrainian revival came far later than that
+of many of the other peoples of the Austrian Empire, it followed the
+same general pattern, with a certain amount of political activity
+allowed to Ukrainians as Ukrainians, especially in the lower
+administrative levels and for those few members of the group who were
+not serfs but were recognized as free men.</p>
+
+<p>It was not long after the provinces passed into the hands of
+Austria-Hungary that there was established a theological seminary for
+Uniat priests in Lviv and this was even more accessible than was the
+school in Vienna. Later, in 1784, the University of Lviv was founded
+and in this it was provided that there should be certain courses in
+the Ruthenian language, that is, the old mixture of Church Slavonic,
+Ukrainian and Polish that had been the dominant language of the Kiev
+school in the seventeenth century. A preliminary school to prepare the
+Ukrainians for admission to the University was established. For a while
+all seemed well, but it was a false dawn.</p>
+
+<p>The key to these events was to be found in the policy of Maria Theresa
+and still more of the Emperor Joseph II, who reigned with her for
+many years and then was sole emperor from 1780 to 1790. Maria Theresa
+was devoutly religious. Joseph II, her son, belonged to the same
+class of enlightened despots as did Catherine the Great of Russia.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_178">[178]</span>
+He was interested in unifying his domains just as ardently as was
+Catherine, but he had a different problem to face, for he desired to
+make German and not another Slavonic language the general language
+of administration. Besides that, both mother and son were suspicious
+of the loyalty of the Poles, who had been just been annexed to the
+Austrian domains, and it seemed a wise measure to lighten the burdens
+of the Ukrainian population in an endeavor to win their loyalty.
+Besides these educational reforms, Joseph had very decided ideas on the
+necessity of lightening the burdens of the serfs and of abolishing most
+of the abuses to which they had been subjected in the past.</p>
+
+<p>All of these varying motives, often conflicting with one another,
+tended to give an opportunity for the Ukrainian population in Western
+Ukraine to improve their status. All the results achieved were won
+during the years of the reign of Joseph II and the brief years of
+Leopold II, but when Francis II came to the throne in 1792, conditions
+changed.</p>
+
+<p>Externally the French Revolution was then going on and Austria took
+a defiant attitude toward everything that savored of liberalism in
+any way. The rights of the landowners were restored throughout the
+Empire and this deprived the peasants of any hopes that might have
+been enkindled in them by the promises of Joseph II. Then too, there
+were no signs of revolt among the Poles in the annexed provinces. This
+was in a way a deliberate choice of the Polish authorities and even
+during the revolt of Kosciuszko in 1794, he did his best to prevent
+the spreading of the movement for a restored Poland into that part of
+the territory that was held by Austria, and endeavored to concentrate
+the national uprising against Russia and secondarily against Prussia.
+Thus it seemed to the interest of Vienna at this moment to cooperate
+with the Polish landlords in Western Ukraine and to try to limit the
+spread<span class="pagenum" id="Page_179">[179]</span> of dissension, while Austria prepared to take her share in the
+final division. Then with Poland out of the way, efforts to improve the
+conditions of the Ukrainians within Austria sagged severely and during
+the years that followed, the situation remained fairly static.</p>
+
+<p>Yet the situation never went quite back to that prevailing before
+the time of Joseph II. It is true that by 1808 the courses in the
+University of Lviv and the preparatory gymnasium had faded away at
+the instance of the Poles and there remained only a few parochial and
+private schools where the traditional dead language was the medium of
+instruction. Yet there was an increasing number of Ukrainians who were
+able to secure an education in schools where German as well as Polish
+was taught. All too often, however, these men acquired a contempt for
+the peasant masses and sought for positions elsewhere in the Austrian
+civil service, so that they did not give to their people the benefit of
+their education. Many of those who remained tended to prefer Polish as
+a more fashionable language and thus added to the number of able people
+who were lost to the Western Ukrainian cause.</p>
+
+<p>The real difficulty that prevented the Ukrainians of Western Ukraine
+from more successful work was the language question and until that was
+definitely settled, real progress was impossible. All the work at the
+University of Lviv was carried on in the old traditional language.
+None of the leaders of Western Ukraine had the vision or the energy of
+Kotlyarevsky to break away from the old ecclesiastical tongue and write
+in the language of the people. After the time of Joseph II, education
+fell back into the hands of the clergy and they maintained that same
+idea that had run through the history of the old Brotherhoods, the idea
+that the people’s cause and the people’s faith could only be maintained
+by emphasizing the use of the old ecclesiastical language. This never
+became adapted to the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_180">[180]</span> civil needs of the population, high or low, and
+in the early nineteenth century it had much to do with the delays in
+the Ukrainian cause.</p>
+
+<p>When the secular writings of Kotlyarevsky were first brought into
+Western Ukraine, they aroused only a series of attacks on the part
+of the conservative leaders who saw in them something secular and
+therefore suspicious or heretical. They made their way very slowly even
+among the literate classes who were bound up with the old ideas, and
+were not welcomed as enthusiastically as they had been in Great Ukraine.</p>
+
+<p>Indeed it was not until the end of the thirties, when Shevchenko was
+already doing some of his best work, that any serious attempt was made
+to introduce the speech of the people into literature. At that time
+Markian Shashkevich, a young priest, wrote a series of poems in the
+vernacular. They aroused a great deal of controversy and were refused
+publication in Galicia but the author succeeded in having them appear
+in Budapest. Still, such were the censorship laws of the time, that
+while they were officially approved in Hungary, every copy that reached
+Galicia was seized by the censor and police. Shashkevich died in
+1843. His two closest friends, who survived him, ultimately left the
+Ukrainian cause. Ivan Vahilevich after some years accepted the Polish
+thesis as to the Ukrainians of Galicia, and Yakiv Holovatsky accepted a
+position in the Russian Archaeological Service.</p>
+
+<p>Already there had begun that linguistic feud which was to stifle the
+life and thought of Western Ukraine for many years. The vast majority
+of the intellectual leaders were Uniat priests and they, together
+with some of the more conservative people, held out strongly for the
+maintenance of the old artificial Church Slavonic language. Among the
+more progressive elements there were the followers of Shashkevich, but
+there were others who seriously wanted<span class="pagenum" id="Page_181">[181]</span> to adopt Russian as the form of
+the vernacular to be followed, and these developed into the Moscophile
+or Russophile party of later days. It must not be supposed however that
+these people knew any Great Russian. Very few were ever able to read
+any of the Russian classics which were already being written, but they
+followed the most elaborate theories that almost any Ruthene would be
+able to use Great Russian in one hour, if he really set his mind on
+it. They refused to face any of the difficulties in their position and
+simply idealized Russia because it was not Austria-Hungary, and because
+it was a Slavonic country. Had they even attempted to learn Russian,
+the situation would not have been so absurd.</p>
+
+<p>This feeling spread quite widely in Western Ukraine and in Bukovina
+and even more strongly among the Carpatho-Ukrainians, where it has
+continued to the present time, especially among the more illiterate
+portions of the population, and the Orthodox elements. It was a curious
+mixture of a romantic idealization of Russia, a confusion of rus’-sky
+and russky, and a desire to get away at all costs from the horrible and
+unsatisfactory present.</p>
+
+<p>As the period of 1848 drew nearer, with the growing unrest among
+all the subject populations of Austria-Hungary, the situation again
+changed. After 1846 it was already becoming evident that unrest among
+the Poles was increasing. The government, especially Count Stadion,
+the governor of Galicia, set itself to woo the Ukrainians and to
+assure their loyalty. To this end there was allowed to be organized a
+political society, the Holovna Rada, which aimed to be the intermediary
+between the Ukrainians and the government. A newspaper the <i>Zora
+Halitska</i> (<i>the Galician Star</i>) was started, and a Congress
+of Ruthenian Scholars demanded that the language should be completely
+reorganized, with a uniform system of spelling for both Eastern and
+Western Ukraine and that it should be freed from<span class="pagenum" id="Page_182">[182]</span> all Russian and
+Polish influences. To further this goal, there was organized an
+Educational Society, on the lines of the Czech Matica. Politically
+the Congress demanded the separation of the Polish and Ruthenian
+(Ukrainian) parts of Galicia, so that the Ukrainian people would be
+directly under the control of the Austrian government.</p>
+
+<p>The Austrian government did not look unkindly upon these demands and
+for a while it seemed likely that it would take steps to carry them
+out. Ukrainian lectures, this time in the vernacular, were introduced
+again into the University of Lviv and Ukrainian schools were started
+throughout the province. As a still further step, the government
+decreed the liberation of the serfs, and thereby it struck a powerful
+blow at the Polish landlords in a way well described a little later by
+Ivan Franko in the <i>Master’s Jokes</i>. The same promises were made
+in both Bukovina and Carpatho-Ukraine, where Adolph Dobryansky took
+the lead during the revolt of Kossuth and the Hungarians. Finally he
+joined the Russians when they invaded the country to help the Austrians
+against the revolting Hungarians, and he carried with him many of the
+intellectuals in the province.</p>
+
+<p>As so much else in Austria during the year 1848, little positive was
+gained, for when the unrest had subsided, the Austrians conveniently
+forgot all the promises that they had made a few months earlier. In
+1849, with the danger passed, they again turned the control of Galicia
+over to the Poles and in both Carpatho-Ukraine and in Bukovina, where
+the Russophile movement had grown strong, they turned against all of
+its leading representatives. The Ukrainian newspapers were largely
+abolished and the power passed back into the hands of those classes who
+had little use for the vernacular language of the people.</p>
+
+<p>The reaction after 1848 roughly coincided with the arrest of Shevchenko
+and the crushing of the Society of Saints<span class="pagenum" id="Page_183">[183]</span> Cyril and Methodius
+in Russia. Yet the revival up to that period had shown striking
+differences in Eastern and Western Ukraine. In Russia it had been a
+lay revival, with special emphasis upon the development of a modern
+literature in the face of a determined government, which insisted
+upon the unity of both Russians and Little Russians. Any thought of
+political action was in the beginning useless, and prison or Siberia
+was the fate of every one who dared to advocate national recognition.
+Under Austrian rule, the Uniat Church had taken the lead in the
+movement. It had developed into an anti-Polish but government-favored
+policy, which only too readily admitted the racial and cultural
+differences between the Poles and the Ruthenians. Unfortunately, there
+were no outstanding political leaders to profit by this opportunity.
+Before the triumph of reaction the Ruthenians were most hampered by the
+stubborn conservatism of their own people who refused to face the fact
+that it was necessary to modernize the language.</p>
+
+<p>Actually the two Ukraines had become widely separated areas with
+differences in religion, in the goal of their efforts, and in their
+weapons of struggle. There was little knowledge on either side of
+what the other was doing and perhaps even less appreciation. Yet in
+both regions, and in Bukovina and Carpatho-Ukraine, the Ukrainians
+had awakened from their long slumber. Something was stirring, but the
+trend to cooperation was still very weak and it was only the Congress
+of Ruthenian Scholars that had even mentioned the possibility of joint
+action, even in the cultural and linguistic spheres, so well had the
+enforced separation done its work. Everything seemed lost as 1850
+approached, but the new dullness was not of long duration.</p>
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_184">[184]</span></p>
+
+<h2>CHAPTER FIFTEEN<br>
+<span class="subhed"><i>PROGRESS IN RUSSIA</i></span></h2></div>
+
+
+<p class="drop-cap p-left">The arrest and exile of the members of the Society of Saints Cyril and
+Methodius brought to a halt the first phase of the Ukrainian revival
+in the Russian Empire. It had been the work of a group of brilliant
+idealists who had ignored many of the practical difficulties in the way
+of their cause under the influence of the Romantic movement. There was
+no romanticism and hardly any sense of realism in the response that was
+delivered by the government of Nicholas I, who had been born before
+Kotlyarevsky had commenced the revival with the <i>Eneida</i>, and who
+could, from his childhood, obtain information from the men who had
+actually suppressed the last vestiges of the Hetman state.</p>
+
+<p>With the accession of his son, Alexander II, in 1855, conditions
+changed. Alexander started his reign with at least an appearance of
+liberality and issued a wide amnesty to persons who had incurred the
+displeasure of his father. Most of the members of the Society were
+released and allowed to resume work in St. Petersburg. Even Shevchenko,
+who had been singled out for special treatment because of his attacks
+on the Imperial Family, was released and he too joined his former
+friends in the Russian capital. As a result, by the end of the fifties,
+the former members of the Society of Saints Cyril and Methodius had
+come together again and were prepared to resume their work under
+conditions as they then existed.</p>
+
+<p>Kulish, one of the members of the group, started the work with the
+appearance of the <i>Memoirs on South Rus’</i> in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_185">[185]</span> 1856, but he was
+refused permission to edit a journal in his own name because of his
+former connection with the Society of Saints Cyril and Methodius and
+the exile which he had suffered in consequence. Yet it would be wrong
+to assume that the new agitation was conducted only by the handful of
+people who had formed the former group.</p>
+
+<p>In Kiev and Chernihiv other Ukrainians, subject to the limitations that
+were imposed upon them by the Imperial government, tried to work for
+their people. Popular schools, usually held on Sunday, were opened to
+teach the illiterate peasants their own language. New writers appeared,
+such as Marko Vovchok, the pen-name of Maria Markovich, whose husband
+had been one of the members of the Society. Provincial newspapers
+appeared, societies were established for the purpose of glorifying
+Ukrainian culture, thinly camouflaged under the name of South Russia,
+and many other activities were started.</p>
+
+<p>This was the period on the eve of the emancipation of the serfs and it
+looked as if the new Emperor was going to open a new period in the life
+of his country. The first years of the reign of Alexander II indeed
+marked an era of good feeling, and there were wide hopes among almost
+all classes of society that he would wipe out all the dark memories of
+the strict reign of his father.</p>
+
+<p>It was under this hope that in 1860 there was founded in St. Petersburg
+the journal <i>Osnova</i>, (<i>the Basis</i>). Kulish was really
+responsible for it, although the nominal editor was his brother-in-law,
+Bilozersky, one of the lesser members of the Society. It called to
+its staff of writers and assistants all of the leaders of the younger
+generation, and for about a year there seemed to be a new spring in the
+Ukrainian movement in Russia.</p>
+
+<p>Then trouble began again. Kulish, Kostomarov, and Shevchenko, the
+leaders of the older generation, still endeavored to continue in the
+paths of the Society. In one of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_186">[186]</span> his articles Kostomarov referred to
+the dreams of the Ukrainians for membership in a great Federation of
+Slavs. This was, however, exceptional. The experiences of exile and
+growing caution with increasing age forced the writers to follow a more
+sober policy of emphasizing the necessity for educating the peasants
+and for promoting a modest cultural program.</p>
+
+<p>At the same time, Russian society itself had travelled far from the
+optimistic hopes that had swayed it during the Romantic period. In a
+sense, the Society of Saints Cyril and Methodius had been a belated
+child of that great idealistic movement that had swept over the Slavs
+in the thirties and had been inspired and nourished by the Czech
+writers of the period. It formed also a transition from the high hopes
+of the Decembrists of 1825 to the sentimental dreams of the forties.
+Now at the end of the fifties, the mood of the public had turned
+again. The intellectual leadership of Russia was in the hands of the
+intelligentsia, who were much interested in the social reforms that
+were sought for and were little interested in the general fate of
+Russia or of any particular part of it. It was the period of <i>Fathers
+and Children</i> of Turgenev, the volume that launched on Russian
+society the character of Bazarov and the philosophy of nihilism, the
+idea that nothing was good that could not be justified by natural
+science and by reason.</p>
+
+<p>As a result, the younger men of the <i>Osnova</i> cared very little for
+the more idealistic and sentimental sides of the journal. There was no
+one to control the contents of the magazine and to win the respect of
+the entire mass of people who were interested in the cause of Ukraine.
+Shevchenko was dying and within a year the <i>Osnova</i> came to an
+untimely end. Yet it had done its work in transferring the cause of
+Ukraine from the older to the younger generation, even though the two
+differed in many important particulars.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_187">[187]</span></p>
+
+<p>For the moment the government, under the spell of the liberation of
+the serfs, was disposed to tolerate all this activity. Kulish was
+even encouraged to prepare a Ukrainian translation of the Imperial
+decree providing for the liberation of the serfs. It seemed as if the
+Ukrainians might be allowed to establish schools where the children
+would be taught in their native tongue. The success of the cultural
+program of the young Ukrainian leaders seemed assured. Of course in all
+this there was no open political action, for it must not be forgotten
+that at this period there was no opening for political life anywhere in
+Russia. There was nothing that corresponded to political parties, to
+elections or to free political discussion. There was even no organized
+group among the Russians which aspired or voiced their aspirations for
+such procedure, so that there was necessarily a vagueness about the
+real goal of all this cultural activity that has been used at a later
+time by the enemies of Ukraine to dub it mere literary nationalism.</p>
+
+<p>Suddenly everything changed. In 1863 there came another revolt among
+the Poles in Russia. It was a heroic but desperate venture which was
+doomed in advance to failure. At the same time there were repeated the
+sad words of Shevchenko, “Poland fell but it ruined us.” A very few
+of the most Polonized Ukrainians joined in the movement. The Poles
+themselves complained that they did not receive Ukrainian support, but
+they succeeded in inspiring the fear in the Russian government that
+the movement to restore a free Poland would automatically involve the
+separation of all Ukraine from Russia. The leaders of the Empire now
+reversed the policy that they had taken in 1847. At that time they
+were afraid that the Ukrainians would long to go back to their days
+of practical independence and would throw off the Russian yoke. Now
+they became convinced that the Ukrainians would give up any<span class="pagenum" id="Page_188">[188]</span> hopes of
+winning their own liberty and would be glad to be lost in a Polish
+state.</p>
+
+<p>As a result they decided to renew their efforts to wipe out the last
+vestiges of Ukrainian separatism and to end the Ukrainian language.
+Count Valuyev, the Minister of the Interior, declared that there never
+was, is not and never will be a separate Little Russian language but
+that it was only a peasant dialect of Great Russian. To that end he
+gave an order that henceforth there should be allowed to be printed in
+Ukrainian only those books which fell in the field of belles-lettres.
+Publication of all books in the Little Russian language which had
+religious content, textbooks and in general books intended for
+elementary reading should be forbidden. Valuyev pretended that Great
+Russian was intelligible to every literate person and that there was no
+reason why the illiterate masses should not begin their education in
+it. He also pretended to think that the writings of the early Ukrainian
+authors were on the same par as peasant dialect stories in any language
+and so he ostensibly left a loophole, but since these books could be
+put in simple form for the masses, the censors interpreted his ideas to
+hold that works in belles-lettres might be used as elementary readers
+and therefore they could not be published. As a result there were some
+years in which no work in Ukrainian appeared at all.</p>
+
+<p>It would be interesting to know if this outburst of fear of separatism
+was in any degree aided by the American Civil War, then at its height.
+It was at this time that the Imperial Russian Government sent a fleet
+to New York, perhaps to serve as a counterweight to any possible
+interference by Western European powers on behalf of the South, and
+such authors as Dostoyevsky were making allusions to the bloody
+struggle that was going on in the New World. The establishment of the
+United States had had a great effect on Russian educated thought a half
+century<span class="pagenum" id="Page_189">[189]</span> earlier and perhaps some of the Russian officials now were
+apprehensive of trouble.</p>
+
+<p>At all events the sixties defined precisely the attitude that the
+Russian government was to take toward Ukrainian cultural aspirations
+for the rest of the nineteenth century, until the Revolution of 1905.
+The various Ukrainian journals were suppressed. Some of the writers
+were sent to Siberia for several years. Others, such as Kulish,
+ultimately made their way to Galicia and lived in virtual exile, while
+their books, published there in Lviv, were smuggled into Russia to keep
+alive the spark of Ukrainian freedom.</p>
+
+<p>It was difficult for the Imperial regime to maintain a consistent
+policy for long. In a few years there came a slight relaxation of the
+more stringent rulings of the censorship and some Ukrainian books
+were published. The seventies were the great period of the Narodniki,
+when the educated youth became convinced of their mission to go to
+the people, disguise themselves as peasants and try to educate their
+unfortunate brothers. Under such conditions it was only natural that
+the same movement was attempted by some of the younger Ukrainians, that
+there came similar publications intended for clandestine use by the
+Ukrainians who sought thus to keep their adherents from being submerged
+in the corresponding Russian movement. At the same time there can be
+no doubt that many of the more zealous partisans of social reform,
+especially in St. Petersburg, tended to join the Russian illegal
+movements and for a time at least lost any special interest in the fate
+of Ukraine in their zeal for humanity.</p>
+
+<p>At the same time there was founded in 1872 the Southern Branch of the
+Geographical Society and around this there gathered a large number of
+Ukrainians, writing scientific articles in Russian but emphasizing
+those aspects of South Russian life that were most alien to the general
+Russian traditions. They helped to place the knowledge<span class="pagenum" id="Page_190">[190]</span> of Ukrainian
+culture on a firmer basis, even though some of the more socially minded
+sneered at their efforts as of no immediate importance.</p>
+
+<p>These young men, largely at the University of Kiev, formed themselves
+into a society, the Hromada, which worked vigorously along purely
+scientific, ethnological and philological lines. They included Prof. V.
+Antonovich and later Mykhaylo Drahomaniv, by far the most brilliant of
+the scholars of this generation.</p>
+
+<p>Yet even this scientific work, published for the most part in Russian,
+still seemed suspicious to the Imperial government. Anything which
+demanded any cultural rights for the Ukrainian people or mentioned
+differences between the Great Russians and the Ukrainians or Little
+Russians or South Russians seemed to be dangerous separatism. This was
+the more striking because the scholars of Moscow and St. Petersburg
+at the same time were emphasizing the great differences between the
+cultures of Moscow and Kiev in the past, were emphasizing that the
+culture of Kiev was often more Polish than Russian and were teaching
+their own students, with governmental approval, that the Kievans
+who came to Moscow in the seventeenth century were to all intents
+and purposes foreigners who were ill received by the masses of the
+Muscovites. At the same time the force of public opinion among the
+radical intelligentsia was emphasizing the fact that Russian literature
+belonged to the areas around the capitals. It is interesting that
+except for Count Alexis K. Tolstoy, who advocated the point of view
+that Kiev represented the European side of the Russians, there were
+practically no novels written during this entire period depicting
+the life of the people of Ukraine. After the death of Gogol in 1852,
+it was possible to rummage into the highways and byways of Russian
+literature without becoming aware that Kiev and its adjoining regions
+even existed as part of the Russian Empire in the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_191">[191]</span> nineteenth century.
+It is fair to say that never, even in the most stringent period of
+Muscovite isolation, was Russian literature so confined to Great
+Russian territory as in the Golden Age of the Russian novel and of the
+intelligentsia, that is the period between 1840 and 1881.</p>
+
+<p>In 1875, a former friend of Kostomarov, one M. Yuzefovich, reported
+to authorities on the separatist tendencies of this work of the Kiev
+Hromada. As a result a commission was appointed consisting of him, the
+Ministers Timashev and Tolstoy and the Chief of the Gendarmes, Potapov,
+to study the dangerous situation that prevailed in “Little Russia.” The
+committee reported that, “the entire literary activity of the so-called
+Ukrainophiles must be considered as an attempt on the national
+unity and wholeness of Russia, only hidden by plausible forms.” As
+a result, the Tsar issued an order on May 18, 1876, forbidding the
+importation of books printed abroad in the Little Russian dialect and
+also forbidding the printing and publishing in the Empire of original
+works and translations in this dialect with the exception only of:
+“(a) historical documents and monuments; (b) works of belles-lettres,
+but with the proviso that with the printing of historical monuments
+there must be kept the correct orthography of the originals; in works
+of belles-lettres there must not be allowed any deviations from the
+generally accepted Russian orthography and that the permission to print
+works of belles-lettres should be given not otherwise than after the
+examination of the manuscripts in the Central Administration of the
+Press; and (c) forbidding various theatrical presentations and readings
+in the Little Russian dialect and also the printing of such a text to
+musical notes.”</p>
+
+<p>It is well to note the emphasis laid upon spelling in this decree. In
+the seventeenth century Great Russian had been taught from Ukrainian
+Church Slavonic grammars, as that of Smotritsky, and the students had
+been taught to make<span class="pagenum" id="Page_192">[192]</span> the necessary corrections in pronunciation. Once
+practice had brought to these letters the Russian values during the
+intervening centuries, the acceptance of the Russian pronunciation
+made difficulties for the pronunciation of Ukrainian words. Kulish had
+prepared a new alphabet which retained the Cyrillic script but which
+was suited to Ukrainian and this was being generally accepted by the
+modern Ukrainian authors. It was to resist this influence that the
+government decided not only to bar the new literature, but even where
+it allowed it, to bar the new alphabet and thus create another obstacle
+to the spread of the “Little Russian dialect.”</p>
+
+<p>The result might have been foreseen. Some of the more timorous souls
+dropped away from literature and consented to write in Great Russian.
+The others who were more determined, worked the harder to enter
+Galicia and to profit by the relative freedom there. The decree merely
+furnished more fuel to the fire and instead of ending the Ukrainian
+movement it caused it to take even more extreme forms.</p>
+
+<p>Yet some of the Russian authorities in Ukraine themselves felt that
+some of these rules and still more their methods of application were
+only adding to the difficulties of the situation. The prohibition
+of printing songs with a Ukrainian text for example cut hard at the
+rendering of songs which all agreed were of superior quality. Plays
+produced in Russian in Ukrainian villages did not satisfy the popular
+demand and the habit grew of allowing Ukrainian plays to be produced,
+provided that the company would also produce at the same time some
+Russian piece.</p>
+
+<p>In 1882 a group of Ukrainians secured permission to print in Kiev
+an archaeological journal, the <i>Antiquities of Kiev</i>, and this
+was granted in a temporary relaxation of the censorship. Later it
+became possible to include in it a few articles written in Ukrainian,
+especially when printed in the Russian manner. All such devices were
+unsatisfactory<span class="pagenum" id="Page_193">[193]</span> but the reign of Alexander III was a definite period
+of reaction in all fields and it was not until the time of Nicholas II
+that there came any marked lightening of the censorship.</p>
+
+<p>The censorship in Kiev and the other cities of Ukraine was vastly
+stricter than it was in St. Petersburg. Hence during these years the
+centre of such publishing as was allowed was the very capital from
+which the orders were coming to prevent the development of a Ukrainian
+literature. It was often possible there to issue relatively cheap
+editions which could be transported to the south and it was there that
+the new writers like Lesya Ukrainka, Hrinchenko and Kotsyubinsky saw
+their works in print. For books which could not come out there, there
+was always Galicia.</p>
+
+<p>In view of the conditions of Russian life, the Ukrainian revival in
+Russia had to take the exclusive form of cultural work and scientific
+study. There were many secret and underground groups as there were
+among the Russians. In many cases the two groups fused for actual
+revolutionary activity and Ukrainians were often involved in the plots
+of the various Russian movements. This was a handicap for the work
+of the Ukrainian leaders and it prevented a full appreciation of the
+situation by the often still illiterate peasants, who on the whole took
+relatively little part in the movements that were going on throughout
+the entire country.</p>
+
+<p>Insofar as the masses of the peasants were affected by the growing
+unrest, it was rather their desire for land and for better living
+conditions that moved them. They continued to speak their native
+language in their homes and villages but far too many of them had not
+been interested in the general development of the country. They thought
+in terms of their own communities. Many of them emigrated to Siberia
+and to Russian Central Asia. Others made their way abroad.</p>
+
+<p>At the same time there was a renewed period of Russification.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_194">[194]</span> This
+came from two distinct sources. As in the past, a considerable number
+of the Ukrainians who found it possible to secure an education in
+Russian schools tended to absorb the Russian point of view and to
+separate themselves from their original background. They accepted the
+theories which the government gave them, that Ukrainian was somehow a
+peasant dialect and that it was more fashionable and more modern to
+try to speak the ruling tongue. This was the same argument from which
+Ukraine had suffered for centuries and which had been aided immensely
+by the unfortunate decision in the sixteenth century to lay the main
+emphasis upon Church Slavonic as the bulwark of Orthodoxy.</p>
+
+<p>A second source developed however in the latter part of the nineteenth
+century, when there began an extensive movement of Great Russians into
+the growing cities of Ukraine. More and more Russians came to live in
+Kiev and Kharkiv and the other important sites which grew up with the
+building of railroads and the increase of industrial activity in the
+area. Russians began to settle in the Donets basin, where there were
+extensive coal deposits, and in the neighborhood of the iron mines not
+too far distant. Others moved into Odesa which became the chief seaport
+on the Black Sea.</p>
+
+<p>All of these factors proved a severe handicap to the development of the
+Ukrainian revival, but they did not hinder it and at the end of the
+nineteenth century, it was already abundantly clear that there was a
+large and steadily growing population which was proud of its language
+and of its traditions. It was evident that Ukrainian culture had again
+turned the corner and that it was a force to be reckoned with, despite
+the ideas of both the Imperial government and its enemies, the Russian
+radicals.</p>
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_195">[195]</span></p>
+
+<h2>CHAPTER SIXTEEN<br>
+<span class="subhed"><i>DEVELOPMENTS IN WESTERN UKRAINE</i></span></h2></div>
+
+
+<p class="drop-cap p-left">After the failure of the movement of 1848, there ensued a period of
+reaction and of torpor in Galicia and the other Ukrainian lands in the
+Hapsburg Empire. For a brief moment it had seemed as if there might be
+a general solution of the various questions involved but outside of the
+formal liberation of the serfs nothing had been accomplished.</p>
+
+<p>At the same time there came a period of crisis throughout the Empire.
+With Russian help the revolt of Hungary had been suppressed, and for a
+decade the Emperor Francis Joseph II was able to rule as an absolute
+monarch and defy the wishes of all portions of the Empire. Yet even
+this could not last, for at the end of that decade the Austrian armies
+were badly defeated by the Italians at the battle of Solferino and
+worse was to come with the battle of Sadowa in 1867, when the armies
+were overwhelmed by the Prussians. The outcome of these defeats was
+the reorganization of Austria-Hungary as the Dual Monarchy, which it
+remained until 1918, and the granting to the Poles of the control of
+Galicia.</p>
+
+<p>These developments were not without significance for the fate of
+the Ukrainians, whether they lived in Galicia, in Bukovina or in
+Carpatho-Ukraine. The language question was still being bitterly
+debated but at this moment there were two leading parties.</p>
+
+<p>The conservatives, and they included a large part of the Uniat clergy
+and the richer and more prosperous sections of the laity, held out
+strongly for the old Church Slavonic. They still maintained the theory
+that there was almost something sacred in the maintenance of the
+traditional language<span class="pagenum" id="Page_196">[196]</span> and they felt vaguely that there was something
+heretical and impious about the attempts to read and write in the
+language of the ordinary peasants.</p>
+
+<p>On the other hand the influence of those who desired to approximate the
+language to Russian increased. The results of the intervention of the
+Russian army in its fight against the Hungarians had had a great effect
+upon the population of Carpatho-Ukraine in particular. Some of their
+ablest leaders, such as Dobryansky and Dukhnovich, had definitely taken
+sides with the invaders and had retired with them to Russia on their
+withdrawal. From this time on a large part of the people of this area
+remained devoted to the Russian cause and continued to use a jargon
+which they confidently believed to be Russian. The same was true to a
+lesser extent in Bukovina, and the Moscophile party in Galicia was very
+important.</p>
+
+<p>For a while it even seemed that the conservatives would make common
+cause with them. They gradually lost hope in Austria. They realized
+that the defeats of the Austrian army were jeopardizing the security
+of the Empire, and the Austrian recognition of the Polish interests in
+Galicia cut them to the quick. Under such circumstances they idealized
+the Empire of Nicholas I and paid little attention to the results of
+the Crimean War. They saw only that for a moment the Russian army had
+offered a brighter prospect to the Ukrainians of Eastern Ukraine.
+They also completely ignored the fact that even under the conditions
+prevailing in Galicia they were still able to have certain political
+rights which were completely denied in Eastern Ukraine.</p>
+
+<p>On the other hand, the younger generation passed under the influence of
+Shevchenko. They read the writings of Marko Vovchok and they realized
+the weaknesses of Imperial Russia. They had learned something of
+western ideals from study in Vienna and elsewhere and they felt more
+strongly the advantages of the more democratic tendencies<span class="pagenum" id="Page_197">[197]</span> which they
+learned from the West and from the modern literature of Eastern Ukraine.</p>
+
+<p>Thus the stage was set for a bitter struggle in Western Ukraine as
+a whole and it lasted for a couple of decades before there came the
+definite triumph of those forces which sought to develop the national
+tradition. Some even went so far as to argue for the creation of a
+definite Ruthenia which would include all of the Ukrainians in the
+Hapsburg dominions and sought to differentiate themselves both from the
+Poles, the Russians and the Eastern Ukrainians. They glorified as well
+as they could the government of Austria and promised absolute loyalty
+to the Hapsburg rulers.</p>
+
+<p>It soon became evident, however, that in its simplest and baldest form
+this position too was impossible. The differences between them and
+their neighbors proved to be greater than those between them and the
+Eastern Ukraine and it was not long before this idea went the way of so
+many other opinions in Ukrainian history.</p>
+
+<p>The entire controversy was based upon a curious misconception. The
+Moscophiles knew little more of Russia than that the Russian armies had
+successfully invaded Hungary in 1849. They knew very little about the
+difficulties of the Ukrainians resident in Russia and they knew little
+more about the development of life in Eastern Ukraine. At the very
+moment when they were dreaming of how much better off the Ukrainians
+were in Russia, the Ukrainians of the east were looking hopefully to
+Galicia for a freedom which they did not have at home.</p>
+
+<p>It was at this moment that the first copies of the <i>Osnova</i> began
+to arrive in Lviv and the other cities. Then came in quick succession
+the news that this journal had ceased to exist and that a ban had been
+imposed on all Ukrainian writings in Russia. This startling news was
+followed by the appearance in Lviv of Kulish and of other Ukrainian
+authors<span class="pagenum" id="Page_198">[198]</span> who brought eye-witness accounts of the forcible suppression
+of Ukrainian culture in the land where the modern revival had started.</p>
+
+<p>The arrival of these refugees from their envied homeland started to
+turn the scale in the larger part of Galicia. It made it clear to the
+younger and more alert people that they had been mistaken and that
+much of the boasted well-being of the Ukrainians of Russia was only a
+mirage. They realized the advantages of their own position and they set
+to work to use the native language—sometimes in a Galician dialect
+which differed somewhat from that employed by Shevchenko and the
+writers from the left bank of the Dnyeper.</p>
+
+<p>For the next decades as we have seen, the bulk of Ukrainian literature
+written in Eastern Ukraine was published in Lviv. The young men came to
+know the refugees and emigrants and slowly but surely the century-old
+barrier between the provinces began to break down. For the first time
+in centuries there came a real transfer of ideas between Eastern and
+Western Ukraine.</p>
+
+<p>This movement was greatly assisted by the work of Mykhaylo Drahomaniv,
+one of the most brilliant of the publicists, who had profited by the
+relaxation of censorship in Russia during the early seventies. As
+a professor of the University of Kiev, he came in contact with the
+various socialist parties of Russia and then in 1876, after the renewed
+ban on Ukrainian work, he emigrated to Switzerland where he could work
+more freely. Later he became a professor at the University of Sofia in
+Bulgaria, where he died in 1895. Drahomaniv continued the ideas of the
+Society of Saints Cyril and Methodius in his belief that there should
+be developed a federal union of all the Slavs, but he differed from the
+earlier group in emphasizing the necessity of adapting Slavonic life
+to the progressive European thought of the seventies and eighties and
+in emphasizing<span class="pagenum" id="Page_199">[199]</span> freedom of the individual, socialism, and rationalism.
+He realized also that in such a case it would be necessary to bring
+together all the natives of Ukraine and his active work was devoted
+to bringing this about. Thus he corresponded freely with friends in
+Galicia as well as in Eastern Ukraine. He collected money to aid in
+the publication of journals at Lviv which would be favorable to his
+ideas and at the same time he worked to establish contacts between
+the thought of Ukraine and that of the western world. His influence,
+exerted upon both Moscophiles and nationalists, did much to weaken the
+former, for he was able to show that they knew little and cared less
+about the accomplishments of Russian literature and that it was idle
+for them to think of inclusion in a Great Russia on the basis of their
+chimerical dreams.</p>
+
+<p>His ideas were naturally opposed by the more conservative classes, who
+were still trying to support the artificial Church Slavonic language,
+and they repelled many because of their social hypotheses. Even the
+young Franko was arrested because it was supposed that he was in
+contact with Drahomaniv. Nevertheless, his position won adherents
+constantly and proved a strong ferment in the hitherto sterile
+controversies that had been going on.</p>
+
+<p>Drahomaniv laid great stress upon the Ukrainian development in Galicia,
+for he realized that there was here the only possibility of obtaining
+some experience in political organization. Bad as the government of
+Austria-Hungary was, there were possibilities for the Ukrainians
+to make their influence felt along political lines. There was no
+possibility of this in Russia, where party activity was still entirely
+forbidden.</p>
+
+<p>Under the various compromises that had been made in Austria-Hungary
+after the establishment of the Dual Monarchy, Galicia had passed
+entirely into the hands of the Poles, who furnished a large part of the
+higher officials of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_200">[200]</span> the province under Austrian rule. However, their
+power was not absolute, for it was the consistent policy of Vienna not
+to solve any of the main questions that confronted the Empire but to
+endeavor to maintain a balance between the various peoples in a given
+province, playing off one against another and thus preventing any
+definite lineup against the central authority.</p>
+
+<p>This had been the method adopted in 1848, when it looked at one time as
+if Austria would concede many rights to the Ukrainians in the province
+and even allow the establishment of a Ukrainian university at Lviv. It
+was never done, for the swing of reaction had blocked all moves in this
+direction. Nevertheless, much could be accomplished, if the Ukrainian
+population were really awakened to demand their rights and throughout
+the eighties a larger and larger number of persons appeared qualified
+to take the post of leadership in the undertaking.</p>
+
+<p>In many ways Ivan Franko played the leading role in this. As a
+journalist, novelist and poet, he worked steadily and effectively to
+arouse the people. He pointed out the economic needs of the province,
+he pictured the social defects of society, he translated into Ukrainian
+many of the masterpieces of European literature, and he worked
+energetically on all the progressive papers of the area.</p>
+
+<p>As early as 1868 there had been established in Lviv a cultural
+society, the Prosvita, and a little later in 1873 there was set up
+the Shevchenko Society, with the idea of publishing serious books in
+Ukrainian. Progress was very slow and it was more than ten years before
+enough funds were available to undertake any important work. Then it
+commenced to prosper. It was renamed the Scientific Society in 1892,
+and in 1898 it was again reorganized as the Shevchenko Scientific
+Society. It attracted the attention of scholars everywhere for the
+excellence of its publications. This and many other activities made
+Galicia the real centre for Ukrainian<span class="pagenum" id="Page_201">[201]</span> work and it gave a vitality
+to the Ukrainian cause which was impossible in Russia, where the
+censorship tried to block everything that was done.</p>
+
+<p>Early in the nineties there was made an attempt to unite the Poles
+and Ukrainians for political purposes but it came to nothing. By the
+beginning of the twentieth century, there had come a definite split
+between the two nationalities, and Polish and Ukrainian parties were
+set up.</p>
+
+<p>In one sense this separation had a tendency to hold back the securing
+of high posts by the Ukrainians, for the Poles, with Viennese backing,
+still retained their control of the province. On the other hand it
+trained the Ukrainians to act together and to take a more active
+interest in politics. It forced them to engage in many educational
+activities and, as they had done so often in Austria, to lay the
+foundation for their own school system, to be supported by their own
+funds. It encouraged them to engage in various financial enterprises
+on their own behalf, and although their economic situation remained
+unfavorable, demands were made for the establishment of a Ukrainian
+University in Lviv. Even more ambitious plans were seriously presented
+to the Viennese government of definitely separating Western Galicia,
+where the Poles were in a majority, from Eastern Galicia, where the
+Ukrainians were the dominant population. Such an act might have been
+of great importance for the future of Austria-Hungary, had the Emperor
+ever been willing to attempt a definite settlement of any of the
+problems before him.</p>
+
+<p>Instead of that, the movement only sharpened the antagonism between
+the two groups, for it was becoming evident that the Poles were
+losing their absolute control of the province. In each election to
+the Galician Diet the Ukrainians won for themselves a larger number
+of seats and their leaders were slowly becoming trained in the
+intricacies of Austrian politics. They were gradually shaking off
+their old<span class="pagenum" id="Page_202">[202]</span> hesitation and their own acquiescence in the superiority of
+Polish ability and Polish culture. The results were often increased
+disturbances and led even to the assassination of the Polish governor
+of the province, Count Andrew Potocki, in 1902. Every step of progress
+was bitterly contested by the Poles, who persisted in their traditional
+policy and could not understand why any concessions should be made to
+those whom they regarded as their natural inferiors.</p>
+
+<p>In this progress the Uniat Church played a great part. The technical
+head of the Church, Archbishop Count Andrey Sheptitsky, a member of a
+noble family which had furnished several archbishops to the Uniats, put
+himself at the head of all the various charitable and social movements.
+A distinguished figure and a devout and able leader, he was able to
+accomplish much for his people. He reorganized the spiritual life of
+the Church so as to bring it nearer to modern conditions and there was
+hardly a single feature of life in Galicia which promised well for the
+people in which he did not take a personal interest.</p>
+
+<p>Thus by the early years of the twentieth century and the approach
+of the First World War, conditions in Galicia had been vitally
+changed. The Ukrainian masses were no longer satisfied with the mere
+appellation of Ruthenian. The province which had been the most lost
+to the Ukrainian cause had been made the most advanced and the most
+conscious of its inheritance. The forces that had been striving for the
+adaptation of Ukrainian culture and language to that of Russia had been
+definitely checked and the influence that was radiating from Lviv was
+in its turn impinging upon Kiev and the Ukraine that was still under
+Russia. At the same time, conditions were still such that the fight
+in the province between the Ukrainian and Polish populations remained
+undecided, but a few more years of peace would undoubtedly strengthen
+the Ukrainian position still further.</p>
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_203">[203]</span></p>
+
+<h2>CHAPTER SEVENTEEN<br>
+<span class="subhed"><i>BETWEEN REVOLUTION AND WAR</i></span></h2></div>
+
+
+<p class="drop-cap p-left">The revolution of 1905 made many changes in the life of Russia and
+these affected very materially the situation in Ukraine. For the period
+of a few weeks it appeared as if the entire country were reverting
+to a state of chaos. There seemed little positive agreement upon any
+definite course of action. Change was in the air. Each nationality in
+the Russian Empire, each social class propounded its own program and
+there was no central authority to decide between them. The Imperial
+power seemed weakened after the disastrous Russo-Japanese War but the
+various malcontents were not prepared to harmonize their differences
+into a working whole. As a result the forces of the central government
+were ultimately able to resume control and gradually annul many of
+the promises that they had been forced to make at the height of the
+movement.</p>
+
+<p>The agrarian disturbances in Eastern Ukraine were among the most bitter
+in the entire Empire but it was relatively easy to consider these as
+more agrarian than national, the more so as up to this time Russian
+authorities had refused to consider Ukraine as a separate entity within
+the Empire. That had been destroyed by Catherine and even though the
+conditions of landholding were far more favorable to the individual
+than elsewhere in Russia, it would have been exceedingly tactless
+for the autocracy and the liberals alike to stress any symptoms of
+dissatisfaction that came from a separatist source. For good or ill
+it was necessary for Russia, the Russia of the right or the left, to
+maintain the theory that Ukraine and Russia were one and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_204">[204]</span> inseparable
+or a fire would be kindled that would be difficult to extinguish.</p>
+
+<p>The prohibition of the publication of books in the Ukrainian language
+for forty years now bore very definite fruits. The Ukrainian leaders
+were not in a position to distribute revolutionary material in their
+native language as well as were the Poles, the Baltic peoples and the
+groups of the Caucasus. The peasants (and they were the chief force in
+the disturbances in the country) were concerned about the land question
+and undoubtedly paid more attention to the economic situation than the
+national and cultural problems.</p>
+
+<p>On the other hand, in the various cities of Ukraine where there had
+been an influx of Great Russians, largely workmen, the appeals of the
+radical parties that also denied the existence of Ukraine, led the
+strikers in the various factories to emphasize the demands that they
+made on the owners and on the government. Here again it was highly
+expedient to play down the feelings of any self-conscious Ukrainian
+groups and to label them as dreamers and as fantastic individuals who
+were romantically trying to recall a long vanished past.</p>
+
+<p>It is significant in view of the frequent statements that only a
+handful of scholars and literary men were in favor of Ukrainian
+separate development that the new laws introduced by the government
+repealed all the prohibitions that had been made in 1863 and 1876.
+The censorship was lifted and without delay there began a flood of
+Ukrainian newspapers and journals in all the cities of Ukraine. Several
+were started in Kiev, in Chernihiv, Kharkiv and Poltava. In places
+where for over a century there had not been a word of Ukrainian spoken
+(according to the information of the government), now newspapers sprang
+up almost like magic to supply a need that was solemnly declared to be
+non-existent.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_205">[205]</span></p>
+
+<p>More than that, the Imperial Academy of Sciences re-studied the
+question of Little Russian and officially decided that Ukrainian formed
+an independent East Slavonic language and was not a mere dialect of
+Great Russian. This fact alone was a complete reversal of the position
+taken for a century by scholars, journalists, radicals and critics. It
+justified the position of the Ukrainian national party in Galicia and
+it also warmly supported the attitude of the Great Russian scholars
+who had so persistently and inconsistently emphasized the differences
+between the Muscovites and the people of Kiev in the seventeenth and
+eighteenth centuries. It could not of course restore to the Ukrainian
+cause those millions of people who during the past centuries had become
+Russianized in order to acquire the civilized and highly cultured
+society which they had lost hope of finding at home.</p>
+
+<p>Thus, following the Revolution of 1905, Ukrainian was restored, on
+paper at least, to its rightful place as a language in the Russian
+Empire. Yet for post-revolutionary Russia it was a dangerous thing.
+In the era of repression that followed the failure of the Revolution,
+attempts were made to censor the publications in Ukrainian more
+severely than those of other nationalities. It was also forbidden to
+open schools in Ukraine with instruction in Ukrainian. Many devices
+were tried to stem the spread of Ukrainian knowledge. Abroad the
+Russian government still continued to deny the existence of a separate
+Ukrainian people, and here it won its greatest success.</p>
+
+<p>There was a Ukrainian bloc forming in the First Duma which met in 1906
+but this was dissolved before it really could get to work. In the later
+Dumas the elections were better controlled and the Ukrainians were
+compelled to realize that they had a long way to go before they could
+secure even equal treatment with the other nationalities in the Russian
+Empire. It was too important for Russia at<span class="pagenum" id="Page_206">[206]</span> all costs to maintain
+the unity with the Ukraine, to control its Black Sea coast and its
+rich resources to allow too close examination of the forces that were
+spreading in the area.</p>
+
+<p>Yet even those reliefs that were offered to the people showed again
+the vitality of the movement. In 1907 there was established at Kiev a
+Shevchenko Scientific Society which worked very closely with the older
+foundation in Lviv. <i>The Literary and Scientific Review</i>, of which
+Franko was one of the chief editors and contributors, started a second
+edition in Kiev. In every way it was becoming uncomfortably clear to
+both Russia and Austria-Hungary that the two Ukraines were coming to
+consider themselves one, but separated by a foreign border, exactly as
+was the case in Russian and Austrian Poland.</p>
+
+<p>As a symbol of this new unification, Prof. Michael Hrushevsky moved
+from Lviv to Kiev. Prof Hrushevsky had made himself the outstanding
+authority on Ukrainian history. He was born in Russian Ukraine in 1866
+and had been educated in the University of Kiev. Then in 1890, when
+there was established at the University of Lviv a chair of Ukrainian
+history, he had been offered it and there he remained for nearly twenty
+years, producing the early volumes of his massive history of his native
+country. He examined the early records and did more than any one
+else to disprove the traditional point of view that after the Tatar
+invasions Ukraine had become merely an empty land and that the Kozaks
+and the later inhabitants were really a group of immigrants from either
+Poland or Moscow.</p>
+
+<p>His arrival in Kiev and his active part in the Shevchenko Scientific
+Society there was perhaps the outstanding event during this period. It
+meant that in Kiev and in Russian Ukraine, where the revival of the
+nation had actually started, there would now be established the real
+centre of Ukrainian historical scholarship. It meant that the bonds<span class="pagenum" id="Page_207">[207]</span>
+between Kiev and Lviv would be tightened and that it might not be
+impossible for the two sections to work together, in case there should
+be a conflagration in Europe which would involve the two Empires.</p>
+
+<p>This could not fail to have an effect upon European politics and
+indirectly upon the future fate of the Ukrainians and their position in
+world opinion. Russia as the self-appointed protector of all the Slavs
+could not fail to look with dissatisfaction at the loss of influence
+of her friends in Austria-Hungary. As the self-appointed model of
+Orthodoxy, she could not but be displeased at the success of the Uniats
+and at their revival in Eastern Galicia. During the years before
+1914, she made constant efforts to turn back the Greek Catholics to
+Orthodoxy, especially in Carpatho-Ukraine under Hungary. She exploited
+in every way possible any unrest or discontent in the mountain valleys
+and hoped in the coming struggle to be able to profit by these newfound
+friends. At the same time her own position and her own attitude
+insisted upon thinking of all Ukrainians as merely a form of Russians
+and she could not visualize any policy other than that of complete
+Russification.</p>
+
+<p>On the other hand, Austria-Hungary and later Germany could not be blind
+to the potentialities of the Ukrainian movement. They had first used
+it as a tool against the dangers offered by Polish irredentism. Now as
+they saw it growing in Russia, they began to wonder if it might not
+be used also as a means of disintegrating that country also. Some of
+their leaders began to scheme how this could best be done and they were
+willing to make minor concessions in Eastern Galicia which might win
+over the loyalty of the Ukrainians and make them more willing to be
+loyal to the Dual Monarchy.</p>
+
+<p>In this position there ensued a curious tug of war. With the two
+Empires still nominally at peace, each was doing its best to sponsor
+a movement that would redound to its<span class="pagenum" id="Page_208">[208]</span> advantage in case of war.
+Neither one was willing to take any action or embark upon a course
+that would benefit the Ukrainians themselves. Austria would not
+establish a separate Ukrainian province which could appear openly in
+the Parliament and speak freely for the Ukrainian citizens of the Dual
+Monarchy. Russia would not grant such privileges to the Ukrainians in
+her own land as would prevent them from looking across the border.
+She regularly repressed Ukrainian meetings held on the anniversary of
+the death of Shevchenko, even in St. Petersburg, and continued the
+monotonous list of arrests and annoying restrictions on all Ukrainian
+activities. Even such a man as Milyukov could not fail to see that
+the policy of the government was working to strengthen a movement
+for Ukrainian separatism, at the very moment when it was trying to
+Russianize the Ukrainians of Galicia, Carpatho-Ukraine and Bukovina.</p>
+
+<p>In this crisis the Ukrainians showed their lack of political maturity.
+They had been so absorbed in the struggle to lay the foundations for
+their survival and revival that they had had no opportunity to prepare
+their position before the outside world. Their great writers and
+thinkers were less well known abroad than were the leading figures
+of any other great people. They did not have the control of a single
+university which would make them known to the world of scholars. They
+did not have any outstanding figures, known abroad, to plead their
+cause before neutral opinion and they did not realize that their claims
+would be evaluated in foreign lands in accordance with the national
+prejudices of those countries toward the two great Empires which were
+quarreling over their possession.</p>
+
+<p>Hence it was that when the crisis actually broke in 1914, Ukraine was a
+land of mystery to all except a very few scholars. There was no voice
+raised in her behalf as that of Paderewski for Poland or Masaryk for
+Czechoslovakia. Lying within the initial theatre of war and destined
+to be<span class="pagenum" id="Page_209">[209]</span> ravaged by armies on both sides, the Ukrainians had little to
+do except to trust to the justice of their cause and hope that somehow
+and in some way they would attract the attention to their problem that
+it deserved. For years the neighboring peoples had been waiting for the
+day to come. They had made preparations, often more as an intangible
+dream than as stark reality but they could, in the crucial moment, put
+these preparations into action. They could rely upon distinguished
+sons to win them a hearing everywhere. Rich emigrants could come to
+their assistance. The Ukrainians had nothing of this. Franko might
+look forward to the independence of his people with the downfall of
+the Empires, but even he could hardly think of the way to put his
+country’s cause before the world. Ukraine entered the First World War
+as the forgotten nation, but the century and a quarter since the new
+revival started had changed it from an inchoate mass of serfs, as it
+was at the time of the extinction of the old traditions, into a fairly
+well concentrated group of people with a strong core and a strong
+self-consciousness that could not be ignored and that would not perish
+without striking a blow in its own behalf.</p>
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_210">[210]</span></p>
+
+<h2>CHAPTER EIGHTEEN<br>
+<span class="subhed"><i>THE FIRST WORLD WAR</i></span></h2></div>
+
+
+<p class="drop-cap p-left">On August 1, 1914, Germany declared war upon Russia and the First World
+War was on. The tensions and controversies that had been growing in
+bitterness beneath the surface all through the nineteenth century now
+exploded with unparalleled force. The future was to be anybody’s guess,
+for the increasing magnitude of the struggle soon overflowed the bounds
+that had been set for it in the thoughts of the leaders of the various
+countries, and the most fantastic dreamer could not have imagined the
+strange changes that were to take place in an area that seemed to the
+outside world fixed and determined for centuries.</p>
+
+<p>In such a turmoil the Ukrainian problem was involved from almost
+the first day of the struggle. In Austria, without any delay, the
+government arrested and interned all the leaders of the Ukrainians who
+had been in any way sympathetic to Russia. Their institutions were
+closed, and their publications stopped, for Austria-Hungary had no
+intention of allowing them to be the focus of a movement on behalf of
+the enemy.</p>
+
+<p>At the same time, in Russian Ukraine, the Russian government for its
+part at once suppressed all Ukrainian activity. The newspapers that
+had been published in Kiev and elsewhere with governmental permission
+were closed and the patriotic enthusiasm played into the hands of the
+Russian nationalists, who had long been displeased at the Ukrainian
+development. From 1914 until the Revolution there was steadily
+increasing agitation to eliminate everything Ukrainian from the Russian
+Empire, and leaders of all parties vied with one another in discovering
+new methods<span class="pagenum" id="Page_211">[211]</span> of upsetting and preventing Ukrainian work. The ostensible
+excuse was that the Ukrainians were really Russians and that it was
+German influence and money that was developing the Ukrainian culture,
+language and national consciousness. It would take too long to recite
+all the devices that were invoked. Authors desiring to publish in
+Ukrainian were ordered to give three copies of their manuscripts to the
+censors in advance of publication. Then these were examined and held
+up, changes were made, and the publication was prevented. The leaders
+of the Ukrainians were arrested and moved further into the country so
+that they could have no possibility of working and of corresponding
+with the enemy. Requirements were made that all Ukrainian articles
+should be published only in the Russian orthography. Ukrainian work
+in Eastern Ukraine was brought to as complete a halt as the Tsarist
+government could accomplish.</p>
+
+<p>At the same time the Russian armies invaded Eastern Galicia and
+on September 3, 1914, within a month after the beginning of the
+war, they occupied the city of Lviv. It was now the turn of the
+pro-Russian faction. The Russian Governor General of Galicia, Count
+A. G. Bobrinsky, intended to wipe out the entire Ukrainian movement
+and willingly listened to the denunciations of the Ukrainians offered
+by the pro-Russian party. Ukrainian libraries and reading rooms were
+closed, Ukrainian co-operatives and other institutions were brought
+to an end, and everything was done to prove to the people that they
+were Russians and nothing else. Even Prof. Hrushevsky, who was seized
+at his summer home in the Carpathians, was sent to Nizhni Novgorod
+on the Volga under arrest, although the Russian Academy of Sciences
+later arranged to have him moved to Moscow where he could work in the
+libraries. He was followed into arrest and exile by thousands of the
+intellectual leaders of Galicia.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_212">[212]</span></p>
+
+<p>It was not only the secular institutions that were affected. The
+Russians decided to wipe out the Uniat Church. Many of the priests had
+fled before the approach of the Russian armies. Those who remained were
+forced to return to Orthodoxy, exactly as Russia had done in all of the
+territory which she had taken from Poland during the last century and
+a half. As a result, relations between the peasantry and the Russians
+became even worse than between the Russians and the Poles in the
+western part of Galicia. Archbishop Sheptitsky, the head of the Uniat
+Church, was arrested and sent into Russia and was not allowed to return
+to his home for years.</p>
+
+<p>Finally the Tsar himself visited Lviv and other centres in the
+spring of 1915, and in well chosen words declared that Galicia was
+now an inherent part of Russia and would remain so. The Russians
+spread over the entire province up to Krakow. They occupied much
+of Carpatho-Ukraine and threatened to go through the passes of the
+mountains into the plains of Hungary.</p>
+
+<p>This was the high watermark of the Russian advance into
+Austria-Hungary. At the end of April, 1915, the German armies of
+General Mackensen broke the Russian line on the Dunajec River and
+compelled a general retreat. This meant more misery for the inhabitants
+of Western Ukraine. Naturally the pro-Russian Ukrainians hurried to get
+out of the province. In addition to them, the Russian armies gathered
+up as much of the population as they could and started them, willingly
+or unwillingly, with their families and their cattle on a long march
+into Russia to a place of safety. Thousands of displaced Ukrainians
+were thus gathered in prisons and concentration camps in and around
+Kiev and countless thousands were moved by train to Kazan, to Perm and
+on into Siberia. The enforced migration was the largest of its kind
+in Ukrainian history, even exceeding the depopulation<span class="pagenum" id="Page_213">[213]</span> of the country
+during the Ruin of the seventeenth century.</p>
+
+<p>When they reached their destination, the Russians continued to maintain
+the theory that they were only Russian and hence it was unnecessary
+for them to found Ukrainian schools for the children, to establish
+Ukrainian relief committees or to maintain any organizations in their
+new homes. They were given none of the privileges that were extended to
+the Poles or other nationalities uprooted in the same eastward retreat
+of the Russian armies, and it was intended that they should vanish
+without a trace into the Russian mass.</p>
+
+<p>A later offensive by General Brusilov in 1916 recovered for Russia a
+small area in the southeast, but of course the advance of the armies
+on Ukrainian territory only revived the oppression of the population.
+Until the Russian revolution, there could be no talk of any Ukrainian
+movement in the Russian Empire. Milyukov, it is true, once brought to
+the attention of the Duma the sad condition of these Western Ukrainians
+in Russian exile and prison camps but he aroused no enthusiasm, for
+liberals and reactionaries alike insisted that the Ukrainians were
+Russians and that there was no Ukrainian question at all.</p>
+
+<p>On the other hand the return of the Austro-German armies to Galicia
+after the Russian retreat brought back the status quo in the province.
+The Ukrainian institutions were reopened, where they had not been
+completely destroyed by the Russian occupation. At the outbreak of the
+war there had been established at Vienna a Society for the Liberation
+of Ukraine by various refugees from Russia. This endeavored to keep
+the Ukrainian question before the eyes of the Austrian authorities in
+the hope that the Central Powers would create an independent Ukraine
+out of any territory that might be detached from Russia. This was
+broadened in 1915 to form a General Ukrainian Council<span class="pagenum" id="Page_214">[214]</span> to consider all
+phases of the Ukrainian question and to oppose the activities of the
+Poles of Galicia. Like the Polish Legions of Pilsudski, the Ukrainians
+established the Sichovi Striltsi (The Riflemen of the Sich) and
+organized two regiments, although the development of the Austro-German
+policy prevented these from playing any important part in the war.</p>
+
+<p>On November 23, 1916, the Emperor Francis Joseph gave orders to prepare
+a decree establishing Galicia as a Polish state, with almost as much
+independence as had been planned for the Kingdom of Poland, to be set
+up by the Germans out of Polish territory taken from Russia. This
+was a severe blow to the Ukrainians, for they had hoped that Galicia
+would be divided and that the Ukrainian section would receive special
+recognition. It was not to be, but the Ukrainians protested sharply
+against the idea of adding the province of Kholm to the Polish lands.
+Yet they became bitterly disillusioned, for they realized that even
+during the strain of a War which was placing greater and greater
+burdens upon all the citizens of the Dual Monarchy, the blighting hand
+of the Hapsburgs was still working against them and preventing, as in
+the past, any final settlement of the position of the province. The
+activity of the Polish National Committee in the lands of the Entente
+seemed to the authorities a greater menace than the domestic feeling
+of the Ukrainian peasants and as these had been unable to get an
+effective hearing throughout the world and were the object of a vicious
+propaganda by Russia, it hardly seemed worthwhile to the government at
+Vienna to give much thought to the already devastated province.</p>
+
+<p>Thus the weary years of war dragged along and still nothing was done
+to improve the condition of the Ukrainians or to satisfy in any degree
+their legitimate aspirations. They were still as they had been in the
+past—the forgotten members of the Hapsburg dominions. They could pay
+taxes and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_215">[215]</span> serve in the army, but whenever there came any talk of a
+readjustment of conditions in the Empire, they were overlooked. They
+had won what they had through profiting by the fears of the government
+as to Polish intentions but they were discarded as soon as a working
+agreement was made between the government and the Polish aristocrats.</p>
+
+<p>The Hapsburg Empire was in this pursuing its usual policy, for it was
+a cardinal principle of the government of Francis Joseph to support
+in every way the noble classes against all other elements of the
+population, up to the point where they menaced the integrity of the
+Empire and the delicate balance that had existed since the settlement
+of 1867. The loss of the old Ukrainian aristocracy which had been
+Polonized centuries earlier was now keenly felt by the people, for they
+lacked those aristocratic spokesmen who could penetrate to the inner
+circles of the Viennese court and plead their cause in a way that would
+appeal to the Emperor. When Francis Joseph died and was succeeded by
+his nephew, the Emperor Karl, at the end of 1916, it was too late to do
+more than outline a new policy, but already the Empire was obviously
+collapsing and the Ukrainians were almost openly looking forward to the
+creation of their own independent state.</p>
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_216">[216]</span></p>
+
+<h2>CHAPTER NINETEEN<br>
+<span class="subhed"><i>UKRAINIAN INDEPENDENCE</i></span></h2></div>
+
+
+<p class="drop-cap p-left">In February 1917 the position of the Russian government became more
+difficult. Rasputin had been murdered and an atmosphere of gloomy
+foreboding spread over the entire nation. Unrest began to spread
+and before any one realized what was happening, there broke out in
+Petrograd the revolution.</p>
+
+<p>This opened, by a strange coincidence, on February 25/March 10, the
+anniversary of the death of Shevchenko. Under the enthusiasm of the
+revolution, the ceremonies commemorating the great poet, which had
+always been an occasion for tsarist repressive measures, were held on
+a larger scale than ever before. On the next day, a regiment composed
+largely of Ukrainian soldiers was one of the first to go over to the
+Revolution as a mass and soon the glad tidings of the abdication of
+the Tsar swept over the country. Of course it was received joyfully in
+Ukraine but there was at first no clear idea of what this downfall of
+the Romanovs was actually going to mean in practice.</p>
+
+<p>The early days of the Revolution were a period of steadily increasing
+confusion. Once the strong hand of the old regime had been removed,
+there came the task of putting something in its place. A Provisional
+Government was set up, first under the premiership of Prince Lvov and
+later of Alexander Kerensky. It was the fond dream of these men and
+their associates that they could maintain the unity of the country and
+they even hoped to continue the war more effectively now that the dark
+forces which were supposed to be working with the Germans had been
+removed.</p>
+
+<p>This was not the dream of large sections of the population.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_217">[217]</span> The
+peasants saw in the Revolution the opportunity to divide the land and
+to improve their material well-being. This had been their dream in 1905
+and now it seemed as if they would be able to carry it out. But there
+were in Russia also large numbers of minority races and these thought
+of securing their practical independence or at least of bettering
+their condition through some sort of a federalized Russia. Under the
+changed conditions it seemed very possible that all those schemes of
+federalization which had been put forward by the Society of Saints
+Cyril and Methodius and later by such publicists as Drahomaniv might
+have some chance of success.</p>
+
+<p>As soon as the Revolution broke out, Prof. Hrushevsky left Moscow
+and made his way to Kiev. There he got in touch with the Ukrainian
+Progressive Organization, which had been a secret organization in
+Russia working for Ukrainian independence, and with the various
+socialist parties in Ukraine. There was set up without delay the
+Ukrainian Central Council (Ukrainska Tsentralna Rada) which aimed
+to crystalize Ukrainian interests and take over the necessary
+administrative functions in Ukraine and Professor Hrushevsky was
+elected President. At this period the Rada, or at least its majority,
+were far more interested in forming themselves into a government
+which would become part of a federal Russian republic than in full
+independence.</p>
+
+<p>In the meanwhile the chaos throughout Russia continued to increase
+and the Provisional Government showed itself unable to master the
+situation. The various Councils of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies
+were meeting throughout the country and passing resolutions which cut
+directly at the power of the Provisional Government. These Councils
+represented all the various radical parties and were by no means in the
+beginning under Bolshevik influence. Yet they reflected the various
+currents of popular thought which ranged from desires to secure the
+land for the peasants<span class="pagenum" id="Page_218">[218]</span> to definite local class aspirations. The prime
+necessity for the Provisional Government was the creation of an armed
+force that would be disciplined and obedient to it, but it was exactly
+this that was most neglected.</p>
+
+<p>Another important problem which was never sincerely tackled was that
+of the various nationalities. All around the borders of the old Great
+Russian territory, from Finland in the north to Central Asia on the
+east, groups of earnest patriots, to whom the problem of nationality
+was even more important than were the economic problems connected
+with the land, were coming into existence. In the beginning they all
+stressed the fact that the future Russia would have to become a federal
+state and that the old idea of a monolithic Russia had passed with the
+fall of the tsar. This the Great Russians refused to accept and the
+Provisional Government was fighting a losing battle in its attempts to
+hold all of those groups in line. Yet it held on stubbornly and made
+no attempt to do more than interpose an ineffective veto on everything
+that was suggested.</p>
+
+<p>Events moved rapidly in Ukraine. The Central Council called for a
+demonstration in Kiev on March 19/April 1 and declared that Ukrainian
+autonomy should be set up without waiting for the approval of the
+Provisional Government. Then followed another series of meetings during
+the next weeks. A teachers’ convention was held on Easter day and then
+on April 6–8 a Ukrainian National Convention was called for, in order
+to broaden the government and prepare for elections to determine the
+personnel of the new administration. It was attended by over nine
+hundred delegates and at once arranged to admit to its membership
+representatives of the various classes of the population: the army, the
+peasants, labor, professional organizations, etc.</p>
+
+<p>So far, so good. The early groups which started the movement had
+represented all types of social thought and it seemed to some of the
+leaders that the national question<span class="pagenum" id="Page_219">[219]</span> was the predominant one. At the
+same time, the peasants were more interested in the changes that were
+coming in the agrarian situation. This was an unconscious movement that
+was growing by popular demand and it was not long before the leaders of
+the Rada became convinced that they would have to reckon with this new
+movement. In reality there were two great movements, each running its
+own course but impinging upon the other at every point.</p>
+
+<p>At the same time the Ukrainian soldiers in the army began to demand
+that they be reorganized as Ukrainian regiments with their own
+commanders, their own flag, and their own units. To enforce their
+demands they held a military council in Kiev at which there were
+representatives of approximately one million men on April 5/18 and a
+month later there was held a still larger meeting at which appeared
+delegates of 1,736,000 Ukrainian soldiers from all over the Russian
+Empire. This was the more remarkable inasmuch as Alexander Kerensky,
+the Minister of War of the Provisional Government, definitely forbade
+its holding and gave orders that the delegates should not be allowed
+to go to Kiev. However, by this time the army was paying less and less
+attention to the Provisional Government, which could only threaten and
+bluster without accomplishing anything constructive for the country.</p>
+
+<p>At the same time the task of organizing a Ukrainian press was
+overwhelming. There were almost no Ukrainian newspapers before the
+Revolution and under the disturbed conditions, the task of founding and
+developing them and of securing their circulation in the disordered
+rural areas was almost insoluble, the more so as there were scattered
+Russian groups and organizations throughout the entire country which
+were bitterly opposed to the new efforts.</p>
+
+<p>All through the spring there went on this agitation with the Ukrainian
+army and the new regiments demanding that the Rada take more definite
+action, and the Russian<span class="pagenum" id="Page_220">[220]</span> authorities both in Petrograd and in Kiev
+complaining that already too much had been done. Yet at a Convention
+of the Ukrainian Soldiers and Peasants held on June 2–10 there were
+insistent demands that the Council arrange for a definite Ukrainian
+autonomy. On June 10/23 the Council acted and issued the First
+Universal which was read by Volodymyr Vynnychenko and concluded that
+“From this day on, we ourselves will create our own life.”</p>
+
+<p>By this act the Rada had definitely set forth its claims to be the
+government of Ukraine and it created the Council of General Secretaries
+with Vynnychenko acting as Prime Minister. Yet it is noticeable that
+the great majority of the Council still thought in terms of Ukraine
+as a state in a Russian federation. The news created a bombshell in
+Petrograd and three of the socialist ministers, Kerensky, Tsereteli and
+Tereshchenko, came down to Kiev for a conference with the Ukrainian
+Council. This was on the eve of the last offensive of the old Russian
+army and Kerensky and his friends were desirous of smoothing out
+conditions in Ukraine before the offensive was launched. At the same
+time, the more conservative members of the Provisional Government
+objected even to these negotiations and as soon as word reached the
+capital, they definitely resigned from the cabinet.</p>
+
+<p>In these conferences it was expected that Ukraine would take over the
+nine provinces that comprised the country and with this in view the
+Council drew up a Statute or Constitution for the governing of the
+country. They added to the Council representatives of the various
+minorities in Ukraine and then sent the document to the Provisional
+Government. Here it was badly received and when the conservative
+members returned to the cabinet, they sent a series of Instructions
+to the Council which cut Ukraine in half and worked to hamper its
+activities.</p>
+
+<p>The continuation of these tactics brought no profit to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_221">[221]</span> either the
+Ukrainian Central Council or the Provisional Government. They served
+only to weaken and embarrass the former and brought no benefit to
+the latter, for during July the Provisional Government was faced by
+a revolt of the Bolsheviks under Lenin in Petrograd. Although this
+was suppressed, it had its own not inconsiderable part in the general
+breakdown of administration.</p>
+
+<p>The six months between the Revolution and the accession to power
+of the Bolsheviks was a confused and confusing period. On the one
+hand the steadily weakening power of the Provisional Government was
+carrying down with it the old Russia, but the leaders declined to
+see this and loved to imagine that the new ideals of democracy would
+ultimately straighten out all the difficulties. The Central Council was
+endeavoring to go along with the Provisional Government and at the same
+time to secure the rights of Ukraine. Along with this, there was a vast
+majority of the peasants who were far more concerned with the solution
+of the agrarian problem than they were in matters of general policy and
+they envisaged freedom as meaning that there would be no government of
+any kind, no taxes, and no formal organization.</p>
+
+<p>This dubious situation could not continue indefinitely. Sooner or later
+one side or the other would have to yield and the Council was only
+weakening its own position and dignity by continuing negotiations. Yet
+no one wanted to take the initiative in any decisive action.</p>
+
+<p>The situation was not made any better by the actions of the foreign
+representatives in Petrograd. They too were unable to make up their
+own minds. On the one hand, they felt very strongly that they had an
+obligation to the Provisional Government because of the sacrifices that
+Russia had made in the common war. On the other, they were themselves
+sending representatives to be present in Kiev and the other national
+states but they refused to express themselves<span class="pagenum" id="Page_222">[222]</span> definitely as to what
+they desired to see set up on the ruins of the Empire. Under these
+circumstances it was difficult for the young governments to know on
+what diplomatic support they could rely or what policy would be most
+effective and practical.</p>
+
+<p>The seizure of power by the Bolsheviks promised for a while to clear
+up conditions. No one believed that the Bolshevik party would be able
+to maintain itself long in power but at the same time it made all talk
+of a federal Russia purely theoretical and placed upon Ukraine and
+the Rada the task of maintaining law and order in its own territory,
+of solving the economic problems of the country, and of setting up a
+generally efficient government. This was an overpowering task, for the
+political revolution and the agrarian movement were moving along at a
+rapid pace. Disorder reigned in the country and there was no time to
+bring together the various conflicting points of view.</p>
+
+<p>At the same time the curious political philosophy of the Bolsheviks was
+complicating the situation still further. The Soviets were perfectly
+willing to grant independence to Ukraine or to any of the other border
+territories, but they insisted that the power could only be turned
+over to true representatives of the workers and peasants, i.e. the
+Bolsheviks themselves, since all other elements of the population
+were clearly counter-revolutionary and not typical of the ideals of
+the workers and peasants. As most of their leaders in Ukraine were of
+non-Ukrainian origin, this meant that the Ukrainians as a people were
+to be governed by the Russians, who alone were able to speak for the
+Ukrainian population.</p>
+
+<p>This novel philosophy forced the Rada to take definite action, and
+on November 7/20, it issued the Third Universal, which declared that
+“from this day on, Ukraine becomes the Ukrainian People’s Republic.”
+There is a definite ambiguity in this phrase, for in Ukrainian the
+word<span class="pagenum" id="Page_223">[223]</span> “Narodna” means both “People’s” and “National.” It expressed both
+the idea of a government of the Ukrainian people as a separate nation
+and also the idea of the government as one preeminently of the common
+people, i.e. those who were concerned with the vague but revolutionary
+agrarian program. As a matter of fact the term had become a slogan
+in all the area affected by the Russian Revolution and like all such
+slogans with an indefinite and unclear meaning, it created as much
+confusion as it did agreement.</p>
+
+<p>Under the terms of this declaration the Council attempted to establish
+a definite government. It passed certain liberal regulations on land
+ownership for the benefit of the peasants, it instituted the eight
+hour day, granted amnesty to political prisoners, and also called for
+the holding of a Pan-Ukrainian Congress, to be composed of elective
+members, to found a constitutional government. This election was to be
+held on January 9, 1918 and the Constituent Assembly was to meet on
+January 22.</p>
+
+<p>It stands to reason that the Bolsheviks had no intention of allowing
+such an Assembly to meet, for they well knew that the Council and the
+Ukrainian people were opposed to the excesses of the Bolsheviks and
+their system of massacring their opponents, and that any expression of
+the wishes of the people would establish some other form of government.
+As a result they continued their policy of trying to disintegrate the
+Council and of arousing discontent in all possible quarters. By sending
+Bolshevik bands, composed largely of non-Ukrainians, into the country,
+by spreading incendiary appeals to the people, by fomenting class
+hatred in every way, they succeeded in keeping the country stirred up
+and in preventing the stabilization of conditions.</p>
+
+<p>Then they induced the Kiev Soviet, composed chiefly of non-Ukrainian
+workers in some of the factories, to demand the calling of an
+All-Ukrainian Council of Soviets on December<span class="pagenum" id="Page_224">[224]</span> 5/17. The Council saw
+to it that this was not a mere rump convention of the Bolsheviks, as
+Stalin had planned, but was widely representative of all the leftist
+elements of Ukraine which were grouped in Soviets or Councils. As a
+result, the Bolshevik resolutions were voted down and the following
+was adopted: “The meeting of the Ukrainian Councils emphasizes its
+definite decision that the Central Council in its further work stand
+solidly on guard over the achievement of the revolution, spreading
+and deepening without halt the revolutionary activity to safeguard
+the class interests of a laboring democracy and call together without
+delay the Ukrainian Constituent Assembly, which alone can reveal the
+true will of all democratic Ukraine. The meeting of the Councils of
+Peasants’, Workmen’s and Soldiers’ Delegates of Ukraine in this manner
+expresses to the Ukrainian Central Council its full confidence and
+promises it its absolute support.” The resolution went on to say, “On
+paper the Soviet of People’s Commissars seemingly recognizes the right
+of a nation to self-determination and even to separation, but only
+in words. In fact, the government of Commissars brutally attempts to
+interfere in the activities of the Ukrainian government which executes
+the will of the legislative organ of the Central Council. What sort
+of self-determination is this? It is certain the Commissars will
+permit self-determination only to their own party; all other groups
+and peoples they, like the Tsarist regime, desire to keep under their
+domination by force of arms. But the Ukrainian people did not cast
+off the Tsarist yoke only to take upon themselves the yoke of the
+Commissars.”</p>
+
+<p>This resolution, adopted in December, 1917, expresses with rare nicety
+the entire policy of Soviet thought on its relations with other peoples
+and groups and it would have been well for Ukraine, had the sober
+judgment of these Councils prevailed. It would have saved a great deal
+of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_225">[225]</span> anguish and bloodshed in the coming years.</p>
+
+<p>When the Bolsheviks saw that they were unable to control the assembly
+which they had inspired, Stalin sent an ultimatum to it, demanding
+unconditional submission within forty-eight hours. At the same time,
+the Bolshevik members, some 150 out of about 2000, under the leadership
+of two Russians, Sergeyev of the Don basin and Ivanov of Kiev, and a
+Ukrainian Communist, Horowitz, moved to Kharkiv and there proclaimed a
+Ukrainian Soviet Republic and called themselves the Secretaries of the
+new government instead of Commissars. They at once received support
+from the Russian Bolsheviks and opened a civil war.</p>
+
+<p>It is noticeable that throughout 1917 there had been far less disorder
+in Ukraine than there had been in Russia. There had been none of those
+revolts that had characterized the situation in Petrograd and adjacent
+areas since the very beginning of the revolution. During this year
+Ukraine alone of the territory of the former Empire had been relatively
+peaceful. The Council had been gradually assuming power and endeavoring
+to make the transition from the old to the new. It had seen the passage
+of large numbers of demoralized soldiers but it had escaped the main
+part of the violent scenes that had gone on elsewhere.</p>
+
+<p>Now all this was changed. The Bolsheviks definitely began an invasion
+of the country and this added to the trials of the Council. The
+changing conditions on the Eastern front now brought Ukraine into the
+international scene. It was impossible to hold elections with the chaos
+in the country. Finally, to solve the situation, on January 9/22, the
+Council announced in a Fourth Universal the complete independence of
+Ukraine and declared that, “From to-day the Ukrainian People’s Republic
+becomes the Independent, Free, Sovereign State of the Ukrainian People.”</p>
+
+<p>It had taken almost a year to bring the council to this<span class="pagenum" id="Page_226">[226]</span> decision. As
+in the case of the United States, the vast majority of the people did
+not realize in the beginning the issues involved. For a century many
+of the best and most patriotic minds of Ukraine had dreamed of a great
+federation of the Slavs or of a reorganized Russia which would give
+equal rights and liberties to all classes of the population. They had
+sought this from each of the governments since the Revolution and had
+failed to obtain it from any. Federation had never appealed to any
+party in the Russian Revolution. The conservative Cadets, men like
+Milyukov and his friends, Socialists like Kerensky, Bolsheviks like
+Lenin and Stalin, all in their own way demanded that there should be
+a centralized state. Just as the Russian intelligentsia in the field
+of thought throughout the nineteenth century refused to admit the
+possibility of a cultural development in Ukraine apart from Russia,
+just as Peter the Great and Catherine could not admit that they had to
+deal with a situation different from that prevailing in Moscow and St.
+Petersburg, so the revolutionary leaders held fast to the same idea.
+The Council had wasted months in futile discussion and negotiations at
+a time when they could have been profitably employed in building up
+local institutions and restoring order. Now when it became clear that
+war and organized war was to be the order of the day, they finally
+acted and Ukraine appeared again as an independent state with its
+capital at Kiev.</p>
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_227">[227]</span></p>
+
+<h2>CHAPTER TWENTY<br>
+<span class="subhed"><i>FOREIGN RELATIONS</i></span></h2></div>
+
+
+<p class="drop-cap p-left">This struggle to win for Ukraine a position first as a federated state
+in a new Russia and secondly as a completely independent country was
+not proceeding in an atmosphere of peace and quiet. The First World
+War was still going on with the forces of the Triple Entente and the
+Central Powers locked in a terrific struggle.</p>
+
+<p>England and France had welcomed the Russian Revolution, because they
+believed that Russia after the fall of the Tsar would carry on the war
+against Germany and Austria-Hungary more successfully. It took them
+only a few weeks to realize that the collapse of Russia had imposed
+on them a still heavier burden. They could not understand that the
+Russian Revolution had been a collapse because of excessive strain and
+war weariness and it is quite a question how far the Russian leaders
+realized this themselves. At all events Lenin and Trotsky called for
+immediate peace and this, as much as their program of social reforms,
+won them a sympathetic hearing in many quarters. It brought them into
+conflict with the representatives of England, France and the United
+States, which were working to keep Russia in the war against the
+Central Powers.</p>
+
+<p>There were two other factors which were overlooked. The first was the
+question of supplies. With Turkey in the war, it was impossible to send
+supplies to the Russian or any other armies operating in what was the
+old Russian Empire except by way of Murmansk and Archangel on the north
+or Vladivostok on the Pacific Ocean. For example, it was impossible for
+the Ukrainian army, which was confronted with the German forces in the
+south, to receive<span class="pagenum" id="Page_228">[228]</span> any supplies except across Bolshevik-held territory.
+They could secure only those supplies that were left on their own
+soil at the time of the beginning of the Revolution. The failure of
+the Russian offensive of Kerensky had reduced these, and the troops
+opposing the Bolshevik bands were relatively unarmed.</p>
+
+<p>The second factor was the meaning of this war-weariness. It was
+opposed to fighting against the Central Powers. It was opposed to the
+preservation and maintenance of discipline. Yet with each advance in
+demoralization, the willingness to fight in scattered bands against a
+new enemy increased. The fanatic Bolsheviks, who refused to continue
+the war for any reason against the Central Powers, were only too ready
+in small bands to attack Ukraine. Part of this lay in the belief that
+there was still food in Ukraine and that this food was necessary for
+Moscow and Petrograd. Part of it lay in their equally fanatical belief
+that they were the real spokesmen of the laborers and peasants. At the
+same moment when they were opening negotiations to end the war with
+Germany and Austria-Hungary, they were commencing a war in Ukraine and
+in many other sections.</p>
+
+<p>Allied diplomacy was singularly ineffective. After welcoming the
+Revolution, England, France and the United States were unable to induce
+the Provisional Government to continue the war effectively. They were
+opposed to a peace between Russia or any part of it with the Central
+Powers. They were willing to cooperate with the Ukrainian Council or
+any other government that would continue the war. They were willing
+to recognize the Council as the de facto government of Ukraine and
+threatened it, if it made peace. They were willing to oppose the
+Bolsheviks, when they talked peace. On the other hand, the military
+missions that appeared in Kiev did not have the power to guarantee
+that they would continue to recognize the Council after the war and
+they most assuredly had no plans for<span class="pagenum" id="Page_229">[229]</span> supplying the Ukrainian army and
+making it able to oppose the Bolsheviks successfully, much less the
+Germans and Austro-Hungarians, if they decided to resume the offensive.
+What might have been done in Archangel or Vladivostok was impossible in
+Kiev, with Ukraine barred from access to Allied supplies and assistance
+by the Central Powers on the west and the Bolsheviks on the north and
+east. Ukraine was fighting a war on two fronts, and relations between
+the Germans and the Bolsheviks were such that peace between Germany
+and the Bolsheviks might result in Germany turning over Ukraine to the
+Bolsheviks as the price of peace. Again this threat, the words of small
+military missions were little defence, especially when the Ukrainian
+leaders knew of the widespread propaganda that had been directed
+against them abroad by imperial Russia for nearly four years.</p>
+
+<p>In the meanwhile conditions were becoming more critical in the country.
+The Council suffered from the same misconceptions that had ruined
+the Provisional Government. It was or felt itself unable to check
+barely concealed Bolshevik propaganda because of its interpretation of
+democracy. Its leaders, busied with negotiations with the Provisional
+Government, had not been able to use all their energies in building
+up a firm kernel of organization and in strengthening their own armed
+forces to a point where they could be sure of their unqualified
+support. Far too often resolutions that were adopted became dead
+letters almost as soon as they were passed. Regulations on the
+distribution of land, and others, were more honored in the breach than
+the observance. Despite the efforts of many of the members, it could
+hardly be said that many of the difficulties were being overcome.</p>
+
+<p>As a result when the Germans and Austro-Hungarians met with the
+Bolshevik envoys at Brest Litovsk in December, 1917, it became clear
+that the only hope of the Council<span class="pagenum" id="Page_230">[230]</span> was also to make peace with the
+Central Powers and use the next months as a breathing space during
+which they could strengthen their internal order and prepare themselves
+for the next round with the Bolsheviks. They were aware that this might
+be an expensive move, but between that and the annihilation of Ukraine
+there was no real choice.</p>
+
+<p>Accordingly, the Council decided to send three delegates to represent
+Ukraine at the Brest Litovsk meetings. The delegates selected were
+three young men, Levitsky, Lubinsky and Sevryuk, former students
+of Prof. Hrushevsky. They had had little training in international
+meetings. Their youth surprised the German representatives,
+General Hoffmann and his associates, and amused Count Czernin, the
+Austro-Hungarian representative. He could not imagine young men
+appearing in important posts and Ukrainians anywhere at all, for he
+represented those elements in his country which were most hostile to
+the progress of the Ukrainians in Galicia. To the especial annoyance of
+Czernin they put forth claims not only to independence but to the whole
+of Eastern Galicia, and also the province of Kholm.</p>
+
+<p>These claims appeared preposterous to the delegates of the Central
+Powers but they also touched on the weak spot of both Germany and
+Austria-Hungary. The representatives of the two powers were not
+friendly. Both Germany and Austria-Hungary had their own ideas as to
+the future of eastern Europe and each wished to secure the lion’s share
+for his own country, although the Austrians were well aware of the fact
+that nothing was well at home, especially since the death of Francis
+Joseph, who had at least been able to put up a brilliant facade to
+cover his policy of avoiding a settlement of all questions. Besides
+that, the delegates had taken the trouble to pass through Lviv on their
+way to Brest Litovsk and were well aware of the situation in Eastern<span class="pagenum" id="Page_231">[231]</span>
+Galicia, probably better than Count Czernin himself.</p>
+
+<p>On the other hand, Trotsky, as the leader of the Bolshevik delegation,
+argued bitterly that the Germans and Austrians should not receive the
+Ukrainian delegation at all. They denied that Ukraine existed and that
+the Council represented the will of the workers and peasants. Later he
+brought to the meeting representatives of the Ukrainian Soviet Republic
+from Kharkiv in an endeavor to strengthen his own case and kept
+reporting victories of the Bolsheviks over the troops of the Council.</p>
+
+<p>It was a strange conference, for all parties knew the issues at stake
+and none dared to move toward the desired goal. The Germans wanted
+peace with the Bolsheviks in order to be able to move the bulk of their
+forces to the Western Front for the campaign of 1918. They also, and
+still more the Austrians, wanted to secure food from Ukraine. Trotsky
+and the Bolsheviks also wanted peace. They hoped thereby to create
+disorder in the German and Austrian armies and hoped for a revolution
+by the masses of the population of those countries. They also wanted
+the opportunity to master Ukraine and secure the food which they
+needed for their capitals. The Ukrainian delegates, supported later
+by Vsevolod Holubovich, the Prime Minister, were willing to turn over
+a certain amount of grain, provided they could secure a guarantee of
+the liberty of their country and means of self defence against the
+Bolshevik attacks.</p>
+
+<p>Under these conditions a settlement was finally reached. Ukraine under
+the Council was recognized as a sovereign state and promised to send to
+the Central Powers at least a million tons of supplies. Trotsky, after
+receiving the German terms, announced that there was neither peace
+nor war between the Central Powers and the Bolsheviks, for he took
+the attitude that there could be no peace between a territorial state
+and an international government of workers<span class="pagenum" id="Page_232">[232]</span> and peasants and really
+demanded civil war in Germany. The Austrians, having compelled the
+Ukrainians to give up their claim to Galicia and to Kholm, sided with
+the Germans but were far less willing to take any action to make the
+treaty effective. The conference ended on February 11.</p>
+
+<p>In the meanwhile Bolshevik pressure on Kiev had increased and the
+Council was compelled to retreat from Kiev to Zhitomir to the west, and
+Trotsky could feel that he had more or less succeeded in his endeavors.
+When, however, the Germans, taking advantage of the situation that was
+left by the Bolsheviks, commenced to advance, a new wave of desire for
+war swept over the Bolsheviks and it took all of Lenin’s power to make
+them accept the terms that Trotsky had refused, for the passage of each
+day left more Bolshevik territory in the hands of the Germans.</p>
+
+<p>By March 1, the German troops had advanced into Ukraine and had
+restored the Council to Kiev. They set up Field Marshal Eichhorn as
+the practical head of the occupation forces and also of the new state,
+along with Baron Mumm as representative of the German Foreign Office.
+They also sent General Groener to Kiev to secure supplies.</p>
+
+<p>The Council was now put in another unpleasant situation. The presence
+of German troops created discontent. Order had been restored but the
+Council continued its policy of endless debate and found it difficult
+to agree on the legislation that was to be enacted. The old debates
+between the right and the left were intensified, although the Council
+decided that they would maintain the social reforms instituted by
+the Third and Fourth Universals and also proceed to the holding of
+elections for a Constituent Assembly which would meet on July 12, 1918.</p>
+
+<p>The collection of supplies proceeded slowly. 1917 had been a disturbed
+year and the harvest had not been properly gathered. The peasants were
+not disposed to turn<span class="pagenum" id="Page_233">[233]</span> over their supplies to the Germans, even in
+return for money, and the high hopes with which the Germans and the
+Austrians had entered the country vanished with each day’s failure to
+secure the needed food. At the same time, the German military machine
+had no sympathy with and little understanding for the attempts of the
+Council to fumble toward a democratic constitution and improve the
+conditions of the people.</p>
+
+<p>In an endeavor to create a more favorable situation, the Germans turned
+to the society of the Khliborody (the Agriculturists). This was a group
+of the former estate holders, Russian and Ukrainian alike, who had in
+their store-houses a certain amount of supplies. These conservatives
+were naturally opposed to the desires of the peasants to secure land
+and they were willing to see the Council removed.</p>
+
+<p>Through them the Germans made an arrangement with General Pavel
+Skoropadsky, a general in the Russian army, but a descendant of that
+Skoropadsky who had been appointed Hetman by Peter after the revolt of
+Mazepa. It was apparently believed that Skoropadsky, by assuming the
+title of Hetman, could rally to his support the sentiments of at least
+the propertied classes and perhaps part of the peasants. The details
+were all set. Then, on April 28, German soldiers under the orders of
+Field Marshal Eichhorn invaded the meeting of the Council and summarily
+dispersed it. The next day they formally proclaimed Skoropadsky Hetman
+of the Ukraine and commenced to make the new order effective.</p>
+
+<p>Skoropadsky went through the motions of ruling for about seven months
+and during this time Ukraine remained relatively peaceable. Kiev and
+the other cities were filled with Russian refugees from the Bolsheviks.
+These people appreciated the restoration of order and the freedom from
+massacre and pillage, but they had no use for the Ukrainian state and
+liked to believe that Skoropadsky<span class="pagenum" id="Page_234">[234]</span> was only waiting for the downfall of
+the Bolsheviks to bring Ukraine back again into Russia. Attempts were
+made to restore the former rights of the landowners and the old order
+as it had existed prior to 1917. As a result, dissatisfaction grew
+among the masses and more and more order had to be maintained by the
+Germans. This became less effective after the murder of Field Marshal
+Eichhorn on July 30, for his successor was far less able to handle both
+the Ukrainians and the representatives of the German Foreign Office.</p>
+
+<p>At the same time Germany continued to work with the Bolsheviks, much
+to the annoyance of the Russians in Ukraine, the Ukrainians and
+Skoropadsky himself. The Hetman secured incontrovertible proof that
+the Bolshevik delegates at Kiev, Rakovsky and Dmitry Manuilsky, who
+were ostensibly drawing up peace terms between Ukraine and Moscow, were
+spending huge sums of money in Bolshevik propaganda, but he could not
+secure permission to curb their activities. Similarly when the German
+ambassador in Moscow, Count Mirbach, was murdered, Germany took no
+steps to punish the Bolsheviks and continued to lay emphasis on the
+need of maintaining good relations with them.</p>
+
+<p>During the same months the Germans were busy in helping the Don
+Cossacks and the Georgians in their struggles against the Bolsheviks
+and there was developed a long chain of anti-Bolshevik states and
+organizations along the entire shore of the Black Sea. This year also
+saw the emergence of General Denikin at the head of a White Russian
+Army, with the backing of England, France and the United States in an
+attempt to restore a united Russia.</p>
+
+<p>The confused situation was brought to an abrupt end by the defeat of
+Germany on the Western Front. The Kaiser abdicated on November 9 and
+already Austria-Hungary had broken up into a number of independent
+states. Turkey left the war on October 30 and this at once opened<span class="pagenum" id="Page_235">[235]</span> the
+Dardanelles, so that military supplies could be sent into the area
+north of the Black Sea. Under such conditions, the only course open
+to the German armies was to retreat. Even this was not easy in the
+complicated circumstances of the day, for a large part of the German
+troops had come under Bolshevik influences and were not particularly
+interested in fighting or in doing anything except getting home, if
+they could. Under such circumstances Skoropadsky saw that his days were
+numbered. On December 14, he laid down his power, slipped out of Kiev
+and made his way to Berlin.</p>
+
+<p>In the meanwhile, with the approaching downfall of Germany, the
+Ukrainians again aspired to independence. Volodymyr Vynnychenko tried
+to rally the forces of the Rada by appointing a Direktoria composed
+of members of the various Ukrainian Socialist parties. He wanted to
+continue the general policy of the government as it had been before
+the time of Skoropadsky. More important for the Ukrainian cause was,
+however, the work of Simon Petlyura, for at the first sign of the
+weakening of the forces of Skoropadsky, he went to Bila Tserkva and won
+over one of the crack regiments of Skoropadsky’s forces, the Rifles of
+the Zaporozhian Sich. With this as a nucleus, he started a revolt which
+ultimately carried him and the Direktoria into Kiev as Skoropadsky left
+for exile.</p>
+
+<p>Petlyura was to be for the next years the dominant figure in the
+Ukrainian movement. A man of simple origin, he had secured an education
+and was making his living as a bookkeeper and writer when the Russian
+Revolution started. He had some military training and developed a
+considerable talent for leadership. Unlike most of the other leaders,
+he was more a man of action than a thinker and in the troublous times
+ahead, it was these qualities rather than thought and logic that were
+needed most for the new state.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_236">[236]</span></p>
+
+<p>Petlyura and Vynnychenko differed violently on many subjects, and
+with each week the struggle became more intense. Petlyura felt that
+Vynnychenko’s policies, while Ukrainian in essence, were blurring the
+line between Ukrainian nationalism and Bolshevism. He was suspicious
+of too radical reforms and sought support rather from those elements
+of the state that laid the main stress on independence. Furthermore
+he believed that it was necessary to secure as much of the German
+military equipment as possible from the retreating German armies, and
+he won the good will of the peasants who had been angered by the German
+requisitioning of supplies by encouraging them to attack the retreating
+forces. Thus the actions of his troops seriously upset the plans of
+the more or less Bolshevized German armies and became a real menace to
+the hopes of the Bolsheviks for the taking over of the country on the
+German retreat.</p>
+
+<p>The victorious Allies now had the opportunity to intervene effectively
+in the general situation. They were able to send troops into Ukraine
+and South Russia through Romania. They were also able to land them
+at the Black Sea ports. For the first time since 1914, the southern
+gate of Russia and Ukraine was opened to the democratic nations. The
+future rested on their ability to formulate a program, make their own
+conditions, and see that they were carried out.</p>
+
+<p>They were as ineffective in this as they had been in 1917, for there
+came again a flood of diplomatic missions, promising everything and
+doing nothing. English and French representatives appeared at Kiev to
+expedite the German departure. At the same time, as if Skoropadsky
+had been a legitimate ruler, they ordered the Germans strictly not
+to surrender their arms to any of the Ukrainian rebels or to turn
+Kiev over to them. It is still not clear whether this was done by
+orders from the home governments or at the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_237">[237]</span> advice of the Russians
+around Skoropadsky. The result was the same. The Ukrainian forces were
+unwilling to remain quiet and see the Germans depart with rich booty
+and copious military supplies. The Allies sent no troops to back up
+their representatives and the Bolsheviks paid no attention to any one
+and continued their work of spreading propaganda among the Germans.</p>
+
+<p>Under such conditions, the forces of Petlyura increased rapidly and it
+soon became evident to the Germans that they would have to come to an
+understanding with him. This was done at Kasatin on December 11, when
+the Germans consented to turn over Kiev to the Direktoria and three
+days later Colonel Konovalets at the head of a Ukrainian detachment
+entered Kiev. Petlyura and the Direktoria arrived on December 19. The
+Germans had insisted that the Russian officers and men in the Hetman’s
+army should be allowed to leave with them. On the whole this was
+carried out, although there were some arrests and some murders, but by
+the end of December the bulk had been disposed of and were in Germany.</p>
+
+<p>The Ukrainian Republic had been once more established. It had a last
+chance to solve its problems and to emerge as a strong and respected
+government but it was not an optimistic picture. The country was still
+more disorganized than the year before. There were still the same
+factions in the state. There was still the same lack of harmony among
+the Allied military missions and above all the people of the Allied
+countries were sure that the war was over and that there was nothing
+left to be done, for the new period of human history had started at the
+hour of the Armistice, 11 A. M., November 11, 1918.</p>
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_238">[238]</span></p>
+
+<h2>CHAPTER TWENTY-ONE<br>
+<span class="subhed"><i>THE REPUBLIC OF WESTERN UKRAINE</i></span></h2></div>
+
+
+<p class="drop-cap p-left">The successful Russian occupation of Lviv within a month after the
+beginning of the War threw into sharp relief the military weakness of
+Austria-Hungary and the following events showed that the Dual Monarchy,
+despite all its pretensions and claims, was hardly fitted to stand the
+rigors of modern warfare. The various national groups included within
+its borders were restive. Regiments of Czechs had gone over in mass
+formation to the Russians. Discontent was rife in other sections and it
+was easy to see that whatever the outcome of the war, bad times were in
+store for the country.</p>
+
+<p>On January 8, 1918, Woodrow Wilson laid down the Fourteen Points
+for a final settlement. These included phrases that called for
+self-determination of the various nations. It is immaterial how far
+he had intended to press this policy, for in Europe his words were
+taken in their full meaning and each and every group, large or small,
+prepared to take advantage of them. From this time on there could be
+no doubt that Austria-Hungary was going to disintegrate. The only
+questions were when and how and what would be the fate of the territory.</p>
+
+<p>It was almost the same day that the Ukrainian delegates to the Brest
+Litovsk Conference passed through Lviv, to establish contact with the
+Ukrainian leaders there and to tell them of the intention of Ukraine
+to declare its full independence of Russia. This act alone served to
+increase tension in the Ukrainian lands in the Dual Monarchy and to
+arouse more energetic work during the summer, so that<span class="pagenum" id="Page_239">[239]</span> the Ukrainians
+in Western Ukraine would be ready when the moment for action arrived.</p>
+
+<p>They were not alone in this, for the Poles also were planning to revive
+their state. The Polish National Committee working with the Allied
+nations elaborated plans for recovering the territory which they had
+held in 1772 at the time of the First Partition of the country. The
+Council of the Regency and the various groups around Joseph Pilsudski,
+which were more bitterly anti-Russian, looked for the establishment of
+some form of independent Poland in case of a German victory. The events
+of 1917 brought both groups together and there was a general agreement
+among Poles of all factions and trains of thought that there must
+emerge from the war a great Poland. In Galicia, they made ready to take
+over the country as soon as the Austrian grip showed signs of weakening.</p>
+
+<p>In the same way the various Ukrainian groups determined not to be
+outdone through inaction. They organized a Ukrainian Council with
+members in Eastern Galicia, in Carpatho-Ukraine and in Bukovina and
+then on October 18, as the hour of decision was approaching, they held
+a large conference in Lviv and made plans to declare their independence
+when the time came. So weak and disintegrated was Austria-Hungary
+already that it was possible to hold such a meeting without too great
+danger to the participants.</p>
+
+<p>It was already clearly realized that the dangers confronting Western
+Ukraine came not from the dying Empire but from the claims of the
+Poles and of the other succession states, each of which put forward
+demands to take over the same territory. Again Allied diplomacy was
+destined to be ineffective and the disagreements among the victorious
+nations prepared the way for a series of wars and disturbances that
+were to leave new causes of bitterness behind them. The disintegration
+of Austria-Hungary was not to be brought<span class="pagenum" id="Page_240">[240]</span> about under the control
+of the victorious powers but under the conflicting demands of local
+populations and improvised military forces.</p>
+
+<p>On November 1, during the night, the Ukrainians judged that it was
+time to act and the Council took over the control of the city of Lviv
+with the tacit permission of the Austrian Governor of Galicia. The
+blue and yellow flag of Ukraine was hoisted over the city hall and the
+Republic of Western Ukraine was formally proclaimed. At the same time,
+in Western Galicia, the Poles raised their standard over the city of
+Krakow. The old regime was ended.</p>
+
+<p>Soon the Ukrainians in other cities of Western Ukraine followed suit
+and the new Republic commenced the difficult and painful task of
+setting up an administration. Its resources were indeed scanty. There
+was no money and no trained corps of administrators, for the old
+government had kept most of the more responsible posts in Galicia in
+the hands of the Poles.</p>
+
+<p>More important than that, the forces available to maintain order were
+equally non-existent or unsatisfactory. There were the remains of the
+Ukrainian legions in the Austrian army, the Riflemen of the Sich, and
+there were some disorganized reserve units in the neighborhood of
+the city, which were largely composed of Ukrainians, since officers
+and men from other sections of the Empire had left them to return
+home. There was a marked lack of officers, since the unfavorable
+conditions of Galicia had prevented many Ukrainians from rising in the
+Austro-Hungarian service. It was with this scanty support that the new
+government under Dr. Evhen Petrushevich set to work.</p>
+
+<p>Any hopes of a peaceable period for organization were soon ended.
+As soon as the Poles realized that Lviv had been taken over by the
+Ukrainians, there began a revolt of the Polish population of the city.
+Many of the participants were mere schoolboys, but they seized the main
+post office<span class="pagenum" id="Page_241">[241]</span> and the Ukrainians were unable to dislodge them. Civil
+war broke out, but it was a civil war in which artillery and heavy
+weapons were absent from both sides. For three weeks the battle went on
+in the city as both sides tried to bring up what reinforcements were
+available. The Poles finally succeeded in moving from Krakow into the
+city by train a force of 140 officers and 1200 men. Even such a small
+body of more or less trained soldiers was enough to turn the scales in
+the favor of the Poles and two days after they arrived, the Ukrainian
+government left the city and retired to Stanislaviv and later to
+Ternopil.</p>
+
+<p>This did not mean that the Republic had given up the struggle. It
+still held the largest part of Eastern Galicia, with the exception of
+the railroad line from Peremyshl to Lviv, which the Poles succeeded
+in keeping open. At the same time there was a practical siege of Lviv
+during the entire winter. The Poles, however, were able to gather
+forces elsewhere in the country and steadily new and better armed
+detachments pushed their way into Eastern Galicia.</p>
+
+<p>As regards Bukovina, the Ukrainians occupied the capital Chernivtsy on
+November 3, but the Romanians with the nucleus of an army refused to
+concede this. Their troops on Armistice Day pressed into the city and
+overthrew the Ukrainian Regional Committee under Omelyan Popovich. Then
+they formally annexed the province.</p>
+
+<p>In Carpatho-Ukraine, there was the same general confusion. Various
+adherents of the Republic of Western Ukraine held gatherings in
+Preshiv, Uzhorod and Hust and they failed to come to a definite
+agreement as to the future of the country. The Czechs claimed it on
+the basis of an understanding with the American Ruska Nationalna Rada
+at a meeting in Scranton, Pennsylvania. There was, however, more delay
+in taking the land over from Hungary than there was from some of the
+other sections and there was not the complete change that had occurred
+elsewhere.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_242">[242]</span> Nevertheless on January 21, 1919, a Council in Hust voted
+to join Ukraine; but conditions kept changing and finally on May 5 the
+various groups in the country voted to become autonomous within the
+Czechoslovak state.</p>
+
+<p>It can be seen from all this that the Ukrainians of Eastern Galicia
+were the heart and the determining factor of the Republic of Western
+Ukraine. The loss of Lviv, the most important city in the area, proved
+a tremendous handicap to the new state, which looked forward very
+definitely to an ultimate union with the Ukrainian Republic set up at
+Kiev.</p>
+
+<p>The Allied military missions in Warsaw and in Lviv endeavored to make
+peace between the various factions and to throw the whole problem of
+Eastern Galicia into the hands of the Peace Conference which was to
+meet a few months later in Paris. They were completely helpless, for
+the Poles claimed control of the entire province on the ground that it
+had been under the Polish crown and formed part of the Polish Republic
+since the fourteenth century and the Polish leaders, both of the right
+and left, refused to listen to any pleas that would leave the territory
+even temporarily under Ukrainian control. At the same time, they were
+steadily increasing their armed forces and later they received several
+well-trained divisions which had fought under General Haller along with
+the French on the Western Front. Under such conditions the armies of
+Western Ukraine were steadily forced to retreat to the east in the hope
+of joining the forces of Eastern Ukraine, which were in little better
+condition.</p>
+
+<p>There is little need to go into the various efforts that were made at
+the time to make peace between the Poles and Western Ukrainians. All of
+them failed. During the entire Peace Conference, there was continuous
+talk of the future fate of Galicia but nothing definite was decided,
+for the Poles, with French backing, refused to concede anything<span class="pagenum" id="Page_243">[243]</span> and
+the changing political situation in the East made decisions useless,
+often before they were announced.</p>
+
+<p>In one sense the casual observer may see in the brief interlude of
+the Republic of Western Ukraine one of those numerous and transient
+organizations that appeared spontaneously everywhere in Europe during
+the troubled months of November and December, 1918, but it was more
+than that, for despite the speedy passing of the Republic, the
+population was left. The ill feelings generated long remained to fester
+in Poland and added abundant fuel to the fires that were waiting for
+1939. The retreat to Stanislaviv and then to Ternopil did not end the
+movement, although it lessened its immediate importance in a world that
+was still at war, despite its efforts to prove that peace had come.</p>
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_244">[244]</span></p>
+
+<h2>CHAPTER TWENTY-TWO<br>
+<span class="subhed"><i>THE FALL OF UKRAINE</i></span></h2></div>
+
+
+<p class="drop-cap p-left">Petlyura returned to Kiev with the Direktoria on December 19, 1918 and
+he at once set about to rebuild the shattered structure of the state.
+Conditions were more unfavorable than they had been the year before,
+for the interlude with Skoropadsky had hindered the stabilization of
+Ukraine, even while it had allowed a development of the Bolshevik
+regime and the formation of a strong White Russian movement under
+Denikin. When we add to this the outbreak of the war between the newly
+formed Republic of Western Ukraine and Poland, we can appreciate the
+task that faced the new leader.</p>
+
+<p>The first constructive step was the formal union of the Republic of
+Western Ukraine with the rest of the country. On January 3, 1919, the
+Direktoria voted to accept the Western Ukraine into the state and on
+January 22, just one year after the formal independence of Ukraine had
+been declared by the Council, the representatives of Western Ukraine
+arrived to take their places in the government of the joint state. Dr.
+Longin E. Cehelsky of Western Ukraine read the formal decree of the
+Western Ukrainian Council and the decree of the Ukrainian Council was
+read by Prof. Shvets. It was then declared that, “From to-day until
+the end of time there will be One, Undivided, Independent Ukrainian
+People’s Republic.”</p>
+
+<p>In one sense the measure was inopportune, for the Western Ukrainian
+Republic was already being driven from much of its territory by the
+Poles. As a result it added to the enemies of the state, for Ukraine
+with its almost shadowy armies was now confronting in arms Poland,
+the Soviets<span class="pagenum" id="Page_245">[245]</span> and the White forces of Denikin. It was an overpowering
+combination, even though each of the three enemies was fighting the
+other two.</p>
+
+<p>Within two weeks after the declaration of national unity, the
+Bolsheviks compelled Petlyura to evacuate Kiev. They cut the
+connections between his army and a large part of the troops of Western
+Ukraine and forced the latter to retreat into Romania where they were
+disarmed and interned. Then Petlyura retired to Kaminets Podolsky
+and there, with a small nucleus of troops drawn from all sections of
+the country, he waited for some months while he was preparing a new
+offensive.</p>
+
+<p>Again the Peace Conference and the military missions showed themselves
+at their worst. They were entirely unable to discover whom to fight or
+whom to support. At the moment there were really no organized armies
+in the field. There were merely bands larger or smaller, owing vague
+allegiance to some cause and led by commissars, generals or atamans,
+largely self-appointed and often in absolute disagreement with other
+bands fighting on the same side. Frequently military missions of the
+same countries were present at the front or behind the lines of groups
+that were fighting one another. They were giving contrary directives
+and interfering, doling out supplies and unable to control their use.</p>
+
+<p>Under such conditions Ukraine reverted in large part to a condition
+similar to that in the days of the Ruin of the seventeenth century. The
+country was filled with independent atamans like Makhno, who refused
+to acknowledge any superior command but supported and attacked almost
+every one in turn. These leaders set up their control over small areas
+and proved unable to work out a plan of cooperation in conjunction with
+or in defiance of the Direktoria, but in large part their chaos in the
+beginning was no worse than the condition of their rivals.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_246">[246]</span></p>
+
+<p>In the meanwhile, in the south of Ukraine the international confusion
+was reaching a new high. On December 18, 1918, a French army of some
+12,000 men had landed in Odesa to maintain order and assist the
+“healthy” portions of the population to obtain control. Their first
+action was to expel the Ukrainian forces from the city and appoint a
+White Russian as the governor. Then, with a miscellaneous force of all
+nationalities, the French endeavored to clear the neighborhood and
+finally invoked the aid of a German division which had been unable
+to leave because the followers of Petlyura were in control of the
+surrounding country. The farce and the tragedy continued until Ataman
+Gregoryev, who had formerly served with Petlyura, went over to the
+Bolsheviks and maintained himself in the neighborhood as a nuisance.
+Incidentally, he later broke again with them and fought as a Ukrainian.
+Disorders broke out in the French forces and they withdrew April 6,
+1919. Odesa was entered by a Bolshevik army of less than 2,000 men and
+the large quantity of military stores there fell into their hands. Soon
+after, the other Black Sea ports were taken by the Bolsheviks with as
+small or smaller forces.</p>
+
+<p>During the course of 1919, the situation continued confused. The army
+of Admiral Kolchak, advancing into European Russia from Siberia, had
+been broken but General Denikin was attempting to cut his way north
+and west from the Donets basin. The Allies by this time had convinced
+themselves that the one way of defeating Bolshevism was to arm and
+equip the White Russian armies, which stood for the absolute unity of
+Russia and the denial of all the accomplishments of the Revolution.
+Everywhere that Denikin and his men went, they restored the old
+system, banned the Ukrainian language, closed Ukrainian newspapers and
+bookstores and reverted to the Russian policy of the years before the
+War. The foreign missions had now given up<span class="pagenum" id="Page_247">[247]</span> any idea of utilizing the
+peasant opposition to Bolshevism and the national movements against
+Russia. They had fully accepted the thesis of a monolithic Russia in
+Ukraine. Instead of trying to coordinate the popular movements for
+independence and strengthen them, they turned a deaf ear to all the
+petitions that were presented to them and made it fully evident that
+they were not interested in the attempts of Ukraine and various other
+sections of the old Empire to secure independence.</p>
+
+<p>During this period the Peace Conference was in session in Paris and to
+the annoyance of the delegates, there appeared there representatives of
+the Direktoria to plead for recognition as the government of Ukraine
+along with representatives of many other states. The Allied position
+was singularly unrealistic and even unclear not only to the petitioners
+but to the official delegates themselves.</p>
+
+<p>No one could decide what was to be the position taken toward Russia.
+The high hopes which had been placed upon the Russian Revolution and
+the Provisional Government had been dissipated. The delegates at Paris
+were well aware that this had failed and had fallen definitely before
+the Bolsheviks. They were well aware also that every section of the
+old Empire which was not inhabited by Great Russians was in a state of
+more or less open revolt. All around the borders of the country there
+had been set up governments running from Finland in the north to the
+Turkic tribes of Central Asia, which had been subjugated by Russian
+arms scarcely half a century before. All this rendered it a practical
+policy to accept the disintegration of Russia as they had that of
+Austria-Hungary and create a new federation or a series of independent
+and allied states.</p>
+
+<p>On the other hand, the victorious Allies could not forget the
+sacrifices that had been made by the Russian Empire during the early
+years of the War and they persisted in believing that once Bolshevism
+was overthrown, all of these<span class="pagenum" id="Page_248">[248]</span> new nations would be only too willing to
+join in a new, free, and democratic Russia. They hated to do anything
+that would create a permanent situation. They were equally opposed to
+the efforts of the White Russian armies to form a definite conservative
+government which might be denounced as reactionary and aiming to
+restore the old Russian monarchy. Thus the policy of the Allies toward
+Russia remained in a dangerous position which could only in the long
+run strengthen the power of the Bolsheviks, the only group which was
+not affected by the desires of the Allies and which understood the
+general weakness of the entire Allied policy.</p>
+
+<p>As a result there was made almost no mention of Russia in any of the
+treaties that came out of the Paris Peace Conference, for it was
+intended that the matter should be reconsidered, when, as, and if
+Russia expelled the Bolsheviks and proceeded to hold democratic and
+free elections. This brought about the impossible situation that the
+Congress could seriously consider regulations as to the position of
+Eastern Galicia (Western Ukraine) toward Poland, since the area had
+been under Austria-Hungary, but could not and would not take action in
+regard to that part of Ukraine which had been under Russian rule prior
+to 1914.</p>
+
+<p>The Poles utilized the situation to extend their claims over Western
+Ukraine and they obstinately refused to consider any settlement which
+would establish a political boundary between Poland and Western
+Ukraine, no matter how the case was put forward. Step by step the
+Allies moderated their demands, especially since France insisted
+stubbornly on backing almost all of the Polish claims. Thus on June
+25, the Allied Supreme Council allowed Poland to occupy the territory
+up to the Zbruch River with a proviso that the Poles should guarantee
+local autonomy and freedom of religion to the non-Polish population.
+A little later they again offered to give Poland a twenty-five-year
+mandate<span class="pagenum" id="Page_249">[249]</span> over Eastern Galicia and to grant a plebiscite at the end of
+that time. Then, later in the year, they developed the idea of the
+Curzon line to mark the eastern boundary of the country, but there
+was also the supplementary idea that if Poland occupied land beyond
+this, she might receive it when the future of Russia was settled. In
+view of the weak Polish organization, which was only struggling to its
+feet and was short of all supplies, this idea that the Poles should
+organize a section of Russia by their own efforts could only increase
+the Polish claims. It is therefore not surprising in view of the entire
+tangle that the Peace Treaties provided no definite eastern boundary
+for Poland and in fact do not mention one in the official texts of the
+documents.</p>
+
+<p>Everyone seemed unaware of the fact that Eastern Europe was in a
+turmoil with many forces competing for the mastery. The statesmen and
+still more the masses of the population of the Allied countries knew
+little or nothing about these forces. They saw only problems where they
+desired to find peace, and public sentiment turned against attempts
+to find a difficult but relatively permanent solution to the entire
+problem. The world was sick of this continuing struggle but it could
+find no way of ending it.</p>
+
+<p>It was against this background that Petlyura and the forces of Ukraine
+carried on the struggle during the entire summer of 1919. Yet despite
+all of the hardships of the population and the lack of supplies,
+Petlyura was able to recover the control of Kiev on August 31. Again he
+was unable to hold it, because the Russian army of Denikin moving up
+from the south compelled him to evacuate a few days later. On the other
+hand, hostile as the Poles were to the Ukrainian national committee,
+they were little better pleased at the advance of the White Russian
+armies, even though definite hostilities did not break out between the
+Poles and the Russian armies.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_250">[250]</span></p>
+
+<p>During these months there were four forces competing in the same
+general area. There were the steadily improving Polish forces supported
+by the Allies, especially the French, and constantly gaining in numbers
+and equipment. There were the White Russian armies with the backing
+of all the Allies striving to restore a unified non-Communist Russia.
+There were the Red armies pressing down from the north, fighting to
+spread Communism and to conquer territory. There were finally the
+Ukrainians organized under Petlyura and isolated leaders struggling to
+maintain their political independence. All four were hostile to one
+another but it was easy to see that the position of the Ukrainians
+fighting on their own territory, with no organized base of supplies
+outside of the disputed area, was really the most desperate, for they
+had no way of recruiting and unifying their forces or of securing
+adequate supplies.</p>
+
+<p>Then there broke out an epidemic of typhus. Under this and the
+growing pressure of the hostile armies, the Ukrainian forces began to
+disintegrate. The government of the Western Ukraine was the first that
+was forced into exile, for the Polish hold on Lviv was growing stronger
+with every week and the arrival of new and trained Polish troops
+allowed them to take over the entire province. The leaders retired into
+Romania and then moved to Vienna, where they continued to function as a
+government in exile.</p>
+
+<p>At this moment the growing hostility in the rear of Denikin’s White
+Russian Army came to a head and this as much as the power of the
+Soviets forced him to retreat and retire from the scene. Soon there
+was only the Crimea left in the hands of the White Russians. Yet the
+damage had already been done. Petlyura and the Ukrainians were not in
+a position to take over and organize the territory which Denikin had
+evacuated and it passed back into the hands of the Red forces, so that
+by the spring of 1920 nearly all of Great Ukraine was in the hands of
+the Bolsheviks. Petlyura<span class="pagenum" id="Page_251">[251]</span> and the remains of his organized forces were
+pushed on to Polish soil and the general cause seemed lost.</p>
+
+<p>Just then Petlyura made an important decision. He signed a treaty of
+peace with the Polish government which recognized the Direktoria as the
+government of an independent Ukrainian National Republic. This was the
+first recognition of Ukraine that had been officially granted since the
+Conference of Brest-Litovsk and there were high hopes that something
+might be saved from the wreckage of the last years.</p>
+
+<p>The treaty was signed on April 21, 1920 and four days later the Polish
+army, with what was left of Petlyura’s forces, marched on Kiev.
+There was little effective opposition and on May 6 a division of the
+Ukrainian Army and its Polish allies entered the city, almost without
+a battle. They even occupied a bridgehead on the east bank of the
+Dnyeper, and it seemed as if it would be possible to begin the work of
+rebuilding the shattered country.</p>
+
+<p>Again there came disappointment. The Polish forces far outnumbered
+those actually under Ukrainian command. The sight of the Poles in Kiev
+annoyed and angered many of the more ardent Ukrainians and they blamed
+Petlyura for his alliance and for his abandonment of Western Ukraine.
+Memories of the century-long hostility with the Poles were stirred up
+and the actions of some of the Poles increased the tension. The result
+was that Petlyura was not able to secure rapidly the support that he
+had hoped for among the Ukrainian population, especially as Kiev was
+still filled with Russian refugees and sympathizers, many of whom
+preferred the Bolsheviks as a government in Moscow to the Ukrainians.</p>
+
+<p>At the same time the Polish military situation was none too brilliant.
+Under the influence of the military tactics of the World War and its
+elaborate trench systems, little attention was paid to the service
+of supply behind the lines<span class="pagenum" id="Page_252">[252]</span> and the armies at the front were poorly
+supplied. Liaison between the various armies and divisions was bad and
+there was a possibility that an energetic attack by the Bolsheviks
+might jeopardize the situation.</p>
+
+<p>This did happen early in June, just one month after Petlyura resumed
+the attempt to organize the government and the Ukrainian army. The
+cavalry force of General Budenny succeeded in crossing the Dnyeper and
+placing itself in the Polish rear. The Poles were immediately forced to
+retreat and they abandoned Ukraine. Petlyura and his men had to retire
+with them and Kiev passed back into Bolshevik hands.</p>
+
+<p>The results were worse than at any time before, for while the Poles
+held well within the province of Eastern Galicia or Western Ukraine
+and Lviv was not seriously menaced, another Soviet attack from the
+north swept to the very outskirts of Warsaw. Here the Bolsheviks were
+definitely stopped in a great battle on the Vistula, between August
+13 and 20, and they were thrown back in a disastrous rout. The Poles
+followed them almost as rapidly as they retreated and by October 12
+had recovered nearly all the territory that they had held before the
+advance on Kiev. Then an armistice was signed, and this was followed by
+the Treaty of Riga which determined the frontiers between Poland and
+the Soviets until 1939.</p>
+
+<p>In this agreement Ukraine was entirely forgotten. Poland held on to
+Western Ukraine substantially in the form in which it had existed
+under Austro-Hungarian rule and it acquired a considerable stretch of
+Ukrainian land to the east. In return the government dissociated itself
+from the efforts of the Ukrainians to secure independence and Great
+Ukraine was again deprived of any possibility of foreign assistance.
+Petlyura was forced into exile with the whole of the Directoria, and
+only unorganized and scattered bands<span class="pagenum" id="Page_253">[253]</span> continued to carry on a futile
+and hopeless struggle against the Red armies.</p>
+
+<p>Thus, after more than three years of diplomacy and of fighting, the
+hopes of the Ukrainians to be masters in their own house were dashed
+to the ground. Their endeavors to create a democratic republic had
+ended only in disaster. Their leaders were dead or in exile and the
+population were helpless in the hands of their new masters. It was
+a sad and discouraging ending to a gallant attempt to profit by the
+collapse of the two great Empires that had long held them in subjection
+and had attempted to eliminate them from political life.</p>
+
+<p>It is easy to criticize the actions of the Ukrainian people and their
+governments during this troublous time and to point out that all too
+often they paralleled some of the more unsatisfactory aspects of the
+behavior of the Kozak Host in the seventeenth century. Yet this is
+hardly fair, for the dilemma of Ukraine standing alone was exactly
+that of all the other states in the area. A large part of the peasant
+population were far more interested in the solution of agrarian
+problems, of land reform, etc. than they were in the purely national
+revolution. They did not realize that the two had to be carried on
+simultaneously and they could not visualize all the changes that were
+being introduced into the country.</p>
+
+<p>Their dilemma was only increased by the long period of hesitation on
+the part of the Great Powers at Paris and elsewhere. These wavered so
+continuously between support of Russian unification and aid to the
+various separatist groups that they were unable to exert their full
+power to bring about any satisfactory settlement. Step by step they had
+allowed the Russian Bolsheviks to infiltrate into the various national
+republics that had been set up, and finally only Finland and the three
+Baltic states of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania, which had direct
+access to the sea, survived.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_254">[254]</span> At the same time their policy had failed
+to gain support for the White Russians even in purely Russian territory
+and had only succeeded in producing exactly the opposite results of
+what they wished.</p>
+
+<p>It might seem that the Ukrainian problem had thus been settled in a
+way that was to be permanent. Yet it had become more serious than
+before and it had been definitely pushed on to the international arena,
+whether they wished it or not. Exactly as the Kozak wars had removed
+Ukraine from a purely Polish problem, so now the Ukrainian ghost was to
+be present at all international gatherings, whether it was mentioned or
+not. It is not too much to say that the final collapse of the Ukrainian
+national government awoke far larger masses of the population to the
+reality of the question than had even the Ukrainian declaration of
+independence, and for that reason the name of Ukraine began to play an
+even more important role on the map of Europe than it had done before.</p>
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_255">[255]</span></p>
+
+<h2>CHAPTER TWENTY-THREE<br>
+<span class="subhed"><i>WESTERN UKRAINE</i></span></h2></div>
+
+
+<p class="drop-cap p-left">By the summer of 1919 Polish military control had been extended over
+the whole of Western Ukraine and the alliance between Petlyura and the
+Polish government early in 1920 ratified the dismemberment of the joint
+state which had been so enthusiastically proclaimed a year before.
+Finally the Treaty of Riga between Poland and the Soviets secured from
+the latter the recognition of Polish control.</p>
+
+<p>There remained only one hope for the exiled government of Western
+Ukraine, and that was the Council of Ambassadors of the victorious
+Allies. They held out as did the Peace Conference against Polish
+control of the country but their opposition steadily diminished. France
+was strongly backing Poland and the Conference as a whole had no
+definite ideas as to the future. It definitely awarded Western Galicia
+to Poland, but on November 20, 1919 there was adopted a resolution
+providing that Poland should hold Eastern Galicia for twenty-five years
+under a mandate from the League of Nations, that there should be an
+Eastern Galician Diet with a representative in the Polish cabinet, that
+there should be broad autonomy for the province, and that at the end of
+the period there should be a plebiscite. Poland naturally refused to
+accept this solution and there was no one of the Allied Powers that was
+willing and able to enforce its decision.</p>
+
+<p>The attitude of Poland was unfortunate. The national spirit which
+had survived the dismemberment of the country and had even under
+desperate conditions been able to rouse the country to the recovery
+of its liberty was firmly imbued with the spirit of the past. During
+the centuries<span class="pagenum" id="Page_256">[256]</span> of Polish greatness, the Poles had been unwilling to
+concede any rights to the Ukrainians. They had never been able to solve
+the problems of the Kozak Host and they had been bitterly opposed to
+the Orthodox Church. Just as the failure to create a working agreement
+with the Ukrainians during the seventeenth century had precipitated
+the disastrous Kozak wars which had broken the state, so there was
+still an unwillingness to recognize that conditions in 1919 were also
+fundamentally different from those in 1600. The spirit of continuity
+was so strong that no Polish statesman could remain in power for a
+single instant if he cast any reflection on the policy of the old
+Poland in regard to its neighbors. The Polish control of Galicia during
+the Austrian regime merely confirmed them in the consciousness of their
+own rectitude.</p>
+
+<p>The proclamation of the Republic of Western Ukraine in 1918 and the
+resulting struggle between the Poles and the Western Ukrainians only
+increased the bitterness which had been developed by history. At the
+same time, the brief taste of independence on the part of Western
+Ukraine had also given the Ukrainians an increased sense of their own
+dignity, their own unity and their national identity. The ambiguous
+position adopted by the Peace Conference served only to convince both
+parties that they were well within their rights and served to make any
+reconciliation still more difficult.</p>
+
+<p>It is not at all impossible that the history of Europe would have been
+very different, if in 1919 there had been on the scene and in control
+men of the breath of vision of Hadiach, whereby Rus’ was recognized
+as a third component part of a Great Poland, on a par with Poland and
+Lithuania. The Soviet occupation of Eastern Ukraine was really leaving
+Western Ukraine to itself; with its bitter opposition to Communism and
+proper diplomacy it might have joined a great federation which would
+have solved the problem of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_257">[257]</span> eastern Europe. No one of any prominence
+put forward or even tried to secure a hearing for any such plan,
+and it is hard to see what would have been the position of Western
+Ukraine, had the proposal to grant it a plebiscite twenty-five years
+in the future been carried out. It could only have meant a continued
+unsettlement in policy and can become intelligible only if it is
+assumed that the Conference at Paris believed that within that time
+the entire Ukrainian problem would have been settled and that Eastern
+Galicia or Western Ukraine would then vote itself into union with
+the rest of the country. If that is true, then there is the further
+question as to why the Conference bound itself so strictly to its
+furtherance of the White Russian armies and the unity of Russia that
+it refused to send supplies to the Ukrainian forces who were still
+struggling against the overwhelming power of the Reds.</p>
+
+<p>Whatever may have been the motives back of the actions at Paris,
+the Poles determined to produce a unified state in which the power
+would be entirely in Polish hands. They realized that a considerable
+portion of the Ukrainians living in Eastern Galicia had already been
+Polonized, that, for example, the brother of Archbishop Sheptitsky was
+the Chief of Staff in the Polish army, and they still believed that
+in a relatively few years the restored Poland could so accelerate the
+process that the province would be thoroughly absorbed into a unified
+state.</p>
+
+<p>As a result, during the formative years, the Constituent Diet of Poland
+was elected at a time when Western Ukraine was still in arms in support
+of its own government and hence there was no reason why the Ukrainians
+should vote in the Polish elections. Thus in the formation of the
+Polish Constitution they had no vote and the power rested entirely in
+the hands of the Polish nationalists who were the strong supporters
+of a centralized state. Even later, in 1922 since under the decree of
+the Peace Conference, Eastern<span class="pagenum" id="Page_258">[258]</span> Galicia was supposed to have its own
+independent Diet, the Ukrainians again declined to vote for delegates
+to the Polish Diet, contrary to the decrees of the Peace Conference
+and the Council of Ambassadors that continued its work. There was thus
+produced an impasse between the Polish and Ukrainian points of view
+which could only add to the general bitterness and this required the
+most careful handling on the Polish part.</p>
+
+<p>In the fall of 1922, the Polish Diet did go so far as to pass a law
+providing for the creation of a special regime in the provinces of
+Lviv, Ternopil and Stanislaviv. Under this there was to be in each
+province a Polish and a Ukrainian diet which was to have certain powers
+dealing with local conditions and the ability to act separately on
+matters pertaining to one nationality. It was also provided that there
+should be founded a Ukrainian university. All these reforms were to
+be inaugurated within two years. It would have been an improvement on
+conditions as they then were, but it was far from the regime visualized
+by the Peace Conference and certainly was not an answer to the
+Ukrainian demands.</p>
+
+<p>These reforms, however, were never carried into practice, for on March
+14, 1923, the Council of Ambassadors yielded completely, and formally
+granted Eastern Galicia to Poland with the statement that Poland
+recognized that autonomy was needed in the area and that by signing the
+treaty providing for the rights of minorities, she had bound herself to
+do all that was needed. To all intents and purposes, this decision gave
+Poland a free hand. The exiled government of Western Ukraine formally
+protested and there were enormous demonstrations in Lviv and elsewhere
+against it, but there was nothing to be done. Once the unification had
+been achieved, Poland felt herself free to proceed as if nothing had
+happened. There was henceforth no talk in Warsaw of any autonomy for
+Eastern Galicia.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_259">[259]</span></p>
+
+<p>Even before this, the Polish government had interfered with all
+Ukrainian cultural and financial institutions. It had even placed in
+custody Archbishop Sheptitsky when he returned from a trip to America
+in 1921, despite the influence that he exerted on the Ukrainians to
+maintain public order. It had carried out its claims that the Ukrainian
+movement was essentially a subversive movement, even though at the time
+there was a certain recognition of the privileged status of Eastern
+Galicia by the same international organs that were responsible for the
+creation of Poland itself.</p>
+
+<p>The recognition of Eastern Galicia as part of Poland in 1923 presented
+the Western Ukrainians with a new situation. They had henceforth to
+decide whether to accept their position as a definite part of Poland
+or to continue to struggle for independence. The latter position
+was taken by the Ukrainian Military Organization, headed by Col.
+Evhen Konovalets, a former regimental commander. This body carried
+out various acts of terrorism against individual members of the
+Polish government who were prominent in the suppression of Ukrainian
+activities. Another group, composed largely of intellectuals, like
+Professor Hrushevsky, accepted the invitation of the Ukrainian Soviet
+Republic to transfer the centre of their activities to Kiev. Professor
+Hrushevsky left Vienna, where much of the Ukrainian organized activity
+had been concentrated. The vast majority, however, began to tend toward
+such activity in the Polish state as they were permitted, without for
+a moment giving up the right of Ukraine to its independence in the
+future. Thus in 1923 the Ukrainians took part in the Polish elections
+and a considerable number took their seats in the Diet, while their
+leader, Dmytro Levitsky, declared publicly that they had not renounced
+their ideals of independence and that they considered all treaties
+denying the rights of the Ukrainian people to national<span class="pagenum" id="Page_260">[260]</span> independence to
+be without any legal basis.</p>
+
+<p>From year to year the struggle changed its form as various measures
+were put into effect by the Polish government to break down the solid
+block of Ukrainians living in Eastern Galicia and to introduce Poles
+into the area. Thus the Poles in their laws for breaking up large
+estates settled on these estates groups of Polish veterans in the
+hope that they might destroy the Ukrainian voting majority. They
+banned the use of Ukrainian in other than the three provinces in
+which the Ukrainians were a majority. They refused any steps toward
+the organization of a Ukrainian university and they did their best to
+limit the number of schools in which Ukrainian was used as the language
+of instruction. Again and again they initiated movements to close
+Ukrainian cultural, economic and even athletic organizations by arguing
+that they were merely being used for subversive activities.</p>
+
+<p>During the early years after the War, the relations between
+Czechoslovakia and Poland were badly strained. The Czechs accused
+the Poles of inciting the Slovaks and in return they opened their
+own institutions to offer refuge to the Ukrainians from Eastern
+Galicia. There was established at Prague a Ukrainian Free University,
+a Ukrainian Historical and Philological Society, a Union of Ukrainian
+Physicians of Czechoslovakia, a Museum of Ukraine’s Struggle for
+Liberation, and a Ukrainian Agricultural School at Podebrady. While
+these were ostensibly open to Ukrainians of all regions, they were
+for all intents and purposes largely catering to people from Eastern
+Galicia who had fled from Polish rule.</p>
+
+<p>The Ukrainian cause was kept alive before the League of Nations and
+other international bodies by a continuous stream of protests against
+Polish atrocities against the Ukrainians. These reached their height in
+1930, when the Polish army was sent into the Ukrainian areas to pacify
+the population<span class="pagenum" id="Page_261">[261]</span> and the acts of repression and cruelties practiced upon
+the village populations increased. Ukrainian institutions of every kind
+were closed, concentration camps were established, and the country was
+on the verge of a real revolt. Again an appeal was taken to the League
+of Nations, and in 1931 the League decided after some hearings that
+there was no direct persecution but that many of the Polish officials
+were undoubtedly showing excessive zeal in carrying out their orders.
+It was the kind of decision that could not settle the situation and
+restore peace to the area, for the Poles still insisted that the
+Ukrainians were and of right ought to be loyal Polish subjects, even
+though they were refused any positions of authority in the Ukrainian
+areas and very few were admitted to the Polish University of Lviv.</p>
+
+<p>Yet it must be remembered that all Ukrainian life was not stopped and
+controlled by the Polish government. Thus in 1929 they allowed the
+organization of a Ukrainian Scientific Institute in Warsaw in the hope
+that it would outshine the Shevchenko Scientific Society of Lviv, and
+that it would not develop the national and political consciousness that
+there would be in an organization in Lviv, where the entire historical
+tradition was permeated with the old struggle between the Ukrainians
+and Poles.</p>
+
+<p>There was no open attempt to destroy the various Ukrainian political
+parties which were able to elect members of the Diet. These parties
+represented all points of view, from conservatives to socialists, and
+their members had the same general treatment as members of the Polish
+parties. Yet their growth and functioning were hampered rather by
+administrative restrictions than by downright and open dissolution.
+There was no attempt to deny the Ukrainian character or traditions
+except in so far as the Poles argued that they were Polish citizens and
+therefore should develop Polish culture rather than their own national
+usages.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_262">[262]</span></p>
+
+<p>The Poles were obsessed with the idea that there might develop a strong
+movement for joining their brothers in the Ukrainian Soviet Republic.
+It is true that during the period of Ukrainization there did spring
+up a certain amount of reciprocity but this remained purely on an
+intellectual plane. Bad as conditions were in Poland, the Ukrainians
+showed no desire, except in the case of isolated Communists, to join
+their brothers and become their companions in misery. Communists were
+conspicuously absent in the Ukrainian organizations, for the iron veil
+which grew up around the boundaries of the Soviet Union had separated
+families and villages, and the few refugees who succeeded in crossing
+into Poland did not give encouraging pictures of life under the Soviets.</p>
+
+<p>The Poles were even more suspicious of the Ukrainian Orthodox than
+they were of the Greek Catholics. They endeavored to form a Polish
+Orthodox Church but this remained either Russian or Ukrainian speaking
+and never was coordinated into an efficient whole, for it reflected
+the differences of the Orthodox in the different provinces. However,
+in 1938, in a tactless move the Poles seized over a hundred Orthodox
+Churches and closed them on the pretext that they had once been Uniat
+and that therefore they were not properly in Orthodox hands. Such an
+act, which drew the protest of Metropolitan Sheptitsky, only succeeded
+in antagonizing both the Uniats and the Orthodox against the Poles and
+in bringing the two religious groups closer together. It was another of
+the many mistakes that were made in the handling of the problem.</p>
+
+<p>It goes without saying that the policy of avoiding a clearcut
+settlement of the Ukrainian question reacted badly on the general
+position of Poland, for it created the tendency among the Ukrainians to
+seek for foreign support. At first they found this in Czechoslovakia,
+which gave refuge to the anti-Polish forces among the Ukrainians. Later
+some factions<span class="pagenum" id="Page_263">[263]</span> tended to look toward Germany for refuge and help.</p>
+
+<p>In 1934 some of the conservative Ukrainians made an attempt to
+“normalize” their relations with the Poles and to take a more active
+part in the life of the country. Again these attempts really came to
+nothing, for the Polish government used them as a sign of Ukrainian
+weakening and felt that they did not require mutual concession. As
+a result the Ukrainians received little actual relief and this in
+turn only called out renewed terrorist attacks, renewed attempts at
+pacification and the closing of Ukrainian institutions.</p>
+
+<p>Despite all of these bitter political feuds, the Ukrainian population,
+even during the years of depression, continued to solidify its position
+in the state. Its co-operative organizations increased in numbers, in
+capital and in membership. They became steadily more important and that
+progress that had been noted during the last years of Austro-Hungarian
+rule proceeded at an even more rapid tempo. The self-consciousness
+that had come to the Ukrainians through their attempt at independence
+made them more aware of their role and influence in the country and
+especially in their special areas than they had been before the War.
+Attempts to divide them into Ukrainians and Ruthenians on the ground
+of religious and economic differences fell upon sterile soil. By 1939
+the Ukrainians of the West were in a much better position than they had
+been at any time in the past.</p>
+
+<p>The situation in Western Ukraine aroused grave anxiety on the part of
+many sincere friends of Poland as the hour for the Second World War
+drew near, It presented many elements of danger to the Polish state
+and this danger was magnified by the policy that was adopted by every
+political party among the Poles. It seemed impossible for them to
+realize that conditions had changed with the abolition of serfdom. That
+same controversy which had broken<span class="pagenum" id="Page_264">[264]</span> out in the days when Galicia was
+still subject to Austria-Hungary continued as a mutual feud, especially
+in such areas as Lviv, where there was a large Polish as well as a
+Ukrainian population.</p>
+
+<p>The Poles fanned the flame of discord by their policy of antagonism
+and by their inability to see the justice of any of the Ukrainian
+demands. The restored Polish republic continued on the fatal path of
+the seventeenth century by overemphasizing on the one hand a supposed
+desire of the Ukrainians to join the Soviet Union as they had joined
+Russia earlier, and on the other, by underestimating the strength of
+the entire Ukrainian movement. They turned their attention and gave
+their confidence only to those people who had been completely Polonized
+and they ignored the long and unbroken struggle for equal rights
+which the Ukrainians had been carrying on for centuries in the old
+Poland, under the rule of the conquerors and later. An isolated and
+non-Communist Western Ukraine might have been brought into a Poland
+constructed on federal lines, but it could not feel happy as part of
+a unified state in which it was treated as inferior in every way and
+which was openly working for its complete absorption. After the failure
+of the Ukrainian Republic, the Poles regarded the question as closed,
+and their very insistence upon this only intensified that opposition
+which they fought constantly and affected to ignore. As a result
+Western Ukraine remained as a sore in the body politic of Poland,
+instead of becoming an element of strength and just as in the past, so
+in the present, the feud worked out to the marked disadvantage of both
+sides.</p>
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_265">[265]</span></p>
+
+<h2>CHAPTER TWENTY-FOUR<br>
+<span class="subhed"><i>CARPATHO-UKRAINE</i></span></h2></div>
+
+
+<p class="drop-cap p-left">The fate of Carpatho-Ukraine was quite different. It was represented
+in the negotiations that led up to the formation of the Republic of
+Western Ukraine, but when the Western Ukrainian armies were forced
+eastward by the Poles, the district was left isolated and the various
+groups came together and decided upon union with Czechoslovakia.</p>
+
+<p>The ideas of the population on this point were somewhat hazy. They
+envisaged a situation where they would form a state within a state,
+possessing practically complete autonomy, very similar to the position
+of Hungary in the Austro-Hungarian Empire. In this connection they were
+also influenced by the Slovaks, who had dreams of holding a similar
+status. On the other hand, the Czechs certainly thought of a unified
+state of the same general type as France and it was the Czech ideas
+that were carried out in practice.</p>
+
+<p>On the whole the population of Carpatho-Ukraine was far more
+undeveloped politically and nationally than were the other sections.
+There were practically no schools in the area and what schools there
+were conducted instruction in Hungarian. The Hungarian government also
+had been extremely effective in imbuing the educated classes of its
+minorities with the idea that their future depended upon merging their
+own interests with those of the dominant Magyars. As a result there
+were few, outside of the clergy, who had any vital understanding of the
+cause of the people.</p>
+
+<p>Besides that, the Ukrainian revival in these northern Hungarian
+counties had not progressed as far since 1848 as it had among the
+other sections of the Ukrainian people.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_266">[266]</span> While there was an active
+Ukrainian group in the area, there were also many people who insisted,
+contrary to all philological and cultural facts, that their language
+was an archaic dialect of Russian and they looked to Russia for all
+improvement in their status. This was particularly true of the Orthodox
+in the area, even though their bishops were still nominally dependent
+upon the Patriarch of Constantinople who retained the same vague powers
+of control that he had in mediaeval Kiev. Many of these people, even
+when they desired to be free of Hungarian control, still treasured some
+sort of belief that they should be attached to Russia and refused to
+consider merging their lot with that of the other Ukrainians.</p>
+
+<p>Economic conditions were very bad and the mountainous nature of the
+country was responsible for difficulties in communication between the
+various mountain valleys, which formed the headwaters of the rivers
+flowing down into the Hungarian plains to the south. Many of the
+younger men and women emigrated or at least went down to Hungary as
+seasonal laborers and the relations with the northern slopes of the
+Carpathians were rather weak.</p>
+
+<p>With such a background, effective organization was very difficult
+and the Czechs, although they signed a definite agreement with the
+representatives of the Carpatho-Ukrainians to grant the country as much
+autonomy as was consistent with the unity of the state, did not hurry
+themselves to apply this. On the contrary, they took the attitude that
+the people would fall of necessity under the control of the Hungarians
+and the Jews if they were allowed to handle their own affairs, and they
+sent large numbers of Czechs into the area to carry on the essential
+government services. There was at times a Carpatho-Ukrainian governor
+but his powers were severely limited by the Czech officials who
+surrounded him.</p>
+
+<p>At the same time the Czechs opened large numbers of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_267">[267]</span> schools in the
+area and they did much to spread literacy among the population. It is
+certain that during the first ten years of Czech control, the people
+of the area were far better off than at any time under Hungary. Yet
+the improving conditions could not fail to increase the national
+consciousness of the people. It was the Czech hope that when a new
+generation, educated in Prague, came into the important offices of
+the region, they would be completely satisfied with their position in
+Czechoslovakia and that any separatist feelings would be assuaged.</p>
+
+<p>The increase of literacy had another effect upon the people. In the
+past many had been content to talk their own dialect without any
+thought of grammatical accuracy. Village differed from village and
+there were the same differences that had appeared earlier throughout
+Ukraine when the first writers were adopting and working out literary
+Ukrainian. It became evident that the old ambiguous situation would
+pass away. The children in school read Shevchenko and Franko and
+the other Ukrainian authors and the general trend was to develop
+Carpatho-Ukraine along the same general lines. This displeased many of
+those people who had a sentimental attachment to Russian. They tended
+to gravitate toward the use of true Great Russian and many of them fell
+under Communist influence.</p>
+
+<p>Thus, the period between the Wars was one largely of intensifying the
+national feeling in the country and one of considerable material and
+intellectual improvement and development. On the whole there were
+relatively few of those disorders which had marked the liquidation
+of the Republic of Western Ukraine by Poland. Yet tensions continued
+to increase, especially after 1925 when the reforms in Hungary by
+Jeremiah Smith, acting as financial representative of the League
+of Nations, forced the return to the area of many of the former
+Hungarian-sympathizing Carpatho-Ukrainians who had been able to
+establish themselves<span class="pagenum" id="Page_268">[268]</span> in white collar jobs in Hungary. They tried to
+recover their old position in the community but were prevented by the
+Czech authorities, and so they began an underground campaign to win the
+country over to its former rulers.</p>
+
+<p>In 1928 the Czechoslovak government reorganized the whole section as
+the province of Podkarpatska Rus, but it still hesitated to grant local
+autonomy and the diet that had been promised to the population and had
+been persistently withheld. As a result there grew up a marked coolness
+between the population and the central government in Prague, which
+continued to waver between a definite support of those groups which
+were conscious of their Ukrainian character and those which believed
+themselves some kind of Russians. In all this the relations between the
+Czechs and the Russians played a considerable part. After the signing
+of a treaty of alliance between Czechoslovakia and the Soviet Union in
+1933, the Czechs gradually lessened any support of the Ukrainophile
+party and at the same time they dropped some of their more ardent
+support of the Ukrainians in Prague.</p>
+
+<p>Ill feeling was also generated in the province by the results of the
+depression. This had struck hardest in the Sudeten German areas, where
+the glass trade was especially affected. It coincided with the rise
+of the Henlein party under the influence of the Nazi seizure of power
+in Germany and with the strengthening of the followers of Monsignor
+Andrew Hlinka in Slovakia, with their demand for full autonomy there.
+Naturally all this was carried over into the province of Podkarpatska
+Rus and some of those groups which had formerly leaned upon Hungary now
+looked toward Germany for support.</p>
+
+<p>The situation came to a head after the dismemberment of Czechoslovakia
+at Munich in 1938. The immediate result was the setting up of the
+so-called Second Republic,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_269">[269]</span> which was greatly decentralized. As
+a result, for the first time Carpatho-Ukraine received the local
+diet which had been promised and refused time after time during the
+preceding twenty years.</p>
+
+<p>This marked a new period of hope not only for the Ukrainians of
+Carpatho-Ukraine but also for Ukrainians throughout the world.
+Satisfaction in this was however mitigated by the fact that the
+Germans, to please Hungary, had turned over to that country large
+sections of the land, including the two chief cities of Uzhorod
+and Mukachevo, in which the leading educational and governmental
+institutions were located. The government was then compelled to meet
+in Hust, a small provincial town which contained almost no facilities.
+Yet despite all the hardships and the difficulties in setting up a
+government, the Ukrainians were enthusiastic, for now, at last, there
+was again a centre where Ukrainian life could develop freely without
+undue foreign interference. The Czech officials were recalled and the
+increasing autonomy of Slovakia completely isolated Carpatho-Ukraine
+from Czech influence. Ukrainians from all sections of the dismembered
+country flocked to Hust and were able to offer great help and
+assistance to the local population. Steps were taken to organize a
+small army and as in 1918 they took the name of the Riflemen of the
+Zaporozhian Sich. They unfurled the blue and yellow standard of Ukraine
+and it became clear to all that Carpatho-Ukraine was on the way to
+becoming a free and independent state.</p>
+
+<p>Under the conditions that prevailed, it was necessary for the young
+state to remain on friendly terms with Nazi Germany and to seek
+its protection against Hungary which was claiming the whole of its
+territory. The first Prime Minister, Andrew Brody, was soon removed by
+the Czechoslovak government in one of its last acts outside the borders
+of Bohemia and Moravia. The power then passed to Monsignor<span class="pagenum" id="Page_270">[270]</span> Andrew
+Voloshyn, who worked hard and steadily to make the new state successful.</p>
+
+<p>Throughout the winter of 1938–9 progress went on. There were repeated
+difficulties with Poland, which wished Hungary to annex the territory
+so as to remove the sympathy and support which the Ukrainians of
+Eastern Galicia felt for this new centre of Ukrainian freedom. Hungary
+continued to press demands upon the new state. Yet President Voloshyn
+had definite promises from Germany that its independence would be
+safeguarded and that peace would be maintained.</p>
+
+<p>Then came another of those inscrutable changes on the part of Hitler
+that had so much to do with the downfall of Nazi Germany. It was
+commonly believed that Hitler, in his hatred of both Communism and
+Poland, would use the little state of Carpatho-Ukraine as a centre of
+Ukrainian propaganda. It was thought that he would foment discontent
+in Eastern Galicia, arouse a revolt there and allow the Ukrainians of
+Eastern Galicia and Carpatho-Ukraine to unite. Then optimists believed
+that ultimately the pressure of Germany would result in the liberation
+of Eastern Ukraine and that Ukraine would again be free, even if it
+was compelled to remain within the German sphere of influence. Some
+Ukrainian leaders, even if they were democratic and opposed to the
+principles of Nazism, saw in this the same situation that had occurred
+at the time of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk when Ukraine could find no
+support in any other quarter.</p>
+
+<p>It was not to be. The German policy can only be understood on the
+assumption that friendly relations had already been established
+between the Nazis and the Communists. On March 13, at the urging
+of Hitler, Slovakia declared its complete independence and this
+completely separated Carpatho-Ukraine from the rest of Czechoslovakia.
+On March 15, the German troops moved into Prague and on the same<span class="pagenum" id="Page_271">[271]</span> day
+Carpatho-Ukraine formally declared its independence.</p>
+
+<p>It was almost the last act of the tragedy. The day before, Hungary,
+more powerful and willingly a satellite of the Nazis, sent an ultimatum
+to the new government. Voloshyn appealed to Hitler to stand by his
+promises to maintain the independence of the country and was rudely
+rebuffed on the ground that the situation had entirely changed. Without
+any delay the Hungarian troops, which had been well-armed by the
+Germans, crossed the boundary of Carpatho-Ukraine and attacked Hust.
+The Riflemen of the Sich fought bravely under the leadership of the
+Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists, the head of which was Colonel
+Andrew Melnyk, but their light weapons were useless before the heavier
+guns of the Hungarians. The government with President Voloshyn, was
+forced to flee to Romania and there offered to place itself under
+Romanian control. The offer was refused.</p>
+
+<p>The Hungarians met with severe opposition from the little army of
+Carpatho-Ukraine and from the armed peasants whose knowledge of the
+country served them in good stead. By the beginning of May, the
+country had been pacified and brought under full Hungarian control.
+Its constitution and name were wiped out, the Hungarian language was
+introduced, and the Hungarian government did everything in its power
+to bring conditions back to what they had been in 1918. Schools were
+closed or Magyarized. Ukrainian institutions were liquidated and a new
+era of oppression opened for those people who had been but a few days
+before jubilant over their newly won independence.</p>
+
+<p>Apparently the change of policy was connected with the plans of Hitler
+to come to terms with Stalin for the division of Eastern Europe, and
+the weakening of anti-Communist Ukrainian movements was part of the
+larger design. Yet it had a very important result. It completely
+destroyed the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_272">[272]</span> unnatural alliance between the democratic Ukrainians and
+the Nazi Germans. It ended any lingering dreams that there might be a
+real friendship between the Germans and the Ukrainians. The result was
+that during the next months and years there were no further attempts
+to secure German support. When in the fall of 1939 Germany attacked
+Poland, there did not come any revolt in Eastern Galicia against the
+Poles, despite the increasingly severe measures taken by the Polish
+government, and when Germany finally attacked the Soviet Union, she
+secured more aid from the dissatisfied Russians than she did from the
+Ukrainians whom she had so flagrantly abandoned.</p>
+
+<p>The development of Carpatho-Ukraine was then only another one of the
+unsuccessful Ukrainian attempts to win liberty for at least one part of
+the divided country, but it showed the growing feeling of unity that
+existed amid the overwhelming tragedies of the past years. It played
+a disproportionate role in the fateful year of 1939 and it emphasized
+anew the important strategic position of Carpatho-Ukraine and indeed of
+Ukraine as a whole in the coming struggles.</p>
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_273">[273]</span></p>
+
+<h2>CHAPTER TWENTY-FIVE.<br>
+<span class="subhed"><i>THE UKRAINIAN SOVIET REPUBLIC</i></span></h2></div>
+
+
+<p class="drop-cap p-left">The seizure of power in Russia by the Bolsheviks gave them the
+opportunity to carry out their theories of government, which were
+in marked variance to all previous political thought. Hitherto,
+everywhere in the world there had been attempts to set up national
+or dynastic governments located in definite areas of the earth’s
+surface. The Soviets now cast all this into the wastebasket and in
+their zeal for an international and worldwide revolution, they planned
+to build a government based upon the worldwide community of interests
+of the workers and peasants. In theory at least this was to be an
+international government and they had high hopes that the laboring
+classes of the world would rally to their standard.</p>
+
+<p>It happened that Lenin, Trotsky, and also the vast majority of the
+other leaders were Russian and that the seat of the government was in
+Moscow, but in theory they cared very little about Russia as such.
+In the first heat of their enthusiasm, they even went so far as to
+recognize the equality of all the nationalities in the old Russian
+Empire and allow them full self-determination and even the right
+of secession. The old organization was completely wiped out and a
+new structure, the Russian Soviet Federated Socialist Republic, was
+established.</p>
+
+<p>At this moment the Ukrainian National Republic was struggling to
+its feet and the demand was growing for a declaration of complete
+independence which was finally adopted on January 9/22, 1918, as we
+have seen. It might have been assumed that this coincided with the
+decrees adopted by the Bolsheviks and that the way was now<span class="pagenum" id="Page_274">[274]</span> cleared for
+the development of an independent Ukraine. Yet this explanation was too
+simple, for the Bolsheviks had another string to their bow and they had
+already commenced to play it.</p>
+
+<p>The Ukrainian Council was an organization working along democratic
+lines. The Bolsheviks therefore declared that it did not represent the
+workers and peasants. After their discomfiture in Kiev in December,
+1917 they retired to Kharkiv and there, on December 13, proclaimed
+the existence of a Ukrainian Soviet Republic which would satisfy the
+conditions for a real workers’ and peasants’ government. It made no
+difference to them that the leaders of this movement were not primarily
+Ukrainian, that its organization had been pushed by various Russian
+bands which had penetrated into Ukraine, and that its first military
+support was furnished by Russian Communists.</p>
+
+<p>This group appointed a Committee which became the executive body under
+the name of the All-Ukrainian Revolutionary Committee on January 3,
+1918. This consisted of Manuilsky, a Ukrainian who had long lived
+in Russia, Rakovsky, a Bulgarian or Romanian Jew, Hrynko, and two
+Ukrainian politicians, Zatonsky and Skrypnyk. They proceeded to carry
+out the regular Soviet plan of organization and on February 14,
+announced a federation with the Russian Soviet Republic. The Soviets
+introduced members of this group at the Conference in Brest Litovsk
+with the Germans and insisted that it was the true representative
+government of Ukraine, but they were compelled to recognize the
+regularly constituted Ukrainian government.</p>
+
+<p>The question was more or less academic during the years of civil war,
+when the Ukrainian government was struggling against overwhelming odds
+to maintain its new-won independence. Yet in theory it was fighting
+against the adherents of the Ukrainian Soviet Republic, although it was
+generally recognized that this was but a puppet of the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_275">[275]</span> Russian Soviets
+and that the vast majority of the troops at its command were Russian.</p>
+
+<p>However, when the Ukrainian government was finally overwhelmed, the
+Ukrainian Soviet Government was definitely installed at Kharkiv as the
+capital of Ukraine and for a short time went through the motions of
+being an independent state. It sent its own representatives to foreign
+governments, there was a Ukrainian Commissariat for Foreign Affairs,
+and on paper all seemed well. At the same time, when there came too
+open evidence of interference from Moscow with the sovereign Ukrainian
+Soviet Republic, steps were taken to end such interference.</p>
+
+<p>Yet the Communists had absolute control over the new state, not
+through the Russian Soviet government but through the Communist Party,
+which boasted of being an international organization and which could
+discipline the various national Communist parties if they did not obey
+the decrees issued by the central authority in Moscow. Any deviation
+from these orders was interpreted as a counter-revolutionary act,
+contrary to the wishes of the workers and peasants whose mouthpiece was
+the Communist Party.</p>
+
+<p>During 1921 and 1922 there came one of those periods of drought which
+are not unknown in Ukraine. The grain crop was an utter failure, all
+kinds of transportation had broken down as a result of the Civil Wars,
+and the country was plunged into misery. It is estimated that several
+million people died in Ukraine and the country was brought to the
+deepest depths, far worse than during the earlier years of war. Typhus
+added to the misery and carried away still more of the population.
+Outside aid was sought and the American Relief Administration did
+wonderful work in securing food from abroad and in distributing it to
+the starving population.</p>
+
+<p>The Ukrainians in their misery did their best to reject all
+communization. In the Ukrainian districts there had<span class="pagenum" id="Page_276">[276]</span> never been the
+communal ownership of land which was so typical of the Great Russians,
+and the peasants fought hard and steadily to maintain possession of
+their own land and that which they had secured from the landlords
+during the period of the Ukrainian Republic. This naturally antagonized
+the Soviets, and made them realize that they were going to have a hard
+task to bring the country around to their mode of life.</p>
+
+<p>They attacked the problem in two ways. On the governmental side, the
+Ukrainian Soviet Republic authorized the Russian Soviet government to
+represent it in foreign negotiations at a conference in Genoa. From
+that time on it became customary for the Ukrainian Soviet Republic
+to follow the Russian line, although for a while there was always a
+Ukrainian representative in the Soviet Embassy in all those countries
+where Ukraine had been formerly recognized.</p>
+
+<p>Then, at the end of 1922, there was signed a declaration for the
+formation of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. This was
+ratified in 1923 and came into effect in 1924. Under this new system,
+the various Soviet Republics, including Ukraine, transferred all
+their foreign and most of their domestic affairs to the government
+of the Soviet Union, which was, as before, almost identical with the
+government of the old Russian Soviet Republic. In the All Union Soviet
+of Workers’ and Peasants’ Delegates, the Russian Republic had an
+overwhelming majority, if there was to be any voting, and between the
+control of the Communist Party by the Russians and the control of the
+Soviet Union by the same people, it was abundantly evident that any
+autonomy in Ukraine was a mere shadow which could be stopped at any
+time.</p>
+
+<p>Yet while the central authority was being extended over the country,
+the Soviets gave a wide scope to cultural Ukrainization. The New
+Economic Policy was very popular<span class="pagenum" id="Page_277">[277]</span> in the land, since it gave a certain
+liberty to the individual peasants and there were many people who
+believed that the worst extremes of Militant Communism were over.</p>
+
+<p>There was great attention paid to the founding of the Ukrainian Academy
+of Sciences and the Ukrainian Soviet government sent out the most
+cordial invitations to the old leaders of the Ukrainian Republic to
+return and take their places in the new order and in the rebuilding of
+the country. Many accepted. Professor Hrushevsky returned from Vienna
+and was made head of the Historical Section of the Academy of Sciences.
+Holubovich, who had been President of the Council of Ministers of the
+Ukrainian National Republic, followed and many of the other leaders
+moved to Kharkiv and Kiev. The Academy of Sciences flourished and
+intellectual work was liberally supported. It elected to membership the
+outstanding scholars of Western Ukraine, who welcomed this opportunity
+to have free and open communication with their friends and kindred
+of Great Ukraine. At the same time, steps were taken to introduce
+Ukrainian into all the offices of the government of the Ukrainian
+Soviet Republic. A Ukrainian army was established, with the official
+language Ukrainian, and while it formed part of the Red Army of the
+Soviet Union, it was national enough to win much sympathy and support
+from all classes of the population.</p>
+
+<p>It was only the hardened and incorrigible opponents of Communism who
+refused to be appeased by these actions and who persisted in refusing
+to credit the new regime with good intentions. It is true that there
+remained on the statute books the old Communist regulations in regard
+to the Academy of Sciences but there were relatively few attempts to
+enforce them, and while there was some hampering of the work of the
+scholars by zealous advocates of Marxism, it hardly seemed important
+for the average person.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_278">[278]</span> The same was true in almost all walks of life.
+Ukraine began to recover from the devastations of the civil wars.</p>
+
+<p>Yet during these years, Communism made very little advance among the
+Ukrainian people, and by 1925 the non-Ukrainian members of the party
+far outnumbered the Ukrainian, as they had from the beginning. This was
+very satisfactory to all those who were eager for the well-being of
+the Ukrainians, but it was not good news to the representatives of the
+ruling group in the Kremlin, who were hoping for the spread of their
+doctrines throughout the country. For a while there was little that
+they felt able to do and even when Kaganovich appeared in Ukraine, he
+had only kind words for the progress that Ukrainian culture was making
+throughout the land.</p>
+
+<p>The problem before the Communists was to find the most convenient and
+easy way to assert the control of the Moscow standardizing policy
+without arousing too much discontent among the people. The return of
+agricultural prosperity under individual farming was supplying the rest
+of the Soviet Union with food and at the moment the leaders were not
+desirous of upsetting conditions too strongly. It was true, of course,
+that Ukraine was being laid under heavier and heavier contributions
+until it seemed even to some of the Communists that the entire land was
+being ruined.</p>
+
+<p>Then came the problem of extending Communism to the country. The First
+Five Year Plan was started in 1928 and this gave a good opportunity
+for changing conditions. Enormous factories and power plants were
+projected for Ukraine, such as the Dnyeprostroy near the site where the
+old Sich had been located. There was needed a large mass of workmen
+and the government saw to it that these were recruited from the Great
+Russians and from non-Ukrainian elements. The first step in the change
+of character of Ukraine had been taken.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_279">[279]</span></p>
+
+<p>At about the same time, the first steps were taken to handle the
+cultural problem which had been intensified by the success of the
+preceding program of Ukrainization. Under the guise of promoting the
+solidarity of the Soviet Union, it was ordered that Russian be taught
+as a second language in all schools. Arrangements were made so that
+possibility for personal advancement was only opened to those persons
+who knew Russian. Army officers who desired a career were sent to
+Russian All-Union schools, and then for the most part were assigned to
+units from other Soviet Republics. Along with such tendencies, which
+removed from the state organization many of the outstanding young men
+even among the Communists, there came a shift of emphasis, so that
+Stalin could declare that the culture of the various Soviet Republics
+would be varied in language but socialist in essence. In other words,
+exactly the same thoughts were to be expressed in all the various
+Soviet Republics, which were to be at liberty to repeat in their native
+tongue the ideas of the Kremlin and nothing else.</p>
+
+<p>There was strong opposition to this stand in Ukraine and the old
+and more or less disused talk of Ukrainian counter-revolution and
+nationalism was again brought out of the discard. Mykola Skrypnyk, an
+old Ukrainian Communist, but an ardent advocate of Ukrainian culture,
+undertook to bring Communism into the Academy of Sciences. The various
+Communist organizations were invited to propose candidates for its
+membership, for party prominence and familiarity with the slogans and
+practice of Communism were henceforth to be the determining features of
+the membership, rather than eminence in any field of learning.</p>
+
+<p>To counter-balance the influence of the leading scholars and writers of
+the last few years, Kaganovich and Postyshev, who had been appointed
+Second Secretary of the Ukrainian<span class="pagenum" id="Page_280">[280]</span> Communist Party, began to discover
+that the leaders of Ukraine were in close touch with the nationalist
+and counter-revolutionary elements abroad, especially in Eastern
+Galicia. It was hardly a secret, for the Soviet authorities had
+encouraged such communication in the hope that discontent with Poland
+would bring the Western Ukrainians to declare their desire for union
+with their brothers to the east. The attempt had not been successful,
+and now the Soviet authorities were ready to turn this to account.
+They arrested many of the intellectual leaders, such as Yefremiv, the
+Vice President of the Academy of Sciences. Claiming that they belonged
+to a society for the liberation of Ukraine, they sentenced them to
+long terms in prison. Soon after they involved Professor Hrushevsky,
+deposed him from his place in the Academy of Sciences and deported him
+to a place near Moscow, where he was deprived of all possibilities of
+study. When his health was completely broken, he was allowed to go to a
+resthouse in the Caucasus to die.</p>
+
+<p>In 1931, the authorities discovered a new liberation centre. In
+connection with this they arrested Holubovich and many political
+leaders who had returned to Ukraine during the era of Ukrainization
+and after the usual trial condemned them to death. In 1933 it was
+discovered that more Ukrainian leaders were acting with the Ukrainian
+Military Organization abroad and these too were liquidated. Even
+Skrypnyk, who had been one of the most zealous partisans of Communism
+in Ukraine, was brought under suspicion and committed suicide. So did
+the writer Mykola Khvylovy, who was accused of counter-revolutionary
+work because he desired to strengthen the cultural connections between
+the Ukrainian Soviet Republic and Western Europe, something which was
+regarded as opposed to the growing unification of the Soviet Union and
+its increasing isolation from the rest of the world. Step by step the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_281">[281]</span>
+independence that had characterized the Ukrainian writers, even the
+Ukrainian Communists, during the twenties was taken away and those who
+survived accepted the necessity of producing a culture that was purely
+socialist and Kremlinesque in essence and Ukrainian only in language,
+and not always that, for the new tendencies aimed to assimilate into
+Ukrainian as many Russian words as possible.</p>
+
+<p>The continued trials and arrests can be explained in only two ways.
+Either the Ukrainian national movement had gained prodigiously during
+the years of Soviet rule and had swung to itself not only the remains
+of those people who had fought for the Ukrainian National Republic
+but also the founders of the Ukrainian Soviet Republic itself. If
+so, it would have required little help from outside to have won the
+independence of the country. Or the government of Stalin had decided
+to eliminate as counter-revolutionary all men of any capacity for
+independent thinking and the accusations against them were devoid of
+factual foundation. One after another such Communists as Postyshev, who
+had carried on the first trials, were themselves accused of Ukrainian
+nationalism and liquidated or deported.</p>
+
+<p>While this was going on in intellectual circles, Stalin announced his
+plans for the socialization of agriculture. It was ordered that this be
+carried through with the greatest speed and the peasants were forced
+to give up their lands and to enter the newly established collective
+farms, which were established throughout Ukraine as well as throughout
+the entire Soviet Union. Here the government encountered and proceeded
+to deal with the other aspect of Ukrainian life that had embarrassed
+the Ukrainian National Government. That had attempted to satisfy the
+peasant hunger for land by taking it away from the great landlords and
+giving it to the peasants. It was the opposition of these Russianized
+classes that had been used by the Germans in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_282">[282]</span> supporting the hetmanate
+of Skoropadsky against the Republic, and by the Russians with Denikin,
+when it came their turn.</p>
+
+<p>Now by a clever extension of the use of the term “kulak,” all the
+peasants who had been prospering on their own land and on that which
+they had acquired, were declared enemies of the Soviet Union and were
+driven into the collective farms. Armed detachments commandeered all
+the grain of the individual landowners. These retaliated by killing
+their cattle when they were ordered to turn them over to the collective
+farms, and the situation became steadily more serious.</p>
+
+<p>The result was the political famine of 1932–33. The collective farms
+failed to function efficiently and to secure food for the cities, the
+government confiscated all the grain in the villages and allowed the
+peasants to go hungry until they were ready to work for the government
+on its own terms. The area was closed to the outside world and for a
+long while there were no definite reports of what was going on. Even
+now many details are not known, but it seems clear that at least ten
+percent of the population of Ukraine starved to death and this time
+the government did not allow outside relief as it had in the famine
+of 1921–22. Naturally the loss of life was greater in the purely
+Ukrainian villages than it was in the cities which had been filled with
+the new people brought into Ukraine for the sake of the industrial
+development. As a result of this, it is certain that the proportion of
+non-Ukrainians in the country has increased not only by the continued
+process of immigration but also by the tremendous destruction of the
+native population. The same results were achieved also by the enforced
+deportation of millions more of the Ukrainians, who were sent to remote
+areas of the Soviet Union where enormous numbers more perished because
+of the conditions under which they were compelled to live.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_283">[283]</span></p>
+
+<p>While the Soviet government was thus remodelling Ukrainian life in
+the country, it was exerting every effort to create a non-Ukrainian
+population in the cities. The enormous coal and iron resources of the
+eastern part of Ukraine were developed at a rapid rate. The Soviet
+Union hired American engineers to construct the enormous power plant
+of the Dnyeprostroy and they built huge factories in Kiev and Kharkiv.
+As a result Ukraine rapidly became one of the foremost industrialized
+areas in the Soviet Union and the only one about which any information
+was allowed to pass to the outside world, for it was impossible to keep
+the development in Ukraine as secret as the building of factories in
+the Urals and further east in Siberia. The majority of the workmen in
+these factories were brought in from other parts of the Union and the
+Soviets carried out a definite policy of transportation of population
+in order to crush once and for all the growth of a national or even a
+local spirit in any of the subsidiary republics.</p>
+
+<p>The extent of this is well shown in the writings of those Ukrainian
+authors who accepted the new regime and became ardent citizens of the
+Union. The poems of Tychyna, for example, a distinguished poet who
+early accepted the full ideology of the Communists, boast that the
+factories of Kiev are far more important than the Cathedral of St.
+Sophia and all that represented the past culture. The writers sing
+loudly the praise of Stalin, who with unerring judgment has pointed out
+the path on which Ukraine must go in connection with the older brother,
+Moscow, and all the nations of the Soviet Union.</p>
+
+<p>Under such conditions support was withdrawn very ostentatiously from
+all those movements which aimed to create brotherhood on the basis of
+Ukrainian tradition with the population of Eastern Galicia and Western
+Ukraine. Step by step the Ukrainian Academy of Sciences dropped direct
+connections even with those foreign scholars whom<span class="pagenum" id="Page_284">[284]</span> it had elected to
+membership. Later still its organization was changed, and instead
+of being an institution founded by and responsible to the Ukrainian
+Soviet Republic, it became merely a branch of the All-Union Academy of
+Sciences and represented those activities which were carried on within
+the territory of the Ukrainian Soviet Republic. Most of its special and
+localized activities were abolished and it became merely one part of a
+great organization spreading throughout the entire country and devoted
+to the study of the general interests of the whole.</p>
+
+<p>All these tendencies were written into law by the All-Union
+constitution of 1936, which definitely conferred upon the central
+authority all possible control over the various Soviet Republics. This
+marked the end of the illusory independence that had characterized
+the position of Ukraine since the organization of the Soviet Union.
+The power of the Kremlin was not in fact increased, but it rendered
+possible the use of this power through the official agencies of the
+government and not through the machinery of the Communist Party, which
+was in effect a duplication of the channels of command. The change was
+really one of name only, for the power of Stalin was as absolute before
+as after, the same men filled the leading positions in the central
+government and in the Party, and the constitution merely affirmed
+publicly what every one knew privately to be true.</p>
+
+<p>The following years witnessed the continued development of industry
+and the renewal of attempts to bind Ukrainian manufacturing and mining
+even more closely into the whole of the Soviet Union. There was a
+continuation of the purges of every one who might be remotely charged
+with holding a distinctively Ukrainian opinion on the ground that he
+was cooperating with the Ukrainian nationalist agitation, but the
+purges now came to include not only the possible suspects but almost
+all of the men who had been zealous both in Ukraine and the Russian<span class="pagenum" id="Page_285">[285]</span>
+Soviet Republic in organizing the regime. The old Bolsheviks were
+nearly all liquidated and year by year fewer of the more convinced
+young Communists of Ukraine found their way to the higher places in the
+Soviet Union. Those positions were more and more confined to Russians
+and even very few of the Ukrainians who had gone to other parts of the
+country for their careers were rewarded.</p>
+
+<p>At the same time, agriculture did revive as the collective farms became
+a little more efficient. Yet even there a new danger developed, for the
+plots of land which the individual households were allowed to cultivate
+for their own use tended to increase and to be better cared for. The
+peasants grasped at the slightest straw that would allow them to retain
+a vestige of their old independence. The government was obliged to act
+again to prevent these local family plots from taking up the best lands
+of the communal farms and to limit them at most to an acre or so. There
+were more decrees issued on this subject, there were more arrests and
+deportations and more attempts to destroy the Ukrainian character of
+the villages. The opposition could not be as strong as in the earlier
+periods when the peasants were better organized but events made it
+clear that the Soviet Union intended to leave no stone unturned to wipe
+out the slightest survival of any of the old traditional feelings.</p>
+
+<p>At the same time the rise of Nazism in Germany and the growing power
+of that country created a certain alarm in Moscow. Many of Hitler’s
+speeches called for the separation of Ukraine as the granary of Europe
+from the Soviet Union. The Communists could not fail to know that
+there were at least some of the Ukrainian nationalist leaders who were
+living in Berlin and presumably receiving some support from the German
+government. Yet it is noticeable that despite the many Nazi attacks
+upon the Communists, relations continued at least formally between the
+Nazis and the Communists through most of the thirties. It was obvious<span class="pagenum" id="Page_286">[286]</span>
+that Germany was trying to win Western support against the Soviet Union
+at the same time that the Communists were doing their best to stir
+up discontent throughout the world, whether directly or through the
+Communist International.</p>
+
+<p>This situation increased the Soviet desire to stifle anything that
+savored of Ukrainian nationalism and it added a certain reason for
+the Communist desire to incorporate fully the Ukraine in the national
+life of the Soviet Union. The idea of winning Ukrainian confidence
+by proper treatment did not occur to the authorities, for it was
+basically opposed to their fundamental belief that the Communist Party
+as developed in the Soviet Union was the only legitimate spokesman for
+the laboring masses of the world. It was this belief that had won them
+their position in the Soviet Union and it was to that belief that they
+were going to cling to the end of their stay in power.</p>
+
+<p>Thus the Soviet Union pressed on its policy of remodeling Ukrainian
+life to eliminate from it everything that had separated it from Great
+Russia in the past. Harder and harder measures were devised, the number
+of victims increased, and the new Ukrainian culture that developed
+under the Soviet Union contained less and less of those elements of
+freedom and democracy that had inspired Ukrainian thought during the
+preceding century. The Soviets not only aimed to conquer the present
+but they also attacked the past. They searched every means of changing
+the attitude of the people toward their heroes of the past They strove
+to emphasize every document that might reflect the revolutionary
+feelings of Shevchenko and Franko, they indulged in diatribes against
+Kulish and others as bourgeois, and they painted a picture of the past
+which in its opposition to the definite aspirations of the Ukrainian
+people came to sound very much like the decrees of the various rulers
+of Russia of the past. The only difference was<span class="pagenum" id="Page_287">[287]</span> that they paid at least
+lip service to the Ukrainian language in token of their theory that the
+culture of Ukraine as of the other republics was to be socialist in
+essence and only Ukrainian in language.</p>
+
+<p>It is difficult to draw up a balance sheet in detail and to weigh the
+gains of industrialization and the losses of the old life. It seems
+certain that there was no more real happiness in Ukraine during these
+years than during the long night of suppression that had preceded the
+Revolution. Every step was taken to break the national spirit and to
+train the new generation in an alien path. The only result was the
+building up of a sullen and defiant mood which might bode ill for the
+Communists, if it were properly exploited.</p>
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_288">[288]</span></p>
+
+<h2>CHAPTER TWENTY-SIX<br>
+<span class="subhed"><i>UKRAINE IN WORLD WAR II.</i></span></h2></div>
+
+
+<p class="drop-cap p-left">By the middle of 1939 it became clear that divided Ukraine was in an
+unfortunate situation. For a brief moment the promise of a free and
+independent Carpatho-Ukraine seemed to indicate where the interest
+of the country lay. The growing autonomy of the province during the
+winter of 1938–9 had gathered to it many of those Ukrainians to whom
+national independence was the chief and only goal. Democratic as
+they were, they believed that they could use Carpatho-Ukraine as a
+base, even with German blessing. They had expected to profit by the
+German-Polish dispute to win Western Ukraine in case of trouble and
+they had visualized then a clash between Germany and the Soviet Union
+which would allow them to win the independence of Great Ukraine. Then
+a united Ukraine could be set up and this would be able to play an
+independent role in the world as a nation of over forty million people.</p>
+
+<p>It was a nice dream of the old world but it failed to take into account
+the new practices of totalitarianism which discounted human dignity and
+human rights and regarded men and women as but the tools of the machine
+or the inanimate members of a caste. The easy way in which the Nazi
+government turned over Carpatho-Ukraine, despite its promises, to the
+Hungarians and the ruthless murder of many of its leaders showed to all
+clearsighted Ukrainians that the future was not so simple as that. Even
+those Western Ukrainians who were most hostile to Poland realized that
+they had nothing to gain by the overwhelming of the Polish state as it
+was in 1939 and despite the growing oppressive<span class="pagenum" id="Page_289">[289]</span> measures of the Poles,
+any plans for a Ukrainian revolt in Eastern Galicia were laid aside.</p>
+
+<p>The suddenly revealed conclusion of a non-aggression pact between Nazi
+Germany and the Soviet Union in August, 1939, made this even more
+evident. Little or nothing has been made public of the negotiations
+preceding this pact. The sacrifice of Carpatho-Ukraine was apparently
+connected with it but no details are known. Yet it made still clearer
+the fact that Ukraine was again in the position of 1914. Then it was
+clear to the wiser political leaders that Ukraine could only profit
+by the complete elimination of both Austria-Hungary and Russia. In
+1939, it was certain that Ukraine could profit only by the complete
+elimination of both Germany and the Soviet Union, and this meant
+that the country would suffer heavily even under the most favorable
+circumstances.</p>
+
+<p>The German attack on Poland started on September 1, and as expected,
+the German army pushed rapidly into Eastern Galicia and soon entered
+Lviv. They seized practically all of the area but they were not to hold
+it long. On September 17, the Soviet army invaded from the east despite
+various treaties, on the ground that the Polish Republic had ceased to
+exist as an organized state. On September 23, Ribbentrop and Molotov
+signed another pact for the division of Poland. Again the exact line
+has not been disclosed throughout its full course. Yet under it on
+September 28, the Soviet army pushed into Lviv and occupied the whole
+of Western Ukraine. This second act of treachery to Ukraine completely
+broke any Ukrainian confidence in the Nazis, and showed them that any
+further relations could only be fatal.</p>
+
+<p>This was the first time that the Red Army had penetrated as far as
+Lviv and they at once began to reorganize the country on the familiar
+pattern. The landowners were dispossessed and the initial steps were
+taken to collectivize<span class="pagenum" id="Page_290">[290]</span> the country. A large number of professors,
+journalists, clergy and other intellectual and popular leaders were
+removed. They were arrested by the NKVD and executed or deported to
+other portions of the Soviet Union. Many were killed by so-called
+outbreaks of the population led by Soviet agents. In fact all of
+the methods tested by twenty years of Soviet work in Ukraine were
+concentrated on the helpless province, in preparation for a “free”
+election.</p>
+
+<p>This election was held on October 22 and 91 percent of the population
+voted for the formation of a Popular Council of Western Ukraine. It was
+openly said that any one who refused to vote for the single list of
+candidates, which included almost no known Ukrainian leaders of Western
+Ukraine, would be treated as a counter-revolutionary and there was no
+need to amplify this statement. At its first meeting on October 27,
+the new Council formally begged to be included in the Ukrainian Soviet
+Republic. There were more meetings of the picked groups at Kiev and at
+Moscow and on November 1, representatives of the Council were invited
+to Moscow where they presented their petition and were duly accepted
+into the bosom of the Ukrainian Soviet Republic. From then on Western
+Ukraine was regarded as an inalienable part of the Ukrainian Soviet
+Republic.</p>
+
+<p>It was the same act that had been symbolically performed in 1919,
+when the delegates of the Republic of Western Ukraine had appeared
+at Kiev and the united Ukrainian Republic had been proclaimed. But
+what a difference! Then representatives had appeared; there was joint
+discussion of the problems that had to be solved; there were attempts
+to resolve them on democratic lines. Now the appeal was to the Council
+of Commissars and the Supreme Soviet at Moscow. The delegates were
+handpicked and there had been already a long list of arrests and
+executions before the conscious portion of the population adequately<span class="pagenum" id="Page_291">[291]</span>
+reflected the will of the Communist Party, which had won few adherents
+during the preceding twenty years.</p>
+
+<p>The farce continued with new demonstrations of love and affection for
+Stalin and the Soviet Union. On December 24, after more preparation,
+the proper candidates were elected to the local soviets and on March
+24, 1940, Western Ukraine elected delegates to the Supreme Soviet of
+the Ukrainian Soviet Republic and to the Supreme Soviet of the Soviet
+Union. The next year and a half were spent in remodelling the country
+and in stopping any manifestations of the popular spirit which were not
+socialist in essence and only Ukrainian in language. Only the personal
+reputation of Archbishop Sheptitsky saved him from sharing the fate of
+the vast majority of the intellectuals and clergy of the country.</p>
+
+<p>All this had barely been started when on June 27, 1940, the Soviet
+Union intimated to Romania that it would be extremely appreciative,
+if it would hand over Bukovina and Bessarabia. The Nazi-Soviet accord
+was still working smoothly and Romania graciously consented. The
+next day the Red Army moved in and awarded to the Ukrainian Republic
+northern Bukovina and northern Bessarabia. The rest of the territory
+so graciously ceded was added to the Moldavian Soviet Republic. Again
+there were the same speeches of gratitude, the same elections, the same
+choosing of delegates to the various Soviet Republics and the Supreme
+Soviet of the Soviet Union and the same introduction of the ideals and
+practices of the Communist Party.</p>
+
+<p>Then on June 21, 1941 there came the lightning attack of the Germans
+upon the Soviet Union. In a few weeks the German armies smashed across
+the Soviet borders, occupied Kiev and Kharkiv and approached Moscow.
+Once again Ukraine had changed masters.</p>
+
+<p>There was little reason for the population to rejoice.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_292">[292]</span> The Germans
+came not as liberators but as conquerors. They made no attempt to
+remedy any of the abuses of the Soviet authorities but they added to
+them by insisting that all of the property confiscated by the Soviets
+was the property of a hostile government and therefore entitled
+to confiscation. They made no effort to consult the wishes of the
+Ukrainians or to establish a self-respecting Ukrainian government.
+They sought only for a few leaders who would consent to act as German
+representatives to push the people into a definitely subordinate
+position as a subject race. They did allow some of the churches to
+reopen and they gave a grudging support to the revival of the Ukrainian
+Orthodox Church, which had been banned as soon as the National Republic
+had been suppressed.</p>
+
+<p>Yet they prevented any considerable mass movement from developing by
+seizing several million Ukrainians, both men and women, and sending
+them to Germany as slave labor. There is no need to recount the
+hardships of these unfortunate people, who were compelled to work
+for almost no wages and on starvation diets for the benefit of the
+master-race. Their fate was additional proof, if such were needed, that
+Ukraine could expect even less from the Germans than it could in 1918,
+and it speedily served to disillusion even the most inveterate enemies
+of the Communists.</p>
+
+<p>On the other hand, the fate of another large section of the population
+was little better, for the Soviets endeavored to move as large a part
+of the population as possible to the east and millions more found
+themselves forcibly deported from their homes on the pretext that they
+would thus escape the scourge of war. The Academy of Sciences and much
+of the Universities of both Kiev and Kharkiv were thus moved and the
+Academy of Sciences celebrated the twenty-fifth anniversary of its
+foundation in Ufa in western Siberia.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_293">[293]</span></p>
+
+<p>Partisan warfare broke out on a large scale both among Ukrainian
+patriots and Soviet sympathizers. Bands of men, sometimes numbering
+thousands, with equipment taken from both sides, ravaged the country,
+while the Soviets announced that those who fought the Germans were
+patriots and those who attacked the Red Army were fascists and
+bandits. The names of such leaders as Taras Bulba and Bandera who were
+distinctively Ukrainian nationalists and fought both sides are known
+but again there is little detailed knowledge of their activities.
+The worst aspects of 1918 were repeated for these leaders, although
+struggling only for an independent Ukraine, came into frequent clashes.
+Some of them seem to have been the survivors of the older nationalist
+bands that had fought even after the formal ending of the Civil Wars,
+others were communistically inclined and fought for the Soviets,
+and undoubtedly some were able to profit by more or less temporary
+alliances with various German units which controlled the main centres
+of population and the lines of communication but which were unable to
+occupy the broad expanses of the country.</p>
+
+<p>Soviet propaganda during the war emphasized the fact that the purges of
+the thirties had completely destroyed any fifth-column activities in
+the Soviet Union and glorified all the partisans, but despatches since
+the close of hostilities indicate that in some areas the great swarms
+of bandits and deserters from the Red Army could hardly have appeared
+in the course of a few weeks. Apparently in some districts there was
+almost as much anti-Soviet as anti-Nazi activity going on in the no
+man’s land between the two armies.</p>
+
+<p>At the same time, there can be no doubt that this partisan activity
+played an enormous role in hemming in the German forces and in
+rendering it impossible for them to secure supplies even from land
+which seemed to be safely<span class="pagenum" id="Page_294">[294]</span> under their control. It is indeed possible
+to wonder what would have been the outcome in many areas, especially in
+Ukraine, had the Germans seriously undertaken the task of liberating
+the community and of dealing honestly with the people who had
+experienced so many years of starvation and confiscation. Yet these
+ideas were entirely foreign to the Nazi temperament, which sought to
+displace the native population by settling German colonists on the soil
+and to reduce the original inhabitants to still greater misery or to
+carry them off and destroy them by forced labor.</p>
+
+<p>After reaching Stalingrad and the northern Caucasus, the German tide
+began to ebb and soon flowed back into Ukraine and White Ruthenia.
+Slowly but surely the retreat continued and its speed increased as the
+Germans made their way back to the land from which they had set out so
+gaily three years before. After the wave of battle had swept again over
+Ukraine, the Soviet armies were reorganized into Ukrainian and White
+Ruthenian armies to bring these Soviet republics into prominence. It
+does not seem likely that these armies under Soviet Russian generals
+can be regarded as armies either of Ukrainian or White Ruthenian
+citizens. If we accept this version, we must assume that few members of
+the Russian Soviet Republic took part in the war, for at no time was
+there mention of any Russian armies and this conflicts with the stories
+of general mobilization that have been so often told. Apparently the
+Ukrainian and White Ruthenian armies were armies that were formed or
+based on the territory of the two Soviet Republics but they served
+as the basis of the claim that both Ukraine and White Ruthenia were
+entitled to enter the United Nations.</p>
+
+<p>To facilitate this, the Soviet constitution was changed in autumn of
+1944 to provide special Commissars for Foreign Affairs for the various
+Soviet Republics and to allow them to send diplomatic representatives
+to foreign countries. In one sense this is a return to the conditions
+prevailing in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_295">[295]</span> Ukraine before the organization of the Soviet Union,
+when the bond of connection was the iron control of the Communist
+Party over all the Communists in the various Soviet Republics. It
+bears a superficial resemblance to the decentralization of the British
+Commonwealth of Nations, but this is only superficial, for so far as
+we know, there has been no change in the provision of the Constitution
+that provides that the All-Union Soviet can cancel any measure that is
+adopted by the individual Soviet Republic, if it wishes to do so.</p>
+
+<p>It is interesting, to say the least, that the Ukrainian representative
+at San Francisco was the same Manuilsky who had come down from Moscow
+to act as the Muscovite representative at the formation of the
+Ukrainian Soviet Republic. He was born in Ukraine but he spent most
+of his life in the service of the Russian Soviet Federated Republic
+and later the All-Union Soviet, and his relations with Ukraine have
+been rather as a Russian or Soviet delegate than as a spokesman for
+the Ukrainians. The Chairman of the Council of Commissars, Khrushchev,
+seems to be definitely a Russian. In fact there is little to suggest
+that there is any Ukrainian of prominence on the Ukrainian scene in
+a major role. It seems abundantly clear that Ukraine is now being
+considered merely as a definite tract of territory with no special
+connection with its own past, for it must have a culture socialist in
+essence and only Ukrainian in language, and there is some doubt as to
+whether the language is not being remodelled on the Russian pattern.</p>
+
+<p>As the German troops retreated further and further, Ukraine was again
+thoroughly ravaged. The cities were largely in ruins, the population
+had been murdered or deported either to east or west, and the material
+progress that had been accomplished during the twenty years between
+the wars was largely wiped out. It was necessary to begin to rebuild
+the country after a desolation which exceeded<span class="pagenum" id="Page_296">[296]</span> that of 1918–20. Yet
+there have been few consistent stories of what has happened. Side by
+side with accounts of starvation as a result of the German seizure of
+foodstuffs, there have been equal stories of gifts by the joyful and
+liberated population to the victorious Red Army and these gifts have
+been reported on a scale that would indicate abundance in the areas
+which were the most hotly contested. There is no way to harmonize the
+various accounts that have been put out officially and it is probably
+wiser not to attempt it at the present time.</p>
+
+<p>Then as the Red Army swept on into Western Ukraine, the same procedure
+was repeated. In every city there were held gatherings greeting Stalin
+as the liberator of the land with the glorious Red Army. There were the
+usual resolutions of gratitude, the usual concerts at which Russian
+music formed the bulk of the program, the usual glorification of all
+those Ukrainian heroes who worked for the union of Ukraine and Russia
+and the usual condemnation of every event or person who did not fit
+into the Russian or the Russian Soviet program.</p>
+
+<p>Then came the turn of Carpatho-Ukraine. At the time when the Soviet
+Union recognized the Czechoslovak government-in-exile during the War,
+it recognized the old boundaries of the country and this included
+Carpatho-Ukraine. When the Red Army crossed into the area, there came
+the usual demonstrations, the usual resolutions, the usual appointment
+of temporary Soviets, and then the usual request that the country
+be allowed to join the Ukrainian Soviet Republic, and of course the
+petition was accepted.</p>
+
+<p>Yet when it came to a question of carrying on negotiations with
+the “independent” Polish government set up after the Allied powers
+had withdrawn recognition from the Polish government-in-exile, the
+negotiations were carried on in Moscow. The district of Kholm, which
+was an old part of Ukraine, was freely handed over to Poland without<span class="pagenum" id="Page_297">[297]</span>
+any consultation with the wishes of the population, a consultation that
+would have been unnecessary, for the entire population of the Soviet
+Union desires only what has been put forward by the Kremlin, and the
+same process was followed in Lemkivshchina.</p>
+
+<p>With the occupation of the whole of Ukraine by the Red Army there has
+descended an even more impenetrable veil over the country. The silence
+that reigned during the war has become even more intense and the
+information that comes out is hardly credible, unless the entire past
+for centuries has been one long nightmare.</p>
+
+<p>It was to be expected that all traces of an independent Ukrainian
+Orthodox Church would disappear as soon as the Soviet government was
+back in control, especially since it has allowed the restoration of
+the Patriarchate of Moscow to carry out its plans among the other
+Slavs. It was to be expected that punishment would be visited upon
+the leaders of the Uniat Church, for they had proved themselves in
+Western Ukraine to be the guardians of the Ukrainian national spirit.
+Throughout the nineteenth century they had worked for the spiritual
+and material welfare of their people and in the past the Russian
+Empire had dealt harshly with them in all areas under its control.
+Archbishop Sheptitsky, the patriarch and leader of the Church, died.
+His successor, Joseph Slipy, was arrested and apparently deported. The
+other bishops vanished from the scene either by exile, imprisonment or
+death, and an uncanonical synod of a few priests was convoked. Again
+that body did the usual thing. It officially requested to be received
+back into the Orthodox Church and to come under the Patriarchate of
+Moscow and of course the wish was granted in March, 1946. The Cathedral
+at Lviv was turned over to the Russian Church and so were many other
+Church buildings. Priests who do not conform are being imprisoned or
+tried as fascists. The Uniat and Ukrainian Orthodox bishops<span class="pagenum" id="Page_298">[298]</span> abroad
+have protested and have pointed out the typically uncanonical nature of
+the whole proceedings. The Pope has protested against the persecution
+of the faithful in these areas, at the violation of concordats with
+former governments in the area. All in vain. Resolutions and requests
+continue to pour out to justify and glorify the Red Army and their
+leader and the fate of the individuals involved grows ever more obscure.</p>
+
+<p>Yet on the other hand two phenomena stand out in clear relief. The one
+is the problem of banditry. Again and again we read that in Ukraine,
+in Poland, in Carpatho-Ukraine and along all the borders of the
+friendly states large bodies of men, largely in Red Army uniforms,
+are plundering the country, and persecuting the communists and that
+part of the population which is cooperating with the Red Army. We are
+told these men in Red Army uniforms are a mixture of Nazis, traitors
+who fought in the Nazi armies from the Slavonic lands and the general
+riff-raff that always follows in the path of war. Among them are
+Ukrainian nationalists of various groups, especially those who form the
+Ukrainian Revolutionary Army. They are said to present a formidable
+problem for the forces that are interested in preserving Soviet
+“democracy.”</p>
+
+<p>All this sounds strange when we compare it with the general tone of the
+communiques reflecting the jubilation of the people in being liberated
+from the Nazi yoke. It fits in well with the stories or perhaps the
+legends that patriots and nationalists saw their opportunity to strike
+a blow in their own behalf against both masters and that they have not
+been so wholeheartedly on the side of the Red Army as we were led to
+believe earlier.</p>
+
+<p>Side by side with them we have the amazing and distressing picture
+of the displaced persons. At the Yalta Conference it was provided
+that the persons who had been moved from an area by the Nazis should
+be allowed to return<span class="pagenum" id="Page_299">[299]</span> and that the governments should assist in this
+task. It sounded a reasonable measure and so it turned out in the west.
+There were few French who wished to remain in Germany or in Holland.
+There were few Dutch who were not ready to go back to their homes and
+country, even if they were to find their families dead or scattered and
+their homes burned.</p>
+
+<p>Yet there are millions of people who have been transported against
+their will from those portions of the Soviet Union that were occupied
+by the Germans, who refuse to go back to certain death. They have
+experienced for years the cruelty of German prison camps and the abuses
+of forced labor and even so they do not wish to go back. The methods
+that have been employed to force them to do so have become a scandal to
+the Western and civilized powers. Men and women of all walks of life
+have been ready to commit suicide rather than to face again life within
+the Soviet paradise. It is idle to call them fascists and to say that
+they fear just punishment.</p>
+
+<p>The suspicion cannot be put down that these are people who have once
+been within the veil and are now willing to face even death rather than
+return. There can be but one reason, that life there was so hard and
+desperate that their present fate, such as it is and has been during
+the War, seems far better and more hopeful, even when hope is lacking,
+and when their future is dark and unsettled. We cannot help thinking
+that their stories and still more their actions throw into lurid
+relief and confirm the tales of the deportations, the famines, the
+concentration camps in the wastes of Siberia and of Central Asia, that
+have drifted across the sealed borders of the Soviet Union and which
+have never been accepted at face value.</p>
+
+<p>Behind the veil that the Soviet Union has cast around it, Ukraine has
+been united. Ravaged by war, plundered and destroyed by the marching
+and countermarching of two<span class="pagenum" id="Page_300">[300]</span> armies, drained of its population by
+death and by deportations, it remains a tragic spot in the wreckage
+of a great war. Impartial observers have told us of the devastation
+and the suffering in other lands, but Ukraine remains in the shadows.
+Her spokesmen at home are mute and there are only the official
+representatives of the Ukrainian Soviet Republic speaking, as is their
+wont, the words of the Soviet Union to assure us that all is well. The
+world would like to believe it, it is resting its hopes of a better
+future upon it and yet the doubts are not dispelled, when it would be
+so easy, if the Soviet Union wished to do it.</p>
+
+<p>But not only that. With the triumph of the Soviet “democracy” in
+Ukraine, the Soviet Union is hastening to assure the world that it
+has discovered new examples of the revival of Ukrainian nationalism.
+It has found new cases on a large scale of the evil influences of the
+work of Professor Hrushevsky. It has found reasons for new purges of
+the Ukrainian Communist leaders who are unworthy of their great task
+of promoting the new “democracy.” There are new rumors of a drought in
+Ukraine. The world has heard all this several times and realizes now
+that it is the story of the last twenty-five years since the fall of an
+independent Ukraine.</p>
+
+<p>To-day Ukraine is one. For the first time in centuries it has been
+united under one government. Not since the days of ancient Kiev has
+this been so fully true, but it is a far cry from the Ukrainian Soviet
+Republic to that free and independent government which was formed so
+hopefully in 1918, in the heat and confusion of the First World War.
+It is a far cry from the dream of a free and independent republic
+organized on the democratic principles of the West to the present
+Soviet Republic, from the wild and tumultuous Kozak Host with its
+elected officers to the present organization with the chiefs appointed
+by Moscow. It is a sad story and the present chapter is by no means the
+most hopeful.</p>
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_301">[301]</span></p>
+
+<h2>CHAPTER TWENTY-SEVEN<br>
+<span class="subhed"><i>THE FUTURE OF UKRAINE</i></span></h2></div>
+
+
+<p class="drop-cap p-left">At the end of the First World War, Ukraine won a shortlived
+independence and then it was torn apart and divided among its
+neighbors. For a while it seemed to have reverted to the conditions
+in the seventeenth century when Russia and Poland struggled for its
+ownership. At the end of World War Two it was reunited within the
+Ukrainian Soviet Republic and found its place as such in the number of
+the United Nations. What does the future hold in store for it?</p>
+
+<p>What is to be the future development of Ukraine? This depends on the
+future of the democratic ideals which have long been held by England,
+the United States and the whole of Western Christian civilization and
+which are now challenged by the new ideas of the Soviet Union.</p>
+
+<p>Perhaps never in recorded human history has the future of the world
+been so uncertain. The ending of the greatest war in history has not
+brought a feeling of peace to mankind. The power of the atom bomb,
+the enormous advances in science and in methods of destruction, the
+annihilation of space by the improvement of transportation and the
+increased range of rockets and other weapons, all have brought humanity
+to realize that in the material sphere there must be an end of war and
+of conflict or civilization will be irretrievably destroyed.</p>
+
+<p>On the other hand, the dissension in the ideals of man has reached a
+new high. Earlier wars between Christians and pagans, between Catholics
+and Protestants, have concerned a certain range of ideas but the
+opposing contestants have recognized many human qualities as common to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_302">[302]</span>
+both sides. For centuries there has been a slow but steady increase in
+recognition of the rights of the individual, of his innate right to
+choose his own place of residence, to think his own thoughts, to sing
+his own songs, and to rear his family as he would. The great despotisms
+and empires of the past ruthlessly eliminated large masses of the
+population, but they were content to demand only outer loyalty and not
+to interfere with the inner life of their subjects. Even the slaves
+could have an area of thought which they could call their own.</p>
+
+<p>It has remained for the twentieth century to undertake the task of
+subjugating the inner life of man. We may smile at the crudities of the
+Japanese thought police who carefully interrogated the subjects of the
+Emperor to see if they had any dangerous thoughts, but in more subtle
+ways the whole power of the Soviet Union is devoted to the creation
+of a culture that shall be socialist in essence and only differ in
+the language. Around the area which it controls there has been drawn
+an iron veil of silence and of secrecy. Its admirers abroad willingly
+accept the same restrictions and when the word filters through from
+Moscow, they willingly change their position, perform a complete
+revolution in their mode of thinking and follow the new line without
+criticism or debate.</p>
+
+<p>On the other hand, the United States and Western Europe are trying to
+maintain an appreciation of the old values. They are concerned with
+problems of liberty and human rights. They may fall short of their
+ideals and of their goals. There may be and often are actions which can
+only be condemned by all thinking men. Yet with it all there is the
+same hope and confidence that the human being can find his way to a
+better, happier and free future.</p>
+
+<p>The struggle between these two conceptions of life is destined to form
+the essence of the history of the coming years. It is truly a battle
+for the human spirit that is coming to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_303">[303]</span> the foreground of the world
+stage at the end of the great struggle that has thrown the whole of
+Europe and large parts of Asia and the Pacific Islands into the abyss.
+To-day it appears in the councils of the United Nations, for that body
+has been formed with the greatest care as to methods of organization,
+but with surprisingly little attention to the contents of the spirit
+of that organization. The founders did not venture to write into it
+the spirit of the Four Freedoms and the Atlantic Charter, the ideals
+of self-determination of Woodrow Wilson, or the principles on which
+American and Western Christian life has been based since the days of
+ancient Judaism and Hellenism, lest the clash between the two ways of
+life be brought into the open and doom in advance the hopes of men for
+a peaceful world.</p>
+
+<p>What is to be the outcome? The human mind is staggered at the
+potentialities for good and ill in the present situation. As we look
+at the human misery, the ruined cities, the scorched earth, and the
+destructive power of man, we can only wonder at what is going to
+happen, and perhaps soon.</p>
+
+<p>Where does Ukraine stand in all this? The Ukrainian spirit has survived
+for over a thousand years. The Ukrainians on two occasions have lost
+their upper and more cultured classes, when these were Polonized and
+Russianized. The peasant life kept on, close to the soil and has sent
+forth new shoots as soon as conditions became ripe. Every great shift
+of the European balance, every great movement that has given a new
+outlet to the human spirit has sooner or later had its effect upon the
+people.</p>
+
+<p>To-day as never before the Ukrainian population is scattered. The
+Soviet government has worked unflinchingly to liquidate or break every
+leader who has refused to bow to its all-embracing rule. The Ukrainian
+literature of the present is indistinguishable from the literature of
+the Russian Soviet Republic, of the Georgian Soviet Republic and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_304">[304]</span> of
+the Kazak Soviet Republic. Millions of Ukrainians have been torn from
+their native soil and scattered alone or with their families throughout
+the length and breadth of the Soviet Union. Their places have been
+taken by other similarly uprooted individuals, in the hope that there
+may be formed a conglomerate mass of rootless people attached to the
+traditions of the Communist Party.</p>
+
+<p>Can such an ambitious plan succeed? There can be no doubt that under
+the rule of Stalin and his associates, the Soviet Union has grown into
+a powerful force which is apparently able to retain the iron control
+that is necessary for its existence. There has been a terrible cost and
+this is shown by the refusal of the displaced persons to return. It
+is shown by the desperate struggle of the Ukrainians during the past
+decades to maintain their homes and their identity. How long can they
+endure? No one knows the ultimate power of resistance of the human
+spirit. No one knows how long devoted fathers and mothers will continue
+at the risk of their lives to nourish in their children those old
+traditions which can be handed down secretly and then spring to life
+with renewed vigor. No one knows how long the ruling group can maintain
+that iron unity which alone can enable it to continue its herculean
+task.</p>
+
+<p>The world cannot continue half free and half Communist. Sooner or
+later there will be an open clash or the ideals of one side will
+penetrate and destroy the other. The final struggle may not take the
+form of armed hostilities in the sense of a clash between the nations
+representing the two ideals, but it will inevitably spread ruin and
+devastation within one or both of the groups. The lurid tales of
+deportations when the Red Army entered Western Ukraine will be but a
+portent, a token of what will ultimately happen if the regime falls or
+extends its power throughout the world.</p>
+
+<p>It is chimerical to speak now of a relaxation of the methods<span class="pagenum" id="Page_305">[305]</span> of
+control in the Soviet Union. For a quarter of a century, the world has
+been waiting for a clear sign that this was already taking place and
+it has been disappointed. The power of the Communist Party is stronger
+than ever and it is able to profit immediately by all signs of weakness
+and of confusion among the free nations. It is able to reach out beyond
+its borders and it brooks no interference with its ideals or its
+desires.</p>
+
+<p>It is no time for optimism or for pessimism. Neither is it the time
+for false and wishful thinking or for easy platitudes. The fundamental
+issue is clear and however it may be glossed over, it cannot be avoided.</p>
+
+<p>The traditional Ukrainian culture can now flourish only outside the
+borders of Ukraine. The Ukrainian Soviet Republic, under the control
+of its Communist leaders, is becoming a part of the great and unified
+Soviet Union. Step by step the dreams of many sincere Ukrainian
+Communists that they could adapt Communism to the Ukrainian spirit
+have been blasted and those who held them have paid the price of their
+beliefs. The struggle now is to adapt the Ukrainian spirit to Communism
+by ruthless actions and by careful training. A democratic people is
+being remodelled to serve the purposes of a strictly regimented regime.
+Its past is being rewritten for it. Its present is being controlled.
+Its future is being planned.</p>
+
+<p>It is idle to deny that it may succeed, but we can be sure of only
+one thing. It cannot succeed until the sway of Communism over the
+whole world has been made absolute. So long as there is a fortress
+of democracy anywhere in the world, there will remain a centre from
+which the ideas of freedom and of humanity will emanate and which will
+continually menace any system which denies them and their validity and
+existence.</p>
+
+<p>The problem of Ukraine lies to-day as one of the great problems of
+the world. Here is a nation of forty million<span class="pagenum" id="Page_306">[306]</span> people that is sealed
+off from its natural contacts and deprived of its natural rights and
+desires. The tragic events of the last half century have shown that
+alone it cannot throw off the yoke that is upon its neck. Yet that does
+not mean that it must forever suffer.</p>
+
+<p>Once the free nations awake to the situation and bend their efforts to
+establish that freedom and dignity that is the right of every man, they
+will realize that they will have no more devoted friends and allies
+than the Ukrainians and then it will be possible to reestablish a free
+and independent Ukraine as one of the free nations of the world.</p>
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_307">[307]</span></p>
+
+<h2>INDEX</h2>
+</div>
+
+<ul>
+  <li class="i1"><i>Aeneid</i>,
+    <a href="#Page_155">155</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Alexander I, Emperor of Russia,
+    <a href="#Page_162">162</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_165">165</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Alexander II, Emperor of Russia,
+    <a href="#Page_184">184</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_185">185</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Alexander III, Emperor of Russia,
+    <a href="#Page_193">193</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Alexis, Tsar of Moscow,
+    <a href="#Page_27">27</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_95">95</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_109">109</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_112">112</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_113">113</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_163">163</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_167">167</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">All-Ukrainian Council of Soviets,
+    <a href="#Page_223">223</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_224">224</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">All-Ukrainian Revolutionary Committee,
+    <a href="#Page_274">274</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">All-Union Academy of Soviets,
+    <a href="#Page_284">284</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">All-Union Soviet,
+    <a href="#Page_276">276</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_295">295</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Allies (World War I)
+    <a href="#Page_236">236</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_246">246–249</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_250">250</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_253">253</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_255">255</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">Missions to Ukraine,
+    <a href="#Page_242">242</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Allied Supreme Council,
+    <a href="#Page_248">248</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">American Civil War,
+    <a href="#Page_188">188</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">American Constitution,
+    <a href="#Page_146">146</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1" id="America">America,
+    <a href="#Page_13">13</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_14">14</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_15">15</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_45">45</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_59">59</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_87">87</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_140">140</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_145">145</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_259">259</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_303">303</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">See <a href="#United_States">United States</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">American engineers,
+    <a href="#Page_283">283</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">American pioneers,
+    <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">American Relief Administration,
+    <a href="#Page_275">275</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">American Revolution,
+    <a href="#Page_14">14</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_128">128</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_145">145</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">American Ruska Nationalna Rada,
+    <a href="#Page_241">241</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Andrusivo, Treaty of,
+    <a href="#Page_93">93</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_121">121</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_123">123</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_172">172</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Anna, Empress of Russia,
+    <a href="#Page_126">126</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_127">127</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_136">136</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_138">138</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Antae, tribe,
+    <a href="#Page_32">32</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1"><i>Antiquities of Kiev</i>,
+    <a href="#Page_192">192</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Antioch,
+    <a href="#Page_54">54</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Antonovich, V., Prof.,
+    <a href="#Page_190">190</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Apostol, D., Kozak Hetman,
+    <a href="#Page_134">134</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_135">135</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Archangel,
+    <a href="#Page_227">227</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_229">229</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Armenia,
+    <a href="#Page_40">40</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Armistice, World War I,
+    <a href="#Page_237">237</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Asia,
+    <a href="#Page_25">25</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_303">303</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Asia Minor,
+    <a href="#Page_26">26</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Asiatic invaders,
+    <a href="#Page_11">11</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_20">20</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Athos, Mount,
+    <a href="#Page_51">51</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_56">56</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Atlantic Charter,
+    <a href="#Page_303">303</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">August II, King of Poland,
+    <a href="#Page_126">126</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">August III, King of Poland,
+    <a href="#Page_126">126</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_127">127</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1" id="Austria">Austria,
+    <a href="#Page_163">163</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_174">174–233</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_256">256</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">See <a href="#Austria_Hungary">Austria-Hungary</a>, <a href="#Hapsburgs">Hapsburgs</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1" id="Austria_Hungary">Austria-Hungary,
+    <a href="#Page_15">15</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_28">28–30</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_172">172</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_183">183</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_195">195–202</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_210">210</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_212">212</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Avvakum, Russian religious leader,
+    <a href="#Page_108">108</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Aztecs,
+    <a href="#Page_12">12</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+
+<ul>
+  <li class="i1">Bachinsky, A., Uniat Bishop,
+    <a href="#Page_175">175</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Balaban, Gedeon, Bishop,
+    <a href="#Page_55">55</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Balkans,
+    <a href="#Page_33">33</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_150">150</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_152">152</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_153">153</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Baltic Sea,
+    <a href="#Page_20">20</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_24">24–25</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_73">73</a>,</li>
+  <li class="i2">peoples,
+    <a href="#Page_204">204</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_253">253</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Bandera, S., Ukrainian leader, World War II,
+    <a href="#Page_293">293</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Batu Khan,
+    <a href="#Page_42">42</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Baturyn,
+    <a href="#Page_100">100</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Bazarov, character of Turgenev,
+    <a href="#Page_186">186</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Belgrade,
+    <a href="#Page_152">152</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Belinsky, V. G.,
+    <a href="#Page_160">160</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_169">169</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Berinda, P., Kievan scholar,
+    <a href="#Page_111">111</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Berestechko, battle of,
+    <a href="#Page_81">81</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Berlin,
+    <a href="#Page_235">235</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_285">285</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Bessarabia,
+    <a href="#Page_291">291</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Bibikov, D. G., Russian Governor-General of Ukraine,
+    <a href="#Page_162">162</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Bible,
+    <a href="#Page_50">50</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Bila Tserkva,
+    <a href="#Page_94">94</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_235">235</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">Treaty of,
+    <a href="#Page_81">81</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Bilozersky, V. I., Ukrainian writer,
+    <a href="#Page_169">169</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_185">185</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Black Sea,
+    <a href="#Page_19">19</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_20">20</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_24">24</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_26">26</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_33">33</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_66">66</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_194">194</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_206">206</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_234">234</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_235">235</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_246">246</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Bobrinsky, Count A. G., Russian Administrator,
+    <a href="#Page_211">211</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Bogdanovich, I., Russian writer,
+    <a href="#Page_156">156</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Bogolyubsky, Prince Andrey, Prince of Suzdal,
+    <a href="#Page_26">26</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_41">41</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Bohemia,
+    <a href="#Page_28">28</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_36">36</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_54">54</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_154">154</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_269">269</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">Estates of,
+    <a href="#Page_161">161</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">See also <a href="#Czech">Czech</a>, <a href="#Czechoslovakia">Czechoslovakia</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Boileau, N., French critic,
+    <a href="#Page_156">156</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1" id="Bolsheviks">Bolsheviks,
+    <a href="#Page_217">217</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_221">221–253</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_273">273</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_274">274</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_285">285</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">See also <a href="#Soviets">Soviets</a>, <a href="#Soviet_Union">Soviet Union</a>,
+ <a href="#Communists">Communists</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Bosphorus,
+    <a href="#Page_10">10</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Boston, Mass,
+    <a href="#Page_145">145</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Braslav,
+    <a href="#Page_81">81</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_126">126</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Brest-Litovsk,
+    <a href="#Page_55">55</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_123">123</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_229">229</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_238">238</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_251">251</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_270">270</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_274">274</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">See also <a href="#Union_Brest">Union of Brest</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">British,
+    <a href="#Page_145">145</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">British Commonwealth of Nations,
+    <a href="#Page_295">295</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Brody,
+    <a href="#Page_269">269</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Brotherhoods,
+    <a href="#Page_53">53</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_57">57</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_69">69</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_107">107</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_120">120</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_122">122–124</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_176">176</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_179">179</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Brusilov, A. A., Russian general,
+    <a href="#Page_213">213</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Budenny, S., Soviet general,
+    <a href="#Page_252">252</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Bukovina,
+    <a href="#Page_172">172</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_181">181–196</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_208">208</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_239">239</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_241">241</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_291">291</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">See also <a href="#Austria_Hungary">Austria-Hungary</a>, <a href="#Romania">Romania</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Bunker Hill,
+    <a href="#Page_145">145</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Bulavin, K., Don Cossack ataman,
+    <a href="#Page_110">110</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Bulgarians,
+    <a href="#Page_152">152</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Buturlin, V. V., Russian boyar,
+    <a href="#Page_82">82</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Byliny,
+    <a href="#Page_35">35</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Byron, Lord G. G.,
+    <a href="#Page_94">94</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Byzantine Empire,
+    <a href="#Page_21">21</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_24">24</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_33">33</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_34">34</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_40">40</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_45">45</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_46">46</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_52">52</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_69">69</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">See also <a href="#Constantinople">Constantinople</a>, <a href="#Turkey">Turkey</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+
+<ul>
+  <li class="i1">Cadets, Russian political party,
+    <a href="#Page_226">226</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Capet, Hugh, King of France,
+    <a href="#Page_10">10</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Carbonari, Italian secret societies,
+    <a href="#Page_164">164</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Carpathian Mountains,
+    <a href="#Page_19">19</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_25">25</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_36">36</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_43">43</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_172">172</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_211">211</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_266">266</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1" id="Carpatho_Ukraine">Carpatho-Ukraine,
+    <a href="#Page_174">174</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_182">182</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_195">195–196</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_207">207–212</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_239">239</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_241">241</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_265">265–272</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_288">288–289</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_296">296</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_298">298</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">See also <a href="#Austria">Austria</a>, <a href="#Austria_Hungary">Austria-Hungary</a>,
+ <a href="#Czechoslovakia">Czechoslovakia</a>, <a href="#Hungary">Hungary</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Caspian Sea,
+    <a href="#Page_40">40</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Catherine I, Empress of Russia,
+    <a href="#Page_135">135</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Catherine II, the Great, Empress of Russia,
+    <a href="#Page_14">14</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_128">128</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_137">137–178</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_203">203</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_226">226</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Caucasus,
+    <a href="#Page_204">204</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_280">280</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_294">294</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Cehelsky, L., Western Ukrainian leader,
+    <a href="#Page_246">246</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Central Administration of Press, Russia,
+    <a href="#Page_191">191</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Central Asia,
+    <a href="#Page_171">171</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_193">193</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_218">218</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_247">247</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_299">299</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Central Powers (World War I),
+    <a href="#Page_227">227–231</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">See also <a href="#Germany">Germany</a>, <a href="#Austria_Hungary">Austria-Hungary</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Charlemagne,
+    <a href="#Page_36">36</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Charles XII, King of Sweden,
+    <a href="#Page_97">97–102</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_131">131</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_134">134</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Chernihiv,
+    <a href="#Page_36">36</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_39">39</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_42">42</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_81">81</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_152">152</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_165">165</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_185">185</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_204">204</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Chernivtsy,
+    <a href="#Page_241">241</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Chertomlyk, vase,
+    <a href="#Page_32">32</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Chetniks,
+    <a href="#Page_125">125</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Chetyi Minei,
+    <a href="#Page_115">115</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">China,
+    <a href="#Page_21">21</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Chronicles of Kievan Rus’,
+    <a href="#Page_26">26</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_31">31</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_32">32</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_115">115</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_150">150</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Church Schism,
+    <a href="#Page_35">35</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Church Slavonic,
+    <a href="#Page_34">34</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_43">43–51</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_108">108–112</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_149">149–176</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_180">180–199</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Ciceronian Latinists,
+    <a href="#Page_150">150</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">College of St. Athanasius, Rome,
+    <a href="#Page_116">116</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Columbus, Christopher,
+    <a href="#Page_12">12</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1" id="Communism">Communism,
+    <a href="#Page_262">262–292</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">Communist Party,
+    <a href="#Page_276">276</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_284">284</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_291">291</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_295">295</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_304">304</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_305">305</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2" id="Communists">Russian Communists,
+    <a href="#Page_274">274</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_306">306</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">Ukrainian Communists,
+    <a href="#Page_279">279–285</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">See also <a href="#Bolsheviks">Bolsheviks</a>, <a href="#Soviets">Soviets</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Communist International,
+    <a href="#Page_286">286</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Concord Bridge, Mass.,
+    <a href="#Page_14">14</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Confederation of Bar,
+    <a href="#Page_127">127</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_128">128</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Congress of Ruthenian Scholars,
+    <a href="#Page_181">181</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_183">183</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Constantine, Russian Grand Duke,
+    <a href="#Page_165">165</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1" id="Constantinople">Constantinople,
+    <a href="#Page_9">9</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_12">12</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_21">21</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_27">27</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_33">33</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_35">35</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_37">37–52</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_66">66</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_90">90</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_94">94</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_107">107</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_108">108</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_117">117</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_122">122</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_152">152</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">Patriarch of,
+    <a href="#Page_33">33</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_54">54</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_93">93</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_122">122</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_266">266</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">Church of St. Sophia,
+    <a href="#Page_33">33</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">New Church,
+    <a href="#Page_38">38</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Convention of Ukrainian Soldiers and Peasants,
+    <a href="#Page_220">220</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Cortez, H., Spanish leader,
+    <a href="#Page_12">12</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Council of Ambassadors,
+    <a href="#Page_255">255</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_258">258</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Council of Florence,
+    <a href="#Page_45">45</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_52">52</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Council of General Secretaries, Ukraine,
+    <a href="#Page_220">220</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Council of the Regency, Polish,
+    <a href="#Page_239">239</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Councils of Workers’ and Soldiers’, Deputies,
+    <a href="#Page_217">217</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Crimea,
+    <a href="#Page_64">64</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_66">66</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_76">76</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_91">91</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_93">93</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_250">250</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Cromwell, Oliver,
+    <a href="#Page_13">13</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Crusades,
+    <a href="#Page_45">45</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_47">47</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Curzon Line,
+    <a href="#Page_249">249</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Cyrillic script,
+    <a href="#Page_192">192</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Cyril Loukaris,
+    <a href="#Page_49">49</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Czaplinski, Polish officer,
+    <a href="#Page_74">74</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_77">77</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Czartoryski family, Polish,
+    <a href="#Page_140">140</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">Prince Adam,
+    <a href="#Page_162">162</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1" id="Czech">Czech,
+    <a href="#Page_153">153–167</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_186">186</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_238">238</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_241">241</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_265">265–269</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">See also <a href="#Czechoslovakia">Czechoslovakia</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1" id="Czechoslovakia">Czechoslovakia,
+    <a href="#Page_208">208</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_242">242</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_260">260–270</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_296">296</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">See also <a href="#Carpatho_Ukraine">Carpatho-Ukraine</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Czernin, Count O., Austro-Hungarian diplomat,
+    <a href="#Page_230">230</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_231">231</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+
+<ul>
+  <li class="i1">Danube River,
+    <a href="#Page_142">142</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Danzig,
+    <a href="#Page_127">127</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Dardanelles,
+    <a href="#Page_20">20</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_235">235</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Decembrists, Russian revolutionary movement,
+    <a href="#Page_165">165</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_167">167</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_186">186</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Denikin, A. I., Russian general,
+    <a href="#Page_234">234</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_244">244–250</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_282">282</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Direktoria,
+    <a href="#Page_235">235–252</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Dnyeper River,
+    <a href="#Page_9">9</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_20">20</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_24">24</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_25">25</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_29">29</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_34">34</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_36">36</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_43">43</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_58">58–77</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_88">88</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_91">91</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_93">93</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_101">101</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_121">121</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_144">144</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_198">198</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_251">251</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_252">252</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Dnyeprostroy,
+    <a href="#Page_278">278</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_283">283</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Dnyester River,
+    <a href="#Page_20">20</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Dobrovsky, J., Czech scholar,
+    <a href="#Page_153">153</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_156">156</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Dobryansky, A., Carpatho-Ukrainian leader,
+    <a href="#Page_182">182</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_196">196</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Dobrynya Nikitich, bylina hero,
+    <a href="#Page_35">35</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Dolgoruky, V. V., Russian minister,
+    <a href="#Page_135">135</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Don Cossacks,
+    <a href="#Page_61">61</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_110">110</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_234">234</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Don River,
+    <a href="#Page_19">19</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_20">20</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_25">25</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_40">40</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_61">61</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Donets River,
+    <a href="#Page_194">194</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_246">246</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Doroshenko, Peter, Kozak ataman,
+    <a href="#Page_92">92</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_93">93</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Dostoyevsky, F. M., Russian writer,
+    <a href="#Page_188">188</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Drahomaniv, Mykhaylo, Ukrainian publicist,
+    <a href="#Page_190">190</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_198">198</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_199">199</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_217">217</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Drake, Sir Francis,
+    <a href="#Page_12">12</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Druzhina,
+    <a href="#Page_33">33</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_38">38</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_40">40</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Dukhnovich, O., Carpatho-Ukrainian leader,
+    <a href="#Page_196">196</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Duma,
+    <a href="#Page_205">205</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_213">213</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Dunajec River,
+    <a href="#Page_212">212</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Dutch,
+    <a href="#Page_118">118</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+
+<ul>
+  <li class="i1" id="Eastern_Galicia">Eastern Galicia,
+    <a href="#Page_201">201</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_207">207</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_211">211</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_230">230</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_239">239–260</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_270">270</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_272">272</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_280">280</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_283">283</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_289">289</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">See also <a href="#Galicia">Galicia</a>, <a href="#Western_Ukraine">Western Ukraine</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Eastern Ukraine,
+    <a href="#Page_196">196–206</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_242">242</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">See also <a href="#Ukraine">Ukraine</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Educational Society, Galicia,
+    <a href="#Page_182">182</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Eichhorn, German general,
+    <a href="#Page_232">232–233</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Elizabeth, English Queen,
+    <a href="#Page_12">12</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Elizabeth, Empress of Russia,
+    <a href="#Page_136">136</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_138">138</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1"><i>Eneida</i>, work of Kotlyaresky,
+    <a href="#Page_155">155</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_158">158</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Engelhardt, Pavel, owner of the Shevchenko family,
+    <a href="#Page_147">147</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_166">166</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">England,
+    <a href="#Page_10">10</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_29">29</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_46">46</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_59">59</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_73">73</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_87">87</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_117">117</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_169">169</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_227">227</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_234">234</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_301">301</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Enlightenment,
+    <a href="#Page_156">156</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Entente (World War I),
+    <a href="#Page_214">214</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_227">227</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Estonia,
+    <a href="#Page_253">253</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Europe,
+    <a href="#Page_9">1–45</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_52">52</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_59">59</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_60">60</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_65">65</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_73">73</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_84">84–89</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_105">105</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_106">106</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_113">113–121</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_146">146</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_155">155</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">See also Western Europe.</li>
+</ul>
+
+<ul>
+  <li class="i1">Finland,
+    <a href="#Page_218">218</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_247">247</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_253">253</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Finnic tribes,
+    <a href="#Page_25">25</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_36">36</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_40">40</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Five Years Plan,
+    <a href="#Page_278">278</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Fort Kodak,
+    <a href="#Page_75">75</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_76">76</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Four Freedoms,
+    <a href="#Page_17">17</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_303">303</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Fourteen Points,
+    <a href="#Page_15">15</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_238">238</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Francis II, Emperor of Austria,
+    <a href="#Page_178">178</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Francis Joseph II, Emperor of Austria-Hungary,
+    <a href="#Page_195">195</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_214">214</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_215">215</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_230">230</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Franko, Ivan, Ukrainian writer,
+    <a href="#Page_172">172</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_182">182</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_199">199</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_200">200</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_206">206</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_209">209</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_267">267</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_286">286</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">France,
+    <a href="#Page_25">25</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_35">35</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_73">73</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_117">117</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_118">118</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_140">140</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_156">156</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_227">227</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_234">234</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_250">250</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_255">255</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_265">265</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_299">299</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">French language,
+    <a href="#Page_147">147</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_150">150</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">French Revolution,
+    <a href="#Page_14">14</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_146">146</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_157">157</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_178">178</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+
+<ul>
+  <li class="i1" id="Galicia">Galicia,
+    <a href="#Page_29">29</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_39">39</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_129">129</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_130">130</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_167">167–214</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_230">230–264</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">Princes of,
+    <a href="#Page_26">26</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_39">39</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_41">41</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Galician Diet,
+    <a href="#Page_201">201</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Genghis Khan,
+    <a href="#Page_42">42</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Gennady, Archbishop of Novgorod,
+    <a href="#Page_50">50</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Genoa,
+    <a href="#Page_276">276</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Georgia,
+    <a href="#Page_40">40</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_96">96</a>
+    <a href="#Page_234">234</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">Georgian Soviet Republic,
+    <a href="#Page_303">303</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1" id="Germany">Germany,
+    <a href="#Page_10">10</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_13">13</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_116">116</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_117">117</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_164">164</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_207">207–234</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_263">263</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_269">269–299</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">See also <a href="#Nazis">Nazis</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">German language,
+    <a href="#Page_153">153</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_154">154</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_178">178</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_179">179</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Godunov, Boris, Tsar of Moscow,
+    <a href="#Page_67">67</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_109">109</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Gogol, N. V., Russian writer,
+    <a href="#Page_159">159</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_190">190</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Golden Horde,
+    <a href="#Page_42">42</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_46">46</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_60">60</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_88">88</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Golden Horn,
+    <a href="#Page_45">45</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Golitsyn, Prince V., Russian minister,
+    <a href="#Page_93">93</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_94">94</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_95">95</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Gonta, Ivan, Haydamak leader,
+    <a href="#Page_128">128</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1" id="Great_Russia">Great Russian,
+    <a href="#Page_19">19</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_112">112</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_139">139</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_160">160</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_194">194</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_199">199</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_204">204</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_218">218</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_276">276</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_278">278</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_286">286</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">See also <a href="#Moscow">Moscow</a>, <a href="#Muscovite">Muscovite</a>,
+ <a href="#Russia">Russian</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Great Russian Language,
+    <a href="#Page_111">111</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_117">117</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_151">151</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_169">169</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_181">181</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_188">188</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_191">191</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_192">192</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_205">205</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_267">267</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Greek,
+    <a href="#Page_26">26</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_49">49</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_50">50</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_107">107–109</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">Greek monks,
+    <a href="#Page_34">34–37</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">Language,
+    <a href="#Page_108">108</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Greek Catholics,
+    <a href="#Page_207">207</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_262">262</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">See also <a href="#Uniat_Church">Uniat Church</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Gregory VII, Pope,
+    <a href="#Page_10">10</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Gregoryev, ataman,
+    <a href="#Page_246">246</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Grigoryev, A. A., Russian critic,
+    <a href="#Page_160">160</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Groener, German general,
+    <a href="#Page_232">232</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+
+<ul>
+  <li class="i1">Halich,
+    <a href="#Page_29">29</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_43">43</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Haller, Joseph, Polish general,
+    <a href="#Page_242">242</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Hanseatic League,
+    <a href="#Page_108">108</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1" id="Hapsburgs">Hapsburgs,
+    <a href="#Page_28">28</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_29">29</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_146">146</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_197">197</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_214">214</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_215">215</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">See also <a href="#Austria">Austria</a>, <a href="#Austria_Hungary">Austria-Hungary</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Haydamaks,
+    <a href="#Page_125">125–128</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Helen, wife of B. Khmelnitsky,
+    <a href="#Page_74">74</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_77">77</a>
+    <a href="#Page_82">82</a></li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Hellenism,
+    <a href="#Page_202">202</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Henlein, K. Sudeten leader,
+    <a href="#Page_268">268</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Herder, J. G., German writer,
+    <a href="#Page_157">157</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_160">160</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Hetman (title),
+    <a href="#Page_13">13</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_63">63–145</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_235">235</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Hetman’s Council,
+    <a href="#Page_133">133</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_137">137</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_138">138</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_140">140</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Hetman State,
+    <a href="#Page_133">133–162</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_184">184</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">See also <a href="#Kozaks">Kozaks</a>, <a href="#Ukraine">Ukraine</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Hitler, A., German Fuhrer,
+    <a href="#Page_270">270</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_271">271</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_285">285</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Hlinka, Mgr. A., Slovak leader,
+    <a href="#Page_268">268</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Hlukhiv,
+    <a href="#Page_100">100</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_131">131</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_138">138</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Hoffman, German general,
+    <a href="#Page_230">230</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Holland,
+    <a href="#Page_299">299</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Holovatsky, Y., Ukrainian scholar,
+    <a href="#Page_180">180</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Holovaty, A., Kozak officer,
+    <a href="#Page_142">142</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Holovna Rada (Galicia),
+    <a href="#Page_181">181</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Holubovich, V., Ukrainian minister,
+    <a href="#Page_231">231</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_277">277</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_280">280</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Holy Roman Empire,
+    <a href="#Page_10">10</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_36">36</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Holy Synod, Russia,
+    <a href="#Page_116">116</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_119">119</a>
+    <a href="#Page_133">133</a></li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Homonai, Hungarian magnate,
+    <a href="#Page_173">173</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Horowitz, Ukrainian Communist leader,
+    <a href="#Page_225">225</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Hrinchenko, B., Ukrainian author,
+    <a href="#Page_193">193</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Hromada,
+    <a href="#Page_190">190</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_191">191</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Hrushevsky, M., Ukrainian president,
+    <a href="#Page_206">206</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_211">211</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_217">217</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_230">230</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_259">259</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_277">277</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_280">280</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_300">300</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Hrynko, Ukrainian Communist leader,
+    <a href="#Page_274">274</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1" id="Hungary">Hungary,
+    <a href="#Page_35">35</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_36">36</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_43">43</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_125">125</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_172">172–179</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_195">195</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_197">197</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_207">207</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_212">212</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_265">265–271</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_288">288</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Hust,
+    <a href="#Page_241">241</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_242">242</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_269">269</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_271">271</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+
+<ul>
+  <li class="i1">Ilya of Murom, hero of Rus’,
+    <a href="#Page_35">35</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Incas,
+    <a href="#Page_12">12</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Iranian,
+    <a href="#Page_25">25</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1" id="Islam">Islam,
+    <a href="#Page_88">88</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_93">93</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">See also <a href="#Mohammedanism">Mohammedanism</a>, <a href="#Tatars">Tatars</a>, <a href="#Turkey">Turkey</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1"><i>Istoria Rusov</i>,
+    <a href="#Page_149">149</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_153">153</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_159">159</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Italy,
+    <a href="#Page_26">26</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_46">46</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_106">106</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_164">164</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_195">195</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Italian Language,
+    <a href="#Page_150">150</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Ivan III, Tsar of Moscow,
+    <a href="#Page_46">46</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_106">106</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Ivan IV (the Terrible), Tsar of Moscow,
+    <a href="#Page_108">108</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Ivan VI, Tsar of Moscow,
+    <a href="#Page_136">136</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Ivanov, Russian Communist leader,
+    <a href="#Page_225">225</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Izmaylov, Russian Minister,
+    <a href="#Page_131">131</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+
+<ul>
+  <li class="i1">Jadwiga, Queen of Poland,
+    <a href="#Page_47">47</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Jan Kazimierz, King of Poland,
+    <a href="#Page_78">78</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Japan,
+    <a href="#Page_302">302</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Jena, German University,
+    <a href="#Page_166">166</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Jeremias, Patriarch of Constantinople,
+    <a href="#Page_53">53</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_54">54</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Jerusalem,
+    <a href="#Page_78">78</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Jesuits,
+    <a href="#Page_49">49</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_52">52</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_54">54</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_65">65</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_74">74</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_117">117</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Jews,
+    <a href="#Page_125">125</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_266">266</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Joachim, Patriarch of Antioch,
+    <a href="#Page_54">54</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Joachim, Patriarch of Moscow,
+    <a href="#Page_115">115</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Joseph II, Emperor of Austria,
+    <a href="#Page_174">174</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_177">177</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_178">178</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_179">179</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Judaism,
+    <a href="#Page_33">33</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_303">303</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Judaizers, Russian religious sect,
+    <a href="#Page_50">50</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Jungmann, J., Czech writer,
+    <a href="#Page_161">161</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+
+<ul>
+  <li class="i1">Kaffa,
+    <a href="#Page_66">66</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Kaganovich, Soviet minister,
+    <a href="#Page_279">279</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Kalinowski, Polish hetman,
+    <a href="#Page_75">75</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_76">76</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Kalka River,
+    <a href="#Page_42">42</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Kalnyshevsky, P., Kozak koshovy,
+    <a href="#Page_141">141</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_142">142</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Kaminets Podolsky,
+    <a href="#Page_245">245</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Karamzin, N. M., Russian historian,
+    <a href="#Page_159">159</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Karl, Emperor of Austria-Hungary,
+    <a href="#Page_215">215</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Kasatin,
+    <a href="#Page_237">237</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Kazak Soviet Republic,
+    <a href="#Page_304">304</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Kazan,
+    <a href="#Page_43">43</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_212">212</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Kentucky,
+    <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Kerensky, A. F., Russian politician,
+    <a href="#Page_216">216</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_219">219</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_220">220</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_226">226</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_228">228</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Khan of the Crimean Tatars,
+    <a href="#Page_60">60</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_61">61</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_66">66</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_75">75</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_80">80</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_81">81</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Kharkiv,
+    <a href="#Page_71">71</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_104">104</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_204">204</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_225">225</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_274">274–291</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">University of,
+    <a href="#Page_162">162</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_292">292</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Khliborody,
+    <a href="#Page_233">233</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Khmelnitsky, Bohdan, Kozak hetman,
+    <a href="#Page_13">13</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_14">14</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_72">72–97</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_103">103</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_104">104</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_110">110</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_116">116</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_121">121</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_125">125</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_126">126</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_133">133</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_160">160</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_163">163</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_168">168</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Khmelnitsky, Timosh, son of Bohdan,
+    <a href="#Page_81">81</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_83">83</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Khmelnitsky, Yury, son of Bohdan,
+    <a href="#Page_84">84</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_92">92</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Kholm,
+    <a href="#Page_214">214</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_230">230</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_232">232</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_296">296</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Khortytsya,
+    <a href="#Page_62">62</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Khozars,
+    <a href="#Page_33">33</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Khrushchev, Soviet Ukrainian President,
+    <a href="#Page_295">295</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Khvylovy, M.,
+    <a href="#Page_280">280</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Kiev,
+    <a href="#Page_9">9–14</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_21">21</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_25">25–42</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_47">47–59</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_69">69</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_78">78–85</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_93">93</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_106">106–119</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_121">121</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_127">127</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_129">129</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_144">144</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_151">151–170</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_174">174</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_180">180</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_191">191–194</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_202">202–212</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_217">217–237</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_242">242–259</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_266">266</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_274">274</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_277">277</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_283">283</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_290">290</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_291">291</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_300">300</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">Academy of,
+    <a href="#Page_51">51</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_71">71</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_82">82</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_92">92</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_106">106</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_111">111–190</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">Archaeological Commission,
+    <a href="#Page_161">161</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_168">168</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">Cathedral of St. Nicholas,
+    <a href="#Page_95">95</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">Church of St. Sophia,
+    <a href="#Page_38">38</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_95">95</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_283">283</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">Church of the Epiphany,
+    <a href="#Page_95">95</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">Church of the Tithe (Desyatinnaya),
+    <a href="#Page_34">34</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">Grand Princes of,
+    <a href="#Page_10">10</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_11">11</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_107">107</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">Metropolitan of,
+    <a href="#Page_37">37</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_41">41</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_79">79</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_93">93</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_110">110</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_122">122</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_123">123</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_136">136</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_175">175</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">Monastery of the Caves,
+    <a href="#Page_37">37</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_51">51</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_58">58</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_68">68</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_95">95</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">University of,
+    <a href="#Page_162">162</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_167">167</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_190">190</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_198">198</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_206">206</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_292">292</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">See <a href="#Rus">Rus’</a>, <a href="#Ukraine">Ukraine</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Kochubey, Kozak general judge,
+    <a href="#Page_97">97</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Kolchak, Admiral, Russian leader,
+    <a href="#Page_246">246</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Kolii,
+    <a href="#Page_127">127</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_148">148</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_172">172</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_174">174</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Kollar, J. Slovak writer,
+    <a href="#Page_161">161</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_166">166</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_167">167</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Koniecpolski, Polish general,
+    <a href="#Page_70">70</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Konovalets, E., Ukrainian officer,
+    <a href="#Page_237">237</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_259">259</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Kopistinsky, Bishop of Peremyshl,
+    <a href="#Page_55">55</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Koretsky, Prince,
+    <a href="#Page_76">76</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Korsun,
+    <a href="#Page_76">76</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_77">77</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Kosciuszko, T. Polish leader,
+    <a href="#Page_178">178</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Kossuth, L., Hungarian leader,
+    <a href="#Page_182">182</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Kostomarov, N., Historian,
+    <a href="#Page_149">149</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_168">168</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_170">170</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_185">185</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_186">186</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_191">191</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Kotlyarevsky, I., Ukrainian author,
+    <a href="#Page_118">118</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_146">146</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_155">155</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_156">156</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_157">157</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_158">158</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_162">162</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_167">167</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_176">176</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_179">179</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_180">180</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_184">184</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Kotsyubinsky, M., Ukrainian author,
+    <a href="#Page_193">193</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1" id="Kozaks">Kozaks,
+    <a href="#Page_11">11–15</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_29">29</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_58">58–104</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_110">110</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_121">121–154</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_156">156–168</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_206">206</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">Host,
+    <a href="#Page_12">12–14</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_59">59–105</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_119">119–125</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_132">132–138</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_154">154</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_163">163</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_253">253</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_256">256</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_300">300</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">Officers,
+    <a href="#Page_89">89</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_100">100</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_131">131–138</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_141">141</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_147">147</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">Organization,
+    <a href="#Page_83">83</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_86">86</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_125">125</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_133">133</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_141">141</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_146">146</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">See also <a href="#Zaporozhian_Kozaks">Zaporozhian Kozaks</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Kozaks of the Black Sea,
+    <a href="#Page_142">142</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Krakow,
+    <a href="#Page_26">26</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_212">212</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_240">240</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_241">241</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">University of,
+    <a href="#Page_92">92</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Kremlin, Moscow,
+    <a href="#Page_87">87</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_106">106</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_108">108</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_278">278</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_284">284</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_297">297</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Krivonos, Maksym, Kozak leader,
+    <a href="#Page_76">76</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Kuban,
+    <a href="#Page_142">142</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_162">162</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Kulish, P., Ukrainian author,
+    <a href="#Page_149">149</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_169">169</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_170">170</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_184">184</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_185">185</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_187">187</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_189">189</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_192">192</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_197">197</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_286">286</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Kulak,
+    <a href="#Page_282">282</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Kurbsky, Prince A., Russian boyar,
+    <a href="#Page_50">50</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Kvitka-Osnovyanenko, H.,
+    <a href="#Page_160">160</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+
+<ul>
+  <li class="i1">Ladoga Canal,
+    <a href="#Page_132">132</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">LaFontaine, J. de, French fable writer,
+    <a href="#Page_156">156</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Latin,
+    <a href="#Page_28">28</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_48">48</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_50">50</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_51">51</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_111">111</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_112">112</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_130">130</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_150">150</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_153">153</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_154">154</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_176">176</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Latvia,
+    <a href="#Page_253">253</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">League of Nations,
+    <a href="#Page_260">260</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_261">261</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_267">267</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Lemikivshchina,
+    <a href="#Page_297">297</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Lenin, V. I., Communist leader,
+    <a href="#Page_221">221</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_226">226</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_227">227</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_232">232</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_273">273</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Leopold II, Emperor of Austria,
+    <a href="#Page_178">178</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Lesya Ukrainka, Ukrainian poetess,
+    <a href="#Page_193">193</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Leszczynski, Stanislaw, King of Poland,
+    <a href="#Page_97">97</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_98">98</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_100">100</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_126">126</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_127">127</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Levitsky, Dmytro, Ukrainian politician,
+    <a href="#Page_259">259</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Levitsky, Ukrainian diplomat,
+    <a href="#Page_230">230</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Lexington, Mass.,
+    <a href="#Page_145">145</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Literary and Scientific Review,
+    <a href="#Page_206">206</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Lithuania,
+    <a href="#Page_43">43–47</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_61">61</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_64">64</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_79">79</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_92">92</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_99">99</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_107">107</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_109">109</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_121">121</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_162">162</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_253">253</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_256">256</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">Lithuanian Charter,
+    <a href="#Page_139">139</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1" id="Little_Russia">Little Russia,
+    <a href="#Page_131">131</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_133">133</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_138">138</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_154">154</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_160">160–183</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_191">191</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">Language,
+    <a href="#Page_188">188</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_191">191</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_192">192</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_205">205</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">See also <a href="#Ukraine">Ukraine</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Little Russian Board,
+    <a href="#Page_132">132</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_133">133</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_136">136</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_140">140</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_145">145</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Livonia,
+    <a href="#Page_99">99</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Loewenhaupt, Swedish general,
+    <a href="#Page_99">99</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Lomonosov, M., Russian poet,
+    <a href="#Page_111">111</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_114">114</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_156">156</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Lubinsky, Ukrainian diplomat,
+    <a href="#Page_230">230</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Lubny, battle of,
+    <a href="#Page_67">67</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Lubomirski, Prince, Polish landlord,
+    <a href="#Page_126">126</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Lupul, Vasyl, ruler of Moldavia,
+    <a href="#Page_81">81</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_83">83</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Lviv,
+    <a href="#Page_50">50–57</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_78">78</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_122">122</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_130">130</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_189">189</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_195">195–212</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_230">230</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_238">238</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_264">264</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_289">289</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_297">297</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">Cathedral,
+    <a href="#Page_297">297</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">University,
+    <a href="#Page_177">177–182</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_200">200</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_201">201</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_206">206</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_261">261</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">Staropegian Brotherhood of,
+    <a href="#Page_50">50</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_54">54</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_55">55</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_124">124</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_130">130</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_172">172</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Lvov, Prince G., Russian politician,
+    <a href="#Page_216">216</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+
+<ul>
+  <li class="i1">Mackensen, German general,
+    <a href="#Page_212">212</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Magdeburg Law,
+    <a href="#Page_138">138</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Magna Charta,
+    <a href="#Page_29">29</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Magyars,
+    <a href="#Page_265">265</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">See also <a href="#Hungary">Hungary</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Makhno, Ukrainian leader,
+    <a href="#Page_245">245</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Maksimovich, M., Ukrainian scholar,
+    <a href="#Page_161">161</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_169">169</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Mala Rus’,
+    <a href="#Page_26">26</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">See also <a href="#Little_Russia">Little Russia</a>, <a href="#Ukraine">Ukraine</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Manuilsky, D. Z., Ukrainian Soviet politician,
+    <a href="#Page_234">234</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_274">274</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_295">295</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Maria Theresa, Empress of Austria,
+    <a href="#Page_174">174</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_175">175</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_176">176</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_177">177</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Marko Vovchok (Maria Markovich), Ukrainian writer,
+    <a href="#Page_185">185</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_196">196</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Marxism,
+    <a href="#Page_277">277</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Masaryk, T. G., Czechoslovak president,
+    <a href="#Page_208">208</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Maxim the Greek,
+    <a href="#Page_107">107</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Mazepa, I., Kozak hetman,
+    <a href="#Page_13">13</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_94">94–110</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_116">116</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_121">121</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_122">122</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_131">131</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_159">159</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_233">233</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Mazepintsy,
+    <a href="#Page_103">103</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Mediterranean Sea,
+    <a href="#Page_20">20</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Melnyk, A., Colonel, Ukrainian leader,
+    <a href="#Page_271">271</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Menshikov, A., Russian minister,
+    <a href="#Page_133">133</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_135">135</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Mexico,
+    <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Mickiewicz, A., Polish poet,
+    <a href="#Page_160">160</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Miloradovich, Kozak officer,
+    <a href="#Page_134">134</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Militant Communism,
+    <a href="#Page_277">277</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">See also <a href="#Communism">Communism</a>, <a href="#Soviets">Soviets</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Milyukov, P., Russian politician,
+    <a href="#Page_208">208</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_213">213</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_226">226</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Russia,
+    <a href="#Page_133">133–137</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Mirbach, Count, German minister,
+    <a href="#Page_234">234</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Mliiv,
+    <a href="#Page_127">127</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Mnohohrishny, D., Kozak hetman,
+    <a href="#Page_92">92</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_93">93</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1" id="Mohammedanism">Mohammedanism,
+    <a href="#Page_33">33</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_62">62</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">See also <a href="#Islam">Islam</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Mohyla, P., Kiev metropolitan,
+    <a href="#Page_51">51</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_71">71</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_115">115</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1" id="Moldavia">Moldavia,
+    <a href="#Page_51">51</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_66">66</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_78">78</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_81">81</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_83">83</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_125">125</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_172">172</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">See also <a href="#Romania">Romania</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Moldavian Soviet Republic,
+    <a href="#Page_291">291</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Molotov, V. G., Soviet statesman,
+    <a href="#Page_289">289</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Mongols,
+    <a href="#Page_42">42</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_43">43</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_46">46</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Moravia,
+    <a href="#Page_269">269</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">See also <a href="#Czechoslovakia">Czechoslovakia</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1" id="Moscow">Moscow,
+    <a href="#Page_16">16</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_25">25–28</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_40">40–130</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_144">144</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_151">151</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_153">153</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_158">158</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_159">159</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_169">169</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_190">190</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_206">206</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_217">217</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_226">226</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_228">228</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_234">234</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_251">251</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_273">273–300</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_302">302</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">Patriarch of,
+    <a href="#Page_53">53</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_107">107</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_109">109</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_116">116</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_123">123</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_133">133</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_297">297</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">See also <a href="#Muscovite">Muscovite</a>, <a href="#Russia">Russia</a>, <a href="#Great_Russia">Great Russia</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1" id="Moscophile">Moscophile party,
+    <a href="#Page_181">181</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_196">196</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_197">197</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_199">199</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Moskals,
+    <a href="#Page_157">157</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Motronin Monastery,
+    <a href="#Page_127">127</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Mstislav, Kiev Grand Prince,
+    <a href="#Page_42">42</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Mukachevo,
+    <a href="#Page_173">173</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_175">175</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_269">269</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Mumm, Baron, German diplomat,
+    <a href="#Page_232">232</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Munich,
+    <a href="#Page_268">268</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Murmansk,
+    <a href="#Page_227">227</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1" id="Muscovite">Muscovite,
+    <a href="#Page_29">29</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_60">60–121</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_190">190</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_205">205</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">See also <a href="#Moscow">Moscow</a>, <a href="#Russia">Russia</a>, <a href="#Great_Russia">Great Russia</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+
+<ul>
+  <li class="i1">Nalyvaykans,
+    <a href="#Page_58">58</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Nalyvayko, Kozak leader,
+    <a href="#Page_68">68</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_159">159</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Napoleon, French emperor,
+    <a href="#Page_164">164</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Narodniki, Russian movement,
+    <a href="#Page_189">189</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Narva, battle of,
+    <a href="#Page_97">97</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1" id="Nazis">Nazis,
+    <a href="#Page_271">271</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_272">272</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_285">285</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_288">288</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_289">289</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_291">291</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_294">294</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_298">298</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">See also <a href="#Germany">Germany</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Neolithic period,
+    <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">New Economic Policy,
+    <a href="#Page_276">276</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">New England,
+    <a href="#Page_13">13</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">New York,
+    <a href="#Page_188">188</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Nicephorus, Vicar of Constantinople Patriarch,
+    <a href="#Page_55">55</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Nicholas I, Emperor of Russia,
+    <a href="#Page_165">165</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_170">170</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_184">184</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_196">196</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Nicholas II, Emperor of Russia,
+    <a href="#Page_193">193</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Nikon, Patriarch of Moscow,
+    <a href="#Page_78">78</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_82">82</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_109">109</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_110">110</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_112">112</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Nizhni Novgorod,
+    <a href="#Page_211">211</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">NKVD, Soviet secret police,
+    <a href="#Page_290">290</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Normans,
+    <a href="#Page_10">10</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_25">25</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Northern War,
+    <a href="#Page_97">97</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Novgorod,
+    <a href="#Page_25">25</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_26">26</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_33">33</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_38">38</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_40">40</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_108">108</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_116">116</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+
+<ul>
+  <li class="i1">Obradovich, D., Serb scholar,
+    <a href="#Page_156">156</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_161">161</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Ochakiv,
+    <a href="#Page_66">66</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_142">142</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Odesa,
+    <a href="#Page_194">194</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_246">246</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Old Believers, Russian religious sect,
+    <a href="#Page_110">110</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Oleh, Grand Prince of Kiev,
+    <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Olha, Princess of Kiev,
+    <a href="#Page_33">33</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Omelchenko, Kozak colonel,
+    <a href="#Page_98">98</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists,
+    <a href="#Page_271">271</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Orient,
+    <a href="#Page_21">21</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_46">46</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Orlyk, Philip, Kozak hetman,
+    <a href="#Page_102">102</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_104">104</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_132">132</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Orthodox Church,
+    <a href="#Page_11">11</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_26">26</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_28">28</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_33">33</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_52">52–130</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_172">172</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_175">175</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_256">256</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_262">262</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">Polish,
+    <a href="#Page_262">262</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">Russian,
+    <a href="#Page_41">41</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_106">106–120</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_212">212</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_297">297</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">Ukrainian,
+    <a href="#Page_93">93</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_143">143</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_292">292</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_297">297</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1"><i>Osnova</i>,
+    <a href="#Page_185">185</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_186">186</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_197">197</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Ostrih,
+    <a href="#Page_49">49</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_50">50</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Ostrozky, Prince Vasyl Konstantin,
+    <a href="#Page_50">50</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_55">55</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_57">57</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_67">67</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Otto I, Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire,
+    <a href="#Page_10">10</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1" id="Ottoman">Ottoman Empire,
+    <a href="#Page_53">53</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_125">125</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">See also <a href="#Turkey">Turkey</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+
+<ul>
+  <li class="i1">Pacific Islands,
+    <a href="#Page_303">303</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Paderewski, I. J., Polish statesman,
+    <a href="#Page_208">208</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Paganism,
+    <a href="#Page_33">33</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_36">36</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_107">107</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Paisius, Patriarch of Jerusalem,
+    <a href="#Page_78">78</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Palacky, F., Czech historian,
+    <a href="#Page_161">161</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Paleolithic period,
+    <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Paleolog, Sophia, princess of Constantinople,
+    <a href="#Page_46">46</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_106">106</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Paly,
+    <a href="#Page_94">94</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_98">98</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_121">121</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Pan-Slavic Society,
+    <a href="#Page_167">167</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Parliament, Austria,
+    <a href="#Page_208">208</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Paris,
+    <a href="#Page_242">242</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_247">247</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_248">248</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_253">253</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_257">257</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Peace Conference, Versailles,
+    <a href="#Page_242">242</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_245">245</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_247">247</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_248">248</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_255">255</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_256">256</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_257">257</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_258">258</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Peace treaties after World War I,
+    <a href="#Page_249">249</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Pechenegs,
+    <a href="#Page_33">33</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_39">39</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Peremyshl,
+    <a href="#Page_55">55</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_57">57</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_173">173</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_241">241</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Pereyaslav,
+    <a href="#Page_82">82</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_87">87</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_88">88</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_91">91</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">Treaty of,
+    <a href="#Page_103">103</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_131">131</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Perm,
+    <a href="#Page_212">212</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Peru,
+    <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Perun, pagan god,
+    <a href="#Page_33">33</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Pestel, Russian army officer,
+    <a href="#Page_165">165</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Peter I (the Great), Emperor of Russia,
+    <a href="#Page_14">14</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_27">27</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_28">28</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_95">95–118</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_131">131–137</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_152">152</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_153">153</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_167">167</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_171">171</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_226">226</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_233">233</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Peter II, Emperor of Russia,
+    <a href="#Page_135">135</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Peter III, Emperor of Russia,
+    <a href="#Page_137">137</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_139">139</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Petlyura S., Ukrainian leader,
+    <a href="#Page_235">235–255</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1" id="Petrograd">Petrograd,
+    <a href="#Page_220">220</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_221">221</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_225">225</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_228">228</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">See also <a href="#Petersburg">St. Petersburg</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1" id="Sitnyanovich">Petrovsky-Sitnyanovich, S. E.,
+    <a href="#Page_113">113</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">See also <a href="#Polotsky">Simeon Polotsky</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Petrov, O.,
+    <a href="#Page_170">170</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Petryk, Zaporozhian leader,
+    <a href="#Page_97">97</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Petrushevich, Dr. E., head of Ukrainian National Council in Western Ukraine,
+    <a href="#Page_240">240</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Pilsudski, J., Polish military leader,
+    <a href="#Page_214">214</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_239">239</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Pizarro, F., Spanish leader,
+    <a href="#Page_12">12</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Podebrady,
+    <a href="#Page_260">260</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Podkarpatska Rus,
+    <a href="#Page_268">268</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">See also <a href="#Carpatho_Ukraine">Carpatho-Ukraine</a>, <a href="#Austria_Hungary">Austria-Hungary</a>, <a href="#Hungary">Hungary</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Podolia,
+    <a href="#Page_43">43</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Poland,
+    <a href="#Page_26">26</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_28">28</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_35">35</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_36">36</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_43">43</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_45">45–143</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_153">153</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_162">162</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_164">164</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_172">172–187</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_206">206–208</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_212">212</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_239">239–298</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_301">301</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">Constituent diet,
+    <a href="#Page_257">257</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">Constitution,
+    <a href="#Page_257">257</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">Diet,
+    <a href="#Page_258">258</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_259">259</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_261">261</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Poletika, H., Ukrainian writer,
+    <a href="#Page_149">149</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Polish language and culture,
+    <a href="#Page_51">51</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_111">111</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_112">112</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_153">153</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Polish legions,
+    <a href="#Page_214">214</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Polish National Committee,
+    <a href="#Page_28">28</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_214">214</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_239">239</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Polish revolt of 1831,
+    <a href="#Page_162">162</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_166">166</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_167">167</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Polonization,
+    <a href="#Page_139">139</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_147">147</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_150">150</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Polotsk,
+    <a href="#Page_114">114</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1" id="Polotsky">Polotsky, Simeon, Ukrainian writer,
+    <a href="#Page_113">113</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_114">114</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">See also <a href="#Sitnyanovich">Petrovsky Sitnyanovich</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Polovtsy,
+    <a href="#Page_29">29</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_39">39</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Poltava,
+    <a href="#Page_101">101</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_155">155</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_204">204</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">Battle of,
+    <a href="#Page_103">103</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_116">116</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_131">131</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Polubotok, Kozak, acting hetman,
+    <a href="#Page_133">133</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_134">134</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_135">135</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Poniatowski, Stanislas August, King of Poland,
+    <a href="#Page_128">128</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_140">140</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Popovich, O., Bukovina Ukrainian leader,
+    <a href="#Page_241">241</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Postyshev, P. P., Ukrainian Communist leader,
+    <a href="#Page_279">279</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_281">281</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Potapov, Russian police official,
+    <a href="#Page_191">191</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Potemkin, Prince G., Russian imperial commissioner,
+    <a href="#Page_142">142</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Potocki family, Polish landlords,
+    <a href="#Page_67">67</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_70">70</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_128">128</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Potocki, N., Polish Crown hetman,
+    <a href="#Page_75">75</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_76">76</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Potocki, S., son of preceding,
+    <a href="#Page_76">76</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Potocki, A., governor of Galicia,
+    <a href="#Page_202">202</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Poty, Uniat bishop,
+    <a href="#Page_55">55</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_56">56</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Prague,
+    <a href="#Page_28">28</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_260">260</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_267">267</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_268">268</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_270">270</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Preshiv,
+    <a href="#Page_241">241</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Prokopovich, Teofan, Archbishop of Novgorod,
+    <a href="#Page_115">115</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_116">116</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Prosvita,
+    <a href="#Page_200">200</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Protestantism,
+    <a href="#Page_54">54</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_59">59</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_73">73</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_116">116</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_301">301</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Prussia,
+    <a href="#Page_140">140</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_178">178</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_195">195</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">See also <a href="#Germany">Germany</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Pruth river,
+    <a href="#Page_102">102</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Ptitsky, D., Kievan scholar,
+    <a href="#Page_110">110</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Pulaski, Casimir, Polish leader,
+    <a href="#Page_128">128</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Puritans,
+    <a href="#Page_13">13</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Pushkin, A. S., Russian poet,
+    <a href="#Page_159">159</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_160">160</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_167">167</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_169">169</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Pylyava, battle of,
+    <a href="#Page_78">78</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+
+<ul>
+  <li class="i1">Rakovsky, communist leader,
+    <a href="#Page_234">234</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_274">274</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Raleigh, Sir Walter,
+    <a href="#Page_12">12</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Rasputin, G., Russian “monk”,
+    <a href="#Page_216">216</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Razin, Stenka, Don Cossack leader,
+    <a href="#Page_110">110</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1" id="Red_Army">Red Armies,
+    <a href="#Page_16">16</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_250">250</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_253">253</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_277">277</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_289">289</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_291">291</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_293">293</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_296">296</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_297">297</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_298">298</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_304">304</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Renaissance,
+    <a href="#Page_11">11</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_113">113</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_116">116</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_150">150</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Repnin, Prince N., Russian governor-general,
+    <a href="#Page_162">162</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Revolution of 1848,
+    <a href="#Page_160">160</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_168">168</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Revolution of 1905,
+    <a href="#Page_189">189</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Ribbentrop, Nazi minister,
+    <a href="#Page_289">289</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Richelieu, Cardinal,
+    <a href="#Page_73">73</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1" id="Rifles">Rifles of the Sich,
+    <a href="#Page_235">235</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_240">240</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_269">269</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_271">271</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Rohoza, M., Metropolitan of Kiev,
+    <a href="#Page_56">56</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1" id="Romania">Romania,
+    <a href="#Page_236">236</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_241">241</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_245">245</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_250">250</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_291">291</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">See also <a href="#Moldavia">Moldavia</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Roman Catholic Church,
+    <a href="#Page_10">10</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_28">28</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_47">47–57</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_65">65</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_67">67</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_73">73–82</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_100">100</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_107">107</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_108">108</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_124">124</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_129">129</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_147">147</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_150">150</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Romanov family, Russian sovereigns,
+    <a href="#Page_216">216</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Romanov, Michael, Tsar of Moscow,
+    <a href="#Page_67">67</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_73">73</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Romanticism,
+    <a href="#Page_158">158</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_159">159</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_160">160</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_186">186</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Rome,
+    <a href="#Page_27">27</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_45">45</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_55">55</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_112">112</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_116">116</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_152">152</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Rostov,
+    <a href="#Page_115">115</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_119">119</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Rousseau, J. J., French writer,
+    <a href="#Page_157">157</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Rozumovsky, Alexis, Ukrainian count,
+    <a href="#Page_137">137</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Rozumovsky, Cyril, hetman of Ukraine,
+    <a href="#Page_137">137</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_138">138</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_139">139</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_140">140</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_162">162</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Ruin,
+    <a href="#Page_91">91</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_213">213</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_245">245</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Rumyantsev, P. A., Russian administrator,
+    <a href="#Page_141">141</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Rurik,
+    <a href="#Page_25">25</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1" id="Rus">Rus’,
+    <a href="#Page_11">11</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_24">24–46</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_61">61</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_65">65</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_69">69</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_79">79</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_92">92</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_256">256</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">See also <a href="#Ukraine">Ukraine</a>, <a href="#Russia">Russia</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1"><i>Rus’ska Pravda</i>,
+    <a href="#Page_35">35</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1" id="Russia">Russia,
+    <a href="#Page_15">15</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_21">21</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_28">28</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_30">30</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_95">95–103</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_117">117</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_126">126</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_129">129</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_133">133</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_140">140</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_152">152–249</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_250">250</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_264">264</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_266">266</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_268">268</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_272">272</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_273">273</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_286">286</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_289">289</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_296">296</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_301">301</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">See also <a href="#Great_Russia">Great Russians</a>, <a href="#Moscow">Moscow</a>, <a href="#Muscovite">Muscovite</a>, <a href="#Soviets">Soviets</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Russian Academy of Sciences,
+    <a href="#Page_137">137</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_205">205</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Russian Archaeological Service,
+    <a href="#Page_180">180</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_205">205</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Russian army,
+    <a href="#Page_12">12</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_99">99–101</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_122">122</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_126">126–135</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_140">140</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_164">164</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_196">196</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_247">247</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Russian imperialism,
+    <a href="#Page_167">167</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Russian language,
+    <a href="#Page_266">266</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_267">267</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_278">278</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_281">281</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">See also <a href="#Great_Russia">Great Russian</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Russian Provisional Government,
+    <a href="#Page_216">216–229</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_247">247</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Russian revolution,
+    <a href="#Page_30">30</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_210">210–247</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_287">287</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Russian Soviet Republic,
+    <a href="#Page_273">273–284</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_294">294</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_295">295</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_303">303</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Russification,
+    <a href="#Page_139">139</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_147">147</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_151">151</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_162">162</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_193">193</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_207">207</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_208">208</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Russo-Japanese War,
+    <a href="#Page_203">203</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Russophile party in Galicia,
+    <a href="#Page_181">181</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_182">182</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">See also <a href="#Moscophile">Moscophile</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Ruthenia,
+    <a href="#Page_28">28</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_29">29</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_64">64</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_175">175</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_177">177</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_183">183</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_197">197</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_202">202</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_263">263</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">See also <a href="#Carpatho_Ukraine">Carpatho-Ukraine</a>, <a href="#Galicia">Galicia</a>, <a href="#Eastern_Galicia">Eastern Galicia</a>, <a href="#Western_Ukraine">Western Ukraine</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Ryazan,
+    <a href="#Page_115">115</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Ryleyev, K. F., Russian poet,
+    <a href="#Page_159">159</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+
+<ul>
+  <li class="i1">Sadowa, battle of,
+    <a href="#Page_195">195</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Safarik, P. J., Czech scholar,
+    <a href="#Page_161">161</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_167">167</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Sahaydachny, P., Hetman of Ukraine,
+    <a href="#Page_69">69</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Saints Cyril and Methodius,
+    <a href="#Page_34">34</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1" id="Saint_Dmitry_Rostov">Saint Dmitry of Rostov,
+    <a href="#Page_119">119</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">See also <a href="#Tuptalenko">Dmytro Tuptalenko</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1" id="Petersburg">St. Petersburg,
+    <a href="#Page_28">28</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_118">118</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_119">119</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_132">132</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_137">137</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_138">138</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_139">139</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_155">155</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_158">158</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_165">165</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_169">169</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_170">170</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_185">185</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_189">189</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_190">190</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_193">193</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_208">208</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_226">226</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">University of,
+    <a href="#Page_170">170</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">Fortress of Saints Peter and Paul,
+    <a href="#Page_134">134</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">See also <a href="#Petrograd">Petrograd</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Samoylovich, Ivan, Hetman of Ukraine,
+    <a href="#Page_93">93</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_94">94</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">San Francisco,
+    <a href="#Page_295">295</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Saray,
+    <a href="#Page_43">43</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Satanovsky, Arseny, Kievan scholar,
+    <a href="#Page_110">110</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Saxons,
+    <a href="#Page_35">35</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Scandinavians,
+    <a href="#Page_21">21</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_24">24</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_32">32</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_33">33</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">See also <a href="#Sweden">Sweden</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Scientific Society, Lviv,
+    <a href="#Page_200">200</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Scranton, Pa.,
+    <a href="#Page_241">241</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Scythians,
+    <a href="#Page_32">32</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Serbs,
+    <a href="#Page_151">151</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_152">152</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_156">156</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_161">161</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_167">167</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Sergeyev, Russian communist leader,
+    <a href="#Page_225">225</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Seven Years War,
+    <a href="#Page_140">140</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Seventh Occumenical Council,
+    <a href="#Page_47">47</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_107">107</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Sevryuk, Ukrainian diplomat,
+    <a href="#Page_230">230</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Shakhovskoy, Prince A., Russian administrator,
+    <a href="#Page_136">136</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Shashkevich, M.,
+    <a href="#Page_180">180</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Sheptitsky, Andrew, Uniat Metropolitan of Kiev,
+    <a href="#Page_202">202</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_257">257</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_259">259</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_262">262</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_291">291</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_297">297</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Shevchenko, T.,
+    <a href="#Page_15">15</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_29">29</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_127">127</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_147">147</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_148">148</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_159">159</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_160">160</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_161">161</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_166">166</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_168">168</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_170">170</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_171">171</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_180">180</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_182">182</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_184">184</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_185">185</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_187">187</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_196">196</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_198">198</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_208">208</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_216">216</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_267">267</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_286">286</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Shevchenko Society,
+    <a href="#Page_200">200</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Shevchenko Scientific Society in Lviv,
+    <a href="#Page_200">200</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_206">206</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_261">261</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">In Kiev,
+    <a href="#Page_206">206</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Shvets, Prof., Ukrainian statesman,
+    <a href="#Page_244">244</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Shumlyansky, J., Metropolitan of Lviv,
+    <a href="#Page_123">123</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_124">124</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_130">130</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Siberia,
+    <a href="#Page_183">183</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_189">189</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_193">193</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_212">212</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_246">246</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_283">283</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_292">292</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_299">299</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Sich, Zaporozhian. See <a href="#Zaporozhian_Sich">Zaporozhian Sich</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Sichovi Striltsy,
+    <a href="#Page_214">214</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">See also <a href="#Rifles">Rifles of the Sich</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Sicily,
+    <a href="#Page_26">26</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Sigismund Vasa, III, King of Poland,
+    <a href="#Page_56">56</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Sinope,
+    <a href="#Page_66">66</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Skarga, Peter, Polish Jesuit,
+    <a href="#Page_49">49</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Skoropadsky, Ivan, hetman of Ukraine,
+    <a href="#Page_100">100</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_131">131</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_132">132</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_133">133</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_137">137</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_233">233</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Skoropadsky, Pavel, hetman of Ukraine,
+    <a href="#Page_233">233</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_234">234</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_235">235</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_236">236</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_237">237</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_244">244</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_282">282</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Skovoroda, H., Ukrainian scholar,
+    <a href="#Page_149">149</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_155">155</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Skrypnyk, M., Ukrainian communist,
+    <a href="#Page_274">274</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_279">279</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_280">280</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Slavinetsky, Epifany, Kievan scholar,
+    <a href="#Page_110">110</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_111">111</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_112">112</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Slavs,
+    <a href="#Page_29">29</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_32">32</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_35">35</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_66">66</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_152">152</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_158">158</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_160">160</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_166">166</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_207">207</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_226">226</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_297">297</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Slavonic brotherhood,
+    <a href="#Page_167">167</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_168">168</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_186">186</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_198">198</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Slipy, J., Metropolitan of Lviv,
+    <a href="#Page_297">297</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Slobidshchina,
+    <a href="#Page_71">71</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_81">81</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_141">141</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Slovakia,
+    <a href="#Page_153">153</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_265">265</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_268">268</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_269">269</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_270">270</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">See also <a href="#Austria_Hungary">Austria-Hungary</a>, <a href="#Czechoslovakia">Czechoslovakia</a>, <a href="#Hungary">Hungary</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Smith, Jeremiah, American diplomat,
+    <a href="#Page_267">267</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Smolensk,
+    <a href="#Page_99">99</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Smotritsky, Melety, Kievan scholar,
+    <a href="#Page_111">111</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_152">152</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_191">191</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Sochava, siege of,
+    <a href="#Page_83">83</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Society of Saints Cyril and Methodius,
+    <a href="#Page_168">168</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_182">182</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_184">184</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_185">185</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_186">186</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_198">198</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_217">217</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Society for the Liberation of Ukraine,
+    <a href="#Page_213">213</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Sofia,
+    <a href="#Page_152">152</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_198">198</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">University of,
+    <a href="#Page_198">198</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Solferino, battle of,
+    <a href="#Page_195">195</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Solovetsky Monastery,
+    <a href="#Page_142">142</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1"><i>Song of the Armament of Igor</i>,
+    <a href="#Page_39">39</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Sophia, Tsarevna of Russia,
+    <a href="#Page_95">95</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">South America,
+    <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">South Russia,
+    <a href="#Page_185">185</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_189">189</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_236">236</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">See also <a href="#Little_Russia">Little Russia</a>, <a href="#Ukraine">Ukraine</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Southern Branch of the Geographical Society,
+    <a href="#Page_189">189</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Southern Slavs,
+    <a href="#Page_111">111</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_167">167</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Southern Society,
+    <a href="#Page_164">164</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Soviet Army,
+    <a href="#Page_209">209</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_294">294</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">See also <a href="#Red_Army">Red Army</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Soviet Constitution of 1936,
+    <a href="#Page_284">284</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1" id="Soviets">Soviets,
+    <a href="#Page_222">222</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_244">244–300</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1" id="Soviet_Union">Soviet Union,
+    <a href="#Page_16">16</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_17">17</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_22">22</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_30">30</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_264">264–300</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_302">302</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_304">304</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_305">305</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Spain,
+    <a href="#Page_12">12</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_46">46</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Stadion, Count, viceroy of Galicia,
+    <a href="#Page_181">181</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Stalin, J. V., Soviet leader,
+    <a href="#Page_224">224</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_226">226</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_271">271</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_279">279</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_281">281</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_283">283</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_291">291</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_296">296</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_304">304</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Stalingrad, siege of,
+    <a href="#Page_294">294</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Stanislaviv,
+    <a href="#Page_241">241</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_243">243</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_258">258</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Streltsy, guards of the Tsar,
+    <a href="#Page_110">110</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_134">134</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Subotiv,
+    <a href="#Page_74">74</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_84">84</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Sudeten Germans,
+    <a href="#Page_268">268</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Suzdal,
+    <a href="#Page_40">40</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_41">41</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_42">42</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Svyatoslav, Grand Prince of Kiev,
+    <a href="#Page_32">32</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_33">33</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1" id="Sweden">Sweden,
+    <a href="#Page_56">56</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_73">73</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_83">83</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_84">84</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_87">87</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_97">97</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_98">98</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_99">99</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_100">100</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_101">101</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_102">102</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_104">104</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_122">122</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_124">124</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Switzerland,
+    <a href="#Page_198">198</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+
+<ul>
+  <li class="i1">Taras Bulba, Ukrainian military leader,
+    <a href="#Page_293">293</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1" id="Tatars">Tatars,
+    <a href="#Page_12">12</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_27">27–29</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_39">39–46</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_60">60–83</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_96">96</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_101">101</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_106">106</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_134">134</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_172">172</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_206">206</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">Of the Crimea,
+    <a href="#Page_64">64</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_78">78</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_80">80</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_91">91</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Teplov V. N., Russian official,
+    <a href="#Page_140">140</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Tereshchenko, Russian politician,
+    <a href="#Page_220">220</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Terletsky, Uniat bishop,
+    <a href="#Page_55">55</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Ternopil,
+    <a href="#Page_241">241</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_243">243</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_258">258</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Theophanes, Patriarch of Jerusalem,
+    <a href="#Page_69">69</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Third Rome,
+    <a href="#Page_27">27</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_46">46</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_47">47</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_53">53</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_106">106</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_108">108</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">See also <a href="#Moscow">Moscow</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Thirty Years War,
+    <a href="#Page_13">13</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_73">73</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_97">97</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Timashev, Russian minister,
+    <a href="#Page_191">191</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Tokolyi, Russian general,
+    <a href="#Page_142">142</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Tolstoy, Count A. K., Russian writer,
+    <a href="#Page_190">190</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Tolstoy, P., Russian minister,
+    <a href="#Page_191">191</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Transylvania,
+    <a href="#Page_78">78</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Treaty of Riga,
+    <a href="#Page_252">252</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_255">255</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Trotsky, L., Communist leader,
+    <a href="#Page_227">227</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_231">231</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_232">232</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_273">273</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Troublous Times of Moscow,
+    <a href="#Page_67">67</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_109">109</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Tsereteli, Russian politician,
+    <a href="#Page_220">220</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Tsertelev, N., Ukrainian scholar,
+    <a href="#Page_161">161</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Tsimiskes, John, Emperor of Constantinople,
+    <a href="#Page_33">33</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Tugai Khan, Khan of the Crimea,
+    <a href="#Page_76">76</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Tugendbund, German revolutionary society,
+    <a href="#Page_164">164</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1" id="Tuptalenko">Tuptalenko, Dmytro,
+    <a href="#Page_115">115</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_119">119</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">See also <a href="#Saint_Dmitry_Rostov">St. Dmitry of Rostov</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Turgenev, I. S., Russian author,
+    <a href="#Page_186">186</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1" id="Turkey">Turkey,
+    <a href="#Page_11">11</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_12">12</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_29">29</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_45">45</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_60">60–77</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_88">88–96</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_102">102</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_126">126</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_128">128</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_142">142</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_172">172</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_229">229</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_234">234</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">See also <a href="#Ottoman">Ottoman Empire</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Tychyna, P., Ukrainian poet,
+    <a href="#Page_283">283</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+
+<ul>
+  <li class="i1">Ufa,
+    <a href="#Page_292">292</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1" id="Ukraine">Ukraine, economic advantages,
+    <a href="#Page_21">21</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_22">22</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">Geographical position,
+    <a href="#Page_19">19</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_20">20</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_21">21</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">Name,
+    <a href="#Page_24">24–30</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">Revival,
+    <a href="#Page_155">155</a>ff.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Ukrainian Academy of Sciences,
+    <a href="#Page_277">277</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_279">279</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_280">280</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_283">283</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_292">292</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Ukrainian Baroque architecture,
+    <a href="#Page_95">95</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Ukrainian Constituent Assembly,
+    <a href="#Page_223">223</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_224">224</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_232">232</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1" id="Ukrainian_Central_Council">Ukrainian Central Council,
+    <a href="#Page_217">217–233</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_244">244</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_274">274</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">See also <a href="#Ukrainian_Rada">Ukrainian Rada</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Ukrainian Commissariat for Foreign Affairs,
+    <a href="#Page_275">275</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Ukrainian Council in Western Ukraine,
+    <a href="#Page_239">239</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Ukrainian literary language,
+    <a href="#Page_146">146</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_169">169</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_188">188</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Ukrainian Military Organization,
+    <a href="#Page_259">259</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_280">280</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Ukrainian National Convention,
+    <a href="#Page_218">218</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Ukrainian Progressive Organization,
+    <a href="#Page_217">217</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Ukrainian People’s Republic,
+    <a href="#Page_15">15</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_16">16</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_30">30</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_86">86</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_87">87</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_222">222</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_225">225</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_237">237–281</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">Union with Republic of Western Ukraine,
+    <a href="#Page_244">244</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1" id="Ukrainian_Rada">Ukrainian Rada,
+    <a href="#Page_220">220</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_222">222</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_235">235</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">See also <a href="#Ukrainian_Central_Council">Ukrainian Central Council</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Ukrainian regional committees,
+    <a href="#Page_241">241</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Ukrainian Revolutionary Army,
+    <a href="#Page_298">298</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Ukrainian Scientific Institute, Warsaw,
+    <a href="#Page_261">261</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Ukrainian socialists,
+    <a href="#Page_235">235</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Ukrainian Soviet Republic,
+    <a href="#Page_9">9</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_16">16</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_225">225</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_231">231</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_259">259</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_262">262</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_274">274–296</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_300">300</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_301">301</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_305">305</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Ukrainophile party,
+    <a href="#Page_268">268</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Uman,
+    <a href="#Page_128">128</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1" id="Uniat_Church">Uniat Church,
+    <a href="#Page_56">56</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_57">57</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_68">68</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_69">69</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_116">116</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_127">127–129</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_151">151</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_174">174–183</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_195">195</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_202">202</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_207">207</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_212">212</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_267">267</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_297">297</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1" id="Union_Brest">Union of Brest,
+    <a href="#Page_28">28</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_55">55–57</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_74">74–79</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_109">109</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_116">116</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_123">123</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_124">124</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_129">129</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_130">130</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_174">174</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Union of Hadiach,
+    <a href="#Page_92">92</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_121">121</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_256">256</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. See <a href="#Soviet_Union">Soviet Union</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Union of Uzhorod,
+    <a href="#Page_173">173</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">United Nations Organization,
+    <a href="#Page_9">9</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_16">16</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_30">30</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_294">294</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_301">301</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_303">303</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1" id="United_States">United States of America,
+    <a href="#Page_15">15</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_146">146</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_164">164</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_169">169</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_188">188</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_226">226</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_227">227</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_234">234</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_301">301</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_302">302</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">See also <a href="#America">America</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Universals,
+    <a href="#Page_220">220</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_222">222</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_225">225</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_232">232</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Urals,
+    <a href="#Page_283">283</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Uzhorod,
+    <a href="#Page_174">174</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_241">241</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_269">269</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+
+<ul>
+  <li class="i1">Vahilevich, I., Western Ukrainian scholar,
+    <a href="#Page_180">180</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Valuyev, Count P. A., Russian minister,
+    <a href="#Page_188">188</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Vasily III, Tsar of Moscow,
+    <a href="#Page_107">107</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Varangian Road,
+    <a href="#Page_24">24</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_25">25</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Veche,
+    <a href="#Page_38">38</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Velyaminov, S., Russian officer,
+    <a href="#Page_132">132</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_133">133</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Veneti,
+    <a href="#Page_32">32</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Verlan, Haydamak leader,
+    <a href="#Page_126">126</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Vienna,
+    <a href="#Page_88">88</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_123">123</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_164">164</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_178">178</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_196">196</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_200">200</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_201">201</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_213">213</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_214">214</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_215">215</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_250">250</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_259">259</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_277">277</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Virgil, Roman poet,
+    <a href="#Page_155">155</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Vistula River,
+    <a href="#Page_252">252</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Vladimir, Saint. See <a href="#Volodymyr">Volodymyr</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Vladimir, city,
+    <a href="#Page_40">40</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Vladivostok,
+    <a href="#Page_227">227</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_229">229</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Volga River,
+    <a href="#Page_40">40</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_43">43</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_61">61</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_211">211</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Volkhov River,
+    <a href="#Page_25">25</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1" id="Volodymyr">Volodymyr, Saint, Grand Prince of Kiev,
+    <a href="#Page_10">10</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_33">33</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_34">34</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_37">37</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_39">39</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_41">41</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_69">69</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_116">116</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_144">144</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Volodymyr Monomakh, Grand Prince of Kiev,
+    <a href="#Page_37">37</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_69">69</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Voloshyn, Mgr. A., Carpatho-Ukrainian leader,
+    <a href="#Page_269">269</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_270">270</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_271">271</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Volynia,
+    <a href="#Page_43">43</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_67">67</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Voynarovsky, A., nephew of Mazepa,
+    <a href="#Page_159">159</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Vulgate,
+    <a href="#Page_50">50</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Vyhovsky, I., Kozak hetman,
+    <a href="#Page_84">84</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_92">92</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_121">121</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Vynnychenko, V., Ukrainian statesman,
+    <a href="#Page_220">220</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_235">235</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_236">236</a>,.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Vyshensky, I., Ukrainian author,
+    <a href="#Page_56">56</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Vyshnevetsky, Prince Dmytro, Kozak hetman,
+    <a href="#Page_62">62</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_64">64</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_77">77</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+
+<ul>
+  <li class="i1">Wallachia,
+    <a href="#Page_66">66</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_78">78</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_83">83</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_127">127</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Warsaw,
+    <a href="#Page_77">77</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_81">81</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_92">92</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_242">242</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_252">252</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_258">258</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_261">261</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Washington, George,
+    <a href="#Page_145">145</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Western Front, World War I,
+    <a href="#Page_231">231</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_234">234</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_242">242</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Western Galicia,
+    <a href="#Page_201">201</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_212">212</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_240">240</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_255">255</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1" id="Western_Ukraine">Western Ukraine,
+    <a href="#Page_174">174–183</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_197">197–198</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_212">212</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_238">238–252</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_255">255–264</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_265">265</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_267">267</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_277">277</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_280">280</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_283">283</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_288">288–297</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_304">304</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">Republic of,
+    <a href="#Page_238">238–243</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_244">244</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_256">256</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_290">290</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">See also <a href="#Eastern_Galicia">Eastern Galicia</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Western Ukrainian Council,
+    <a href="#Page_244">244</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Western Ukrainian Popular Council,
+    <a href="#Page_290">290</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">White Russian armies,
+    <a href="#Page_234">234</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_244">244–257</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">White Ruthenia,
+    <a href="#Page_43">43</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_47">47</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_64">64</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_67">67</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_113">113</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_294">294</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Wilno,
+    <a href="#Page_49">49</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_57">57</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_162">162</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_166">166</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">University of,
+    <a href="#Page_92">92</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Wilson, Woodrow,
+    <a href="#Page_15">15</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_238">238</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_303">303</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Wisniowiecki, Prince Jarema, Polish leader,
+    <a href="#Page_77">77</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_80">80</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_81">81</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_87">87</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Wladyslaw IV, King of Poland,
+    <a href="#Page_67">67</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_75">75</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_77">77</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">World War I,
+    <a href="#Page_15">15</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_28">28</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_30">30</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_209">209</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_227">227</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_238">238</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_251">251</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_301">301</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">World War II,
+    <a href="#Page_16">16</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_263">263</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_301">301</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+
+<ul>
+  <li class="i1">Yagello, King of Poland, Grand Duke of Lithuania,
+    <a href="#Page_47">47</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Yalta Conference,
+    <a href="#Page_298">298</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Yaroslav Jesuit College,
+    <a href="#Page_74">74</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Yaroslav the Wise, Grand Prince of Kiev,
+    <a href="#Page_35">35</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_37">37</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_38">38</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_39">39</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_41">41</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Yavorsky, Stefan, acting Patriarch of Moscow,
+    <a href="#Page_115">115</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_133">133</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Yefremiv, S., Ukrainian scholar,
+    <a href="#Page_280">280</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Yuzefovich, M., Russian official,
+    <a href="#Page_170">170</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_191">191</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+
+<ul>
+  <li class="i1">Zalyznyak, M., Haydamak leader,
+    <a href="#Page_128">128</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Zaporozhe,
+    <a href="#Page_62">62</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_76">76</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1" id="Zaporozhian_Sich">Zaporozhian Sich,
+    <a href="#Page_12">12</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_14">14</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_62">62–104</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_125">125–127</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_130">130</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_141">141–146</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_162">162</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_278">278</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">Host,
+    <a href="#Page_68">68</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_81">81</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2" id="Zaporozhian_Kozaks">Kozaks,
+    <a href="#Page_61">61</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_70">70</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_128">128</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_141">141–145</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">See also <a href="#Kozaks">Kozaks</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Zatonsky, Ukrainian Communist,
+    <a href="#Page_274">274</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Zbarazh, battle of,
+    <a href="#Page_80">80</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Zboriv,
+    <a href="#Page_80">80</a>.</li>
+  <li class="i2">Treaty of,
+    <a href="#Page_80">80</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_81">81</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Zbruch River,
+    <a href="#Page_248">248</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Zhitomir,
+    <a href="#Page_232">232</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Zhovty Vody, battle of,
+    <a href="#Page_75">75</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Zizany, Lavrenty, Kievan scholar,
+    <a href="#Page_111">111</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1">Zolkiewski, S., Polish hetman,
+    <a href="#Page_67">67</a>.</li>
+
+  <li class="i1"><i>Zora Halitska</i>,
+    <a href="#Page_181">181</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_326">[326]</span></p>
+
+<h2>BIBLIOGRAPHY</h2>
+</div>
+
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+
+<p class="hangingindent">Allen, W. E. D., The Ukraine. Cambridge, 1940.</p>
+
+<p class="hangingindent">Chamberlin, W. H., The Ukraine, A Submerged Nation. New York,
+1944.</p>
+
+<p class="hangingindent">Doroshenko, D., History of the Ukraine, Edmonton, 1940.</p>
+
+<p class="hangingindent">Hrushevsky, M., A History of Ukraine, New Haven, 1941.</p>
+
+<p class="hangingindent">Manning, C. A., Ukrainian Literature, Studies of the Leading
+Authors, Jersey City, 1944.</p>
+
+<p class="hangingindent">Manning, C. A., Taras Shevchenko, Selected Poems, Jersey City,
+1945.</p>
+
+<p class="hangingindent">Margolin, A. D., From a Political Diary, Russia, the Ukraine,
+and America, New York, 1946.</p>
+
+<p class="hangingindent">Vernadsky, G., Bohdan, Hetman of Ukraine, New Haven, 1941.</p>
+
+<p class="hangingindent">Snowyd, D., Spirit of Ukraine; Ukrainian Contributions to World
+Culture, 1935.</p>
+
+<p class="hangingindent">Gambal, M. S., Ukraine, Rus and Moscovy and Russia, 1937.</p>
+
+<p class="hangingindent">Ukrainian Quarterly, Ukrainian Congress Committee of America,
+New York.</p>
+</div>
+
+
+<p class="transnote">Transcriber’s Notes:<br>
+<br>
+1. Obvious printers’, punctuation and spelling errors have been
+corrected silently.<br>
+<br>
+2. Some hyphenated and non-hyphenated versions of the same words have
+been retained as in the original.</p>
+
+
+<div style='text-align:center'>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 78161 ***</div>
+</body>
+</html>
diff --git a/78161-h/images/cover.jpg b/78161-h/images/cover.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..b1561da
--- /dev/null
+++ b/78161-h/images/cover.jpg
diff --git a/78161-h/images/i_032fp.jpg b/78161-h/images/i_032fp.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..a6321fb
--- /dev/null
+++ b/78161-h/images/i_032fp.jpg
diff --git a/78161-h/images/i_033fp.jpg b/78161-h/images/i_033fp.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..9fdf339
--- /dev/null
+++ b/78161-h/images/i_033fp.jpg
diff --git a/78161-h/images/i_064fp.jpg b/78161-h/images/i_064fp.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..991a787
--- /dev/null
+++ b/78161-h/images/i_064fp.jpg
diff --git a/78161-h/images/i_065fp.jpg b/78161-h/images/i_065fp.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..e2bfae8
--- /dev/null
+++ b/78161-h/images/i_065fp.jpg
diff --git a/78161-h/images/i_frontispiece.jpg b/78161-h/images/i_frontispiece.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..a441a5a
--- /dev/null
+++ b/78161-h/images/i_frontispiece.jpg
diff --git a/78161-h/images/i_title.jpg b/78161-h/images/i_title.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..8ba5990
--- /dev/null
+++ b/78161-h/images/i_title.jpg
diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..6c72794
--- /dev/null
+++ b/LICENSE.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,11 @@
+This book, including all associated images, markup, improvements,
+metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be
+in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES.
+
+Procedures for determining public domain status are described in
+the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org.
+
+No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in
+jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize
+this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright
+status under the laws that apply to them.
diff --git a/README.md b/README.md
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..0d5f995
--- /dev/null
+++ b/README.md
@@ -0,0 +1,2 @@
+Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for eBook #78161
+(https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/78161)