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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6833f05 --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,3 @@ +* text=auto +*.txt text +*.md text diff --git a/77791-0.txt b/77791-0.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..501e1d9 --- /dev/null +++ b/77791-0.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11749 @@ +*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 77791 *** +Transcriber’s Note: The author’s citations of works published in +languages other than English are sometimes inaccurately spelt. In +addition, he uses a mixture of standard and nonstandard IPA symbols +to transcribe words in the Kiowa and other Native American languages; +these are preserved as originally printed. + + + + + THE PEYOTE CULT + + BY + WESTON LA BARRE + _Professor of Anthropology + Duke University_ + + REPRINTED BY + THE SHOE STRING PRESS, INC. + Hamden, Connecticut + 1959 + + © 1959, THE SHOE STRING PRESS, INC. + + Originally published as + Yale University Publications + in Anthropology + NUMBER 19 + Reprinted by permission of the Department of Anthropology, + Yale University + + PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA + + + + +PREFACE + + +The field work which is a partial basis of this study was begun in +the summer of 1935, when the writer was a member of the Laboratory +of Anthropology at Santa Fé ethnological group which worked with the +Kiowa under Dr. Alexander Lesser of Columbia University. The field work +was continued alone in the summer of 1936 with funds granted by Yale +University and the American Museum of Natural History. Field data were +gathered with varying completeness from fifteen tribes: Kiowa, Comanche, +Shawnee, Kickapoo, Osage, Quapaw, Seminole, Delaware, Pawnee, Cheyenne, +Caddo, Oto, Ponca, Kiowa Apache and Wichita; in the case of the Kiowa, +Oto, and Wichita two peyote meetings each were attended. + +The debt to my almost constant field companion, Charles Apekaum (Kiowa), +game warden, ex-Navy man, graduate of Chilocco, Haskell, and Carlisle, +and my chief interpreter, is such that I may say my work could not have +been carried out with such comparative facility and speed without his +aid. His knowledge of people and places was invaluable to me. Special +appreciation is expressed to Mr. Alfred Wilson (Cheyenne) of Thomas, +Oklahoma, several times state president of the Native American Church, +for lending me numerous letters and other documents from the official +files of the organization, and to Jim Waldo (Kiowa) and Kiowa Charley +for similar documents, including the articles of incorporation and state +charter. To Jim Pettit (Oto) of Red Rock, local president of the Native +American Church, and Charles Tyner (Quapaw) of Miami, the added debt +of personal hospitality was incurred. The following informants were of +particular help in gathering data: Cecil and Henry Murdock (Kickapoo); +Sly Picard, George May and Henry Hunt (Wichita); Jim Aton, Belo Kozad and +Homer Buffalo (Kiowa); Howard White Wolf (Comanche); Carl Pettit, Murray +Little-crow, and Mrs. George Pipestem (Oto); Albert Stamp (Seminole); +Tom and Collins Panther (Shawnee); Tennyson Berry (Kiowa Apache); Robert +Little-dance and Louis MacDonald (Ponca); Mack Haag (Cheyenne); Elijah +Reynolds (Delaware); and Sun Chief and James Sun-eagle (Pawnee). To +Jonathan Koshiway (Oto), founder of the Church of the First-born, I wish +to express appreciation for his painstaking efforts at completeness of +information made on my behalf. + +In a study of this scope one necessarily incurs considerable debts to +colleagues for aid generously given and gratefully received. The notes +of James Mooney on Kiowa, Comanche, and Tarahumari peyote, deposited +in the Bureau of American Ethnology, as well as manuscripts by Frances +Densmore on Winnebago, and Dr. Truman Michelson on Sauk and Fox peyote, +were made available through the generosity of Dr. Matthew Stirling, +to whom I express particular thanks. Mrs. Elna Smith very kindly lent +further Bureau of American Ethnology material which had been in her +care. Mr. D. F. Murphy of the Indian Office amplified my Osage notes, +and Mr. John Collier, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, has been generous +with information of legal and administrative nature. To Donald Collier, +student at the University of Chicago, and Ing. Luis Híjar y Haro of +Mexico City, I express appreciation for bibliographic items, as well +as to Dr. Ralph Beals of the University of California at Los Angeles. +Richard Schultes, student at Harvard University, who was with me for +an ethnobotanical study during several weeks of my second summer of +work, has also been generous in giving help on bibliographic as well +as botanical and pharmaceutical matters. Dr. E. A. Hoebel of New York +University made available his notes on Northern Cheyenne and Comanche +peyote. Dr. Ruth Benedict of Columbia University and Dr. M. E. Opler +of the University of Chicago have aided with Mescalero Apache notes, +and the latter has very generously lent valuable manuscript notes on +Tonkawa, Carrizo and Lipan peyotism. Dr. Frank Speck of the University +of Pennsylvania was fertile with suggestions during the second period of +field work, and since its completion has contributed important Delaware +material. Mrs. Erminie Voegelin, student at Yale University, kindly lent +her voluminous notes on Shawnee peyote, as did Mrs. Anne Cooke for the +Ute, and John Noon, student at the University of Pennsylvania, for the +Kickapoo. Dr. A. H. Gayton kindly lent an interesting paper on datura. +While the present paper was still in proof form, Dr. Leslie A. White +of the University of Michigan and Dr. Fred Eggan of the University of +Chicago generously lent material on Taos and Northern Cheyenne peyotism +respectively. + +To Dr. Edward Sapir of Yale University, to the Laboratory of Anthropology +at Santa Fé, and to Dr. Clark Wissler of the American Museum of Natural +History, I wish to express my thanks for making available the funds on +which field work was undertaken. To Dr. Sapir and to Dr. John Dollard +of the Institute of Human Relations at Yale University I owe the warm +personal debt of founding a knowledge and an interest in matters of +psychological import herein treated. And to Dr. Leslie Spier, my +dissertation adviser, I express gratitude for his constant stimulating +interest, valuable bibliographic help, and leads of considerable +ethnographic significance. + + WESTON LA BARRE + + +_Note to the Reprint Edition_ + +In the twenty years since the original publication of this book, studies +of peyotism have continued to appear, until there are at present over one +thousand bibliographic items on the ethnography of peyotism and related +subjects. The author has summarized recent studies in an extended review +of “Twenty Years of Peyote Studies,” which is in press for appearance in +an early issue of _Current Anthropology_. Readers interested in following +two decades of developments in peyotism may wish to be referred to this +publication. + + + + +CONTENTS + + + PAGE + + PREFACE 3 + + INTRODUCTION 7 + + BOTANICAL AND PHYSIOLOGICAL ASPECTS OF PEYOTE 10 + Botany 10 + Ethnobotany 11 + Names for peyote 14 + Etymology of “peyotl” 16 + Identification of peyote 17 + Physiology of Peyote Intoxication 17 + + THE ETHNOLOGY OF PEYOTISM 23 + Non-ritual Uses of Peyote 23 + Ritual Uses of Peyotl 29 + Huichol 30 + Tarahumari 33 + Comparison of Mexican peyote rituals 35 + Mescalero Apache and transitional forms of ritual 40 + Kiowa-Comanche type rite 43 + Comparison of Mexican, transitional, and Plains peyotism 54 + + COMPARATIVE STUDY OF PLAINS PEYOTISM 57 + + PSYCHOLOGICAL ASPECTS OF PEYOTISM 93 + + HISTORICAL INTERPRETATIONS 105 + The Pre-peyote Mescal Bean Cult 105 + History of the Diffusion of Peyotism 109 + + APPENDIX 1: Peyote in Mexico 124 + + APPENDIX 2: Peyote and the Mescal Bean 126 + + APPENDIX 3: Peyote and Teo-nanacatl 128 + + APPENDIX 4: “Plant Worship” in Mexico and the United States 131 + + APPENDIX 5: Chemistry of Peyote 138 + + APPENDIX 6: Physiology of Peyote 139 + + APPENDIX 7: John Wilson, the Revealer of Peyote 151 + + APPENDIX 8: Christian Elements in the Peyote Cult 162 + + APPENDIX 9: The Native American Church and Other Peyote Churches 167 + + BIBLIOGRAPHY 175 + + + + +ILLUSTRATIONS + + + PLATES + + Explanation of plates AT END + + 1. Peyote leaders + 2. Altar and ash birds + + TEXT FIGURES + PAGE + + 1. Arrangement of tipi for peyote meeting (Kiowa) 44 + 2. Peyote paraphernalia 47 + 3. Peyote drum 49 + 4. Peyote altars or moons 75 + 5. The diffusion of peyotism 122 + 6. Cement altar of the Big Moon rite (Osage) 154 + 7. Altar in West Moon Church (Osage) 155 + + + + +THE PEYOTE CULT + + + + +INTRODUCTION + + +Peyote (Nahuatl, peyotl) or _Lophophora williamsii_ Lemaire, is a small, +spineless, carrot-shaped cactus growing in the Rio Grande Valley and +southward. It contains nine narcotic alkaloids of the isoquiniline +series, some of them strychnine-like in physiological action, the rest +morphine-like. In pre-Columbian times the Aztec, Huichol, and other +Mexican Indians ate the plant ceremonially either in the dried or green +state. This produces profound sensory and psychic derangements lasting +twenty-four hours, a property which led the natives to value and use it +religiously. Peyote is not, however, the same as teo-nanacatl, as Safford +believed; the latter is a narcotic mushroom which likewise had a Mexican +distribution. The term “peyotl” is also used in Mexico to designate other +cacti and non-cacti, some of which, like peyote, are reputed to have +aphrodisiac and other properties. + +Physiologically, the salient characteristic of peyote is its production +of visual hallucinations or color visions, as well as kinaesthetic, +olfactory and auditory derangements. Psychiatrists have used it +(experimentally) with unsatisfactory results in producing temporary +psychosis, and therapeutically its use has been similarly disappointing +because of the uncertainty of action of the antagonistic alkaloids of +pan-peyotl. First, exhilaration is produced by the strychnine-like +alkaloids, followed by profound depression, nausea and wakefulness, and +finally, under the influence of the morphine-like alkaloids, brilliant +color visions are produced, which last for several hours. There are no +ill after-effects, and peyote is not known to be habit-forming. These +properties have led to a number of non-ritual uses by natives for +prophesying, clairvoyance, finding lost objects and the like, as well as +empirically for the cure of all manner of illnesses. + +In Mexico peyote was used seasonally in an agricultural-hunting religious +festival, preceded by a ritual pilgrimage for the plant. Participants +danced all night around a fire to the rasp-music of the shaman, as they +ate the drug in this tribal celebration. Since about 1870 the cult has +spread to the United States, particularly in the Plains, where nearly all +groups use it. In the Southwest transitional region peyote became deeply +involved in shamanistic rivalries and witchcraft, and in the Plains with +war. A pre-peyote narcotic, the “mescal bean” (_Sophora secundiflora_) +had there prepared the way for its introduction. The Plains cult is +like the warriors’ societies of earlier times in some respects. The +Kiowa, Comanche and Caddo were the chief agents of the spread of the +cult throughout the entire Plains region to southern Canada and parts of +the Great Basin. The standard ritual is an all-night meeting in a tipi +around a crescent-shaped earthen mound and a ceremonially-built fire; +here a special drum, gourd rattle and carved staff are passed around +after smoking and purifying ceremonies, as each person sings four “peyote +songs.” Various water-bringing ceremonies occur at midnight and dawn, +when there is a “baptism” or curing rite, followed by a special ritual +breakfast of parched com, fruit, and boneless meat. + +The Caddo-Delaware John Wilson had peyote visions that led him to +modify the altar and ceremony; this new form has spread to the Caddo, +Delaware, Quapaw, Osage and others. Wilson was one of a long line of +Indian prophet-messiahs, and his “moon” has been somewhat exploited +economically. The Oto teacher, Jonathan Koshiway, founded a Christianized +version of peyotism which spread to the Omaha, Winnebago and others. An +organization of confederated tribes known as “The Native American Church” +grew out of Koshiway’s “Church of the First-born” (which latter spread to +Negro groups also). The cult has had considerable legal difficulties. + +Praying and doctoring in meetings, and occasionally public confession +of sins, are the major means for the liquidation of life-anxieties of +this profoundly functional cult’s many present-day communicants. In the +following pages we shall attempt to delineate the history of the study +of the cult, the various botanical questions surrounding peyote, its +physiological action and the various ethnological, psychological and +historical questions involved in its diffusion. + +First of modern students to describe the peyote rite was James Mooney, +who visited the Kiowa, Comanche, Tarahumari, and “a number of other +tribes, among them the Mexican tribes of the Sierra Madre, and as far +south as the City of Mexico.”[1] But at his death he had published no +further study of peyote; ethnographers of the period were in general +concerned with preserving complete records of older native cultures, and +ignored or paid scant attention to the modern cult of peyote. Mooney +himself gave little notice to the rite in his monographs on the Cheyenne +and the Kiowa,[2] although at the time he was undoubtedly the authority +on the subject. + +Wissler, for example, barely mentions the peyote cult.[3] Indeed, in its +role of modern destroyer or supplanter of older native religions, peyote +was even a matter of concern[4] and annoyance to some ethnographers. +Lumholtz, with wonted thoroughness, published considerable data on +Huichol and Tarahumari peyote in 1898 and later, and Kroeber in 1902 +wrote a chapter on Arapaho peyote which has remained a model for later +investigators.[5] + +It remained for Paul Radin, however, in his studies of Winnebago +peyote,[6] to point out to ethnographers an engrossingly interesting, +but widely ignored, religious cult which was growing and spreading +before their very eyes. Since the appearance of his papers in the +years following 1914, the ethnographic literature on peyote has grown +considerably, due importantly to the impetus Radin gave such studies. +Lowie devoted a chapter partly to peyote in his book _Primitive +Religion_; Rouhier paid some attention to ethnographic questions in his +pharmacological monograph on peyote; and Wagner wrote a short comparative +paper based largely on the Comanche and Huichol cults. Petrullo’s +_Diabolic Root_ was devoted entirely to Delaware peyotism.[7] + +No comparative treatment of the peyote cult of the order of Mooney’s on +the Ghost Dance, Lowie’s on Plains societies, or Spier’s on the Sun Dance +had ever been made when Dr. Maurice Smith of the University of Oklahoma +began his studies. The unfortunate death of this investigator, however, +prevented the finishing of his work, of which only a short paper[8] has +seen publication. But studies of the peyote cult in individual tribes, +both published and in manuscript, have multiplied to such an extent since +the time of Kroeber’s and Radin’s studies that the time appears ripe to +attempt an integrated comparative treatment of the religion. + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[1] Mooney, _A Kiowa Mescal Rattle_, 64-65; _Mescal Plant and Ceremony_ +(from which dates the medical and pharmaceutical interest in peyote); +statement in _Peyote, as Used in Religious Worship_, 58. + +[2] _The Cheyenne_, 418; _Calendar History_, 237-39. + +[3] _The American Indian_, 376. + +[4] Skinner, _Material Culture_, 42-43; _Societies of the Iowa_, 693-94, +724. + +[5] Lumholtz, _Tarahumari Dances_; _Huichol Indians_; _Explorations en +Mexique_; _Symbolism of the Huichol_; _Unknown Mexico_; Kroeber, _The +Arapaho_, 398-410. + +[6] Radin, _Sketch of the Peyote Cult_; _The Winnebago Tribe_, 388-426; +_Crashing Thunder_. + +[7] Lowie, _Primitive Religion_, 200-204; Rouhier, _Monographie du +Peyotl_; Wagner, _Entwicklung und Verbreitung_; Petrullo, _The Diabolic +Root_. + +[8] Smith, Mrs. Maurice G., _A Negro Peyote Cult_. + + + + +BOTANICAL AND PHYSIOLOGICAL ASPECTS OF PEYOTE + + +BOTANY + +Numerous errors involved in the study of peyote, many of them still +widely current, make it advisable to identify our subject-matter clearly +at the very outset of our study. The plant peyote was first described by +Sahagún in 1560 as a narcotic cactus used ritually by the Chichimeca, the +root peiotl.[1] Jacinto de la Serna[2] in 1626 mentioned peyote, which +he distinguished from other intoxicants. The first properly botanical +description was made in 1638 by Hernandez,[3] the naturalist of Philip +II of Spain, under the rubric De Peyotl Zacatensi, seu radice molli et +lanuginosa. Ortega,[4] again, in 1754, mentioned peyote as used in a Cora +dance. + +Since 1845 peyote has had numerous modern botanical classifications, +being listed variously as _Echinocactus williamsii_ Lem., _Anhalonium +williamsii_ Lem., _Mammillaria williamsii_ Coulter, _Echinocactus +lewinii_ Hennings, _Mammillaria lewinii_ Karsten, _Lophophora lewinii_ +Thompson, etc. The commonest designation in the older ethnological +literature is _Anhalonium lewinii_ or _A. williamsii_. For a considerable +period it was thought that these last were two species—a point argued +both on botanical and ethnographic grounds—but the present classification +of peyote is as a single species, the unique member of its genus, +_Lophophora williamsii_.[5] + +The peyote plant is a curious and unique little cactus. It has no spines +whatsoever, and ranges from the carrot-like to the turnip-like in shape +and size, without, however, any branches or leaves. The rounded top +surface, which alone appears above the soil (and which, cut off and +dried, becomes the peyote “button”), is divided radially by straight, +or slightly spiral, or sinuous furrows that in some specimens become so +complex as to lose the appearance of ribs altogether. These ribs bear +little tufts or pencils of matted grayish-white hair, not unlike artists’ +fine camel’s-hair brushes. It is from these that the cactus takes both +its modern botanical designation, _Lophophora_ (“I bear crests”) and its +Aztec name _peyotl_ (from the resemblance to cocoon-silk). In the center +of the top there is a little spot of closely matted fuzz, from which the +ribs derive and grow; the flower, borne on a stalk, grows from here too, +the pinkish-whitish blossom growing into a rapidly maturing club-shaped +pinkish-reddish fruit.[6] + + +ETHNOBOTANY + +Several matters regarding the botany of peyote should be discussed, for +their having given rise to legends about the plant. After discussing the +nefarious uses to which the Chichimeca put peyote, Hernandez writes that + + on this account the root scarcely issues forth, but conceals + itself in the ground, as if it did not wish to harm those who + discover and eat it.[7] + +Dr. Parsons[8] recounts a Taos origin legend in which peyote acts even +more spectacularly. A warrior on the war-path heard a singing, and when +he approached, + + the plant would go open and shut like this [the narrator moves + his finger-tips close together and then opens them].... Then + the plant told the Indian to come inside. But the opening was + so small. Then it got bigger; it got to be a big hole in the + ground, a square hole. The Indian went down the hole. There was + a big hollow place down there in the ground, round like a kiva. + +And the story continues, telling of how the Indian learned the peyote +rite from the man in the kiva. On scrutiny this appears to be the Kiowa +origin legend for peyote, modified by the addition of familiar Pueblo +folk-tale motifs. The Kiowa themselves say, + + you must look closely at peyote, because it is like a mole when + it comes on top of the ground—if you don’t look closely it is + gone again. + +These curious legends, however, are not without some histological[9] +and ecological reality. In this semi-desert region the subterranean +funnel-formed tap-root of the plant is covered with woody scales which +form a rigid shell. Rouhier writes:[10] + + All this chlorophyll-region [the portion above the ground] is + tumid, plump and fleshy, firm and elastic to the touch, when, + after the season of heavy rains, the plant is replete and + vigorous. During the hot season it droops and shrivels, becomes + soft, and has a dull rumpled look. It retracts then into the + rigid cylinder formed by the desiccated corky desquammated + part of the stem; the plant literally gives the impression + of pulling its head into its neck. (M. Diguet has told us + that the plant, at this time, buries itself in the soil, as + though drawn, by a powerful force of traction of its adventive + radicles, at the base of the funnel which its tap-root has + bored.) + +Another matter of ethnobotanical interest concerns the supposed existence +of two varieties of peyote.[11] In discussing Peyotl Zacatensis +Hernandez[12] writes that “they say they are male and female.” The +Huichol likewise distinguish two kinds of Peyote, one, the more +active and bitter in taste and presenting smaller and more numerous +mammillations on the surface, called Tzinouritehua-hicouri, “Peyotl of +the Gods,” the other, whose physiological effect is less pronounced, +called Rhaïtoumuanitarihua-hicouri, “Peyotl of the Goddesses.” In the +opinion of Rouhier,[13] “The Peyotl of the Goddesses ... is the young +form of _Echinocactus williamsii_ [= _Lophophora williamsii_], and the +Peyotl of the Gods is its adult form.” + +Nor is this the end of the matter. It is well known that sex is +attributed to plants in the Plains, but there is also a well-defined +pattern regarding the sex[14] specifically of peyote throughout Mexico +and the Plains. The Huichol have a tutelary goddess for peyote called +Hatzimouika; the peyote deity of the Tarahumari, on the other hand, is +male, and great reverence is paid by them to the hikuli walúla sälíami, +or “hikuli great authority,” literally, who is surrounded by smaller +plants, his “servants,” and who, not satisfied with mere sheep and goats, +demands the sacrifice of oxen. + +Being persons, peyote plants naturally talk and sing on occasion. +Lumholtz[15] writes of the Tarahumari belief that + + in the fields in which it grows, it sings beautifully, that the + Tarahumare may find it. It says, “I want to go to your country, + that you may sing your songs to me.” ... It also sings in the + bag while it is being carried home. One man, who wanted to use + his bag as a pillow, could not sleep, he said, because the + plants made so much noise. + +Bennett and Zingg[16] mention the Tarahumari belief that the singing one +hears as the bakánawa moves about in the night near the sleeper may be +made clearer by chewing a bit of the plant. Indeed, Mooney[17] says the +Tarahumari find the peyote by hearing its song, Híkurówa, which it sings +day and night. Peyote speaks to the Tarahumari shaman during the night of +dancing and curing, and encourages him with words and by singing to him. +The fetish-plant in the ceremony proper is placed on the altar under a +half-gourd resonator; the rasping of the shaman, thus amplified, is very +pleasing to peyote, who manifests his strength by the amount of noise +produced with his aid. + +In the Plains, however, when pleased with the singing, the peyote goddess +actually joins in with it.[18] The Kiowa call her sęⁱmąyi, literally, +“Peyote Woman.” Mooney describes a Kiowa peyote rattle on which she +is represented, and at her feet the Morning Star, which heralds her +approach. A Taos origin legend for peyote tells of a warrior abandoned +by his companions, who heard a singing and rattling near where he lay, +and finally discovered it coming from the blossom in the center of the +top of the plant. + +The Shawnee[19] say that if you listen carefully you can “catch songs” +from Peyote Woman. The Kickapoo likewise have the concept of the peyote +“goddess” who sometimes sings in meetings when pleased; one informant +further said that “the spirit of a woman who had been faithful to peyote +sings after she has passed away. Sometimes we put pieces of food near +the fire for spirits of a dead man or woman or child. Sometimes you hear +a man’s voice too.” The Lipan say they hear “Changing Woman’s” voice in +peyote meetings. The Wichita believe it is kicu·ídie, “the woman who +stays in the water,” and her little son, wi·ḱιdiwιdá, “the boy who rolls +along the banks of the water,” who are mentioned in prayer, and who give +power in meetings. The “peyote-woman” belief is attenuated elsewhere in +the Plains.[20] + + +NAMES FOR PEYOTE + +Native terms for peyote differ somewhat in denotation and connotation. +For clarity sake we shall list only those terms referring specifically +to _Lophophora williamsii_. Native classifications of cacti, as well as +extensions of the term “peyotl,” will be discussed in an appendix, as +involving special problems. + +The Huichol of Jalisco call peyote hícuri, hicori, xicori or hicouri (in +the notation of speakers of different European languages); sometimes +they refer to it metaphorically as foutouri, “flower.” The Cora of the +Tepic mountains term peyote huatari, houtari or watara; the Tepehuane +of Durango, kamaba. The Tarahumari of Chihuahua call it hikuli or +hikori, sometimes adding, according to Lumholtz, the epithet wanamé (or +houanamé), “superior,” to designate the peyote par excellence; the same +meaning appears to be indicated in the reduplication híkurí-íkuríwa.[21] + +The Opata[22] call it pejori, the Otomi beyo. The Pima of the Gila River +region use the name peyori. The Comecrudo or Carrizo of Tamaulipas +call peyote kóp, and Gatschet recorded the term kúampamát for “bailar +el peyote” (“many are dancing [the peyote dance]”). The Lipan name +is xʷucdjiyahi, “pricker one eats.” The Tonkawa of southern Texas +call peyote nonč-gáⁱɛn; the Taos name is walena, the generic term for +“medicine.” Mescalero Apache call it ho or hos; the Wichita nesac’. The +Comanche wokwi or wokowi is said by Mooney to be the generic name for +cacti.[23] The Arapaho call peyote hahaayāⁿx. Most of the Oklahoma tribes +have their own version of the term peyotl, such as the Kickapoo pi·yot, +or, like them, they may use some older native term for “medicine” such +as natáⁱnoni. John Wilson (Caddo-Delaware), curiously, called peyote +“sugar” or “bee-sugar”; and some Anadarko Delaware call peyote-eating +“ear-eating.” + +Whites have used numerous confusing and erroneous non-botanical terms for +_Lophophora williamsii_. Of these usages the commonest, “mescal,” “mescal +beans” or “mescal buttons” are the most confusing. Mescal (from the +Nahuatl mexcalli, “metl [maguey] liquor”) in northern Mexico, properly +refers to the _Agave americana_ or _Agave_ spp. baked in earth ovens +and widely eaten in the Southwest, and from which the Mescalero Apache +take their name. By extension the term is applied to the intoxicant +distilled from the native beer, pulque, also made from _Agave_ spp. A +more precise designation of this native brandy (as opposed to the native +beer) is tesvino and its variants, from the Nahuatl tehuinti or teyuinti, +“intoxicating.”[24] + +“Mescal bean” as used to designate _Lophophora williamsii_ is quite +indefensible, being wrong on two counts: the “mescal” bean proper is +_Sophora secundiflora_ (= _Broussonetia secundiflora_) or, incorrectly, +_Erythrina flabelliformis_. The former is a red bean which was used +in a pre-peyote narcotic cult of the southern Plains, to be discussed +later. The adjectival use of “mescal” in the designations “mescal +beans” or “mescal buttons” no doubt comes from the known intoxicating +properties of the distilled liquor mescal, as extended in meaning to +other unfamiliar new intoxicants, _Sophora secundiflora_ (bean), and +_Lophophora williamsii_ (cactus); the term “dry whisky” bears this out. +Lumholtz,[25] indeed, wrote that the Texas Rangers, during the Civil War, +when taken prisoner and deprived of all other stimulating drinks, soaked +peyote (which they called “white mule”) in water and became intoxicated +on the liquid. Further confusion of peyote with mescal has arisen from +the north Mexican habit of mixing the two in a drink. Dealers call peyote +the “turnip cactus” or “dumpling cactus” from its shape, to which also +refers the local Mexican term biznagas, “carrot.” A local name in Starr +County, Texas, where the plant grows abundantly, is challote, but the +usual dealers’ name is “peyote buttons,” from their flat shape when dried. + + +ETYMOLOGY OF PEYOTE + +A precise understanding of the meaning of this term is essential, +for it gives a linguistic clue of primary importance in botanical +identification. Molina[26] in 1571 recorded the Nahuatl term peyutl, +whose elastic and imprecise sense designates something white, shining, +silky or woolly, and which applies to the moth-cocoon, a spider-web, a +fine tissue, or, indeed, from its appearance (familiar enough to the +Aztecs) even to the pericardium or covering of the heart. Rémi Siméon, +in his Nahuatl dictionary of 1885, lists “Peyotl or Peyutl—A plant whose +root served to make a drink that took the place of wine (Sahagún); +silkworm cocoon; pericardium, envelope of the heart.”[27] + +This etymology, the oldest as well as the most authoritative, is +accepted by Rouhier.[28] The present writer, having been informed of +its linguistic impeccability, further finds it explanatory of otherwise +curious extensions of the term “peyotl” in Hernandez,[29] as well as +later Mexican usages. Various plants in Mexico besides _Lophophora +williamsii_, some of them not even belonging to the Cactus Family, have +been called “peyote.” In each case, however, there has been some part +of the plant to which the meanings of flocculence or cocoon-like woolly +pubescence descriptively can legitimately apply. An appendix is devoted +to the clearing up of this terminological confusion. + + +IDENTIFICATION OF PEYOTE + +We have now touched upon the etymological connotation of “peyotl,” +and its extended denotation in Mexican usage. But one further matter +remains to be pointed out, _viz._, incorrect identification and +misusages involving peyote. Safford[30] in 1915 adequately indicated the +identity of the modern peyote of the Plains with the peiotl of Sahagún +and other earlier Spanish writers. Not content, however, with proving +this somewhat obvious point, he went beyond and even contrary to his +evidence and attempted to prove the identity of peyote with a further +narcotic mentioned in Spanish sources, a yellow thin-stemmed mushroom, +called teo-nanacatl by the Aztec. This confusing and wholly erroneous +identification is discussed at length in an appendix, inasmuch as it has +unfortunately won wide acceptance. + +A more widespread error is the application of the terms “mescal,” “mescal +bean” or “mescal button” to the cactus _Lophophora williamsii_ or peyote. +These misusages are common in the literature on peyote, and arise from +confusion with a pre-peyote narcotic of the southern Plains and Texas, +the red bean of _Sophora secundiflora_, a true member of the Bean +Family. The word “mescal” as applied either to the cactus or the bean +is erroneous and misleading, and should properly be applied only to the +“Indian cabbage” (_Agave_ spp.) of the Southwest, or the brandy distilled +from Agave-beer or pulque.[31] The true “mescal bean” is discussed +elsewhere. + + +PHYSIOLOGY OF PEYOTE INTOXICATION + +The present section of our study proposes to deal with the physiology of +peyote intoxication only insofar as it may be supposed to have influenced +the form of native culture-patterns and rites surrounding its use. The +efficacy of native doctoring with peyote, however, must be decided on the +basis of properly controlled medical experiments, of a sort discussed in +Appendix 6, and is not at issue here. + +So far as the brute effect of the drugs is concerned, the first stage +is one of physical and mental exhilaration. To this physiological fact +no doubt is due the Mexican use of peyote in foot-races, in war and for +allaying hunger and thirst when on fasting pilgrimages for the plant. +Expression of this exhilaration by dancing is common in Mexico, and is +found likewise among the Tonkawa, the Lipan and sporadically in the +Plains.[32] + +Gross attitudinal behavior may be exhibited in extreme cases. +Lumholtz[33] says of the Huichol that + + in a few cases a man may consume so much that he is attacked + with a fit of madness, rushing backward and forward, trying to + kill people, and tearing his clothes to pieces. People then + seize upon him, and tie him hand and foot, leaving him thus + until he regains his senses. Such occasions are thought to be + due to infringements of the law of abstinence imposed upon them + before and during the feast. + +This semi-psychotic state is no doubt as much conditioned culturally as +the Malay “running amok”; in Mexico early Spanish writers repeatedly +describe native visions as sometimes horribly frightening as well as +sometimes laughable. Indeed, in Mexico, among the Mescalero, and the +early Plains users, aggressions welling up under peyote intoxication +commonly took the form of witchcraft fear and counter-witchcraft. +Typically in the Plains, however, the attitude repeatedly emphasized is +that of intertribal brotherhood and an individual feeling of friendliness +and well-being. Nevertheless some fifty native visions collected indicate +great variability in the psychic state. A Taos instance records euphoria +to the point of laughter,[34] but Crashing Thunder (Winnebago)[35] +experienced a state of deep depression and intense _fear_: + + The next morning [he writes] I tried to sleep. I suffered a + great deal. I lay down in a very comfortable position. After + a while a fear arose in me. I could not remain in that place, + so I went out into the prairie, but here again I was seized + with this fear. Finally I returned to a lodge near the one in + which the peyote meeting was being held, and there I lay down + alone. I feared that I might do something foolish to myself if + I remained there alone, and I hoped that someone would come and + talk to me. Then someone did come and talk to me, but I did + not feel any better. I went inside the lodge where the meeting + was taking place. “I am going inside,” I told him. I went in + and sat down. It was very hot and I felt as though I was going + to die. I was very thirsty, but I feared to ask for water. + I thought that I was surely going to die. I began to totter + over. I died and my body was moved by another life. I began to + move about and make signs. It was not myself doing it and I + could not see it. At last it stood up. The eagle feathers and + the gourds, these it said, were holy. They also had a large + book there. What was contained in the book my body saw. It + was the Bible.... Not I, but my body standing there, had done + the talking [this schizoid quality of consciousness in peyote + intoxication has been frequently noted by white observers]. + After a while I returned to my normal condition. Some of the + people present had been frightened thinking I had gone crazy. + Others, on the other hand, liked it. It was discussed a great + deal; they called it the “shaking state.” + +The vision experiences of John Wilson (Caddo-Delaware) and Enoch +Hoag (Caddo) are typical results of physiologically-induced +hallucinations in individuals whose culture-background highly values +vision-experiences.[36] The Enoch Hoag “moon” had its origin apparently +in a (tetanic?) trance, wherein he saw himself as dead, with many people +around him weeping and his arms composed on his chest as with a corpse. +His companions tried to give him water with a spoon, but his jaws were +stiff—a common symptom of strychnine poisoning.[37] + +The stimulating effect of peyote may partly account for the holding of +meetings at night, for there is no desire or ability to sleep for ten or +twelve hours after eating peyote; however, all-night meetings for various +purposes are not unknown in the Plains, and the older culture pattern +merely exploits the physiological fact as a limiting condition probably. +Some observers report that, although there is heightened reflex-activity +(including those of the skin), peyote induces a partial skin anaesthesis. +A Zacatecas ceremony reported by Arlegui,[38] on the occasion of the +birth of the first male child, appears to utilize this virtue of the +plant: + + The relatives gather and invite other Indians to a horrible + ceremony of which the father is the object. They give him to + drink a brew concocted of a root called peyot and which not + only has the property of intoxicating him who drinks it, but + also renders him insensible and drugs the flesh and paralyzes + the whole body. This drink is administered to the patient after + twenty-four hours of fasting. Then he is seated on a staghorn + in a place specially chosen for this. The Indians come with + sharpened bones and teeth of different animals. Then with + different ridiculous ceremonies, they approach the unfortunate + victim one by one; each one makes a wound on him, without pity, + making a great deal of blood flow out; and as those present are + numerous, the wounds are many and the unfortunate person is + so maltreated that, from head to foot, he offers a lamentable + spectacle.... According to how the miserable victim has borne + this, they augur the valor which the son of a father who has + suffered so much will possess. + +The stages of peyote intoxication have been noted by natives. Writing +of the Kiowa and Comanche, Mooney[39] maintained that “in the peyote +ceremonies, the songs of those present are more vigorous after +midnight,” and informants frequently indicate their awareness of +this.[40] Kroeber says of this period late in the intoxication that[41] + + the physiological discomforts have usually worn off, and the + pleasurable effects are now at their height. It appears that + new songs, inspired perhaps by the visions of the night, are + often composed during this day. + +Many well known songs composed by such leaders as Quanah Parker +(Comanche), Enoch Hoag (Caddo) and John Wilson (Caddo-Delaware, called +Nĭshkûntŭ or “Moonhead”) are said to have arisen from the auditory +hallucinations of peyote intoxication. The popular song “Heyowiniho” came +to John Wilson in a synaesthetic auditory hallucination in which he heard +the sound of the sun’s rising. Crashing Thunder[42] said of the beating +of a drum that “the sound almost raised me in the air so pleasurably loud +did it sound to me.” Other kinaesthetic derangements have been reported +in visions. + +The dilation of the pupils of the eyes possibly explains the Huichol[43] +belief that the squirrel- and skunk-fetishes of their ceremony can see +better than ordinary people, guiding and guarding the hikuli-seekers on +their way. Visual phenomena, indeed, are perhaps the most conspicuous +effects of peyote eating. The colors red and yellow, usually with +reference to birds and feathers, are common in both Mexican and Plains +peyote symbolism.[44] The widespread Plains belief that peyote makes one +see better may derive from pupil-dilation; white observers have reported +acuter vision in peyote intoxication from this cause. Indians frequently +manifest a marked “photophobia” even in the mild morning sunlight after +meetings, and many younger men affect colored glasses at this time. + +The peyote alkaloids cause increased salivation, and there is a constant +noise in meetings of spitting as the users eat peyote; in some meetings +attended individual tin-can spittoons were provided. The increased +flow of saliva probably accounts for the thirst-allaying effect of the +plant encountered in the origin legends and elsewhere, but this and the +diuretic[45] action of the drugs cause thirst to reappear more strongly +later. A regular feature, therefore, of the typical Plains ritual +is the bringing in of water at midnight and in the morning, which is +passed around clockwise.[46] The widespread taboo on the use of salt in +connection with peyote may have some reference to this action of the +plant.[47] On the other hand, the use of sweet[48] foods is a necessary +part of the ritual; these are stereotyped both in the Plains and Mexico +to include parched corn in sugar-water, sweet fruit, and sweetened meat +either dried and powdered or cut into chunks, and candy is a regular +feature in some meetings. Sugar may in effect relieve the stage of +depression in peyote intoxication somewhat.[49] + +The classification of plants into male and female on the basis of +their physiological action has, as we have seen, a botanical basis. We +are convinced on the other hand, however, that peyote has no effect +whatsoever in the curbing of an appetite for liquor. Both native and +white apologists[50] for peyote advance this argument in extenuation +and defence. Natives are perfectly sincere in their belief that the +antagonism of peyote and alcohol is physiological (even in the face of +conspicuous contrary evidence),[51] and Plains Indians are annoyed and +hurt at the widespread association of drinking and peyote-eating through +the confusion of the term “mescal.” Yet the stubborn ethnographic fact +remains that in Mexico peyote is commonly drunk _with_ tesvino or mescal. + +Various other physiological effects noted by whites find native +parallels. Many of the visions recorded for natives deal with +synaesthesias of sight and hearing and smell, and there occur cases of +taste- and smell-hallucinations as well as the more common auditory and +visual ones. Kinaesthetic derangements are also not unknown.[52] + +One final question is less of physiological than psychological and +ethnographic import. Along with teo-nanacatl, marihuana (_Cannabis_ spp.) +and the Peyotl Xochimilcensis (_Cacalia cordifolia_), peyote has been +said to have an aphrodisiac action. This association suggests that a +matter of Spanish-White or Mexican-Indian ethnography is involved.[53] +But love-magic was not unknown either in Mexico or the Plains, and it is +conceivable that this new medicine (particularly since it was used for +“witching”) because of its other spectacular effects, might have been +valued for this purpose also. + +We have now discussed the bearing of physiological reactions on the +peyote ritual and other native behavior: the _exhilarating_ first effect +of the drug (in the allaying of hunger and thirst on the march, to give +courage in war, and strength in dancing and racing) and the second stage +of _depression_ and _visions_ (“running amok,” witchcraft-suspicion, +psychic fear-states, euphoria and feeling of brotherhood, partial +anaesthesia, the “suffering to learn something” characteristic of +the Plains vision quest, synaesthesias, auditory hallucinations, and +“catching songs,” visual hallucinations, and “learning” of painting- and +bead-designs, symbolical birds and feathers, etc.). + +We found, too, behavior definitely related to the pupil-dilating +power of peyote as well as its sialogogue and diuretic action; the +injunction against salt and the use of sweet foods, however, may +involve culture-historical matters. We have been skeptical of the +alleged anti-alcoholic virtue of peyote, and have likewise doubted that +_physiologically_ peyote is either aphrodisiac or anaphrodisiac, despite +heated claims on both sides. The efficacy of native doctoring with peyote +is a special problem treated elsewhere along with the therapeutic and +psychiatric experiments of Whites. + +The following ethnographic part of our study deals first with the +non-ritual uses of peyote, arising from its special properties, and +secondly with the ritualization of its use. + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[1] “They [the Chichimeca] have a considerable knowledge of plants and +roots, their qualities and their virtues. They were the first to discover +and use the root called peiotl, which enters among their comestibles in +the place of wine” (Sahagún, _Histoire générale_, 10:661-62). Again, +“There is another herb, like tunas of the earth [tunas is the Spanish +name for the fruit of the prickly pear, _Opuntia opuntia_]; it is called +peiotl; it is white; it is produced in the north country; those who eat +or drink it see visions either frightful or laughable; this intoxication +lasts two or three days and then ceases” (Sahagún, _Historia general_, +3:241; in Safford, _An Aztec Narcotic_, 294-95). + +Translations from the Spanish have been made with the aid of Mr. H. W. +Tessen of the Yale Graduate School. + +[2] “Teo-nanacatl [has] ... the same properties as _ololiuhqui_ or +_peyote_, since when eaten or drunk, they intoxicate those who partake of +them, depriving them of their senses, and making them believe a thousand +absurdities” (_Manual de Ministros_; in Safford, _An Aztec Narcotic_, +309-10). + +[3] “Peyote of Zacatecas, or soft and lanuginous root. The root is of +nearly medium size, sending forth no branches nor leaves above ground, +but with a certain wooliness adhering to it, on which account it could +not be aptly figured by me” (_De Historia Plantarum_, 3:70; in Safford, +_An Aztec Narcotic_, 295. See also Rouhier, _Monographie du Peyotl_, +43-44). + +[4] “Nearby [the leader] was placed a tray filled with peyote, which is +a diabolical root [raiz diabolica] that is ground up and drunk by them +so that they may not become weakened by the exhausting efforts of so +long a function” (Ortega, _Historia del Nayarit_; in Safford, _An Aztec +Narcotic_, 295). + +[5] Those interested in the taxonomic problem should consult the numerous +botanical references in the bibliography. Britton and Rose, in their four +volume work on the Cactaceae classify peyote as _Lophophora williamsii_, +which will be followed in the present study. + +[6] The most succinct and complete description of the plant is found in +Britton and Rose, _The Cactaceae_, 83-84. + +Peyote’s range is comprehended within an irregularly-shaped lozenge from +Deming, New Mexico, to Corpus Christi, Texas, to Puebla, Sombrerete, +Zacatecas, and back to Deming. That is, the valley of the Rio Grande +(north), Tamaulipecan Mountains (east), the watershed of the affluents +of the right bank of the Rio Grande de Santiago and Rio de Mezquital +(south), and the foothills of the Sierra Madre, the Sierra de Durango and +the Sierra del Nayarit (west). It prefers the calcareous and argillaceous +soils of the Cretaceous formation in the north of this region. + +[7] In Safford, _Aztec Narcotic_, 295; see also _Narcotic Plants_, 401. + +[8] Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 63. + +[9] The best histological account is in Rouhier, _Monographie_, 34-42; +the work of Dr. Helia Bravo, _Nota acerca de la Histología_, is more +recent. Richard Schultes at Harvard has also pursued histological +studies. It is noteworthy that the Indians ordinarily take only the upper +portion of the plant, which contains a larger proportion of the alkaloids +according to Rouhier. + +[10] Rouhier, _op. cit._, 25. I am persuaded that many such insights +would be afforded us in ethnography if we had a less cavalier attitude +toward native science and history: for after all even our own science +grows from criticism of traditional notions. + +[11] From the middle of the last century there has raged an acrimonious +debate as to whether there are two varieties of peyote corresponding to +_Anhalonium williamsii_ and _A. lewinii_. The former, it was contended, +had seven or eight straight ribs and lacked most of the alkaloids of +the latter, which had more numerous (twelve or more) sinuous ribs. This +long, somewhat nationalistic debate may be regarded as ended since +Rouhier (_Monographie_, 67) in 1926 figured a bicephalous plant on the +same root, one head being a true _williamsii_, the other a perfect +_lewinii_. It is apparent that the _lewinii_ “variety” is merely an older +plant, which often takes the _williamsii_ aspect in its younger stages +of growth; the more numerous alkaloids of the former more mature plant +is likewise purely a growth-phenomenon, as are the rib-configurations +and mammillations, though environmental and seasonal conditions may be +involved as well. + +[12] Hernandez, _De Historia Plantarum_, 204, “Se dice que hay macho y +hembra.” Inaccurately translated by Safford, _Aztec Narcotic_, 295, and +Rouhier, _Monographie_, 43. The simplest and most obvious translation is +the most satisfactory. According to the Lipan (Opler, _Use of Peyote_, +279) male peyotes bloom red, female peyotes white. + +[13] Diguet, _Le Peyote_, 25; Rouhier, _Monographie_, 133. + +[14] _Handbook of the American Indians._ 1:604b. Spier informs me this is +also Navaho and perhaps Pueblo as well. As indicated elsewhere, peyote, +teo-nanacatl and associated plants have repeatedly been thought to be +aphrodisiacs. The supposed sex of the plants may have some reference +to this belief; cf. the Huichol belief that “Maize is a little girl +whom one sometimes can hear weeping in the fields; she is afraid of the +wild beasts, the coyote and others that eat corn” (Lumholtz, _Unknown +Mexico_, 2:279). Different colors of corn belong to different deities +also; it is interesting to note that the Huichol attribute different +colors symbolically to peyote which have no effective reality (Rouhier, +_op. cit._, 133). In 1935, in a non-peyote context, Apekaum told me that +cotton plants in a field we were passing were male and female; some trees +were male, too, and others female, he thought. No botanical realities +were involved in any of these cases. The Jivaro also attribute sex to +plants (Karsten, _Civilization_, 301, 304-06, 314-15, 323) as do the +Aymará and others. + +[15] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:362. + +[16] Bennett and Zingg, _The Tarahumara_, 295. + +[17] Mooney, _Tarumari-Guayachic_; Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:365; +Bennett and Zingg, _The Tarahumara_, 293. + +[18] This auditory hallucination of hearing voices in peyote intoxication +is most striking. Several explanations may be offered: the cultural (the +belief is common in Mexico and the Plains that peyote talks and sings), +the physiological (white observers, many in obvious ignorance of the +ethnographic facts, have reported aural hallucinations), or the physical +(the peculiarly resonant vibrations of the water-drum echoing from the +taut, cone-shaped canvas of the tipi). A physiological constant for +Indians and whites (culturally modified) seems indicated. See Mooney, _A +Kiowa Mescal Rattle_, 65; Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 63. + +[19] Statements without references are understood to be made from my own +field work. + +[20] The Cora peyote goddess appears to be “Mother Hūrimoa” (Preuss, +_Die Nayarit-Expedition_, 103). Tarahumari dancers sometimes imitate +hikuli’s talk with a sound which reminded Lumholtz of the crow of a cock +(_Tarahumari Dances_, 455). The Lipan information is from Opler (_The Use +of Peyote_). + +[21] Diguet, _Le peyote et son usage_, 21, 25; Rouhier, _Monographie_, +4; Safford, _An Aztec Narcotic_, 297; Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:357, +2: _passim_; Preuss, _Die Nayarit-Expedition_, 103; Bennett and Zingg, +_Tarahumara_, 135; Mooney, _Tarumari-Guayachic_. + +[22] Rudo Ensayo (1760) in Mooney, _Tarumari-Guayachic_. A note by F. W. +H[odge] indicates a purely medicinal use of peyote for the Opata. Otomi: +León, _fide_ Mooney; Mooney doubts this, somewhat unwarrantedly I think. +Pima: Alegre, in Mooney, _Tarumari-Guayachic_. Comecrudo: _Handbook of +the American Indians_, 1:209a; Mooney, _Tarumari-Guayachic_, whose source +is probably Gatschet. Lipan: Opler, _The Use of Peyote_. Tonkawa: Mooney, +_op. cit._ Taos: Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 114, note 115. Mescalero Apache: +Rouhier, _Monographie_, 4 (Opler records this as xuc); Safford, _An Aztec +Narcotic_, 297; Mooney, _op. cit._ Comanche: Mooney, _Miscellaneous +Notes_; the present writer recorded wↄ´kweᵖⁱ and pua´kιt (= “medicine”). + +[23] Mooney (_Peyote Notebook_, 21) likewise says the Kiowa term for +peyote sęⁱ means “prickly” or “prickly fruit” and is generic for all +cacti. But peyote, it will be remembered, is conspicuous for its lack of +spines; perhaps this was an older term for the prickly pear, _Opuntia +opuntia_, transferred to the more recently known plant. In any case it +occurs nowadays in many compounds: sęⁱmąyi, “peyote woman,” sęⁱpiⁱ, +“peyote meeting,” etc., and in the phrase behábe sęⁱᴅɔki, “smoke, peyote +power.” (Compare the Comanche hos mäbä´mho’i.) See also Mooney, _Calendar +History_, 239; Rouhier, _Monographie_, 4; Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 399; +Speck, _Notes on the Life of John Wilson_, 552. + +[24] See _Handbook of the American Indians_, 2:845, 846 (the Yuma, +Mohave, Ute, Apache, etc., use it). The Mescalero Apache do not derive +their name from the use of the peyote, “mescal,” as Mooney stated, +being so designated long before they knew or used peyote. In the second +etymology see Siméon, _Dictionnaire_, 436; also Safford, _An Aztec +Narcotic_, 293. See also La Barre, _Native American Beers_, 225. + +[25] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:358. For “dry whiskey” see the _New +Century Dictionary_, Supplement: “Mescal Buttons.” For the other names +see Rouhier, _op. cit._, 4; Britton and Rose, _The Cactaceae_, 3:84 (the +spelling pellote of Velasco, from Mooney, is a Castillianization of the +Nahuatl); _Peyotes, datos para su estudia_, 209. The spelling pezote in +Alarcón, _Tratato de las Supersticiones_, 131, is obviously a copyist’s +error. + +[26] de Molina, _Vocabulario_, 80, “Peyutl—capullo de feda, o de gufano.” +The Spanish o and u constitute a single phoneme in Nahuatl, according to +Mr. Benjamin Whorf, so the vowel is purely a matter of recording. On the +other hand, Reko’s etymology in _Was bedeutet das Wort Teo-Nanacatl?_ +(lent through the courtesy of R. E. Schultes) is inadmissable. He writes: +“Pe-yotl, Old-Aztec Pi-yautli, is quite clear in its etymology: Pi is the +significative (or affix) for ‘little.’ ... Yau-tli is always something +narcotic or strong narcotic-smelling substance. Yau- is the root, -tli +the post-positive article (substantive significative).... A pi-yautli +(pe-yotl) is therefore the mildly intoxicating poison, in contrast with +Hua-yautli (today Guayule, sap of the Gum-tree, which smells very strong) +which means extremely intoxicating.” This is an ad hoc forcing of an +etymology on a word, according to Whorf: in the first instance “old +Aztec” pi-yautli appears to be an assumed rather than a quoted form; but +even so, -yautli should not give -yotl or -iotl of Sahagún’s recording, +but an unchanged -yautli. If the rules for Nahuatl sound-change are to be +observed, peyotl must come from an uncontracted stem of two syllables, +plus the absolutive suffix, this stem being pe-yo; -yautli, on the other +hand, must come from a contracted stem, originally of two syllables, +ya-wi (the -i standing for a variable or unknown vowel), plus the +absolutive suffix, having the form -tl when preceded by a vowel, -tli +when preceded by a consonant, i.e., a contracted stem. As for the first +syllable, pi- and pe- are absolutely distinct phonemically in Aztec. The +etymology, therefore, is neither phonetically nor phonemically correct, +and assumes random and unexplained sound changes. The writer is grateful +to Mr. Whorf for the preceding information. P. Augustin Hunt y Cortes +(in Rouhier, 7) derives peyotl from the active verb pepeyoni, pepeyon, +“to move, to stir, to set into motion, to excite, to activate.” Other +offerings are “child” and a derivation from peyonanic, “stimulate, goad, +prick, incite.” These are untenable for the same reasons that Reko’s is. + +[27] Siméon, _Dictionnaire_ 412, 436. + +[28] Rouhier, _Monographie_ 7. + +[29] _De Historia Plantarum_, 3:70 (Peyotl Xochimilcensi). Peyote, +because of its abundance in certain localities, figures frequently in +place names. + +[30] Safford, _An Aztec Narcotic_; see also other items by this author in +the bibliography. + +[31] See the _New Century Dictionary_, “Pulque,” 4841, a word conjectured +to be of Carib (Haiti or Cuba) or Spanish origin. Agave and maguey are +the American aloe, sometimes called “century plant” (cf. “maguey,” 3578, +“agave,” 108). “Mescal” proper, therefore, = Agave americana = maguey = +American aloe = “century plant.” + +[32] White Wolf (Comanche) tells of Kuaheta, at the time acting as +fireman in Comanche Jack’s meeting, that he once failed to return after +having asked to leave the tipi. Commissioned to investigate, White Wolf +found him outside “jumping like a deer” from deep peyote intoxication. +Hoebel relates a similar experience in a Northern Cheyenne meeting. +Tonakat, the well-known Kiowa “witch,” once forced a man to get up and +dance in a meeting (_Autobiography of a Kiowa Indian_, recorded by the +writer, 1936). Jonathan Koshiway (Oto) laughingly told me of a meeting in +Kansas where the singer’s jaw became locked; the whole meeting was upset +while they shook and fanned him with cedar incense until his jaw “came +back.” This may have been an effect of the strychnine-like alkaloids in +peyote, as in the case of Tom Panther (Shawnee) who became unable to talk +or sing once in George Fry’s meeting: “it took me four or five minutes to +say the word ‘study’,” he said. + +[33] Lumholtz, _Huichol Indians_, 9. + +[34] Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 63. + +[35] Radin, _Crashing Thunder_, 198-99. + +[36] Fernberger (_Further Observations_, 368), citing Petrullo, +writes: “The best reporters of this group of Indians [Delaware] insist +that visions may occur under peyote intoxication but that it has +become socially admirable to suppress these visions and that, after +some practice, this may be successfully accomplished.” But after +establishing ordinarily friendly relations with informants I found no +such reticence about visions; these, indeed, were publicly discussed +in the Sunday forenoons after meetings (usually spent lounging under +“shades” quietly exchanging peyote experiences). Many, like Spotted Horse +(Kiowa), Tom Panther (Shawnee) and Sly Picard (Wichita) distinguished +the ordinary effects of peyote from full-blown “visions”; and some +corrective modesty is occasionally exhibited for the familiar Plains +assertiveness and individualism, for, in fact, through peyote visions +individuals push themselves to positions of leadership and influence. +Fernberger continues: “The informants also state that they are able +to control visions when they occur, that is, to change the vision to +that of any particular known object or to hold a vision that occurs in +consciousness for a considerable time. Both of these statements are +totally at variance with the descriptions of all previous observers of +the visual manifestations.” We disagree with this dictum; many informants +would paraphrase the statement of Tom Panther (Shawnee) that in peyote +intoxication, “I wasn’t boss of myself.” White observers too have +remarked on the dualism of consciousness exhibited by Crashing Thunder. +One might even go so far as to say that this is a reason natives think of +peyote as an _external_ “power” working its influence on them. + +[37] Is the peculiar mode of wearing a blanket in meetings due to the +necessity of supporting the back in strychnine-opisthotonos (from +lophophorine and anhalonine)? + +[38] Arlegui, _Crónica_, 144; Rouhier, _Monographie_, 331. + +[39] Mooney, in Rouhier, _op. cit._, 344. + +[40] “We’re pulling for daylight now—that’s the time those boys sang a +little faster” (Voegelin, _Shawnee Field Notes_). “I wish you could see +Quanah’s songs—they just like beautiful race horses—go fast” (Mooney, +_Peyote Notebook_, 12). + +[41] Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 404-405. Maillefert (_La Marihuana_, 6) +says that marihuana habitués in Mexico have special songs that they sing +together; a marked feature of the Mexican use of drugs, of which this may +be a case, is the pattern of group-narcosis. + +[42] Radin, _Crashing Thunder_, 178. + +[43] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 2:272. + +[44] This is obviously heavily culture-conditioned, but Klüver +(_Mescal_, 41) records the predominance of red and green early in +peyote intoxication, and yellow and blue in later stages, with possible +reference to the Ladd-Franklin phylogenetic theory of color vision. + +[45] Maillefert (_loc. cit._) says marihuana habitués believe water +decreases the effect of the drug, and therefore they do not use it when +smoking. Although the peyote leader must otherwise be present all through +the meeting (to prevent rival witching among the Apache), a fixed part of +the Plains ritual is his exit alone at midnight to whistle at the four +points of the compass, an opportunity which is no doubt exploited. Again, +spitholes are a part of Tarahumari altars (Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, +1:365). + +[46] The Caddo, however, make a point of not drinking water at night, +as though looking upon the meeting as a vision-ordeal; this aberrance +is given point by the fact that they do no doctoring in peyote meetings +either, and must make four rounds of the drum before quitting, no matter +if it takes until noon of the next day. + +[47] The Comanche exclude the eating of pork also, but whether this is +because pork is commonly a salt meat or because it is oily like the flesh +of another tabooed food animal, the bear, I do not know. + +[48] Maillefert (_op. cit._, 6-7) says marihuana smokers believe that +sugar augments the effect of the “grifos” (“reefers” in Harlem parlance), +so they eat sweets while smoking them. Compare the consuming of honey +with teo-nanacatl in Mexico. + +[49] The Arapaho (Kroeber, 407) use a more magical means to this +end: they tie four bunches of yellow-hammer or other feathers at the +northeast, southeast, southwest and northwest poles of the tipi to brush +the bodies of worshippers who become tired. + +[50] E.g., Skinner, _Societies of the Iowa_, 694. + +[51] For mescal (the agave-drink distilled from pulque) and peyote are +mixed and _used together_ in northern Mexico. Yet Mooney often and at +length produced this argument with regard to alcohol; Skinner said it +destroyed the desire of tobacco as well (see appendix on the Native +American Church). But peyote, physiologically and culturally, is only +one more means of achieving the culturally valued state of psychic +derangement, and such fundamentally deep-rooted patterns as this one is +in native America do not change over-night. Even so, is the cure any +better than the disease? The writer was a little startled when a Kiowa +friend, an ardent peyote user, suggested that we go to a neighboring +town one mid-week to drink. When I sought to discover his attitude on +this he soon made it clear that it was no matter of moral sentimentality +but purely one of physiology: there wasn’t another peyote meeting +until Saturday, so what was the harm? One can eat lobsters one day +and ice-cream the next, but one ought not eat them the same day. This +informant conceived of the antagonism as a fight between liquor- and +peyote-power, a matter-of-fact attitude probably not universal, and by no +means as cynical as it seems. + +[52] Rouhier (_Monographie_, 320) however suggests that the illusions +of phonation (the distance, strangeness and hollowness of the voice) +may not be entirely sensory, i.e. auditory, but may also be a matter of +voice-production; he cites Ellis, Putt, and Eshner. + +[53] Note the ritual necessity that a woman bring the morning water into +a meeting formerly restricted to men, and the mythological significance +of the “Peyote Woman.” Opler (_The Influence of Aboriginal Pattern_) +says that Mescalero saw women in visions and wanted them, believing that +if one began with visions of women they would stay with him. Crashing +Thunder (Radin, 177) confessed that at one time he attended meetings +chiefly to find “a woman whom I cared to marry permanently. Before long,” +he says, “that was the only thing that I would think of when I attended +the meetings.” We have on the other hand, however, the healthy skepticism +of an Oto who said, “You can see dead people in meetings, but peyote +won’t get you a woman you desire though. She makes up her mind.” But may +not other explanations than the physiologically-aphrodisiac be involved? +Might there not be an association with promiscuity of the ritual mingling +of the sexes (for in the older Sun Dance just this was implied when the +main lodge-pole was brought in) in a region where sexual segregation +ritually was usual? Compare the injunction of one Ghost Dance prophet to +the people not to think of women, but to join hands with them on either +side and dance the Ghost Dance. Would he have made the explicit statement +if it had not been implicitly considered reasonable to expect natural +sexual arousement or preoccupation in a rite in which men and women are +not separated? Indeed, there is evidence among the Shawnee at least that +sexual opportunities afforded through the Ghost Dance were not left +unexploited. + + + + +THE ETHNOLOGY OF PEYOTISM + + +NON-RITUAL USES OF PEYOTE + +An Oto in all seriousness informed the writer that “peyote doesn’t work +outside meetings, because I have tried it”—a belief understandable in +a group whose sole acquaintance with the plant is through a recent +ritual.[1] Nevertheless, owing to its marked physiological properties +peyote is widely used both in Mexico and the Plains non-ritually, a fact +which forms an interesting ethnological background to the rite proper. + +One of the most important and striking of these uses is in prophecy and +divination. We find the Spanish missionaries in Mexico early protesting +against this abomination. The confessional of Padre Nicolás de León[2] +contains the following questions for the priest to ask the penitent: + + Art thou a sooth-sayer? Dost thou foretell events by reading + omens, interpreting dreams, or by tracing circles and figures + on water? Dost thou garnish with flower garlands the places + where idols are kept? Dost thou suck the blood of others? Dost + thou wander about at night, calling upon demons to help thee? + Hast thou drunk peyotl, or given it to others to drink, in + order to discover secrets, or to discover where stolen or lost + articles were? + +This last was no idle matter, as appears from other evidence; +Hernandez[3] says that + + [the Peyotl Zacatensis] causes those [Chichimeca] devouring + it to be able to foresee and to predict things; such, for + instance, as whether on the following day the enemy will make + an attack upon them; or whether the weather will continue + favorable; or to discern who has stolen from them some utensil + or anything else; and other things of like nature which the + Chichimeca really believe they have found out. + +Padre Arlegui,[4] after mentioning the therapeutic uses to which the +Zacatecans put peyote, complains that + + this would not be so bad if they did not abuse its virtues, + for, in order to have a knowledge of the future and find out + how their battles will turn out, they drink it brewed in water, + and, as it is very strong, it intoxicates them with a paroxysm + of madness, and all the fantastic hallucinations that come + over them with this horrible drink they seize upon as omens of + the future, imagining that the root has revealed to them their + future. + +Prieto[5] says of a Tamaulipecan group that + + often in these orgies was wont to impose silence, at the height + of their drunkenness, the voice of some ancient, who, assuming + a magisterial tone, prognosticated to them future events, + usually depicting them as sad and unhappy, and in spite of + the lugubriousness of his predictions, he usually ended his + harangue by exhorting them to enjoy in the dance the interval + between the present and the next unhappiness. + +Alarcón[6] adds other functions and relates of other drinks similarly +used:[7] + + If the consultation is about a lost or stolen article or + concerning a woman who has absented herself from her husband, + or some similar thing, here enters the gift of false prophecy, + and the divining that has been pointed out in the preceding + treatises; the divination is made in one of two ways, either + by means of a trance or by drinking peyote or ololiuhqui or + tobacco to attain this end, or commanding that another drink + it, and ordering him to remain under its spell; and in all this + goes implicitly hand in hand the pact with the devil who by + means of said drinks appears to them and speaks to them, giving + them to understand that he who speaks to them is the ololiuhqui + or the peyote or whatever beverage that they had drunk for the + said end; and the sorry part of it is that many put faith in + [the drink] as in the very lying cheats themselves, [indeed] + even more than in the evangelical predicators. + +As we move farther north in Mexico the use of peyote in prophesying +becomes valuable in warning of the approach of the enemy.[8] For the +Tarahumari Lumholtz[9] says that the various kinds of hikori were +particularly good “to drive off wizards, robbers, and Apaches, and to +ward off disease.” Of _Anhalonium fissuratum_ he says “robbers are +powerless against it, for Sunami calls soldiers to its aid,” while the +variety Rosapara “is particularly effective in frightening off Apaches +and robbers.” + +In the Comanche version of the usual Plains origin tale of peyote, the +leader of a group on the war-path goes up alone to an Apache camp where +a peyote ceremony is in progress. Though an enemy, he is invited in, the +leader telling him that peyote had predicted his coming in a vision.[10] +One Comanche informant said eating peyote enables one to _hear_ an enemy +coming, though still far away; peyote likewise predicted the success of +one of the last Comanche horse-raids, and aided in its prosecution. + +From these uses of peyote in war it is no jump to its fetishistic use as +a protector in war[11] and in ordinary witchcraft. Sahagún[12] writes +that peyote + + is a common food of the Chichimecas, for it stimulates them and + gives them sufficient spirit to fight and have neither fear, + thirst, nor hunger, and they say it guards them from all danger. + +De la Serna[13] said that ololiuhqui and peyote were carried by persons +“forsaken of God” as charms against all injuries, and Arlegui deplored +the custom of parents to “hang little bags on their children, and inside +of them in place of the four Evangels that they place around the necks of +children in Spain, [to] place peyot or some other herb.” Arias described +a surreptitious worship of the fetish: the natives hung the herb in +the choirs “as a special creation of the malignant spirit which they +designate with the name of Naycuric,” and they communicated with the +numen by drinking an infusion of peyote instead of wine.[14] + +Peyote is also a powerful protection against witchcraft in ritual +foot-races. Rivals are liable to throw bones and herbs on the track and +cause the Tarahumari runner to be bewitched and lose the race, which is +run at night. For this contingency, however, “hikuli and the dried head +of an eagle or a crow may be worn under the girdle as a protection.”[15] +Peyote is a great protection too when traveling, both in war and on +peyote-pilgrimages.[16] + +The Comanche commonly wore peyotes in buckskin bags attached to beaded +bandoliers, recalling the mescal bean bandolier which the Kiowa and +others commonly wore in battle. Indeed, peyote was even a part of the +Θawikila and Kispoko war bundles of the Shawnee, long before they knew +the generalized peyote ritual—a custom similar to the Iowa use of mescal +beans in their war bundles.[17] + +But in Mexico and the Southwest war and witching are closely connected +ideologically. As a matter of fact, peyote itself as well as the peyote +shaman’s rasp, is employed in Tarahumari witchcraft.[18] Among the +Mescalero Apache,[19] however, witching _within_ the tribe by rival +peyote shamans was an ever-present anxiety, their feuds being conceived +in terms of battles and war, with the “shooting” of arrows and struggles +to see who had the more powerful and compelling songs. The Mescalero +peyote leader was merely a shaman _primus inter pares_, whose major +function was to prevent witching in meetings. The purpose of the Tonkawa +peyote songs, it is said, was to ward off the enemies’ witching. Witching +with peyote is less in evidence in the Plains, save among the Kiowa, +Comanche, and Cheyenne who early received it, but as late as the time +when the Caddo-Delaware messiah John Wilson took peyote and the Ghost +Dance to the Quapaw there was witching by “shooting” objects. The +Northern Cheyenne feared the “trickiness” of peyote itself; and the Lipan +fireman was chosen for his braveness because “he has to go out at night +to get wood and it is a frightening job sometimes, especially when one is +under the influence of peyote; peyote is sure a joker!” + +Besides this fetishistic use in war, peyote was also used somewhat more +“technologically” to cure wounds. Alegre writes that the Sonoran + + manner of curing the wounds is with peyote, that they call + peyori after it has been made into a powder, with which they + fill the cut, cleaning it and renewing it three times every two + days, or with a species of balm composed of [maguey]. + +Prieto says that, in Tamaulipecan war, among the provisions carried by +the women in the rear were + + gourds full of peyote and water ... and in addition to all + these provisions they carry some plants, which, chosen and + prepared beforehand serve to stop hemorrhages from the wounds, + and to aid in their curing. + +The Opata used pejori for arrow-wounds, cleaning them out with cotton +squills on sticks dipped in the powder; the Lipan put peyote on wounds of +all kinds.[20] + +The other therapeutic uses of peyote are various. At Taos it was used +for snake-bite. The Caxcanes of Teo-caltiche employed peyote for cramps +and fainting spells, the Chichimeca for relieving painful joints. +The Tarahumari apply peyote externally for bruises, snake-bites and +rheumatism. The Huichol use few remedies except hikuli, unlike the +Tepecano who use many, but it is good for anything from a minor ache to +a major wound. Medicinal uses are also recorded for the Tepecano, Yaqui, +Opata, Pima, Papago, Cora and Lipan.[21] + +In the Plains a Wichita case of blindness of fifteen years’ standing +was cured by the sole application of peyote-infusion.[22] Radin cites +a similar Winnebago case. The Kiowa use peyote as a panacea: uses are +recorded for tooth-ache, hemorrhages, headache, consumption, fever, +breast pains, skin disease, hiccough, rheumatism, childbirth, diabetes, +colds and pulmonary diseases in general. Mooney records the further use +as a “tonic aperitif.” The Shawnee chew peyote into poultices for sores +and snake-bites and eat it for colds, pneumonia, rheumatism, aches and +pains.[23] + +The remaining non-ritual uses of peyote are quite varied. The Acaxee +employed it in some manner in their ball games, probably eating it in +small doses, according to Beals. In Tlaxcala peyote was used by “the +auxiliary forces of the conquistadores, in order not to feel fatigue on +their marches”—a widespread use in Mexico; in the Plains the typical +origin legend tells of peyote aiding a seriously wounded warrior or a +woman and child left behind by their companions without food or drink. +The legend is not unlike the common Plains stories of receiving power +from animals in a stress-situation; Old Man Horse (Kiowa) said “peyote is +the only plant from which one can get power,” obviously thinking in terms +of the old vision quest. Peyote in fact gave power to perform shamanistic +tricks in the old days.[24] + +The Tarahumari, among other things, left a hikuli plant with the corpse, +the motive for which is unstated.[25] A Wichita, captured in war and +imprisoned, was aided in escaping unseen from the enemy camp by his +fetish-plant; the lobbying power of peyote in influencing Federal bonus +legislation has already been mentioned. Indeed, peyote has had a record +of unbroken success in preventing Federal anti-peyote legislation.[26] + + +RITUAL USES OF PEYOTE + +Despite the unsatisfactory state of the literature, it is clear that +the ceremonial use of peyote in Mexico differs widely from that in the +Plains. First we shall characterize the Mexican type by summarizing the +Huichol and Tarahumari rites, and later adding comparative Mexican data. + + +HUICHOL + +Though the most important of their fiestas, Huichol peyotism is a +seasonal matter, the hikuli seldom being eaten outside the ceremonial +period in January. In October a preliminary trip lasting fifteen days +each way is made to Real Catorce (San Luis Potosí) to obtain the plants. +The eight or twelve pilgrims bathe and sleep in the temple with their +wives the night before leaving, not washing again until the feast +some four months later. After receiving new names for the trip, the +next morning they pray around a fire, wearing squirrel tails tied to +their hats, and sacrifice five tortillas[27] to the fire. Then, after +sprinkling their heads with a deer-tail dipped in water steeped with +certain herbs, all weep as each man puts his right hand on his wife’s +left shoulder and bids her farewell.[28] + +Their route is full of religious associations, since formerly the gods +went out to seek peyote and now are met with in the shape of mountains, +stones and springs; their dreams en route are also important in deciding +religious arrangements for the coming year (who is to sacrifice cattle +for rain, who is to be fire-maker, etc.). The pilgrims carry sacred +hour-glass shaped gourds and the leader also carries the yákwai, a ball +of native-grown tobacco called macuchi, which is solemnly distributed +after they pass Puerta de Cerda. In the afternoon they place ceremonial +arrows toward the four corners of the world, and sit around a fire until +midnight. Tobacco belongs to the personified fire; after much praying the +leader touches the tobacco-ball with his plumes and wraps small portions +in corn husks[29] “so that they look like diminutive tamales,” and each +man puts one in a special tobacco-gourd tied to his quiver. This act +symbolizes the birth of tobacco and henceforth they must preserve ritual +order on the march, and only cease to be the “prisoner” of Grandfather +Fire when the sacred bundles are given back to him, i.e., burned. + +On the fourth afternoon the women at home gather to confess their sins to +Grandfather Fire; they knot palm-leaves lest they forget the name of even +a single lover and the men consequently find no hikuli. After this public +confession each woman throws her leaf into the fire and becomes ritually +clean. The men make a similar confession “to the five winds” a little +beyond Zacatecas and burn their tallies in the fire. The hikuli-seekers +are henceforth gods and the leaders fast (save for eating stray plants) +until they reach the peyote country.[30] + +Arrived, they line up, each man with an arrow on his bow-string which +he points successively to the six regions of the world without letting +it fly. As they march toward the mesa-“altar” where the leader has seen +hikuli as a “deer,” each man shoots two arrows each over five hikuli +plants, crossing over their tops that they may be taken “alive.” They +make a ceremonial circuit of the mesa, but the “deer” assumes the form +of a whirlwind and disappears, leaving two hikuli in his tracks; there +they sacrifice votive bowls, arrows, paper flowers, beads, etc., and +pray. After this they return to get their five hikuli, and eat and gather +others. The whole ceremony is of hunting deer, and after five days they +reverse the logs of their fireplace and return home with gourds of holy +water, wood for the shaman’s rasp, sotol for the “godseats,” yellow paint +material and the hikuli they have gathered. Their tobacco-gourds and +faces are painted yellow, the color of the God of Fire. The face-painting +represents the faces or masks of the gods, and expresses prayers for +rain, luck in deer-hunting and good crops, symbolized as corn field, +cloud, ear of corn, “rain-serpent,” squash-vine and -flower designs.[31] + +Approaching home, they must hunt deer until they have enough for the +feast, before being freed from the ritual restrictions of continence, +fasting, and non-use of salt, meanwhile being sustained by slices of +green hikuli eaten from time to time. The deer meat is cooked and +then cut into small cubes which are strung (precisely as peyote is) +on cords.[32] The deer-killing is to obtain rain for the next growing +season.[33] The hunting period over, men and women bathe for the first +time since the beginning of the hikuli-pilgrimage. + +For the hikuli feast the men deck their hats lavishly with brilliant +macao and hawk feathers, and wear supernumerary girdle-pouches; the women +wear strings of yellow and red plumes across the back. A temple fire, +another at the east of the patio to “guard” the dancers, and a third +at the north for visitors from the underworld are built in a special +fashion: the shaman carefully brings an eighteen-inch billet of green +wood, offers it to five directions and finally to the sixth by placing it +on the ground, after which others place sticks pointing east and west on +this molitáli or “pillow” of Grandfather Fire.[34] + +Then the shaman and hikuli-seekers ceremonially circle the freshly +white-plastered “god-house of the Sun,” enter, pray aloud and give a +long account of their journey until late at night. The temple fire place +(áro) is a circular clay basin in the center with a slightly raised rim; +the poker is the “arrow” of the God of Fire. The niches at the west of +the temple behind the shaman are filled with god-images; the others +sit on either side of him in a semi-circle on sotol or century-plant +stools. Their wives, flower-garlanded and painted, sit farther back +in the temple, while the pilgrims smoke and sing all night about +Greatgrandfather Deer-Tail, the Morning Star and all the other gods who, +long ago, went out to seek hikuli. The next morning all wash their faces, +heads and hands in water from the hikuli-country, and salute the rising +sun with a bowl of burning incense, sprinkling water to the four corners +of the world with a flower and praying for life and for luck in hunting +deer.[35] + +Meanwhile the patio has been prepared for dancing. Beside the fire are +jars of holy water and tesvino, a stuffed fetish-skunk tied to a stick, +and a stuffed grey squirrel decorated with dark green beetle wing-covers, +small clay birds, feathers and a crucifix.[36] The shaman, sitting west +of the main fire (behind the usual ceremonial arrows, plumes, tamales, +and a pot of hikuli-liquor) sacrifices water to the six regions with +a stick; then, with assistants on either side who take turns helping +him, the shaman sings the mythological songs, unaccompanied by a drum, +and the long dance begins.[37] Both sexes take part in the dance, “a +quick, jumping walk with frequent jerky turns of the body,” in a circle +counter-clockwise around the shaman and the fire—though the circle tends +to an ellipse as they approach the fetish-animals at the northwest.[38] + +At sunrise of the third and last day comes the corn-roasting ceremony +which gives its name to the entire festival, Rarikira (from raki, +“toasted corn”).[39] The shaman fastens a plume with a ribbon in the +hair of the woman who is to do the toasting and gives her a coarse straw +whisk to stir the corn on her comal, supported on three stones over the +fire. The hikuli-seekers appear with large varicolored ears of corn in +their pouches, and after ceremonial circuits they shell it, sacrificing +five grains to the fire. The woman then prepares the esquite, and all eat +this, together with deer meat and broth, thus ending the festivities.[40] + +The Huichol ritual paraphernalia is heavily symbolized. With his eagle +and hawk plumes the singing shaman can see and hear everything anywhere, +cure the sick, transform the dead, and even call down the sun; they +symbolize the antlers of deer, and deer-antlers in turn symbolize peyote +and the “chair” of Grandfather Fire. Peyote itself symbolizes both corn +and deer, while the flames of the greatest shaman of all, Grandfather +Fire, are his plumes (the brilliantly-colored macao is his particular +bird). Deer-antlers, furthermore, for the Huichol symbolize arrows,[41] +arrows being the symbol _par excellence_ of prayer. Again, arrows +symbolize a bird flying with outstretched neck, the feathered portion +representing the heart. The peyote plant, finally, is considered the +drinking-bowl of the god of fire and wind.[42] + +This intricate symbolic complex (corn = peyote = drinking-bowl of +Grandfather Fire = god of wind = whirlwind = deer = deer-tracks = peyote += deer-antlers = shaman’s plumes = deer antlers = chair of Grandfather +Fire = flames of fire = brilliant bird [macao] plumes = flying bird = +arrow = prayer for rain, corn and deer-hunting, etc.) is deeply rooted +in Huichol religion, and each one of the symbolic equations has a ritual +reflex.[43] + + +TARAHUMARI + +Tarahumari peyotism is on the decline in Samachique, Quírara and +Guadalupe, though still remaining around Narárachic; in Guadalupe the +bakánawa cactus is valued instead. From two or three to a dozen men make +the month-long trip to the region around the mouth of the Rio Conchos at +any time of the year, though usually not in the rainy season. They first +purify themselves with copal incense; on the way anything may be eaten, +but in the hikuli country they eat only piñole, and speech is forbidden. +Arrived, they erect a cross near the first plants found, in order to +find an abundance of others, and carefully cut off the tops with wooden +sticks to leave the roots uninjured. They sing and eat green peyote while +gathering it and in the evening they dance the dutubúri around the cross +and a fire. The harvesting lasts several days, some taking turns dancing +while the others sleep. Each variety of hikuli is put in a separate bag, +for they would fight if mixed.[44] + +The plants are left on a blanket in the mountains near home, and the +blood of a slaughtered sheep or goat is sprinkled on them to “feed” them, +with a special song. After drying they are placed in covered ollas away +from the house. The hikuli-seekers are met on their return with singing, +and a fiesta is held with the sacrificial sheep or goat. The dutubúri and +the hikuli-dance are then danced all night around a large open-air fire, +much green peyote and tesvino being consumed. This ceremony is to “cure” +the pilgrims: the shaman’s necklace of _Coix lachryma-Jobi_ seeds is +dipped into a bowl of agua-miel, sotoli, or mescal, each one receiving a +spoonful, while the shaman sings of hikuli standing on a Job’s Tears seed +as big as a mountain.[45] + +Tarahumari hikuli-feasts are held at other times also. The women grind +the plants with water on a metate into a thickish brown liquid. The +dancing-patio is carefully swept with a straw broom and several crosses +are planted, and near one of these the peyote is piled with jars of +“tea” and tesvino, baskets of unsalted tamales and bowls of meat and +“medicine.” A large fire is built with logs in an east-west position and +hikuli and yumari are danced all night.[46] + +Near the shaman and his assistants who sit west of the fire is a +leaf-covered hole into which they carefully spit; the olla-cuspidor of +the men to one side and the women to the other is passed around and +emptied here also. With a drinking-gourd rim the shaman makes a circle on +the ground and in it the right-angled cross of the world-symbol. Then he +inverts a gourd over a hikuli placed on the cross, as a resonator for his +rasp; hikuli enjoys this music and manifests his strength by the noise +produced.[47] The shaman’s headdress is of bird-plumes, which prevent the +wind from entering and causing illness; through them the birds impart to +him all their wisdom. The assistants, of both sexes, carry incense bowls +of copal, kneeling and crossing themselves at the cross, and then pass +out the peyote.[48] + +At times the shaman dances, at times his assistants, and women may dance +either separately or simultaneously with the other men participants. The +bare-footed men are wrapped to the chin in white blankets; the women wear +clean skirts and tunics. The clockwise dancing (with a turn of the body +at the shaman’s place) consists in a “peculiar quick, jumping march, with +short steps, the dancers moving forward one after another, on their toes, +and making sharp, jerky movements, without, however, turning around.” The +men have deer-hoof sonajas, and the rasping and singing are continuous +save when the shaman politely excuses himself to the fetish hikuli; +others must also ask permission to leave the patio. In the intermittent +dancing they beat their mouths with the palm imitating hikuli’s talk, or +cry “Hikuli vava! (Hikuli over yonder!)” in shrill falsetto.[49] + +At dawn the dancing stops at three raps on the shaman’s rasp. All rise +and gather at the east cross. Then the shaman, followed by a boy with a +gourd of palo hediondo medicine (ohnoa roots steeped in water), “cures” +each one with his rasp wetted in the medicine, as they cry, “Thank you!” +The shaman makes three long raspings with his stick on the man’s head; +its dust is so potent in curing that it is carefully gathered from +around the resonator and preserved in buckskin bags. A spoonful of other +medicines is sometimes swallowed as the shaman blows and makes passes; +sometimes tesvino exclusively is used. Blankets are also smoked with +copal now. Then, facing the rising sun, the shaman makes three raspings +at arms’ length, waving home hikuli who had come from the east early in +the morning, riding on green doves, to prevent sorcery in the meeting; +now he turns into a ball and returns, accompanied by the owl. Doctoring +of the sick as well as “curing” may now occur. Then all wash carefully, +and after the shaman sacrifices tortillas and tesvino as they stand in a +line facing east, they all participate in a feast.[50] + + +COMPARISON OF MEXICAN PEYOTE RITUALS + +Huichol peyotism is more intricate and important than Tarahumari, though +it is seasonal only and the latter venerated several varieties of cactus. +The state of the literature advises caution, but a far better case could +be made for the Huichol as a center of diffusion: the neighboring Cora, +for example, had a vigorous peyote rite, while the Tubar, who share +tesvino and the yohe dance with the Tarahumari and otherwise resemble +them culturally, lack it.[51] Beals, however, points out that since the +Cora-Huichol do not live within the region of growth of peyote, they +must have borrowed it; our sole knowledge of Huichol peyotism is modern, +unfortunately, but the Cora rite is known from 1754. On the whole, the +gaps in our knowledge are too great to discuss possible centers of +diffusion of Mexican peyotism; they may, indeed, lie in the little known +area to the northeast.[52] + +A relatively full account of the Tamaulipecan rite is extant:[53] + + One of the Tamaulipecan tribes would usually hold feasts for + only those of its own community, or it would invite some + of those that were neighbors and friends. They took place + generally by night. Devoting two or three previous days to + the preparation of a sufficient quantity of peyote, and the + gathering of fruits of the season, and in allotting certain + fruits of the chase, which, broiled on the hearth that + illuminated the feast, were served at a common banquet. The + feast always had an object among these peoples. With feasts + they celebrated the beginning of summer, which was the season + least rigorous for these nude people, or the abundant harvests + of corn, or of forest fruits, or their victory in some attack + on their enemies. When these feasts were held for one tribe + alone they took place commonly in the rancherías where they + lived permanently. But when one who was promoting the feast + invited some of his neighbors, then he chose an intermediate + point between the two places that they inhabited, and that + was picked out generally in the most inaccessible or hidden + places in the mountains. As soon as everything was prepared for + the banquet and the guests had collected, a great bonfire was + lighted. They placed around it the fruits of the hunt prepared + before hand. Those that took part in the dance immediately + formed a circle around the fire, and to the measured beats of + the drum (the drum was made of an aro of wood over which they + attached the parchment of a deer or a coyote) which, united + with the voices, composed the music. They took part in the + dance alternately raising one foot and then the other, or the + whole circle started circling around the fire. During the dance + dancers and spectators broke out in discordant howls, each one + reciting in his own strophes, alluding to the cause that was + motivating the feast. Of this versification I have already + previously given you an idea: relative to the celebration + of some triumph gained in their skirmishes; and in the same + way they directed their phrases to the sun, to the moon, and + to the clouds, when they were enjoying good weather; to the + earth and to the rain when they had an abundance of fruit; and + finally to their strength and bravery when they recalled their + hunts in the mountains or their wars. The poetic enthusiasm + of the guests became more animated with the first fumes of + the peyote, which, placed on a counter that was improvised on + the trunk of a tree, was served to them by young Indian girls + and the old men, and in the same gourds, jars, or rude baked + clay vases. This class of feast always used to end with the + complete drunkenness of all the guests, who, exhausted moreover + by the dance, fell asleep around the almost burnt-out fire. + [As previously noted, prophecy was a feature of these rites]. + In addition to these feasts that are called mitotes, they also + have other games and recreation during the hours of the day, + such as ball, fighting, and foot-racing; and these games are + often that which gives the motive for their mutual discontent, + and sometimes precipitates formal wars among them. + +We note in this account the connection of peyote with corn harvests, deer +hunting and war; and dancing, racing and a morning ceremony are also +mentioned. Regarding the ball-game:[54] + + Among the Acaxee [peyote] was reported to have been placed on + one side of a ball ground during a game; its further use here + is unknown, but it is likely that it was taken in small doses + by the players during the game, as is done in the kicking race + of the Tarahumare in modern times. + +Chichimecan peyote-eating appears to be connected with war: + + Those that eat it or drink it see frightening and laughable + visions. This spree lasts two or three days and then stops. It + is a common food of the Chichimecas, for it stimulates them and + it gives them sufficient spirit to fight and have neither fear, + thirst, nor hunger, and they say it guards them from all danger. + +The Zacatecan use of peyote seems likewise to pertain to war, since they +eat it to learn the outcome of battles. The drugging and ceremonial +wounding of the father of a new-born male child, further, is to augur its +valor in war. The Caxcane used peyote ceremonially, with associations +unknown to us, but the Tlaxcaltecan use points again, though uncertainly, +to war. Preuss writes that “the god of the Morning-Star has a close +relationship to this cactus, among the Huichol,” and the Morning Star has +definite war associations.[55] + +Dancing is commonly associated with peyotism in the Mexican area, being +recorded for the Comecrudo, Chichimeca, Cora, Huichol, Tamaulipecan, +Tarahumari and Lipan.[56] Use in ritual racing is known for the +Tarahumari, Huichol and Tamaulipecan tribes; and the Acaxee tied strips +of deer-hide or -hooves (the word used means either) on the instep as +an aid in climbing hills—a custom recalling the carrying of hikuli-deer +in racing and the Wichita use of mescal beans. The ritualized journey +for peyote is recorded for the Cora, Huichol, Tarahumari, Tepecano and +somewhat doubtfully for the Tlaxcaltecan.[57] + +The ceremonial fire has no definitive association with peyotism in +Mexico,[58] though it is a prerequisite of the Plains rite even on the +hottest summer nights; nor has the copal incense of the Huichol and +Tarahumari any relation to the Plains use of sage and cedar.[59] The +corn shuck cigarette among the Huichol and Tarahumari is, furthermore, +in a somewhat different context, though Plains ceremonial cigarettes +are certainly Mexico-Southwest in origin.[60] The gourd rattle is Mayo, +Tarahumari, Gila River Pima, Walapai, Havasupai, Pueblo, Mescalero, +Lipan, Karankawa, Wichita, Seri, Chitimacha, Cherokee, Creek, Koasati +and Yuchi (i.e., southern Mexico, the Southwest, peripheral Plains and +Southeast) and therefore has no special association with peyote, though +again, it may be the origin of the gourd rattle in the central and +northern Plains.[61] Though the staff is a constant feature in the Plains +ceremony, in Mexico[62] this is decidedly not the case. The shaman’s +rasp among peyote-using tribes is noted only for the Cora, Huichol and +Tarahumari—and has a far wider distribution among non-users of peyote, +while being absent in the Plains rite.[63] The Tamaulipecan aro with +drumhead of coyote- or deer-skin is unlike the peyote drum of the north, +and further, the use of the drum is untypical in the Mexican rite.[64] + +On the other hand, the use of parched corn is more clearly a part of +Mexican peyotism, as is also deer-hunting.[65] “Plant-worship” is most +evident perhaps for the Tarahumari, who revere hikuli, bakánawa, mulato, +rosapara, sunami, ocoyomi and dekúba; the Tepecano sometimes substitute +marihuana or rosa maria (_Cannabis sativa_) for peyote in their worship, +and elsewhere other plants are involved.[66] Birds are a recognizable +feature in Mexican peyotism: the Huichol macao, humming-bird and swift +are noted, and the Tarahumari humming-bird, green dove and owl.[67] + +Bennett and Zingg on the Tarahumari would as well apply to all Mexican +peyotism:[68] + + ... the use of peyote resembles an elaborate curing ceremony + rather than a cult. There is nothing to suggest a society + centered around peyote-eating.... The group of peyote-eaters + does not involve any exclusiveness, requirements, or ritual + pertaining to individuals. The peyote ceremonies are not given + for the pleasure of eating the plant, but to cure some disease. + +Properly speaking, then, Mexican peyotism is a tribal affair, centering +around the shaman, on whose shoulders rests the whole tribal welfare +as involved in abundant corn harvests, successful deer-hunting, and +success in war (which he may prognosticate).[69] Shamanistic curing is +conspicuous in both Huichol and Tarahumari peyotism. Beals,[70] writing +of northern Mexico says that + + the degree of shamanistic influence apparent at present is + greater than at some time in the past.... Possibly the use + of peyote also had some influence in extending and reviving + shamanistic concepts.... Visionary experiences reach their + highest development ordinarily in religions of the shamanistic + type. + +These remarks go far toward explaining the differential diffusion of +peyotism. Peyote never penetrated the Yuman Southwest, perhaps because +the _dream_ performed the psychological function of the peyote vision +(which, moreover, was not very significant in Mexico). Again, the +ritual use of peyote failed to penetrate the Pueblo Southwest or the +Aztec, both strongholds of priestly religion; perhaps the stereotyped +institutional rituals of these regions stifled such orgiastic individual +emotional experiences as peyote is calculated to induce. On the other +hand, peyotism entered the shamanistic Southwest (the Mescalero) and one +Pueblo, Taos, where the kachina cult was weak, and once it reached the +individualistic vision-valuing Plains, it fairly ran riot. + + +MESCALERO APACHE AND TRANSITIONAL FORMS OF RITUAL + +Peyote came to the Mescalero[71] about 1870, in the same “general +movement which resulted in its adoption by a large number of the tribes +of the United States.”[72] Like other Apache ceremonies its origin was +attributed to an individual’s encounter with a power, but the tribe +involved was the Tonkawa, Lipan or “Yaqui.” Like the Plains groups, +the Mescalero made a trip south to get peyote,[73] which was kept by +the shaman for ceremonial use only, lest private individual users who +did not “know” and have the right to use the power go mad. The primary +purpose of meetings was for doctoring,[74] though “occasionally a peyote +meeting was called for some other purpose—for peyote, like other sources +of supernatural power, was believed to be efficacious for locating the +enemy, finding lost objects, foretelling the results of a venture, etc.” + +The news that a peyote shaman is conducting a meeting for a sick person +spreads rapidly, and all who are to attend bathe at noon of the appointed +day.[75] At nightfall they enter the tipi, where the peyote chief is +sitting west of the fire facing the door, with a gourd rattle in one hand +and an incised wooden staff in the other.[76] The staff is his protection +against witchcraft, and he “sings to it”; he exchanges the gourd for the +drum of his assistant, but retains the staff in his left hand. In front +of him on an eagle feather or piece of buckskin lies the large talismanic +“chief peyote” or “Old Man Peyote.”[77] + +He is assisted by a door-keeper and a fire-tender, who builds a crescent +mound of earth around the fire-pit with the horns east, and keeps the +fire going all night.[78] Once having entered, one is not supposed to +leave the tipi until morning save briefly, taking one of the eagle +feathers lying on either side of the door, and replacing it as soon as +possible. The peyote,[79] in a sack or on a woven tray, is first eaten by +the peyote chief, who then administers their first buttons to novices, +using two eagle-tail feathers as a spoon, with three ritual feints, after +which these “fly” into their mouths. Then after smoking[80] the peyote +is passed around by the assistants as the leader prays. Beginning at the +southeast the drum is passed clockwise as each person sings four songs, +his own ceremonial songs or songs received in visions, while the leader +or his assistants shakes the rattle. The leader sings most of the songs. + +There was a mild bias against women[81] among the Mescalero; they +received medicine power, but could not become a peyote chief, because +the responsibilities of the office were too great—for a leader must +prevent anything happening between even the greatest of rival shamans +in meetings.[82] In this he was aided by the chief peyote which “he +frequently consulted ... to ascertain whether anything were amiss; any +evil thoughts or efforts at witchcraft were said to ‘show’ on this ‘chief +peyote’.” A favorite device of witches to weaken the leader was to make +his assistants vomit the peyote. + +Peyotism was readily accepted by the Mescalero, in whose older culture +were patterns of receiving supernatural power from animals, etc. Indeed, +Opler calls the Mescalero + + a tribe of shamans, active or potentially active [and peyote + became another among many sources of power for them]. It will + be readily grasped, however, that since peyote leadership and + the conduct of peyote rites were open to any one who claimed + a supernatural experience with the plant, since, in other + words, an individualistic, shamanistic premise underlay the + utilization of peyote for religious purposes, centralized + leadership and definite organization could not be achieved. The + Mescalero use of peyote never developed into a cult or society + with a regular membership and place of meeting, with officers + and principals selected or agreeable to the entire body of + devotees ... [even with the] emphasis on curative rites.... + +This, in Mexico, made the rite tend to be tribal in character, +the shaman quasi-priest. Mescalero peyotism, therefore, is truly +transitional between the Mexican all-inclusive rite of _tribal_ cure +and the individualistic Plains _societal_ ceremony; no equilibrium +was permanently reached between the two, and Opler adduces abundant +evidence of the _rival_ nature of peyotism among competing shamans.[83] +The concept was that everyone was to get in rapport with his power(s) +via peyote, with the peyote shaman, however, remaining the figurehead +leader—a multiple “working together” of powers, peyote being the power +_par excellence_ that worked with other powers. The Mescalero, then, +attempted to force the physiologically somewhat refractory individual +peyote experience into the shamanistic mold. The leader remained the +arbiter and mediator, and held special symbols of authority, the staff +and the rattle, to compensate for his real loss of status as cynosure, +when participants in the curing rite were enlarged beyond the patient and +his relatives. + +Notable is the lack of Christian elements in Mescalero peyotism, in +contrast with some Plains groups; indeed, “far from becoming a weakened +and Christianized version of native beliefs, the Mescalero Apache +acceptance of peyote resulted instead in an intensification of the +aboriginal religious values at many points.”[84] On the other hand, +when we recalled the history of their relations with Whites and such +psychologically similar cults as the Ghost Dance of the Plateau, Great +Basin and Plains, it is somewhat surprising that a warlike and predatory +group like the Mescalero did not associate peyote and anti-White feeling. +Opler has recorded a Tonkawa peyote ceremony with clear anti-White +features; but the Mescalero had an aboriginal ceremony before peyote +whose function was the consternation and defeat of enemies, and this, +directed toward the whites, usurped the function of ritual opposition +through peyote.[85] + + +KIOWA-COMANCHE TYPE RITE + +Aside from the John Wilson, John Rave, and Church of the First-born +variants, the basic Plains ceremony is remarkably homogeneous in various +tribes. Since the Kiowa and the Comanche, historically considered, were +the center of this diffusion,[86] in the interests of economy we choose +their ceremony to detail as the “Plains type-rite.” In the following +account care is taken that every statement be specifically true of the +Kiowa and at the same time representative of the Plains; minor Comanche +differences are shown in footnotes. + +Living beyond the habitat of peyote, all Plains tribes have to make +pilgrimages for it or buy it. The journey is not ritualized, but there +is a modest ceremony at the site: on finding the first plant, a Kiowa +pilgrim sits west of it, rolls a cornshuck cigarette and prays, “I have +found you, now open up, show me where the rest of you are;[87] I want to +use you to pray for the health of my people.” He sings and eats green +plants while harvesting them; only the tops are taken, that the root may +regenerate buds, a fine large one being saved as a “father peyote” for +meetings later.[88] + +Many groups, like the Kiowa, “vow” meetings as in the Sun Dance. They may +be held in gratitude for recovery from illness, on a child’s first four +birthdays, for doctoring the sick, to pray for the successful delivery of +a child, or for the health of the participants in general. Present too +is the possibility of instruction and power through a peyote vision; in +the Plains this is the primary motive, with doctoring second. In the last +twenty years “holiday meetings” have been introduced.[89] + +[Illustration: Fig. 1. Arrangement of interior of tipi for peyote +meeting. a, Kiowa “standard” peyote meeting; b, Comanche horseshoe moon +variant.] + +In preparation, the Kiowa commonly take a sweatbath.[90] In the old +days buckskin dress was prescribed, but nowadays a “blanket” or folded +sheet for men and a shawl for women satisfies this requirement; buckskin +moccasins are more comfortable than stiff-soled shoes during a night +spent sitting cross-legged. Older men still paint for meetings; one +leader for example had a yellow hair-part with a short red forehead line +perpendicular to this, vertical red lines in front of the ears, and +yellow around the eyes.[91] + +The sponsor selects his leader (ᴅωλḱi) or himself acts as one; a leader +usually has his own drummer (o’ᴅ’asodeḱi) and fireman (ɢ’iɢ’uḱi), and +some a “cedar man” also. The sponsor’s womenfolk erect the tipi, prepare +and bring the food and water the next morning. The floor is carefully +cleaned and plumes of sagebrush are spread around the inside of the +tipi, as in a sweat-lodge, for a seat. The sponsor stands the cost of +the meeting (from twenty-five to fifty dollars), or others may help +in paying; he also supplies the peyote or pays the leader for it, but +communicants often bring their own buttons also. + +The leader supplies the paraphernalia: the staff (ᴅo’ᴅę́ä, “brace-to +hold-stick”) of bois d’arc, the gourd rattle, eagle wing-bone whistle, +cedar incense, altar cloth, drum, and perhaps his personal “feathers” +for doctoring. The drum (ᴅωä´ᴅω or ʙώλkωᴅωä`ᴅω) is a No. 6 cast-iron +three-legged trade-kettle with the bail-ears filed off. The buckskin head +is well soaked and tied over the kettle, a third- or half-filled with +water into which ten or a dozen live coals (and sometimes herb-perfumes) +have been dropped; the Kiowa say the drum represents thunder, the water +in it rain, and the coals lightning. Seven marbles are put under the +buckskin around the outside kettle rim to serve as bosses for the thong +wound once-and-a-half times round them; the same thong is passed through +each loop and laced criss-cross seven times under the kettle, unknotted, +to tighten the head and form on the bottom the seven-pointed “Morning +Star.” The single drumstick (ʙωλkωtωn) is straight, carved, beaded, and +embellished with a buckskin tassel or fringe on the handle end. The +gourd-handle is also beaded and fringed, and tufted with red horse-hair +(ɢuλks’ǫgʸä) at the top end passing through the gourd, the neck of which +is plugged with half a spool; the gourd itself may be covered with +texts or symbolical drawings.[92] Participants are free after midnight +to use the cult drumstick and gourd or their individual ones as they +choose. Formerly “only the leader brought in the medicine fan with him, +but now many young men bring them in who have no special business to.” +These have a beaded and fringed cylindrical handle, with feathers loosely +supported in individual buckskin sockets sewed around the shafts; often +they are notched, tipped with horse-hair, or down feathers are added at +the base—as individual “visions” dictate. The leader also supplies the +fetish “father peyote,” but no Bible is used in the Kiowa or usual Plains +ceremony.[93] Formerly only old men and warriors attended meetings, but +now women and girls over thirteen come in, when not menstruating, though +they may not sing the songs or use the paraphernalia.[94] + +The tipi is entered any time after nightfall, with a preliminary +clockwise circuit outside as in the sweatbath (all circuits inside +must be clockwise also). Sometimes several line up behind the leader, +who prays briefly: “I am going into my place of worship. Be with us +tonight.” Entrance however is often informal and made one by one, before +the leader comes in with his rattle and staff in one hand, and his +paraphernalia-satchel[95] in the other; he sits west of the fire, which +has been started by the fireman, north of the door, who comes in first +of all. His drummer is south of him, to his right, his cedar-man (if +there is one) north and left. Others enter and informally take places, +but after he is seated they kneel on the right knee at the door for a +moment, looking to him for permission to enter and be assigned a place; +the sponsor meanwhile may call out, “Come in! So-and-so,” to these, +informally welcoming them. A tipi some twenty-five feet in diameter seats +thirty people comfortably. In summer the sides are raised to allow a +breeze to blow through. + +At the west center, horns to the east, is the crescent altar[96] (piέtᴅω) +with a groove or “path” (ɢ’ωmhoṇ) along it from horn to horn, interrupted +by a flat space in the center where the “father peyote” is later to +rest on sprigs of sage. The “path” symbolizes man’s path from birth +(southern tip) to the crest of maturity and knowledge (at the place of +the peyote) and thence downward again to the ground through old age to +death (northern tip). The crescent, carefully shaped beforehand by the +fireman out of clayey earth, also represents the mountain range of the +origin story where sęmąyi or “Peyote Woman” first discovered the plant. +East of it in a shelving depression is a fire, constantly mended by the +“fire-chief” during the night to keep it in a worm-fence arrangement, the +closest approximation to the ritual crescent-shape possible with straight +sticks. The accumulating ashes are shaped with great care into another +crescent between fire and altar. A “smokestick”[97] is kept smoldering in +an east-west position close to the fire to light all cigarettes. + +[Illustration: Fig. 2. Peyote paraphernalia. _Left to right_, Mescal bean +necklace; “peyote” necktie from a strip of trade-blanket with selvage +stripes, and bead-work representing peyote buttons; beaded and fringed +pheasant feather fan; black velvet, gold-fringed altar cloth; smokestick +carved with water bird, etc., eagle bone whistle; drumstick; peyote +buttons; corn husk cigarette “papers”; bundle of sage plumes; pile of +powdered cedar incense; a beaded, fringed, and carved drumstick; mescal +bean necklace.] + +All seated, the leader places the father peyote on the sage sprigs, +orienting it by the thorn or mark made when he cut it.[98] After this the +ceremony is considered begun, all informal talking and joking ceases, +and others entering are late-comers. Everyone begins to stare at the +fetish peyote and the flickering fire.[99] Then the leader leans his +eagle-humerus whistle against the west outside of the moon, mouth end up, +takes out his cedar incense bag, gourd, tobacco, etc., and arranges them +conveniently near him. + +The first ceremony is smoking or praying together. The leader makes +himself a cigarette of Bull Durham with corn husk “papers” dried and +cut to shape, and passes the makings clockwise to the rest, including +women.[100] His own made, the fireman presents the smokestick to the +leader (who may first offer it courteously to his drummer) and this +too is passed to the left. While all smoke, the leader prays: “beha´be +sęį´ᴅɔki (smoke, peyote power). Be with us when we pray tonight. Tell +your father to look at us and listen to our prayers.” He holds his +cigarette mouth end toward the peyote and motions upward that it may +smoke as he prays: + + We are just beginning our prayer meeting. We want you to be + with us tonight and help us. We want no one to be sick at this + meeting from eating peyote. I will pause again at midnight to + pray to you. I will pause again in the morning to pray to you. + [Then he prays for the person who is sick or whose birthday the + meeting celebrates or for relatives and participants.] If there + are any rules connected with you, peyote, that we don’t know + of, forgive us if we should break them, as we are ignorant. + +All pray silently to ᴅómᴅɔki, “earth-creator” or “earth-lord,” and older +men may add their prayers aloud after the leader. Then, following the +leader, all snuff their cigarettes in the ground and place them on the +west curve of the altar, outside, or at either horn; the fireman may +gather those of women, old people or visitors. + +The incense-blessing ceremony immediately follows. The leader (or his +“cedar-man”) sprinkles some dried and rubbed cedar on the fire; then he +makes four clockwise motions of the peyote bag toward the fire, takes +out four buttons and passes the bag. Kneeling on both knees, he reaches +down beneath the hides or blankets of the seat, and bruises a tuft of +sage between his palms, and smelling it with deep inhalations, rubs his +hands over and down his head, breast, shoulders and arms, with outward +downward movements, ending with the thighs. Though the peyote may not yet +have reached them, the others follow suit, reaching out their palms to +absorb the blessing of the incense and rubbing themselves. + +[Illustration: Fig. 3. Peyote drum with lashing around bosses.] + +This done, all eat[101] their peyote, to the accompaniment of much +spitting out of the woolly center of the buttons; hereafter during the +night in the intermissions of singing, anyone can call for the peyote +bag (the incense burning may or may not be repeated). Then more cedar is +sprinkled on the fire and the leader makes four motions with the staff +in his left hand and the rattle in his right toward the rising incense +smoke.[102] The drummer motions similarly with the drumstick, pulling +smoke from the fire to the drum. The leader takes a bunch of sagebrush +from between the tipi-cover and pole behind him (previously prepared by +the fireman), holds it with his staff and the singing begins.[103] The +drummer shifts his left thumb over the drumhead or sloshes the water +inside on it or blows on it to get the proper tension and tone, then the +leader holds his staff and sage at arm’s length between himself and the +fire and rattles for the Hayätinayo or Opening Song.[104] The leader +exchanges his staff and rattle for the drum the latter always passing +_under_ the staff,[105] and the drummer sings four songs of his own +choosing. The paraphernalia, staff preceding drum, are then passed to the +left; each man sings to the drumming of the man on his right, and then +himself drums for the man on his left.[106] This singing, rattling, and +drumming forms the bulk of the ceremony during the night. At intervals +older men pray aloud, with affecting sincerity, often with tears running +down their cheeks, their voices choked with emotion, and their bodies +swaying with earnestness as they gesture and stretch out their arms +to invoke the aid of Peyote. The tone is of a poor and pitiful person +humbly asking the aid and pity of a great power, and absolutely no shame +whatever is felt by anyone when a grown man breaks down into loud sobbing +during his prayer.[107] + +About midnight the leader announces that he is going to put incense on +the fire after the next four songs, and when he does, everyone blesses +himself in the smoke. The announcement gives the fireman time to mend +the fire and build up the ash moon[108] and sweep the cigarette butts +into the fire. If the paraphernalia are north of the door they are passed +backwards to the leader drum first, if at the south (i.e. past the door) +clockwise and staff first as usual. Smoking stops, and the leader, to the +drumming of his assistant, sings the Midnight Song.[109] When the first +of the four is finished, the fireman (sometimes given a feather for +this errand by the leader) leaves, gets a bucket of water, returns, sets +it in front of the fire and unfolds a blanket on which he sits in line +with it facing west. The leader, finishing the second song, blows four +increasingly loud blasts on the eagle wing-bone whistle (to imitate the +water bird) then replaces it by the peyote and sings the last two songs. +While his assistant holds the staff and gourd, he spreads an altar cloth +just west of the fetish, and places on this the staff, gourd, sage and +his fan, together with the “feathers” of communicants passed to him for +this purpose; the drum is to the south of this, the drumstick, etc., on +the cloth. + +After cedar-incensing, the fireman makes a smoke, puffs four times +and prays, thanking those responsible for the honor of being chosen +fire-chief, and praying for the leader and his family, the sick and +the absent. Next the leader prays, then the drummer, using the same +cigarette, and to complete the figure of a cross, the man to the north +or “cedar-man” prays. When the butt is placed by the altar, the fireman +makes a circuit of the altar and passes the bucket to the man south +of the door. Quiet conversation is permitted in the somewhat informal +drinking period.[110] When the fireman has drunk, the leader passes back +the fans and the paraphernalia to where the singing had been interrupted, +and leaves the tipi. He goes about thirty feet east of the tipi, +whistles four times and prays, repeating this at the south, west and +north.[111] When four songs are completed, he returns, blessing himself +in the incense smoke which the drummer throws on the fire.[112] Now is +the preferred time to leave the tipi and stretch cramped legs. Singing +continues as before until dawn. + +As the first grey light appears, the leader tells the fireman to waken +or notify the woman who is to bring the water (she has no special seat, +if she has attended the meeting). The fireman always brings the midnight +water, a woman that at dawn.[113] The leader whistles four times, even +in the middle of a song, when the fireman tells him she has arrived +outside. When the singer finishes his four songs, the leader calls for +the paraphernalia and sings the four Morning Songs; after the first of +these the woman enters, arranges a blanket and sits as did the fireman. +Finishing the three remaining songs, the leader calls for feathers and +spreads them with the paraphernalia on the altar cloth, as at midnight. A +smoke is made for the woman, who thereupon prays, after which the leader +and his assistants smoke it. Doctoring[114] is best done at this time; +the leader may do this, or he may ask an older man to fan the patient +with consecrated feathers from the altar cloth. + +Then the fireman spills a little water before the fire, the woman drinks, +and the bucket moves clockwise as before from south of the door. The +woman makes a circuit of the altar, picks up her blanket and takes the +bucket out. The feathers are passed out again, and the paraphernalia +returned to the place of the next singers in the circle (because of such +ritual interruptions, praying, passing of peyote, etc., a complete round +of the drum requires two or three hours). + +While waiting for the ritual breakfast, the meeting is again somewhat +informal. Several women may leave to help the water-woman prepare +the food, and younger men may go outside for a stroll and a secular +smoke. Old men often lecture younger members on behavior at this time, +“preaching” directly to a relative, and more indirectly to others.[115] +When he has finished another old man may exhort: “You must do as that old +man has said. He’s had experience. What he’s telling you is good.” At +this time too visitors are given opportunity to express gratitude for the +hospitality of their host, who in turn thanks them for coming. + +When the food arrives outside, the fireman notifies the leader, who +calls for the paraphernalia and sings four songs, the last of which is +the Quitting Song. The food meanwhile is passed in and placed in line +with the father-peyote and fire, west-to-east thus: water, parched corn +in syrup, fruit and meat.[116] No one sits east of it as in the water +ceremonies. The four songs completed, the leader tells the drummer to +unlace the drum, and all the paraphernalia are passed around (between the +food and the fire at the east) for everyone to handle,[117] as an older +woman (“because food is their life-work”) or a Ten-Medicine keeper, who +typically functions at such Kiowa group-prayers, asks a blessing. The +leader then removes the father peyote from the altar, and when he puts it +in his satchel with the rest of the paraphernalia the meeting is ended. + +Complete social informality now reigns as the food is passed to the man +south of the door and thence clockwise. Much joking[118] goes on during +this meal, which has none of the seriousness of the Christian partaking +of the Host. When the fireman has finished eating, at the leader’s +instruction, he leads the line out of the tipi.[119] The tipi may be +taken down immediately, or moved bodily a little, but the older men +drift back into its shade and lie around talking and exchanging peyote +experiences.[120] As meetings are ordinarily held on Saturday nights, +Sunday forenoon is free for such visiting, talking and dozing under +arbors. Nearly everyone stays for a secular dinner at noon, and they +take home what they cannot eat; sometimes other guests come who have not +attended the meeting. + + +COMPARISON OF MEXICAN, TRANSITIONAL, AND PLAINS PEYOTISM + +Having now characterized the Huichol-Tarahumari type-rite for Mexico, +the Lipan-Mescalero for the transitional nomad Southwest, and the +Kiowa-Comanche as the historical prototype for the Plains, we may attempt +a comparison and contrasting of them. + +In Mexico as a whole “curing” is perhaps the most salient characteristic, +while both curing and doctoring are conspicuous in Mescalero. In the +Plains, while doctoring is an important feature it is by no means +indispensable.[121] Peyotism in Mexico, therefore, has a tribal +character, while in Mescalero the ceremony is a _forum for rival +shamans_—a trait not altogether absent in early Plains rites—and in the +Plains peyotism has a societal nature. These facts have an important +bearing on the cultural manifestations of the physiological action of +peyote. In Mexico visions are turned to the uses of prophecy;[122] in +Mescalero they enable a shaman to detect rival witchcraft; while in +the Plains, visions are a source of individual power. These categories +should not be made too rigid, however, for clairvoyance, if not prophecy, +as well as witchcraft anxiety are known for early Plains peyotism, +and on the other hand, peyote medicine-power is a source of Mescalero +shamanistic rivalry. Yet as indications of relative emphasis these +statements might be allowed to stand. + +The Mexican symbolisms point to an association with hunting, agriculture +and gathering activities, and the typical anxiety expressed in the +religion is the desire for rain. In Mescalero, peyote is the focal +point for the warfare of antagonistic powers, and expresses the mutual +suspicion of formerly small local groups; the intense and ever-present +anxiety is the fear of aggression and reprisal by witchcraft. In the +early Plains peyote ceremonies, associations with warfare were prominent +(influenced no doubt by a forerunner of peyotism there, the mescal bean +ceremonialism), though in later times this element had become so nearly +absent that Mooney could point quite properly to the “international” +character of the cult in his time.[123] + +Areal contrasts in minor points are no less striking. Dancing was +conspicuous in Mexico, less important transitionally, and on the whole +lacking in the Plains. Painting of a symbolic nature was ritually +significant in Mexico; in the Plains individual styles were dictated +by peyote visions. Peyotism in Mexico is a seasonal matter, but in the +Plains the rite occurs the year around (in the south the trip for peyote +may have been associated more with the ritual salt pilgrimage, in the +north with the ritualized war journeys; parallels are also suggested in +the Maricopa ritualized mountain-sheep hunting and Navaho deer hunting). + +In Mexico peyote was a tribal affair and women participated on equal +terms with the men in dancing, etc. In Mescalero, women were excluded +from meetings, as in the Plains also originally. The rite was held +principally outdoors in Mexico, and in a tipi transitionally and in the +Plains—a patio arrangement in Mexico, and an altar centering around +the “moon” in the Plains. Ritual racing and ball games[124] are part +of Mexican peyotism, but not elsewhere. Smoking is inconspicuous in +Mexico, but in the Plains it has been important enough to involve church +schisms.[125] Huichol peyote had no drum, though elsewhere in Mexico a +wooden drum was used, while in the Plains the water-drum (intrusive from +the Southwest) is universal. The rasp is Mexican, but the Plains rite has +the gourd rattle and eagle wing-bone whistle in addition to the drum. The +“staff” is a special problem in the Plains. + +The Huichol and Tarahumari have a squirrel fetish in addition to the +fetish plant; the Plains have only the latter. Ceremonial drunkenness +with tesvino, etc., is an integral part of Mexican “curing”; in the +Plains peyote and alcohol are so far mutually exclusive that the familiar +propaganda calls the first a specific against the second. The alleged +aphrodisiac virtue of peyote is a Mexican belief; but curiously enough +in Mexico, where many “peyotes” were said by natives to be aphrodisiac, +Lumholtz pronounced _Lophophora williamsii_ definitely anaphrodisiac; +while in the Plains, where the natives most strenuously deny this virtue +for peyote, enemies of the cult most consistently claim that it produces +aphrodisiac orgies.[126] + +In Mexico the shaman alone sings, though his assistants may “spell” +him; in the Plains all male participants drum and rattle. In Mescalero, +though the drum circles the tipi, the staff and gourd remain with the +leader. Finally, Mexican and Mescalero peyotism are almost wholly free +of Christian elements; so too were the early Plains rites diffusing from +the Kiowa-Comanche, though in the John Wilson rite, the Oto Church of +the First-born (and its successor, the Native American Church) and the +Winnebago Rave-Hensley variant, Christian symbolism and interpretations +are frequent. + +Common elements are numerous: the ceremonial trip for peyote (more +elaborate in Mexico, to be sure), the meeting held at night, the fetish +peyote, the use of feathers and the abundance of symbolisms connected +with birds, the ritual circuit, ceremonial fire and incensing, water +ceremonies, the “Peyote Woman,” morning “baptism” or “curing” rites, +“talking” peyote, abstinence from salt, ritual breakfast, singing, +tobacco ceremonials, public confession of sins, Morning Star symbolisms, +and (for northern Mexico) the crescent moon[127] altar. The fear of +being blinded by the peyote-fuzz is Mescalero, Lipan and Plains, and the +water-drum is shared by both non-peyote Southwestern groups and those of +the Plains who have the peyote rite. The use of parched corn in sugar +water, boneless, sweetened meat and fruit for the “peyote breakfast” may +be regarded as universal for peyotism, wherever found. + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[1] Rouhier (_Monographie_, 91, n. 1) argues immense antiquity +for peyotism, _circa_ 300 years B.C., among the Chichimeca on +quasi-historical grounds. Our knowledge of peyote from Spanish documents +goes back to the sixteenth century in Mexico. A manuscript in the +Library of Congress reports the trial of a Taos Indian, February 3-8, +1719, for having “taken peyote and disturbed the town” (cf. Twitchell, +_Spanish Archives_, 2:188). See Bandelier, _Manuscript_; Mooney, +_Tarumari-Guayachic_. + +[2] Adapted from Lewin, _Phantastica_, 96, and Nicolás de León in +Brinton, _Nagualism_, 6. + +[3] Hernandez, _De Historia Plantarum_, 3:70. + +[4] Arlegui, _Crónica_, 2:154-55 in Urbina, _El Peyote y el Ololiuhqui_, +26. + +[5] Prieto, _Historia y Estadistica_, 123-24, in Mooney, _Peyote +Notebook_. + +[6] Alarcón, _Tratado de los supersticiones_, 195. + +[7] Lindquist, _The Red Man_, 70-71, is in error in stating that the Zuñi +use peyote for religious purposes; moreover the document of 1720 cited +refers to Taos, not Zuñi. Mr. An-che Li assures me that the Zuñi lack +peyote even today. Lindquist has evidently confused peyote with datura; +see for example Safford, _Narcotic Plants_, 405, 406. Still other plants, +e.g., datura, cohoba snuff, coca, yahé, aya-huasca, etc., were used in +Middle America as prophetic aids; see for example Safford, _op. cit._, +393; Gayton, _Narcotic Plant Datura_. + +[8] Bennett and Zingg (_The Tarahumara_, 135) write that “in a culture +where animals are thought to talk and cattle are supposed to warn their +masters of impending drought or plague, it is not surprising that plants +also are imbued with personality and harmful or helpful attributes. +The small ball of cacti is especially revered by the Tarahumara.” Some +_Mammillaria_ spp. have a striking resemblance to a head of hair; one +figured in Higgins with flowing white “hair” is called “Old Man Cactus”; +again, natives have an intense fear of even touching these plants—an +attitude recalling the Pima belief that even one drop of Apache blood +falling on a person would make him ill (Hrdlička, _Physiological and +Medical Observations_, 243). In this connection it is interesting to note +that Spier has collected evidence bearing on the magical use of enemies’ +scalps. The magical malevolence of the enemy or his scalp is cited +(_Warfare_) for the Maricopa, Yuman and Piman groups, Navaho, Jicarilla, +and Pueblo. The Yumans and Pimans required stringent purification from +contact with the enemy or his scalp; the Pimans, again, along with +the Navaho and Pueblos turned this power to account in curing and +rain-bringing. Spier states that for the Pima-Papago the scalp is turned +into an ally against the enemy, and made a specific prophylactic against +such enemy-engendered dangers as paralysis, swooning at the sight of +blood or a violent death; the Maricopa, indeed, convert a scalp into one +of themselves, much as a captive is ceremonially converted and purified. +Further still, according to Spier, the Maricopa and Yumans received +prophetic foreknowledge of the enemy from these scalps, which therefore +they carried with them to war. Still more strikingly, scalps are thought +to laugh and cry and babble incessantly, much as the noisily talkative +peyote plant is supposed to do. + +[9] Lumholtz, _Tarahumari Dances_, 452; also _Unknown Mexico_, 1:372-74. + +[10] Spier (_Warfare_) writes that “Clairvoyance on the part of the +shaman who accompanied a war party is noted for Maricopa, Yuma, Pima, +and Papago [as well as] in the Plains and Plateau.” Zuñi war chiefs, he +adds, sought sound-omens on the eve of setting out on the war-path. In +this last connection the detailed similarities in attitude and conduct of +war-expeditions, peyote-pilgrimages, and salt-gathering expeditions in +Mexico and the Southwest should not be overlooked. (The Huichol shooting +of the peyote plant, however, is a hunting rather than a war symbolism, +that of hunting the hikuli-deer of the peyote origin legend.) Information +on the Comanche horse-raid is from E. A. Hoebel; unfortunately the +Government took most of these peyote-given horses back again. + +In the 1850’s the only Kiowa who ate peyote was Big Horse. When he +wished to know the whereabouts of an absent war party he would take a +drum and a rattle into a tipi, saying “gʸägūṇboṇta” (I am going to look +for medicine), eating peyote and afterward telling what he had seen; +sometimes he made the sound of an eagle, the bird that flies high above +the earth and sees afar. + +C. W., president of the Kickapoo Native American Church, often has +prophetic peyote visions; Kishkaton says they are of “Judgment Day” when +the “new world” will come, and makes them a proselytizing argument for +peyote. The debt to earlier Kickapoo prophets is obvious. A specific +Caddo prophecy among the visions collected would have prevented a serious +industrial accident if it had been properly interpreted. + +[11] In the Plains the “father peyote” is often carried as a fetish. +Kroeber (_Arapaho_, 406) cites a typical case: “The pouches used to +contain the peyote plant have room for only one of the disks, which +is usually carried more or less as a personal amulet, in addition to +being the center of worship during ceremonies. A circular area of +bead-work covering the front of the pouch itself, is said to represent +the appearance of a peyote-plant while being worshipped. In the center +a cross of red beads represents the morning star. Around the edge of +this circular bead-work are eight small triangular figures, which denote +the vomitings deposited by the ring of worshippers around the inside of +the tent in the course of the night. The yellow fringe around the pouch +represents the sun’s rays.” + +War Eagle, Delaware (Speck, _Delaware Peyote Symbolism_) told of a +man gassed in the World War whom peyote cured after his case had been +pronounced hopeless. Quanah Parker, the famous Comanche chief, used to +carry a peyote on his chest as protection in battle. A Ponca story tells +of J. W. and his wife returning home as a cyclone was coming up; when +they finally arrived the house was destroyed, but in an undisturbed +drawer they found four articles still intact: a “peyote chief,” a bag of +peyotes, a Bible, and a peyote drumstick. + +[12] Sahagún, _Historia general_, 3:241; _Histoire générale_, 737. +Lumholtz (_Unknown Mexico_, 2:354) adds marihuana to the list of plants +which protect against witchcraft injury: the doctor comes on a Tuesday, +Thursday or Friday, reverses the ill person’s sandals, shirt and drawers, +recites the credo backwards to summon the owl, and burns a heap of +marihuana and old rags in the house. Many persons also carry marihuana in +their girdles as a protection against sorcery. The Cocopa and Yuma uses +of an unidentified plant (awimimedje) to offset fatigue and give luck +suggests peyote (Gifford, _Cocopa_, 268). + +[13] De la Serna, in Safford, _An Aztec Narcotic_, 390; Arlegui in +Urbina, _El Peyote y el Ololiuhqui_, 26; Arias, in Urbina, _loc. cit._ + +[14] See the modern Tepecano votive bowl altar used with peyote or +marihuana (Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 2:124-25). + +[15] Lumholtz, _op. cit._, 1:284-85. The Wichita use the “mescal bean” +in racing, and the Kiowa as a prophylactic against stepping on menstrual +blood. Peyote is associated with racing in Mexico by the Huichol, +Tamaulipecans, and Tarahumari (Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 2:49-50; +Prieto, _Historia y Estadistica_, 123-24; Lumholtz, _op. cit._, 1:372; +Bennett and Zingg, _Tarahumara_, 136-37, 295, 338). + +[16] A Wichita leader envisioned a flag three months before being drafted +into the army; the fetish-peyote he carried over-seas miraculously +escaped confiscation during an inspection and disinfection of clothing, +and because of it he was only slightly wounded in battle. One meeting +I attended was in performance of a vow if the Bonus legislation then +pending would pass. This same leader prophetically dreamt of how peyote +would protect him on a pilgrimage to Mexico and aid him through the +customs with a supply of plants, and all happened as predicted. + +The Tarahumari dare not touch the dekúba (datura) plant lest they go +crazy or die; this presents a problem since the plants are common in +their winter caves. The peyote shaman, however, armed with the more +powerful plant uproots the datura with impunity. Peyote is the only cure +for the otherwise fatal disease which comes from touching dekúba (Bennett +and Zingg, _op. cit._, 138, 294). + +[17] Hoebel, _Comanche Field Notes_; Voegelin, _Shawnee Field Notes_. The +Iowa Red Bean medicine bundle was used for war, horse stealing, hunting +and horse racing (Skinner, _Ethnology of the Ioway Indians_, 245-47, +_Societies of the Iowa_, 718-19). A similar mescal war bundle and cult +was present among the neighboring and related Oto. The Red Medicine +bundles of the Pawnee contained mescal beans likewise; indeed the Pawnee +are thought to be the origin of the Iowa bundle and associated war-dance. +The Pawnee “kill” the beans by breaking and stirring them in a large +kettle, drinking the concoction toward morning until they vomit, to +“clean out” the body. There is an unmistakable similarity to the “black +drink” ritual vomiting here (see Appendix 4). + +[18] Mulato, sunami, and rosapara cacti, however, protect against Apache +machinations; Mooney (_Tarumari-Guayachic_) cites a Chalája arroyo near +Conaguchi (from chärä or chälä, “squirrel,” the epithet of witches) +where witches were formerly burned; cf. the use of the squirrel-fetish +in the Tarahumari peyote ritual. In Tamaulipas intertribal peace was +so precarious that peyote mitotes were commonly held in remote and +inaccessible intermediate mountain regions; the recital of war deeds was +sometimes part of the rite (Prieto, in Mooney, _Tarumari-Guayachic_). +De la Serna (in Safford, _An Aztec Narcotic_, 310) describes the use +of teo-nanacatl in witching. For Tarahumari witching with hikuli see +Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:314, 323-24, 371-72. + +[19] A favorite diversion of witches to weaken the leader was to make his +assistants vomit (Opler, _The Influence of Aboriginal Pattern_). My Kiowa +companion vomited in a Ponca meeting, the first he had ever attended +in that tribe. He attributed it to their unfriendly feeling and felt +considerably relieved when we visited next morning a meeting held by old +friends among the Oto; but he himself had once witched a Comanche in a +meeting (_Autobiography of a Kiowa Indian_). Tonkawa data is from Opler, +_Autobiography of a Chiricahua Apache_. The exploits of the Kiowa witch +Tonakat have already been mentioned. The Comanche “used it in the old +times, but not rightly; the medicine men used it for sorcery, so people +got scared and stopped using it” (Hoebel, _Comanche Field Notes_). Among +the Cheyenne, Flacco and Cloud Chief strongly opposed the introduction +of peyote; the former said “it was used to witch people and make them +crazy.” The Northern Cheyenne (Hoebel, _Field Notes_) and Lipan (Opler, +_The Use of Peyote_) and Winnebago “fear states” may have a physiological +basis. + +Mrs. Voegelin (_Shawnee Field Notes_) quotes an informant: “Wilson showed +them how to swallow mescal beads.... N. S. didn’t go; she was afraid of +them. The Delaware had it too; she never wanted to go look. John Wilson +also taught them how to shoot a person with red beads two inches long; +the person would fall down, hard; then John Wilson doctored on them with +medicine. [Several Shawnee] crept up in the grass when the Quapaws were +holding a Ghost Dance once, at night. S’s wife got shot.... Finally some +one spoke to John Wilson, ‘You men, you abuse the women.’ An old Peoria +woman who went all the time, and swallowed those red beads—she was kind +of crazy—told Wilson that. The agent finally stopped it.... When they +were shot, John Wilson used peyote to bring them back.” + +[20] Alegre, _Historia de la Compañía_, 2:219-20; Prieto, _Historia y +Estadistica_, 131. It is not proven that peyote applied externally has +an anaesthetic or anodyne action (the Zacatecan use in the childbirth +ceremony is internal); but natives recognize the ability of peyote to +induce a stuporous state. The Aztec (Gerste, _Notes sur le médicine_, +51) used peyote to stupify sacrificial victims. But peyote does not +cause sleepiness, and the following Maratine Indian battle song (in +Prieto, _op. cit._, 119-20; Mooney, _Peyote Notebook_) should perhaps be +translated “become stuporous:” “The women and ourselves shouting with +pleasure, Shall drink peyote and shall fall asleep.” For Opata data see +Ensayo, in Mooney, _Tarumari-Guayachic_; for Lipan see Opler, _The Use of +Peyote_. + +[21] Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 59; Flores, in Urbina, _El Peyote y el +Ololiuhqui_, 26; Rouhier (_Monographie_, 96) adds the Caxcane use “for +swellings and spasms”; Hernandez, _De Historia Plantarum_, 3:70; Safford, +_An Aztec Narcotic_, 295; Bennett and Zingg, _The Tarahumara_, 294; +Hrdlička, _Physiological and Medical Observations_, 173, 242, 244, 250, +251; Lumholtz, _The Huichol_, 9; _Unknown Mexico_, 2:241-42. + +[22] Would pupil-dilation from peyote cause temporary “cures” satisfying +the uncritical? + +[23] Radin, _Crashing Thunder_, 183, 196; Mooney, _The Mescal Plant_, 9. +Lumholtz (_Unknown Mexico_, 2:157) himself confidently prescribed peyote +for a scorpion-sting. + +[24] Beals, _Comparative Ethnology_, 131 (Acaxee); Rouhier, +_Monographie_, 12, fn. 3 (Tlaxcala). The Kiowa witch Tonakat fixed a +fireplace in the form of a turtle, the source of his power, and used +a meeting once for shamanistic display, being shot with a cartridge +and remaining unharmed, etc. A Caddo-Delaware tells of a famous Kiowa +doctor who used similar tricks in doctoring a woman. He held a black +handkerchief over her to see the location of the disease, dipped a +feather in water, cut the skin and removed two 1½″ bugs, the wound +healing immediately. Both popped when thrown into the fire, thus +prognosticating her recovery from a twenty years’ illness. Wild Horse +(Caddo-Delaware) said doctors did “wizard sleight-of-hand tricks” in +meetings; “some Indians can make you believe you see things.” Some +Tonkawa who visited the Kiowa about 1890 performed tricks in meeting like +eating fire (Mooney, _Peyote Notebook_). + +[25] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 2:241-42. + +[26] The suppression of peyote was sought under an act of Jan. 30, 1897 +(29 Stat. 506), Sect. 6 of the Food and Drugs Act of June 30, 1906 (34 +Stat. 768-72), Sect. 11 of the same act, and Service and Regulatory +Announcement No. 13, Dept. of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry (issued +May 3, 1915)—all without success. Specific Federal anti-peyote bills +were next attempted: Senate 1862 (65th Congress 1st Sess. Apr. 17, +1917), House of Representatives 10669 (64th Congress 1st Sess.), House +of Representatives 4999 (65th Congress 1st Sess. June 12, 1917), House +of Representatives 2614 (65th Congress 2nd Sess. May 13, 1918-Oct. 7, +1918). These all failed of passing. An anti-peyote proviso attached as +a rider to Appropriations bill House of Representatives 8696 of March +28, 1918 was deleted before passage, under pressure from a powerful and +alert Indian lobby. Later bills were House of Representatives 398 (66th +Congress 1st Sess.), House of Representatives 2071 (about March 29, +1924), House of Representatives 5057 (not passed by Senate, but amended +as:) House of Representatives 5078 (about Jan. 24, 1924, 68th Congress +1st Sess.)—all defeated. The Senate bill 1399 of Feb. 8, 1937 is pending +at the present writing. + +State laws against peyote have been more successful. The Oklahoma law of +March 11, 1899 was automatically repealed by omission in the codification +of the state laws; the Darnell bill of 1927 was defeated April 13, 1927. +The following states have anti-peyote laws: Colorado (before 1923), +Idaho, Iowa, Kansas, Montana (by 1925), Nebraska, Nevada (by 1918), New +Mexico, North Dakota (before 1923), South Dakota, Utah (before 1918), and +Wyoming (1929). The Native American Church is incorporated in Oklahoma +and Montana, however, under state charters. + +[27] The trip is made after the rainy season and the corn harvest +(Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 2:127); the roasting of corn is of equal +ritual importance with the hikuli-harvest and the deer-hunt: the three, +indeed, deer, corn and peyote are symbolically the same (Lumholtz _op. +cit._, 2:156, 279). + +[28] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 2:82, 126-27, 141, 157, 271, 272; +_Handbook of the American Indians_, 1:576-77; Klineberg, _Notes on the +Huichol_, 449. For the gourd-symbolism see also Lumholtz, _op. cit_., +2:57-58, 129, 220; for the arrows, _Handbook of the American Indians_, +2:663. + +[29] Cf. the universal corn shuck cigarette of Plains peyotism (a +region of deep-rooted pipe ceremonialism), a remarkable case of +culture-continuity. + +[30] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 2:129-35. + +[31] Lumholtz, _The Huichol_, 8; _Unknown Mexico_, 2:129-32, 141, 277-78; +for the use of the water see 2:57-58, 220. + +[32] Cf. the Plains mode of preparing the meat, though the memory of the +meaning of this feature (like the corn shuck cigarette and ritual parched +corn) is long since gone. + +[33] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 2:132-35, 153, 156, 189, 271. The triple +corn-deer-peyote symbolism is completed when the women grind peyote on a +metate. + +[34] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 2:54, 272, 273-74. Cf. the Plains +“fire-stick” and fire-arrangement. + +[35] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 2:29-31, 142-44, 149-50. + +[36] Spanish friars came in after 1722, but Huichol peyotism is almost +wholly free of Christian beliefs (_Handbook of the American Indians_, +1:576-77). Even the “baptism” rite is probably native. + +[37] Klineberg (_Notes on the Huichol_, 449) mentions special dances led +by “angels” the next day—a boy and a girl dressed in their finest. It is +not clear if this refers to the dance leaders or to the ceremonial “race +for life” with the eating of cake-animals and spraying of the runners +by the elders. But elsewhere Lumholtz describes a dance with carved +bamboo serpent-sticks, deer-tails on short sticks, and whiskbroom “combs” +(_Unknown Mexico_ 2:49-50). + +[38] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 2:272, 274-75. + +[39] But the whole peyote ritual might be divided into (1) the trip +for hikuli, (2) the deer hunt, and (3) the roasting of corn, though +peyote-deer-corn are symbolically identical. + +[40] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 2:279. Tamaulipecan peyotism is +similarly a hunting and first-fruits ceremony. + +[41] “The idea of the antlers being arrows readily occurred to the +Huichol, since they are the animal’s weapon of attack and defence” +(Lumholtz, _Symbolism of the Huichol_, 69). + +[42] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 2:7-8, 56, 172-73, 201-203; _Handbook of +the American Indians_, 1:663b; _Symbolism of the Huichol_, 42, 66, 71, +174; _The Huichol_, 10. + +[43] Bits of deer meat, corn-tamales and strung peyote-plants are treated +with exactly equivalent ritual. In the peyote dance serpent-sticks are +thrust into the air (like prayer sticks, praying for rain?), and small +whisks made of materials brought from the hikuli-country represent +deer-tails. In the origin legend, peyote first arose in the tracks of +a gigantic deer; indeed, when the gods first used peyote they ground +deer-antlers on a metate with water to make an intoxicant, just as +peyote is ground to make “tea” and corn to make tesvino. The fire is +built in a special way suggesting deer-antlers or the god-chairs. Arrows +as definitely symbolize prayer as the prayer sticks of the Southwest. +The poker or fire-arrow of Grandfather Fire is smeared with blood and +decorated with plumes; it is his “pillow” and the rest of the sticks +are his “chair.” (One “appearance” of the god is a heart, modelled of +the paste of the sacred wáve seed toasted and ground like corn, and +renewed in the god-house every five years.) Facial paintings of the +Huichol are called úra, “spark,” being made of a yellow root dug in +the peyote country when the hikuli is gathered; yellow particularly +symbolizes the fire gods, of whom there are two. Tatévali, “Grandfather +Fire,” is the god of prophesying and curing shamans whose birds are +the macao, royal eagle, cardinal bird, etc. The other, Tatótsi Mára +Kwári, “Greatgrandfather Deer-tail,” is the god of singing-shamans, +whose bird is the white-tailed hawk. Their relationship is peculiar: +Greatgrandfather Deer-tail, the symbol of fertility, is the son of +Grandfather Fire, from whose plumes he sprang. Lumholtz (_Symbolism of +the Huichol_, 10-11) explains the difficulty by indicating that the +former represents a spark, the latter a fire fed by wood. + +[44] Bennett and Zingg, _The Tarahumara_, ix, 136, 291-92; Mooney, +_Tarumari-Guayachic_; Lumholtz, _Tarahumari Dances_, 453; _Unknown +Mexico_, 1:362. + +[45] Bennett and Zingg, _op. cit._, 292; Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, +1:363. The rasp is not used in the fiesta on returning from the trip, but +in later ones. + +[46] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:171-72, 343-44, 363-64. The shaman’s +women assistants are called rokoro, “stamens”; he is the pistil—a +botanically erroneous symbolism, however. + +[47] The Tarahumari rasp is definitely associated with peyotism, +indicating (Bennett and Zingg, _The Tarahumara_, 71) a Huichol +provenience; but they list rasps for the Cora, Mayo, Pima (“rain +sticks”), Hopi (in the kachina dance) and N. Paiute (to charm antelope +into a corral). The rasp is not exclusively Uto-Aztecan however; +it occurs for the Wichita, Hidatsa, Salinan, and archaeologically +in Illinois. Tarahumari Brazil-wood rasps are brought from the +hikuli-country. + +[48] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:313, 363-66; Bennett and Zingg, _op. +cit._, 293; Mooney, _Tarumari-Guayachic_. + +[49] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:367-69, 371; Bennett and Zingg, _The +Tarahumara_, 293. Near Eagle Pass a folk-Catholic saint is El Santo Niño +de Jesús Peyotes, whose attributes are a staff, gourd, feathered hat and +basket similar to but distinct from El Santo Niño de Atoche. In Mexican +legend he is a little boy; his statue is in the cathedral or cathedral +square at Rosales, Mexico. Another attribute is said to be the crescent +moon. + +[50] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:292-93, 314, 344, 347-48, 371-72, 384; +Bennett and Zingg, _The Tarahumara_, 294. The ceremony is called napítshi +nawlíruga, “moving (dancing) around the fire” (Lumholtz, _Unknown +Mexico_, 1:364). In the dry season the Tarahumari dance the yumari +almost nightly to the Morning Star, and sacrifice tesvino to the sun; a +man is often deputed to do the dance alone while the others work in the +fields, to bring rain (Lumholtz, _op. cit._, 1:352). The Morning Star +is important in the Cora rite too (Lumholtz, _op. cit._, 1:344; Preuss, +_Nayarit-Expedition_, _passim_) as well as figuring in Plains peyotism, +though somewhat vaguely. + +[51] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:357-58, 444; Bennett and Zingg, _The +Tarahumara_, 360, 366-67, 379, 383. + +[52] Beals, _Comparative Ethnology_, 131. He adds, though, that “This +[use] may also be aboriginal, and very probably dates back to the +separation of the Huichol from their peyote-using relatives, the +Guachachiles.” He cites Thomas and Swanton (_Indian Languages_, 22) but +evidence is meagre. For the Cora we have Ortega (in Safford, _An Aztec +Narcotic_, 295, and _Narcotic Plants_, 402): “Close to the musician was +seated the leader of the singing whose business it was to mark the time. +Each of these had his assistants to take his place when he should become +fatigued.... They began forming as large a circle as could occupy the +space of ground that had been swept off for this purpose. One after the +other went dancing in a ring or marking time with their feet, keeping +in the middle the musician and the choirmaster whom they invited, and +singing in the same unmusical tone that he set them. They would dance all +night from five o’clock in the evening to seven o’clock in the morning, +without stopping or leaving the circle. When the dance was ended all +stood who could hold themselves on their feet; for the majority from the +peyote and the wine which they drank were unable to utilize their legs or +hold themselves upright.” + +[53] Prieto, _Historia y Estadistica_, 123-24. + +[54] Beals, _Comparative Ethnology_, 131. + +[55] Sahagún, _Historia general_, 3:241 (Chichimeca); Prieto, _Historia +y Estadistica_, 119-20, cites a Maratine Indian (Tamaulipecan) peyote +song referring to war. Arlegui, in Urbina, _El Peyote y el Ololiuhqui_, +26; see also Rouhier, _op. cit._, 12, note 3, 96, 331, note 3; Alegre, in +Urbina, _op. cit._, 26; Preuss, _Die Nayarit-Expedition_, 39. The Morning +Star is the principal Cora god (Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:511, see +also _Handbook of the American Indians_, 1:348a). Elder Brother among +the Huichol is the god of wind and hikuli (Lumholtz, _Symbolism of +the Huichol_, 42). The Tarahumari dance yumari for the Morning Star +(Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:344). In the Plains the drum-lacing +signifies the Morning Star. Spier (_Yuman Tribes_, 165) writes: “[The +battle leader’s] song first described the morning star, ‘big star,’ +which in some unidentified way is connected with war. Just what was his +function in battle was not ascertained.” He also dreamed he saw cacti +fighting like men. + +[56] Mooney, _Tarumari-Guayachic_; Sahagún, _Historia general_, 3:118; +Ortega, _Historia del Nayarit_, 22-23; Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, +1:367-68, 2:274-75; Prieto, _Historia y Estadistica_, 123-24. + +[57] Racing (Tarahumari, Huichol, Tamaulipas, Acaxee): Lumholtz, _Unknown +Mexico_, 1:284-85, 2:49-50; Prieto, _Historia y Estadistica_, 123-24; +Beals, _The Acaxee_, 8. + +[58] Beals (_Comparative Ethnology_, 127, 141, 211-12) lists it for +Southern Mexico, Jalisco-Tepic, Southwest. + +[59] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:362, 2:54; Bennett and Zingg, +_The Tarahumara_, 295. See also Wissler, _The American Indian_, 213; +_Handbook of the American Indians_, 1:604b. In the Plains some tribes +differentiated twigs and leaves as male and female. + +[60] The Tarahumari feast for the moon involves smoking to make clouds +(Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 2:130; _Tarahumari Dances_, 441). The +Huichol carry “tamale” cigarettes in their gourds and offer them to +Grandfather Fire. + +[61] Bennett and Zingg, _The Tarahumara_, 67; Beals, _Aboriginal +Survivals_, 32; Russell, _The Pima_, 168; Spier, _Havasupai Ethnography_, +272; Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:313; Opler, _The Influence of +Aboriginal Pattern_, _The Use of Peyote_; Sayles, _An Archaeological +Survey_, Table 2; Oliver, in Gatschet, _The Karankawa Indians_, 18; +Gatschet, in Swadesh, _Chitamacha Texts_; Kroeber, _The Seri_, 14, 42; +Roberts, _Musical Areas_, 21; Paz, _Koasati Field Notes_; Bartram, +_Travels_, 502; Speck, _Yuchi_, 61. + +[62] Tarahumari officials are called igúsuame, “stick-bearers” (Bennett +and Zingg, _op. cit._, 375-76) but this may be an Hispanicism. However, +Aztec merchants (Sahagún) carried staffs. But so far as the peyote +ritual is concerned, the staff is not mentioned for the Cora-Huichol or +Tarahumari; and the various names for the peyote staff in the Plains +suggests either an indigenous or a Southwestern, not a Mexican, origin. + +[63] Bennett and Zingg, _The Tarahumari_, 71, 293-94; Lumholtz, _Unknown +Mexico_, 1:366-67. The Tarahumari hunter used a notched deer-bone rasp. +The Cora, Mayo, and Pima, Hopi and Northern Paiute suggest a general +Uto-Aztecan occurrence of the trait, but the rasp, is also Wichita, +Hidatsa. + +[64] Prieto, _Historia y Estadistica_, 123-24. See the Plains section for +discussion of drums. + +[65] A little white flower, tōtó, of the wet corn-producing season +symbolizes corn for the Huichol and is a prayer for it, being plastered +on women’s cheeks, woven in girdles, etc. (Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, +229-30). The Tamaulipecan rite celebrates the harvest and deer-hunting as +well as war; the Tepehuane all-night rite with a mimicry of deer-hunting +ends with a feast on the first “toasted corn” of the season (Lumholtz, +1:479). Acaxee corn toasted on the ear was the usual food on war-parties +(Beals, 10). Concerning the standardized parched-corn in sugar-water of +the Plains, note that the Aztec made offerings of toasted corn (sometimes +with honey), and to the culture-hero Opuchtli offered mumuchtli “a sort +of corn which when toasted opens up and shows the white marrow [popcorn] +forming a very white flower. They said this represented hail, which is +attributed to the water gods.” (Sahagún, _A History of Ancient Mexico_, +1:36, 40, 87.) + +[66] Bennett and Zingg, _The Tarahumara_, 138, 295; Lumholtz, _Unknown +Mexico_, 1:357-58 (wherein all but the last named are cacti), 2:124-25 +(Tepecano). The accepted etymology of teo-nanacatl, “divine mushroom,” +suggests the same attitude; in the Antilles “among the most prominent +of the plants worshipped ... [are] mushrooms, pines, opuntias, zapos, +and zeybas.” (Rafinesque, cited in Bourke, _Scatological Rites_, 91; but +Rafinesque is an undependable authority). The Cherokee called casine +yapon (the “black drink”) “the beloved tree” (Bartram, _Travels_, 357). +It is also said that in Virginia toadstools were an object of worship +because of their mysterious growth (Bourke, _ibid._). In Peru coca was +looked on with veneration and suppliants must approach priests only with +some in their mouths. Compare the use and attitudes toward tobacco, +mescal beans, datura, guarana paste, cohoba, chocolate (_Theobroma +cacao_), aya-huasca, yahé, etc. + +[67] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 2:172-73, 207, 263 ff. The Huichol had +hikuli-shields; curiously, Crow-Neck (Kiowa) about 1860 made a peyote +shield according to a vision he had at Mescalero, but he threw it away +when he was captured on his first fight in Mexico. The Kiowa, however, +had heraldic shield-societies before peyote, of which this is probably +an aberrant example. (For the bird and arrow equation see Spier, _Yuman +Tribes_, 331, Lumholtz, _op. cit._, 2:201-202.) See also Lumholtz, _op. +cit._, 1:313, 323-24, 371-72; _Tarahumari Dances_, 452. + +[68] Bennett and Zingg, _The Tarahumari_, 294. + +[69] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:311, writes: “Without his shaman the +Tarahumare would feel lost, both in this life and after death. The shaman +is his priest and physician. He performs all the ceremonies and conducts +all the dances and feasts by which the gods are propitiated and evil is +averted, doing all the singing, praying, and sacrificing. By this means, +and by instructing the people what to do to make it rain, and secure +other benefits, he maintains good terms for them with their deities, who +are jealous of man and bear him ill-will. He is also on the alert to +keep those under his care from sorcery, illness, and other evil that may +befall them ... the Tarahumare ... keeps his doctor busy curing him, not +only to make his body strong to resist illness, but chiefly to ward off +sorcery, the main source of trouble in the Indian’s life.” + +[70] Beals, _Comparative Ethnology_, 128. + +[71] This entire section is summarized from data collected by M. E. +Opler. I gratefully acknowledge the courtesy and generosity of his +lending me the article _The Influence of Aboriginal Pattern_ before +publication, as well as _The Autobiography of a Chiricahua Apache_, +and unpublished notes on Lipan, Tonkawa and Carrizo peyotism; it would +be difficult to establish Mexican-Plains continuities without these +invaluable data and the warm coöperation of Dr. Opler. + +[72] The Mescalero are listed neither in Shonle (_Peyote: The Giver of +Visions_, 53-75) nor in Newberne and Burke, _Peyote_. Mescalero peyotism, +like Tarahumari, is on the decline. + +[73] The Lipan make a smoke and pray when the first plant is found; they +are hard to find unless one eats one, then “a noise like the wind” comes, +and one by one the plants appear “just like stars.” Only the tops are cut +off. + +[74] Though this was general in Mescalero ceremonialism, they also +controlled the weather thus, found lost objects, located the enemy, +etc.; a Chiricahua prayed for health, in the name of Yuan and Child of +the Water. The Lipan formerly did not use it for doctoring apparently. +The Tonkawa, according to Mooney, performed shamanistic tricks in +peyote meetings; and a Carrizo chief, for example, filled the tipi once +with down-feathers blown from his mouth, then sucked them all in save +one which he gave to a Lipan visitor. Others made a bear, turtle, and +buffalo, etc., appear. + +[75] The Lipan wash themselves with yucca or soapweed and perfume +themselves with mint, and use the same kind of sage in meetings as they +wear in their hats against lightning. The Tonkawa wore G-string, leggings +and blanket, and preferably long hair and face paint; native perfumes +were proper but white men’s were forbidden. The Carrizo entered barefoot, +wearing only a G-string. Some Lipan fasted the day before. + +[76] The Lipan leader “is supposed to stop all arguments in there; he has +to watch all the men.” Unlike the Mescalero, the Lipan staff and gourd +were passed around clockwise (both preceding the drum); the retention of +these by the leader is probably an aspect of his special authority among +the Mescalero, since the Lipan lacked the rasp, retained by the leader, +which might have been transmitted from Mexico. The Tonkawa sometimes used +a lard-can drum covered with buckskin, and passed the rattle (aberrantly) +after it; the leader never drummed. + +[77] Some shamans trace a cross of pollen on the chief peyote. The +Tonkawa use the largest one they can find, put some red paint on the top, +and surround it with smaller buttons on a fine buckskin; they claimed to +be able to see far off with the aid of peyote and to detect witchcraft. +Some Lipan like the Mescalero put peyote buttons in a circle around the +fire pit and the chief peyote (cf. the Comanche placing of them in a sage +horseshoe west of the altar). + +[78] The Lipan fire-tender, like the Carrizo and some Mexican groups, +made simply a fire-pit, with no crescent altar; this form originated with +the Mescalero or in northwestern Mexico, not around the lower Rio Grande. +The Carrizo, like the Tamaulipecan, held the ceremony in the open. + +[79] The Lipan used peyote green or dry or pounded up in a wooden bowl, +which was passed like the drum from the southeast. The Carrizo made a +peyote “tea” (compare the neighboring Karankawa “black drink”). The +Tonkawa used a flat basket. Among the Mescalero (also Lipan and Kiowa), +“Care was taken to keep the ‘fuzz’ from the top of the peyote button from +coming in contact with the eye, for it was thought to cause blindness.” + +[80] Not all Mescalero leaders do this; oak-leaf cigarettes are usually +used but one leader has a red stone Sioux pipe, which is passed +clockwise. The Lipan smoke oak-leaf or corn husk cigarettes at the +beginning and at the end. Their eagle wing-bone whistle in peyote is +recent, and not all Mescalero leaders use it. + +[81] The Carrizo on each side of the door had a woman wearing a red +blanket; the one at the south had hers fastened with a red flicker +feather, the other with a woodpecker. This non-exclusion of women is +Mexican. But the Lipan allow no women around; they may not even erect the +peyote-tipi. The Tonkawa originally allowed no women in peyote meetings; +but doctoring gradually broke down this restriction. + +[82] “The virulence of these rivalries and attempts to harm others at +peyote meetings led to the development of a number of protective measures +and safeguards.” For these see Opler, _The Influence of Aboriginal +Pattern_. + +[83] In the old shamanistic curing, the shaman was the performer and the +others merely onlookers, but in peyotism the inevitable physiological +effects of the drug made all present potential receivers of power, and +shamanistic display and rivalry was correspondingly increased. This had +not wholly disappeared even in early Plains peyote-using groups: the +Tonkawa, Lipan, and Kiowa had shamanistic displays of power in peyote +meetings, and we have recorded considerable witchcraft anxiety in early +Kiowa, Comanche, Caddo, and Tonkawa meetings. + +[84] The reasons for this are several: a nomadic people presents few +opportunities for the establishing of missions; the Apache were one +of the American Indian groups last subjugated; they are notoriously +suspicious and unfriendly toward innovation, and recognized the alien +origin even of peyotism; and further, the rite they received from Mexico +had few or no Christian elements in it. It might be suggested that the +“baptism” ceremonies in the morning or the ritual breakfast are Christian +in origin; but this is thoroughly doubtful, since it occurs in pre-White +peyotism (e.g., Lipan). + +[85] In the Plains, peyotism largely followed the Ghost Dance frustration +of anti-White sentiment and preached conciliation instead; such Christian +elements as were added had a largely propagandist function in this +direction. + +[86] Wagner, _Entwicklung und Verbreitung_, 74; Shonle, _Peyote: Giver of +Visions_, 55. + +[87] As told, this seemed to have reference to the miraculous +proliferation of the Biblical loaves and fishes, but it is sufficiently +similar to aboriginal hunting beliefs. + +[88] The Comanche and others usually had a meeting on the spot, eating +green peyote. + +[89] The Kiowa now have five Easter meetings, six on New Year’s Day, four +to six on Thanksgiving, and two or three on Armistice Day (by World War +soldiers and sailors). Bert Crow-lance vowed to eat a hundred if all the +Kiowa boys returned safely from the War (but this is an enormous quantity +actually to have eaten). The Kiowa differ from other groups in having +no funeral meetings; mourners commonly abstain for several months from +meetings. Meetings have been held for heyoka-like display. The Comanche +formerly held meetings before a war journey to invoke peyote’s protection +from the enemy, and to prophesy the outcome of the battle. + +[90] “A sweatbath was always undergone by warriors preparing for war ... +and perhaps generally, before any serious or hazardous undertaking.... +Sweating was important in medical practice for the cure of disease.... +Sometimes the friends and relatives of the sick person ... assembled in +the sweathouse, sang and prayed for the patient’s recovery” (_Handbook of +the American Indians_, 2:661b). The peyote meeting and sweating present +many such analogies. + +[91] Painting is commonly dictated in visions: a Kiowa saw a red-bird +after a meeting once as a red-blanketed man who told him to use red paint +thereafter. Comanche formerly went in wearing only breech-clout and +“blanket,” being painted white or yellow all over the body. One Comanche +had an all-over body yellow with blue zigzags up the arm and down the +side and leg, with a red zigzag paralleling this (on the outside of +the arm and therefore on the inside of the leg); on each cheek a small +blue-bordered red spot, and a large three-inch red spot on the breast +under the throat. The Tonkawa painted the top of the fetish-plant red +also. Leaders often wear otter skin braid-coverings, and at certain +points in the ritual fur headdresses. Mescal beans as necklaces or on +moccasin- and gourd-fringes are common (the Kiowa wear them on their +moccasins as protection against stepping on menstrual blood). The +“blanket,” or sheet (in the summer), is invariable. + +[92] Mooney (_A Kiowa Mescal Rattle_, 64-65) describes a Kiowa gourd with +the Peyote Woman, peyote, moon, ash crescent, and Morning-Star under her +feet heralding her morning approach with water. + +[93] The basic rite is practically free from Christian symbolism. Some +call the sage under the fetish a “cross”; some leaders make a cross +under the water-bucket or in the water with feathers at midnight. Mooney +wrote that “many of the mescal eaters wear crucifixes ... the cross +representing the cross of scented leaves ... while Christ is the mescal +goddess.” But all crosses are not necessarily Christian. See Appendix 8. + +[94] Older men carry real “feathers,” but younger ones often bring small, +ribbed, commercial, folding ladies’ fans—an interesting compromise. The +Comanche nácihita “resting-stick, to walk,” was formerly a bow, according +to Hoebel, on war-party meetings, while the drum was formerly of wood. +The Lipan formerly used a bow, hit with a stick. + +[95] Following a suggestion of Dr. Wissler, I made a special note of this +and found that the ubiquitous satchel is as much a “trait” of the peyote +leader’s paraphernalia as his staff or gourd or feathers. + +[96] The Kiowa moon is crescent-shaped, the Comanche horseshoe-shaped—a +significant point in tracing provenience of altars in other tribes. Some +Comanche garland the entire west side of the altar with sage, in which +the fetish rests. In war the Comanche used a shield as an altar. A cement +moon made by a Choctaw adopted by the Kiowa was an innovation much in +disfavor, as was a Seminole altar made among the Caddo; the symbolical +interior of the latter was removed to make a simple crescent. Indeed, +many Caddo are moving away from the John Wilson symbolic cement moon. + +[97] Cf. the Huichol “pillow” for Grandfather Fire. + +[98] Belo Kozad’s (Kiowa) father peyote had been Quanah Parker’s +(Comanche) and was handed around after the meeting almost as an heirloom. +Mumsika (Comanche) still preserves a famous peyote button of Kutubi’s +(Hoebel). Howard White Wolf (Comanche) has a peyote he addresses as +“older brother” since it had cured him as a baby. Clyde Koko (Kiowa) quit +peyote one Christmas night and gave Charley two father peyotes to take +back to Laredo and plant with smoke and prayer; uncertain, the latter +brought them back to find Koko had completely changed his mind: “I never +made such a mistake in my life. If you’d done that it sure would have +ruined me. I’ve learned a lesson!” + +[99] “The neophyte is constantly exhorted not to allow his eyes to +wander, but to keep them fixed upon the sacred mescal in the center of +the circle.” (Mooney, _The Mescal Plant_, 11). Changing the cross-legged +position too often, leaning backward on one elbow or the like to rest is +considered frivolous, indicating lack of seriousness. One may leave the +meeting at any time with permission, but it is best to try to wait till +after midnight, unless there is the emergency of nausea from peyote. In +leaving and entering the leader is always consulted to see if the path +to one’s seat is “clear,” i.e., that no one is eating peyote or smoking; +as smoking or eating peyote is conceptually praying, it is extremely bad +manners to pass between a person doing either and the altar fire, hence +the need for instruction from the leader. This is old Plains etiquette +(_Handbook of the American Indians_, 1:442b). Thus, to avoid his having +to pass before smokers, the brand might be passed backwards to the +fireman; his movements in tending the fire never entail passing before +anyone, and the feather given him by the leader symbolizes delegation +of power to enter or leave as necessary for wood. But no one may pass +between him and his seat while tending the fire. + +[100] Corn shucks are standard, but Comanche and Shawnee sometimes use +black-jack oak-leaves (just so the materials are native). Interestingly, +the elbow pipe is never used in the Plains, but at Mescalero a pipe was +used instead of the usual Southwestern cigarette—a case of reverse or +reciprocal borrowing. + +[101] There are many individualized modes of eating peyote. Hoebel +describes a Comanche way: chew into a ball, spit into palm of hand, rub +in clockwise circle, swallow bolus. On the war-path one spits in his +hands again and rubs his head and ears, the better to hear. Belo said +he once ate a button when each person sang. Kiowa often make several +clockwise motions of buttons toward the fire before eating, to prevent +nausea, or hold the palms out toward it and rub themselves. One may +request another to chew peyote for him if he has bad teeth or is sick, +and swallow the bolus so prepared. The number of buttons eaten ranges +from four to about thirty. + +[102] Mooney (_Miscellaneous Notes_) mentions an odorous root from New +Mexico, but is unclear about its use; cedar incense was universal in the +writer’s experience. The sage may be passed around also; some chew, eat +it. + +[103] Cf. the whisk of sage used in sweat-bathing; in view of other +parallels, this otherwise functionless item in the peyote meeting should +not be overlooked. + +[104] This is the first of four sets of four songs each, sung at stated +times in the ritual; the others are: Yáhiyano (midnight water song), +Wakahó (daylight song for morning water) and Gayatina (Closing Song). All +are Esikwita (Mescalero); all end with a fast unrhythmical shaking of the +gourd. The two Kiowa groups sęįhoṇ (Peyote Road) and Goihoṇ (Kiowa Road) +differ in that in the former only the initial song of each group is set, +in the latter all songs of all four groups are set. + +[105] There are specific and detailed rules about passing the +paraphernalia. Ordinarily, save in the case of the leader and his +assistant at the opening song, etc., the paraphernalia (here the staff) +never move counter-clockwise. The drum always passes inside the staff, +i.e., proximally, the staff at arm’s length in the left hand, the drum +being passed under it with the right, when for any reason this occurs. +The symbolism of this is perhaps obvious. A man may not be the singer +more than once in a round, but he may be successively drummer, singer and +drummer. (Though the staff may not go backward, the drum may, and in this +case A receiving the staff, passes the drum with his right hand under +his outstretched left, from the man on his right to the man on his left, +B. A then sings to B’s drumming; the staff is then passed forward from A +to B, and the drum exchanged or passed backward from B to A, this time A +drumming and B singing. Still going clockwise, the staff may be passed +from B to C, and the drum from A to B, C singing this time and B drumming +a second time.) + +[106] At the east door the drum may be passed as stated to the second man +so that the first man south of the door gets a chance to sing (because +the fireman is too far away to drum for him) then an exchange and normal +passing again, staff first. If a person right of the singer is old, sick, +a woman or a visitor, he may request a friend to drum for him of the +leader; the friend moves clockwise and sits by him temporarily. Women +neither drum nor rattle nor sing (but like other participants they tend +to sing softly favorite songs or the universally known set songs). Men +try to make their four songs different from those previously sung, but +favorites may be repeated. + +[107] Kutubi (Comanche) in a war-party peyote meeting once visioned that +they would be killed, and wept and upbraided peyote for doing this. H. H. +(Wichita) during a meeting wept with total unrestraint for his brother +and nephew, who had been hurt in an auto accident. + +[108] The Kiowa sometimes make a humming-bird of the ashes (a prominent +Kiowa family is called Hummingbird); cf. the Comanche, Oto, Shawnee, +Yuchi and (?) Ute ash-birds. + +[109] Peyote Road cultists: one fixed song, three optional; Kiowa Road: +four fixed songs. The words of the standard song are unintelligible. Many +tribes use their own language for these set songs (e.g., one Winnebago +group). The schism in the Kiowa, if such it may be called, is excessively +minor and communicants of one are freely welcomed in the other; though it +purports (probably wrongly) to be the original and more pure rite, the +Kiowa Road (led by Atape) is felt to be an uncalled-for variant. + +[110] Mooney (_The Mescal Plant_, 8) writes: “At midnight a vessel of +water is passed around, and each takes a drink and sprinkles a few drops +upon his head.” We believe Mooney has slipped into error here, for this +“baptismal” ceremony comes in the morning when the contents of the drum, +not the bucket, are used. Non-Kiowa data likewise agree on this point. +According to Mooney, the leader drinks first among the Comanche. The +Caddo drink no water at this time: “One must suffer to peyote.” Such +abstemiousness with a thirst-producing substance like peyote suggests +the psychological flavor of the vision quest. Note that Anhalonium means +“without salt.” “If there is suffering, this is the time. That’s the +reason I took a good rest so I could stand it. Many a time I have fallen +over at this time. The hour of the Crucifixion. Everyone is suffering now +... the dark hour” (Simmons, in _Peyote Road_). + +[111] “The four whistles at midnight by the leader outside the tipi are +to notify all things in all directions that they were having a meeting +there at the center of the cross ... calling the great power to be with +us while we were drinking so that it could hear our prayers and bless us” +(Hoebel, _Comanche Field Notes_). + +[112] Others may be incensed when they reënter too, and everyone holds +out his fan for the blessing. If a communicant is smoking when another +reënters, it is good manners to place the cigarette on the ground +temporarily that he may pass in front of him. + +[113] There is a suggestion that this woman, usually the wife of the +sponsor, symbolizes sęįmąyi or “Peyote Woman”; the Morning Star heralds +her approach (see Mooney, _A Kiowa Mescal Rattle_). + +[114] Doctoring is second only to the vision for individual knowledge +and power in the Plains. Kiowa peyote doctors have special prestige +among other tribes. In 1936 I sponsored a Kiowa meeting near Stecker, +Oklahoma, for Belo Kozad to doctor Ernest Kokome who was suffering +from tuberculosis. (Ernest had given me his trade-blanket beaded +peyote-necktie in 1935 on the morning after a meeting at which I had +admired it.) After midnight, Belo chewed four peyote and gave them to +Ernest, fanning him with feathers and cedar incense; then he made a +cross in front of the patient with a glowing coal, and, putting it in +his mouth, blew all over the face and chest of the sick young man, who +unbuttoned his shirt for the purpose. Next Belo fanned or batted him with +his feathers, the patient holding up his palms to absorb the medicine +virtue. Finally he took a mouthful of water and blew it on Ernest’s head, +praying and beseeching in the name of Jesus Christ for him to get well. +Peyote gave Belo the power to doctor thus and not be burned by the coal. + +Peyote was brought to the Creek, indeed, for doctoring by Jim Aton +(a famous Kiowa peyote doctor). Much in demand, he has doctored in +peyote meetings of the Yuchi, Shawnee, Kickapoo, Creek, Caddo, Osage, +Comanche, Kiowa Apache, Kiowa, Mescalero Apache and Quapaw; also whites +and Mexicans. His methods of doctoring have been described previously. +The well-known Comanche peyote doctor, Jim Post-oak, “hollers like a +bear in doctoring.” (People often imitate the animal-sources of their +power in the morning, in the midst of others’ singing, either from +peyote-“euphoria” or in praise of particularly good singing.) Peyote +doctoring by Old Man Horse (Kiowa) influenced the Oto rite of the Church +of the First-born too. Peyote can perform cures unassisted outside +meetings also, as shown by the case of Tommy Cat who ate peyote over the +protests of his nurse in a hospital and was cured. + +[115] Polonian obviousness is usually the note in these harangues (sit up +straight and keep awake in meetings, wear clean clothes and bathe before +coming, wear a blanket, keep your mind on good things in the ceremony, +don’t look around the tipi, don’t drink whiskey, don’t lie to your wife +or show off, but pray for your wife and children, respect old people, +humble yourself, go home again if you come to a crowded meeting)—but +occasionally specific admonitions are made. A Kiowa jokester, J. S., had +had trouble with his wife, and was plainly talked to in meeting. Quanah +Parker used to lecture young people in the morning. Long prayers are +another means of making psychological transactions. Some tribes make +individual public confessions at this time. + +[116] Mooney, _The Mescal Plant_, 8. + +[117] Some rattle the marbles of the drum, put them in the mouth and +spit them into the palm. Members commonly “baptize” themselves with the +drum-water, using the drumstick to moisten the palm and rubbing the +hair, face, chest, arms and thighs as in blessing with cedar incense; +some paint themselves with the charcoal in the drum. The remaining water +in the drum is poured along the moon. The sage under the peyote may be +passed to the patient, if there is one, or it may be requested for absent +ailing relatives. + +[118] Sometimes the stories have a moral point; the following was told +by O. W. (Comanche) to E. R. (Delaware): the leader of a Wichita Easter +meeting had a fine watch, costing from $150 to $200. At daylight, before +water time, wanting to display it, he put it down by the feathers. A man +to the north was singing and making vigorous punches toward the peyote. +When he looked at his watch later, “it was just a mess of works in there +loose, and the hands dropped off,” though nobody had touched it. “It +don’t pay to go in there and then try to show off.” + +[119] “The first shall be last and the last shall be first.” Hoebel says +the Comanche fire-chief takes one step outside, turns completely around +once, and continues his way, the others exiting in a straight fashion. +Cf. the Huichol turns. + +[120] A Comanche told me a Kiowa ate a lot of peyote once and tried to +sing a Comanche song. He sang the wrong words, which meant “Mentula +exposita est, Mentula exposita est!” (Cf. the Oto jokes about songs.) +A typical experience of Belo Kozad involves the hearing of a new +peyote song, psychological anxiety, a moral, and an explanation about +power-getting: A peyote song, without words, once came to him in a +vision. He seemed to be in the south, in soft grass. In the distance he +saw a man, whom he followed. He did not know it, but this man represented +Temptation. Belo followed the man, who was leading him off somewhere. +Suddenly the man kicked backwards with his foot [a familiar folkloristic +element] and went on. When Belo approached he found apples there; he +refused to take one. Further on the man kicked back with his other foot. +This time Belo found dollar bills and playing cards; these he refused +too. A third time he found pictures of beautiful girls in various poses, +but he withstood temptation. Finally he came to the top of a hill, over +the brow of which the man had disappeared ahead of him. Then he heard the +man talk to him from behind: “The apples, the cards, and the pictures all +meant temptation. You have withstood them all. Upon the top of this hill +you will find good fortune if you take this peyote.” Belo went up and saw +there a terrible chasm, crossed by a bridge of a single tipi pole. The +man said that the pole had to be crossed with four steps; if he did this +he would have great curing power. The man danced forward and backward +across the pole to show Belo, singing this song the while. But Belo was +afraid to cross the chasm and turned back thus not acquiring the curing +power. + +[121] Indeed, among some groups like the Caddo, doctoring is expressly +absent. + +[122] In Mescalero, too, “prophecy and advice were no small part of the +performance. It was rarely that his power did not vouchsafe the shaman +some reassuring information concerning the longevity of his patient, the +number of grandchildren with which he would be blessed, and the future +state of his fortunes.” They also controlled the weather thus, found lost +objects, located the enemy, etc., but doctoring was the main feature of +Mescalero peyote meetings. + +[123] Shonle (_Peyote: Giver of Visions_, 57) notes that peyote was +latterly a reservation phenomenon, when tribal enmities were gone. The +Ghost Dance had been anti-White; peyotism was a compromise, and the +friendly intertribal contacts growing out of the Ghost Dance could now be +exploited. + +[124] Cf. Tamaulipecan rites and the black-drink ball-game of the +Southeast. (The black drink was as nearby as the Karankawa.) The +Southwest-Southeast connections are more than superficial; Beals +(_Comparative Ethnology_, 142) believes there is a probable connection of +Southwest-Mexican alcoholic drinks with the Southeastern black drink. + +[125] Curiously the cigarette of the region farther west is universal in +the intrusive Plains peyote rite, while at Mescalero the stone elbow pipe +is passed around in the calumet fashion of the Plains in one leader’s +ceremony. + +[126] Is this a culture-environmental problem?—for the same substance +which was spectacularly aphrodisiac in Lame Deer, Montana, was stubbornly +anaphrodisiac in Philadelphia. Unfortunately for the accusing school +of thought, Bennett and Zingg’s trait-distribution tables indicate a +negative association of sexual promiscuity and the ritual use of peyote +in Mexico. + +[127] Opler says that “in no other Mescalero ceremony is a mound of earth +in the shape of a crescent found. On the other hand, crude earth tracings +did grace a Mescalero rite occasionally, and the moon was much in +evidence in ritual song and design. The staff of the peyote shaman seems +an innovation at first thought; yet it has a counterpart in the ‘old +age stick’ held by the singer in the girl’s puberty rite.” The gourd in +Mescalero has exclusively peyote associations. On the whole, the standard +Plains ceremony appears to have taken shape among the Lipan-Mescalero. +But Curtis (_North American Indian_ 19:199-200) says that the White +Mountain Apache were the first United States users and that “the ritual +[in the United States] is obviously copied from the Wichita ceremonial +form.” + + + + +COMPARATIVE STUDY OF PLAINS PEYOTISM + + +We have now compared the basic Plains rite with that of Mexico and the +transitional Lipan-Mescalero. Yet an independent development of this +basic rite in the Plains and a multiform flowering of the cult there, +influenced by older cultural concepts of a different nature, necessitates +a discussion of more minute variants within the region. In other words, +we have determined in the previous section the major variations of the +peyote ceremony as aboriginally constituted, and now trace the fate of +the cult as it invaded a different cultural terrain and came under the +influence of other culture patterns, including the Christian.[1] + +_Trip for Peyote._ A typical nine-day trip was made by the Cheyenne +in 1914 from Watonga, Oklahoma, to Laredo, Texas. Ten “peyote boys” +contributed the total cost of $61.85, and several suitcases full +of buttons were brought back (about 1,400 each); these were bought +from a White dealer in Laredo.[2] Another time a Southern Cheyenne, +then President of the Native American Church, brought back a special +trailer full of peyote from Romer, Texas. The northern Plains tribes +make infrequent pilgrimages for the plant, depending largely upon +supplies shipped from Texas or bought from Indians nearer the source. +One Wichita leader sold 40 acres of land to buy a car in which to make +a trip to Mousquis, his fourth or fifth such trip in about ten years. +An early Comanche party going for peyote in the Apache region had much +the character of a war journey; as described by Hoebel it involved a +clairvoyant discovery of the enemy, prophecy of the outcome, and a +horse-raid. Typically, however, the Kickapoo “chip in” money for peyote +pilgrimages, and precede this with prayers for the safe-keeping of the +travellers. + +_Rite at Site._ The Lipan[3] say that + + peyote is pretty hard to find when you are looking for it ... + a person who is not used to it doesn’t recognize it though he + is in the middle of a whole clump of peyote. Once he sees one, + another appears and so on until they all come out just like + stars. If you are having a hard time finding them you do this: + when you find just one by itself you eat it. When it takes + effect, when you get a little dizzy, you will hear a noise like + the wind from a certain direction. Go over there ... from the + place where the noise is coming you will get many peyote plants. + +Mrs. Voegelin[4] reports an interesting Shawnee concept: + + You can get power by visiting the peyote patch in Texas, and + telling it at evening that you want help to cure people and get + medicine. You sprinkle tobacco there. The next morning, when + the Morning Star comes up, the person goes to the patch where + he put the tobacco and when he comes close he hears a rattler + rattling. If he has nerve enough to go over there, likely + he does not find a snake there, but just something to scare + him. If he does find a snake there, he grabs the rattlesnake + (which is coiled up on top of the medicine) and takes it off + and then he picks one peyote button from that place. Then he + goes to another bunch and picks another button.... Perhaps at + the fourth spot where he picks his fourth button, the snake + is there again and he must remove it.... Jim Clark related + this defying of a rattlesnake to the obtaining of another very + powerful herb in the old days.[5] + +The typical Plains gathering ceremony has been described to the writer +for the Kiowa, Wichita, and Kickapoo: one sits west of the first peyote +found and makes a smoke-prayer before orienting the plant with a thorn or +mark that it may be properly used as a “father peyote” later; this first +plant shows the gatherer where to find more. + +_Vowing of Meetings._ Spier has traced the pattern of “vowing” the Sun +Dance in the Plains and it is interesting to note the persistence of +this trait in the peyote ceremony. It is particularly a pattern of the +Algonquian-speaking peoples; but we have recorded it for the Kiowa and +Wichita as well as the Shawnee, Kickapoo, and Northern Cheyenne.[6] + +_Time of Meetings._ Peyote meetings are generally held Saturday nights +so that the forenoon of the following Sunday may be spent relaxing and +talking under a “shade”; but the Comanche and Seminole sometimes set +theirs for Sunday night, following the White pattern for religious +meetings.[7] The Caddo, Tonkawa and Lipan often had four meetings on +successive nights, particularly for sick persons; the Caddo sometimes +mark four birthdays with meetings a year apart. Holiday meetings on +Easter, New Year’s, Thanksgiving and Christmas are common; an Arapaho +meeting was once held with a Christmas tree. Many tribes like the +Northern Cheyenne drink tea outside meetings, when practising songs or +“to sharpen one’s mind” when solving some particularly knotty personal +problem, but some groups maintain that it is forbidden to use peyote +outside meetings, for it would be useless then, even for doctoring. +The frequency of meetings throughout the year would be difficult to +ascertain, though there is no seasonal restriction as in Mexico; perhaps +one or two meetings a month in each tribe might be an average number when +the whole year is considered. + +_Purpose._ Doctoring of the sick is the commonest reason given for +calling a meeting; but though infrequently expressed as an official +motive, the vision-producing physiological effect of peyote is probably +the major reason. However, so various are the stated purposes of +meetings, that one is led to conclude that when a man wishes to have one, +he ordinarily finds little difficulty in discovering a reason for it. A +Lipan Apache said, + + In the early days they just had a good time for one night. It + was not used as a curing ceremony then.... At first they wanted + to have good visions, that’s what they were after. But then, + recently, they began to use it as a medicine for sick people.[8] + +The Kickapoo and Caddo do not doctor in meetings; the latter pray for the +sick, however, and commonly have four meetings in close succession for +this purpose, as well as on the first four anniversaries of a child’s +birth or a man’s death. + +The primary reason for Northern Cheyenne meetings is social, with +doctoring second; they knew of meetings held for rain, but despite +prolonged droughts in their region never made them themselves. Comanche +formerly held meetings to exercise clairvoyance about the enemies’ +position, to obtain protection from them[9] and to ascertain by prophecy +the outcome of battle; like the Mescalero they also held meetings to +divine and combat sorcery, and one meeting was held to celebrate the +surveying of their lands. Delaware meetings were for the welfare of the +community in general, to show hospitality to visiting friends and to mark +the first four anniversaries of a death.[10] Kickapoo hold meetings to +obtain rain, in consolation for a death, to name a child[11] and for a +dead person.[12] + +Mescalero ate peyote to locate the enemy, to find lost objects and to +foretell the future as well as for curing.[13] The Osage have funeral +meetings, and meetings to “see the face of Jesus” or the faces of their +dead relatives;[14] the Oto say they can see the deceased in meetings +too. In the Oto Church of the First-born, Jonathan Koshiway baptized, +married, and conducted funerals; the Pawnee have no funeral meetings but +celebrate birthdays, New Year’s Eve, Christmas and Easter.[15] + +A typical Ponca meeting attended at White Eagle was to doctor a sick +child with peyote tea. Another, a Shawnee meeting at McCloud, had been +vowed if the soldiers’ bonus legislation passed Congress. One Shawnee +held meetings for his eldest daughter yearly for thirteen years; +sometimes they hold purely social meetings and for health and doctoring, +but not for rain. Wichita, on the other hand, set up meetings to pray for +rain and good crops, on anniversaries, and for doctoring; and a Wichita +“bonus” meeting was held in 1936. Prophecy has been present in Wichita +meetings also. The Winnebago[16] have death-consolation meetings, +death-anniversary meetings and meetings to doctor the sick. At Taos[17] +meetings are for curing, or simply when “someone thinks they ought to +have a peyote meeting.” + +_Participants._ The Carrizo had two women by the door to bring water +into the meeting, but the Lipan permitted no women to be present or even +erect the tipi. In the early days the Kiowa, Comanche, Tonkawa, Sauk, +and Oto prohibited women from attending, and only old men used peyote, +but forty or fifty years ago women started coming in to be doctored and +gradually came in for other reasons, though they could not use the ritual +paraphernalia; under no circumstances may a menstruant woman enter.[18] +The restriction against women appears to apply only to groups who early +had peyote, when it still had much of the flavor of a warriors’ society +about it; for example, the Arapaho, Cheyenne, Ponca, Kickapoo, Mescalero, +Shawnee, Taos and Wichita apparently always allowed women to attend.[19] +In the Iowa meeting the women formed the outer of two concentric circles, +the men the inner, and the former were allowed only two buttons.[20] +Women never use eagle feather fans. + +Some tribes, like the Caddo, still have a strong objection to the +presence of White men in meetings, but other groups do not object to +White men as such.[21] A number of tribes have a bias against the +attendance of Negroes, but this is not the case at least with the Kiowa, +Wichita, and Kickapoo.[22] + +_Visiting._ All Indians, however, of whatever tribe, are welcome in the +meetings of all other tribes.[23] For example, at a Shawnee leader’s +meeting at McCloud there were 12 Kickapoo, 6 Shawnee, 3 Caddo, 2 Kiowa, 2 +Whites, a Wichita, a Seminole, a Sauk-and-Fox, an Oto, a Potawatomi and +a Negro—a not untypical aggregate.[24] Individual users visit around a +great deal in trying to “learn about peyote”; an old Kickapoo user had +been in meetings of the Arapaho, Cheyenne, Caddo, Delaware, Wichita, +Apache, Kiowa, Osage, Yuchi, Sauk-and-Fox, Oto, Iowa, Shawnee, Comanche, +Pawnee and Ponca. Indeed, the very origin legend of peyote indicates a +period of beginning intertribal contacts, and peyotism in later days +became the specific vehicle of intertribal friendships, when mutual +warfare disappeared. + +_Place of Meeting._ The typical place of meeting for the Plains, as well +as Taos, Mescalero, and Lipan, is the tipi. The Arapaho-Winnebago peyote +tipi has twelve poles, symbolizing the earth.[25] The Pawnee have special +painted tipis for peyote, as in the Ghost Dance; and, like the Pawnee, +the Wichita and Winnebago dismantle the tipi immediately at the end of a +meeting.[26] The Osage, Quapaw, Omaha, Northern Winnebago and others[27] +have special peyote churches, or “round houses” (really polygonal), and +many, like the Taos, hold winter meetings in the home of some member. + +But meetings were held elsewhere too in the past. The Carrizo had +meetings in the open within a circle of sticks. The first Kiowa meetings +took place within a circle of upright poles with canvas stretched around +it, open to the sky; Comanche also used simple wind-breaks as do even now +the Northern Cheyenne, who sometimes also hold the ceremony on a hill-top +in the open.[28] The Caddo have held meetings in a canvas-covered +subconical “stick house” holding over forty people in two rows; and +the Bannock of Idaho, on account of opposition to peyotism, have held +meetings in backwoods log-houses—in short, the holding of the meeting in +a tipi, while common and typical, is not ritually required. + +_Bathing._ The Lipan customarily washed their hair in yucca suds before +a meeting, and perfumed themselves with mint. In the Plains and at +Mescalero they take a sweatbath or a bath with water; the Arapaho[29] +plunge once against the current and once with it, then rub themselves +with teaxuwineⁿ or waxuwahan and other scented plants. The Osage build a +sweat lodge as an integral part of their church, in a direct line east of +it. A man in Hominy specializes in giving Osage old-style sweat baths, +but some of them somewhat ostentatiously travel to Claremore, a hundred +miles away, to take “radium baths” before meetings. + +_Painting._ Face and body painting is recorded for the Arapaho, Comanche, +Delaware, Kiowa, Oto, Shawnee, Tonkawa, Wichita and Winnebago, yellow +being the commonest color used by the Arapaho and Comanche.[30] A Kiowa +story tells of the acquiring of an individual paint design in a vision +of a red bird which turned into a man. The Tonkawa even painted the fuzz +on the top of the fetish peyote red, according to Opler. Painted stripes +symbolize for the Wichita the extent of one’s experience with peyote: a +beginner paints the part of the hair yellow and puts one blue line on his +face, adding up to four finally: “He’s supposed to know something then.” +Both men and women painted for Winnebago meetings.[31] + +_Clothing and Headdress._ Formerly native dress was prescribed for Plains +peyote meetings, and even now a blanket (in summer a folded sheet) +among male communicants and a shawl among female is common—to symbolize +affiliation with “blanket Indians.” Younger men, otherwise in ordinary +White dress, often wear a “peyote-necktie” made of an old-fashioned +trade blanket, beaded, and with the selvage-stripes as a design; soft +neckerchiefs drawn through rings with “water-bird” and “Morning-Star” +designs are also common. The Arapaho[32] water woman wears a symbolically +painted buckskin dress; men wear special wrist-bands and headdresses of +yellow hammer and woodpecker feathers. Carrizo men wore only a loincloth +in meetings, not even moccasins; the women attendants wore red blankets, +the one to the north with woodpecker feathers and the one to the south +with a red flicker feather.[33] Iowa wear Kiowa-Comanche style leggings, +the thongs of which are knotted with “red medicine” or mescal beans.[34] + +A turban or head-scarf has been observed among the Delaware, Shawnee, +Kickapoo, Wichita and Winnebago,[35] but the otter-skin cap of the Kiowa +and Winnebago is optional. At Taos the variant dress of the “peyote boys” +has become a symbol of the strife of the old and the new. The young men +who use peyote cut out the seats of their trousers, thus converting them +into a G-string and leggings and necessitating a blanket, and let their +hair grow in Plains fashion.[36] Among older Osage men the “roached” +style of scalp lock was formerly still in vogue, but the younger men who +have adopted the peyote religion wear their hair long, parted and braided +on each side with ribbons and yarn.[37] Among the Winnebago, on the other +hand, the progressivism of the peyote cult demands that long hair be +cut, and Crashing Thunder discovered that it was a “shame to wear long +hair.”[38] + +_Ritual Restrictions._ Salt may not be eaten on the day that peyote is +consumed among the Huichol, Tarahumari, Arapaho, Comanche, Kickapoo, +Wichita, etc.; the distributional gaps are more likely gaps in our +information than lack of the taboo, which is probably universal at +least among the early Plains users of peyote.[39] It is also considered +hygienically if not ethically unwise to use peyote in connection with +alcoholic drinks; indeed, many insist that the former cures addiction to +the latter. The Arapaho[40] did not bring sharp instruments into a peyote +meeting, a taboo elsewhere unreported. + +_Officials._ The “road chief” is the most important individual in a +meeting. Kroeber writes of the Arapaho leader in a manner which might +apply to any Plains leader:[41] + + The leader of each ceremony is sole director of it. He may + ... base [his ceremony] partly on visions during previous + ceremonies. In other cases, he follows ceremonies that he + has participated in, changing or adding details to suit his + personal ideas. No two ceremonies conducted by different + individuals are therefore exactly alike; but the general course + of all is quite similar. + +We do not agree with Petrullo that the leader is a mere “figurehead.” +Indeed, as we shall see later, the variation in ceremonies is a function +of leadership far more than of tribal affiliation. The leader has full +authority to change the ceremony in any way he wishes, and his permission +must be asked and secured even in such little matters as leaving the tipi +temporarily; even the fireman, his chief assistant, constantly consults +with him and receives directions.[42] + +In fact, peyote leadership is a matter bringing much prestige, and in +these days is a major means of advancement among one’s fellows. John +Rave, Albert Hensley, Jonathan Koshiway, Quanah Parker and John Wilson +find parallels to a less degree in all peyote leaders, and rare is the +man who does not seize the opportunity presented by his authority to +introduce some change, however trifling, into the ceremony.[43] Each +tribe has a limited number of recognized peyote leaders which can be +named. The Shawnee, for example, have nine only and the Pawnee have only +eight recognized leaders in a population of eight hundred. In the case +of the Osage the number of leaders is further limited by the number of +permanent “churches” available; Murphy lists eighteen “East Moons” on the +reservation and three “West Moons.” + +Originally the officials in a peyote meeting appear to have been limited +to the “road-chief,” drummer, and “fire-chief.”[44] The “cedar-chief” +is a later development. Among the Winnebago the leader, drummer and +cedar-man symbolize respectively the Father, the Son and the Holy +Ghost, and the leader gives the drummer his staff even as God delegated +authority to Jesus.[45] In the Quapaw “Big Moon” the officials number +eight: three firemen north of the door (required since every person must +be fanned with feathers every time he reënters the tipi), the leader, +drummer and cedar-man west of the altar, and in addition “one good man” +at each arm of the altar-crucifix cross-piece. + +_Economics._ On the basis of 13,300 peyote users in 1922 (and the number +has since substantially increased) in the United States alone, it is +clear that the cult is of economic significance in a number of ways. The +price of peyote from dealers in Laredo, who supply most of the northern +Plains and Great Basin users, is from $2.50 to $5.00 a thousand buttons; +it is said that “the inhabitants of the small town of Nuevo Laredo, +on the Mexican side of the Rio Grande, derive their livelihood almost +exclusively from the peyote trade.” Schultes estimates $20,000 as the +annual commercial transactions involved north of the Rio Grande.[46] + +The Tarahumari used to combine their peyote journeys with trading and +other commercial transactions, but the trip was otherwise profitable +since peyote itself commanded a good price; Lumholtz says one plant cost +a sheep at one time in Tarahumariland, and he himself was asked $10 for +a dozen plants.[47] The Huichol sold part of their harvest sometimes to +non-pilgrims.[48] + +In the Plains the sponsor usually meets the expense of a meeting himself, +but some groups like the Oto pass around a vessel in the morning for a +“free-will offering.” At Taos the peyote chief bears the expense, though +others may make contributions to help defray the cost. The chief expense +at Tarahumari, as elsewhere, is the sacrificial beef. The total cost of +a meeting varies considerably, according to the number of persons fed +at the secular meal the next day. Meetings that Mooney attended in 1918 +cost $15, $58 (including a beef costing $35), and $80 respectively, but +these amounts seem excessive. The writer has sponsored an average meeting +costing only about $15, and Hoebel has supplied “groceries” for meetings +at from $6 to $10 only.[49] + +Considering their importance and authority, it is not surprising that +the peyote chiefs come in for some financial recompense. The Tarahumari +peyotero was given a quarter of the slaughtered beef, and one peyote +doctor at Narárachic made his entire living by peyote cures. Several +Kiowa doctors nearly or completely match this. A Sioux doctor at Taos was +given a silk dress of the patient’s wife, a belt and $5 cash. Indeed, +one of the complaints against Wilson, the Caddo-Delaware peyote messiah, +was that he over-exploited the financial opportunities afforded by +peyote leadership.[50] Victor Griffin (Quapaw) claims to be the only man +authorized by Wilson to make Big Moons, and for the building of a small +Quapaw “round house” near Miami, Oklahoma, he and his assistant, Charles +Tyner (Quapaw) received $750. There was and is considerable exchanging +of gifts in connection with peyote meetings and intertribal visiting; +feathers, drum sticks, etc. are common gifts, as well as “father peyotes” +which have become heirlooms.[51] + +_Amount of Peyote Eaten._ The minimum number of buttons eaten by each +participant is usually four. Several persons claim to have eaten 75 to +100 or more, but the average is nearer a third or a fourth of this.[52] +Personal observations tend to confirm Mooney’s estimate of 12 to 20 as a +night’s average consumption; he said that 90 was the most any Kiowa had +ever eaten, and he believed this was possible since the individual was +powerfully built—although that number would amount to about a pound and +a half. This may be so, but one is skeptical of alleged consumptions of +more than 30 or 40 average-sized buttons in the dry form. For the green +form we should set the maximum at considerably fewer, perhaps 15 or 20 +good-sized plants, which even so is a liberal estimate. About 300 each +was the average for two Winnebago meetings, and assuming an ordinary +group of 20 communicants this amounts to only 15 buttons apiece. We +should call this a fair estimate of the average for beginners and old +users combined in a meeting; before accepting larger estimates it should +be recalled that there is a certain prestige in eating and retaining +large amounts of peyote, a fact which may color statements somewhat. +Peyote is also consumed as tea, especially by the old and the sick; in +one case 24 discs made 15 cups of tea, and in another 30 made 2 quarts of +the infusion. A pneumonia patient drank the latter, one cupful every two +hours, to induce perspiration deemed necessary for his cure. + +_Peyote Paraphernalia in General._ Typical Plains peyote paraphernalia +includes minimally the leader’s satchel, gourd rattle, water drum, drum +stick, staff, feathers, eagle wing-bone whistle, corn shucks and loose +tobacco, bags for peyote and cedar incense, altar cloth, sage, water +bucket and ritual-breakfast containers. The rasp is not used by the +Lipan or Mescalero or in the Plains, and the whistle is recent for the +two former. The Lipan previously used a bow struck with a stick in place +of the later one-sided tambourine drum; the kettle drum, from Mexico, +is still more recent.[53] Mescalero shamans sometimes added the use of +pollen, which they used to trace a cross on the father peyote, and like +the Tonkawa, occasionally served the peyote on woven trays instead of +in bags. Taos paraphernalia is standard Plains in type. A common color +for Arapaho peyote objects is yellow; Skinner thought the bead-work on +Iowa gourds and magpie feather fans indicated a Kiowa or Kiowa-Apache +provenience. Among the Delaware and others each devotee has his own gourd +rattle, but this (like personal drum sticks and feathers) may not be used +until after midnight.[54] + +_Staff._ From ancient times, and possibly before Columbus, the cane or +staff was a symbol of authority in Mexico,[55] and for this reason we +should hesitate before labeling this feature of peyote an Hispanicism. +Again, Opler equates the staff of the Mescalero shaman (which he holds +throughout the ceremony, not passing it around with the drum) with the +“old age stick” held by the singer in the aboriginal girl’s puberty rite. + +Similar syncretism with older patterns seems to have occurred also in the +Plains. The Comanche used a bow for a staff when holding peyote meetings +on the war path, but the term naci-hιta means literally “resting stick-to +walk,” according to White Wolf. In the Iowa Red Bean war bundle ceremony, +the rattle was held in the left hand [sic] while the bow and arrow were +waved in the right as the person sang. The Delaware call the leader’s +staff “arrow,” and so also do the Osage, Quapaw and Oto; the Ponca, +on the other hand, call it a “bow.” The Kiowa suggest that a bow was +formerly used, but the term ᴅo’ᴅęⁱä means “brace-to hold-stick”; it must +be of bois d’arc (_Maclura pomifera_ C. K. Schneider), however, and some +are nocked at the top and bottom like a bow. The Lipan “cane” was called +ilkibenatsi´e or “ram-rod.”[56] + +The Shawnee, according to Mrs. Voegelin, called the peyote staff the +walking stick of the old, but the red tassel at the top symbolized the +headdress worn with a single feather at the war dance. The t’owayennemö +of Taos was held in the left hand “for the strength of life,” and the red +and white horse-hair tufts encircling the top (so Dr. White was told) +were there “because the White man is above the Indian.” A Delaware staff +which Dr. Speck saw contained designs representing a tipi, water, the +door of the lodge, the blue sky and fire, symbolized by the colors of the +bead-work. + +Reinterpretations of the meaning of the staff are common. A Wichita +called it the “staff of life.” The Iowa staff represents the staff of the +Saviour, while the Winnebago variously interpret it as a shepherd’s crook +and the rod with which Moses smote the rock (in obvious reference to the +leader’s calling for water in the ceremony). Differences in the staff +have even come to symbolize a schism in the Winnebago church: that used +by Rave was decorated, as elsewhere in the Plains, but Clay used a simple +undecorated staff, lacking even feathers, calling attention to the fact +that Moses staff was undecorated.[57] + +_Gourd Rattles_. Rattles made of gourds (_Lagenaria_ spp.) have become +universal in the Plains since the spread of peyotism; but the Iowa had a +small gourd rattle with beaded handle in their Red Bean war bundle dance, +and the peripheral-Plains distribution of this trait in pre-peyote times +has been traced elsewhere. Some groups (Delaware, Osage, Ute, etc.) have +individual rattles for each participant.[58] A large one seen at Apache, +Oklahoma, made by Spotted Crow (Cheyenne) had drawn on it a moon with a +fire and a Morning Star in negative, together with the following “Jesus +talk:”[59] + + Help me O Lord + My God O save me + According to thy Mercy + O God my heart is + fixed. I will sing + And give praise + Even with my glory. + +A Wichita gourd was said by one informant to represent the world or sun; +the beads are “people talking” and the bead-work in general is “things on +the earth,” while the horse-hair tuft dyed red on the top represents the +rays of the rising sun. A Delaware gourd of Dr. Speck’s has bead-work on +its handle symbolizing morning (blue), fire (red) and a row of X X X’s +(the songs sun).[60] + +_Drum._ The standard peyote drum, already described for the Kiowa, made +of a small iron kettle with seven bosses in the lacing, is found also +among the Arapaho, Comanche, Iowa, Cheyenne, Lipan, Pawnee, Ute, Shawnee, +Kickapoo, etc.[61] The Kickapoo say the seven marbles represent the days +of the week, just as the twelve eagle feathers of the fan symbolize the +twelve months of the year; the four coals which are dropped into the +water of the drum are lightning, the water rain and the drumming itself +thunder.[62] + +In drumming, the vessel is given an occasional shake to wet the head +with the contained water, and the left thumb is used to test the tone +and tighten the head: sometimes too the head is sucked or blown upon, so +that the water is forced to ooze through the skin. The Ponca, however, +do not permit the drum head to be touched—“peyote makes the sound, not +the hand,”[63] they say—and hence make a handle of the lacing-rope +twisted upon itself. Old Man Sack (Caddo) also forbade blowing on +the drum, “even when it cups up and sounds like a tin can,” a Kiowa +peyote-boy said; in the stricter Caddo moons no water is drunk until the +drum has made four rounds, with the result that some of their meetings +consequently last well into the forenoon of the next day—a genuine +ordeal according to informants. Among the Iowa, and possibly also in +some Caddo Delaware “Big Moons” the drum chief accompanies the drum +around the circle, drumming for each singer. The Jesse Clay style of +drumming among the Winnebago, described by Densmore, is common among the +southern tribes: a rapid unaccented beating before the beginning of the +singing, gradually slackening to match the speed of the voice. Another +mannerism may be noted at the end of each song, when the rattle is shaken +unrhythmically as fast as possible during the last few bars of the song, +then suddenly stopped with the last drum beat.[64] The water drum is +typically Southeastern in distribution, but its presence in the Plains +peyote cult must be accounted another Southwestern feature, inasmuch as +it was standardized and diffused over the Plains before Southeastern +groups in Oklahoma received peyote and hence could have introduced the +trait into it.[65] + +_Feathers._ Feathers are important in peyote symbolism. In the original +Comanche rite only the leader brought in a medicine fan with him; “now +many young men bring them who have no special business to.” Skinner wrote +that eagle feathers were “badges of the society” among peyote-using Iowa; +women were never allowed to use eagle feathers in meetings, however. +Younger Oto men carry modern ribbed folding-fans, older ones commonly an +entire wing. The individual fans of the Northern Cheyenne, as elsewhere, +are not produced until the full effects of the peyote come on, some time +after midnight. The eagle feather fans of the Winnebago represent the +wings of birds mentioned in Revelations, while the Kickapoo state that +the twelve feathers of the eagle fan symbolize the twelve months of the +year; twelve is a common Delaware ritual number also.[66] + +The Arapaho hang bunches of feathers on the northeast, northwest, +southeast and southwest tipi poles to brush off the bodies of tired +worshippers. The Mescalero use eagle feathers as a spoon to feed their +first peyote to neophytes. The Winnebago, like other tribes, pass a +feather around with the staff in its circuit. The Kiowa, Ponca and others +use feathers in the water rites: the former make a cross in the midnight +water with the feathers of all present, held in a bunch, while the latter +place a single feather across the top of the bucket and whistle along +the feather. The use of feathers among the Ponca, where cedar incensing +is not a strong trait, is especially conspicuous: a feather is passed +to the fireman as a symbol of authority, allowing him to leave the tipi +without express permission each time from the “road-man,” and there is +a “baptism” with feathers in the water ceremonies too. The vanes of +Ponca feathers are often notched. The red blankets of the two Carrizo +women helpers were fastened with a woodpecker and a flicker feather +respectively.[67] + +Feathers are common in visions too. A Kiowa envisaged his barred +hawk-feathers as a ladder rising through the smoke hole of the tipi +to heaven, like a Jacob’s Ladder, and another time as rippling water. +Feathers are commonly arranged and cut, colored and tufted, etc., in +accordance with visions seen during meetings.[68] Jonathan Koshiway +(Oto) had assembled a favorite fan from individual gift feathers, each +of which had a different history—one from an old Osage woman who wished +for him her long life, two from Hunting-horse (Kiowa), and the like. An +interesting development in the Big Moon ceremony is the ritual necessity +for each person to be fanned at the fire by the fireman or others every +time he re-enters the tipi. This trait is Delaware, Caddo, Osage and +Quapaw[69] in distribution, the latter having two special “guards” at +the north and south arms of the altar cross who are charged with fanning +each entrant; ordinary incensing with cedar has been reported even among +the Ute and is probably universal in peyotism. Perhaps with the same +purpose in mind, protection from dangerous influences, the Mescalero +takes an eagle feather from either side of the door as he makes his exit, +returning as soon as possible.[70] + +_Birds._ We have already noted the importance of birds in Huichol and +Tarahumari peyote symbolism, and are to discover that they are equally +significant in the Plains. Here the “water-bird” somewhat ambiguously +suggests a bird that lives in the water or the bird involved with the +whistling for the midnight water. Arapaho songs refer to peyote and the +birds which are its messengers, and sparrow hawk, yellow hammer and other +woodpecker feathers are common in their meetings. When the fireman goes +to get the water he carries an eagle wing, and the whistling which he +makes is said to imitate the cry of a bird in search of water (the end of +the eagle wing-bone whistle is finally dipped into the water bucket, as +though it were the bird drinking).[71] + +The Comanche peyote bird is the “sun-eagle,” said to be just under +the rising morning sun; “Comanches always mention that bird in their +meeting.” This bird, the kʷina-óhap (literally, “eagle-yellow”), which is +represented in the shaped ashes west of the peyote fire, “flashes like +the sun; ... water bird feathers are used just because they are pretty.” +In this connection it is interesting to recall the Tarahumari place name +Couwápigóchi, “place of the wapigóri,” from the name of a fishing bird, +“a cross between an eagle and a hawk, with feet like an eagle,” which +the Mexicans call aquillala, and the brilliantly colored macao and other +birds belonging to the Huichol “Grandfather Fire.”[72] + +The Kiowa represent their “water-bird” on peyote tie-slides as a +long-necked bird like a kingfisher or crane; these have been traded all +over the Plains. If a Kiowa peyote-user sees an eagle in a vision, he +thereafter carries his eagle-feather fan in his left hand as a sign of +this.[73] The peyote bird is prominent in symbolic Kiowa paintings also. +Jonathan Koshiway, the Oto peyote teacher, said: + + The peyote spirit is like a little humming bird. When you are + quiet and nothing is disturbing it, it will come to a flower + and get the sweet flavor. But if it is disturbed, it goes quick. + +Hence the admonitions to sit quietly in meetings and “study” to see if +you can “maybe learn something.” Tom Panther, a Shawnee leader, called +the ash-bird + + a holy bird; it drinks as well as we do of the holy water + [_i.e._ some of the ritual water is poured on the ash-figure in + the morning] and it gets alive a little when people drink, and + from then on is lively until morning. + +The martin is said to be the Shawnee peyote bird, as indicated perhaps +in the “scissors-tail” shape of some ashes. A Mexican who had long lived +with the Wichita had an interesting vision during the water-ceremonies +of an Arapaho meeting, when he saw a white feather of the leader “turn +into Christ and boss the bald-eagle feather of the fireman around.” The +association of birds with peyotism, therefore, appears to be universal in +the Plains and Mexico alike. + +_Fetish Peyote._ Peyote is the only plant toward which the Kiowa and +other typical non-agricultural Plains tribes have a religious attitude +and from which they can get “power.” Yet the fetishistic attitude as +a psychological phenomenon is not unknown in the Plains of pre-peyote +times; the Kiowa taime or Sun Dance image and the “Ten-Medicine” bundles +have widespread parallels in the Plains—the Cheyenne fetish-arrows +and sacred heart, the Iowa red bean war-bundles, and the ubiquitous +medicine-bundles of which the Blackfoot are a type.[74] The Arapaho wore +the fetish-plant in an amulet pouch covered with beads, and when placed +on the altar a head-plume was sometimes put nearby. The Cheyenne also +carry exceptionally large specimens in beaded buckskin cases,[75] + + the bead-work being in the form of a star to represent the sun + [?] and the case being suspended from his neck by four strands + of beads “to represent the four thoughts that lead to peyote.” + +A Wichita informant carried a peyote button with him to France in the +late War, and the fetish miraculously escaped detection during the +sterilizing of uniforms; it protected him until he could return to +collect his soldier’s bonus in 1936, when a special meeting was held to +thank peyote for these boons. + +Some Shawnee call the hogimá or “peyote chief” the messenger between +humans and God; others call it the “interpreter” or the Holy +Ghost. Crashing Thunder addressed the most holy peyote medicine as +“grandfather,” but the usual designation of the fetish is “peyote chief” +or “father peyote.” While Wolf (Comanche) called it “elder brother” +because as a child one specific plant had protected him during an illness. + +The Winnebago are evidently influenced by an older tribal pattern in +their use of two sacred peyotes, one “male” and the other “female.” John +Wilson in an early Caddo meeting near Fort Cobb, Oklahoma, “before the +country opened,” placed three peyote buttons on the moon (symbolizing the +Trinity of leaders?); his drummer saw one of these turn into a person he +had known in life. The Lipan usually had only one hucdjiya´isia, or “big +peyote lying,” but sometimes put buttons in a circle around the fire pit, +somewhat like the Comanche who placed them in the sage crescent west of +the fire.[76] + +The Osage, with their usual flair for ostentation, place the “chief +peyote” “within the marked outline of a heart and set upon a beaded +cylinder support,” according to Dr. Speck. Iowa father peyotes are +notable for their size. The Tonkawa sometimes painted the fuzz on the +plant red, as though it were a person. The Taos addressed the peyote +chief as “Father Ear,” probably carrying over to peyote a common Pueblo +fetishistic attitude toward corn. Lipan and Mescalero father peyotes +were an active ally of the shaman leading the meeting, as any attempt at +witchcraft would “show” on it and inform him of something amiss.[77] + +Some individuals particularly cherish and prize their “father peyotes.” +A well-known Wichita leader showed the writer his private collection of +them one forenoon after a meeting.[78] Some famous “peyote chiefs” are +almost heirlooms. Belo Kozad, a prominent Kiowa peyote leader, has one +which once belonged to the famous Comanche chieftain, Quanah Parker. This +was passed around at the end of the meeting and handled with the utmost +reverence.[79] + +_Bible._ Peyote-users have also taken over the typical Protestant +fetishism of the Bible, but this Christian element in peyote meetings +is confined exclusively to Siouan-speaking groups. Radin states +categorically that “the use of the Bible is an entirely new element +introduced by the Winnebago,” but there is good reason to believe that +Hensley borrowed this trait from more southerly Oklahoma groups which he +visited in the early days of Winnebago peyotism. The Omaha placing of +an open Bible near the father peyote may indeed have been influenced by +the Winnebago (who put the peyote directly on the open book), and so too +the Iowa, but the Oto use of the Bible in the Church of the First-born +probably preceded it in Oklahoma, where, indeed, John Wilson’s Big Moon +cult embodied Christian elements. Further, the reading of the Bible is a +feature of the Rave rite only, not of the Clay version, a more aboriginal +form.[80] + +The Winnebago use the New Testament, especially Revelations. Hensley used +to have the singing stop at intervals, so that the younger educated men +might translate and interpret portions for non-reading members. For some +individuals at least, the Bible was the touchstone of behavior: + + Then we went home [says Crashing Thunder] and they showed me a + passage in the Bible where it said that it was a shame for any + man to wear long hair. I looked at the passage. I was not a + man learned in books, but I wanted to give them the impression + that I knew how to read so I told them to cut my hair. I was + still wearing it long at the time. After my hair was cut I took + out a lot of medicines, many small bundles of them. These and + my shorn hair I gave to my brother-in-law. Then I cried and + my brother-in-law also cried. He thanked me, told me that I + understood and that I had done well. + +Another time, in a peyote vision, his body deserted Crashing Thunder and +turned the leaves of the Bible until it came to Matthew 16 and read[81] +that “Peter did not give himself up”; this meant that the peyote was +troubling him because he was stubborn and would not acquiesce to its +power.[82] + +The Bible was also used to support rationalizations after the fact:[83] + + At first our meetings were started without following any rule + laid down by the Bible, but afterwards we found a very good + reason for holding our meetings at night. We searched the Bible + and asked many ministers for any evidence of Christ’s ever + having held any meetings in the day-time but we could find + nothing to that effect. We did, however, find evidence that he + had been out all night in prayer. As it is our desire to follow + as closely as we can in the footsteps of Christ, we hold our + meetings at night. + +The Bible is said to mention peyote in several places: + + And they shall eat the flesh in that night, roast with fire, + and unleavened bread; and with bitter herbs they shall eat it + (Exodus 12.8). + + And this day shall be unto you for a memorial; and ye shall + keep it as a feast by an ordinance forever (Exodus 12.14). + +Mrs. Voegelin cites a Shawnee belief in a Bible reference to peyote, but +it is somewhat ambiguous and obscure.[84] + +_Altars or “Moons.”_ Peyote altars range in complexity from the simple +war-shield of a Comanche war-party leader on which the peyote was laid, +to the elaborate permanent symbolic concrete altars in the Big Moon +round-house churches. All the Plains variants are built on the standard +crescent altar, grooved from tip to tip by the “peyote road” which +devotees must follow to a knowledge of peyote.[85] Interpretations of the +moon symbolism are almost as numerous as individual users; for, given +the physiological effects of peyote and the acceptance in Plains culture +of the individual vision “authority,” standardized meanings are not to +be expected. One Shawnee, for instance, said the mound represented the +mountain of the origin story where “Peyote Woman” first found peyote; +another that the place of the peyote on the moon represented the space +between Jesus Christ’s eyes, just over the brain, and the arms of the +crescent his arms as he lay face downward on the cross: “If we eat the +peyote which is on his brain, maybe it will make us think too.” + +[Illustration: Fig. 4. Peyote altars or moons. a, Basic Caddo-Delaware +moon with a mound at the east of the cross; b, the Caddo Big Moon altar; +c, Enoch Hoag (Caddo) moon, as drawn by Elijah Reynolds (probably the +same as Petrullo, Plate 5 B).] + +Again, given these factors and the nature of peyote leadership, it is +not surprising to find variations run riot; sometimes even the same +leader does not conduct two meetings exactly alike, or construct the moon +precisely the same (changing the ashes, etc.) Three Osage leaders, for +example, change the tribal altar by simply turning everything through +180° to make a “West Moon.” John Elcare (Delaware) is said to have a +unique “fish moon,” north of the fire and facing east, which he feeds +and gives to drink. The Omaha[86] dug a heart-shaped fireplace eight to +twelve inches deep to represent the heart of Jesus. We were unable to +discover the exact nature of Leonard Taylor’s (Cheyenne) “Heart Moon,” +no longer conducted, but it appears rather to resemble a Winnebago altar +figured by Densmore: a heart superimposed on a cross in the fireplace, +under the fire, with a small mound to the east representing the earth. + +This mound opposite and to the east of the crescent appears to be of +Caddoan origin.[87] Jimmy Hunter’s moon shows this in perhaps its +earliest, and certainly its simplest form: a line joining the mound and +the center of the crescent, with another crossing this from horn to +horn of the crescent. Bob Dunlap’s moon has a further minor addition, a +heart at the juncture of the crossed lines. The moon of Ernest Spybuck, +pictured in Harrington, is Shawnee rather than Delaware-Caddo, but shows +definite Big Moon influence; it is intermediate in complexity, perhaps, +between the Caddoan small moons and the elaborately symbolic John Wilson +Big Moon. The Enoch Hoag moon[88] (a favorite among the Caddo nowadays) +shows features parallel with the Wilson moon: it has a star and a +heart at the hair-parting or forehead of the altar “face,” ash mounds +simulating eyes, an inverted heart at the crossing of the altar-lines as +a nose, four concentric lozenges for an oracular mouth, and another heart +east of this resembling a cleft chin; the moon itself is the figure’s +hair. Moonhead’s (i.e. John Wilson’s) altar similarly represents a man’s +head, and contains the leader’s initials or “foot-prints” and his “grave” +alongside that of Jesus. The Black Wolf moon is another elaboration of +the Big Moon type. + +It must not be thought, however, that the bold innovations begun by John +Wilson and others have resulted in a complete chaos of individualism. +It requires considerable prestige and force of personality to vision +a moon impressively enough to gain an adequate following. In recent +years leaders in the Native American Church have expressed themselves +unfavorably on the growing variety and profusion of rival moons, and +have urged a return to the standardized simplicity of the older more +deeply entrenched forms. Perhaps for this reason, and personality factors +as well, several new “moons” have been considerably less than complete +successes. A case in point is that of Albert Stamp (Seminole). His design +is not strikingly original or different from the moons of the Caddo among +whom he lives: he has six concentric lozenges to Hoag’s four and has +added three concentric triangles. That is all. But his moon has not found +acceptance, and he has dismantled his cement altar, removing the entire +central symbolic portion, leaving only the crescent and simple polygonal +apron.[89] + +This is only a single instance of a general movement back to more “pure” +original forms, stimulated perhaps by the standardizing influence of +the Native American Church. This sentiment has had its effect even +upon followers of the Wilson Big Moon rite, which is apparently dying +out among the Caddo-Delaware (though still strong among the Osage and +Quapaw), in favor of the “more Caddo” Hoag moon. If a generalization +might be made about the influence of the three tribes most important +in the diffusion of Plains peyotism—the Kiowa, the Comanche and the +Caddo (who because of their southerly position first received the new +religion)[90]—we might call the Kiowa the original standardizers and +teachers, who have departed only in the most minute ways from earlier +forms; the Comanche the proselytizers and missionaries of the new +religion; and the Caddo[91] the innovators. + +_Fire._ Nowhere is the kind of wood for the fire ritually prescribed. +Mulberry, slippery elm, cottonwood and black jack are said not to be good +because they pop and give off sparks, tending to scatter the carefully +piled-up ashes. Red bud, which gives off much light and little heat, +is a favorite for summer use, while box alder is considered good for +winter. But “Grandfather Fire” (as the Delaware, Winnebago, Kickapoo and +Shawnee address it) is built in a ritually prescribed way, like the angle +of a worm-fence with the apex to the west. The Shawnee say the first +four sticks represent tipi poles. The ritual number of peyotism, seven, +appears in the number of sticks prescribed for the Northern Cheyenne and +Taos.[92] + +The fire stick at a Kickapoo-Shawnee meeting attended near McCloud, +Oklahoma, was elaborately carved with a crescent, a bird, a father peyote +on a rosette, the word “Christ” and crossed sticks.[93] The Caddo say +this fire stick is the “heart,” while the twelve interlacing sticks of +the fire are the “ribs” and the two ash mounds the “lungs” of Jesus; in +some Caddo moons two fireman put sticks on alternately.[94] The Wilson +moon of the Quapaw and Delaware has three firemen who sit by the door +to fan entrants. The Arapaho[95] leader chooses his hictänäⁿtcä or +“fire chief” by silently pointing an eagle wing-feather at him, which +the latter uses as a fan during the ceremony; the feather of the Ponca +fireman is a symbol of authority. The ceremonial fire as a trait is +Mexican, Southwestern, Southeastern and southern Plains (e.g., Caddo +and Hasinai), but as involved in peyotism it is a Mexican-Southwestern +borrowing rather than Southeastern.[96] + +_Ashes._ An interesting feature, remotely suggesting the Southwest, +is the building up of the ashes of the peyote fire into a figure. The +commonest form is a crescent, smaller than and parallel to the crescent +of the earthen moon, which is nearly universal in the Plains. At an early +date the Comanche began making the ashes into the shape of a “sun eagle” +and the Kiowa into a “humming-bird.” The Shawnee and Kickapoo call it +a “water bird”; one Shawnee leader occasionally makes buffalo heads. A +Pawnee leader, Good Sun, makes an “eagle” in the ashes. Jonathan Koshiway +(Oto) says the bird is “the holy spirit when Jesus was baptized; it’s got +good eyes like an eagle—you can’t fool it.”[97] + +The separation of the ashes into two piles in the Big Moon rite comes in +for similarly varying interpretations. A Delaware informant said that +on one’s journey in life toward the peyote “if you’re the right kind of +fellow you can pass the fire and everything opens up” like the Red Sea. +Some say the two ash piles are the lungs of Jesus; others that one is the +grave of John Wilson and the other the grave of Jesus Christ. Some Osage +say the whole interior of the altar represents a grave. + +_Smoking._ Most of the variations in this ceremony are rather minor. +In some groups like the Kiowa only the leader or an older man prays; +in others like the Oto all pray aloud at the same time with individual +prayers. The Kickapoo ask permission of the leader to make a smoke +prayer. The Caddo stop the singing while a prayer is going on, but this +is not universal elsewhere. The rule not to pass a smoker or a person +chewing peyote appears everywhere, save in the Wilson rite; in this only +the leader smoked, and “show-offs” who made requests for tobacco were +frowned upon. This descriptive fact is minuscule in importance, save in +pointing out the authority of the leader and personality traits of Wilson +himself. The original ceremony, as indicated by the Lipan, was a communal +smoke at the beginning. The Osage are said to smoke cigars in their +peyote meetings, but the usual insistence is on native materials, the +corn shuck or, occasionally, the oak leaf cigarette.[98] + +In view of the nearly universal ritual use of tobacco in the Americas, +the negative cases which occur are interesting. This is traceable to the +influence of White Protestantism of the “Russellite” sect in Kansas upon +the founder of the Church of the First-born, Jonathan Koshiway. Persuaded +by the Kiowa, however, Koshiway and the Oto later abandoned this +prohibition, but meanwhile it had spread to other groups. The Iowa[99] +“threw away” smoking along with liquor, and did not smoke in peyote +meetings. The conjectured Oto origin of Winnebago peyotism is seemingly +confirmed by their rejection of smoking in the Jesse Clay meetings:[100] + + My elder brother [says Crashing Thunder upon conversion to + peyote] hereafter I shall only regard Earthmaker as holy. I + will make no more offerings of tobacco. I will not use any more + tobacco. I will not smoke, nor will I chew tobacco. I have no + further interest in these things. + +The non-use of tobacco in peyote meetings appears to be Pawnee[101] as +well. Nowadays, as though in compensation for his earlier defection from +the pure native rite, Koshiway uses extraordinarily long six-inch corn +shucks. + +_Sage._ Sagebrush is used in several ways in peyote meetings: around the +periphery of the tipi as a seat, in a cross or rosette under the father +peyote on the altar, and in the perfuming ceremony before eating peyote, +when it is rubbed between the palms, smelled and rubbed over the head +and arms, body and legs.[102] Sometimes a bunch of sage tied together is +passed around with the singing-staff also.[103] Dr. Parsons says that at +Taos[104] the perfuming is done “to keep the smell of it [on us] so we +won’t feel weak or dizzy”; and as a similar protective function of sage +is reported by Opler for the Lipan and the “Sun Dance weed” by Mrs. Cooke +for the Ute, it is evidently widespread. The Ute sometimes place a willow +rope around the tipi, about four feet in from its circumference. + +_Passing of Objects._ The standard clockwise circuit of tobacco, +sage, peyote, paraphernalia, water, food and persons has already been +described. This trivial ritual has nevertheless been made the vehicle of +expression of the leader’s authority to change it. Sometimes the circuit +begins at the door (Lipan), sometimes at the leader or cedar chief +(Iowa), and elsewhere smokes may begin at the leader but food and water +at the southeast.[105] In the morning after the untying of the drum the +ritual paraphernalia and the father peyote are commonly passed around for +participants to handle (Kickapoo, Kiowa, Ponca, etc.) The Ponca make a +point of passing the water between the fire and the paraphernalia at the +altar-cloth in the midnight ceremony. + +The obsessive, involutional quality of ritualism is nowhere better +illustrated than in the minutiae of these rules for passing. We +have particularized for the Kiowa the standard modes of passing +paraphernalia,[106] but even experienced “peyote boys” are in need of +instruction concerning the “way” of an unfamiliar leader when they visit +other tribes. The Northern Cheyenne, for example, may not pass the drum +in his clockwise circuit to leave the tipi, save in grave emergencies +when permission is asked of the leader through the fireman. One may +not pass a person praying or smoking or eating peyote, and must again +consult the leader to see if the way out is clear; there is still another +obstacle in the fireman, for no one may exit between him and his seat +while he is fixing the fire (the smoker may temporarily put his smoke on +the ground before him, or the fireman temporarily take his seat in these +cases). + +The Clay rite of the Winnebago has a unique method of passing objects: +clockwise along the north from the leader to the fireman at the east, +then counter-clockwise back to the leader and around along the south +to the door, and again clockwise to the leader. The Caddo meticulously +observe another rule in entering and leaving the tipi, as though the +interior were divided into north and south sides: those on the south +enter clockwise and exit counter-clockwise, while those on the north +enter counter-clockwise and exit clockwise. + +These sometimes complicated “rules” are not the least part of “learning +about peyote,” and the ordering of them by the leader reflects similarly +complex psychological transactions among individuals. For instance, the +simple matter of leaving the tipi at recesses is involved in schism among +the Caddo. Translating the terms, they cite the full-blood Caddo, Enoch +Hoag’s, as the “systematic way,” or “pure tribal way,” to which they +are currently returning (because the leader must be consulted before +leaving); the half-Caddo, John Wilson’s, is “any kind of way” (because +he is said to have abrogated some of these rules). The Seminole, Stamp, +attempted a compromise, allowing persons to exit without permission if +they observed the rules about not passing in front of a smoker or eater +of peyote; “I’m right in the middle,” he said. But Elijah Reynolds says, +“The older men were skeptical. He just made it up to gain influence among +others. It’s a kind of racial feeling there.” + +_Praying._ Minor variations occur in this procedure too. The Cheyenne +are said to pray at great length—“an hour or more sometimes,” a Comanche +told me. The Oto use cedar incense instead of tobacco when they pray. +The Ponca pray in unison and audibly before the meeting, seated. The +Winnebago stand up together to pray, and the leader stands up to pray +with a confessant west of the altar. The Shawnee pray on getting the dirt +for the “moon,” getting the sage, making the moon, putting a cross on it, +cutting the corn shucks, when the food is brought in, etc. The door-man +in Pawnee meetings makes a special prayer of dismissal. Often, as with +the Kiowa and Oto, the “tribal priest” or curator of the tribal palladium +is asked to make an official prayer at some time in the meeting. At Taos +the chief prays before the line of worshippers enters inside, and all +pray inside. Murie says all the Pawnee pray after the closing song, when +the sun’s first rays strike the altar through the opened door.[107] + +Mrs. Voegelin gives a typical Shawnee prayer: + + My prayer is that of a pitiful man. And also these people here, + visitors, I wish my creator to answer my prayer to take pity + on those visitors. They came to my daughter’s meeting for some + good reason to learn something about my daughter’s meeting. So + each of us give blessing, and bless the water that was brought + in this morning. So let our friendship purify it, that we might + drink this water, to give us long life, and a better life; and + I ask our father to bless all my children, and my wife, and all + of us who are in this meeting tonight. I am glad my friends + came here to help me with my prayer tonight, my daughter’s + birthday meeting, and we thank thee for this food she brought + in, that our friends who are going to eat this food, that they + might feel better from now on in everyday life. We ask in the + name of Jesus, Amen. (He then cried ceremonially at the finish + of the prayer; a few tears ran down his cheeks.) + +Praying in peyote meetings appears to have much of the psychological +flavor of the old vision quest. The speaker’s voice becomes louder +as he proceeds, earnest and quavering as he sways with the fullness +of his emotion and stretches out his hands toward the peyote and the +fire. Sometimes his speech is wholly interrupted by uninhibited broken +sobbing as he cries out for the pity of the supernaturals. John Rave, +the Winnebago teacher, said that “only if you weep and repent will you +be able to attain knowledge.” Several of the Delaware face-paintings +collected by Dr. Speck represent “crying for repentance.” + +_Incense._ Cedar incense is invariably placed on the fire at the +beginning of the ceremony to purify the paraphernalia and to “bless” +the participants before they eat peyote. A patient or one sick from +eating peyote is incensed and fanned with an eagle wing, and incense is +burnt for the fireman at midnight when he returns with the water, for +the leader on returning from the whistling ceremony outside, and for +the water woman in the morning. Others extend the incensing and fanning +to every person who re-enters the tipi after a recess, and the Wilson +rite[108] has special officials to perform this duty. Many leaders about +midnight provide for the cedar smoking of personally-owned feathers, +drum sticks, gourds, etc., and permit individuals to use their own after +midnight until morning in place of the equipment provided by the leader. + +_Method of Eating._ Peyote is most commonly eaten in the raw dried state +as “buttons,” but when obtainable, in the green form also, which is said +to be more potent in action. Sometimes both are provided in the same +ceremony, as well as peyote “tea,” a dark-brown infusion made of soaked +and boiled buttons. For the old and sick the buttons may be soaked and +softened in water, or pounded dry in mortars and molded into small moist +balls; the latter form is reported for the Arapaho, Caddo, Delaware, +Lipan, Osage and Winnebago. In chewing the dry buttons the Kiowa, +Mescalero and others take care to pick off the fuzz on the top lest it +cause sore eyes and blindness.[109] + +_Singing._ The leader always sings the four sets of Esikwita or Mescalero +Apache songs as his assistant drums: Hayätinayo (Opening Song), Yáhiyano +(Midnight Song), Wakahó (Daylight Song) and Gayatina (Closing Song). All +the other songs, sung by the participants during the rounds of the drum, +are entirely optional. But the standard set songs are not everywhere +used: those of the Ponca are said to be Comanche. The ritual songs of the +Pawnee are in the Pawnee language, and those of the John Rave rite are +in Winnebago (though the followers of Jesse Clay still use the Apache +songs.) The circumstances of the origin of some famous songs by Quanah +Parker, John Wilson (e.g., Heyowiniho) and Enoch Hoag (e.g., Yanahiano) +are widely known.[110] + +Many show Christian influence. The Iowa, for example, sing the following +songs with Indian vocables, but in a high-pitched style which makes the +English words nearly unrecognizable: + + i. Jesus’ way is the only way. + ii. Saviour Jesus is the only Saviour. + iii. Oh, Lord, Lord, Lord! It is not everyone who says that who + shall be saved. + iv. I know Jesus now. + v. You must be born again. + +The closing song of the Winnebago varies; Yellowbank gave this one: + + This is the road that Jesus showed us to walk in. + +The followers of Rave close with the Lord’s prayer and a song about wings: + + There are many wings [repeated five times] + It is God’s will that there should be many wings. + +The first of these is said to have come from the Arapaho, the second from +Isaiah 6.2, although a New Testament explanation is offered.[111] The +last song of the Pawnee meeting refers to Christ.[112] + +Other Winnebago songs (with repetitions omitted) are as follows: + + God, I thank you for all you have done for me through Jesus’ name. + +(This is an opening song, according to Yellowbank. Another opening song:) + + God’s Son says, “Get up and follow Me.” Jesus said, “You shall + enter into the kingdom of God.” + +The following are two morning songs: + + Jesus said, “Whoever asks Me for water, I will give him the water of + life. + If I give him water he will never thirst again.” + + The sun is coming up now. God made that light for us. + We are living now. God made us. To God is the glory. + +Other peyote songs are not sung at ritually-set times: + + Jesus, how do we know, Jesus, how do we know [him]? + We think about Jesus wherever we are. + + How did I know, How did I know Jesus? + + When I die I will be at the door of heaven and Jesus will take me in. + + God said in the beginning, “Let there be light,” + He meant it for you. + + Son of God, have pity on us [repeat] + Son of God, when you come again, + Where your people (the angels) are, let us be. + + This is God’s way [repeat] + + Whosoever believeth in Him will have everlasting life. + This is God’s way. + + We are living humbly on this earth [five times] + Our Heavenly Father, we want everlasting life through Jesus Christ. + We are living humbly on this earth. + + He is the only way, Christ is the Way of Life, + He is the only way.[113] + +Radin[114] adds the following Winnebago songs: + + Ask God for life and he will give it to us. + + God created us, so pray to him. + + To the home of Jesus we are going, pray to him. + + Come ye to the road of the son of God; come ye to the road. + +_Midnight Ceremonies._ The whistling outside the tipi at the four +quarters is variously rationalized. The Kickapoo say the leader’s circuit +follows that of the singing inside, the Shawnee that he whistles at the +cardinal points “on account of the four different winds.” The Northern +Cheyenne, according to Hoebel, say they are following the instructions +of their culture-hero Sweet Medicine in this, while the Comanche say the +whistling is to “notify all things in all directions that we are having +a meeting here in the center of the cross, and calling the great power +to be with us while we drink so that it could hear our prayers.” The +Winnebago “flute” blown at this time is to “announce the birth of Christ +to all the world”; it also represents the trumpet of the Day of Judgment, +and the leader’s otter skin hat symbolizes Christ’s crown of glory. Other +Winnebago[115] say the whistling symbolizes the song of praise of the +birds in heaven whom God created. The Arapaho say the whistling is an +eagle’s cry when it is searching for water, and imitates its coming from +a great distance until it dips its beak into the water.[116] + +The midnight songs of the Pawnee are said to be for the protection of +the man who fetches the water. Old-time Comanche used a paunch for the +water, but a bucket is everywhere now used; Comanche and Iowa drinking +begin at the cedar chief, rather than south of the door as is usual. +The Ponca leader dips a feather in the water and sprinkles patients and +those nearby with it; and Shawnee sacrifice a cupful to the earth before +drinking. The Kickapoo and others drink directly from the bucket when the +fireman brings the midnight water, but use a cup when the woman brings +the morning water, in graceful symbolism. Some say the woman represents +“Peyote Woman”; others, like the Wichita, identify her with older native +powers.[117] + +The Lipan have no midnight water ceremony. The Hoag (Caddo) rite has +no water ceremonies until the drum has made four rounds of the tipi, +but water is brought in for visitors who might call for it or provided +outside to be drunk at recesses.[118] In Moonhead’s meeting the fireman +gets a feather from the leader on leaving and touches the peyote on his +return as he is fanned and incensed with cedar. + +_Recess._ After the midnight water ceremony anyone can leave on +permission of the leader when he has returned from the whistling ritual +outside and been incensed with cedar smoke. People usually leave in +twos and threes, as the meeting continues, but they return promptly +since others may wish to go out. The Pawnee are apparently unique in +their midnight recess: after the water ceremony all leave for a ten to +twenty-five minute period, the paraphernalia meanwhile resting on the +altar cloth. + +_Doctoring._ Doctoring in peyote meetings (save those of the Kickapoo, +Caddo and possibly the Osage)[119] is of prime importance, and in a +majority of cases is the expressed purpose of calling a meeting. The +supposed therapeutic virtues of peyote, or in the less technological +view, its “power,” have been important in the history of the cult. Quanah +Parker, the great Comanche proselytizer of peyote, at first opposed to +it, was cured of a stomach ailment in 1884 and became one of the most +enthusiastic proponents of the herb. Peyote doctoring has been the +occasion many times of the spread of peyotism from tribe to tribe (e.g., +the Kiowa bringing it to the Creek). Kiowa doctoring was also probably +influential in modifying the Church of the First-born on Koshiway’s visit +in their country, and in bringing it into the fold of the Native American +Church. + +The motives for the spread of peyotism in the Plains could perhaps be +equally divided between doctoring and power-seeking, but the dichotomy +is somewhat artificial in terms of native ideologies: indeed, the chief +“power” one gets in meetings is for doctoring.[120] Winnebago attitudes +recorded by Radin[121] find parallels elsewhere: + + The first and foremost virtue predicated by Rave for the peyote + was its curative power. He gives a number of instances in which + hopeless venereal diseases and consumption were cured by its + use; and this to the present day is the first thing one hears + about it. In the early days of the peyote cult it appears that + Rave relied principally for new converts upon the knowledge + of this great curative virtue of the peyote.... Along this + line lay unquestionably its appeal for the first converts. Its + spread was due to a large number of interacting factors. One + informant claims that there was little religion connected with + it at first, and that people drank the peyote on account of its + peculiar effects. + +Densmore[122] says that prayer during Winnebago peyote doctoring “are +petitions to God for the recovery of the sick person, not affirmations of +his recovery.” + +Opler quotes a Lipan informant on doctoring:[123] + + In the early days they just had a good time for one night. + It was not used as a curing ceremony then.... At first they + wanted to have good visions, that’s what they were after. But + then, recently, they began to use it as a medicine for sick + people.... If a sick person comes in the tipi, they see what + is the matter with him. Perhaps a witch has shot something + into him, a bone or something like that. It is seen. Then the + sick one rolls a cigarette and gives it to someone there who + he thinks can cure him. Perhaps some man says, “I think I can + take that out with the help of peyote and these other men.” + So he does his ceremonial work in there and extracts what is + bothering the patient.... He sucks it out usually with his own + lips, not with a tube. It is nasty work right there. It might + be dirty and full of pus. But the medicine man doesn’t think of + it in that way. To them it is just as if they were sucking nice + juice out of something. Yet it will look terrible to others.... + All the bad things have to go into the fire and burn down to + ashes.... Sometimes they suck out things like insects which + have been shot into people and these things pop. Sometimes when + they throw the evil object in the fire it blazes up blue but + does not pop. + +Northern Cheyenne and Shawnee patients sit in special places in the +peyote tipi, as in the sweat lodge, suggesting that older patterns of +doctoring are involved; as we have seen, the sweat lodge is an integral +part of the Osage peyote round-house plan. That associations of curing +by peyote and curing in the sweat lodge lie close to the surface finds +affirmation in an interesting Arapaho case:[124] + + One of the recent modifications of the peyote ceremonial + was devised by a firm devotee, to cure a sick person. The + originator of this new form of the worship believes himself + to have been cured by the drug. In this ceremonial, which was + repeated four times, the tent seems to have represented a sweat + house, and a path led from the entrance to a fire outside, as + before a sweat lodge. The ritual, while remaining a peyote + ceremony, conformed more or less to the ordinary processes of + doctoring a sick person. + +One could easily over-emphasize the novelty of such a procedure, +considering the widespread use of peyote in doctoring, yet even the +Caddo, who do not doctor with peyote, often have four meetings to pray +for the recovery of the sick person; certainly cures by peyote do not +rest entirely on the “technological” procedure of the patient’s eating +and drinking peyote, but others present “help” by eating in the name +of the sufferer and praying. This is not at all unlike the presence +of relatives and others in the sweat bath praying for the patient’s +recovery; the various uses of sage, the fire pits in some altars, and the +ritual necessity for a fire even on the hottest summer nights further +suggest sweat bath parallels.[125] + +Peyote is a panacea in doctoring. A Cheyenne woman was cured of a cancer +of the liver which had been pronounced hopeless at a White hospital. Such +invidious distinctions between White and peyote doctoring are common; for +the former represents merely human skill, and is not the unmodified herb +the direct creation of God? Belo Kozad, himself a well-known Kiowa peyote +doctor, spoke as follows: + + When my sick wife was in there I chewed peyote for her. Her + skin got like wood bark—the hair come out. The doctors couldn’t + make it. We give it up, can’t do anything. [It was] diabetes, + and we shoot him every time she eats. That spoils the people; + they lose the mind and the skin gets bad. That morphine for + Howard [Sankadote, who was ill the night of the meeting and + could not be present] make him talk funny. It just ruin the + people in the mind. _Come_ to peyote! God knows more than any + people! + +Perhaps Belo had every “pragmatic” right to talk thus: had he not himself +cured a boy’s hemorrhage by eating one hundred green peyotes for him? +Peyote indeed is a famous cure for tuberculosis and respiratory diseases. + +John Bearskin (Winnebago) knew of two cures by “Sister Etta” in meetings: +one a woman with goitre, the other a boy who had previously been +dumb.[126] Pneumonia also readily yields to peyote, producing beneficial +perspiration when thirty buttons are drunk over a period of hours in two +quarts of water. The writer has seen doctoring with peyote for a crushed +thigh, tuberculosis, and malnutrition (?) in a two-year-old child; this +last cried fretfully in the early part of the meeting, but was fed “tea” +until it was blue and quiet in strychnine tetanus by morning. The wife of +our Quapaw host had also been “operated on in church.” + +A Sioux doctor, who had gotten his power from a vision in which peyote +turned into a man, doctored at Taos; but an acquaintance of Dr. Parsons +imputed his trachoma to witchcraft on the part of “foreigners” who came +to large meetings. He found that peyote water prevented the inflammation +of his eyes. Another boy’s leg was “all gone, rotten,” and the boy +himself emaciated. Peyote men prayed over him for a month, whereupon he +became well and fat, though his leg remained drawn up because he had +taken too much White man’s medicine. The wife of a peyote man, herself +cured of neck sores by the plant, asserted that witch sickness is lacking +nowadays in Taos because of the power of peyote in exorcizing witchcraft; +a peyote chief, however, holding a button in his hand, had had to remove +a porcupine quill which some witch had shot into her nose. At Taos even +anti-peyotists consider it good for cures, and Dr. Parsons, no doubt with +some reason, makes the query: “Will peyote find its character of witch +prophylaxis an introduction to the southern pueblos?”[127] + +Peyote is equally successful in treating mental cases. An Oto informant +told of four successive meetings held for a man who had “gone crazy” +when his wife left him. Formerly under observation at Norman, he was +afraid people were coming for him during the meeting; he could hardly +talk, wanted to run out and people had to wrestle with him. Old Man White +Horn gave him a peyote and told him it would protect him; finally, in +the third successive meeting the man “came to” and asked what had been +happening. Another Oto patient chopped wood incessantly, rolled and +unrolled strings, etc., and used to have “meetings” by himself, drumming, +singing and eating peyote all alone. An Oto told me of a Taos boy who +had “gone crazy”; some said it was peyote that was doing this. But a +doctor from west of Albuquerque came and pulled a snake and a dead water +dog out of him; these had been his medicines, taught him by his father, +and it was decided that he had clearly broken some taboo surrounding his +father’s medicine. + +“_Preaching._” An interesting feature of peyotism, probably deriving +from earlier patterns, is the moral lecture in the morning. In one Caddo +“moon” the leader “talks to the boys, teaches them, just like a preacher, +telling them to do the right thing through life, and the consequences +if they didn’t do the right things.” White Wolf (Comanche) says Quanah +Parker lectured younger people in the morning; so too did Kickapoo, +Carrizo, Shawnee and Wichita leaders. + +After passing peyote, the Delaware leader “addresses the peyote and the +fire, prays, and often delivers a regular sermon or moral lecture.” In +the Iowa meeting:[128] + + The peyote chief ... leads in the preaching and Bible + reading.... The leader (or, as the writer understands it) + perhaps some visiting preacher of the faith, gets up and + delivers a sermon, while the cedar chief casts some more + incense on the fire. [He commonly exhorts them to confession.] + The leader then calls on other preachers to talk, and then + asks the fire chief [to pass the peyote again].... Meanwhile + he continues to read the Bible and exhort all sinners to + repent. He points out that all the old ways have been given + up, and with them their “idols,” such as the great drum of the + religious dance. + +John Wilson ordinarily began his meetings with a talk by himself; the +Oto are commonly addressed in meetings by their “tribal priest.” The +estrangement of the lively J. S. (Kiowa) and his young wife was composed +through moral homilies delivered by older relatives in a peyote meeting—a +typical occurrence. + +At the end of the Pawnee meeting[129] + + the members ... sit in their places and talk over their + experiences.... The leader closes the meeting at noon with a + lecture, or sermon, on ethical matters, speaking especially + against the use of alcohol. + +Possibly Osage “testimony” may have some relation to this.[130] The +Winnebago[131] + + ceremony is opened by a prayer by the founder and leader, this + being followed by an introductory speech.... During the early + hours ... speeches by people in the audience [are made], and + the reading and explanation of part of the Bible. + +The midnight sermon, after the midnight water, also occurs:[132] + + Then the leader asks anyone he desires to make a speech. This + may emphasize any point in regard to peyote. + +The moral harangue is no doubt derived from earlier Plains patterns, +though it is a Southwestern feature as well, among the Rio Grande Pueblos +and elsewhere.[133] + +_Prophecy._ The gift of prophecy has often been claimed by individuals in +native America. The first well-known such was Popé of the Pueblo Revolt +in 1680, but his successors were many: Wabokieshiek, or “White Cloud,” +the Winnebago-Sauk prophet of the Black Hawk War; the Delaware prophet +of Pontiac’s Conspiracy (1762); Tenskwatawa, twin brother of Tecumseh, +and the well-known “Shawnee Prophet” (1805); Kanakuk, the Kickapoo[134] +reformer (1827); Smohalla, the Sokulk dreamer of the Columbia +(1870-1885); Tavibo, the Paiute; Nakaidoklini, the Apache (1881); Wovoka, +or Jack Wilson, the Paiute prophet of the Ghost Dance of 1889 and later; +Skaniadariio, or “Handsome Lake,” the Seneca teacher, etc.[135] + +Save for the revelations of the Caddo-Delaware John Wilson, and the +teachings of John Rave and Jonathan Koshiway, this tradition has become +much attenuated as regards peyotism. Large-scale prophecies can no longer +be made to skeptical and disillusioned audiences, but prophecy in minor +matters still occurs via peyote (e.g., the Delaware case in which a +serious industrial accident might have been avoided if he had only been +able to interpret correctly a warning peyote gave him). Old-time Comanche +could hear the enemy while still away off when they ate peyote, and in +making raids could discover the whereabouts of horses, etc. White Wolf, +again, visioned Charley Seminole’s face all bloody at a peyote meeting, +but was unable to interpret the prophecy; somewhat later, sure enough, +the Seminole accidentally shot himself under the eye. + +In the origin story of peyote, when the Kiowa or Comanche were on the +war-path, the Apache leader knew of their leader’s approach to the tipi +where they were having a meeting, and told his fireman to invite him in, +whence the visitor brought peyote back to his tribe; this story is known +all over the southern Plains. Around 1870 the only Kiowa who ate peyote +was Pabo, or Big Horse. When he wished to find the whereabouts of an +absent party he would go into a tipi and say “gʸäʰgūṇboṇta” (I am going +to look for medicine), and would drum and rattle and eat peyote, and tell +the results of his inquiry afterward. Pabo’s power was from the eagle, +but Kiowa owl-doctors had clairvoyant powers in pre-peyote times. Another +Kiowa user miraculously predicted the coming of telegraph lines and the +railroad to Anadarko, having previously never seen either, and a Wichita +predicted the World War. + +_“Baptism” and Other Morning Ceremonies._ The “curing” ceremonies of +Mexico and the Southwest still find a reflex in the Plains “baptism” in +the morning ceremonies. The leader in the tipi whistles for the water +as in the midnight ceremony, and a smoke is made for the bearer, the +only difference being that this time it is a woman, often symbolically +costumed,[136] who some say represents Peyote Woman of the legend. Many +groups, however, have a ritual “baptism” in this morning ceremony, which +is lacking at midnight.[137] The Arapaho,[138] for example, untie the +drum and pass it around the circles; each man wrings out the wet drum +head, makes a loop of the lacing-rope and throws it lasso-fashion over +his foot to symbolize the roping of horses, presses the seven marbles of +the drum to various parts of his body, and drinks a little of the drum +water. The worshippers then wash the paint from their faces, and comb +their hair, a towel, a mirror, a comb and water making the round of the +tipi; then finally the drinking water is passed around. + +The Delaware file out behind the fireman to greet the rising sun with +prayer, and, standing in the same relative positions they occupied in +the tipi, wash their faces with the water which the fireman pours on +their hands; those who fall down at this time are said to be visiting +heaven. The rest re-enter for the ritual breakfast. The Caddo similarly +file out to wash and comb their hair, and preserve the same order even +at the secular meal at noon. The Iowa wash with soap and water as they +sit in the tipi; “the peyote chief himself carries the water to show his +humility, because of Biblical references to the washing of feet.” The +Shawnee are marshalled outside in two lines at sun-up to wash their faces +and “do arm exercises.” The Kickapoo, Wichita, Oto, Northern Cheyenne and +others pass the drum and sometimes all the ritual paraphernalia around to +be handled; some lick the drum stick dipped in the water and touch it to +various parts of their bodies. The Ponca leader, using a feather, shakes +water on participants both at midnight and in the morning, and as in some +other groups, waters the drum also.[139] + +The ritual “quitting songs” are sung by the Pawnee just at dawn, as the +first rays of the sun strike the altar through the opened door; the last +song is sung five times, and each member then prays in turn to God. The +“baptism” ceremony of the Winnebago John Rave cultists (derived from +the Oto) is more Christian in tone than that of the Jesse Clay rite (of +Arapaho origin). Rave dipped his fingers in a peyote infusion, and passed +them over the forehead of a new member saying, “God, His holiness,” (or, +as some say, “God, the Son, and the Holy Ghost”).[140] A little water is +also poured on the ground as a sacrifice. The well-nigh universal mode +of disposing of the remaining water in the drum is to pour it along the +earthen “moon.” + +_Peyote Breakfast._ The foods in the ritual breakfast in the tipi are +so standardized as scarcely to allow comparative treatment. They are +merely minor variations on the theme: water, parched corn in sweetened +water, fruit and dried sweetened meat.[141] From the Lipan (roasted +corn, yucca fruit, wild fruit and meat, according to Opler) to the Ute +(canned corn, canned peaches and corned beef, as reported by Mrs. Cooke) +the uniformity is striking. These foods are eaten from a common set +of four vessels,[142] which are passed around with a single spoon in +each. Sometimes ground hominy or parched corn mush is substituted, and +Hoebel reports the Northern Cheyenne use of Cracker Jack for the parched +corn. Beef is the usual meat, in boneless chunks or dried, pounded and +sweetened, but pork (tabooed for the Comanche) is reported for the Ponca +and Northern Cheyenne.[143] Wild fruits are somewhat preferred to canned +varieties, but are not always obtainable. Although the original meanings +and connections with agricultural, gathering and hunting ceremonies +have long since been lost sight of, the feeling for the proper foods in +a peyote breakfast is still quite strong in the Plains, a remarkable +instance of culture continuity. + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[1] For convenience of reference I have followed with all possible care +the sequence of the development and appearance of elements laid down in +the Kiowa-Comanche type-rite (above), of which the following paragraphs +are largely comparative discussions. + +[2] Mooney, _Miscellaneous Notes_, 40. + +[3] Opler, _Lipan Apache Field Notes_. + +[4] Erminie Voegelin, _Shawnee Field Notes_. + +[5] Ritual gathering of plants is not unknown elsewhere; see Mooney, _The +Sacred Formulas_. + +[6] See G. A. Dorsey in _Handbook of the American Indians_, 2:650a (Sun +Dance), as well as Spier’s _The Sun Dance of the Plains Indians_. + +[7] Hoebel says the Comanche formerly did not have all night meetings +because of the danger of attack while under the influence of the drug. + +[8] Opler’s data suggest that even the vision-seeking motive is recent +among the Lipan. + +[9] The Lipan prayed for protection from their enemies as well as for +health and long life. + +[10] Petrullo, 48. The mourning council meeting was not unfamiliar in +pre-peyote times. One such council was held for Tarhe, chief priest +of the Wyandot, at Upper Sandusky, in the old days, attended by all +the tribes of Ohio, the Indiana Delaware and the Seneca of New York +(_Handbook of the American Indians_, 2:294). + +[11] Four older men pray and the child is passed clockwise around the +tipi as every one present calls out its name. + +[12] Meetings are held _for_ the corpse, which is present “facing east” +(head west) in the meeting; at the funeral next day he faces west. The +writer omitted to attend an Osage meeting at Hominy because it was a +funeral meeting. + +[13] Cf. the uses of datura. + +[14] La Flesche, _Peyote as Used in Religious Worship_, 21. + +[15] A favorite Indian holiday in Oklahoma is Memorial Day, when graves +are lavishly decorated. + +[16] Densmore, _The Peyote Cult_. + +[17] Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 12 ff. + +[18] Only two cases are known of women who fully participated in +meetings: Dog-woman (deceased), wife of John Red-turtle (Cheyenne) sang +and beat the drum; a woman at Taos, Apekaum says, sings in meetings like +men. + +[19] Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 398-99; Opler, _The Influence of Aboriginal +Pattern_; Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_; the rest field investigation. + +[20] Skinner, _Societies of the Iowa_, 725. + +[21] One William Richard Nebuchadnezzar West ate peyote with the Kiowa +for years. Petrullo mentions one Pat Noonigan who ate with the Delaware, +and the Shawnee had a white participant for some twenty years. Early +white familiarity with peyote in Texas must be postulated to account for +its use by Texas Rangers in the Civil War (Lumholtz, 1:358). + +[22] A Negro brought by the Kiowa drummed and sang along with the rest in +a Shawnee meeting; the former existence of a Negro “peyote” church near +Tulsa argues for a considerable amount of such contact. + +[23] Again excepting the Caddo, who are over-suspicious for reasons +discussed later. + +[24] The most homogeneous meeting I attended was a special tribal Wichita +one which, nevertheless, was attended by three Kiowa, four Comanche, and +two Whites, beside fourteen Wichita. + +[25] Radin, _The Winnebago Tribe_, 415. + +[26] Murie, _Pawnee Indian Societies_, 638; Densmore, _The Peyote Cult_. + +[27] Radin, _A Sketch of the Peyote Cult_, 2; _The Winnebago Tribe_, 388. + +[28] Hoebel, _Northern Cheyenne Field Notes_. + +[29] Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 399; Smith (Mrs. Maurice G.), _A Negro +Peyote Cult_, 452, note 10; see also _Handbook of the American Indians_, +2:661. + +[30] Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 404-405; see also Petrullo, _The Diabolic +Root_, 101. Shawnee sometimes paint their temples; Oto use red bars +below side burns. Delaware examples from Speck: red hair-part, +red-blue-red-blue-red horizontal lines over the bridge of the nose and +cheeks (Wilson’s Big Moon meetings); red and blue lines below and at +corners of eyes (“crying for repentance”); green zigzags in yellow cheek +spots, two red and one blue line at corner of eyes; all red chin bounded +by a blue semilunar arc on the upper lip and up the cheeks (representing +the altar “moon”); and blue red-bordered dots on each cheek-bone and +forehead representing peyote-buttons (a woman’s design). + +[31] Radin, _Crashing Thunder_, 182. + +[32] Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 403, 405. + +[33] Opler, _Lipan Apache Field Notes_. + +[34] Skinner, _Ethnology of the Ioway Indians_, 261. + +[35] Densmore, _Winnebago Songs of the Peyote Ceremony_. + +[36] Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 119. + +[37] Speck, _Notes on the Ethnology of the Osage_, 163. + +[38] Radin, _Crashing Thunder_, 186-87. + +[39] Anhalonium means “without salt.” The salt-taboo is a common +Southwestern one, unconnected with peyotism there (e.g., Kroeber, +_The Seri_, 45) but associated in Plains peyotism with such borrowed +Southwestern traits as the water-drum. + +[40] Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 400. + +[41] _Idem_, 398. “The slight variations in pattern,” writes Opler of +the Mescalero, “... undoubtedly owe their existence to the fact that +there are a number of peyote shamans, each eager to assert his own +individuality and ‘way’ by some minor departure or ‘rule’.” + +[42] The peyote shaman in Mexico was certainly no figurehead, and +the peyote leaders of the Carrizo, Tonkawa, Lipan and Mescalero were +important in preventing rivalry. + +[43] The authority of the leader finds ritual reflection throughout the +John Wilson “moon”: e.g., only the leader might smoke and pray, and +others calling for smokes were frowned upon as presumptuous. Further, +John Wilson’s “moon” contains his “grave” alongside that of Jesus Christ, +and his initials W. (Wilson) or M. (Moonhead). The altar, indeed, +represented Moonhead’s face; he even prescribed face-painting styles +with his initials in them. A man equated with Jesus Christ is scarcely a +negligible person. Koshiway (Oto) performed marriages and baptisms and +conducted funerals in the Church of the First-born. The point is just as +well demonstrated by the negative cases of those who aspired to peyote +leadership and failed. Even the local Pawnee President of the Native +American Church, James Sun-eagle, does not lead meetings. + +[44] Delaware meetings appear to have had only road-man and fire-guard +(Harrington, _Religion and Ceremonies_, 188) but this may be an error +of omission. The Kiowa, Pawnee, Cheyenne, Iowa, and Taos all have the +“cedar-man” in addition. + +[45] Radin, _A Sketch of the Peyote Cult_, 3; _The Winnebago Tribe_, 388. +Densmore (_Winnebago Songs of the Peyote Ceremony_), lists only three +leaders but may not be counting the fireman. See Skinner, _Societies of +the Ioway_, 724; Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 62 ff. + +[46] Schultes, _Peyote and Plants Used_, 129-31. + +[47] Excessive prices for peyote have been reported elsewhere. Mooney +says (_Miscellaneous Notes_, 30) an Oklahoma White dealer once charged 25 +cents a button, though they cost him only $5.00 a thousand. Hoebel says a +Comanche once traded a fine horse for five hundred buttons. See Bennett +and Zingg, _The Tarahumara_, 291-92; Lumholtz, _Tarahumari Dances_, +453-55. + +[48] Diguet, _Le Peyote et son usage_, 28. + +[49] Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 60; Bennett and Zingg, _The Tarahumara_, +293, xiv; Mooney, _Miscellaneous Notes_, 60 ff. + +[50] Big Moon leaders apparently required fees; Speck (Peyote MSS.) +says the Seneca were too poor to pay more than the leader’s carfare +when the cult was brought to them. Wilson himself met his death when +some horses given him by the Quapaw and tied to the back of his wagon +pulled backward at a crossing as a locomotive approached, and some of his +enemies assert that this was in punishment for his avariciousness and +economic exploitation of peyotism. He even charged money for sweatbaths +he prepared in connection with meetings. + +[51] Cf. Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 410. A Shawnee gave the meeting-tipi to +two old men the next morning, and the writer has exchanged gifts with +several tribes, notably the Oto and the Kiowa. + +[52] Koshiway said he ate 100 once: “I was like a Ford, all broken down, +connecting rods loose. The next day I was overhauled and hitting on all +four, and went to work.” Belo Kozad, well-known Kiowa leader, said he +ate 100 green peyote once but had a “hard time keeping it down.” Big Bow +(Kiowa) claims to have eaten 75 at the time of his prophetic vision of +the World War. One Oto sometimes eats 40 to 50 at which a man comes and +instructs him. Alfred Wilson (Cheyenne) for eight years President of the +Oklahoma N.A.C. said he ate 84 green ones once. Densmore (_Winnebago +Songs of the Peyote Ceremony_) says Winnebago ate 40 to 100, and many of +them ate 60; elsewhere (_The Peyote Cult_) she states a Winnebago usually +ate 15, but some ate up to 40. Lipan (Opler, _Lipan Apache Field Notes_) +ate 12 to 50. A Tonkawa leader (Opler, _Chiricahua Apache_) ate 40. Users +at Taos (Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 66) ate as many as 60, but usually about +20 or 30. Mescalero (Opler, _The Influence of Aboriginal Pattern_) ate +from 4 to 40, with 12 as a “generous amount.” Iowa (Skinner, _Societies +of the Iowa_, 724-25) considered 16 a good amount, women being restricted +to 2. Huichol (Lumholtz, _The Huichol Indians_, 9) rarely ate more than 4 +or 5 daily, but at times consumed up to 20. An Arapaho stated under oath +(_Peyote as Used in Religious Worship_, 49) he had eaten 12-30 peyote +at different times, agreeing with Kroeber’s average of 12, with amounts +of more than 30 eaten sometimes. A White observer in a Comanche meeting +said he had seen them eat 30 or 40 apiece (Simmons, _The Peyote Road_). +An Osage, on the other hand, stated before an official group that 5 was +the upper limit for women and 7 for men (_Peyote as Used in Religious +Worship_, 31), a statement open to doubt. + +[53] Opler, _Lipan Apache Field Notes_. + +[54] Opler, _The Influence of Aboriginal Pattern_; _Chiracahua Apache_; +Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 3; Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 402, 405; Skinner, +_Ethnology of the Ioway_, 249 (but the Christian symbolism here is +Plains); Harrington, _Religion and Ceremonies_, 187-88; Petrullo, _The +Diabolic Root_, 53. + +[55] The cane was the symbol of the Aztec merchant, and his friends did +this utlatl or otate great reverence at a feast on the return from his +travels; it symbolized Yiacatecutli, the god of merchants. Slaves were +also sacrificed at a temple rite involving the canes (Sahagún, _A History +of Ancient Mexico_, 1:41-42). Among the Huichol the staff of the judges +in the native courts are accorded “a superstitious reverence” as symbols +of authority (Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 2:250). And although Governor +Valdes had visited most of the pueblos to appoint native governors and +captains by the year 1642, in Tarahumari the native term for leaders +is igúsuame, “stick-bearers” or selfgame, “lance-bearers” (Bennett and +Zingg, _The Tarahumara_, 375-76). + +[56] Skinner, _Societies of the Iowa_, 718; Harrington, _Religion and +Ceremonies_, 187-88; Opler, _Lipan Apache Field Notes_. + +[57] Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 65; Skinner, _Societies of the Iowa_, 725; +Radin, _A Sketch of the Peyote Cult_, 4, 21; Densmore, _The Peyote Cult_ +(but there is no biblical authority for this in Exodus 7. 19, 20. or +concerning Aaron’s rod in Exodus 8 or 10.13). + +[58] Skinner, _Societies of the Iowa_, 724; Cooke, _Ute Field Notes_. + +[59] Winnebago gourds often have on them pictures of Christ, the cross +and “crown” of thorns, the shepherd’s crook and other Christian symbols +(White Buffalo, in Blair, _The Indian Tribes_, 282; see also Harrington, +_Religion and Ceremonies_, 188; _Handbook of the American Indians_, +2:355b; Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 400, 405; Radin, _Crashing Thunder_, 20). + +[60] The best gourds are relatively small, not more than 3″ in diameter, +somewhat flattened on the top rather than spherical, and elongated toward +the handle. A hole is made through the gourd opposite the neck, cut off +an inch or so from the round part; a stick is thrust through these, the +neck hole being reinforced and made smaller by whittling down half a +spool and glueing it in. There is no peg transversely through the portion +emerging through the top, but both this and the handle part are usually +covered with tightly-sewn buckskin to which bead-work is attached; some +handles are carved or left plain. A tuft of red-dyed horse-hair is often +put on the top and a buckskin fringe at the bottom; shot or pebbles make +the sound. + +[61] Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 400; Skinner, _Ethnology of the Ioway_, 249; +_Societies of the Iowa_, 724; Hoebel, Voegelin, Opler, and Cooke, _Field +Notes_; Mooney (_Miscellaneous Notes_) says Comanche drums had eight +marbles sometimes, as had also the Shawnee, according to Mrs. Voegelin. + +[62] The Kickapoo once tried a four-legged brass kettle instead of the +regulation three-legged iron one, but soon discarded it, having decided +that the tone was not right (this probably rationalizes some criticism +of their ostentation). The Caddo had a 10-marbled crock drum with a deer +skin head; the Oto, who have the kettle drum, sometimes use a crock, as +do the Omaha (Gilmore, _The Mescal Society_, 166; _Uses of Plants_). The +Delaware sometimes used otter skin instead of deer skin, with four bosses +tightened with a sharp stick or deer-horn (Harrington, _Religion and +Ceremony_, 188; Petrullo, _The Diabolic Root_, 50). + +[63] Cf. the Mexican belief about the peyote under the gourd-resonator. +Such taboos in regard to drums are also Iroquoian I believe, and possibly +Southeastern. + +[64] Skinner, _Societies of the Iowa_, 726; Densmore, _Winnebago Songs of +Peyote Ceremonies_. + +[65] The Chickasaw beat on a wet deer skin tied over the mouth of a large +clay pot (Adair, _History_, 140). The Choctaw beat with one drumstick on +a deer skin stretched over an earthen pot or kettle (Swanton, _Social and +Religious Beliefs_, 222); they used the goat skin covered cypress knee +drum as well (Bushnell, _Choctaw_, 22), and also bear skin and deer skin +(Swanton, _op. cit._, 224). The Koasati older drum was deer skin over a +cypress knee, and later the small iron kettle (Paz, _Field Notes_). The +Taskigi Creek used a hollow vessel partly filled with water (Speck, _The +Creek Indians_, 137). The Yuchi, besides the log drum, had the pot drum, +containing water, about 18″ high; the hide was usually decorated with a +wheel-like design and the privilege of beating the drum was invested in a +certain individual (Speck, _Yuchi_, 61, cf. the Caddo, in some respects a +peripheral Southeastern group and who have the “crock” drum). The Catawba +and Quapaw also had the pot-drum (Speck, _Catawba Texts_; _Handbook of +the American Indian_, 2:335b). It is not known if the Tonkawa water-drum +is pre-peyote, but the Lipan pottery drum is late according to Opler. The +water-drum of the Southeast is continuous through the Antilles into South +America (Wissler, _The American Indian_, 154). + +Wissler makes no mention of Mexican or Southwestern occurrences of the +kettle-drum or water-drum, but the trait is common in these regions. +The Aztec had the kettle-drum (Sahagún, _A History of Ancient Mexico_, +1:87, 91). Beals (_Comparative Ethnology_, 112, 188, Table 71) lists the +atabale or kettle-drum in Tehueco, Culiacan, Tepic (Zentispac), Tarasco, +and Mexico. The pottery drum is Lacandone, Natchez and Chitimacha also +(Swanton, _Aboriginal Culture_, 708, in Beals, 188). Stevenson (_The +Zuñi_, 39) mentions a Tepehan pottery drum struck loudly at certain +ceremonies to insure the presence of beings who would keep the singing of +songs correct. The Western Apache have “male” and “female” water drums +(Henry, J., _Cult of Silas John Edwards_). The Huichol use no drum in the +peyote ceremony; the Tamaulipecan peyote-drum is the wooden type, as is +also the Tarahumari drum (Bennett and Zingg, _The Tarahumara_, 67-68) and +the Huichol drum, which is “alive” (Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 2:32-34). +The Taos is the standard peyote drum; but the pottery drum is found among +non-users of peyote: e.g., Navaho, Chiricahua, W. Apache, Jicarilla, +Yavapai and Pueblo in general (Spier, information). + +[66] Hoebel, _Comanche Field Notes_; Skinner, _Societies of the Iowa_, +724, 758; Densmore, _The Peyote Cult_; Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 65; Speck, +_A Study of the Delaware_, _passim_. + +[67] Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 405-409; Opler, _The Influence of Aboriginal +Pattern_; Radin, _Crashing Thunder_, 176; Opler, _Carrizo Field Notes_. +The feather as a symbol of delegated authority is also found in the Ghost +Dance. + +[68] Cf. Boas, _Anthropology_, 91, “... the feathers of the Dakota +Indians ... by the way they are cut and painted, express warlike +exploits.” + +[69] Hills, _Eating Medicine with the Quapaws_. + +[70] Harrington, _Religion and Ceremonies_, 188; Opler, _The Influence of +Aboriginal Pattern_. _Handbook of the American Indians_, 1:455-56, “The +downy feather was to the mind of the Indian a kind of bridge between the +spirit world and ours.” Note the Ponca whistling along the water bucket +feather. + +[71] Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 403, 405, 407. + +[72] The Oto and Arapaho wear tufts of down feathers on their hair in +meetings; cf. the Tarahumari shaman’s feather headdress which tells him +all the bird knew and protects him by preventing air from entering his +head and making him ill (Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:313). + +[73] Mooney, _Peyote Notebook_, 28. Crashing Thunder visioned an eagle +with outspread wings in a meeting once (Radin, 188-89). + +[74] Huichol peyote fetishes include the squirrel, skunk, birds and the +shaman’s fetish plant; the Tarahumari have the squirrel, birds and peyote +plant; the southern Plains birds and the peyote plant; and the northern +Plains the plant only—an interesting degeneration in complexity of +symbolism, a sort of diffusionist law of inverse squares. + +[75] Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 401, 406; letter of L. L. Meeker to Mooney. + +[76] Radin, _Crashing Thunder_, 181-82; _A Sketch of the Peyote Cult_, +21; _The Winnebago Tribe_, 389, “They are regarded by a number of +people, certainly by Rave, with undisguised veneration [i.e., the peyote +‘chiefs’].” + +[77] Skinner, _Societies of the Iowa_, 724; Opler, _Chiricahua Apache_; +_The Influence of Aboriginal Pattern_; _Lipan Apache Field Notes_; +Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 64-65. Cf. the Anadarko Delaware phrase +“ear-eating” for peyote-eating (Speck, _Notes on the Life of John +Wilson_, 552). + +[78] An especially handsome and regular one, oriented with a thorn on +its “north” side, had fifteen full radial lines of hair-tufts. Of three +others, one was kept in a woman’s small mirrored vanity-case, a pomade +jar, and a silk handkerchief, all carefully wrapped up. Another very old +one was given his brother-in-law, Yellow Bird, by a Comanche. A cracked +one was kept in a beaded buckskin pouch along with a Catholic medallion +dated 1890; it had been given him by an Apache. He has also preserved +one given his wife by Mexicans at El Rio on their first peyote trip in +1926, and tied up with the mother’s he keeps two little ones which helped +his little girl. And finally, there were seven which he laid behind the +whistle one New Year’s meeting to represent the seven days of the week; +his daughter drank the water in which they were soaked and became well +in seven days. She is a grown woman now and he still keeps these peyotes +which have so well demonstrated their power. + +[79] The Comanche leader Mumsika still preserves a famous peyote button +formerly belonging to Kutubi which performed prophecies on an historical +war party into Texas (Hoebel, _Comanche Field Notes_). The anxiety of +Clyde Koko (Kiowa) when he thought he had lost his “father peyotes” after +changing his mind about sending them back to their original country, well +demonstrates the psychological reality of these fetishisms. + +[80] Radin, _Crashing Thunder_, 169, note; Gilmore, _The Mescal Society_, +165-66; Speck (manuscript); Skinner, _Societies of the Iowa_, 724; +Densmore, _The Peyote Cult_; _Winnebago Songs of the Peyote Ceremony_. + +[81] Radin, _Crashing Thunder_, 200. This is indeed a miracle if he read +it in Matthew 16. + +[82] Radin, _Crashing Thunder_, 186-87; _Sketch of the Peyote Cult_, 5; +_The Winnebago Tribe_, 394-95. + +[83] Radin, _Sketch of the Peyote Cult_, 6; _The Winnebago Tribe_, +395-96. The reference to John 1.4 indicates nothing of relevance. + +[84] Romans 11.16-18. No native with whom the writer is acquainted has +to date noted the obvious Shakespearean reference to peyote, in the +speech of Banquo as the three witches vanish incorporeally into thin air +(Macbeth I, iii): “Were such things here as we do speak about, or have we +eaten on the insane root that takes the reason prisoner?” + +[85] The Carrizo-Lipan had no crescent mound, which is probably of +Mescalero origin. + +[86] Gilmore, _The Mescal Society_, 165-66. + +[87] Cf. _Handbook of the American Indians_, 2:2b, 661: “Formerly among +the southern Plains tribes a buffalo skull was placed on a small mound +in front of the sweat house, the mound being formed of earth excavated +from the fireplace.” The original Comanche and Caddo moons appear to have +been more horseshoe- than crescent-shaped, and the apron of the Caddoan +Big Moons obviously developed from an elongation of the horns. The +introduction of the heart is apparently Caddoan also, influenced probably +by the Catholic “Sacred Heart” of Jesus. + +[88] Enoch Hoag was at one time John Wilson’s assistant or drummer. + +[89] A Comanche told Hoebel of a “moon” with the entire tipi-floor of +cement; if this is identical with one I was told about, it has been +subsequently destroyed. The rationalization given was that the cement +floor distorted the sound of the drum, and a return to an earthen floor +was made. + +[90] The Kiowa and Caddo are therefore at opposite extremes; the Kiowa +were the leading spirits in the institutionalizing of peyotism in the +Native American Church, which gathered to itself even the earlier Church +of the First-born. In this respect they are the “Catholics” of the +movement, and, tired of the warring rival Protestantisms let loose by +Caddo visionaries, many groups are undergoing an “Oxford Movement” back +to the simplest earlier native forms, sans Bible and sans elaborate +altars, which after all have been the vehicles for prestige and wealth of +ambitious individualism. + +[91] Several of Petrullo’s examples (Hoag, Black Wolf, etc.) are Caddo +rather than Delaware. His Hoag moon (_The Diabolic Root_, pl. 5, B, p. +181) was given to the writer with a half-ellipse joining the moon-tips +to form the lower part of the “face,” and the ash-mounds in position as +“eyes,” and the two eastern hearts reversed. + +[92] Hoebel, _Northern Cheyenne Field Notes_; Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 64. + +[93] This specimen is figured in Schultes, _Peyote and Plants Used_, +7. Is this a reflex of an older Kickapoo pattern? The prophet Kanakuk +furnished his followers with a chart showing a path through fire and +water, and gave them prayer sticks graven with religious symbols. See +_Handbook of the American Indians_, 1:650b, “Kanakuk.” + +[94] Petrullo, _Diabolic Root_, 50, 101, 113. The symbolism of twelve of +the Caddo here is clearly a Delaware borrowing; cf. the twelve panels in +the Big Moon altars, the twelve eagle feathers, and the twelve sticks of +the fire. See Speck, _Delaware Big House_, for the symbolism of twelve +(twelve “heavens” etc.; cf. the twelve steps in the altar apron of the +Wilson moon). Petrullo says the twelve sticks represent the months of the +year or the tail-feathers of the eagle. + +[95] Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 401. See also Speck, _A Study of the +Delaware Big House_, 47, 51. Cf. the Arapaho, Sitting Bull, the Ghost +Dance prophet giving feathers to his assistants. + +[96] The ceremonial fire we have seen is Huichol and Tarahumari (cf. +the “pillow of Grandfather Fire” of the Huichol with the “heart” of the +Caddo-Delaware peyote fire: both are used as a “smoke stick”). The Caddo +ceremonial fire, however, was pre-peyote (_Handbook of the American +Indians_, 2:2b; Swanton, _Aboriginal Culture_, 701). Beals (_Comparative +Ethnology_, 127) lists the ceremonial fire for the Tarahumari, Caddo, +Hasinai, Chitimacha, Houma, Natchez, Tunica, Taënsa, Jalisco (Cutzalán), +Mexico, and Maya (Lacandone); it is lacking in Tepic-Culiacan, Old +Sinaloa, Old Sonora, Southern Sierra and Tamaulipas (whence a southern +Plains provenience for the ceremonial fire in peyotism is implausible). +See also Beal’s map 26, 209; table 121, 211-12. + +[97] It is believed that the Yuchi example figured by Petrullo in Plate 2 +is erroneous in the placing of the ash eagle and in the presence of the +redundant ash crescent. + +[98] Interestingly, though the bulk of modern peyotists are Siouan, +Caddoan and Algonquian groups, none used the elbow pipe in the +ceremony—only Taos. See Wissler, _The American Indian_, 26, fig. 6. + +[99] Skinner thought peyote destroyed the appetite for tobacco +(_Societies of the Iowa_, 694, 726). + +[100] Radin, _Crashing Thunder_. See Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 401; +Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 64, for standard form. + +[101] Murie, _Pawnee Indian Societies_, 640-41. + +[102] The importance of taking a comparative viewpoint is indicated by +the statement of Gilmore, _The Mescal Society_, 165, “... the Omaha, of +Nebraska, have interjected the use of wild sage, _Artemesia gnaphalodes_, +in connection with mescal ceremonies, that plant having been an +immemorial symbol of sacredness among the Omaha.” But see Kroeber, _The +Arapaho_, 399, 401; Radin, _The Winnebago Tribe_, 415 and others. + +[103] In view of other peyote parallels, note the sweat bath sage-whip. + +[104] Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 65. The Arapaho (Kroeber, 402), Kiowa, and +others chew bits of sage. + +[105] Skinner, _Societies of the Iowa_, 722. + +[106] Harrington (_Religion and Ceremonies_, 189) may be in error in +stating that the staff is passed to the drummer’s _right;_ the native +painting contradicts this; cf. Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 402, for the +standard method; concerning passing persons, see Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, +65. + +[107] Radin, _Crashing Thunder_, 171, 175-77, 185-87; cf. _The Winnebago +Tribe_, 394-95; Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 64. Murie, _Pawnee Indian +Societies_, 637. + +[108] Cedar was used to purify the Delaware Big House (Speck, _A Study of +the Delaware_, 171), which may account for the special cedar-man in the +Delaware rite of Wilson. But the pattern may have been reinforced by the +censer of the Catholics, by whom Wilson is known to have been influenced. +The Mescalero ascribe sickness after eating peyote to witching by +rival shamans. Mooney mentions an odorous root from New Mexico used +protectively perhaps, in Kiowa or Comanche meetings. See Kroeber, _The +Arapaho_, 402-403; Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 65, 105; Densmore, _The Peyote +Cult_; _Winnebago Songs of the Peyote Ceremony_. + +[109] Opler, _The Influence of Aboriginal Pattern_; cf. Parsons, _Taos +Pueblo_, 63, 65. + +[110] Mooney, _Miscellaneous Notes_, 8; _Peyote Notebook_, 12, 14. Dr. +Maurice G. Smith collected a number of peyote songs near Anadarko in +1930 (see Densmore, _Winnebago Songs of the Peyote Ceremony_) as did +Richardson in 1935 (Kiowa largely); see also Klineberg, _Notes on the +Huichol_, 458. Radin (_A Sketch of the Peyote Cult_, 3; _The Winnebago +Tribe_, 388) implies that the paraphernalia circulate only among the four +leaders and others sing only occasionally. Songs are best in the morning +when the unpleasant effects of the peyote have worn off (cf. Mooney, _The +Mescal Plant_; Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 404-405; Rouhier, _Monographie_, +344). Koshiway (Oto) told a joke in the morning about a partially deaf +man’s misunderstanding the song “Jesus in the glory now, he ya na ha we,” +and singing “Jesus in Missouri now.” Jack said, laughing, “He must be +getting close, He’s just over the river now!” Opler’s informant said the +Lipan can sing songs of a personal ceremony such as bear songs in peyote +meetings, but not masked dancer songs. + +[111] Skinner, _Societies of the Iowa_, 728. Densmore, _The Peyote Cult_: +“The greatness (power) of God is made manifest through seven beasts, +as prophesied. One beast is in power now, as seen by the troubles of +the present time, all of which are according to prophecy. There is some +spirit [the seraphim] praising God constantly, which signifies that we +also should do that in order to inherit eternal life.” + +[112] Murie, _Pawnee Indian Societies_, 637. + +[113] Densmore, _The Peyote Cult_; _Winnebago Songs of the Peyote +Ceremony_. + +[114] Radin, _A Sketch of the Peyote Cult_, 5; _The Winnebago Tribe_, 395. + +[115] Densmore, _The Peyote Cult_; Radin, _The Winnebago Tribe_, 416-17. + +[116] Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 403. A more concrete physiological reason +for the leader’s exit was suggested in the preceding section. + +[117] Skinner, _Societies of the Iowa_, 725, 727. Murie (_Pawnee Indian +Societies_, 637) misplaced emphasis in stating that midnight ceremonies +as such are peculiar to the Pawnee, yet he was correct, I believe, in +implying that their special midnight recess was unique. + +[118] Cf. Petrullo, _The Diabolic Root_, 116. Spybuck follows this +Caddo-Delaware custom (Voegelin, _Shawnee Field Notes_.) Cf. the painting +in Harrington (_Religion and Ceremonies_, pl. 9); but Spybuck is Shawnee +not Delaware. + +[119] The Osage case is offered thus tentatively as it was in answer to +a leading question in a public hearing. See Office of Indian Affairs, +_Discussion Concerning Peyote_, 44. + +[120] Certainly doctoring was the most important element in the +Southwest; cf. Bennett and Zingg, _The Tarahumara_, 294: “The use of +peyote resembles an elaborate curing ceremony [among the Tarahumari] +rather than a cult.” Opler (_The Influence of Aboriginal Pattern_) writes +that “Apache ceremonialism had for its primary object the curing of +disease,” and peyotism came within this framework. + +[121] Radin, _A Sketch of the Peyote Cult_, 12-13; _The Winnebago Tribe_, +423. + +[122] Densmore, _Winnebago Songs of the Peyote Ceremony_, 3. + +[123] To be sure, diagnosis of illness by clairvoyance, etc., is resorted +to, but this is to be expected when witchcraft is the main cause of +sickness. (Cf. the combination of doctoring and divination with cohoba +snuff in Haiti. Safford, _Narcotic Plants_, 393.) Obsessive elements of +interest to psychiatry are found both in the witchcraft fear and in the +methods chosen to cure the ill. + +[124] Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 405. + +[125] Kiowa and Comanche parallels with older doctoring methods have been +collected also. One of the latter involves a 2 foot mound in the tipi +with a cedar sprig on it, a fire, a woman assistant, smoking of tobacco, +and blowing on the patient. + +[126] Densmore, _The Peyote Cult_; _Winnebago Songs of the Peyote +Ceremony_. + +[127] Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 60, 67-68. + +[128] Harrington, _Religion and Ceremonies_, 189; Skinner, _Societies of +the Iowa_, 725. + +[129] Murie, _Pawnee Indian Societies_, 637. + +[130] “[At] 5 o’clock in the morning, when suddenly the singing ceased, +the drum and the ceremonial staff were put away, and the leader, +beginning at the door, asked each person, ‘What did you see?’” (La +Flesche, in _Peyote as Used in Religious Worship_, 33). + +[131] Radin, _A Sketch of the Peyote Cult_, 3; _The Winnebago Tribe_, 388. + +[132] Radin, _Crashing Thunder_, 176; Densmore, _The Peyote Cult_. + +[133] Wissler, _The American Indian_, 189: “One prominent feature of +Nahua life was the elaboration of the moral lecture. In the Pueblo region +of the Rio Grande the chiefs and head men were given to daily moral +lectures.... Perhaps we are again dealing with a general characteristic +of New World society.” Cf. the Tamaulipecan harangue (Prieto, _Historia y +Estadistica_, 123-24). + +[134] The prophecies and predictions of C. W. (Kickapoo president of the +Native American Church) on the basis of his visions have an old-time +flavor, though colored by Christianity and proselytizing for peyote: he +prophesied the “Judgment Day” and the “new world” to come; “it will be +too late to go in [the peyote tipi] when the time comes—you’ve got to +start now,” Kishkaton reports him as saying. + +[135] _Handbook of the American Indians_, 1:65a, 309-10, 401-402, 650; +2:371a, 587a, 885-86. Cf. the elaborate Quichua and Aztec Messiah legends. + +[136] Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 403-404; Densmore, _The Peyote Cult_. + +[137] Mooney (_The Mescal Plant_, 8) errs, we believe, in citing a Kiowa +midnight baptism. + +[138] Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 404. + +[139] Petrullo, _The Diabolic Root_, 93; Harrington, _Religion and +Ceremonies_, 190; Skinner, _Societies of the Iowa_, 727; Voegelin, +_Shawnee Field Notes_; Hoebel, _Northern Cheyenne Field Notes_. “Baptism” +is Lipan also. + +[140] Murie, _Pawnee Indian Societies_, 637; Radin, _A Sketch of the +Peyote Cult_, 3, 5; _The Winnebago Tribe_, 389; Densmore, _The Peyote +Cult_. It is said that “the peyote-eaters wanted to get baptized and +unite with the church in Winnebago, but the clergyman in charge would +not permit them, so they went and did their own baptizing through their +leader John Rave.” + +[141] Some add cookies and candy. The use of sweet foods and the +sweetening of others recalls the eating of teo-nanacatl with honey, +and the eating of sweet-meats while smoking “grifos” or marihuana. See +Maillefert, _La Marihuana_, 6-7. + +[142] Mopope (Kiowa) painted a special set of white enamel-ware vessels +for Kozad’s meetings: water-bucket (tipi and “water-bird”), parched-corn +pan (ear of corn and four-direction feathers), fruit-pan (thunderbird, +fruit within a crescent design) and meat-dish (cooking fire, buffalo +horns and sun design). + +[143] A recurrence of an old custom ascribed to Sweet Medicine appears +in the Northern Cheyenne peyote breakfast, when an individual takes five +pieces of meat across the lodge to a visitor (Hoebel, _Northern Cheyenne +Field Notes_). + + + + +PSYCHOLOGICAL ASPECTS OF PEYOTISM + + +A descriptive account of a ritual pattern, however meticulously detailed +it be, must always fall short of reality unless supplemented by further +information regarding its functioning in terms of individuals. The older +descriptive ethnography and the newer interest in the dynamics of culture +are as necessary to each other as anatomy and physiology, of which, +indeed, they are the anthropological parallels. We accordingly embark +upon the somewhat anecdotal filling in of the pattern sketched in the +preceding section. + +Every student of peyote has been met with a sometimes odd mixture of +suspiciousness and candor, an ambivalence in attitude derived primarily +from the native attitudes toward peyotism itself. Most of the younger +adherents of the cult have had White schooling of a sort, but though +the express intent of this schooling has been the deculturation of the +Indian, on returning to their tribes old loyalties are characteristically +reestablished and old ways of thinking fallen into; the total effect of +Christian teaching on peyotism, therefore, has not been particularly +profound. + +But all peyote adherents are aware of the efforts, both religious and +secular, to suppress the movement, and most of them are familiar with +the arguments advanced against peyote as an allegedly harmful drug. +They have commonly met this with the counter-propaganda that peyote is +a specific cure for alcoholism, but nevertheless this attitude on the +part of bearers of the powerful and prestige-full White culture has not +left them unimpressed, and there is a consequent lack of psychological +security in their belief and practice of peyotism. Though the cult is +a compromise solution between Christianity and older native religions, +there is still a large number of persons whose attitude toward peyote is +thoroughly precarious—as evidenced by the vacillations, defections and +rationalizations we are about to list. + +Save for the Caddo (and there are perhaps historical reasons for this) +ordinary sincerity and interest are met by the Plains practitioners with +corresponding candor and friendliness toward the ethnographer. There +is no very great difficulty in a sympathetic White man’s attending a +peyote meeting nowadays. Indeed, some groups, out of naïve faith in the +plant’s power, seem even to invite attendance in the hope of producing +a propagandist for the cult to counteract the unfriendliness which they +feel, and not unrightly, has arisen from ignorance and prejudice. An +instance of this good faith and even naïveté occurs in an Osage petition +to Congress that in the event of a law being passed to regulate the +use of peyote, an exception be made for the “Indian lodges using it as +a sacrament,” and they promised to use it only under the supervision +of reservation superintendents![1] And a sincerity not open to doubt +was evidenced by a Cheyenne, one time president of the Native American +Church, who sent 200 peyote buttons on his own initiative through his +agency-superintendent to a chemist at Stanford University, requesting a +thorough and disinterested scientific analysis, and offering his further +services if necessary.[2] + +Another factor making for insecurity of belief and practice has been the +intense opposition on the part of some leaders of older cults in the +tribe itself. We will recur to this subject in discussing the history of +peyote in specific groups, but cite here the rather accentuated example +of hostility at Taos.[3] Dr. Parsons tells of a lawsuit between a “peyote +boy” and one of the Mexican Penitentes which was resolved by both paying +the costs, to prevent the betrayal of native customs. Thereafter the +chiefs said: + + [Peyote] does not belong to us. It is not the work given to us. + It will stop the rain. Something will happen. + +But as desire for rain is the typical anxiety reflected in native ritual +in the agricultural Southwest, the peyote boys retorted in the same vein. +In the drought of 1922 they said: + + “Now it is so dry this summer because the peyote boys can’t + have their meetings; they used to bring so much rain.” [Indeed, + nowadays,] the townspeople are given to referring all their + inclination to feud to the peyote situation. + +But there is ample evidence that this tendency existed before peyote ever +came to Taos. On the other hand, the wife of one peyote-user asserted +that there was no more “witch sickness” in the town because of the +peyote people, who were able to exorcize witches; nevertheless, one man +attributed his trachoma to witching by “foreigners” in peyote meetings. + +Such intense seriousness is in marked contrast to the situation in some +Plains tribes, where peyote jokes are told at times in the forenoons +after meetings, when sufficient rapport has been established. A Comanche +story tells of a leader who took his expensive watch into a meeting and +laid it on the altar cloth near the father peyote to “show off.” A man +shaking the gourd vigorously on the north side was making motions toward +the father peyote, and miraculously the watch became broken up; “it +was just a mess of works there loose, and the hands dropped off.” The +informant was highly amused at this story. An Oto told the tale of a man +whose jaw became stiff as he was singing, a contretemps which upset the +whole meeting. Though this effect was apparently due to peyote, the story +was greeted with much laughter. People laugh at the incorrect singing +of peyote songs too. We have already mentioned the one involving the +alarming proximity of the Messiah just across the river in Missouri. +Another story is told of a visiting Kiowa who attempted to sing a +Comanche song in meeting. He mispronounced the words and sang, “_Mentula +exposita est! Mentula exposita est!_” All the auditors of this story +laughed at this further proof that the Comanche have “no shame.” + +The attitudes surrounding the plant itself are interesting. Perhaps the +Tarahumari[4] attitudes are most accentuated: + + Those who have never eaten peyote fear it most. Should they + touch the plant, they believe they would go crazy or die. Those + who have once eaten it at a fiesta need have no fear of it, + providing they treat it properly. + +At Tarahumari feasts of the dead peyote protects the living from the +ghost of the deceased, quite as eating it prevents bears from attacking +the hunter or deer from running away from him; it confers invulnerability +from the Apaches and warns of their approach, and likewise foils the +machinations of sorcerers and robbers. In short, “hikuli is a powerful +protector of its people under all circumstances.” + +The Lipan well represent the attitude of early users in the United States: + + If a fellow is not scared, is not afraid of it, he will surely + have a good time. A fellow who is afraid of it just gets dizzy + and frightened. He sees things that frighten him. What he sees + is not true, but is just playing a joke on him.... When a + fellow is honest and good natured it is easy for him. But when + a fellow is rough and ill tempered he will have a hard time + learning from peyote. It will scare him and make it hard for + him.... The chief peyote is pretty tough. It watches what is + going on. It keeps everything straight. It is a plant, but it + can see and understand better than a man. If someone has wrong + thoughts, he had better look out or he will go crazy.... + + When they first start eating peyote they put their thoughts on + something good, something they want, for they say that whatever + you are thinking about when you start is what you will see all + during the night in your vision.... Sometimes a man sees a + vision and it scares him and he goes out running. But he is all + right the next day. The thing that frightened him won’t happen + unless he thinks about it all the time and it frightens him + continually. Then he begins to be afraid of it and thinks it + will happen. But if he holds it off—holds off the bad thoughts + that frighten him—nothing will occur.... Sometimes it makes + you dream something pleasant, sometimes it makes you dream + something dangerous.... In the morning, just after the meeting + is over, you can tell others what you saw. + +Hoebel writes that + + the trickiness of peyote is emphasized by the Cheyenne. They + constantly reiterate that a man must keep hold of himself and + also that he must live straight or peyote will shame him. + +A Delaware rationalized the unpredictable effect of peyote somewhat +differently:[5] + + I had the feeling once that it was going to make me foolish, + but that happens to everybody, and is a test of one’s faith in + peyote. + +Vomiting of peyote is a punishment for one’s sins, but it cleanses the +body of its impurities in the process and purifies the blood. Part of the +symbolism in the bead-work on an Arapaho fetish-pouch is the “vomitings” +deposited in a ring around the inside of the tipi.[6] + +It would be naïve to suppose that peyote tastes any less unpleasant to +natives than it does to Whites. But we should remember that peyote is +eaten by Indians influenced by strong motives and deep belief, and the +consequent physiological state is easily and adequately rationalized. It +is not surprising that a man addicted to alcohol and shamed by it before +both Indians and Whites believes that “whiskey and peyote fight in a man, +and usually peyote wins and brings it out.” No doubt such a cure _ad +nauseam_ is as good as any, and more effective than some. The depressing +effect of peyote is also well recognized and measures are taken to +overcome it. The Arapaho have feathers at four corners of the tipi to +brush persons who tire during the meeting, and the “smoke” at Taos is +made to overcome the depression of the early stages of eating, as sage is +similarly used in the Plains.[7] + +But suffering is counted even a positive virtue among people who had the +“vision quest” in the old days. A crippled Indian at Miami told me that +“to get power from peyote a man must suffer to it.” The four rounds of +the drum without water among the Caddo suggests an intention of making +the meeting an ordeal, and Mrs. Voegelin’s Shawnee informant emphasized +that the Spybuck moon modelled on the Caddo was “hard.” Most informants +would consider the Osage, who have “beds” in their meeting-houses +sometimes, not merely ostentatious but also “soft”; one old man said that +sage under the blankets of the seat as a cushion indicated a decadent +generation, for did not they sit on the bare ground in the old days? A +Kickapoo informant said Quanah Parker used to warn them that the taste of +peyote wasn’t good, though “it would keep you on the right path.” About +2:10 in the morning a Comanche informant of Simmons said: + + If there is suffering, this is the time. That’s the reason + I took a good rest: so I could stand it. Many a time I have + fallen over at this time. It’s getting on to what they call + the dark hour, the hour of the Crucifixion. Everyone here is + suffering now. + +The Winnebago[8] elaborated into a dogma the physiological effect of +peyote in producing occasional vomiting: + + If a person who is truly repentant eats peyote for the first + time, he does not suffer at all from its effects. But if an + individual is bull-headed, does not believe in its virtue, he + is likely to suffer a great deal.... If a person eats peyote + and does not repent openly, he has a guilty conscience, which + leaves him as soon as the public repentance has been made.... + If a peyote-user relapses into his old way of living, then the + peyote causes him great suffering.... The disagreeable effects + of the peyote varied directly with a man’s disbelief in it. + This explanation [Rave] persistently drummed into the ears of + beginners, who otherwise become terrified and give up too soon. + +We have already noted the Huichol-Tarahumari belief that peyote sees and +punishes evil deeds. Similarly, when as an old man Kutubi (Comanche) +became sick he gave his father peyote to Mumsika, reasoning that he had +“probably eaten something peyote didn’t allow”; this is probably the +same father peyote which years before had predicted a bad fate for a war +party. The leader had wept and strenuously upbraided peyote for this and +may later have felt some guilt for his presumptuousness. In any case he +held peyote responsible both times for his bad fortune. + +But if peyote is blamed for bad fortune, it is also accredited with +the liquidation of manifold anxieties. Fear of death is perhaps the +most conspicuous anxiety in Plains culture. It is not surprising, +therefore, that doctoring plays a major part in the cult. But the power +and authority of peyote are relied upon in other ways too. In a number +of tribes peyote or peyote tea is used whenever the individual finds +himself confronted with any important personal problem. To be sure, it +is the individual’s _total wishes_ which ultimately find expression in +the course of action followed, but the consultation with peyote composes +conflicts and gives an authority to the decision which the “unaided” +individual might not have been able to summon.[9] + +The protective function of the father peyote is most highly +patterned, perhaps, among the Mescalero Apache.[10] In this culture +the aggressions arising from the particular socio-economic system of +marriage find expression in intense witchcraft activity. But for the +typical aggressions which a culture engenders, a culture often has a +patterned solution to offer. For though the means used were magical, the +aggressions and counter-aggressions were _real_ in the psychological +sense, and peyote had a real function in witch-prophylaxis. Shamanistic +rivalry was most virulent and witchcraft-anxiety was correspondingly +as intense as the projected hatreds. One never knew what dangerous and +powerful supernatural possessions a hated rival possessed, hence a +number of protective devices were developed in Mescalero peyotism.[11] +Yet characteristically in this uncomfortable culture, the power of peyote +was itself dangerous, and elaborate care had to be exercised in removing +the fuzz from the top of the buttons before eating. Should it touch the +eyes, it would cause blindness! + +In the Plains the fear is often expressed, not without justification, +that the white man is ever about to take away the peyote religion +from the Indian, as he has taken almost everything else material and +immaterial. But the frequency of this asserveration, sometimes in +contexts which the writer thought were unrealistic, indicates that +Indians view peyote in a sense as a protector from the Whites. Peyote +is rather confidently thought to be able to take care of itself—which +accounts for the comparative ease with which a white man can obtain +entrance to a meeting, where he will be exposed to “proof” of peyote’s +power. We need not emphasize this function of peyote beyond its true +proportions, but it may be recalled that peyote enabled a native to +escape from a white man’s jail; that it aided peyote pilgrims to bring +plants undeterred through the white man’s customs; that it is the +sovereign remedy for the evil of the white man’s whiskey; that peyote +has so far protected itself against the white man’s attempted sumptuary +legislation; that it miraculously escaped detection and confiscation in +a white man’s war, through which it protected its bearer; and, not least +in psychological importance, that peyote characteristically succeeds +(because it is of God, not man) in cures which the white doctor has long +since given up as hopeless. + +This function of peyote as protector is rooted in earlier history: +it sees from afar the approach of the enemy, predicts the results of +battle and protects one in battle from the hazards of war. Peyote would +have prevented a gun accident, and an accident with a mechanical saw, +in instances collected, if the persons involved had only been able to +understand its warning. And in another case, when a serious automobile +accident had already happened, peyote quelled the anxiety of worrying +relatives in assuring an ultimate cure. Again, Mary Buffalo, White Wolfs +mother and Belo Kozad’s wife had all lost many children, until they took +their sons into peyote meetings and prayed to the power that they be +spared; in each case the son grew to manhood. Peyote is the comforter in +the event of death also; a funeral meeting is often held as the last rite +of respect to the deceased, and some groups hold anniversary meetings for +four years after the death. + +But peyote punishes as well. An inconstant result of its physiological +action is the production at times of an intense fear-state. Rave, for +example, (Winnebago)[12] in a period of mental stress experienced his +fear: + + Suddenly I saw a big snake. I was very much frightened. + Then another one came crawling over me. “My God! Where are + these snakes coming from?” There at my back there seemed to + be something also. So I looked around and saw a snake about + ready to swallow me entirely. It had arms and legs and a long + tail. The end of its tail was like a spear. “Oh God! I am + surely going to die now,” I thought. Then I turned in another + direction and I saw a man with horns and long claws and with a + spear in his hand. He jumped for me and I threw myself on the + ground. He missed me. Then I looked back. This time he started + back but it seemed to me that he was directing his spear at + me. Again I threw myself on the ground and he missed me. There + seemed to be no escape for me. + +A similar experience of Crashing Thunder (Winnebago) is noted elsewhere; +and in a story told of Bear Track (Cheyenne) and his Osage wife on their +visit to the Holy Land, the parents seem to have communicated some of +their anxiety and fear surrounding mysterious experiences there to their +small daughter, who awoke screaming one night at a presence she saw in +the room. + +The peyote meeting of many groups has incorporated in it a powerful +mechanism for the liquidation of individual anxieties in the practice +of public confession of sins. It is difficult to over-estimate the +importance of this feature.[13] On the exhortation of the leader, many +members rise and accuse themselves publicly of misdemeanors or offenses, +asking pardon of persons who might have been injured by them. How large +a part peyote has in the production of such states is an open question +(for the pattern of public confession is widespread aboriginally in the +New World); but that confession to the father-peyote and his authority, +and repentance before the group is of profound significance cannot be +doubted. More than ritual tears stream down the confessant’s cheeks as he +acknowledges his faults and asks aid to keep his promise to mend his ways. + +Peyote often figures in matters of personal adjustment. The story of John +Rave is too well known to require more than mention here. The somewhat +similar history of Jonathan Koshiway (Oto) is likewise interesting in +showing how a compromise was struck between the older pagan culture and +Christianity, to whose influence this individual had been exposed. The +personal solution in Koshiway’s case seems to have been a perfectly +satisfactory one: in the Church of the First-born he doctored and +“hollered” like the source of his power in good old Indian fashion, and +on the other hand baptized, conducted funerals and married couples just +as in white churches. The statements of Crashing Thunder’s father[14] +indicate a somewhat less happy and inclusive solution, which involved the +sacrifice of the old customs: + + The peyote people are rather foolish for they cry when they + feel happy about anything. They throw away all the medicines + that they possess and whose virtues they know. They give up + all the blessings they received while fasting, give up all the + spirits who blessed them. They stop giving feasts and making + offering of tobacco. They burn up all their holy things, + destroy the war-bundles. They stop smoking and chewing tobacco. + They are bad people. They burn up their medicine pouches, give + up the Medicine Dance and even cut up their otter-skin bags. + +Crashing Thunder, as we have seen, was himself persuaded by peyote +cultists that it was disgraceful to have his hair long, and he gave his +shorn hair with his medicine bundles to his brother-in-law, as both wept +and as he received the thanks of his relatives. Clothing and headdress +are also symbols of conflict between the old and the new for Taos and +Osage. + +A dramatic solution of a life-long problem was offered Crashing +Thunder in peyotism. He had lied about having gotten power from a +vision-experience in connection with the the older native religion: so +important for personal prestige was this experience that he was betrayed +into fabrication to obtain it. But he never lied to himself. All his life +he was aware of the deception, and being a man of marked fundamental +honesty, he keenly felt the fraud. Finally at the age of forty-five +he did achieve through peyote the experience which he had missed in +his youth. His conversion to the peyote religion was consequently most +profound: “It is the only holy thing that I have become aware of in all +my life,” he said simply, after this experience. + +Jack Thomas (Delaware) solved a problem of major importance to himself +through peyote. He had been appointed a Government policeman, and found +considerable conflict between his duty and his sympathies. Finally he +became gravely ill, and a meeting was put on by his brother and another +relative to pray for his recovery. In this meeting the answer came to him: + + The others in the tipi did not like me. Peyote told me this. I + had been a man-catcher. That was the reason. The two persons + that loved me prayed for me and I got well. I did not go back + to my job of man-catcher. Peyote showed me that it is wrong. + +The mechanisms for social control afforded by the public and communal +nature of the cult (as opposed to the individualism of the older +religions in the Plains) are on the whole very effective. The speeches +of the leaders and old men give ample opportunity for the expression of +opinions concerning the conduct of younger members in peyote meetings and +out. We have already noted the case in which a Kiowa marriage was saved +from destruction by timely advice and reprimand addressed to the husband +in a peyote meeting. The prayers, too, which almost any individual may +make by calling for a smoke, are further vehicles for quite various +psychological transactions. + +Peyote leadership carries with it much prestige, and the great +road-chiefs like Quanah Parker, Belo Kozad, Old Man Horse, White Horn, +John Rave and Jonathan Koshiway are spoken of with considerable respect. +In the case of John Wilson peyote was further made the vehicle of +economic success. But the negative instances are just as interesting. We +have already mentioned A. S., a Seminole who lived and married among the +Caddo. He built a moon of the general John Wilson-Enoch Hoag type, which +differed from these in only minor details. His bid for personal prestige, +however, received so little support on the part of his group that he +removed the inner symbolic part of his altar to the woods nearby, and +left only the crescent and apron of a “small moon.” + +Another case is that of H. B., a Kiowa. This group has been unimpressed +by any major changes in the rite, and success in leadership lies along +rather conventional lines since they regard themselves as the repositors +of the original native rite. H. B. aspired to be a peyote leader and to +increase his prestige through the cult. His wife’s brother was the leader +of the minutely variant “Kiowa Road,” his mother’s brother, further, +was one of the two original users of peyote among the Kiowa and his +step-father was an owner of one of the “Ten Medicine” bundles. All in all +his chances might have seemed good in the beginning. But a train of bad +luck befell him: his wife died, his step-son fell sick, and his mother’s +brother died, all within a year. His mother quarreled with the rather +well-to-do wife of her nephew, C. A., who among the middle-aged men is +perhaps the most promising and widely accepted peyote leader (though he +still modestly confines himself to the job of “fire chief”). Then, as C. +A. said—and he was not above sabotaging his rival H. B.’s chances—“he +couldn’t quite make the grade, because people wondered why all these +things had happened to him; some fellows are like that.” + +There is much therefore that is psychologically precarious in peyotism. +Personal histories and happenings to the individual determine his +attitude toward the cult, and the attitude may change as new anxieties +arise and old ones are solved. A typical conversion perhaps is that of +John Bearskin (Winnebago), described by Densmore:[15] + + The parents of John Bearskin belonged to the medicine lodge and + he belonged to that organization until 1912. The mother of John + Bearskin became sick in 1905 and told him that she was near to + death. He was so distressed that he went to town and became + drunk. The next morning they wakened him and said that his + mother was dead. His father died in 1909. At that time he had + a little girl two years old and his sister had a little girl + five years of age. Both children died a week after his father’s + death. Bearskin’s father left him a farm with house, stock and + implements. He disposed of these, spent part of the proceeds + and with the remainder bought a house in Winnebago [Nebraska] + but later sold that and spent the money. He was drifting from + place to place and working as he had opportunity when a cousin + wrote him about peyote, advising him to return and use it. He + went back and on January 19, 1912, he and his two daughters + joined the peyote organization, being baptized by John Rave. + His wife joined later, during an illness. Since that time he + has not wavered in his attachment to the peyote cult, neither + has he gambled nor used liquor nor tobacco. + +But there are skeptics who do not join. Michelson[16] quotes a Sauk +informant, who first belonged and later quit the cult: + + I do not believe in it because it gives you the same effect + as whisky when you are drunk four or five days; only peyote + will affect you when you eat it once. I have eaten so there is + nothing in it. I quit five years ago. And another reason why I + do not believe in it is because the man did not know who the + manitou was who did the talking [in the Peyote origin legend]; + because the men pitied by manitous, among us Sauks, knew who + they were, such as Wolf, Wisake, Turtle, or such as that. + +An Oto informant was skeptical at first about the power of peyote, and +experimented with it: for two days he drank tea to test its virtues, +and then went to a meeting. There he was converted or “saved” when he +realized that he was “pitiful like a stick.” + +Delos Lonewolf (Kiowa) quit peyote and became a preacher again, though +he had been an important peyote leader and one-time president of the +Oklahoma Native American Church; he had had “family troubles” and +was apparently persuaded thereto by his wife. Cecil Horse and Albert +Cat (Kiowa) have also recently quit peyote. When Kiowa Jim lost his +son, he gave his staff, gourd and feathers to Baptiste Derond (Oto), +a brother-in-law of Jonathan Koshiway. Derond was later killed in an +automobile accident. His younger brother Frank now has the paraphernalia, +but according to Koshiway, “they are afraid of them, and want to return +them,” since they are associated with misfortune.[17] + +Sometimes Christianity itself is invoked in defence of peyote. Old Man +Green (Oto) used arguments from the Bible to confound a Protestant +minister who had been unfriendly to the native religion. He quoted from +Genesis 1.12 an opinion from God Himself upon His completing the creation +of green herbs: “and God saw that it was good.” Said Green, “Peyote +was there then. If you condemn peyote, you condemn God’s work.” On the +whole, however, peyotism and Christianity are mutually exclusive in the +southern Plains at least, so far as membership in the one or the other +is concerned. This is partly due to the usual time peyote meetings are +held (i.e., Saturday night and Sunday forenoon), but partly also to the +intransigence and stubbornness to native overtures on the part of white +Protestant ministers. + +Bert Crow-lance (Kiowa) is an interesting case of a man who has tried +both the old religion and peyote, and found both unsatisfactory. In +1935 he attempted the vision quest, fasting and praying on a hill west +of Anadarko. A hernia had partially incapacitated him for work, and he +was seeking means to support his large family. He went out to fast and +pray in the hope (so he told the writer) of finding gold and diamonds in +Oklahoma through a vision, and failing that, oil, which would make him +rich. But before he had completed the required four days, his deceased +mother appeared to him in a vision and told him that there were snakes +around which endangered him, and that he must return later with a pipe, +which he had forgotten. But the second attempt was no more successful +than the first. + +Crow-lance had gone to a number of peyote meetings. In one of them he +prayed that his sick daughter be made well. She later died. Crow-lance in +disgust threw his peyote feathers into the Washita River. A friend who +heard of this was horrified: + + Only when a Kiowa _dies_ do you throw things in the river. Your + children and grandchildren are living. That’s a mistake, and he + must right it now. We’re getting after him now—he threw away + all his good feathers! + +The articles were recovered in part, and selections of gourds and +feathers were made by other peyote-users. Another anecdote we have +already recounted of a father peyote which was almost returned to the +place where it had been gathered. Again, Timbo (Comanche) formerly had +many cattle and horses. He has lost all of them now, and this he blames +on the displeasure of peyote. In short, all manner of happenings are +attributed to the approval or ill favor of peyote, and rare is the event +which may not be rationalized on this basis. + +From these data, then, it may be well seen that peyotism functions +in all ways as a living religion: peyote christens the new-born and +protects their early years, teaches the young, marries young men and +women, rewards and punishes the behavior of adult years, and buries the +dead—offering throughout consolation for troubles, chastening for bad +deeds or thoughts, and serving as the focus for tribal and intertribal +life. Peyotism is without question the living religion of the majority of +Plains Indians today. Perhaps the statement of a Delaware may make this +clear:[18] + + The old Delaware religion is too heavy for us who are + becoming few and weak. It is too difficult; Peyote is easy + in comparison. Therefore we who are weak take up this new + Indian religion. This is the very objection raised by the old + men, taking it up. But Peyote knows that the Indian’s burden + of becoming educated and at the same time keeping up the old + religion is too heavy, for he said that to the old woman who + was the first to discover our new religion. Peyote is to be the + Indians’ new religion. It is to be for all the Indian people + and only for them. + +The intent of the present section was to give the reader some sense of +the emotional immediacy of peyotism to the present-day Plains Indian. +Such a study might properly be termed “functional,” and in biological +analogy corresponds to the physiology or dynamic aspect of the anatomy or +descriptive morphology attempted in our preceding discussion of cultural +traits and patterns. But we must at once abandon our analogy, lest like +some others we extrapolate illegitimately terms which have meaning in +one universe of discourse into another where they serve only to produce +confusion. In biology and medicine, anatomy may perhaps be understood +wholly divorced from palaeontological and physical-anthropological (i.e., +historical) considerations, but this is peculiarly not the case with any +attempt to discuss a culture-pattern functionally or psychologically. +Here the immediacy and the momentum of past history, that is the +functioning of culture-patterns in terms of individuals, is precisely the +point at issue. And here the aggregation of traits into a complex is less +the result of organismic-biological factors than of “historical accident” +(e.g., the use of parched corn in the Plains ritual breakfast—its +function in the religious pattern of an agricultural economy having +long since been in abeyance). The traits of a complex do not gain +their relatedness or their adhesiveness from any biological-organismic +“function”; culture-traits are not chromosome-linked genes, and change of +one trait of a pattern need not organically change the rest. Indeed, if +we can speak of “the peyote cult” at all, it is only after demonstrating +its historical continuity as such. + +For Bert Crow-lance and Homer Buffalo, we maintain, judged from the +vantage-point of any other culture than their own, would remain enigmas +or examples of inexplicably bizarre behavior if we did not fall back on +history—on the decadent pattern of the vision-quest, and on patterns +now almost vanished of prestige and power-seeking, etc. But the problem +of the ethnologist as we see it is not the reporting of the outlandish +and the picturesque; it is the discovery of plausible motivations in +terms of native meanings, the discovery of the essentially humane in its +to us often disguised manifestations. In practice, then, _we can never +know enough history_ either biographical or cultural, in explaining a +present culture as it functions in individuals acting in such and such +a (historically-conditioned) way. We feel the more free, therefore, to +trace in the next section the history of a pre-peyote Plains narcotic +used ritually, inasmuch as it affords an insight into the historical +problem. + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[1] _Peyote as Used in Religious Worship_, 11, lent through the courtesy +of Alfred Wilson (Cheyenne). + +[2] Letter of Mack Haag (Cheyenne), Calumet, Oklahoma, to Dr. R. W. +Miles, San Francisco, California, Sept. 16, 1925, and reply Oct. 2, +1925. What unfriendliness the writer met was largely the projection +of individual suspiciousness, e.g., that of a Caddo who concocted a +preposterous story out of his own imagination. When I returned to +Anadarko in 1936 with a White companion who remained for several weeks, +this man circulated the story that James Mooney’s son and the son of the +Commissioner of Indian Affairs had arrived to make a thorough check-up on +peyote, that to obtain an “absolute lowdown” we had a man stationed on +every corner in the town to check up on every Indian who took a drink of +beer in a saloon, picked up a woman, or was overheard swearing—in any of +a dozen Indian languages! + +[3] Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 66-68. + +[4] Datura or Jimsonweed was also greatly feared; it killed or drove +crazy anyone who touched it. Only shamans armed with the more powerful +peyote dared uproot it. Bakánori was used by runners to rub on their legs +or to carry in the girdle to counteract witchcraft in the ritual races; +but if kept too long this plant also would drive a man crazy or kill him. +See Bennett and Zingg, _The Tarahumara_, 136-38, 292, 338, 347; Lumholtz, +_Unknown Mexico_, 1:359-60, 372-74; also Mooney, _Tarumari-Guayachic_. + +[5] Opler, _The Use of Peyote_; _Lipan Apache Field Notes_; Hoebel, +_Northern Cheyenne Field Notes_; Petrullo, _The Diabolic Root_, 71. + +[6] Can this be a reflex of an older pattern? Spier (_The Sun Dance_, +473) lists as a part of the Sun Dance of the Arapaho, Kiowa and Southern +Cheyenne a prepared drink and the induction of vomiting. Kozad (Kiowa) +believed peyote had a good effect whether vomited or not—the virtue being +in the quantity eaten. Cf. the emetic rites in connection with the “black +drink.” + +[7] Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 406-407; Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 65. + +[8] Radin, _A Sketch of the Peyote Cult_, 5-6, 19-20; _The Winnebago +Tribe_, 395. + +[9] E.g., Charles Lonewolf (Kiowa) in _Peyote as Used in Religious +Worship_, 53; Hoebel, _Comanche Field Notes_. Again, all the prestige +of the culture itself was behind Old Man White Horn’s pronouncement to +the psychotic Oto, R. E., that peyote would protect him. This individual +suffered apparently from an obsessional neurosis (stereotyped actions, +collecting string, rolling and unrolling balls of it, persecutory fears, +avoidance of people, fear of being pursued etc.). If his difficulties +had originally arisen from real or supposed aggressions upon him of +members of his group, the therapeutic value of the assertion that the +fetish would protect him is obvious. For the belief that it would protect +him was shared by all the others present, and he had the support of the +enormous impetus a deep-seated culture-pattern possesses. The importance +of the fetish plant as a psychic “authority” should likewise not be +minimized. + +[10] Opler, _The Influence of Aboriginal Pattern_, _passim_. + +[11] For one matter, the shaman’s staff never left his hand to be passed +around as in the Plains; and each individual had some prophylactic fetish +in his hand which he never dared relinquish throughout the meeting. +Note, too, the fetish peyote on the altar: on this the leader could +detect evil thoughts and acts, such as the magic intrusive “shooting” of +water-beetles and feathers by rival shamans into each other. + +[12] Radin, _Crashing Thunder_, 180, see also 193-94, 198-99; _A Sketch +of the Peyote Cult_, 8-9; Densmore, _Winnebago Songs of the Peyote +Ceremony_. + +[13] Skinner, _Societies of the Iowa_, 725; Radin, _Crashing Thunder_, +177; _A Sketch of the Peyote Cult_, 5-6, 19-20; _The Winnebago Tribe_, +395; Densmore, _The Peyote Cult_; _Winnebago Songs of the Peyote +Ceremony_. Confession is present in Iowa, Oto, and Winnebago peyotism. +But I have noted non-peyote instances of public confession among Aztecs, +Aurohuaca, Carrier, Chichimeca, Crow, Dogrib, Eskimo, Guatemaltecans, +Huichol, Ijca, Inca, Iroquois, Maya, Nicarao, Plains Cree, Plains Ojibwa, +Salteaux, Shawnee, Slave, Tahltan, Western Apache, Yellowknife, and +Yucatecans. Related practices are reported for the Arikara, Blackfoot, +Southern Cheyenne, Oglala, and Sarsi. + +[14] Radin, _Crashing Thunder_, 171, 186-87; Petrullo, _The Diabolic +Root_, 111. + +[15] Densmore, _Winnebago Songs of the Peyote Ceremony_. + +[16] Michelson, _Sauk and Fox Myths_. + +[17] A Wichita told an anecdote which he thought evidenced his own +very good fortune. During a storm he was trying to get to a meeting +at Red Rock in his old car, which failed him. A tragedy occurred in +this meeting: Riley Fawfaw (Oto) was killed by lightning. A supporting +wire had been put on the tipi and along this the lightning apparently +traveled, for money in his pocket was melted, his neighbors made +unconscious and others thrown about the tipi by the force of the bolt. +Unfortunately it seemed inexpedient to inquire more deeply into detailed +attitudes about this incident. + +[18] Petrullo, _The Diabolic Root_, 76. + + + + +HISTORICAL INTERPRETATIONS + + +THE PRE-PEYOTE MESCAL BEAN CULT + +As we have noted in the section on the botany of peyote, the use of +the term “mescal” is surrounded with considerable confusion, and is +persistently used in the older literature to designate _Lophophora +williamsii_ or peyote. The true mescal is the _Agave_ spp. whose +cabbage-like center is baked by the tribes of the Southwest and +northern Mexico as a food; “mescal” also refers to the brandy distilled +from mescal beer or pulque. No doubt it is due to their intoxicating +properties that two other distinct plants, _Sophora secundiflora_ +and _Lophophora williamsii_, have been called, respectively, “mescal +bean” and “mescal button.” A further confusion of these last has been +contributed to by the fact that both have been involved in Plains cult +uses. + +_Sophophora secundiflora_ is an evergreen shrub bearing two or three +tough-shelled red seeds in a bean-like pod. Known in Mexico as “toleselo” +and elsewhere as mescal-bean, coral-bean,[1] frijolito, frijolillo and +mountain laurel,[2] it contains the extremely toxic narcotic alkaloid +sophorine or cytisine,[3] the physiological action of which accounts for +its ceremonial use by natives. This is a powerful poison causing nausea, +convulsions and finally death by asphyxiation; it is said[4] to resemble +nicotine closely in physiological action. A more complete botanical and +physiological account appears in an appendix, and we are here concerned +only with its ethnographic aspects. + +Havard says that the Indians near San Antonio + + formerly used the seed as an intoxicant, half of a seed + producing a delirious exhilaration followed by a deep sleep + lasting two or three days. + +Opler tells a Chiricahua Apache coyote story in which the trickster +pounded up a number of the beans and gave them to the people to eat: + + So while the people were out of their minds, Coyote cut out + their hair in patches the way Indians cut their hair. So there + they were, crazy. + +Lumholtz says that the Tarahumari added the root (?) of the frijolillo +to their maguey wine “as a ferment,” and Bennett and Zingg report +an archaeological occurrence at a Rio Fuerte site in Chihuahua on a +Basket-Maker horizon: + + Containers found here and in another site held nothing but + a few seeds of the poisonous wild “bean,” which may have + ceremonial significance. + +This inference is not implausible when we recall the Mexican mode of +keeping peyote.[5] + +The use of peyote in racing and in ball games is noted for the Tarahumari +and Tamaulipecan groups, and in this connection it is interesting to +learn that the Wichita used to eat mescal beans before they ran a race. +A Cheyenne informant said that his tribe used the “red-berry” as an +eye-wash long before they knew of peyote, though he never heard of their +eating it; “it’s poison,” he said. The Comanche used to get mescal beans +from near Fort Stanton, apparently for ornamental purposes only.[6] Like +most of the Plains tribes, the Kickapoo used mescal beans chiefly as +beads, but in common with the Cheyenne they used them medicinally: for +earache they boiled, mashed and strained the beans through a cloth. + +The Kiowa use the ḱɔnḱoλ or mescal beans typically, as beads in peyote +meetings, much as they formerly wore bandoliers of them on the war-path. +One Kiowa is said to have chewed the inside of a mescal bean before +breaking a bad wild horse bareback. A Kiowa peyote chief had several of +the beans on his moccasin heel-fringe, to protect from the dangers of +inadvertently stepping on menstrual blood, and another Kiowa “peyote boy” +had a mescal bean attached to the thong of his gourd rattle. Mescal beans +are clearly thought to possess great medicine-power. + +The Iowa had leggings which Skinner thought might have been of a modified +Kiowa-Comanche type, with a perforated scarlet mescal bean (Iowa, maka +shutze, “red medicine”) knotted on each thong of the fringe. The Omaha +used as beads and good luck charms bright red beans which Gilmore thought +were _Erythrina_, and which they called makaⁿ zhide or “red medicine” +likewise. In adopting the use of chinaberries (_Melia azerdache_ L.) as +beads, they likened them to mescal beans and called them, curiously, +makaⁿ-zhide sabe, “black red-medicine.”[7] Pawnee informants said that +long ago they used bat or mescal beans for medicine “to strengthen the +body,” but now use them only for decoration. The Oto used to eat “liar(?) +berries” or mescal beans in one of their lodges; they had the interesting +superstition that they breed (recalling the sex attributed to peyote): + + Tie two or three in a bundle, leave it a year or so, and when + you open it again you’ll have a dozen. + +The inference that the Pawnee and Oto used the mescal bean ritually is +borne out by the Iowa, who had a full-fledged ceremony called the “Red +Bean Dance:”[8] + + This is an ancient rite (maⁿkácutzi waci) far antedating the + modern peyote eating practice but on the same principle. The + society was founded by a faster who dreamed that he received it + from the deer, for red beans (mescal) are sometimes found in + deer’s stomachs.[9] There are four assistant leaders, besides + the leader, and it is their duty to strike the drum and sing + during ceremonies. + + In this society members were obliged to purchase admission from + some one of the four assistant leaders. This was done in the + regular ceremonial way. A candidate brought gifts and heaped + them on the ground before the assistant leader and begged for + the songs, etc., which he taught them and was then a leader. + There was no initiation ceremony. During performances the + members painted themselves white and wore a bunch of split + owl-feathers on their heads. Small gourd rattles were used and + the members while singing held a bow and arrow in the right + hand which they waved back and forth in front of the body while + they manipulated the rattle with the left. + + This ceremony was held in the spring when the sunflowers were + in blossom on the prairie, for then nearly all the vegetable + foods given by wakanda were ripe. The leader, who was the + owner of a medicine and war bundle called maⁿkácutzi warúhawe + connected with this society, had his men prepare by “killing” + the beans[10] by placing them before the fire until they + turned yellow. Then they are taken and pounded up fine[11] and + made into a medicine brew. The members then danced all night, + and just past midnight they commenced to drink the red bean + decoction. They kept this up until about dawn when it began to + work upon them so that they vomited[12] and prayed repeatedly, + and were thus cleansed ceremonially, the evil having been + driven from their bodies. Then a feast of the new vegetable + foods[13] was given them and a prayer of thanks was made to + wakanda for vegetable foods and tobacco. + + The connection of the maⁿkácutzi warúhawe, or red bean war + bundle with the society is not altogether clear to me, save + that it was a sacred object possessed by the society which + brought success in war, hunting, especially for the buffalo, + and in horse-racing.[14] Members of this society tied red + beans around their belts when they went to war, deeming them a + protection against injury.[15] Cedar berries and sagebrush were + also used with this medicine.[16] Sage was boiled and used to + medicate sweat baths on the war trail. + +Further information is afforded by Harrington,[17] who collected a +typical red bean bundle figured by Skinner, indicating a Pawnee parallel +to the Iowa cult: + + In addition to the two varieties of Ioway war bundles before + described, a third sort was found, Maⁿkaⁿshudje oyu, or Red + Medicine Bundles.... This was not discussed with the others, + for the reason that the Ioways claim that it did not originate + with them, but was derived from the Pawnee, who, in return for + many presents, gave them authority to use it, and instructed + them in its preparation and ritual. The legend of its origin + among the Pawnee was not known to my informants. + + The bundle, says Chief Tohee, belonged to a society, whose + annual meeting was held about the time corn is ripe.[18] + There was but one main bundle, but each member had a “flute” + or whistle, and a small package of medicine. When the time + approached for the meeting, the member who was to give the + feast sent a crier or “waiter” around to the different members, + calling them to meet at a certain night in his bark house + or tipi, whichever he was using at the time. All painted + themselves and fixed themselves up in their best style for the + occasion. Music was furnished by a number of singers, who kept + time to the sound of drumming upon a tight bow-string,[19] and + the sound of small gourd rattles. During the ceremonies the + singers seated themselves in four different places at the side + of the lodge, corresponding to the four directions, and sang in + each one the verses prescribed by tradition, the order being: + east, south, west, and north.[20] The dance is said to have + consisted of peculiar jumping movements. + + Now, the “Red Medicine” which forms the basis of the bundle, is + the sacred red Mescal bean (_Erythrina flabelliformis_) which + seems to have narcotic or perhaps intoxicating properties when + taken internally.[21] Formerly widely used by the Indians of + the Southern Plains[22] to produce dreams or visions at certain + ceremonies, it has now been supplanted by the more powerful + “button” cut from the Peyote cactus, which is sometimes wrongly + also called “mescal,” thus taking the name of its predecessor. + + When morning put an end to the dances of the ceremony under + discussion, a large number of the red beans were broken up, + or “killed” as the Indians say (regarding the beans as alive) + and stirred up with water in a large kettle, together with + certain herbs which are said to make the decoction milder in + action. Then all the participants drank a cup or two of the + mixture. The only description of the action of the drug was + that everything looks red to the drinker for a while, when he + vomits, and evacuates the bowels, which the Indians say, cleans + out the system, and benefits the health, even in the case of + children. The medicine drinking, and the stupor and purging + consequent upon it end the ceremony. + + It is said that the bundle has been handed down for a number + of generations, since it was obtained from the Pawnee, all + in one family, which must have benefited considerably, one + would think, from the valuable presents necessary to join the + society.... The [bundle’s] taboo was very strict, forbidding + its owners to break the bones[23] of any animal under any + circumstances. They must never allow the bundle to touch the + ground either.... + + When not in use, it was kept carefully wrapped in hides or + canvas so as to exclude the weather, hanging on a pole standing + just east of the owner’s lodge, in front of the doorway. In + addressing the bundle, they called it “Grandfather,” and made + offerings to it by throwing tobacco on the ground near the pole + where it hung. On festal occasions the sweet smoke of burning + cedar twigs was wafted upon it as an offering. + + In time of war, a special man was appointed to carry it, as was + the case with most war bundles. Like them, too, it was opened + when the enemy was sighted, when its enclosed amulets were put + on by the warriors. Tooting their war-whistles, they rushed + gaily into battle, confident of the Red Medicine’s protection. + +Mrs. Voegelin[24] quotes an informant on a Shawnee use of mescal in a war +connection: + + Čalikwa’s grandfather gave him one of these mescal beans + (manitowimskočii’Oa). This old man knew prayers about these + beans.... He had four grandsons. He made a prayer to give each + of these boys a bean—one apiece.... He made a prayer about + how the Creator made these beans and how they’re used, using + tobacco ... out in the woods; he built a fire, where he offered + prayer. This old man wanted his grandsons to be warriors. So he + told the first grandson to swallow one of those beans. + + When the first boy swallowed the bean, the bean came out. He + told the boy, “You can never be a powerful man or anything; + there’s something in the way, that that bean didn’t want to + stay (inside you).” This happened to three of the boys. The + last grandson to take the bean was Čalikwa; when he took it, + the bean didn’t come out. So when he saw his grandson keeping + that bean, the old man was thankful. He told him, “Now you + have a power; any time you see a battle you’ll be the leader.” + [And so he was in 1865, when the Shawnee almost wiped out the + Tonkawa in battle.] + + +HISTORY OF THE DIFFUSION OF PEYOTISM + +Far too little is known—or probably ever will be known—about peyotism in +Mexico to attempt to reconstruct its history; but our earliest Spanish +sources indicate its pre-Columbian presence among the Aztec, and probably +also the Cora-Huichol.[25] But the latter do not live in the region of +growth of the plant, whence Beals argues that they must certainly have +borrowed the cult. Rouhier claims immense antiquity for Huichol peyotism, +but unconvincingly. If, indeed, as Beals with great plausibility argues, +peyote is historically associated with shamanism, then it may have been +involved in a late reinvigoration of shamanistic elements, at the expense +of the priestly-sacerdotal elements of an older, impoverished culture +stratum. Evidence is even less conclusive for other Mexican groups, but +on the whole it appears that the ritualization of the use of peyote was +already vigorous in many parts of Mexico at the time of the first Spanish +contact. + +The approximate age of the peyote cult among the Tarahumari is likewise +unknown to us. It is not so integrated into their culture as in the case +of the Huichol, and in nearly all respects the southern cult is more +complex than the northern. Furthermore, Tarahumari peyotism has for +some time been in decline, indicating perhaps a borrowing which was not +sufficiently rooted—the neighboring Tubar, for example, did not use +hikuli, though their customs otherwise much resembled the Tarahumari. +Both Lumholtz and Bennett and Zingg consider Tarahumari peyotism a +diffusion from the Cora-Huichol; certainly the Tarahumari themselves show +very little indication of being a center of diffusion in Mexico in their +lack of characteristic traits[26]. + +Despite our comparative ignorance of the region, a much better case could +be made for northeastern Mexico as a center of diffusion, for the region +immediately south of the Rio Grande is one of the abundant growth of +peyote. The oldest use in the United States is in this region, rather +than in the Southwest as represented by the Mescalero. Tonkawan peyotism, +for example, may be quite old: Velasco wrote in 1716 that many of the +Indians of Texas drank “pellote” in connection with their dances. The +Lipan got peyote from the Carrizo before white contact, according to +Opler’s informants. The Lipan used to go to a place called Biγaguɫgai, +which was “wide grass country beyond the Pecos in Texas,” where the +Mescalero came sometimes to meet them. Wagner says the Mescalero got +peyote from the Lipan about 1880, but later Plains history of the cult as +evidenced by the Kiowa leads us to accept the date 1870 set by Opler, as +more plausible. Opler has well accounted for the ready acceptance by the +Mescalero of this shamanistically-colored complex, and its integration +into their pattern of aggression by witchcraft; he believes that peyotism +was brought to their door by the same movement which brought it to the +Plains, though Mescalero peyotism is appreciably older.[27] + +From Dr. Parsons’ careful account, it is clear that Taos practises the +classical Plains rite. Contact with the Arapaho-Cheyenne version dates +at least as far back as 1907, and tentative beginnings of this sort +continued in later years.[28] Interestingly, Cozio recorded in 1720 the +prosecution of a Taos Indian who had taken peyote and disturbed the +town.[29] In any case the history of peyote at Taos has been a stormy +one.[30] About 1918 the hierarchy became bitterly opposed to peyote, +and turned three men out of their kiva membership in an attempt to +rout it out. Dr. Parsons[31] believes that the weakness of the kachina +cult at Taos accounts perhaps for peyote getting any foothold there at +all. It is no coincidence that the Water Kiva, which has to do with +the main elements of the kachina cult, the pilgrimage, is the one most +outstandingly opposed to peyote. Considerable political activity has +erupted over the issue, and Dr. Parsons surmises that the protective +influence of a recently deceased political figure in the pueblo was also +of significance. It may well be that recent Federal legislation will so +strengthen the hand of the civil authorities at Taos that the suppression +of peyote can be accomplished; in 1923 the number of “peyote boys” was +only 52 in a population of 635. + +In the Plains the most important tribes in the diffusion of the peyote +cult were the Kiowa, the Comanche, and to a lesser degree perhaps, the +Caddo. Most Kiowa agree that they got peyote and the accompanying ritual +from the Mescalero Apache. The usual story is that a raiding party came +to the Apache country, and that during an Apache peyote meeting being +held at the time, the leader by clairvoyant means was made aware of the +approach of the war-party leader. He told his fireman to invite the man +in, enemy though he was. In this manner the man learned the ceremony, and +at the end he was presented with peyote and ritual paraphernalia to take +back to his tribe.[32] + +Pabo, or Big Horse, was the only user among the Kiowa about 1868 or +1870, and Mooney began to notice Kiowa peyote only around 1886, so the +vigorous activity of a cult proper may be said to date from about this +time (though friendly contacts with the Mescalero in his opinion dated +as far back as 1850 or before).[33] But the introduction of peyote was +not exclusively the doing of one tribe, any more in the case of the +Kiowa than of other groups. Tribal contacts have been multiple since +the cessation of intertribal warfare, and one is not at all inclined +to discount the vague information from Kiowas that they knew of peyote +from the Cáγeso, the Zé·bakiɛni or “Long Arrows,” the Yæk’i (a loose +designation for various north Mexican tribes) and the Kωɔnhęɢo. These +last so-called “bare-footed” people are probably the Carrizo, who +ranged within the region of growth of peyote. The Tonkawa[34] also made +visits to the Kiowa around 1890 and performed shamanistic tricks in +peyote meetings. We therefore set the date of Kiowa peyotism somewhat +earlier than Shonle’s[35] “before 1891” (her data were based on official +Government sources which might not have become cognizant of the cult +until late in its history), for Kiowa were holding meetings by 1880 or +before. The Kiowa probably contributed little or nothing definitive to +the general shape of the ceremony, most of whose features were already +standardized among the Lipan and the Mescalero.[36] + +At one time, however, there was intense opposition to peyote on the +part of some Kiowa. In the winter of 1887-88 Bąįgʸä had a revelation +on the strength of which he claimed to be the successor to Pate’te +or “Buffalo-Bull-Coming-Out” (the “Buffalo Prophet” of 1881-82 who +had promised to bring back the buffalo if his followers joined him in +resisting the Whites and returning to the old customs). He organized a +group of about thirty into an order called Baiyui or “Sons of the Sun,” +with a special costume, singing of guedωgʸä, or old “going-to-war” +songs, smoking ceremony and dance. These he commanded to resume the old +costume, weapons and customs, and distributed to them a sacred new fire +made with a drill to take the place of fires kindled with flint-and-steel +or matches. The Sons of the Sun were bitterly opposed to peyote on the +ground that it was in conflict with the Ten Medicine Bundles, though +since its introduction some years before there had been no special +opposition to peyote. One of their rules was to drink always from an +individual cup or bucket, in pointed contrast to the peyote custom. + +Bąįgʸä predicted that a great whirlwind would come in the spring, +followed by a four-day prairie-fire in which the Whites and all their +works would be destroyed and the buffalo and the old Indian life +restored. He ordered all the Kiowa to gather at Elk Creek, where they +would be safe when the catastrophe came. He claimed that his followers +would be invulnerable to the white soldiers’ bullets, and that he himself +could kill the latter with the glance of his eye as far as he could see +them. As the time grew near there was intense excitement and the whole +tribe, save for a few skeptical chiefs and medicine men, assembled at +the appointed spot. When the holocaust failed to materialize the people +lost faith in him. He held his original group together until the coming +of the Ghost Dance in the fall of 1890. Shortly before this his son had +died, and when the Ghost Dance came he claimed to have seen the fresh +tracks of this son on his grave, resurrected, and through this revelation +attempted to identify his group with the Ghost Dance, without, however, +any success. His disciples continued to ride around together in a group, +and maintained their bitter hostility to peyote, but were not taken +seriously. Finally, indeed, Lone Bear and other Sons of the Sun, became +staunch peyote-users themselves and opposition vanished. + +The first Comanche user of peyote was Buigʷat, who married an Apache +woman and is said to have learned it from the Mescalero. Other early +users were Dešode (“Smart Man”) and Tašipa, but by far the most important +peyote leader among the Comanche was Quanah Parker. Previously opposed +to it, he later changed his mind when peyote cured an illness of his. +One of the earliest Comanche meetings was held east of Fort Sill in +1873 or 1874, about the time Kicking Bird was imprisoned there. Quanah +subsequently visited the Cheyenne, Arapaho, Ponca, Oto, Pawnee and Osage +among others[37] and conducted meetings among them in the early 1890’s. +The Comanche origin legend is similar to that of the Kiowa, except that +the White Mountain Apache were involved. + +Regardless of priority, the prestige of both these tribes as teachers of +peyote is considerable.[38] Due to their influence, peyote spread rapidly +in Oklahoma until it assumed the proportions of an “international” +religion such as the Ghost Dance had been. Distinctly a reservation +phenomenon in the days following the cessation of intertribal warfare, +peyotism was able to exploit the friendly contacts growing out of the +Ghost Dance. As Opler writes, “The spread and increased prominence of +peyote ceremonies coincided suggestively with the final triumph of white +civilization over the tribes of our western plains, those very groups +upon whom peyote obtained so strong a hold.” + +The express intention of Indian policy of the period was the +deculturation of the natives, to be obtained by sending the children +to white schools, away from the influence of tribal life.[39] But this +policy prepared the way for peyotism in several ways: it weakened the +tradition of the older tribal religions without basically altering +typical Plains religious attitudes, and multiplied friendly contacts +between members of different tribes. Friendships made as school-boys +account for considerable visiting and revisiting from tribe to tribe, and +nearly ideal conditions for the diffusion of the cult were established. +When Eagle Flying Above (Pawnee) got peyote from White Eyes (Arapaho) +the sign language was the vehicle used, but in modern times the use of +English as a lingua Franca is an enabling factor of great importance +in the diffusion of the cult. Thus, ironically, the intended modes +of deculturizing the Indian have contributed preëminently to the +reinvigoration of a basically aboriginal religion. + +Among the groups of considerable secondary importance in this +diffusion, the Caddo are perhaps outstanding. The variations which the +Caddo-Delaware messiah John Wilson began, and taught to the Quapaw, +Osage and other “Big Moon” worshippers, is a somewhat special historical +development and is treated in an appendix. The significance of the Oto in +the development of the Christianized version among the Omaha, Winnebago +and other Siouan groups is shown in another appendix on the history of +the Church of the First-born and other peyote churches. + +In the diffusion of the standard rite the Arapaho and the Cheyenne +perhaps come next after the Kiowa and the Comanche. Jock Bullbear was +one of the earliest Arapaho users, learning it from the Comanche when he +returned from Carlisle[40] in 1884, and by 1891 Arapaho peyotism came to +the attention of Mooney. A Cheyenne and Arapaho custom in connection with +peyote meetings is the giving of presents to friends and visitors the +next morning after a meeting.[41] The sweat lodge doctoring modification +of Arapaho peyotism has been described previously. + +The Bannock of Idaho have used peyote since 1906-1911, apparently +against considerable opposition. They formerly met in log-houses in the +backwoods, and did not use the plant openly until the Oklahoma Native +American Church was organized. The Cheyenne are believed by the writer to +be the source of their cult. + +The Blackfoot in 1913 were said to lack[42] the peyote religion, but +Wissler states that he heard them singing peyote songs within a hundred +yards of the very agent who denied the existence of the cult among them. +Alfred Wilson (Cheyenne), who as president of the Native American Church +has occasion to know, says that the Blackfoot have peyote, though they +were officially[43] listed as non-users in 1922. + +The Five Civilized Tribes received peyote at a very late date. Wagner[44] +in 1932 said that the Creek, Choctaw and Chickasaw do not eat peyote; +this agrees with the statements of Jim Aton (Kiowa) who said the Cherokee +did not have it when he himself took peyote to the Creek in 1931. The +Seminole have also taken it up recently, but some acquaintance with the +plant must be postulated as early as 1922, since Newberne and Burke[45] +list 40 users among the 101,506 population of the combined Five Tribes. +The influence involved here is probably the Yuchi, who in turn got it +from the Cheyenne.[46] + +The Cheyenne are currently a source for peyote among the Blood in Canada, +who were being organized in the summer of 1936. The Canadian Cree and +Chippewa are very recent partial converts too; the latter received it +from the Chippewa of Minnesota.[47] + +The Cheyenne in Oklahoma used peyote before 1885, the date of the first +Government census. The Government scout Flacco was violently against it +and said that it was used “to witch people and make them crazy.” Cloud +Chief, of the Snake Clan, also opposed the coming of peyote, as he had +previously opposed the Ghost Dance. But Leonard Tylor and John Turtle +went to the Kiowa country in 1884-85 and learned the ceremony. A little +later, in 1889-90, Henry White Antelope and Standing Bird visited the +Comanche and learned Quanah Parker’s “way.” Tylor later got a “heart +moon” of his own (Caddo influence?) some time after the allotment of +lands. + +Northern Cheyenne peyotism is largely parallel in its history to that of +the Southern Cheyenne. It began among them around 1900 or before, some of +them having learned it at Haskell; recently they have become affiliated +with the Native American Church. Hoebel writes:[48] + + There has been a limited amount of friction between the + religious conservatives and the Peyote worshippers, and a + distinction is drawn between a Peyote leader and a medicine + man. For example, a ranking Peyote leader volunteered to give + me much esoteric information on old cultural ways, explaining + that he could talk to me about sacred things because he is not + a medicine man. The Peyote people have taken over the entire + leadership of tribal life. All members of the tribal council + are Peyote worshippers and probably 80 per cent of the adults + in the tribe are affiliated with the Peyote cult. Only the very + old men abstained from Peyote and held to the old medicine + beliefs. Among the Northern Cheyenne, Issiwin or the Sacred Hat + is still revered and is under the care of an old medicine man. + The Peyote leaders took a sacred button to the hat keeper and + asked him to put it in the ancient bundle with the old hat but + they claim not to know whether the keeper had done so or not. + My guess is that they did know but did not care to tell. + +There is a tendency to separatism between the sections on the +reservation, but nothing suggesting a schism in Northern Cheyenne +peyotism; there is interparticipation in meetings of the various groups, +though there is a mild rivalry between the Muddy Creek and the other +territorially-defined groups. + +The Delaware got peyote from the Kiowa and Comanche about 1886, the +earliest users including Chief Charles Elkhair, Joe Washington, James +C. Webber, George T. and John Anderson, Benjamin Hill, Reed and Frank +Wilson, Mrs. Allie Anderson, Mrs. Ora Spybuck and Mrs. Little Tethlies. +Washington’s family still has the original articles given them by the +Comanche.[49] + +Iowa peyote[50] was in full swing in 1914, but is said to have died out +since 1922. In this tribe the introduction of peyote + + has driven out of existence almost all the other societies + and ancient customs of the tribe; almost all of the Iowa in + Oklahoma are ardent peyote disciples, and only ... a few ... + still follow the older customs. + +Peyotism has relaxed the rules of secrecy about the older medicine +ceremonies also, and may perhaps be ultimately responsible for the final +deculturation of the Iowa. + +Kansa[51] peyotism came from the Ponca about 1907. It was very strong +among them by 1915, “having apparently superseded all of the old Kansa +beliefs.” + +Henry Murdock (Kickapoo) brought the new religion from Quanah Parker +and the Comanche in 1906; but he had personally known of peyote before, +having gone to Mexico in 1864. Quanah had known Murdock before the peyote +religion began spreading and invited his friend by letter to visit him. +He put on a meeting in his honor, taught him the ceremony and presented +him with peyote paraphernalia. The set songs in the Kickapoo rite are +Comanche, and the custom of making the ashes into a bird likewise +indicates a Comanche provenience for the ceremony. The Kickapoo were +originally much against peyote.[52] + +Peyote began to have a limited adherence among the Menomini a little +before 1914, owing largely to marital ties with Winnebago and Potawatomi +users.[53] The ritual has the Christian character of the Winnebagos’ and +membership in the peyote society not only precludes any in all the other +societies, but also demands the abandonment of all ancient practices and +destruction of their paraphernalia. Skinner believed that + + its success will mean the death-blow to all the ancient customs + of the tribe, already decadent, without the compensation of any + advantageous or progressive substitute. + +The spread of the cult has been met with determined opposition among the +Menomini, and some peyote users later sought and received reinstatement +in the older tribal rites. + +One Modoc in Oklahoma, Sam Ball, married a Quapaw woman and took up +peyote as a result. At present he is the only one,[54] but such marital +ties have often before been the source of the spread of peyote. + +Peyote was introduced to the Omaha[55] + + in the winter of 1906-07 by an Omaha returning from the Oto + in Oklahoma. He had been much addicted to alcoholics, and was + told by an Oto that the plant and the religious cult practiced + therewith would be a cure. On his return he sought the advice + and help of the leader of the Mescal Society of the Winnebago, + next door neighbors tribe of the Omaha. He and a few other + Omaha, who also suffered from alcoholism, formed a society + which has since increased in numbers and influence against much + opposition, till it includes about half the tribe. + +The medicine-men were particularly opposed to the use of peyote; one +native Omaha, Thomas L. Sloan, prepared a bill against peyote and +presented it to the Nebraska State Legislature, but later suffered a +change of heart. + +The Osage are a typical example of the multiple origins for peyotism in +one tribe. Chief Lookout testified[56] that the Osage had peyote about +1896, and in a petition to Congress signed by him and Eves Tailchief, +Edgar McCarthy and Arthur Bonnecastle, it was stated that Chief Black +Dog and Chief Clermont established lodges among them in 1898. The source +was Caddo, and nearly all the 800 full-bloods were ultimately peyote +users; the Quapaw ceremony may also have had an influence upon them. +The Caddo-Delaware messiah, John Wilson, came to the Osage in 1902, +after most of them around Hominy and elsewhere had known of it.[57] The +younger Osage who embraced the new religion could be distinguished from +the conservatives in their wearing of braids decorated with ribbons and +colored yarn, in place of the older reached style of headdress. In the +last year or so an Osage named Morell has invited the Caddos Alfred +Taylor and Ben Carter to bring the “Enoch” (Caddo) moon to his home; he +already had a Wilson moon on his place, but his sons wanted to have the +more basic Caddoan moon.[58] + +The Tonkawa first brought peyote to the Oto very long ago; Koshiway +places this as far back as 1876 (which is not implausible in view of the +earliest Kiowa and Comanche contacts with the plant). This must not be +regarded, however, as the date of the vigorous functioning of the cult, +but it is well to recall here the Oto mescal bean cult which may have +facilitated the borrowing of the later narcotic.[59] + +We have elaborated in an appendix the origin of the Christian elements in +Oto peyotism, which spread to other Siouan groups (Omaha and Winnebago). +The Church of the First-born embodied Russellite doctrines familiar +to the Oto teacher Koshiway.[60] It was incorporated in 1914, though +its roots may have gone back as far as 1896, apparently with some +consultation with the Shawnee,[61] and the consent of White Horn (Oto) +leader of the older and already established native peyote ceremony. Its +influence on the Native American Church and the Negro Church of the +First-born is elsewhere discussed, as are also the specific Christian +elements in peyotism as a whole. The famous meeting 14 miles east of Red +Rock at which the Kiowa leaders Belo Kozad and Jack Sankadote and an +Apache named Star visited the Oto, was responsible for the amalgamation +of the Church of the First-born and the Native American Church. Dugan +Black, leader of the first Oto meeting attended, is stated to have gotten +his “road” from Little Henry (Kiowa) and uses Kiowa songs; another Oto +leader uses Conklin Hummingbird’s fireplace. + +The Ponca are said by Shonle[62] to have gotten peyote from the Southern +Cheyenne in 1902-04, but native information indicates that there were +Comanche sources too (Ponca songs, e.g., are frequently Comanche). The +Cheyenne, White Horse, brought them the cult in September, 1904, but +when they heard that it was recent among this group, they went to Quanah +Parker among the Comanche “to get to the bottom of it.” The late Robert +Buffalo-head was the earliest leader of the Cheyenne rite. A suggestion +of Caddo influence appears again in the rules surrounding the drum; the +typical Ponca peyote drum has a handle made of the twisted rope-end of +the lacing. “The old people are strict, and you’re not allowed to put +your hand on the drum [head],” we were told. + +Eagle Flying Above, who later became oil-wealthy, was the first Pawnee +user of peyote, obtaining it from White Eyes, an Arapaho friend, about +1890 or a little later. Several months later Sun Chief, the writer’s +informant, took it up. At the death of Eagle Flying Above, Sun Chief +was the only Pawnee leader, and all the others learned the rite from +him; he has eaten peyote since 1892-94, but only later became a leader. +A still earlier source appears to be the Quapaw,[63] whom two Pawnee +youths visited in 1890, but the cult became vigorous only after further +instruction from the visiting Arapaho. There was some opposition to +peyote among the Pawnee in the early days: “they didn’t understand +it.” The leaders of the opposition were Sky Chief, head of the Kuγau +or “Doctor Dancers,” and Good Buffalo, leader of the Buffalo Dance +ceremonialists; later, however, both joined the peyote-users. The cult +is found chiefly among the Pítahauírata, where the form originated, but +found a later following among the Chauí, then the Kítkaháxki and a few +Skidi. + +It is interesting to note that, as with the Shawnee and others, Pawnee +peyote was early involved in the Ghost Dance excitement. The leader +claimed from peyote the same sort of revelations acquired in the Ghost +Dance trance, and taught that while under the influence of peyote one +could learn the rituals belonging to bundles and societies; in this +manner he himself amassed considerable star lore. One unusual Pawnee +feature was the use of a special Ghost Dance form of painted tipi for +peyote meetings; minor changes were made in the type of drum and rattle +also.[64] + +The Potawatomi first had peyote sometime between 1908 and 1914, but +little else is known about it there. Quapaw peyotism derives from the +Caddo-Delaware. The Ree[65] [Arikara] were strongly against the cult, and +it apparently died out among them by 1924. Ed Butler brought Sauk[66] +peyote directly from the Tonkawa: + + In the early days women were not allowed to be members, and the + manitou who gave the man this medicine made it a rule that it + should be used [only] in war-time.... It is only a war-bundle + among other tribes. + +But the Sauk have been tenacious of their older religion and its +fetishes,[67] though peyotism is now strong among them; indeed, about +1923, attempted affiliation with the Native American Church failed +because five rival chiefs ran different meetings.[68] + +The Seminole have started the religion only recently, about the same time +as the Cherokee; they have learned it through the Yuchi, Caddo and Kiowa. +George Anderson (Delaware) brought the Wilson moon to the Seneca in 1907, +when eighteen men and women became members. One of the Seneca had a +Quapaw wife, who gave him the idea of obtaining the moon; they were too +poor to pay Anderson’s usual fee, and merely gave him carfare home.[69] + +The Shawnee Jim Clark received peyote from the Comanche in the late +1890’s. Informants say the Shawnee have had peyote as a plant for a long +time, using it to keep from getting tired on the march, for moistening +the mouth when dry-camping and to relieve hunger. The first Absentee +Shawnee meeting was held by the Scotts in 1900, under the tutelage of +the Kickapoo. John Wilson was among the Shawnee about 1894, and George +Fourleaf (Delaware) brought peyote to White Oak from Mexico about 1898. +Ernest Spybuck got his moon from the Delaware near Dewey, while the +Panthers are said to use the Yuchi manner. The majority of the Shawnee, +however, use the standard Kiowa-Arapaho moon. Some Shawnee liken the +leader’s staff to the staff in the Green Corn Dance, and there is a +legend of getting power from peyote which some say was not peyote but +another plant which preceded it.[70] + +A Sioux introduced peyote to the Uintah and Ouray Agency.[71] The Ute +around Fort Duchesne have used peyote “on the sly” since before 1916; the +cult was vigorous around Randlette, Utah, by the spring of 1916. Mrs. +Cooke attended a Ute meeting in 1937 about ten miles from Whiterocks; an +informant told her that + + sometimes they have a half moon instead of a crescent—depending + on the size of the moon in the sky at that time.... They had + twice had a moon which had eyes and a mouth made in it—this is + “God peeping.” + +This last suggests a Caddoan “Big Moon” influence, but the motif of +the changing moon must be Ute, as it is not encountered elsewhere. The +Gosiute near the Salt Lake Desert began about 1921, as did the Paiute +west of Salt Lake City. Little is known of these groups, but possibly +Cheyenne teaching is responsible; Southern Ute visited Oklahoma peyote +groups as early as 1910 according to information of Dr. Parsons.[72] + +The Wichita, like the Shawnee, claim to have had peyote long before they +learned to eat it in meetings. In one of their rain ceremonies they used +a medicine bundle containing four objects: feathers, a little buckskin +doll, a piece of flint and peyote. The ceremony was called hä·ctiaš, +“fire-people-around,” and they sang all night for four nights to bring +rain. The coming of the peyote ritual, therefore, aroused no hostility: + + No Wichita was ever against it [Sly Picard says]; they couldn’t + be, as all our medicine men and women had peyote in their + medicine—the whole tribe. + +Yellow Bird (Wichita-Kichai) may have eaten peyote as early as 1889, +before the Washita bridge between Anadarko and Gracemont was built, and +Sly’s father used it in 1892, learning it from the Caddo. But they were +dissatisfied with the Caddo moon, and invited Frank Moitah (Comanche) and +Salo (Kiowa) to teach them. Old Man Horse (Kiowa) is usually credited, +however, with bringing peyote to the Wichita about 1902. + +In 1893 and 1894 the Winnebago John Rave visited peyote eaters in +Oklahoma (though he had eaten it as early as 1889,) and again in 1901. +On the return from his second trip he tried to introduce the religion, +but without success save among a few of his own relatives. In 1903 or +1904 Rave went to South Dakota, Minnesota and Wisconsin to preach the +new religion; he had been visiting the Kiowa and Comanche, as well as +the Oto. Somewhat later Jesse Clay was taught the rite at Winnebago +by a visitor called Arapaho Bull, and Dick Griffin learned another +version from the Osage at Pawhuska, at a time when John Wilson was +there. Yellowbank said that the Winnebago of Nebraska got peyote from +the Arapaho, and thence it came to the Winnebago of Wisconsin. Thunder +Cloud was among those opposing it, but by 1914 nearly half the tribe were +adherents.[73] + +The Yankton of South Dakota by 1916 had a peyote cult strong enough to +warrant the sending to Congress of a petition to pass an anti-peyote bill +signed with ninety-two names. The Yuchi affiliated with the Creek around +Sapulpa and Kellyville, received peyote from the Cheyenne. Shonle cites +three additional groups we have not yet included. These are the Shoshoni, +who received peyote in 1919, the Sioux (1909-10) and the Crow (1912). +Comparisons of the present list with Shonle’s gives on the whole earlier +dates, yet this need not be considered in any sense a discrepancy. +Shonle’s data were based on government sources, and should stand as +indicating the dates when the various cults became virile enough to +attract official notice. Our own data, based on native sources, give on +the other hand what are probably the earliest contacts and introductions +of the rite, without reference to the number or percentage of adherents +in any tribe. It is evident from them too that tentative starts and +multiple origins are the rule rather than the exception, and Shonle’s +information and our own should be regarded as supplementary rather than +contradictory.[74] + +Although peyotism is gone or decadent among the Tarahumari and the +Mescalero, it is still vigorously spreading in the United States and +southern Canada. Conceivably it could spread until it embraced all +Plains, Basin and Woodlands groups whose earlier culture is sufficiently +consonant with its concepts, and it may have some slender chance +of spreading in the southern and eastern Pueblos and Plateau, but +scarcely elsewhere, for both geographical and cultural reasons. The +cult may be expected to spread for some time in the future, but when +its inevitable decadence and probable ultimate disappearance will have +been accomplished, we may have witnessed in it the last of the great +intertribal religious movements of the American Indian. + +The present section sums up the external history of the diffusion of +peyotism so far as it can be known from our Mexican sources, and in the +Plains, where it appears that the pre-peyote mescal bean cult prepared +the way somewhat for the use of the narcotic cactus. + +The Plains rites are basically derived from the Kiowa, Comanche and Caddo +peyote ceremonies, which in turn derive from the Mescalero Apache (whence +the diffusion traces back to the Lipan and Tonkawa through the Carrizo +perhaps to Tamaulipecan groups). The Kiowa and the Comanche led in the +diffusion of the standard aboriginal ceremony, but the Caddo variant was +powerfully influenced by the individual, John Wilson, and diffused to the +Osage, Quapaw, Delaware and others in a somewhat modified form. This is +the subject of a special appendix. + +The Oto are probably the crucial group in the diffusion of the later +Christianized version of peyotism among such Siouan groups as the +Winnebago and Omaha. Here again an individual gave a new turn to the +ceremony by summing up in himself two streams of culture, the aboriginal +and the Christian. Jonathan Koshiway is discussed in an appendix on the +Native American Church, and a special appendix is devoted to the matter +of Christian elements in the cult. The diagram on the opposite page sums +up the external history of peyotism succinctly. + +[Illustration: Fig. 5. Chronological outline of the diffusion of +peyotism.] + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[1] “These beans are often confused with those of a certain species of +_Erythrina_, which are sometimes sold in their place in the markets of +Mexico, but which are not at all narcotic” (Safford, _Narcotic Plants_, +397). + +[2] Not to be confused with the “mountain laurel” _Kalmia latifolia_. + +[3] Henry, _The Plant Alkaloids_, 395, 398. + +[4] Henry, _op. cit._, 397; cf. Safford, _Narcotic Plants_, 397. + +[5] Bellanger, in Havard (Bulletin 519:6); Opler, _The Autobiography_; +Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:256; Bennett and Zingg, _The Tarahumara_, +358. The use of frijolillo in maguey liquor (which equates with mescal) +probably accounts for the usage “mescal bean.” Since the text was written +further Apache material has appeared (Castetter and Opler, _Ethnobiology +of the Chiricahua and Mescalero Apache_, 54-55). + +[6] Mooney, _Miscellaneous Notes_, 6. Schultes figures a Kiowa necklace +of true mescal beans (_Sophora secundiflora_ Ortega, Lag. ex DC.) strung +on buckskin, with a piece of red ribbon, beaver fur and a child’s +ring enclosing a bundle of dried beaver-testis “medicine” in a lace +handkerchief, as trinkets or amulets. + +[7] Skinner, _Ethnology of the Ioway_, 261; Gilmore, _Uses of Plants_, 99. + +[8] Skinner, _Societies of the Iowa_, 718-19. + +[9] Cf. the origin of peyote in deer’s foot-prints or hooves. + +[10] “The maⁿkácutzi beans were supposed to be alive. Those I have seen +in the possession of various Iowa were kept in a buckskin wrapper which +was carefully perforated that they might see out.” Cf. the ability of the +father peyote to see. + +[11] Cf. the preparation of peyote by grinding on metates like corn. + +[12] Cf. the black drink ceremony to the east, and the Plains Sun Dance. + +[13] Early peyotism was likewise an agricultural “first-fruits” rite. + +[14] The Wichita used mescal beans in horse-racing too. Cf. the use of +peyote in racing and deer-hunting, and the use of datura in deer-hunting. + +[15] Cf. the fetishistic use of the father peyote in war. + +[16] Cedar and sage are likewise involved in peyotism. + +[17] Harrington, quoted by Skinner, _Ethnology of the Ioway_, 245-47. + +[18] Compare note 13. + +[19] The Delaware, Osage, Quapaw and Oto call the leader’s peyote staff +an “arrow,” the Ponca a “bow.” + +[20] Cf. peyotism’s four ritual songs, and the whistling outside at +midnight at the four points of the compass. + +[21] But _Erythrina flabelliformis_ contains no toxic alkaloids; see +Appendix 2. + +[22] Did that truculent and little-known group, the Caddo, have the +mescal cult? + +[23] Has this taboo any reference to the boneless meat of the peyote +ritual breakfast? + +[24] Voegelin, _Shawnee Field Notes_. + +[25] The Huichol, for whatever such evidence is worth, in the +mythological songs of their shamans, recite how the world began and +how they were taught to hunt deer, to seek hikuli and to raise corn +(Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 2:8). The route they take in gathering +peyote is from beginning to end full of religious and mythological +associations, and they meet their deities on the way in the shape of +mountains, stones, springs, etc. (_idem_, 2:132). According to their +traditions, they originated in the south, but got lost under the earth +as they wandered northward, reappearing in the country of the hikuli +(_idem_, 2:23). Such deep-rooted symbolisms as theirs argues age. + +[26] Bennett and Zingg, _The Tarahumara_, 360, 366-67, 379, 383, 386; +Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:357-358, 444 (but see 1:378). + +[27] Velasco, _Dictamen Fiscal_, 194; Opler, _The Autobiography_; _Lipan +Field Notes_; _The Influence of Aboriginal Pattern_; Wagner, _Entwicklung +und Verbreitung_. Opler says that peyote was introduced within the memory +of the oldest living Mescalero; after 1910 it was in decided decline. + +[28] Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 62-63. The origin legend is Kiowa. Mooney +received a letter dated July 18, 1921 from the Taos Indian, Star Road, +relative to trials of “peyote boys.” + +[29] Cozio, _Proceso_. + +[30] In 1921 on the orders of the Governor, Manuel Cordova, a peyote +meeting was raided and the blankets and shawls of all participants +somewhat highhandedly confiscated. Prominent medicine-men refused to +doctor “peyote boys” because the new religion was prejudicial to their +vested interests. In 1923 two adherents of the cult were whipped, one +twenty-five lashes, by the Lieutenant-Governor. Three men were fined +$700, $800 and $1000, and the case ultimately reached the American court; +the judge decided that the Governor had no right to impose such heavy +fines, reversed the judgment and ordered the return of the property. +This done, the officers resigned from office, and for a time there +were no secular officers at Taos because no one wanted to take up the +controversy. In 1931 the confiscated property taken ten years before had +still not been returned, the Council refusing even to consider a $10 +fine in compensation; $25 was demanded for the return of each shawl and +blanket. + +[31] Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 80, note 64; 99, note 166; 118; John +Collier, in _Peyote as Used in Religious Worship_. + +[32] This widespread origin legend of the Plains is also Mescalero and +Lipan, and from certain indications I suspect that it is Tamaulipecan +also. + +[33] Mooney, in _Handbook of the American Indians_, 1:701, “Kiowa Apache.” + +[34] Mooney, _Peyote Notebook_, 14. + +[35] Shonle, Peyote; _The Giver of Visions_, 54. Jack Sankadote, for +example, was carried into a meeting as a baby by his father, and he is in +his fifties. + +[36] Several older Kiowa patterns parallel peyote usages (e.g. the +smoking ceremony of the Old Women’s Society: leader west of central fire, +lieutenants on either side of the door, five dishes of food from the fire +eastward; the Buffalo Medicine Men’s Society bundle-repair meeting with +a sage “stage,” etc.), and the Kiowa-Comanche had the all night singing +and beating on a rolled-up hide on the eve of departure on the war-path. +But such parallels from the tribes one knows best lead to often naïve +particularistic explanations and should be guarded against. As a matter +of fact it is the wide distribution of sweat bath doctoring and society +meetings which accounts for the ease with which peyotism made its way +in the Plains. The following two paragraphs are partly based on data +gathered by Donald Collier, a colleague of the Laboratory of Anthropology +Kiowa trip. + +[37] In judging the relative importance of the Kiowa and the Comanche +in the diffusion of peyotism, one should recall that Comanche was +historically the lingua Franca of the southern Plains. Quanah took peyote +to the Caddo and Wichita it is said, though he was not the first to do +so; he led meetings among the Cheyenne and the Arapaho in 1884. Petrullo +(_The Diabolic Root_, 129) says he learned peyote about 1868 in Arizona, +New Mexico and Old Mexico. + +[38] “It is desirable to eat with the Comanche or the Kiowa because they +are reputed to have learned of Peyote many years before the others.” +(Petrullo _op. cit._, 33.) + +[39] _Handbook of the American Indians_, 2:870b; cf. Mooney, in _Peyote +as Used in Religious Worship_, 13-14, 15; Rouhier, _Monographie_, 102. + +[40] Jock Bullbear’s and Mooney’s testimonies in _Peyote as Used in +Religious Worship_, 40, 48, 57. + +[41] Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 410. The practice apparently is also Kiowa +and Oto. + +[42] Wissler, _Societies and Dance Associations_, 436; the statement was +made in conversation. + +[43] Newberne and Burke, _Peyote: An Abridged Compilation_, table. + +[44] Wagner, _Entwicklung und Verbreitung_, 84, footnote. + +[45] Newberne and Burke, _op. cit._, 33 ff. + +[46] Petrullo, _The Diabolic Root_, 71-72. + +[47] Wilson said that one Smith had been in Oklahoma from a group on +the Yukon River in southern Alaska; they were said to have used it for +fifteen years. Jenness (letter to Schultes) reported a rumor that a +little peyote had filtered into Salishan groups of British Columbia but +Gunther (letter to Schultes) reported its absence among the Flathead and +Kutenai. + +[48] Hoebel, _Northern Cheyenne Field Notes_. + +[49] Letter from Fred Washington to Dr. F. G. Speck, April 21, 1932. +Petrullo (_The Diabolic Root_, 165) says the Delaware got peyote from the +Kiowa; there is obvious Caddo influence too, via John Wilson. + +[50] Skinner, _Societies of the Iowa_, 693-94, 724; _Medicine Ceremony of +the Menomini_; _Ethnology of the Ioway_, 190, 217, 248-49. + +[51] Skinner, _Societies of the Iowa_, 758. + +[52] “We the undersigned members of the Kickapoo Tribe of Indians in +Kansas most earnestly petition you to help us keep out the pellote, or +mescal, from our people. We realize that it is bad for us Indians to +indulge in that stuff. It makes them indolent, keeps them from working +on their farms, and taking care of their stock. It makes men and women +neglect their families. We think it will be a great calamity for our +people to begin to use the stuff.... We most urgently petition you that +immediate action must be taken before the stuff gets hold of our people” +(Seymour, _Peyote Worship_, 183). + +[53] Skinner, _Medicine Ceremony of the Menomini_, 24, 42-43, 97. + +[54] Speck, _Delaware Peyote Symbolism_. + +[55] Gilmore, _The Mescal Society_, 163-67; _The Uses of Plants_, +104-106; Mooney, _Tarumari-Guayachic_; Speck, _Delaware Peyote +Symbolism_; testimony of Sloan in _Peyote as Used in Religious Worship_, +35. Murie, _Pawnee Indian Societies_, 637. + +[56] _Peyote as Used in Religious Worship_, 10-11, 30-31, 43, 44-45. +This booklet was compiled after 1911, giving for “twenty years [ago]” a +maximally early date of 1891; but other internal evidence indicates a +publication date of 1916, giving the date 1896 as quoted. + +[57] Speck, _Notes on the Ethnology_, 171. + +[58] No doubt with the memory of the fate of Albert Stamp’s attempted +“moon” among the Caddo, Taylor exhibited considerable modesty when this +flattering offer was made. “I appreciate that offer,” he said, “but I’m +just Alfred Taylor, that’s all I am, and I never did run a meeting, and +I would rather you’d get somebody else from down home who runs meetings +to do it for you.” Several weeks later my informant said he didn’t think +Taylor would accept, though he might drum or build the fire “like a +servant”—“He’s afraid the Caddos will think he is pushing himself ahead +too much, but he has even drummed for Enoch Hoag; he just don’t like to +jump ahead of everybody too much away from home.” This abnegation is all +the greater when it is understood that the Osage are accustomed to make +handsome money gifts on such occasions. + +[59] Koshiway compared the smoke-meeting before the war path to peyote: +“They have a meeting and smoke the pipe together and leave the next day. +This clears up the enemies, and you can prophesy then. Peyote is similar +to this—all night.” Another older pattern interestingly survives among +the Oto: in the informal morning period in the tipi, joking relationship +seems to function. + +[60] One wonders if the Russellite eschatology was not made more +acceptable historically among the Oto because of an approximation to +certain Ghost Dance notions. In any case, the curious prohibition on +smoking may have symbolized, on the one hand, the rejection of older +patterns of religious smoking, reinforced by the prohibition of secular +smoking too. + +[61] Mooney, _Tarumari-Guayachic_, 38. + +[62] Shonle, _Peyote: The Giver of Visions_, 55. + +[63] Murie, _Pawnee Indian Societies_, 636-37. Wagner (_Entwicklung und +Verbreitung_, 75) disputes Shonle’s statement that they got it from the +Quapaw, on the ground of the greater complexity of the Quapaw rite. His +argument is unimpressive and a priori: John Wilson was the source of that +complexity. Cf. Opler, _The Autobiography_. + +[64] There may be Doctor Dance parallels in peyotism (e.g., an earthen +altar, a fire in a round hole in the center of the tipi, doctoring at +night with coals, fan or sucking horn, presence of the relatives of the +patient in the meeting, etc.); another older Pawnee pattern in peyote may +be the special morning prayer-maker south of the door. + +[65] “PEYOTE FAILS. It is a good thing that peyote is stopped for it +was doing more harm than good. Our young men of the reservation were +just beginning to start in eating the devil’s root.... Peyote fails +because it has no mouth so can not speak to its followers of their origin +and destiny, nor as to sin, repentance, forgiveness, salvation nor of +anything else. It has no ears, so can not hear prayer; it has no eyes, +so it can not see a person’s needs; no hands so can not help; no mind, +so can not think. It is therefore unable to ask God for the thing which +its worshipers need, and which they plead with it to implore God for. Our +boys tried to make others believe that peyote is a God and a religion, +but if one wants to believe in mysterious things it must be Christ or +peyote.” (Sam Newman, Ree [Arikara], in _The Indian Leader_.) + +[66] Michelson, _Sauk and Fox Myths_. + +[67] Skinner, _Observations on the Ethnology_, 10, 85. + +[68] Native American Church, President’s Report, 1925. + +[69] Speck, _Delaware Peyote Symbolism_. + +[70] Voegelin, _Shawnee Field Notes_. + +[71] _Peyote, An Insidious Evil_, 3-4; Office of Indian Affairs, +_Discussion Concerning Peyote_, 13. + +[72] Much of this information is from Alfred Wilson, a Southern Cheyenne. +His presidential report for 1925 (Sixth Annual Convention of the Native +American Church) cites “locals” for the Caddo, Wichita, Pawnee, Arapaho, +Yuchi, Kiowa, Oto, Shawnee, Ponca, Sauk and Fox, Cheyenne, and Omaha. +Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 62; Willard Park informed me in 1936 that the +Paviotso lacked peyote. + +[73] Radin, _A Sketch of the Peyote Cult_, 4-5, 7; _The Winnebago Tribe_, +394, 400, 415, 423; _Crashing Thunder_, 169-70, 179, 185; Lowie, _Notes +Concerning New Collections_, 289; Densmore, _The Peyote Cult; Winnebago +Songs of the Peyote Ceremony_; Speck, _Delaware Peyote Symbolism_. + +[74] Seymour, _Peyote Worship_, 184; Petrullo, _The Diabolic Root_, +71-72; Shonle, _Peyote; The Giver of Visions_, 55. + + + + +APPENDIX 1: PEYOTE IN MEXICO + + +The connotative etymological implications of the term “peyotl” become +valuable when an understanding of its wider denotative applications is +sought. In Hernandez’ original description, _Lophophora williamsii_ is +called “Peyotl Zacatensi, seu radice molli et lanuginosa”[1]—that is to +say, the whitish flocculence which gains the plant both its Aztec and +modern botanical names, is again pointed out in Hernandez’ Latin synonym, +“soft and lanuginous root.” + +But Hernandez distinguished two peyotes, “Peyotl Zacatensi” and “Peyotl +Xochimilcensi,”[2] the latter not even one of the Cactaceae, and one +wonders at the classification until the plant is botanically described: + + This peyote, a rather excellent medicine, has a heavy round + root covered with woolly rootlets, in addition to other roots + which resemble acorns, because of their form and size, growing + out in every direction.... It has few stems ... with yellow + flowers at their extremities. + +From even this brief characterization it is clear that the term +“peyotl” was extended to this non-cactus (later identified as _Cacalia +diversifolia_ or _C. cordifolia_)[3] because of its balanoid lanuginous +roots. The latter species is sold in the drug markets around Guadalajara, +Jalisco, as “peyote”; specimens from Alvarez, San Luis Potosí, locally +known as “cachan,” are valued as an aphrodisiac and remedy for sterility, +the rhizic-orchic pubescence of the plant being evidently viewed in terms +of sympathetic magic. + +Dr. Alfonso[4] applies the term peyote or piote further to _Cacalia +sinuata_, La Llave, and _Etchevarria coespitosa_ Dec., the former +Compositae, the latter one of the Crassulaceae. One of the Compositae, +_Senecio_ spp., ranging from Cerro del Pino to the Valley of Mexico is +thus described: + + The tap-root is tuberous-ovoid, size of a small hen’s egg, a + little curved above, carrying almost all [its bulk] in the + heavy extremity.... All the surface is covered with a nap + formed of long matted hairs of the color of cannel, and a + number of long roots. + +The “Peyote of Tepic”[5] (_Senecio hartwegii_) is smaller and more +globular than the above, and contains no alkaloid, the gluey, sticky +sap having no effect on the dove or the rat. The “Peyote of Querétaro” +(_Echinocactus turbinatus_ Henning), said to be distinguished from +_Anhalonium_ only by the spiral disposition of the hair-pencils, is a +common form of _Lophophora williamsii_. + +In the case of all these non-cacti to which the term peyote has been +applied, the plants have exhibited descriptively either a lanuginous or +pubescent surface-nap, or balanoid, orchitic, or nut-like root-nodules, +and in some cases both; in one case there was a cocoon-shaped pod in +addition. But Schultes[6] lists other “peyotes” which may not fit this +explanation: Compositae: _Senecio calophyllus_ Hemsl., _S. Hartwegii_ +Benth., _S. ovatiformis_ Sch. Bip., _S. Petasitus_ DC and _Cacalia_ spp. +(e.g., _C. cordifolia_ HBK); Leguminosae: _Rhynchosia longeracemosa_ +Mart. & Gal.; and even one of the Solanaceae, _Datura meteloides_ DC. + +All the above are non-cacti, but many Cactaceae have also been called +“peyote.” These include: _Anhalonium Englemannii_ Lem., _A. prismaticum_ +Lem., _A. furfuraceum_ Wats., _A. pulvilligerum_ Lem., _A. areolosum_ +Lem., _Lophophora williamsii_ Lem., _Ariocarpus fissuratus_ (Englm.) +K. Schum., _Astrophytum myriostigma_ Lem., _A. asterias_ (Zucc.) Lem., +_Pelecyphora aselliformis_ Ehrenb., and _Strombocactus disciformis_ DC. +The diminutive “peyotillo” has been applied to _Dolichothele longimamma_ +Britton and Rose, and _Solisia pectinata_ Britton and Rose.[7] + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[1] Hernandez, in Safford, _Aztec Narcotic_, 295; _Peyotes, Datos para +Estudia_, 204. + +[2] In simpler Mexican cultures, peyote was in the hands of shamans; +this other peyote appears to derive its name from the priests of +a certain class in the higher Aztec culture: “According to some +authorities, the highest grade of these native hierophants bore among +the Nahuas the symbolic name of ‘flower weavers,’ Xochimilca, probably +from the skill they had to deceive the senses by strange and pleasant +visions (Xochimilca, que asi llamavan á los mui sabios encantadores)” +(Torquemada, in Brinton, _Nagualism_, 298). + +[3] A specimen in Mooney, Peyote Notebook, 56, was so identified. +Schultes viewed this and identified it as _C. cordifolia_ which in +addition has cocoon-shaped pods. Cf. the use of _Lophophora_ as an +aphrodisiac. + +[4] Alfonso, in Rouhier, _Monographie_, 3; Santoscoy, _Nayarit_, 32. +Schultes (_Peyote and Plants Used_, 135) lists _Cotyledon caespitosa_ +Haw. as a Crassulaceous “peyote.” + +[5] _Peyotes, Datos para Estudia_, 111, 206, 208. This non-cactus +“peyote” of Tepic may have been the false clue leading Rouhier to believe +an earlier range of peyote into Tepic. + +[6] Schultes, _Peyotes and Plants Used_, 135. The Reko etymology +preferred by Schultes (p. 136) so far as botanical evidence goes +derives peyotl from Aztec pi- (small) and -yautli or -yolli (herb with +narcotic odor or action), making “peyotillo” a double diminutive. +Schultes has accepted, at the instance of the present writer, the thesis +that _Cacalia_ spp. might well enough fit the “velvety, cocoon-like” +etymology, but argues nevertheless that “this etymology does not seem to +explain the application of the same name to the great array of plants +which possess no soft or silky parts whatsoever.” Schultes is undoubtedly +right on this point in terms of descriptive botany; yet may not some +items be included in our lists illegitimately? _Anhalonium prismaticum_ +Lem., for example, is called hikuli, not peyote, and is only partly its +terminological equivalent. And does the “little narcotic” etymology +explain all these instances? + +[7] Urbina, in Harms, _Über das Narkotikum_, 31; Schultes, _op. cit._, +135. + + + + +APPENDIX 2: PEYOTE AND THE MESCAL BEAN + + +Far the commonest designation for peyote in the older literature is +“mescal bean,” a curiously persistent misusage, since either in the dried +or the green state _Lophophora williamsii_ resembles a bean even less +than a mushroom, Safford’s teo-nanacatl. On probing more deeply into this +confusion, a widespread pre-peyote narcotic cult of the southern Plains +was discovered. The ethnographic results of this study are presented in +the text, but a brief characterization of the “mescal bean” proper is +essential as well. + +Collected specimens of the old Plains “red bean” (= mescal bean proper) +have been identified by authorities at the Harvard Botanical Museum +as _Sophora secundiflora_ (Ortega) Lag. ex DC.[1] Variously known as +“mescal bean” (southern Plains), “colorín” (Coahuila, Nuevo León, Texas), +“frijolillo” (Nuevo León, Texas), “frijolito” (Texas), “evergreen +coral-bean,” “coral-bean” and “mountain laurel” (southern New Mexico), +this plant grows from Coahuila to San Luis Potosí, western Texas and +southern New Mexico, being specially characteristic of the dry limestone +hills. It is not, however, the “mountain laurel” _Kalmia latifolia_, +being a true member of the Fabaceae or Bean Family; the term “coral-bean” +is likewise applied to two other legumes of Texas, both, however, +_Erythrina_ spp., not _Sophora_.[2] + +_Sophora secundiflora_ contains the highly toxic narcotic alkaloid +sophorine, C₁₁H₁₄ON₂, which is identical with cytisine (= ulexine, = +baptitoxine). Resembling nicotine closely in physiological action, the +contents of one bean are said to be able to produce nausea, convulsions +and even death by asphyxiation in man.[3] _Sophora secundiflora_ (= +_Broussonetia secundiflora_) itself is a handsome evergreen shrub or +small tree, eight to thirty-five feet high, bearing thick, leathery, +dark glossy green leaves. The violet-blue bunches of flowers appearing +in the spring give off a strong rank fragrance, and from these develop, +in the summer, woody pods, satiny outside, two to four inches long, and +containing one to four hard-shelled bright red beans.[4] + +Safford[5] states that “these beans are often confused with those of +certain species of _Erythrina_, which are sometimes sold in their place +in the markets of Mexico, but which are not at all narcotic.” It is +therefore possible, and indeed probable, that the beans used as necklaces +and bandoliers in the Plains were both _Sophora_ spp. and _Erythrina_ +spp.; Mooney[6] for example had specimens of red bean necklaces +identified as _S. secundiflora_ and _E. fruticisa_. The confusion of +the two closely related groups is understandable when the beans alone +are available for diagnosis; the bean of _Sophora secundiflora_ differs +from that of _Erythrina flabelliformis_, for example, in little more +than the shape of the hilum, or scar of attachment, that of the former +being rounded and of the latter more linear, while the beans of _E. +corraloides_ are more elongate than those of _Sophora_. Gilmore’s[7] +identification of the Omaha “red-medicine” with _Erythrina_ spp. may +possibly be wholly correct since he mentions only decorative and +magic uses for the beans; but in view of the chemical composition of +the two, any ritual narcotic use must _a fortiori_ refer to _Sophora +secundiflora_, the “mescal bean” proper. + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[1] There is no problem of identifying the old Plains “red bean” with the +“mescal bean”; both Schultes and I obtained Kiowa specimens in the field. +The problem is the correct botanical classification of the specimens, and +the widespread misusage of their name for peyote. + +[2] Standley, _Trees and Shrubs_, 435; Dayton, _Important Western Browse +Plants_, 87; Boughton and Hardy, _Mescalbean_, 5; Opler, _Autobiography_. +The Chiricahua “Mountain laurel” is _S. secundiflora_. + +[3] Henry (T. A.), _The Plant Alkaloids_, 395; Dayton, op. cit., +89. Havard (_Report on the Flora_, 500) says the alkaloid sophoria +[sic] was isolated by Dr. H. C. Wood in 1877 as a whitish, amorphous +substance producing convulsions, temporary loss of voluntary movement, +and distressing vomiting; again (_Drink Plants_, 39) he says sophorine +[sic] is an irritant-narcotic. Another alkaloid, matrine, is found in +_Sophora_ spp. (Nagai, Plugge, Kondo et al. in Henry (T. A.), _The Plant +Alkaloids_, 398). Havard, citing one Bellanger, says the Indians near San +Antonio formerly used the seed as an intoxicant, half of one producing +a delirious exhilaration followed by a deep sleep lasting two or three +days; a whole bean, according to Dr. Rothrock’s informant, would kill a +man. Dayton, 89, says children have been known to die from the effects +of eating seeds of _S. secundiflora_; in any case, a rupture of the +hard, leathery coat of the bean would be required for the release of the +alkaloid in the bean-flesh. + +Cattle and sheep appear to be more affected by the leaves of the plant, +which also contain the alkaloid, than by the beans. The effect on them +is marked: sheep fed about one percent body weight of the leaves were +paralyzed in the legs for days and calves fed as little as .25% of body +weight of fresh leaves died in 45 hours; one fed 1.0% died in 1¾ hours. +Recovery in sheep sometimes required 12 days, in calves up to 16 days +(Boughton and Hardy). + +[4] Condensed and synthesized from Boughton and Hardy; Havard, _Report on +the Flora_, 458, 500; _Drink Plants_, 39-40; Standley, 435; Dayton, 87-89. + +[5] Safford, _Narcotic Plants_, 398. + +[6] Mooney, _Tarumari-Guayachic_ (quoting Safford?). + +[7] Gilmore, _Uses of Plants_, 99 writes: “The Omaha traveling into +Oklahoma have found them [chinaberry] there, and have taken up their use. +They already had employed for beads as well as for a good-luck charm the +bright red seed of a species of _Erythrina_. They say it grows somewhere +to the southwest, toward or in Mexico. They call it ‘red medicine,’ makaⁿ +zhide (makaⁿ, medicine; zhide, red). When the seeds of Melia (azerdache +L.) [chinaberry] were adopted for use as beads, they likened them to +makaⁿ zhide, and so call them makaⁿ-zhide sabe, ‘black red-medicine’.” + + + + +APPENDIX 3: PEYOTE AND TEO-NANACATL + + +The already sufficiently intricate ethnobotanical problem of peyote has +been further complicated by an erroneous identification of a narcotic +mushroom used by the Aztecs with the cactus peyotl. Safford[1] identifies +the two by a somewhat casual use of his evidence, and mystifies himself +with the consistent contradiction offered by all the early Spanish +writers to his assumption. He composes the contradiction by assuming +that the Aztecs did not recognize the dried discoidal button as the same +plant as the green cactus; despite overwhelming etymological evidence he +supposes they called the former teo-nanacatl and the latter peyotl. Only +a complete review of the evidence can clear up this misapprehension. + +The Spanish writers consistently describe the two separately, +with detailed circumstantial distinctions which leave no room for +misunderstanding. Sahagún,[2] says + + [The Chichimeca] had a great knowledge of herbs and roots + and knew their qualities and their virtues. They themselves + discovered and first used the root that they call peiotl and + those that used to gather and eat them used them in place of + wine, and they did the same with those that they call nanacatl, + which are toadstools [hongos malos] that also make one drunk + like wine. + +Again, in a special chapter on intoxicating plants, Sahagún distinguishes +the two: + + There is another herb like tunas of the earth [the Spanish name + for the fruit of the prickly pear, _Opuntia opuntia_] which + is called peiotl. It is white. It grows in the northern part. + Those that eat it see frightening and laughable visions. This + intoxication lasts two or three days and then stops....[3] + + There are some little mushrooms in their land that they call + teo-nanacatl. They grow under the grass of the fields or + pastures. They are round. They have a sort of high stem [pie], + thin and round. They are eaten with great relish, but they harm + the throat and make one drunk.[4] + +Still further to emphasize the point, Sahagún in the next section of +this chapter[5] goes on to speak of edible mushrooms: + + The cone-shaped mushrooms (mushrooms or nanacatl) _genus campos + agrorum_ in the mountains are good to eat. They are cooked + because of this, and if they are raw or badly cooked, they + produce vomiting or diarrhea, and they kill one, + +and he continues to list and describe a number of other edibles. + +The naturalist Hernandez[6] is even more explicit. He describes +teo-nanacatl under the heading “De nanacatl seu Fungorum genere”; and +from the harmless white mushrooms, iztacnanacame, the red mushrooms, +tlapalnanacame, and the yellow-orbicular mushrooms, chimalnanacame, he +distinguishes teo-nanacatl as “teyhuinti,” that is, “intoxicating.” +Siméon’s Nahuatl dictionary even uses nanacatl as an illustration:[7] + + Teo-nanacatl, espece de petit champignon qui a mauvais gout, + enivre et cause des hallucinations; il est medicinal contre + les fievres et la goutte.... Teyuinti, qui enivre quelqu’un, + enivrant; teyhuinti nanacatl, champignon enivrant. + +Safford quotes this evidence himself! + +Padre Jacinto de la Serna[8] records for us another compound of the +Nahuatl word for mushroom, and describes the fungus while likewise +specifically distinguishing it from peyote and ololiuhqui: + + To this meeting had come an Indian ... who had brought some of + the mushrooms that are gathered in the monte, and with these + he had performed a great idolatry. But before proceeding with + my story I wish to explain the nature of the said mushrooms, + which in the Mexican language are called Quahtlananacatl, “wild + mushrooms.” ... These mushrooms were small and yellow and ... + were collected by priests and old men, appointed as ministers + for these impostures, who would proceed to the place where + they grow and remain almost the whole night in prayer and in + superstitious conjuring; and at dawn, when a certain little + breeze known to them would begin to blow, then they would + gather the narcotic,[9] attributing to it deity, with the same + properties as ololiuhqui or peyote, since when eaten or drunk, + they intoxicate those who partake of them, depriving them of + their senses, and making them believe a thousand absurdities. + +In Safford it appears that de la Serna distinguished these from Picietl, +tobacco, also. There is an implied confusion, to be sure, in Alarcón, +but he supplies confirmation of this last point, along with interesting +ethnographic details:[10] + + One should notice that in almost every case that they are moved + to offer a sacrifice to their imagined gods, there comes to + take charge of it and preside over it some quack, medicine-man, + seer or diviner from among other Indians, the majority of them + falling back on their crazy ceremonies, or on whatever whim + arises when they are deranged from the drinking of what they + call ololiuhqui or pezote [sic] or tobacco, whatever it might + be called in particular localities. + +The Franciscan Fray Toribio de Benvento mentions teo-nanacatl, to which +he gives an erroneous etymology:[11] + + They had another kind of drunkenness ... which was with small + fungi or mushrooms [hongos ó setas pequeñas] ... which are + eaten raw, and, on account of being bitter, they drink after + them or eat with them a little honey of bees, and shortly after + that they see a thousand visions, especially snakes. They went + raving mad, running about the streets in a wild state [bestial + embriaguez]. They called these fungi “teo-na-m-catl,” a word + meaning “bread of the gods.” + +Tezozomoc,[12] again, related that at the coronation of Montezuma the +Mexicans gave wild mushrooms [hongos montesinos] to the strangers to eat; +that the strangers became drunk, and thereupon began to dance. Diego +Durán[13] gives further particulars of the coronation of Montezuma II; +he says that after the usual human sacrifices had been offered, all went +to eat raw mushrooms (hongos crudos), which caused them to lose their +senses, more than if they had drunk much wine. In their ecstasy many +of them killed themselves with their own hands, and by virtue of the +mushrooms had visions and revelations of the future. + +The conclusion from all this evidence is obvious: the peyote of the +Plains, _Lophophora williamsii_, is identical with the peiotl, peyotl, +pellote, peyote, pejori, peyori or bejo of the Aztec and other Mexican +tribes, but this cactus is wholly distinct from the little yellow +thin-stemmed fungus teo-nanacatl, and Safford’s identification of the two +is erroneous. + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[1] Safford, _An Aztec Narcotic_ 294; _Identification of Teo-nanacatl, +Narcotic Plants; Peyote_, 1278-79. + +[2] Sahagún, _Historia general_, Lib. 10, cap. xxix: “... ellos mismos +discubrieron, y usaron primero la raíz que llaman peiotl, y los que +comian y tomaban la usaban en lugar de vino, y lo mismo hacian de los +que llaman nanacatl que son los bongos malos que emborrachan tambien +como el vino.” The authoritative edition of Jourdanet and Siméon, 661-62 +translates nanacatl as “champignon vénéneux.” + +[3] Sahagún, _Historia general_, 3:241-42: “Hay otra yerba como tunas +de tierra, se llama peiotl, es blanca, hacese ácia la parte del norte, +los que la comen ó beben vén visiones espantosas ó irrisibles.” (Lib. +11, cap. vii, pt. i, “De ciertas yerbas que emborrachen.”) Jourdanet and +Siméon, 737, unfortunately describe tunas as “une ... plante qui rapelle +la truffe,” which is a mushroom. Sahagún’s work is virtual dictation from +Aztec informants, later translated with painstaking care into Spanish. It +is difficult to assume, as did Safford, that such able herbalists did not +know the difference between a cactus and a fungus. + +[4] “Hay unos honguillos en esta tierra que se llaman teo-nanacatl, +críanse debajo del heno en los campos ó páramos; son redondos, tienen +el pie altillo, delgado y redondo, comidos son de mal sabor, dañan +la garganta y emborrachan.” (_Idem_, 3:241-42.) To be sure our own +best scientific knowledge must always be the touchstone for the data +of the various folk-sciences; yet one is not entitled to a lofty and +comprehensive _á priori_ distrust of native knowledge, particularly when +detailed with such clarity as this. + +[5] “Las setas (hongos ó nanacatl) hacen genus campos agrorum en los +montes, son buenas de comer....” (Sahagún, _Historia general_, 3:243). + +[6] Hernandez, in Safford, _Aztec Narcotic_, 293. The very word +itself means “mushroom!” Reko’s etymology for teo-nanacatl, “divine +nourishment,” is unsound according to Whorf; and indeed, there is nothing +of the edible _par excellence_ about fungi (see Schultes, _Peyote and +Plants Used_, 136-37). + +[7] Siméon, in Safford, _Identification of Teo-nanacatl_, 400, 412. + +[8] de la Serna, _Manual de Ministros_, 261. + +[9] Cf. the Huichol peyote-gathering ritual and the wind which arises. + +[10] Safford, _Aztec Narcotic_, 291. Indeed in this short sub-chapter, +Sahagún distinguishes and describes coatlxoxouhqui = ololiuhqui +[its seeds] peyotl, tlapatl, tzintzintlapatl, mixitl, teo-nanacatl, +tochtetepo, atlepatli, aquiztli, tenxoxoli and quimichpatli! Alarcón, +_Tratado_, 131; also in Urbina, _El Peyote y el Ololhiuqui_, 27. + +[11] _Ritos Antiquos_; in Kingsborough, 9:17. Jourdenet and Siméon, +translators of Sahagún, _Histoire général_, 738, have: “[Teo-nanacatl] +c’est-à-dire: champignon dangereux. Le terme générique est nanacatl qui +se met en composition avec d’autres mots pour désigner les diverses +espèces de champignons.” + +[12] _Crónica Mexicana_; in Kingsborough, 9:153. The fact that _raw_ +mushrooms are mentioned disposes of Safford’s supposition that _dried_ +peyote buttons are meant. + +[13] Durán, _Historia de las Indias_, 564, quoted from Kingsborough’s +_Mexican Antiquities_ by Bourke, _Scatological Rites_, 90. + + + + +APPENDIX 4: “PLANT WORSHIP” IN MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES + + +Peyote is only one of several narcotics in the southern United States +and Mexico which because of their physiological action find ritual and +other uses. Since, in many of these, uses are related, there arises the +problem of their possible historical relationship. In any case, it is +illuminating to study the general background of attitudes out of which +peyotism grew. + + +CACTI + +The Tarahumari of northwestern Mexico, though their hikuli cult is less +elaborate than that of the Huichol, have a complex of “worship” and +use of several varieties of cacti. Besides hikuli wanamé (_Lophophora +williamsii_) Lumholtz[1] lists the following: + + Mulato (a _Mammilaria_), believed to make the eyes large and + clear to see sorcerers, to prolong life, and to give speed to + runners who eat it.[2] + + Rosapara (a more advanced vegetative form of the same, but + with many spines) which has very keen eyes for Tarahumari + wrong-doing; it punishes by driving the offender mad, or + throwing him down a precipice; “it is therefore very effective + in frightening off bad people, especially robbers and + Apaches.”[3] + + Sunami (_Mammilaria fissurata_),[4] rare, but even more + powerful than wanamé, for it calls soldiers to its aid. The + drink produced from it is strongly intoxicating. Deer cannot + run away from you, nor bears harm you when carrying this + cactus.[5] + + Hikuli walúla sälíami, “hikuli great authority,” is the + greatest of all; it is extremely rare, and Lumholtz never saw + a specimen, though it was described to him as “growing in + clusters of from eight to twelve inches in diameter, resembling + wanamé with many young ones around it.”[6] + + Ocoyome, unlike the preceding hikuli which are good, is used + only for evil purposes. It has long white spines or “claws,” + and comes from the Devil. If accidentally touched with the + foot, it would break one’s leg; it also throws offenders + over precipices.[7] Lumholtz says it was very rarely used, + and Mooney says the Tarahumari used it not at all—though the + “Apaches” did—since it was “poison.” Mooney describes the plant + as having a reddish down, root and surface, which may account + for the Apaches’ tying it around their waists to make them + brave, in their battles.[8] + +Bennett and Zingg are perhaps referring to the same plant under the name +“peyote cimarrón,” which is “small, red, and ineffective; it is not used +or even touched, since the abuser might die.” “Peyote christiano” (hikuli +dewéame), a larger, green variety, apparently Lophophora, is considered +the “most efficacious.”[9] + +Bennett and Zingg give two other kinds of cactus used by the +Tarahumari:[10] + + Witculíki (Mex. _biznaga_, _Mammillaria hyderi_), a ball cactus + of the gorges, is roasted about four minutes in ashes, after + being split and divested of its spines; the soft center is + squeezed into the ear in case of earache or deafness. (This + curiously echoes of the talking peyote stories.) + + Bakánawa or bakánori, a small ball cactus, is used by the + Indians of the barrancas. Shamans, not peyoteros, carry small + bits of the root in their bags; it can be kept only three + years, after which it must be sold or hidden, lest the owner + go crazy. The shaman chews and anoints the patient with it. So + powerful is it that runners use it three days before racing; + one man died of fear after having offended this plant. + + +NON-CACTI + +Of the ritually used narcotics of this area we have already discussed +the “mescal bean,” or _Sophora secundiflora_, and teo-nanacatl, the +sacred mushroom of the Aztec and Chichimeca.[11] The use of marihuana +(_Cannabis_ spp.) in counteracting sorcery, and other beliefs surrounding +its employment are also elsewhere discussed.[12] The use of the +mescal-bean of the southern Plains and the various alcoholic drinks[13] +of Mexico and the Southwest are perhaps related to the “black drink” made +of the leaves and twigs of the “beloved tree” (_Ilex cassine_), which +is distributed continuously from the Carolinas to the Rio Grande, with +a continuation of the trait across the Antilles into northeastern and +central South America.[14] + +But the narcotic exhibiting perhaps the most numerous parallels in +usage with peyote is datura.[15] Gayton lists as datura-users in the +Southwest[16] the Pima, Zuñi, Navaho, Hopi, Havasupai, Walapai, Mohave, +Yuma and Cocopa, and in California the Akwa’ala, Southern Diegueño, Pass +Cahuilla, Gabrielino, Luiseño, Serrano, Chumash, Salinan, Miwok, Eastern +and Western Mono, and the Foothill and Southern Valley Yokuts. This +distribution is continuous with that in northwestern Mexico among the +Opata, Tepehuane, Cora, Tepecano and Aztec.[17] + +The parallel uses of peyote, cohoba snuff and datura in prophecy and +divination have been summarized elsewhere,[18] but there are further +interesting uses of datura. The Aztec of Mexico[19] had special officials +who took ololiuhqui (the seeds of datura) to discover cures for +illnesses, to find lost or stolen property, to ascertain the origin of +long sickness due to witchcraft, etc., receiving pay for their services. +Sometimes they prescribed the drug for their patients; datura was also +used empirically as an anodyne in setting fractures, and it may have +been one of the drugs employed to stupefy sacrificial victims, though +peyote is the only one identified. Ololiuhqui was also mixed with tobacco +and the ashes of venomous insects to make the sacred ointment of the +priesthood; set on altars it was called Divine Meat.[20] The Cora[21] +refer to daturas in their songs and myths, but their use of it is not +known. + +In northern Mexico, the Tepehuane used toloache [datura] in place of +peyote.[22] Tepecano prayers refer to datura as the husband of Corn +Daughter and the son-in-law of Father Sun; having taken two mistresses, +he was punished for this by being stuck head downward in the ground and +commanded to give mortals whatever they begged of him. They believe him +to have great riches, which they pray for and “borrow.” Datura is one of +the five narcotics whose flowers decorate a love charm.[23] + +In the Southwest, the Pima had a jimsonweed song which brought success +in deer-hunting[24] and cured vomiting and dizziness. The White Mountain +Apache[25] mixed the root of _D. meteloides_ with their corn beer to +make it more intoxicating. The Apache of Bourke[26] credited datura +with the power of making men crazy, but denied using it medicinally or +ceremonially. The Havasupai[27] eat datura leaves occasionally apparently +for purely secular pleasure, and also use the drug in their arrow poison. +At Zuñi[28] datura was one of the medicines formerly belonging to the +gods, and only the rain priests and directors of the Little Fire and +Cimex fraternities could use it; the rain priests propitiated birds with +the powdered root, or a man ate it to bring rain. They also administered +it to clients who had been robbed, to discover the thief, and to patients +with broken bones; the pulverized root and flower were also used with +corn meal for all types of wounds. In myth the daturas were once brother +and sister who walked the earth and saw who committed thefts, but the +Divine Ones said they knew too much and caused them to disappear into the +earth forever; perhaps for this reason it is also used to communicate +with the dead. The Navaho[29] eat the root of _D. meteloides_, and +sometimes “the Indians under its influence, like the Malays run amuck and +try to kill everybody they meet.” There is a record of Hopi doctoring +with datura.[30] + +Nearly all the tribes of southern California used datura. The Akwa’ala, +Yuma, Mohave and Eastern Mono took it to acquire gambling luck; the +Central Miwok did not eat it, but considered that a dream about datura +aided one’s gambling fortune.[31] Of the remaining tribes of the region +who used it ceremonially, some features were held in common: (1) it +was not taken before puberty,[32] (2) it was usually administered to +a group,[33] and (3) a supernatural helper, sometimes an animal, was +sought.[34] + +In southwestern California the use of datura is strongly ritualized in +the Chungichnich cult of the Luiseño, and Northern and Southern Diegueño. +According to Kroeber the ritual is comparatively recent and overlies an +older, simpler use of the plant over a wider area. In the Chungichnich +ceremony datura is given to boys as a preliminary ritual in puberty +observance; its use is not seasonal, nor do women ever partake of it.[35] + +The Mountain Cahuilla[36] are typical of groups who had the simpler +datura rite in puberty ceremonials before the addition of Chungichnich +ritualism. + + Manet (datura) was given to boys of 18-20 in a ceremony lasting + 3 to 6 days in which other younger boys of 6-10 years were + taught clan and “enemy” songs by their fathers. The paha or + leader prepared strings of reed, eagle and flicker feathers + which were worn by the dancers, who practiced away from the + village. The drinking ceremony or kiksawel took place inside + the ceremonial dance house, and women and children were warned + away by the manet-dancer’s bull-roarer.[37] Each boy was + given a drink of a decoction of datura pounded in a mortar + by the clan chief. The men in the enclosure took each boy by + the waist, and they all danced around the fire, led by the + manet-dancer. The boys remained unconscious in the house all + night when the effect of the drug became manifest, and were + removed the following afternoon to a secluded cañon where for + a week they were taught songs and dances nightly. The last + afternoon a sand-painting was made and its symbolism explained. + After an ant-ordeal and a fire-dance they were regarded as men + and full-fledged members of the clan. + +A second group of tribes in the San Joaquin basin and Sierra Nevada +foothills had a datura-drinking ceremonial every spring for both sexes +shortly after the age of puberty.[38] + + The participant’s social status was not changed and the + rite alone constituted a ceremonial unit, the tananhibina + or tanabi-drinking of the Western Mono. Dancing to clappers + took place until the children fell unconscious, whereupon + they were carried away to special camps by relatives. If + a person appeared to be covered with blood or maggots and + vermin (the causes of sickness), they were brushed off with + an eagle-feather brush.[39] In discovering the sickness the + seer used an eagle-bone whistle which enabled him to “hear” + the sickness; if a man had poison, one could see where it was. + One could also see things at very great distances, as well as + discover what medicine-man had caused the death of people by + witchcraft. The seer could likewise find lost articles and + discover wealth by means of datura. The drinkers were guarded + during this time lest they harm themselves or be harmed. + Some men did not have any datura-visions; this was because + some medicine-man feared his bad deeds would be discovered, + and hence rendered the drink harmless by magic and “covered + up” those persons. If a medicine-man wanted to become very + powerful, he took tanabi on ten successive seasons. Datura + leaves were placed on the forehead of a dead person to drive + out the spirit,[40] and people boiled tanabi leaves so the + steam filled their house that the spirit of the dead man would + not return to them in dreams. + +In view of these repeated parallels in the attitudes and usages +surrounding both peyote and datura, it is certainly not without +significance that their distribution, while contiguous, is mutually +exclusive in northern Mexico and the southwestern United States: peyote +is generally central and northeastern in Mexico, whence it spread +northward and eastward into the Plains, while datura is northwestern in +Mexico and extends through the Pueblo and nomadic Southwest to southern +California. And if the “black drink,” native American beers in Mexico and +the Southwest, and the mescal bean be all counted with peyote and datura +as part of one general distribution, we have a large continuous area or +“narcotic complex” across the whole southern United States and northern +Mexico. Such large general distributions are not unknown (e.g., bear +ceremonialism), and datura (via Central America), ilex drinks (via the +Antilles) and aboriginal alcoholic liquors (continuous from the Southwest +through Mexico and Central America to include the entire northern +three-quarters of South America) are surely connected ultimately with the +same traits in South America—more particularly since not alone are the +plants involved the same, but also detailed “superorganic” attitudes and +ritual manifestations. + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[1] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:372-74. These short paragraphs are +summaries, not direct quotations. + +[2] Cf. the physiological action of peyote-alkaloids, discussed +elsewhere (dilation of the pupil, increased reflex excitability). The +use of narcotics in this area in connection with racing appears again +with peyote in northern Mexico, and with the “mescal bean” (_Sophora +secundiflora_) among the Wichita. The Acaxee used peyote in their +ball play, much as the “black drink” (_Ilex cassine_) was used in the +Southeast. Cf. Mooney’s (_Tarumari-Guayachic_) “Muräto,” apparently +identical with Lumholtz’ Mulato, that “is used mostly in races, not +ground up, but tied whole around waist, at back.” + +[3] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:373. In this region narcotics in +general are much employed in connection with war, and the magical +“witching” of the enemy—whose power is not merely physical but +magically malevolent too. “Mescal beans” were part of the war-bundle +in some southern Plains tribes, and both peyote and datura were used +clairvoyantly and prophetically in war connections. The attitude that +the enemy is a witch, Dr. Spier informs me, is widespread among both the +Yumans and Athapascans of the Southwest. Cf. also peyote and captured +scalps (e.g., Maricopa) talking, and being danger-ridden. + +[4] This is an instance where it is rewarding conscientiously to +respect native categories and ethnobotanical statements for hordenine +(= anhaline, one of the alkaloids of Lophophora) was discovered in +_Anhalonium fissuratum_ in 1894 by Heffter (see Appendix 5, fn. 5). + +[5] Mooney, _Tarumari-Guayachic_, says sunami is very much respected, and +is used only by doctors. Women doctors grind them on metates, placing +the plant upright and crushing it with one blow (cf. the “killing” of +mescal beans in the Plains). Doctors assemble for this feast, which +requires the sacrifice of a beef. Special rites attend its gathering, +and it must be gathered in a black blanket and bleeds red blood. It +must be kept in a double basket in a cave, lest it hear quarreling in +the house. It dislikes fire, and after ten or twenty years it loses its +virtue and must be replanted with copal incensing where originally found. +Doctors rub tizwin-and-sunami over the heart and rest of the body, for it +makes one win races. _Anhalonium fissuratum_ has a striking resemblance +to deer-hooves; it is likely the hikuli referred to in this and other +Tarahumari-Huichol tales—but it should be recalled that peyotism in +Mexico is also connected with deer-hunting. + +[6] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:373-74; Mooney, _Tarumari-Guayachic_, +says this variety is as big as a man’s hat. The description probably +refers to an occasional polycephalous specimen of _Lophophora williamsii_ +(hikuli wanamé). + +[7] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_ 1:374; _Tarahumari Dances_, 253, 452-54; +cf. Mooney’s (_Tarumari-Guayachic_) kókoyómi. Mooney thought Lumholtz’ +“walulasahane” was Tepecano, not Tarahumari. + +[8] The resemblance of some _Mammillaria_ spp. to a head or scalp of hair +is quite striking; Higgins, in fact, figures an “Old Man Cactus” with +long flowing white “hair.” + +[9] Bennett and Zingg, _The Tarahumara_, 290. + +[10] Bennett and Zingg, _op. cit._, 137, 295. The users of bakánawa +believe it to be even more powerful than peyote. One can more easily +believe that the ataxic gait of a peyote-intoxicated person would “throw” +him over a cliff or break a leg, than that it would result in any +conspicuously superior racing ability. + +[11] Dorman, in Bourke, _Scatalogical Rites_, 91, says mushrooms +were “worshipped” in the Antilles, in Virginia, and possibly also in +California. The Siberian use of _Amanita_ spp. is well-known, but no +doubt these sporadic uses are all independent of each other. + +[12] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 2:354; see also notes 41, 45, 48 in +Appendix 6. + +[13] The writer has published elsewhere on the subject of the numerous +native American beers (see _Native American Beers_). So far as a +cactus-source of these is concerned, the following groups make use of +_Cereus giganteus_ Englm. and _C. Thurberi_ Englm. for their sahuaro +drink: Huichol (?), Pima, Maricopa, Yuma, Papago, Halchidoma (?), and San +Carlos Apache. + +[14] The ilex “black drink” is Catawba (_Handbook of the American +Indians_, 1:150a, 2:1000-1001); Alibamu (Forster, _Bossu_, 254, 261, +294, 354-55); Creek (Swanton, _Social Organization and Social Usages_, +307, 445; Adair, in Swanton, _Social and Religious Beliefs_, 265; Speck, +_The Creek Indians_, 110, 117-18, 134; Bartram, _Travels_, 449, 507), +both Taskigi and Mikasuki; Cherokee (Bartram, _Travels_, 357); Chickasaw +(Swanton, _Social and Religious Beliefs_, 240); Koasati (Paz, _Koasati +Field Notes_); Yuchi (Speck, _Ethnology of the Yuchi_, 122-24, 135); +Natchez (Charlevoix, _Histoire de l’Isle_, 166; du Pratz, _Histoire_, +2:46, 3:13); Atakapa (Forster, _Bossu_, 1:354-55), Chitamacha (Gatschet, +in Swadesh, _Chitamacha Texts_) and Karankawa (Oliver, in Gatschet, _The +Karankawa Indians_, 18-19). Also in Florida (de Laudoniére, in Lewin, +_Phantastica_, 279; Safford, _Narcotic Plants_, 417; Romans, _A Concise +Natural History_, 94), and also possibly in Virginia (Beverly, _History +of Virginia_, 175-80; Ribault [1666], Dominique de Gourages [1567], +McCullough, Le Moyne—all in Havard, _Drink Plants_, 41-42; Lawson, +_History of Carolina_, 380-82 [1860 ed.]; Adair, _The History of the +American Indian_, 108). A similar emetic rite is also found among the +“Cutalchich” of Texas (Cabeza de Vaca, in Safford, _Narcotic Plants_, +416-17), the Tainan or Greater Antilles Arawak (Gower, _The Northern and +Southern Affiliations_, 39-40), the Lesser Antilles Carib and Guiana +(Dixon [R. B.], _Some Aspects_, 1-12), the Amazon Basin (Wissler, _The +American Indian_, 213), Jivaro and Canelo of Ecuado (Karsten, in Lewin, +_Phantastica_, 279-81; Safford, _Narcotic Plants_, 413, 416); Guarani of +Northern Bolivia (Safford, op. cit., 413; Spruce, _Notes of a Botanist_, +2:419-20). See also Thurnwald, _Economics_, 65; Harrington, _Cuba +Before Columbus_, 295, 388-89; Spier, _Yuman Tribes_, 181; _Handbook +of the American Indians_, 2:32a, 145-46; Sapir, _Kaibab-Paiute_. +An interestingly parallel distribution (which may have historical +relevance) is that of fish and arrow poisons. Fish poisons are reported +for northeastern South America, the Orinoco valley, the upper Amazon, +the Antillean Carib; the Tarahumari, Acaxee, Opata and in California; +the Catawba, Taskigi Creek, Cherokee, Koasati, Yuchi and Iroquois (cf. +the blow-gun of the Creek, Cherokee, Choctaw, Iroquois, Yuchi, central +Carib, Florida Key-dwellers, natives of Hispaniola and of northeastern +South America). Arrow poisons are found in Sonora, Central America, +the Guianas, the Antilles (Carib), Florida Arawak (?) and, in historic +times, the Tarahumari, as well as in South America. The Opata, curiously, +used yerba de fleche to poison deer at water-holes. Beals (_Comparative +Ethnology_, 115, 193) also lists poison arrows for the Southern Diegueño, +Chumash, Cahuilla, Yavapai, Havasupai, Navaho, Western Apache, Lipan, +Natchez (?), Seri, Mixtec and in Sinaloa and Culiacan. Spier adds the +Blackfoot and perhaps other Plains groups to this list. The group with +poison arrows south of the Great Lakes (_Jesuit Relations_, 8:302, in +Gower, 21) one would guess is Iroquois. + +[15] We ignore for our purposes the South American area of the use +of datura, though it is surely connected with the Mexican culturally +and historically, as well as the South American use of coca, tobacco, +cohoba snuff (_Piptadenia peregrina_), guarana (_Paullinia cupana_ or +_P. sorbilis_), chocolatl (_Theobroma cacao_), aya-huasca (_Banisteria +caapi_) and yajé (_Haemadictyon Amazonicum_ Spruce). Many of the uses of +these plants in war, prophesying, divination, ordeals, and doctoring are +strikingly similar to the Mexican uses of marihuana, datura, teo-nanacatl +and peyote. + +[16] The sources for these are cited in Gayton, _The Narcotic Plant +Datura_, a manuscript to which I am much indebted. + +[17] Note the parallel uses of datura in South America found among the +Inca, Matacuna, Chancay, Sipibo, Cocoma, Omagua, Jivaro, Canelo, Quijo, +Zaparo, Guanes (Guanuco?), Chibcha and in Darien (after Gayton). The +“wysoccan” used by the Pamunky (Beverly, _History of Virginia_, 2:24) is +said to be a datura (Safford, _Daturas_, 557-58); the sporadic use as a +medicament in Jamaica (Beckwith, _Notes on Jamaica_, 9, note 5, 28) may +not be aboriginal. + +[18] The writer hopes in due time to publish further data on New World +narcotics. + +[19] De la Serna, in Safford, _Daturas_, 551, Arlegui, _Crónica_, 144; +Rouhier, _Monographie_, 331. + +[20] Gerste, _Notes sur la médicine_, 51. This may be the source of +Reko’s erroneous teo-nanacatl etymology. + +[21] Preuss, _Nayarit-Expedition_, 1:231. + +[22] Diguet, _Le Peyote et son Usage_, 21, note 1. + +[23] Mason, _Tepecano Prayers_, 138, 139, 142, 143. Cf. the supposed +aphrodisiac effects of peyote, teo-nanacatl, and marihuana. + +[24] Russell, _The Pima_, 299-300. Cf. sunami of the Tarahumari for deer +hunting, and the mescal bean for buffalo hunting. + +[25] Hrdlička, _Physiological and Medical Observations_, 28; cf. +_Handbook of the American Indians_, 2:837b. + +[26] Bourke, _The Medicine-Men_, 455. + +[27] Spier, _Havasupai_, 249, 269. + +[28] Stevenson, _Ethnobotany of the Zuñi_, 46, 47, 88; _The Zuñi +Indians_, 385; Parsons, _A Zuñi Detective_, 168-70. Every single instance +in this paragraph finds parallels in the uses of peyote: the powdering of +the root, rain-getting, discovery of robbers, as an anodyne, for wounds, +etc., differentiation in sex and communication with the dead. Note also +in connection with rain-making the “water-bird” of peyotism. + +[29] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:4; _The American Cave-Dwellers_, 389; +cf. the running amuck with peyote. + +[30] Robbins _et alii_, _Ethnobotany of the Tewa_, 55, note 1. + +[31] References from Gayton, _The Narcotic Plant Datura_. + +[32] Cf. the use of peyote formerly only by adult warriors. + +[33] Cf. the group use of marihuana, teo-nanacatl and peyote in Mexico. + +[34] Again compare peyote, particularly in the Plains. + +[35] Kroeber (_Handbook_ 462, 589, 593, 609, 613-14) lists tribes who may +lack it. See also Kroeber, _Anthropology_, 309-311. + +[36] Summarized from Gayton, citing W. D. Strong, _Aboriginal Society_. + +[37] Cf. the preparation of peyote in Mexico. + +[38] Summarized from Gayton. + +[39] Cf. this and the following elements with peyote usages. + +[40] Cf. the Mexican use of peyote. + + + + +APPENDIX 5: CHEMISTRY OF PEYOTE + + +Alkaloids are found in a number of cacti: _Cereus peruvianus_, _C. pecten +aboriginum_, _Pilocereus sargentianus_ Orcutt, _Phyllocactus ackermanii_, +_P. russelianus_, _Echinocereus mamillosus_, _Mammillaria cirrhifera_, +_M. uberiformis_, _M. centricirrha_, _Anhalonium prismaticum_, _A. +fissuratum_,[1] and _Lophophora williamsii_. _Lophophora_ in its mature +state, however, is notable for the number of alkaloids which it contains, +nine being known at present. + +The long and hotly-disputed botanical question of _Anhalonium williamsii_ +versus _A. lewinii_, beyond its ethnographic significance in accounting +the plants “male” and “female,” has a chemical aspect for a time +obscuring their botanical identity. _A. williamsii_ (young specimens of +_Lophophora_) contains only the alkaloid Pellotine,[2] while _A. lewinii_ +(the mature _Lophophora_) contains at least nine, as follows:[3] Anhaline +(C₁₀H₁₅ON), Anhalamine (C₁₁H₁₅O₃N), Mescaline (C₁₁H₁₇O₃N), Anhalonidine +(C₁₂H₁₇O₃N), Anhalonine (C₁₂H₁₅O₃N), Lophophorine (C₁₃H₁₇O₃N), Pellotine +(C₁₃H₁₉O₃N), Anhalinine and Anhalidine. Lophophorine is an oily colorless +liquid; mescaline crystallizes only in the presence of atmospheric CO₂; +and anhalonidine crystallizes imperfectly; the rest are crystalline. +Their physiological activity appears to increase with their chemical +complexity.[4] + +Hordenine was first isolated from _A. fissuratum_ by Heffter in 1894 and +shown to be identical with Späth’s anhaline from _Lophophora_ in 1920; +Heffter isolated pellotine in 1894, mescaline, anhalonidine, anhalonine +and lophophorine in 1896, Kauder adding anhalamine in 1899. Capellman +collaborated with Heffter on mescaline in 1905. If Heffter first isolated +the _Lophophora_ alkaloids, Späth is to be largely credited with +establishing their chemical constitution and synthesizing them: mescaline +in 1920, anhalamine in 1921, and anhalonidine and pellotine in 1922. +Röder in 1922 and Gangl in 1923 collaborated in establishing the chemical +constitution of others of the alkaloids.[5] + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[1] Tschirsch, _Handbuch_, 680. + +[2] Henry (T. A.), _The Plant Alkaloids_, 194; Moureu, _Review_, 519; +Heffter, _Ueber zwei Cacteenalkaloïde_, 2977; _Ueber Pellote_, 309 ff.; +Späth, _Über die Anhalonium_; I, _Anhalin und Mezcalin_, 129; Kunkel, +_Handbuch_, 836; Schumann, _Über giftige Kakteen_, 106. + +[3] Henry (T. A.), _loc. cit._ The more recently discovered anhalinine +and anhalidine are cited from Schultes, _Peyote and Plants Used_, 134. + +[4] Rouhier, _Monographie_, 196, 201, 205, 212. + +[5] Henry (T. A.), _The Plant Alkaloids_, 194-95; Moureu, _Review_, +520; Heffter, _Ueber zwei Cacteenalkaloïde_, 2976; _Ueber Pellote_, +69-73; Späth, _Ueber die Anhalonium_; I, _Anhalin und Mezcalin_, 129, +138-39; II, _Die Konstitution_, 97, 263. Anhalonine has been found in +_A. jourdanianum_ (Henry, _op. cit._, 194; Heffter, _Ueber Pellote_, +427) which is identical with _Lophophora_. See Heffter, _Ueber zwei +Cacteenalkaloïde_, 2976-77, also vols. 29:216, 223-25, 227; 34:3005, +3008, 3013; Heffter and Capellman, _Versuch zur Synthese_, 38:3634-40; +Kauder, _Über Alkaloide_, 190-98. Späth, with Gangl and Röder, _Über de +Anhalonium_, IV, VI; Kunkel, _Handbuch_, 836. + + + + +APPENDIX 6: PHYSIOLOGY OF PEYOTE + + +ACTION OF THE INDIVIDUAL ALKALOIDS OF LOPHOPHORA WILLIAMSII + +Since the alkaloids of peyote fall into two classes with regard to +physiological action, the strychnine-like (increased reflex-irritability +to the point of tetanus) and the morphine-like (sedative-soporific) and +since there are important ethnographic considerations concerning the +supposed “sex” of peyote, we discuss the action of each alkaloid before +characterizing pan-peyotl physiologically. The two groups are somewhat +antagonistic in action; ethnographic indications seem to point to the +earlier action of the strychnine-like alkaloids, and a delayed reaction +of the morphine-like. However, the size of the dose and the continued +ingestion of buttons during the night cause variations in the length of +the different periods of intoxication. + +The peyote-alkaloids might be arranged in a scale, with mescaline at the +morphine-like extreme and lophophorine at the other: (morphine-like) +mescaline, peyotline, anhaline, anhalamine, anhalonidine, anhalonine, +lophophorine (strychnine-like). Peyotline, however, has a variable effect +on different individuals, while anhalonine has been accounted of the +morphine-like group by Rouhier.[1] The color-visions so conspicuous in +peyote-intoxication are chiefly produced by mescaline.[2] Lophophorine +is the most toxic.[3] Physiologically the effects of the individual +alkaloids are:[4] + + _Mescaline_: slowing of pulse, slight headache, sensation of + heaviness in the limbs lasting one to several hours; heavier + doses, feeling of discomfort and fullness of stomach (even when + injected intravenously) in addition to the above symptoms; + still heavier doses, accentuation of symptoms and appearance of + color-visions. + + _Peyotline_: in about an hour reduces the pulse approximately + one-quarter the normal number of beats; two hours after + ingestion, heaviness of eyelids, sensation of fatigue, aversion + to all physical or mental effort; has no marked analgesic + action but is a fairly good sedative and has a very appreciable + hypnotic and anodyne action. + + _Anhaline_ [= hordenine]:[5] exercises a paralyzing effect on + the central nervous system. + + _Anhalamine_: this has not been adequately studied + physiologically. Nor have _Anhalinine_ and _Anhalidine_. + + _Anhalonidine_: only slight sleepiness and dull sensation in + head; pulse not affected. + + _Anhalonine_: produces no sensible effect, except perhaps a + slight sleepiness. + + _Lophophorine_: the most toxic, has no narcotic action; a + quarter-hour after ingestion an accentuated sickening feeling + in the back of the head, with hotness and blushing of face, + slight pulse diminution; symptoms disappear after 40 minutes. + + “In short,” says Rouhier,[6] “save for anhalonidine which, + in strong doses, provokes in the frog paralysis of the + motor nerve-ends (which is not observed otherwise in + mammals), the alkaloids of peyote act on the central nervous + system.... [Mescaline] acts on the brain, which it paralyzes. + [Lophophorine] is antagonistic in action to this, augmenting + the irritability of the spinal cord and its elongations.... + Peyotline, anhalonine and anhalonidine hold a middle place + between the two preceding. They produce in the frog a soporific + effect (due to the paralysis of the brain or central nervous + system), followed by an effect of tetanus. Anhalonidine and + anhalonine have identical physiological effects. The paralyzing + effect of the former is of long duration. That of the second is + much reduced and is lacking in warm-blooded animals.” + + +ACTION OF PAN-PEYOTL + +The native use of peyote, however, involves of course the whole series +of alkaloids, and we must discuss the physiological effect of pan-peyotl +preparations. Since antagonistic alkaloids are at work, it is not +surprising to find several stages of physiological action with the whole +plant. Dixon writes:[7] + + The action may be divided into a preliminary stage and a stage + of intoxication. In the former there is excitement, a feeling + of exhilaration, and diminished kinaesthetic sensations, + performances involving effort being hardly noticed; the face + is flushed, and the pupils dilated; there is a tendency to + talkativeness, which may become wandering later, when the + patient begins to feel “lightheaded.” + + This stage quickly passes away, and is followed by one of + intoxication, in which there is a great inclination to lie + down, although there is never any tendency to sleep. The + pupils are now widely dilated, but act sluggishly to light. + On attempting to walk, the gait closely resembles that in + alcoholic intoxication, and in all bodily movements requiring + precision, the incoördination is evident. The body is generally + in a tremulous condition, the tremors showing well when the + attention is fixed on anything held in the hand. Reflexes over + the whole body are much increased, including the skin reflexes, + although there is considerable blunting of painful and tactile + sensation. Twitching of muscles occurs in various parts of the + body, especially noticeable in the face, and there is a curious + feeling as if the face, lips, tongue, etc., were much swollen. + + As in _cannabis indica_, time is over-estimated, possibly as a + result of the rapid flow of ideas[8] and the inability to fix + the attention. Perception of space is also modified,[9] on one + occasion giving the impression that the ground sloped away in + all directions. + + Perception may be considerably delayed; for example, one + may look at a person one knows well, and it is only after + scanning his features for what appears to the experimenter + a considerable time, that recognition occurs;[10] it is + possible, however, that this may be explained by the increased + time-relation. The attention cannot be fixed, as the least + stimulus is sufficient to alter the train of thought; thus it + was found impossible to fix the attention on a book, and a + subsequent examination of notes attempted during intoxication + showed incoördination both as regards language and writing. + + On two occasions when deeply under the influence of the drug, + there was an indescribable feeling of dual existence; thus + after sitting with closed eyes subjectively examining the color + visions, on suddenly opening them for a brief space one seems + to be a different self, as on waking from a dream we pass into + a different world from that in which we have been. This may be + to some extent comparable to the rhythmical rise and fall of + the “physical waves” in Indian hemp intoxication.[11] + + But by far the most remarkable of these subjective phenomena + are the sensory hallucinations,[12] especially visual. These + arise gradually, and are at first only seen with closed + eyes.... The visions rapidly become more marked, until on + closing the eyes a regular kaleidoscopic play of colours can be + seen with either eye, precisely the same; hence the condition + must be central. + + These colours may assume all kinds of fantastic shapes; they + are never still, but constantly in motion, sometimes in a + circular or to-and-fro manner, but more generally there + is a kind of pulsation somewhat similar to that in the + cinematograph.[13] + +Both native visions and white observations testify abundantly to the +phenomena of synaesthesis, or the perception of the data of one sense in +terms of another. Rouhier figures a painting made by an experimenter in +which the sound of a bell is seen as a surréaliste aggregate of flowing, +pulsating lines; and a subject of Havelock Ellis had a “curious sensation +of tasting colors.” Crichtly mentions a color-taste synaesthesia +also.[14] All these phenomena are physiological constants, as indicated +by comparison of native visions with white experimenters’ observations. + +After visual hallucinations far the commonest are auditory ones. The +writer, with a number of other observers, has noted the preternatural +resonance, hollowness, discreteness and far-away quality of one’s own +voice; if vocal disfunction were involved one would expect a raising of +pitch here, hence it is probably auditory. On this point Dixon bears +critical evidence:[15] + + The whole effect of the sound of the piano was most curious + and delightful, the whole air being filled with music, each + note of which seemed to arrange itself around a medley of + other notes which appeared to me to be surrounded by a halo of + colour pulsating to the music. Nasal hyperaesthesia was also + present, though less evident than either the visual or auditory + phenomena. + +The more strictly physiological effects may be summed up as follows:[16] + + _Skin_: no local irritation on injection of pan-peyotl; one + observer reports partial skin anaesthesia, but this does not + affect cutaneous reflex-excitability, which is much increased. + + _Respiration_: moderate amounts in Rana esculens produce no + effect, but in toxic doses respiration becomes quicker and + shallower, death ultimately occurring from paralysis of the + respiratory center. In man respiration is ordinarily not + affected, but some observers report shallower and more rapid + breathing with “occasional long-drawn and deep sighs, and a + painful feeling of suffocation.” Still another observer states + that “respiration slows immediately after injection but is not + influenced in a durable manner.”[17] + + _Circulation_: in the frog a marked effect on heart-beat: + diminished rapidity, but increased duration; in the dog a + small dose causes a slight rise in pressure, stronger doses + considerable depression on the heart and vasodilation; in the + cat mescaline causes initial lower pressure, slowly rising, and + with a larger dose a greater initial fall, more marked slowing + in beat, with variable promptness in recovery. In man .05 gr. + of lophophorine causes marked slowing of beat but a rise in + pressure and force. An ordinary dose of four “buttons” produces + a 15-25% fall in the number of beats, with a slow recovery from + a sharp drop unless more are eaten. But death in guinea pigs + and frogs comes through paralysis of respiration, not of the + heart, since in Wiley’s experiments it would beat 15-20 minutes + after the death of the animal. “All this evidence points to the + conclusion that the main effect of these alkaloids is a direct + one on cardiac muscle ... [since] very large doses, quite + non-therapeutic in amount, are ... required before the colour + visions ... are observed.” + + _Salivation_: increased in the cat, whether administered by + mouth or subcutaneously; the alkaloids are secreted in the + saliva (one cc. of cat saliva produces the same symptoms in a + frog); in man salivation is somewhat increased. + + _Digestive system_: in small doses pan-peyotl is constipating, + according to some. In the cat large doses produce diarrhea and + blood in the feces. In man and the quadrupeds all sensations + of hunger are suppressed or absent during the period of + intoxication, but the appetite returns somewhat increased after + recovery; on first injection or ingestion there is a marked + nausea and feeling of fullness in the stomach which passes off, + without, however, hunger arising. + + _Blood, secretions, etc._: no increase in the coagulability of + the blood; pancreatic and biliary secretions unaffected. + + _Kidneys_: peyote alkaloids chiefly excreted by the kidneys; + experiments show increased renal blood supply, and pan-peyotl + is markedly diuretic. + + _Eyes_: in the later stages of intoxication the pupils are + widely dilated, accompanied by lack of accommodation and + consequent photophobia. + + _Nervous system_: sizeable doses produce their most marked + effect on the nervous system: wakefulness (despite cardiac + and muscular depression), exaggeration of all reflexes (due + to selective action on the spinal cord). A frog injected with + pan-peyotl became “exceedingly susceptible to stimuli, until + even the slightest touch or even a breath of cold air is + sufficient to give rise to a little nervous explosion, with + the resulting contraction of several muscles”; the frog became + rigid in tetanus as the reflexes degenerated. Convulsions are + produced in the dog with ⅕ cc. of pan-peyotl, sometimes + light, sometimes as violent as those of strychnine; death in + convulsions with 1 cc. per kilogram of body weight. Pan-peyotl + immediately kills a rabbit with a dose of 2 cc. per kilogram + of body weight, injected intravenously; 2 cc. injected in the + lymphatic sac paralyzes a frog. An injected cat shows “ataxic + gait, with jerky and stiff movements”—a staccato effect in an + animal notable for the legato quality of its movements—with + “irregular twitchings of muscles over the whole body.” The + same effects, less marked because of relatively smaller doses, + appear in man as in other mammals. Extraordinary doses cause + qualitatively and quantitatively the same reactions: the writer + has seen a child, quite ill and suffering from malnutrition, + brought very fretful into a peyote meeting and fed peyote “tea” + until rigid in strychnine-like tetanic opisthotonos. + + _Psychic state_: exceedingly variable, varying culturally, + with the stages of intoxication, and in the individual + himself at different times. Mexican visions sometimes have + a frightening tone, sometimes one of hilarity. The writer + had marked confirmation of this while still ignorant of this + ethnographic fact: in an Oto meeting in 1936 visions were + of monstrous animals so ridiculous and hilariously funny + that proper self-restraint in meeting was difficult; yet, in + a control experiment comfortably conducted in New Haven, + the psychic state developed into one of stark, galloping, + psychotic terror, quite inexplicable on realistic grounds + (later, parallels were found in Winnebago material and in + white observations). Curiously enough Dixon noted in a cat + photophobia, dilated pupils and a fixed “stare ... [and] most + of the physical elements of ‘terror.’ ... The ears were drawn + back, the hair over the body, especially the tail, becomes + erected, there is twitching of the superficial muscles, the + respiration being shallow and hurried, and the heart weak and + irregular.” One experimenter’s subject became possessed of the + fixed idea that he was being poisoned, when the intoxication + had thoroughly developed. This experience, once felt, is so + strikingly physiological that one is tempted to wonder if there + is any hypersecretion of adrenalin, perhaps in adjustmental + reaction to the effect of the alkaloids on the heart. Dixon + thought _Lophophora_ differed from _Cannabis indica_ in never + provoking merriment; yet Wertham and Bleuler had one subject + who achieved a state of to him quite meaningless hilarity. Fear + states are present among native users also, to judge from the + content of some visions recorded; conceivably these might be + the psychic end-results of the intensified reflex-excitability + induced by the strychnine-like alkaloids. However, one should + bear in mind throughout the antagonistic effect of the + alkaloids, which together with individual, cultural and other + differences (physiological state, amount eaten, the form in + which the drug is taken—infusion or solid, dry or green—the + continued eating of it in late stages of intoxication, etc.) + contribute to widely variable reactions. The experiments of + Wertham and Bleuler are impressive in this connection.[18] This + variability for the same subject at different times, Indians + explain, is conditioned by what one starts thinking about when + the intoxication begins.[19] + + +PEYOTE AS APHRODISIAC AND ANAPHRODISIAC + +We have previously noted the use in Mexico of teo-nanacatl, _Cacalia_ +spp. and _Cannabis_ spp. for their supposed aphrodisiac virtues. +Peyote too has become involved in this use, but it has been as warmly +defended as attacked, some indeed maintaining that it is a specific +anaphrodisiac. It can hardly be both. The present writer, as a matter +of fact, considers this less a problem of physiology than one of +ethnology, psychology or even psychiatry, and is persuaded that in the +pharmacological-physiological sense there exist neither aphrodisiacs nor +their opposite, anaphrodisiacs. + +The matter is not to be settled off-handedly by resort to experiments +on white subjects; it is a more intricate question of culture and +personality. If white subjects argue heatedly for peyote’s aphrodisiac +and anaphrodisiac virtues, this proves nothing physiological. It merely +indicates the long notorious fact that given the somewhat anti-sexual +tradition of west European culture, the typical anxiety of its +culture-bearers is sexual. This is scarcely the case with the Plains +Indians I have observed. As expressed in ritual, symbolism and prayer, +the typical anxiety of these natives is that about life itself—and the +culture-historical background out of which this has grown will be readily +recalled by students of Plains ethnography (constant warfare, prestige +symbolisms, the coming of the Whites with new diseases, superior weapons, +etc.). + +We shall merely cite here, therefore, instances showing up the order of +“proof” so far adduced to support these contrary stands about peyote. +Lumholtz leads the anaphrodisiac school: + + Another marked effect of the plant is to take away temporarily + all sexual desire. This fact, no doubt, is the reason why the + Indians, by a curious aboriginal mode of reasoning, impose + abstinence from sexual intercourse as a necessary part of the + hikuli cult.[20] + +Wertham and Bleuler also write of subjects that[21] “efforts to conjure +up an erotic scene were unsuccessful.” Fernberger,[22] however, exhibits +a still more naïve sense of evidence: + + [An ethnographer] reports that in the Peyote Cults investigated + there is no actual, implied or even symbolic eroticism[23] + which marks these ceremonies off from practically every other + known American Indian ceremony of any tribe or group [!]. In + order to test the validity of some of these reports, nine + mature members of the faculty ... submitted together to extreme + peyote intoxication.[24] [The experiment was performed in a + group _because_ it] gave the opportunity for suggestion of + one observer upon another [and permitted a ceremony complete + with rattles and drum. Consequently[25]] one unexpected and + unforeseen result of this investigation is the evident strongly + anti-aphrodisiac[26] effect of the drug. This would again + explain, for social psychology and for anthropology, the + purely and totally unerotic character[27] of the ceremonies of + the Peyote Cults so unusual to American Indian ceremonies.[28] + +It seems alike profitless to enter into a discussion of those who argue +the aphrodisiac properties of peyote.[29] These have often enough +been missionaries and administrators whose use of the argument in +bitter attacks on the Native American Church shows them to be scarcely +disinterested. Certainly from the evidence so far at hand we can only +heartily endorse the opinion of Klüver[30] that “the drug apparently does +not influence the sexual sphere in any specific way.” + + +THERAPEUTIC USES OF PEYOTE + +From the physiological relation of the peyote alkaloids to strychnine +and morphine, considerable enthusiasm was early shown about their +pharmacodynamics and possible therapeutic uses. Jolly[31] in 1896 +experimented on pellotine [= peyotline] as a hypnotic and soporific, +for when used in small doses in man the fall of the pulse initially +is accompanied by sleepiness. Heffter[32] likewise reports a marked +heaviness of limbs and eyelids. Loaeza,[33] apparently using pan-peyotl +preparations, maintained that peyote and _Cereus serpentinus_ (organillo) +had value as tonics or cardiac regulators, but variable action and +individual idiosyncrasy is marked. Henry[34] says the therapeutic dose +of pellotine is one-third to two-thirds of a grain, but that it is only +“slightly narcotic.” The high toxicity of lophophorine discourages its +therapeutic use. Rouhier[35] wrote in 1926 that “properly speaking, +therapeusis by peyote does not yet exist. Although the drug was +introduced in the American pharmaceutical market[36] for twenty years, +from which it has since disappeared, it is still unknown to the great +medical public.” On the whole, however, the therapeutic possibilities of +_Lophophora_ seem unimpressive.[37] + + +USES IN PSYCHIATRY + +Because peyote produces what has been described as a “mescal psychosis,” +it has been suggested that it might be a useful approach for the +psychiatrist in the study of schizophrenia. The production of “horrible +depressions” in a subject of Prentiss and Morgan and “fear that his life +was leaving him,” as well as the unaccountable hilarity of Wertham and +Bleuler’s subject, suggests a similar value, if any, in the study of +manic-depressive psychoses too. No doubt psychoses may be exteriorized +with increased facility in peyote intoxication, but this strikes one as a +crude method and subject to the introduction of extraneous factors over +which there is no control.[38] + +Hutchings used pellotine as a hypnotic on psychotic patients in the St. +Lawrence State Hospital. Pilcz likewise reports this use of peyote as +a sedative for the insane, but Warburg states that these experiments +have met with little success, on account of the by-effects of the +alkaloids. Dr. Goodall of the Carmarthen Asylum, according to Havelock +Ellis, tried peyote on melancholic and stuporous patients, but “beyond +dilation of pupils and rapidity [!] of heart action, the results were +nil.” Martindale and Westcott report that formerly peyote was used in +neurasthenia, hysteria and asthma; it is hard to see in some cases where +the cure is any superior to the disease, however. Briau employed peyote +in “anxiety states,” but the extremely variable emotional states under +peyote intoxication make even tentative conclusions precarious.[39] +Indeed, peyote would be calculated to aggravate asthma and anxiety states +under some circumstances! + +Bensheim found different mescal reactions in cycloids and schizoids, but +Wertham and Bleuler somewhat surprisingly discovered both reactions in a +single person, and argued for the inconstancy of the formal structure of +the “personality.” Probably, however, peyote had no definitive importance +in either case though the former used only mescaline and the latter +pan-peyotl. Zucker induced mescaline intoxication in the hallucinated +insane, but far too many variables appear to be involved here. Zador +conducted experiments on the blind and patients with disordered vision, +using mescaline, the chief hallucination-producing alkaloid of peyote. +Klüver discussed color predominance in reported visions (red-green in the +initial phases, blue-yellow later). This suggests selective action of +the alkaloids on various regions of the retina, evidence bearing on the +Ladd-Franklin phylogenetic theory of color vision. Possibly, too, colors +predominant in peyote-symbolisms of natives may have a physiological +meaning. Klüver’s “form-constants” in peyote-intoxication may have +similar significance, but he dealt largely with White visions only.[40] + + +PEYOTE AS A DRUG + +Of more concern, however, to those who interest themselves in the welfare +of Indians is the possible ill effect or habit-forming nature of the +drug. On this point we quote the opinions of those better qualified than +the writer to speak. + +Briau,[41] in his psychiatric study, emphasized + + the innocuousness of peyote.... No signs of grave intolerance + were ever exhibited, nor any accident more disagreeable than + vomiting, all too frequent at the beginning of a treatment + with opiates. There was no notable organic upsetment produced + during the time of action of the medicament. The effects on + the circulation, respiration, digestive system and excretory + functions have not appeared noxious. We have frequently + examined urine for the existence of abnormal constituents + revealing some derangement of the liver or the kidneys. In + short, never during our researches have distressing secondary + phenomena been manifested (headache, obnubilation, confusion, + psychic and physical depression, or gastro-intestinal + disturbances).... No brutality in the action [of pan-peyotl] + can be remarked. + +Briau believes the drug non-habit forming. Rouhier expresses himself more +guardedly: + + That peyote-mania can sometimes exist, we will not dispute. + We merely remark, to explain our optimism on the subject, + that the drug does not seem to provoke that irresistible + physiological appetite, nor that “state of need,” purveyors of + the great toxicomanias which opium, cocaine, heroine or alcohol + create. + +Havelock Ellis expresses himself as follows: + + The few observations recorded in America and my own experiments + in England do not enable us to say anything regarding the + habitual consumption of mescal in large amounts. That such + consumption would be gravely injurious I cannot doubt. Its + safeguard seems to lie in the fact that a certain degree of + robust health is required to obtain any real enjoyment from its + visionary gifts. + +The last statement is somewhat gratuitous, if not erroneous.[42] + +Hrdlička[43] writes as follows: + + My views ... are that any substance which is capable of + producing such effects on the brain and nervous system if + abused is bound to produce harm. Fortunately peyotl is rather + scarce, is used on special occasions only—in a large majority + of cases—and thus it is probably quite free from any permanent + injury.[44] The drug can perhaps be likened to nicotine, + and like the latter will doubtless not affect different + individuals to the same degree. Also, as with nicotine, it + may be quite impossible with our present means to detect the + harm it has done. Besides which it is quite possible that the + system may build up some resistance or safeguard against it and + thus prevent any substantial injury. I should by no means join + myself to those who see in it any _great_ danger. + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[1] Rouhier, _Monographie_, 231. + +[2] Kobert, _Lehrbuch_, 1008-1009; Rouhier, _op. cit._, 227; Henry (T. +A.), _The Plant Alkaloids_, 199: Dixon (W. E.), _The Physiological +Action_, 71. Rouhier (_op. cit._, 228, 231) places peyotline in the +strychnine group; it has a narcotic and tetanic effect on animals, to be +sure, but in man, according to Jolly, it causes slight hypnosis, but no +anaesthesia. Schmiedeberg puts it in the morphine group, which we have +followed (cf. Kobert, _Lehrbuch_, 1009). + +[3] Henry (T. A.), _The Plant Alkaloids_, 199; Rouhier, _op. cit._, 238; +Dixon (W. E.), _The Physiological Action_, 71. + +[4] Condensed from Rouhier, _op. cit._, 227-32. Note “pellotine” is the +same as “peyotline.” + +[5] Henry, _loc. cit._ Staub and Grassmann (_Über die Wirkungsgrenze_, +336) state, in dogs, increased heart-beat and pressure. + +[6] Rouhier, _op. cit._, 231. I have modified and added to Rouhier’s +classifications. Ellis (_Mescal: A New Artificial Paradise_) describes +the effects on the central nervous system as “acute cerebrasthenia.” The +lethal dose of anhalonine hydrochloride for rabbits is 0.16 to 0.2 grams +per kilogram of body weight; lophophorine kills frogs by a dose of only +0.011 grams per kilogram of body weight. (Henry, _op. cit._, 199). + +[7] Dixon (W. E.), _The Physiological Action_, 79-81. Rouhier (_op. +cit._, 268-69): “Intoxication by peyote in man comprises two very +distinct phases, one, general superexcitement, contentment; euphoria, +the other of nervous sedation, of more or less accentuated physical +indolence, and of hypocerebrality; this last phase is almost entirely +filled with the production of color-visions.” Henry (_op. cit._, 199) +likens this preliminary stage to alcoholic intoxication. + +[8] Fernberger (_Observations_, 270) mentions “a very clear but rapidly +changing focus of attention”; see also his _Further Observations_, 367. +Crichtly (_Some Forms_, 102) notes the “rapidity of change,” though +visions “lasted many hours.” It is in this that the “indescribability” of +the visions lies (Ellis, _Mescal: A New Artificial Paradise_). + +[9] Fernberger (_Observations_, 269) notes “distortion of time and +space”; and (_Further Observations_, 367) a “grave upsetting of +space and time ... space was extremely extended and time extremely +slowed.” Maggendorfer (_Intoxikationspsychosen_, 355-56) notes for +mescaline a time and space derangement, similar to those in other +“intoxikationpsychosen.” Crichtly (_op. cit._, 105) describes micropsia +and megalopsia, or gravely deranged perception of size. + +[10] In these careful statements by Dixon (on a subject not notable for +the accuracy of all observers) many physiological bases for ethnographic +observations I have made may be found, e.g., the mistaking in a Kiowa +meeting of the medicine-man Tonakat by an informant for a hideous +alligator-like monster; he believed then he had seen this witch “for what +he was.” + +[11] The writer testifies to the accuracy of Dixon’s somewhat amazing +statement. So marked have been the physical effects of the first stage +of intoxication, that when these pass off to give rise to the feeling of +physiological normality (introspectively), one almost has a distrust of +the existence of these spectacular mental displays particularly if the +observer is of a markedly non-“psychic” or skeptical cast of mind. The +visions arise in the midst of a psychological state I can only describe +as one of perfectly plausible “epistemological orientation,” sometimes +acutely felt in alcoholic intoxication. The feeling of dissociation +with this unfamiliar and spectacular side of one’s peyote-intoxication +experience has suggested to some observers incipient schizoid psychoses. +Small wonder natives often exhibit curiously ambivalent attitudes toward +their visions, and sometimes explicitly reject and disclaim them as +“bad,” the result of trickery by the peyote power (“he’s testing me”) or +by some human witch present. Hoebel in conversation has insisted on the +Northern Cheyenne attitude of suspicion of peyote’s “trickiness.” But I +wholly disagree with Havelock Ellis and others who have argued for the +“ineffability” of visions, and even less do I see in peyote-intoxication +any approach to the mystical state of the epistemological +_convincingness_ of the _visions_. It is this _concomitant_ state of +seeming objectiveness and reality-orientation which accounts for the +marked feeling of duality. On this point, cf. Drs. Monakow and Morgue: +“[Peyote produces] a particular state of dreaming, without losing, +relatively, the idea of orientation, accompanied by pseudo-hallucinatory +phenomena.” + +[12] Ellis (_Mescal: A Study of a Divine Plant_, 60) reports a “vague +olfactory hallucination”; Fernberger (_Observations_, 269) and the +writer have noticed kinaesthetic derangements which have parallels in +native visions. Hearing is very acute (Fernberger, _ibid._; _Further +Observations_, 371), but subject to hallucination and synaesthetic +derangement. + +[13] Some fifty native peyote “visions” were collected in the original +dissertation from which this paper is derived. + +[14] Rouhier, _op. cit._, 315, fig. 44; Ellis, _Mescal; A Study_, 68; +Crichtly, _Some Forms_, 106. + +[15] Dixon (W. E.), _The Physiological Action_, 81. + +[16] Based largely on Dixon and Rouhier, with additional data from +Jaensch, Wiley, Crichtly, Prentiss and Morgan, Ellis, Fernberger, Wertham +and Bleuler, Lewin, Maggendorfer, Staub and Grassmann. + +[17] Rouhier, _op. cit._, 232. But Dixon writes, “In man the nervous +effects are extremely interesting, but on account of the respiratory +depression which is liable to occur it is not desirable to experiment +too freely; it is necessary to remember that this substance, like Indian +hemp, varies considerably in its effects on different individuals, and +that the element of idiosyncrasy is marked.” + +[18] Wertham and Bleuler, _Inconstancy of the Formal Structure of +the Personality_. The general thesis of these experimenters was that +personality types might be studied as they were exteriorized in mescaline +intoxication via the Rorschach test. One of the observers described two +personalities in a normal subject in two periods of intoxication, not +knowing that it was the same person. They conclude, interestingly: “It is +suggested that these observations indicate that the form of a personality +is not a constant, but that it may be influenced by outer circumstances, +and that the usual psychologic ‘type’ of a person does not necessarily +exhaust the description of the formal structure of his personality.” + +[19] “What an excellent use for a medical congress,” Sir Francis Galton +dryly wrote Havelock Ellis (_Mescal: A Study_, 71, note), “to put one +half of their members under mescal, and to make the other half observe +them.” + +[20] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1: 359; cf. _Explorations in Mexique_, +181-82. It is a curious west-European mode of reasoning that leads one to +expect in all psychic upsetments such as this the emergence of the sexual +anxiety—more particularly in the case of peyote intoxication, which +provokes marked fall of heart-beat, physical and mental depression at one +stage, uncomfortable “stomach fullness” and acute nausea! + +[21] Wertham and Bleuler, 60. The presence of prior suggestion is +blatantly obvious. Cf. Karwoski, 212: “To the sexologist an easy way of +obliterating temporarily the genital response is offered since mescal is +a powerful anaphrodisiac.... My own experience confirms the anaphrodisiac +properties of mescal, but the fact that under its influence I found my +imagination turning to erotic situations, although temporarily impotent, +is an illustration of the persistence of conditioning that offers an +interesting suggestion with reference to the extirpation experiments +reported in the controversy over the James-Lange theory of emotions.” +Unfortunately, _culture_ cannot be extirpated. + +[22] Fernberger, _Further Observations_, 368. But Fernberger +misunderstood his informant, Petrullo, who (_The Diabolic Root_, 8, note) +of course disclaims this statement from “which” on. + +[23] Field workers protest privately, but not often enough explicitly, +against the projection of these culturally- and personally-subjective +values into other cultures. The envisaging of primitive cultures as +unspoiled Arcadias where one’s frustrated dreams for one’s own culture +come true, is at least as old as Tacitus’ “Germania,” and is still going +on, not alone among laymen. + +[24] We repeat that results _either positive or negative_ for white +observers have no bearing on the problem as regards natives, as this +problem is cultural. + +[25] Fernberger, _Further Observations_, 377. + +[26] All but one vomited. + +[27] It is scarcely surprising that one does not find in Indian +ceremonies what is not there. + +[28] Had Fernberger investigated such of his predecessors as Lumholtz, +the novelty of his results would have impressed him less. And had his +experiments been more critical he would not be superfluously supplied +with an “explanation” to a problem where no data to be explained exist +(compare the a-priorism of the “parapsychologists”). But Fernberger +continues: “For every one of the observers the anti-aphrodisiac effect of +the drug was marked and continued, in most cases, for at least 24 hours +after the period of intoxication. Efforts at erotic stimulation proved +ineffective. In several cases physical automanipulation of the genitals +failed to produce the usual physiological effect. The calling up of +erotic images—visual and verbal—were equally ineffective.” + +[29] An able and sincere field worker has told the writer of an +experience at a meeting which ended for him in orgasm. But he would agree +that detailing of similar White “aphrodisiac” experiences is edifying +more as regards individuals than the drug. This paper aims to deal with +the _native_ peyote cult. + +[30] Klüver, _Mescal, the Divine Plant_, 101; but peyote is a complex of +physiologically antagonistic drugs of quite variable reaction. + +[31] Jolly, _Über die schlafmachende; Über Pellotine_, 375-76. This +effect is all the more remarkable since Heffter in similar experiments +noted that pellotine produced in the frog excitability and reflex tetanus. + +[32] Heffter, _Über Pellotin_, 327-28. + +[33] Loaeza, in del Campo, _Peyote_, 145. Koang-Hobschette (_Les +Cactacées_, 41) says cactine, the active element of _Cereus grandiflorus_ +Mill. is used like digitalis as a cardio-tonic, strengthening the systole +and diminishing the diastole like strychnine. + +[34] Henry (T. A.), _The Plant Alkaloids_, 199. + +[35] Rouhier, _Monographie_, 340. + +[36] Parke Davis and Co. formerly manufactured the drug. See their _Newer +Pharmacology_. + +[37] But not to all persons! The typical over-enthusiasm with which +new materia medica are received is itself an interesting ethnographic +commentary. Prentiss and Morgan (_Therapeutic Uses_, 4-5) prescribed it +variously for “cramps, griping and colic ... [and] nervous headache” +as well as “tickling in the throat.” They also report (_The Alkaloids +of Anhalonium_, 123-37) uses by other doctors. Two brothers, doctors, +prescribed peyote for their brother who was suffering from “softening +of the brain.” He died a few months later, uncured. Nevertheless, they +prescribed peyote for their sister, who was “very low and out of her +head;” she later recovered. Richardson (D. A.), (_A Report_, 194-95) +reports still more spectacular sequelae. He administered peyote to a man +with “frontal cephalalgia.” “Especially would I remark,” he says, “on the +clearing of the skin of pimples over the chest and back, and a marked +softening of the hair, which before the exhibition of the anhalonium was +dry, with a tendency to break easily.” It nevertheless also decreased +the abnormal oiliness of the skin. Further, he thought it was a solvent +for uric acid, likely to be of value for stones in the bladder. Lastly, +“In my opinion, anhalonium is a superior cardiac tonic, and, like +nitroglycerine, its effects are prolonged after the administration of the +drug is withdrawn.” + +The efficacy of peyote in native doctoring seems as little established +also. Reasons of ethnographic nature have already been cited for doubting +the anti-alcoholic virtue of peyote. Indeed, the leader of one meeting I +attended I visited in jail later in the week; he had been arrested for +drunken street-fighting. I could uncharitably cite half-a-dozen similar +cases, but it seems amply enough demonstrated that there is no relation +of exclusiveness between peyotism and alcoholism. + +[38] Klüver, _Mescal, The “Divine” Plant_, 97, 108. Prentiss and Morgan, +_Anhalonium Lewinii_, 581; Wertham and Bleuler, _Inconstancy in the +Formal Structure_, 52, 60. + +[39] Hutchings, in Heffter, _Ueber Pellote_, 409; Pilcz, _Ueber +Pellotin_, 1121-22; Warburg, in Bennett and Zingg, _The Tarahumara_, +136; Ellis, _Mescal: A Study_, 71; Martindale and Westcott, _The Extra +Pharmacopoeia_, 1:836; Briau, in Koang-Hobschette, _Les Cactacées_. +Karwoski (_Psychophysics_, 212) suggests that peyote might heighten +rapport in psychoanalysis; cf. Deschamps. + +[40] Bensheim, _Typenunterschiede_, 121; Wertham and Bleuler, +_Inconstancy in the Formal Structure_, 70; Zucker, _Versuche_, 107; +Zador, _Meskalinwirkung bei Störung_, 30; _Meskalinwirkung_; Klüver, +_Mescal, The “Divine” Plant_, 36-39, 41; Ladd-Franklin, _Colour and +Colour-Theories_, _passim_. + +[41] Briau, in Koang-Hobschette, _Les Cactacées_, 73-74; Rouhier, _Le +Peyotl_, 337; Ellis, _Mescal: A New Artificial Paradise_, 141. + +[42] An editorial _Paradise or Inferno?_ (Editorial, 390) sharply +rebuked Ellis for the attractiveness which he had ascribed to mescal +intoxication, basing the criticism on grounds of medical ethics. + +[43] Letter to Schultes, Feb. 21, 1936. My own experience leads me fully +to endorse Hrdlička’s careful statement. Elsewhere in the text are cited +numerous cases of natives who, in good faith I believe, gave up the +use of peyote entirely upon the rising of special or acute anxieties. +My informants, on the other hand, quite as frankly admitted that there +were some individuals who showed signs of addiction, in the sense that +they consumed the plant often and abundantly, but these are not clear +uncomplicated instances of drug-addiction; I trust such native candor +implicitly. Besides, peyote is not wholly pleasant (“You must suffer to +peyote”). + +[44] The issue of the native religious use of the drug is indeed a +complex one. But whatever else may be said, it is only fair to the +Indians to state that the bitterest and most unmeasured condemnations +of the drug have issued from quarters which are scarcely disinterested. +Whatever the merits of the case, those persons are concerned with the +deculturation of the Indian, and see in the peyote religion a formidable +obstacle to their progress in inducting the native into modern life. The +doubtless good intentions of such persons have on occasion, however, +led them into errors of judgment when, for instance, they would argue +that peyotism is merely out-and-out drug addiction in religious guise +(e.g. Daiker, Hughes, Newberne and Burke, Seymour, Watermulder, and the +writers in the Indian Rights Association and Literary Digest articles;) +Lindquist, for example, feels free to commit numerous errors of fact +yet still pontificate on the “false gods” of “the cult of Death” which +is “nothing but an evil” (_The Red Man_, 72, 73, 75). For, given the +Plains religious and ideological background, the peyote cult is entirely +plausible as a religion, and the issue is properly one of religious +freedom. + +The intellectual “authority” in west European culture is, of course, +the empirical and pragmatic (or putatively), while that of the Indian +in this religion, as elsewhere, can correctly be termed mystical, if +we understand by this a super-normal knowledge-technique transcending +ordinary epistemological considerations. For there can be no shadow of +a doubt concerning the deep and humble sincerity of the worship and +belief—and sincerity perhaps, even in the absence of other ingredients, +is the chief component of a living religion. And if the chief function +of a religion is the liquidation of the anxieties and the solution of +the fears and troubles of its adherents, then surely the peyote religion +eminently qualifies as such. + +The issue then balances somewhat delicately on the point of “authority,” +which is really at bottom a matter of comparative ethnography. If, as +we believe, the scientific is truly the most mature knowledge-technique +man has yet perfected, then facile and off-hand condemnation of peyotism +on its basis is even less possible. Aside from the probable ultimate +disappearance of the Native American Church, a generous and libertarian +philosophy would condemn present attacks on it as often misguided and +even oftener uninformed. The chief human difficulty in the world today is +the adjustment of one culture to another, of one absolutistic ideology +and Weltanschauung to another. But the scientific spirit itself would +protest against the dictatorship of any one ideology, of whatever sort; +there is too much chance that any self-contained scheme be dangerously +wrong, when unchecked by modifying differing beliefs. Science, indeed, +has been lifted above the level of folklore precisely because the +spectacle of variously conditioned culture-historical outlooks has +necessitated self-criticism and an objective comparative survey of +beliefs. A fetishistic attitude toward science and its tentative +pronouncements, therefore, is itself folkloristic in tone. This however, +is not to suggest any distrust in the ability of the scientific method +to obtain such sound results as have been so far achieved; but it is +intended to point out the real limitations in our information. + +Although the best modern scientific knowledge would indicate that the +alkaloids in peyote do not perform the manifold therapeutic miracles +which natives ascribe to it, one might still well wonder whether harsh +sumptuary laws would not work more positive hardship and harm than the +drug itself. If not the injustice then certainly the inexpedience of such +exercise of civil authority has been amply demonstrated in the Eighteenth +Amendment and its sorry consequences. We may not presume therefore to +judge what should be the administrative fate of the peyote cult. The +emotional and ideological side of the religion is not open to judgement; +and on the properly scientific and physiological side of the question the +simple fact is that we actually don’t know enough about it. + + + + +APPENDIX 7: JOHN WILSON, THE REVEALER OF PEYOTE + + +The life and career of a remarkable individual were successively involved +in the several traditions of the Ghost Dance, mescalism, old Algonquian +shamanistic “shooting” ceremonies and finally peyotism. Both for its +intrinsic interest and its historical significance we give here in some +detail the life of this man. Wilson appears first as a leader in the +Ghost Dance movement of the 1890’s. Mooney[1] writes: + + The principal leader of the Ghost dance among the Caddo + is Nĭshkûntŭ, “Moon Head,” known to the whites as John + Wilson. Although considered a Caddo, and speaking only + that language,[2] he is very much of a mixture, being half + Delaware, one-fourth Caddo, and one-fourth French. One of his + grandfathers was a Frenchman. As the Caddo lived originally + in Louisiana, there is a considerable mixture of French blood + among them, which manifests itself in his case in a fairly + heavy beard. He is about 50 years of age [in 1892-93], rather + tall and well built, and wears his hair at full length flowing + loosely over his shoulders. With a good head and strong, + intelligent features, he presents the appearance of a natural + leader.... He was one of the first Caddo to go into a trance, + the occasion being the great Ghost dance held by the Arapaho + and Cheyenne near Darlington agency, at which Sitting Bull + presided, in the fall of 1890. On his return to consciousness + he had wonderful things to tell of his experiences in the + spirit world, composed a new song, and from that time became + the high priest of the Caddo dance. Since then his trances + have been frequent, both in and out of the Ghost dance, and in + addition to his leadership in this connection he assumes the + occult powers and authority of a great medicine-man, all the + powers claimed by him being freely conceded by his people. + +Captain Scott, who visited the Caddo in 1890-91 during the period of +their greatest excitement about the Ghost Dance, also met Wilson, of whom +he writes:[3] + + John Wilson, a Caddo man of much prominence, was especially + affected [by the Ghost Dance], performing a series of gyrations + that were most remarkable. At all hours of the day and night + his cry could be heard all over camp, and when found he would + be dancing in the ring, possibly upon one foot, with his eyes + closed and the forefinger of his right hand pointed upward, or + in some other ridiculous posture. Upon being asked his reasons + for assuming these attitudes he replied that he could not help + it; that it came over him just like cramps. + +Wilson soon became a well-known doctor in this connection. Scott +continues: + + John Wilson had progressed finely, and was now a full-fledged + doctor, a healer of diseases, and a finder of stolen property + through supernatural means. One day, while we were in the tent, + a Wichita woman entered, led by the spirit. It was explained + to us that she did not even know who lived there, but some + force she could not account for brought her. Having stated + her case to John, he went off into a fit of the jerks, in + which his spirit went up and saw “his father” (i.e., God), and + who directed him how to cure this woman. When he came to, he + explained the cure to her, and sent her away rejoicing. Soon + afterwards a Keechei man came in, who was blind of one eye, and + who desired to have the vision restored. John again consulted + his father, who informed him that nothing could be done for + that eye because that man held aloof from the dance. + +When Mooney visited the Caddo on Sugar Creek late in 1895, + + John Wilson came down from his own camp to explain his part + in the Ghost dance. He wore a wide-brim hat, with his hair + flowing down to his shoulders, and on his breast, suspended + from a cord, about his neck, was a curious amulet consisting + of the polished end of a buffalo horn, surrounded by a circlet + of downy red feathers, within another circle of badger and owl + claws. He explained that this was the source of his prophetic + and clairvoyant inspiration. The buffalo horn was “God’s + heart,” the red feathers contained his own heart,[4] and the + circle of claws represented the world. When he prayed for help, + his heart communed with “God’s heart,” and he learned what he + wished to know. He had much to say also of the moon. Sometimes + in his trances he went to the moon and the moon taught him + secrets.... He claimed an intimate acquaintance with the other + world and asserted positively that he could tell me “just what + heaven is like.” Another man who accompanied him had a yellow + sun with green rays painted on his forehead, with an elaborate + rayed crescent in green, red, and yellow on his chin, and + wore a necklace from which depended a crucifix and a brass + clockwheel, the latter, as he stated, representing the sun. + + On entering the room where I sat awaiting him, Nĭshkûntŭ + approached and performed mystic passes in front of my face + with his hands, after the manner of the hypnotist priests in + the Ghost dance, blowing upon me the while, as he afterward + explained to blow evil things away from me before beginning to + talk on religious subjects....[5] Laying one hand on my head, + and grasping my own hand with the other, he prayed silently + for some time with bowed head, and then lifting his hand from + my head, he passed it over my face, down my shoulder and arm + to the hand, which he grasped and pressed slightly, and then + released the fingers with a graceful upward sweep.[6] + +A curious mixture of Caddoan (?) mescalism, Ghost Dance, Delaware +“shooting” ceremonies and early peyotism occurred among the Shawnee when +Wilson came to them about 1889. The Quapaw were being taught the Ghost +Dance, in which a small water drum was used to accompany the circling of +the dancers, alternately men and women. Wilson showed them how to swallow +mescal beans, and also how to “shoot” them into a person so that he or +she would fall down. Then he doctored the person with peyote to bring him +back to consciousness. A number of tribes were involved in these doings, +according to Mrs. Voegelin, the Shawnee, Delaware, Mohawk, Peoria, Caddo +(?), Quapaw, Iowa and Oto. Gradually, however, Wilson turned from the +Ghost Dance to peyote. Already in Mooney’s time he was “prominent in the +mescal [i.e., peyote] rite, which has recently come to his tribe [the +Caddo] from the Kiowa and Comanche.”[7] + +Both mescalism and the Ghost Dance, in his person, have traceable +influence upon peyotism. This syncretism of cultures in one personality +is of considerable interest. + + Before Wilson had quite reached the age of forty, he had lived + the life of an ordinary Indian of Oklahoma. He was addicted to + moderate drinking. He frequented the social dances and gambling + gatherings usual among reservation groups of his type. He had + participated likewise in the contemporary religious ceremonies + performed by the Delaware.... As a vagrant, not however in + the condemning sense of the term, he had wandered as most + Oklahoma Indians do, from tribe to tribe and inevitably also + among the whites experiencing the wide range of personal and + social contacts which might be inferred from the statement. + Anderson states, in short, that his uncle had lived a sinful + life but adds in effect that he had not been guilty of any + major offences. He was married to a woman of Delaware and Caddo + descent and had an adopted son, Black Wolf, reputed to be also + part Delaware part Caddo, and who is still living (1932) and + carrying out Wilson’s teachings and ministrations. + +About this time he attended a Comanche dance, where a Comanche man +presented him with a peyote button and told him to give it a trial—which +he did in an unusually thorough manner. Speck continues: + + Before long he concluded to adopt the advice given and to + retire from worldly companionship, to make the trial and to + study its outcome. With this objective in mind he informed + his wife, secured provisions for a few weeks stay in camp and + together they drove away in a wagon to a little creek where + an abundant supply of fresh drinkable water might be had. + The place he selected was a secluded “clean and open place” + where they would be alone free from intrusion and worldly + distractions. Anderson thinks that Wilson remained there about + two or three weeks but he does not remember hearing him say + how long. When all was ready he began his innovation to the + mysteries of Peyote the first night by eating 8 or 9 “buttons.” + We learn that during the period of self exposure to the power + of Peyote he took the medicine at frequent intervals during the + day or night as the impulse prompted him using about the same + quantity each time it was taken. As soon as he began, using the + words of the informant, “_Peyote took pity on him_” for his + humble mien and sincere desire to learn its power. During the + whole period he allowed nothing to distract him, giving his + entire thought and wish to learn what Peyote might teach him. + The outcome was the revelation that motivated him for the rest + of his life and made him a teacher of the Peyote doctrines, + which he himself exclusively evolved through the revelations + given him at this time. + + During the time of his sojourn, Wilson did not fast or undergo + other abnegations but lived normally.... Each time Wilson + took peyote during those days and nights of seclusion he ate + about fifteen peyote “buttons.” ... During the two weeks or + so of his experimental seclusion, Wilson was continually + translated in spirit to the sky realm where he was conducted + by Peyote. In this estate he was shown the figures in the sky + and the celestial landmarks which represented the events in + the life of Christ, and also the relative positions of the + Spiritual Forces, the Moon, Sun, Fire, which had long been + known to the Delawares, through native traditional teachings, + as Grandfather and Elder Brothers. Here, too, he was shown the + grave of Christ, now empty, “where Christ had rolled away the + rocks at the door of the grave and risen to the sky.” He was + shown, always under the guidance of Peyote, the “Road” which + led from the grave of Christ to the Moon in the Sky which + Christ had taken in his ascent. He was told by Peyote to walk + in this path or “Road” for the rest of his life, advancing + step by step as his knowledge would increase through the use + of peyote, remaining faithful to its teachings ... [and if he + did] he would finally, just before his death, bring him into + the actual presence of Christ and of Peyote.... The details of + construction of the earth works to form the “Moon” which he was + to construct in the Peyote tent were all revealed to him with + their meanings as Peyote continued his instructions to Wilson + during his visits to the sky.... Also came revelations as to + how the face should be painted, the hair dressed. Of major + importance, however, was the complete course of instruction + given to Wilson by Peyote in the singing and syllabization of + the numerous Peyote songs which were to form the principal + parts of the ceremony of worship. Anderson felt certain that + Wilson possessed and used no less than two hundred of these + songs.[8] + +[Illustration: Fig. 6. An Osage altar of the John Wilson Big Moon type. +A, “Peyote path,” or Moon-Head (Wilson’s name); B, hole for “arrow” +when not in use; C, “Heart of Goodness” where father peyote is placed; +D, Heart of the World above which the ritual fire is built; E, the Sun, +giver of life. The east-west line is the “straight road” the way to +heaven, or “thinking straight”; the north-south line represents “the +road across the world”; together they form a cross symbolic of the +crucifixion.] + +[Illustration: Fig. 7. A variant Osage moon of somewhat esoteric +symbolism. This and the Osage moon in Figure 6 are reproduced through the +courtesy of Mr. D. F. Murphy.] + +Wilson’s original moon, however, passed through an evolution, for +Anderson’s drawing in Speck is considerably simpler in design than those +depicted for the Osage by Murphy, or photographed by the author for the +Quapaw. An early version, apparently, is one collected from Henry Hunt +(Wichita) near Anadarko. In this the crescent or “moon” is elongated to +imitate the parted hair of an Indian, whose eyes are the two mounds of +ashes between its horns; a line runs from the father-peyote to the east, +terminating in a mound with five circles concentrically zoning it like +a globe-map, with another line at right angles to this drawn from tip +to tip of the crescent, making a cross, at the intersection of which +is drawn a heart resembling a man’s nose. There is also a heart at the +“parting” of the hair, on which the fetish peyote rests, and a third +one on the top of the zoned mound at the east. This altar is said to +symbolize Moonhead’s face, and indeed it much resembles one when seen +from the eastern door. Speck says in confirmation of our conjecture that + + at first, he said, he made a small “Moon,” increasing its size + day by day symbolical of his progress in spiritual knowledge. + By the end of his sojourn amid spiritual environment, he came + to make the so-called large “Moon,” the Wilson “Moon” which has + become typical of his followers.[9] + +But Wilson, no doubt, made still later additions, for these early moons +entirely lack the elaborate apron symbolism of the Osage and Quapaw +altars. + +A Delaware informant said Wilson’s moon was first used north of Lookeba, +Oklahoma. Black Wolf and George Caddo were early converts to his +version—which, indeed may initially have been not so different from +the older Caddo moon with a cross and mound east of the crescent (the +Wilson division of the tipi into north and south side, for example, is +an old one in Caddoan ceremonial organization).[10] The symbolism of the +Wilson “Big Moon” receives varied interpretations nowadays. The Osage +call the three hearts of the altar the “Heart of Goodness,” the “Heart +of the World,” and the “Heart of Jesus;” others interpret the “world” +as the “sun.” The ashes are the graves of Christ and Wilson for some, +the dividing of the Red Sea for others. Some say the whole fire-pit is +the grave of Christ, and the ash mounds his lungs, as the figure under +the fire is his heart. The twelve lines of the altar apron are variously +the twelve steps to heaven, the twelve heavens of Delaware mythology, +the twelve months of the year, the twelve feathers of the eagle’s tail, +etc. The symbolism of seven for the “days of the week” is possibly +Southwestern in origin (cf. the seven bosses of the drum). Diamond-shaped +figures close to the sun-mound represent Christ’s foot-prints, according +to Petrullo,[11] while the “WW” or “MM” at the west of the altar are said +to mean this for the Quapaw (“Moonhead” or “Wilson” depending on one’s +position while reading the initials). The cross of the altar, of course, +is symbolical of the Crucifixion. The cigarette of corn husk is known as +the “Pipe of Jesus” among the Delaware.[12] + +Peyote taught Wilson many variations in the ceremony as well. He used +a crock instead of a kettle for the peyote drum. At one period in the +development of the ritual only the firemen did the drumming besides the +leader and his assistant (i.e., four men, three firemen and the leader’s +assistant, proceeded clockwise around the tipi with the drum, drumming +for each singer in turn, instead of the standard method of passing the +drum for all to use); Wilson did not require the drum to make four +rounds, for this might occasionally have interfered with the morning +rite of filing out of the tipi “to meet the sun” with raised arms and +prayer. In his rite only the leader made the initial prayer-smoke, though +older men might ask for smokes later in the night if they so desired. +Cigarettes could be made only at one of four places, one informant +stated: at the leader’s place, at the north or south at the ends of the +cross, and at the fireman’s place, and the leader had to smoke all of +them first. Upon reentering after a recess, each person was incensed and +fanned by the firemen and others to blow away whatever evil influences +might cling to him from the outside night. In time Wilson added special +functionaries at the cross-bars of the crucifix to perform this fanning, +making eight officials: two fanners, three firemen-drummers and three +leaders (road man, drummer and cedar man) symbolizing the Father, Son +and Holy Ghost of the Christian Trinity. In the Wilson rite there was +much touching of the father peyote as communicants made their circuit +of the altar on reentering. It is said that water could be asked for at +any time, and permission to leave was not necessary if the rules about +passing in front of an eater or smoker were observed. + +Wilson himself took his “moon” to the tribes of northeastern Oklahoma. +The Shawnee were influenced impermanently, and today only Ernest Spybuck +has a modified Big Moon. The Seneca were influenced through the Quapaw, +whom Wilson first succeeded in deeply influencing. The Quapaw leader, +Victor Griffin, made a moon at Devil’s Promenade which was modified +around 1906 or 1907 from Wilson’s moon.[13] The Delaware around Dewey +were much influenced by Wilson from 1890-92 on.[14] But the Osage were +the most important converts. By 1902 “most of the Indians at the Hominy +camp and elsewhere in the Nation [had] taken it up and become devoted to +it.”[15] Black Dog, one of the first Osage converts, introduced the “West +Moon” in which the door is at the west and the altar similarly reversed; +most of the Osage moons today, however, are the standard Clermont east +moons. The Potawatomi may have been influenced by the teachings of Wilson +somewhat also.[16] Wilson’s nephew, Anderson, brought the Seneca peyote +in 1907 on the request of a Seneca married to a Quapaw woman.[17] + +The economic motive seems evident in much of Wilson’s behavior. Speck +tells of the introduction of peyote among the Osage as follows:[18] + + [About 1891] John Wilson was on his way from Anadarko to + conduct meetings among the Delawares around Copan. While + passing through the Osage nation he visited Tall Chief, a + Quapaw married to an Osage woman. While here Wilson was stopped + by an Osage who had previously attended Peyote meetings among + the Delawares and requested to meet a group of Osage and tell + them about his revelations and his convictions and instruct + them in its rules. He consented and complied with their + wishes. The Osage in attendance at his meeting were convinced + and converted. He accordingly stayed on with them about + three weeks. Black Dog was at the time Chief of the Osage. + His tribe was won over in force to the Wilson sect of Peyote + worshippers.... J. Wilson then returned to Anadarko, leaving + behind him among the Osage two young Delawares who stayed back + attracted by the prospects of fortune offered by the wealthy + Osage. Wilson had received presents from the tribe of new + converts amounting to considerable value, a wagon, a carriage, + a buggy and teams of good horses and harness for each and other + horses, fourteen in all, not to mention blankets, goods and + money. + +His death occurred after a similar mission to the Quapaw. He had been +among them to conduct a meeting and was returning to Anadarko in a buggy +with a Quapaw woman and another woman. Wilson’s wife was still living +at the time, and he was either offered the Quapaw woman or demanded her +while among the tribe. Speck quotes his nephew:[19] + + Anderson said he did not like to think this but that the Quapaw + were not all good people and had possibly been actuated by a + desire to establish a home for Wilson in order to keep him and + his ministry in their midst. + +In any event, Wilson had been given a number of horses, which were tied +to the back of his buggy. While crossing a railroad track, these horses +pulled back and prevented their crossing just as a locomotive bore down +upon them. Wilson was instantly killed. His detractors maintain that this +was just punishment for his failure to live up to his own teachings. +Since this period many communicants have fallen away from his “moon,” for +his own[20] + + moral instructions ... referred to abstinence from liquor, to + restraint [in] sexual matters and fidelity to matrimony. + +Though influenced by Catholic teachings, Wilson had a peculiar and +specific attitude toward the Bible.[21] According to Speck,[22] he + + instructed the Indians to seek knowledge by direct communion + and to avoid consulting the Bible or the Gospels for the + purpose of moral instructions. He insisted that the Bible + was intended for the white man who had been guilty of the + crucifixion of Christ and that the Indian who had not been a + party to the deed was exempt from guilt on this score and that + therefore, the Indian was to receive his religious influences + directly and in person from God through the Peyote Spirit, + whereas Christ was sent for this mission to the white man. + +He nevertheless embodied in his person many of the messianic +characteristics of his several native prophet predecessors; a Delaware +informant said “John Wilson used to perform miracles” in meetings, such +as divining what was in a man’s mind, and telling him who the persons +were that he saw in a vision. The Osage, at least formerly, had a marked +reverence for Wilson. Speck wrote in 1907 that[23] + + pictures of Wilson are in demand among the devotees, who kiss + them on sight. The man has been deified since his death. + +There is much variation of opinion about Wilson among Indians of various +tribes, but perhaps the statements of his nephew, George Anderson, are +authoritative if not entirely disinterested. Speck says:[24] + + An idea seems to have become current, either through the rumors + of designing persons who opposed him or through exaggeration + among his followers, that Wilson is responsible for having + told his associates that he would return to life again after + death and also that they should pray to him in the Peyote + meetings.... Anderson denies that Wilson made either assertion. + He had heard Wilson tell in his meetings that at times the + worshippers when taking peyote might see him, as some are said + since to have done, his face appearing to their vision over the + fire. [With reference to the second statement Wilson on the + contrary warned them not to pray to him, but through peyote to + God.] ... This warning has not, however, prevented the practice + of praying directly to and through John Wilson from becoming + frequent among some of the Osages ... and probably among the + Quapaw. + + In both the latter groups [Anderson] has seen Wilson’s portrait + placed on the “moon” in the Peyote lodge near the peyote + “button” and the crucifix. Some who do this, he is convinced, + actually concentrate thought upon Wilson instead of Peyote. And + Anderson regards both practices as contrary to the teachings + of Wilson. A custom has also spread among the Osage to wear a + portrait button of John Wilson on the coat or, when in native + dress, upon one of the fur or feather ornaments.... Anderson’s + testimony [was] that John Wilson told his followers that _he + was not sent by God to fulfill a mission_, but that he was + _shown_ by Peyote how to conduct religious worship in the + Peyote meetings in order to cure disease, heal injury, purge + the body from the effects of sin[25] and to lead the Indians to + reach the regions “above” _hukweyun_ in Delaware, or heaven, + where they would _see Peyote and the Creator_. + +The Caddo and Delaware, nevertheless, display considerable “touchiness” +on the subject of John Wilson even today, since other tribes have +ridiculed his real or supposed claims to divinity. Native criticism is +not lacking either on the score of his economic exploitation of peyote +leadership.[26] Petrullo[27] writes that + + his enemies claim that in the course of his life he professed + to have had fresh visions which always were interpreted to his + personal gain.... + +However, his followers staunchly deny these allegations. Perhaps in +answer to the accusation of being mercenary, Wilson, with one of his +followers named Wolf, themselves set up a meeting once, at which they +showed their generosity by giving away all their clothes with other gifts +until they were clad only in breechclouts.[28] Yet even so the belief is +widespread that his death was due to his exploitation of the gift-giving +pattern to the extreme of demanding a Quapaw woman for his wife.[29] + +The Wilson sect is still strong among the Osage and the Quapaw, but +elsewhere, even among the Delaware and Caddo, it is waning considerably. +The Caddo show a disposition to return to the Enoch Hoag “moon,” which +is considered more “pure” and aboriginal.[30] But antagonisms to new +elements Wilson sought to introduce date as far back as 1885. About this +time Elk Hair was hunting in Comanche territory and learned a ritual he +has since kept without change:[31] + + Elk Hair preferred the Comanche way because it was the pure + Indian way.... We brought back to our people the pure Peyote + rite and we have used Peyote in the right way ever since. + +Elk Hair, according to Petrullo,[32] “has barely managed to keep +a following among the Delawares of Dewey,” but this region is the +stronghold of the Anderson family and if defection of the Anadarko groups +to the Hoag moon is any indication, we may expect a reinvigoration of the +Elk Hair rite. Indeed, War Eagle wrote from Dewey in 1932 that[33] + + Bacon Rind [whose recent death is mentioned in the letter] + was one of the last of the old people who beli[e]ved in [the] + Wilson cult; these first followers of peyote are about all + gone. [The] small moon now prevales in the Osage. It will be + a blessing to the world when all the Quapaws and what few + Delawares [are left practicing it] will change [to the standard + peyote rite]. + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[1] Mooney, _The Ghost Dance_, 903-905. + +[2] Capt. Hugh L. Scott, in Mooney, _The Ghost Dance_, 904. + +[3] We have elsewhere expressed the opinion that the Caddo had an +historical significance in the spread of peyotism second only to that of +the Kiowa-Comanche, and that Wilson represents this Caddoan influence +predominantly. Though he had Delaware blood, this numerically small group +could scarcely have wielded the influence or exercised the prestige +necessary to account for the spread of his “moon;” the Caddo, on the +other hand, who early had peyote, did have this prestige. We therefore +believe Petrullo in error in claiming Wilson as a Delaware. Speck (_Notes +on the Life_, 540) writes that “His associations with the Comanche and +Caddo, to whom he was related by blood, were close.” Petrullo himself, +indeed (_The Diabolic Root_, 44) indicates Caddoan influences on Wilson: +“John Wilson, the originator of the Big Moon, was living among the Caddo. +He was one of the first Delaware to eat peyote. He belonged to the +Black Beaver band ... held by the Government at the Wichita and Caddo +reservations. It was there that Wilson was born and raised.” Petrullo +also says Wilson made visits to Arizona and New Mexico before returning +to make his moon on the Caddo reservation. + +[4] Note the prominence of hearts in the altar elaborated by Wilson. +According to Petrullo (_The Diabolic Root_, 45) “John Wilson ... had +received some Catholic instruction.” These probably derive, therefore, +from the Catholic “Sacred Heart.” (The heart is present in Huichol +religion, but even if not wholly aboriginal [Aztecan influence?] and +Catholic-influenced there too, it is quite independent of the Wilson +heart motifs.) + +[5] Cf. the prominence in Wilson’s moon of brushing each person entering +with feathers. + +[6] Cf. the Winnebago leader’s similar praying with confessants in peyote +meetings. + +[7] Speck, _Notes on the Life_, 540-42; cf. also Petrullo, _The Diabolic +Root_, 80. + +[8] “In response to the question as to whether Wilson ever spoke of the +Peyote songs as symbolizing the singing of birds, Anderson asserted that +he had heard of this among other Peyote sects but had never heard Wilson +express it.” (Speck, _op. cit._, 542 note.) + +[9] Some of Wilson’s Caddoan teachings were sufficiently unlike those of +the Delaware to antagonize them. A Delaware informant of Petrullo (_The +Diabolic Root_, 66) said, “It [peyote] should be eaten in order to get +well, not to have visions.” (Benedict’s study indicated, one recalls, +that in the Woodlands only puberty-visions occurred, while in the Plains +adults too may obtain them.) Again (p. 68) “Wilson was wrong. Peyote is +good, but it is good and powerful medicine, not a religion like the Big +House. [For instance] four boiled Peyote placed on top of the head will +help in cases of insanity.” + +[10] Cf. the Pawnee (Murie, _Pawnee Indian Societies_, 642). + +[11] Petrullo, _The Diabolic Root_, 172. + +[12] Petrullo, _op. cit._, 56-59, 67, 96, note 29. + +[13] Petrullo (_The Diabolic Root_, 103). He claims to be Wilson’s +authorized successor and has revised his moon. Petrullo (_op. cit._, 4) +says John Quapaw is Wilson’s real successor. + +[14] Harrington (_Religion and Ceremonies_, 156) says Wilson brought the +Lenape peyote from the Washita River Caddo as well as the Ghost Dance in +1890-92, which died out with him among the Delaware (_idem_, 190-91). + +[15] Speck, _Notes on the Ethnology_, 171. + +[16] On the mere score of Christian elements we do not agree, however, +that Wilson’s influence necessarily extended to the Wichita, Winnebago, +Kickapoo, and Omaha (Petrullo, _The Diabolic Root_, 79). See following +appendices. + +[17] Speck, _Notes on the Life_, 554. + +[18] _Idem_, 553. + +[19] _Idem_, 544. + +[20] _Idem_, 546. + +[21] For this reason we doubt the soundness of Petrullo’s inference that +the Omaha, Winnebago, etc., were influenced by Wilson. These groups +actually used the Bible in meetings and read from it. This influence, we +believe, traces to another teacher, the Oto Jonathan Koshiway. + +[22] Speck, _Notes on the Life_, 547. + +[23] Speck, _Notes on the Ethnology_, 171. + +[24] Speck, _Notes on the Life_, 549. + +[25] Wilson taught that the number of peyote required to be eaten varies +according to the amount of impurity in the “heart” and stomach of the +individual, “which impurity resulting from sins committed he likened +to ‘dirt’” (Speck, _Notes on the Life_, 545). The more frequently the +communicant attended peyote meetings, the less dirt, obviously, there +could accumulate. The degree of nausea, Wilson taught, is the punishment +meted out for sin (cf. John Rave’s teaching). + +[26] To be sure the pattern of gift-giving is deep-rooted in the Plains, +yet it is a curious coincidence at least that Wilson should have taken +peyote to the Quapaw, who own the largest lead and zinc mining fields in +the world, and the Osage, made notoriously wealthy through oil. Anderson +told Speck that the Osage had given Wilson $200 for building them a moon, +and Charles Tyner (Quapaw) told me that he and Victor Griffin (Quapaw) +had received $500 for an altar in one sum and some hundreds of dollars +in money gifts later. The Osage once gave Anderson $20 and his wife $10 +because his uncle, John Wilson, had built their moon (Speck, _op. cit._, +551). Wilson even used to charge $1 per person for the sweatbaths he gave +before meetings. + +[27] Petrullo, _The Diabolic Root_, 82; cf. 45, 95. + +[28] Petrullo, _op. cit._, 45; cf. 104. + +[29] His followers, in any case, betray their expectancy of financial +reward. It was remarked, for example, that the impecunious Seneca gave +Anderson only his trainfare when he brought peyote to them. Griffin, more +business-like, always arranges beforehand the amount of compensation he +is to receive. + +[30] Cf. the case of the Caddo Alfred Taylor whom the Osage invited to +introduce the basic Caddo moon—even the Osage are turning from the Wilson +rite. + +[31] Petrullo, _op. cit._, 43. + +[32] _Idem_, 31-32. + +[33] War Eagle, letter to Speck from Dewey, Oklahoma April 1, 1932. +We believe Petrullo, as shown by this letter, has over-emphasized the +decadence of the basic rite at Dewey. The Wilson-Elk Hair antagonism is +shown in even trivial ways. The latter use the feathers of swift-flying +birds to “hurry up” the medicine cure, the faster the singing of songs, +the quicker the cure. The Wilson cultists, who sing slowly, accuse the +little moon followers of “putting too much vigor and speed into their +healing and praying meetings as is typified by their inclination to +decorate their Peyote paraphernalia with Hummingbird feathers, symbolical +of the acme of speed.” (Speck, _Notes on the Life_, 551; thanks are due +to the University of Pennsylvania Committee of Faculty Research, for +Grant No. 93 on which his work was done.) + + + + +APPENDIX 8: CHRISTIAN ELEMENTS IN THE PEYOTE CULT + + +Very few ascertainably Christian elements are discoverable in Mexican +peyotism. Some such as “curing” with rosaries of Job’s-tears beads dipped +in tesvino, eating bits of the idol’s body and the like, may be largely +aboriginal.[1] “El Santo Niño de Peyote” of Santa Rosalia is apparently +a local variation of El Santo Niño de Atoche; the mission of El Santo +Nombre de Jesus Peyotes is so-called merely from the abundance of the +plant thereabouts. The overlay of Mexican Catholicism is elsewhere thin +and localized also. The Huichol[2] see the saints in their color visions +as pictures or giant men and women walking about; sometimes they press +the saints into service in their rain-making ceremonies. The cross[3] in +tesvino-curing and those on the Huichol peyote patio may really derive +from an old native four-point symbolism. The Tarahumari[4] call the +large green hikuli “peyote christiano,” in contrast to a small, red, +ineffective one called “peyote cimarrón,” and Christian Tarahumari lift +their hats to the plant and make the sign of the cross, but the essential +ritual was unmodified by Christian ideas. None of these Christian +features is common to Mexican peyotism. + +The rite as it came to the United States, then, was aboriginal in +character, as far as we can ascertain. Opler writes that[5] + + there is no hint of the influence of Christianity in the + Mescalero use of peyote. The growth of the cult among these + people has been maintained entirely within the traditional + bounds of Apache ceremonialism. Indeed, far from becoming a + weakened and Christianized version of native beliefs, the + Mescalero Apache acceptance of peyote resulted instead in an + intensification of the aboriginal religious values and concepts + at many points. + +This characterization would equally well fit the basic Kiowa-Comanche +rite of the Plains, in which Christian elements are quite absent. These +elements in the Plains are distinctly a secondary development, stemming +from the Oto Koshiway and such Oto-influenced groups as the Omaha, +Iowa and Winnebago[6] and the groups taught by John Wilson, such as the +Delaware, Quapaw and Osage. + +Arapaho-Winnebago officials and ritual food are given Christian +symbolism:[7] + + During the evening the leader represents the first created man, + the woman dressed up is the New Jerusalem, the bride waiting + for the bridegroom. The cup used by the leader and the woman + is supposed to symbolize the fact that they are to become one; + the water represents the God’s gift, His Holiness. The corn + represents the feast to be partaken of on the Day of Judgment + and the fruit represents the fruit of the tree of life. The + meat represents the message of Christ and those who accept it + will be saved. + +The Winnebago, Quapaw and Osage peyote officials represent the Father +(the leader), the Son (the drummer) and the Holy Ghost (the cedar-man); +the trinity of hearts in the Big Moon may represent much the same idea in +the Osage-Quapaw rite. + +Koshiway said that the bird into which the Oto ashes are shaped is + + the Spirit descending when Jesus was baptized: the Holy Spirit, + like an eagle, with good eyes; you can’t fool it. [The ashes + themselves represent] a prayer for the white hair of old age, + and the fire is like the fire through which God spoke to Moses. + Peyote is like a “telescope” through which you can see God. + +The Delaware twin piles of ashes symbolize Christ’s lungs; Mary Buffalo +says one pile is the grave of Christ, the other of John Wilson, among the +Osage; the Quapaw say the whole coffin-shaped fire-pit is Christ’s grave. +The Ponca, according to Brabant, believed the body of the Saviour would +emerge from the altar and become visible to those who had eaten enough of +the sacred plant. Among the Caddo, + + the first stick in the fire represents the heart. There are + twelve other sticks which represent the ribs [of Christ, as the + ashes his lungs].[8] + +The paraphernalia of the ceremony are also given Christian +interpretations. The Delaware followers of Wilson call the corn husk +cigarette the “pipe of Jesus.” And of an unspecified group Mooney writes +that + + many of the mescal eaters wear crucifixes, which they regard as + sacred emblems of the rite, the cross representing the cross of + scented leaves upon which the consecrated mescal rests during + the ceremony, while the Christ is the mescal goddess. + +Some Kiowa leaders make a cross under the water bucket, and cross the +feathers in the water before drinking[9] and the peyote staff, like that +of the Delaware, often has an inconspicuous cross near the top. The +twelve feathers of the Omaha leader’s fan represent the twelve apostles +of Christ. The Winnebago fans differ for the John Rave and the Jesse Clay +rites, but both sects use eagle feathers which represent the wings of +the birds mentioned in Revelations. John Rave’s staff is symbolic of the +“shepherd’s crook,” and the mound of earth in the altar is “Mt. Sinai.” +White Buffalo said that gourd rattles among the Nebraska Winnebago +commonly bore drawings of Christ, his cross and crown, etc., and Radin +says they often bear drawings of scenes from the Bible as well as peyote +visions. A Cheyenne gourd seen at Apache and made by Spotted Crow had the +following “Jesus talk” on it: + + Help me O Lord My God O save me According to thy Mercy O God my + heart is fixed. I will sing And give praise Even with my Glory. + +The Winnebago explain that the exchange of gourd and drum between the +leader and his assistant when singing the set songs means that “God gives +power to Christ, in Heaven and earth,” just as the leader delegates his +authority. The blowing of the leader’s “flute” at the four points of the +compass is to announce the birth of Christ to the world, and later it +symbolizes the trumpet of the Day of Judgment, when Christ will appear +wearing the crown of glory (symbolized by the leader’s otter skin hat, +worn at this time).[10] + +The Bible as an additional piece of peyote paraphernalia probably stems +from the Christianism of the Oto, who used it in their meetings, being +mentioned also for the Iowa, Omaha and Winnebago. The New Testament, and +particularly Revelations, is a favorite among the Rave cultists (Jesse +Clay’s followers do not use the Bible)—Crashing Thunder finding in it +authority for a hair-cut, and others discovering reasons after the fact +for holding their meetings at night. Three Old Testament texts are widely +known also: + + And they shall eat the flesh in that night, roast with fire, + and unleavened bread; and with bitter herbs they shall eat it. + (Exodus 12.8.) + + And this day shall be unto you for a memorial; and ye shall + keep it as a feast by an ordinance forever. (Exodus 12.14.) + + For if the firstfruit be holy, the lump is also holy: and if + the root be holy, so are the branches.... Boast not against the + branches. But if thou boast, thou bearest not the root, but the + root thee. (Romans 11.16 and 18.) + +Various other Biblical references appear in the ceremony. Among the Iowa +the leader carries the water himself in the morning to show his humility, +and because of Christ’s washing of feet mentioned in the Gospels. The +Winnebago equate the physiological action of peyote with Christ’s casting +out devils. A Comanche said suffering is caused by one’s sins and lack +of faith in peyote, and that point in the night when nausea is commonly +severest is called the “Dark Hour, the hour of the Crucifixion.” A +Kickapoo leader often cast his prophecies in Biblical language. A Kiowa, +again, appeared to have a belief about the first peyote found which +parallels the miraculous proliferation of the loaves and the fishes in +the Bible. Koshiway compared the Indians to the fishermen on the Sea of +Galilee, when Christ said “Peace, be still!” to the angry waves, just as +peyote says it to the storm-tossed Indians in this latter-day world. And +for the man who lives a good life, the ashes of the fire will open up +like the waters of the Red Sea, and he can pass through the fire to the +father peyote along the “Peyote Road” on the moon.[11] + +Some two dozen songs, previously reported in the text, show Christian +influence. The closing song of the Negro Church of the First-born was +the Christian hymn, “Till We Meet Again,” but the majority of peyote +songs have native words. The Rave rite, derived from the Oto and the +Quapaw (influenced by the Christianity of Jonathan Koshiway and John +Wilson, respectively), contained more Christian elements in symbolism +and song than the Jesse Clay cult. This was the more aboriginal, yet +he back-handedly quoted the Scriptures to justify the plain staff +(“like Moses’”) of his ceremony as against the decorated staff of Rave. +Occasional peyote visions show Christian influence: some of Crashing +Thunder’s were of this sort, and a Kiowa had visions of a mitred priest +who nodded smilingly and approvingly at the father peyote on the altar, +but in the visions collected Christian elements are uncommon.[12] + +Mexican peyotism and the Wilson rite were influenced by Catholicism, +but the Church of the First-born and the Native American Church by +Protestantism (the Russellites, the Mormons, etc.). At the first Oto +meeting attended a vessel was passed around in the morning for a +“free-will offering,” as in Protestant churches, and the Pawnee, Kiowa +and others have “Ladies’ Auxiliaries” to the local Native American +Church. These women have quilting parties, can fruit, make up box +lunches to raise church money and visit the sick, much as their White +sisters do. Other White elements appear in the meetings themselves. The +Iowa leader and fireman, for instance, shake hands with everyone in the +tipi after the ritual feast, in token of friendship and good will. The +Osage and Quapaw “round-houses,” too, are in obvious imitation of White +peoples’ churches, but the Osage are criticized for ostentation along +White “leisure class” lines. More conservative groups make disparaging +remarks about the “beds” in their meetings, their electric lights in the +round house, and their cigars—some Osage churches are even provided with +spittoons! + +Yet when all these features have been summed up, it is still clear that +the layer of Christianity on peyotism is very thin and superficial +indeed. Furthermore, the Christianized Wilson and Rave rites among +the Caddo and Winnebago are currently losing followers to the more +conservative Hoag and Jesse Clay moons—and there are frequent +expostulations against the mixing of the native religion with the +White.[13] Some groups feel no inconsistency in belonging to both +the peyote church and some White Protestant sect as well, but the +unfriendliness of the functionaries of the latter groups toward peyotism +and their lack of reciprocal tolerance has driven many borderline cases +openly into the peyote church. The Indians feel, perhaps rightly, that +peyotism is their last strong link with the aboriginal past, which others +are trying to destroy. Hence it has contributed greatly to the sense of +community and morale of the Indian groups in Oklahoma. + +Of course apologists sometimes use Christian arguments to confound the +enemies of the cult, as when peyote and the water are equated to the +Catholic use of bread and wine in Communion,[14] or when Old Man Green +(Oto) told a minister that he was condemning God’s work in attacking +peyote. But these do not proceed from any profound faith in Christianity. +A Shawnee comment is most typical: + + Christ was born only several hundred years ago, not when the + world was created, like peyote. + +Prayers are still addressed to the older tribal deities in peyote +meetings: the Winnebago to Earthmaker, the Oto to Wakan, the Cheyenne to +Mayan, etc. A Kickapoo summed up the religious history of his tribe as +follows: + + We had medicine bags before Jesus was born over in Bethlehem, + in the old country. The old generation worshipped idols. When + God’s son was going to be born, they were trying to make the + people believe God. And after Jesus was born, they commenced + this [peyote]. + +Nevertheless, it should be reiterated that on the whole, despite the +apparent and superficial syncretism with Christianity, peyotism is +an essentially aboriginal American religion, operating in terms of +fundamental Indian concepts about powers, visions and native modes of +doctoring. The Christianity of many native Christians is precarious at +best—as we have seen from various case histories—when it comes into any +very serious conflict with native culture. Perhaps most peyote-users +would echo the words of the famous Comanche chief, Quanah Parker, with +reference to the superiority of peyotism over Christianity: + + The white man [he said] goes into his church house and talks + _about_ Jesus, but the Indian goes into his tipi and talks _to_ + Jesus.[15] + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[1] “[De la Serna] adds that ... they delighted in caricaturing the +Eucharist, dividing among their congregation a narcotic yellow mushroom +for the bread, and the inebriating pulque for the wine. Sometimes they +adroitly concealed in the pyx, alongside the holy water, some little +idol of their own, so that they really followed their own superstitions +while seemingly adoring the Host. They assigned a purely pagan sense to +the sacred formula, ‘Father, Son, and Holy Ghost,’ understanding it to +be, ‘Fire, Earth, and Water,’ or the like” (Brinton, _Nagualism_, 28); +Bennett and Zingg, _The Tarahumara_, 369, 385. _Coix Lachryma Jobi_ was +an early Spanish introduction, but may have replaced some native seed +(e.g., mescal) used as beads. Serna’s mushroom is probably teo-nanacatl. + +[2] Klineberg, _Notes on the Huichol_, 449; Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, +1:314; 2:170, 189. + +[3] Lumholtz, _op. cit._, 2:171-72, 272; Bennett and Zingg, _The +Tarahumara_, 294. + +[4] Bennett and Zingg, _op. cit._, 290; Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, +1:360-61. On Tarahumari Christianity see _Handbook of the American +Indians_, 2:692b; the ease of acceptance suggests congruence with +aboriginal forms. + +[5] Opler, _The Influence of Aboriginal Pattern_. + +[6] The Winnebago did not introduce the first Christian elements, as +Radin believed. A Taos Indian (Plains-influenced?) once visioned Christ +(Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 66). + +[7] Radin, _The Winnebago Tribe_, 418; Densmore, _The Peyote Cult_. + +[8] Petrullo, _The Diabolic Root_, 101, 113; Brabant, in Seymour, _Peyote +Worship_, 182. Cf. Gilmore’s Omaha (_The Mescal Society_, 165-66) whose +fireplace is the heart of Jesus. + +[9] But there seemed to be a certain quality of propaganda for the +ethnographer’s benefit in one Kiowa doctoring meeting, when the name of +Jesus was mentioned in prayers with unwonted frequency. + +[10] Petrullo, _The Diabolic Root_, 96, cf. 56-59, 67, 96, note +9; Mooney, _A Kiowa Mescal Rattle_, 65; Harrington, _Religion and +Ceremonies_, 186-88; Gilmore, _The Mescal Society_, 165-66; _Uses of +Plants_, 106; Densmore, _The Peyote Cult_; Radin, _A Sketch of the Peyote +Cult_, 4, 12; _The Winnebago Tribe_, 416-17; White Buffalo in Blair, _The +Indian Tribes_, 282 (letter of April 15, 1909). + +[11] Skinner, _Societies of the Iowa_, 724, 727; Gilmore, _The Mescal +Society_, 165-66; _The Uses of Plants_; Densmore, _Winnebago Songs of +the Peyote Ceremony_; _The Peyote Cult_; Radin, _A Sketch of the Peyote +Cult_, 5-6; _The Winnebago Tribe_, 394-95; _Crashing Thunder_, 186-87, +200; Simmons, in Mooney, _Miscellaneous Notes_. + +[12] Skinner, _Societies of the Iowa_, 727-28; Murie, _Pawnee Indian +Societies_, 637; Densmore, _The Peyote Cult_; _Winnebago Songs of the +Peyote Ceremony_; Radin, _A Sketch of the Peyote Cult_, 5; _The Winnebago +Tribe_, 395; _Crashing Thunder_, 193-94; Smith [Mrs. M. G.], _A Negro +Peyote Cult_. + +[13] The turmoil among the Caddo seems to grow out of the attempt to mix +Christian with native motives and John Wilson is nowadays by no means +universally revered. “There have been some Delawares living with the +Caddo who have from time to time tried to introduce the Catholic faith +in the Peyote meeting. Often they used the crucifix on the Peyote on +the moon. All these attempts have met with opposition from most of the +Delawares” (Petrullo, _The Diabolic Root_, 77). + +[14] Petition of 62 Osage to the Senate Committee on Indian Affairs, in +_Peyote, as Used in Religious Worship_, 64-67. + +[15] Simmons, _The Peyote Road_. + + + + +APPENDIX 9: THE NATIVE AMERICAN CHURCH AND OTHER PEYOTE CHURCHES + + +The many attempted anti-peyote legal measures, and the frank hostility +of some persons[1] to peyotism early stimulated the cultists to seek +some sort of legally-guaranteed security for their worship. The first of +several incorporated peyote churches, the Oto Church of the First-born, +has heretofore been little known. Peyote came to the Oto under the late +White Horn’s leadership from the Tonkawa some time before 1896. The +original rite is said to have been “just like the Apache,” which is to +say, the standard pre-John Wilson Plains type. But the Oto, like other +tribes, began to have “government trouble” about their worship shortly +before the World War. A group of younger men, Frank Eagle, George +Pipestem, Charles MacDonald and Charles W. Dailey, who had been away to +school and were considerably influenced by White Protestantism, sought, +at this juncture, to use the White man’s weapons in their own defence. +But by far the most important figure in this movement was Jonathan +Koshiway. + +Although enrolled as a Sauk-and-Fox, Koshiway’s mother was an Oto. He had +formerly lived in northeastern Kansas, and had been an Indian evangelist +for the Church of Latter-Day Saints.[2] As an individual Koshiway was +considerably influenced by Middle Western Protestantism, and solved for +himself the adjustmental problem of double culture-bearers by discovering +that the old native religion of his childhood was the _same_ as the +White Christianity of his maturity, with merely different phrasing and +vocabulary. Did not God speak to Moses through a burning bush, like the +Indians’ peyote fire? When God viewed his creation, does not the Bible +say that “God saw that it was good,” and was not the little peyote plant +one of the herbs of the field thus created? Did not Christians also make +use of wafers and sacramental wine just as the Indians used the flat +buttons of the sacred herb and peyote “tea”? Did not Christianity even +embody the Plains ritual number in the “Four Foundations” of Love, Faith, +Hope, and Charity? + +Jack was a “Bible student” in Kansas City at one time, and is notably +fluent in these syncretic interpretations, being called upon frequently +to speak in peyote meetings, especially when visitors are present to whom +explanations are in order. Another important influence upon Koshiway—as +well as upon George Deroin (Iowa) of Perkins, who may once have been his +associate—was that of the Russellites, a somewhat desiccated Protestant +cult of the Middle West, who did not believe in any “earthly” government. +This dogma naturally suited a group in difficulties with temporal +government. Koshiway explained to me that the name finally chosen for +the organization is a “heavenly name” and that the church proper is “up +there”; yet practical peace must be made with Caesar on earth, and this +Koshiway set about with care to do. + +First of all he consulted White Horn, leader of the native peyote rite, +and gained his support. Koshiway generously states that White Horn was +the co-founder of the Church of the First-born, but the fact appears +to be that the latter’s role consisted in giving the official approval +of the older established peyote cult. Koshiway also visited many white +ministers to get their advice on organization. There appears to have been +some friction about this, and even Koshiway ended up by insisting that +the peyote church should not be “under” any white Protestant church, +but independent. Then, despite the fact that the Russellites preach +non-cooperation with the Government and the ultimate break-up of all +temporal governments, Koshiway went to a lawyer in Perry, Oklahoma, H. F. +Johnson, and sought legal advice. On December 8, 1914, the “First-born +Church of Christ” was incorporated under the laws of Oklahoma and +received a charter for an organization located at Red Rock, Oklahoma, +signed by Benjamin F. Harrison, the Secretary of State.[3] The articles +of incorporation were signed by Jonathan Koshiway and four hundred and +ten other names. + +Koshiway wanted an “authorized” preacher to come and baptize the newly +constituted church’s adherents, but this never became a regular practice, +if, indeed, it ever actually occurred at all. A reluctance to come +half-way was manifested by the Protestant groups concerned, and in time +Jack himself took up all the usual functions of a minister, marrying, +conducting funerals and in addition doctoring in meetings and “hollering” +the way his source of medicine power does. Secondary Shawnee influences +occurred in this later period, but the chief ritual difference between +the usual peyote rite of the Plains and that of the Oto Church of the +First-born is directly traceable to the influence of the Russellites. + +This difference was over the question of smoking in meetings. As +Koshiway reconstituted the Church, the preliminary smoking of corn shuck +cigarettes was abolished—a remarkable innovation when one recalls the +deeply entrenched ceremonial use of tobacco in the Plains, but when a +narcotic was sacrificed in the ritual, tobacco went, not peyote. Koshiway +took peyote to a group of Oto in Kansas under Charley Rubido, and by this +time the work of syncretism which had been accomplished became evident, +for, + + when we examined the literature [says Koshiway] we found + that [the native Russellites under Rubido and the Koshiway + peyotists] were just alike. + +In both groups smoking was omitted, and cedar leaves were burned in place +of this at intervals of prayer. When the leader called upon an individual +to pray, he was given cedar to burn to produce smoke and bear away the +prayer. The Bible was a conspicuous part of the meeting also.[4] + +The later history of the Church of the First-born was influenced by the +interaction of Koshiway and the later-founded Native American Church. At +Cheyenne, a little town northwest of Calumet, Oklahoma, a group of Oto, +Kiowa and Arapaho had an intertribal conference to decide upon measures +of defence for peyotism. Jack took the Oto charter to this conference +and explained his solution of the problem. James Mooney at this, or a +later conference, was influential in persuading the assembly to adopt +this method of organization, but many of the group apparently objected +to the element of White religion implied in the title “First-born Church +of Christ” and rejected the name. The title ultimately chosen was the +“Native American Church,” which emphasized the intertribal solidarity of +the cult, as well as its aboriginality. + +Koshiway’s behavior at this point is interesting. He had not succeeded +in making himself the head of the church of his naming as extended in a +state-wide organization. As he himself puts it he “began to deny” the +First-born Church of Christ, and “joined” the Native American Church, +where, though he was less important as an individual, he nevertheless was +a member of a larger and more official in-group. He is much amused in his +attitude toward the remnants of the Oto church; says he, + + They were so religious [about smoking]—I converted them, and + then they turned around and said I wasn’t right; that’s how + peculiar us Indians are! + +As a matter of fact, however, Koshiway seems to have believed that the +true belief about peyote was _a fortiori_ what he, the founder of the +church, successively believed. When later he re-introduced the smoking +of tobacco into the ceremony, he actually was himself backsliding into +the older native custom and retreating from the Russellite-influenced +no-smoking rule. The real Puritans, obviously, were the Kansas group who +retained the rule. A curious and amusing compensation is evident in the +most modern reconstitution of the Oto smoking ceremony: the “shucks” in +meetings attended were fully twice as long as those normally used in the +Plains rite! + +The present Oto church in Oklahoma, under the presidency of James Pettit, +considers itself a local branch of the Native American Church, but the +Kansas group still carries on the Russellite no-smoking rule. The return +to the older standard pattern came about in this way.[5] The well-known +Kiowa leader, Belo Kozad, came to the Oto with Jack Sankadote (one of +the two original Kiowa users) and an Apache named Star. The meeting was +held fourteen miles east of Red Rock, and Koshiway’s attendance at this +was a turning-point. Belo prayed to peyote—a practice itself rejected by +Koshiway—that Jack take up his “road.” Jack maintained his disapproval +of smoking, but for some time had apparently come to prefer being an +accepted member of the larger group to being an important outsider. +Somewhat later, he revisited the Kiowa and his friend Albert Cat, +attending several meetings there. At one of these Belo offered Koshiway a +prayer-smoke, and finally after some hesitation he took it—a very small +act objectively, to be sure, but symbolizing the healing of a schism in +the native peyote religion. On this trip south Koshiway had been given +money gifts, and a sick woman the Oto had brought with them had been +doctored by Old Man Horse (Kiowa); these factors perhaps weighed somewhat +in favor of his embracing the state-wide cult. In the ideology of Belo +(and most Kiowa as well) there was no theoretical objection to Christian +churches, but the usual attitude was that peyotism and Christianity +were mutually exclusive _alternatives_.[6] Still later Belo Kozad again +visited the Oto and led a meeting, and this time Koshiway was his +assistant or drummer, and Koshiway now had his place in the classic rite. +His adaptability and good humor have given him a position of considerable +importance in Oto peyotism, though he is by no means the oldest user—more +important perhaps even than that of Sam Bassett, the “tribal priest.” + +Several other fore-runners of the Native American Church should be +mentioned. In 1897 the Oto brought the new religion to the Omaha and +Winnebago of Nebraska and by 1909 there was an organization called the +Union Church of mescal-eaters at Winnebago, Nebraska, which made use of +the Bible.[7] The Omaha formed a similar organization called the American +Indian Church Brother Association, whose elaborate symbolic crest is +figured in Wagner. The Kiowa United American Church mentioned by Mrs. +Voegelin may also have been a forerunner of the Native American Church. + +This organization was formed by an intertribal group which met at El +Reno and included Mack Haag (Cheyenne) of Calumet, Sidney White Crane of +Kingfisher, Charles W. Dailey (Oto), George Pipestem (Oto), and Charles +E. Moore (Oto), all of Red Rock, Frank Eagle (Ponca) of Ponca City, +Wilbur Peawa (Comanche) of Fletcher, Mam Sookwat (Comanche) of Baird, +and Apache Ben of Apache, Oklahoma.[8] A certificate of incorporation +was granted to “The Native American Church” at Oklahoma City under the +Great Seal and the signature of the Secretary of State, dated October 10, +1918, and signed by Alfred Wilson (Cheyenne), Louis McDonald (Ponca), +Delos Lonewolf (Kiowa), Herman McCarthy (Osage) and Tennequah (Comanche). +The strongly intertribal nature[9] of the organization is indicated by +the various tribal affiliations of the men elected to the offices of the +Native American Church. The constitution under which the charter was +obtained was changed at Washington in the administration of Ned Brace, +and several amendments were made in 1935. Frank Cayou (Omaha) of Hominy +has for some time been seeking a national charter from Congress, through +Secretary Ickes and Commissioner Collier, so far with no success. + +Formerly there was an annual tax of two dollars for each individual +member of the state organization, one half kept by the local group +and the other half sent to the state headquarters, but later this was +changed to a ten dollar tax per tribe. In Oklahoma there are now (1936) +twenty-four tribes organized in the church, and these send two delegates +from each local church (if there are several locals there may be as many +as six delegates from one tribe). The yearly convention is held the +last Friday in November, formerly always in El Reno, though in 1936 it +was held in Hominy. El Reno is the site of “The Wigwam,” a young Indian +men’s fraternal organization which once maintained a museum-meeting +room convenient for these conventions, hence the Native American +Church was incorporated as of this place. Because of the many native +languages represented, English is the lingua Franca of negotiations at +conventions. The chief function of the state organization so far has +been the mobilizing of political power and application of pressure on +legislative groups, in the preservation of what the Indians regard as +their constitutionally guaranteed right of religious freedom. + +The Winnebago and Omaha of Nebraska, and also the Indians of South +Dakota, Wisconsin and Kansas have patterned their constitutions after +that of the original Oklahoma Native American Church. The Native American +Church is now also incorporated in Montana and Nebraska;[10] in the +latter state Jesse Clay was the first president[11] of an actively +evangelistic group which sends “missionaries” into new regions, ambitious +of making peyote the universal Indian religion. In Oklahoma there are +local tribal organizations within the Native American Church. For +example, among the Kickapoo there is a “men’s club” which meets after +every peyote meeting and a “women’s club” which meets on the second +Thursday of every month. The Ponca also have a “Ladies’ Auxiliary,” as do +also the Pawnee. These data are of course incomplete, but it is believed +that they are representative. + +Of particular interest, however, is the Negro Church of the First-born, +formerly existing near Tulsa, Oklahoma.[12] The founder was John Jamison +who was born in Lincoln Co., Oklahoma. His parents for some reason were +given allotments, and he grew up among the Iowa, speaking Iowa, Pawnee +and Comanche. When he sought to take up the peyote cult, the younger men +were less friendly than the older ones; they resented a Negro’s taking +the “old Indian religion.” The rite which he conducted was the typical +Indian one, but involved more use of the Bible than was general; the +elements of the drum, gourd dishes for sacred food, medicine feathers, +cane, sage, cedar, canvas tipi and chief peyote button were all present. +Jamison sometimes dressed in a chief’s bonnet, blanket and moccasins. He +conducted meetings as far back as 1920 which Indians sometimes attended, +and occasionally he was sent for to conduct Indian meetings. In 1926 +Jamison died of a brain concussion after he had been attacked by a +half-crazed Negro. The cult did not survive his death; it had never been +popular outside a small group, though some persons were attracted by the +healing he attempted to do. But even the devoted became suspicious when +they learned of Government hostility to their practices. As Mrs. Smith +writes, + + This attitude on the part of the negroes is doubly interesting + in view of the rebellious attitude which the Indians displayed + under the same circumstances. + +Jamison’s rite differed in a number of respects from the standard Plains +ceremony: the peyote on the moon was eaten by the leader at midnight; +the leader sat at the west with four “sisters” to his right and four +“brothers” to his left (including his drum and cedar man); the fireman +north of the door was usually the same man in every meeting. Participants +sat “goat fashion,” i.e., kneeled and sat on their heels, when singing +or eating peyote. The leader sang Indian songs or hymns indifferently. +After an opening prayer the leader, or a male assistant, read a passage +from Scripture, and toward morning a member talked on the passage. During +the midnight song, the ashes of the ritual fire were made “heart-shaped,” +then this was deliberately destroyed by the leader[13] and the ashes +swept to the side. This “burning the heart of the fire” signified the +“end of the day.” There was a recess at midnight and the drummer beat to +signify the close of this period, after which the communicants reentered +and ate peyote and sang until daylight. + +As the sun rose, they threw open the door and, all standing, sang the +closing song, “Till We Meet Again.” The sun is supposed to hit the center +of the fire “heart.” Then the “sisters” leave and serve a sweetened +meal which must contain no salt. There is no ceremonial smoking[14] as +in the Indian ceremony, and cedar smoking is used only once toward the +beginning. The food served is parched corn soaked and sweetened, beef +prepared the “Indian way” (roasted, ground and sweetened; or dried, +soaked, stewed, ground and sweetened), fruit, cereal or mush and finally +water. The presence of parched corn is an interesting object lesson in +the stability of a culture trait; centuries later and hundreds of miles +away from the Mexican corn-harvesting ritual we find members of another +race still practising the now meaningless pattern. The mere accident of +historical association of parched corn and peyote has imposed a cultural +compulsion! + +Jamison always took Epsom salts[15] Friday night before the meeting, +usually held on Saturday nights, and a hot bath before going to the +meeting. If he ate salt or otherwise failed to follow these rules, he +would see “spooks” and “crazy things.” Further syncretism with Christian +elements is evidenced in the following confession of faith, a copy of +which was possessed by all the faithful and framed: + + David Walker + Director + Our Motto: “The World for Christ” + Christ, the Good Shepherd + [picture of group sitting goat fashion, paraphernalia] + Church Covenant + of the Church of the First-born + “Hebrews 12th Chapter, 23rd verse” + + We, the undersigned believers in Jesus Christ, do by virtue of + Scriptural Faith submit ourselves to the cause of Christ and + the Gospel; to live therein; to walk therein; to teach therein; + to sing therein; to pray therein; to preach therein; to baptize + therein; to observe all the ordinances of Him who has called us + to peace, that God may have all the glory thereof. In testimony + whereof we the undersigned hereunto set our hands, by virtue of + our own free will. + + John C. Jamison + Conductor in Charge + + Mrs. Lucinda Walker + Mother of the Household of the Faith + + Katie Hoggins + Secretary of the Household of the Faith + + Mrs. J. L. Ramsey + Assistant + + Mrs. Polly Marshall + Assistant. + +The quotation from Hebrews 12.23 the source of the name of the church: + + [But ye are come] to the general assembly and church of the + firstborn, which are written in heaven, and to God the Judge of + all, and to the spirits of just men made perfect. + +Unlike the Oto group, Jamison never succeeded in getting his “moon” +incorporated, although there are suggestions[16] that Negro groups in +South Dakota may have been influenced by peyotism. + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[1] The cult use of peyote has been persecuted not alone by legislatures +and religious groups. The following broadside, obtained from Alfred +Wilson (Cheyenne) through Enoch Smokey (Kiowa) was posted at Harry +Ehoda’s home in Mountain View, Oklahoma: “To all Indians addicted to the +use of peyota and other forms of heathen or pagan forms of worship. You +are hereby warned to sease form such degrading practices. Our Government +has spent and is spending thousands of dollars each month to educate and +life up the Indians and the Ku Kluck Klan of this state have determined +that no Indian who has been educated by the Government shall come back +home and debouch his people. Take Due Warning. The Clan in Your Community +Will Look After You and Other Ku Kluck Klan of Okla.” + +[2] Cf. Harry Rave (brother of John), quoting another Indian, in Seymour, +_Peyote Worship_, 182: “‘My friend we must organize a church and have +it run like the Mormon Church’.” Could this have been Koshiway? Mormon +interest in peyotism is indicated in letters to C. Warden (Arapaho) of +Gary, Oklahoma, from the Latter Day Saints, which I have seen. See the +_Book of Mormon_, I Nephig:2-28. + +[3] Data on this charter from a note in Mooney, _Peyote Notebook_, 38. + +[4] This element introduced by Albert Hensley into Winnebago peyotism, +was probably influenced by the Oto church, when Hensley made his visits +in Oklahoma. + +[5] With this native “Oxford Movement” cf. the parallel cases of the +Caddo defection from the Wilson rite to the Enoch Hoag “moon” and the +Hensley separatists to the Rave and Jesse Clay groups, the latter in each +case representing a more aboriginal phrasing of the ceremony. + +[6] Which is of course mere theory; actually there is considerable +unconscious syncretism, and Belo himself frequently refers to Jesus in +his prayers. + +[7] _Report on the case_, in Safford, _Aztec Narcotic_, 306. “Twelve +years ago the Otoes brought the new religion to the Winnebagoes and +Omahas of Nebraska.... In talking with Albert Hensley, one of the +prominent leaders, he said, ‘The mescal was formerly used improperly, but +since it has been used in connection with the Bible it is proving a great +benefit to the Indians. Now we call our church the Union Church instead +of Mescal-eaters’” (Letter, April 15, 1909 in Blair, _The Indian Tribes_, +282.) + +[8] From articles of incorporation kindly lent me by James Waldo (Kiowa). +The original paper was lost by Mooney in Washington; Kiowa Charley’s copy +gives the date Oct. 29, 1919—probably a duplicate reissue. Other data +from Murdock and Wilson. + +[9] From 1918 to 1936 the officials have been (president, vice-president +and treasurer, respectively): Frank Eagle (Ponca), Mack Haag (Cheyenne), +Calumet, Louis MacDonald (Ponca), Ponca City; Mack Haag, Delos Lonewolf +(Kiowa), Carnegie, James Waldo (Kiowa), Verden; Delos Lonewolf, Alfred +Wilson (Cheyenne), Thomas, James Waldo; Alfred Wilson, Ned Brace (Kiowa), +Mountain View, Oscar Whyel (Kickapoo); Alfred Wilson, Ned Brace, Louis +Toyebo (Kiowa); Ned Brace, Frank Cayou (Omaha), Edgar McCarthy (Osage); +Frank Cayou, Alfred Wilson, Edgar McCarthy. George Pipestem (Oto) of Red +Rock was the secretary of the Native American Church from its founding +until his death in 1936. + +[10] Letter of C. C. Guinn of Guinn & Maddox, Attorneys, to Mack Haag, +President of the Native American Church, dated Hardin, Montana, Feb. 16, +1916; Densmore, _The Peyote Cult_. + +[11] Elections of officials are held yearly in Nebraska instead of every +two years as in Oklahoma. + +[12] Condensed from Mrs. M. G. Smith’s article, _A Negro Peyote Cult_. +Mrs. Smith does not mention any possible Oto influence, which, in view of +the near-identity of the name appears probable. + +[13] This occurs in no Indian peyote ceremony known to the writer. This +deliberate destructive act suggests a symbolic aggression. The psychic +mechanisms underlying this behavior have been shown with fine perception +in John Dollard’s penetrating book _Caste and Class in a Southern Town_. + +[14] This again suggests Oto influence. + +[15] Cf. the related emetic rites! + +[16] Reko, _Ein Kultus die Gespenster_, 431: “Die Christian Peyotl Church +in South Dakota benutzt diese Dinger an Stelle der Hostie und verabreicht +sie bei der Kommunion and die Glaübigen. Daneber haben sie jenseits der +Grenze noch eine nicht unbedeutende Kunschaft in der nordamerikanischen +Indianer und den Schwarzen die die Mescalbottons [sic] freilich +keineswegs zum Kommunizieren benützen.” + + + + +BIBLIOGRAPHY + + +ADAIR, JAMES. _The History of the American Indians_ (London, 1775). + +DE ALARCÓN, HERNANDO RUIS. _Tratado de las supersticiones y costumbres +gentilicas, 1629_ (Anales del Museo Nacional de Mexico, vol. 6, 1898). + +ALBERTS, ——. _Einwirkung des Meskalins auf komplizierte psychische +Vorgänge_ (Dissertation. 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Mexico, 1829-30). + +SALM-DYCK, OTTO. _Article_ (Cact. hort. 34, 69). + + _Article_ (Botanical Magazine, t. 4295). + +SALM-DYCK, OTTO, AND —— DIETRICH. _Article_ (Berliner Allegemeine +Gartenzeitung, vol. 13:385, 1845). + +SANTOSCOY, ALBERTO. _Nayarit_ (Collección de Documentos inéditos, +historicos y etnográficos. Guadalajara, 1899). + + _Noteas etnograficas del Ing. oficial del Estado de Jalisco_ + (Collección Documentos. Mexico). + +SAPIR, EDWARD. _Kaibab Paiute Field Notes_ (Manuscript). + +SAUER, CARL O. _The Distribution of Aboriginal Tribes and Languages in +Northwestern Mexico_ (Ibero-Americana, No. 5, Berkeley, 1934). + +SAVILLE, MARSHALL H., Ed. _Notes on the Superstitions of the Indians of +Yucatan_ (Indian Notes and Monographs, vol. 9:202-08, 1921). + +SAYLES, E. B. _An Archaeological Survey of Texas_ (Medallion Papers, No. +17. Globe, 1935). + +SCHEIDEWEILER, M. 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Philadelphia, 1851-1857). + +SCHULTES, RICHARD EVANS. _Peyote and Plants Used in the Peyote Ceremony_ +(Harvard Botanical Museum Leaflets, vol. 4, no. 7, 1937). + + _Peyote Cult_ (Literary Digest, Nov. 13, 1937). + + _Peyote Intoxication, A Review of the Literature on the + Chemistry, Physiological and Psychological Effects of Peyotl_ + (Thesis, Harvard University, 1936). + + _Peyote_ (Lophophora Williamsii) _and Plants Confined with It_ + (Harvard Botanical Museum Leaflets, vol. 5, no. 5, 1937). + +SCHUMANN, KARL. _Articles_ (Monatsschrift für Kakteenkunde, vol. 4:36-37, +86, 1894; vol. 5:77, 1895; vol. 6:177-80, 1896). + + _Blühende Kakteen (Iconographia Cactacearum)_ (3 vols. Neudamm, + 1913). + + _Cactaceae, Die Naturliche Pflanzenfamilien_ (Leipzig, 1894). + + _Gesamtbeschreibung der Cacteen_ (Monographia Cactacearum, II) + (Neudamm, 1903). + + _Über giftige Kakteen_ (Berichten der Pharmaceutische + Gesellschaft; 103-10, 1895). + +_Science News Letter_, September 20, 1930. + +SERKO, A. _Im Mescalinrausch_ (Jahrbücher für Psychiatrie und Neurologie, +vol. 34:355, 1913). + +DE LA SERNA, JACINTO. _Manual de ministros de Indios para el Conocimiento +de sus Idolatrías y Extirpación de Ellas_ (Documentos inéditos, 104:165. +Madrid, 1892). + +SEYMOUR, GERTRUDE. _Peyote Worship: An Indian Cult and a Powerful Drug_ +(Survey, vol. 36:181-84, 1916). + +SHELL, C. E. _Experience of Charles E. Shell while under the Influence of +Pellote (Peyote) on June 21, 1909_ (Office of Indian Affairs, Bulletin +21:27-29, 1923). + +SHONLE, RUTH. _Peyote: The Giver of Visions_ (American Anthropologist, +vol. 27:53-75, 1925). + +SIMÉON, RÉMI. _Dictionnaire de la langue Nahuatl ou Mexicaine_ (Paris, +1885). + +SIMMONS, C. S. _The Peyote Road_ (Manuscript). + +SKINNER, ALANSON. _Associations and Ceremonies of the Menomini_ +(Anthropological Papers, American Museum of Natural History, vol. +13:167-215, 1915). + + _Ethnology of the Ioway Indians_ (Bulletin, Public Museum of + the City of Milwaukee, 5:181-354, 1926). + + _Kansa Organizations_ (Anthropological Papers, American Museum + of Natural History, vol. 11:741-45, 1915). + + _Material Culture of the Menomini_ (Indian Notes and Monographs + no. 20, 1921). + + _Medicine Ceremony of the Menomini, Iowa, and Wahpetan Dakota_ + (Indian Notes and Monographs, vol. 4, 1921). + + _Observations on the Ethnology of the Sauk Indians_ (Bulletin, + Public Museum of the City of Milwaukee, 5:1-57, 1923; 59-95, + 119-80, 1925). + + _Societies of the Iowa, Kansa, and Ponca Indians_ + (Anthropological Papers, American Museum of Natural History, + vol. 11:679-740, 1915). + +SLOSSEN, E. E. _Peyote Paradise_ (Collier’s, vol. 84:44, 1929). + +SMITH, B. _A Note on the Action of Mescal_ (British Medical Journal, vol. +2 for 1913, p. 21). + +SMITH, MAURICE G. _Peyote_ (Oklahoma Daily, December 8, 1929). + +SMITH, MRS. MAURICE G. _A Negro Peyote Cult_ (Journal, Washington Academy +of Sciences, vol. 24:448-53, 1934). + +SPÄTH, E. _Über die Anhalonium-Alkaloide._ I. _Anhalin und Mezcalin_ +(Monatshefte für Chemie, vol. 40:129-52. Wien, 1920); II. _Die +Konstitution des Pellotins, des Anhalonidins, und des Anhalamins_ +(_idem_, 42:97-115, 1924); III. _Konstitution des Anhalins_ (_idem_, vol. +42:263-66, 1924); V. _Die Synthese des Anhalonidins und des Pellotins_ +(_idem_, vol. 43:477-84, 1924). + +SPÄTH, E., AND J. GANGL. _Über die Anhalonium-Alkaloide._ VI. _Anhalonin +und Lophophorin_ (Monatshefte für Chemie, vol. 44:103-113, 1924). + +SPÄTH, E., AND H. RÖDER. _Über die Anhalonium-Alkaloide._ IV. _Die +Synthese des Anhalamins_ (Monatshefte für Chemie, vol. 43:93-111, 1924). + +SPECK, FRANK G. _Catawba Field Notes_ (Manuscript). + + _The Creek Indians of Taskigi Town_ (Memoir American + Anthropological Association 2, no. 2, 1907). + + _Delaware Peyote Symbolism_ (Manuscript). + + _Ethnology of the Yuchi Indians_ (University of Pennsylvania, + Anthropological Publications of the University Museum, vol. 1, + no. 1. Philadelphia, 1909). + + _Notes on the Ethnology of the Osage Indians_ (Transactions, + University of Pennsylvania, Department of Archaeology vol. + 2:159-71, 1907). + + _Notes on the Life of John Wilson, the Revealer of Peyote, as + Recalled by his Nephew, George Anderson_ (General Magazine and + Historical Chronicle, vol. 35:539-56, 1933). + + _A Study of the Delaware Big House Ceremony_ (Publications, + Pennsylvania Historical Commission No. 2. Harrisburg, 1931). + +SPIER, LESLIE. _Havasupai Ethnography_ (Anthropological Papers, American +Museum of Natural History, vol. 29, pt. 3, 1928). + + _The Sun Dance of the Plains Indians_ (Anthropological Papers, + American Museum of Natural History, vol. 14, 451-527, 1921). + + _Yuman Comparative Study: Warfare_ (Manuscript). + + _Yuman Tribes of the Gila River_ (Chicago, 1933). + +SPINDEN, H. J. _Ancient Civilizations of Mexico and Central America_ +(Handbook 3, American Museum of Natural History, 3rd edition, 1928). + +SPRUCE, RICHARD. _Notes of a Botanist on the Amazon and the Andes_ +(London, 1908). + +STANDLEY, PAUL C. _Trees and Shrubs of Mexico_ (Contributions, U. S. +National Herbarium, vol. 23, pts. 1, 2, 3. Washington, 1920-23). + +STAUB, H., AND W. GRASSMANN. _Über die Wirkungsgrenze einiger Gifte +am isolierten Sängerherzen_ (Archiv für experimentelle Pathologie und +Pharmakologie, vol. 154:317-41, 1930). + +STEVENSON, M. C. _Ethnobotany of the Zuñi Indian_ (Annual Report, Bureau +of American Ethnology. 30:31-102. Washington, 1915). + + _The Religious Life of the Zuñi Child_ (Annual Report, Bureau + of American Ethnology, 5:537-55. Washington, 1887). + + _The Zuñi Indians_ (Annual Report, Bureau of American + Ethnology, 23. Washington, 1904). + +SWADESH, MORRIS. _Chitamacha Texts_ (Manuscript). + +SWANTON, JOHN R. _Aboriginal Culture of the Southeast_ (Annual Report, +Bureau of American Ethnology, 42:673-726. Washington, 1928). + + _Religious Beliefs and Medical Practices of the Creek Indians_ + (Annual Report, Bureau of American Ethnology, 42:473-672. + Washington, 1928). + + _Social Organization and Social Usages of the Indians of + the Creek Confederacy_ (Annual Report, Bureau of American + Ethnology, 42:23-472. Washington, 1928). + + _Social and Religious Beliefs and Usages of the Chickasaw_ + (Annual Report, Bureau of American Ethnology, 44:169-273. + Washington, 1928). + +THOMAS, CYRUS, AND JOHN R. SWANTON. _Indian Languages of Mexico and +Central America and their Geographical Distribution._ (Bulletin, Bureau +of American Ethnology, 44. Washington, 1911). + +THOMPSON, W. _The Species of Cacti Commonly Cultivated under the Generic +Name Anhalonium_ (Annual Report, Missouri Botanical Gardens, vol. +9:127-35, 1898). + +THURNWALD, RICHARD. _Economics in Primitive Communities_ (Oxford, 1932). + +THWAITES, R. G., Ed. _Jesuit Relations_ (73 vols. Cleveland, 1896-1901). + +TORO, ALFONSO. _Las plantas sagradas de los Aztecos y su influencia sobre +el arte precortesiano_ (Proceedings, Twenty-third International Congress +of Americanists: 101-21, 1930). + +TRIEDE, GEORG. _Die Alkaloide: Ein Monographie der natürlichen Basen_ (2 +vols. Leipzig, 1909). + +TSCHIRSCH, A. _Handbuch der Pharmakognosie_ (3 vols. Leipzig, 1909). + +TWITCHELL, R. E. _Spanish Archives of New Mexico_ (vol. 2:188. 1914). + +UNDERHILL, RUTH. _The Autobiography of a Papago Woman_ (Memoir, American +Anthropological Association, 46, 1936). + +URBINA, MANUEL. _Article_ (La Naturaleza, vol. 3, 1912). + + _El Peyote y el Ololiuhqui_ (Anales del Museo Nacional de + Mexico, vol. 7, 1900). + +VASCHIDE, N. _Une Plante Divine: Le Mescal_ (La Quinzaine, vol. 46:112, +1905). + +VELASCO, ——. _Dictamen Fiscal, Nov. 30, 1716_ (Memoria de Nueva España, +27:194). + +VOEGELIN, ERMINIE. _Shawnee Field Notes_ (Manuscript). + +WAGNER, G. _Entwicklung und Verbreitung des Peyotes Cultes_ +(Baessler-Archiv, vol. 15:59-141, 1932). + +WALTER, ——. _Les Excitants artificiales dans le travail intellectuel_ +(Paris, 1905). + +WATERMULDER, G. A. _Mescal_ (Report, Thirty-second Annual Lake Mohonk +Conference: 68-76. Albany, 1914). + +WERTHAM, FREDERIC, AND MANFRED BLEULER. _Inconstancy of the Formal +Structure of the Personality: Experimental Study of the Influence of +Mescaline on the Rorschach Test_ (Archives of Neurology and Psychiatry, +vol. 28, July, 1932). + +WHITE, EDMUND. _Article_ (Journal of Physiology, vol. 25:69, 1899-1900). + +WILEY, H. W. _Statement_ (Office of Indian Affairs, Bulletin 21:15-19, +1923). + +WILLIAMS, P. WATSON. _Les Boutons de Mescal en Amerique_ (Journal de +Pharmacie de Belgique, vol. 3:619-20, 1921). + +WISSLER, CLARK. _The American Indian_ (2nd edition, New York, 1922). + + _Societies and Dance Associations of the Blackfoot Indians_ + (Anthropological Papers, American Museum of Natural History, + vol. 11:359-460, 1916). + +YOUNGKEN, H. W. _Drugs of North American Indians_ (American Journal of +Pharmacy, vol. 96:489, 1924). + +ZADOR, JULIUS. _Meskalinwirkung auf das Phantomglied_ (Monatsschrift für +Psychiatrie und Neurologie, vol. 77, 1930). + + _Meskalinwirkung bei Störung des optischen System_ (Zeitschrift + für die gesamte Neurologie und Psychiatrie, 127:30, 1930). + +ZADOR, JULIUS, AND K. ZUCKER. _Meskalinwirkung am Halluzinanten_ +(Zeitschrift für die gesamte Neurologie und Psychiatrie, vol. 227:15-29, +1930). + +ZEMAN, H. _Verbreitung und Grad der Eidetischen Anlage_ (Zeitschrift für +Psychologie, vol. 96:208, 1925). + +ZUCKER, K. _Versuche mit Meskalin am Halluzinanten_ (Zeitschrift für die +gesamte Neurologie und Psychiatrie, vol. 127:107, 1930). + +ZUCKER, K., AND ZADOR, J. _Zur Analyse der Meskalinwirkung am Normallen_ +(Zeitschrift für die gesamte Neurologie und Psychiatrie, vol. 127:1-2, +1930). + + + + +EXPLANATION OF PLATES + + +Plate 1. Peyote leaders. _Upper left_, Charley Apekaum (Kiowa) and +Jonathan Koshiway (Oto); _upper right_, Alfred Wilson (Cheyenne) twice +president of the Native American Church; _lower left and right_, +Packing-Stone (Kiowa) a “Ten-Medicine” keeper and peyote leader in +typical leaders’ costume of blanket and buckskin clothes; the headdress +is old Kiowa. + +Plate 2. Altar and ash-birds. _Upper left_, Quapaw permanent cement altar +of the John Wilson Big Moon rite. The ash mounds are the “graves” of +John Wilson and Jesus Christ; the W’s or M’s on each side of the heart +signify “Moon-Head” or “Wilson.” The nearest heart of the mound is the +Heart of the World, that under the fire the Sacred Heart of Christ, that +on the moon the Heart of Goodness on which the father peyote rests. Seven +lines around the apron represent week days, the twelve lines the months +of the year. The ashes mean the parting of the Red Sea, or mean to some +the sheep and the goats. This altar was made by the authorised builder, +Victor Griffin, and his assistant, Charley Tyner. _Upper right_, Symbolic +peyote painting by Mopope (Kiowa) showing sacred staff, seven-marbled +drum, drumstick, gourd rattle, doctoring feathers, and altar or moon +with ash crescent. The water bird intermediary is carrying a prayer +from the father peyote on the altar across the ritual fire to the great +spirit indicated by the seven rays of feathers of the rising sun. The +lightning lines from the god-head result from the artist’s visits to +the Southwestern pueblos. _Center_, A fine example of the scissors-tail +ash bird made at an Oto meeting near Red Rock, Oklahoma. _Lower_, An +unusually fine example of the water bird ash bird made at a Shawnee +meeting near McCloud. The burnt sticks finish out the scissors-tail +of the bird. The smokestick in the foreground is carved with native +and Christian symbols (now in Peabody Museum, Harvard University). (It +is believed that the Yuchi altar of Petrullo, Plate 2, is erroneously +figured and is of the order of those shown here.) + + +PLATES + +[Illustration: [LA BARRE] PLATE 1 + +PEYOTE LEADERS] + +[Illustration: [LA BARRE] PLATE 2 + +ALTAR AND ASH BIRDS] + +*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 77791 *** diff --git a/77791-h/77791-h.htm b/77791-h/77791-h.htm new file mode 100644 index 0000000..7c7f83b --- /dev/null +++ b/77791-h/77791-h.htm @@ -0,0 +1,10515 @@ +<!DOCTYPE html> +<html lang="en"> +<head> + <meta charset="UTF-8"> + <title> + The Peyote Cult | Project Gutenberg + </title> + <link rel="icon" href="images/cover.jpg" type="image/x-cover"> + <style> + +a { + text-decoration: none; +} + +body { + margin-left: 10%; + margin-right: 10%; +} + +h1,h2,h3,h4 { + text-align: center; + clear: both; +} + +h2.nobreak { + page-break-before: avoid; +} + +hr.chap { + margin-top: 2em; + margin-bottom: 2em; + clear: both; + width: 65%; + margin-left: 17.5%; + margin-right: 17.5%; +} + +img.w100 { + width: 100%; +} + +div.chapter { + page-break-before: always; +} + +ul { + list-style-type: none; +} + +li { + margin-top: .5em; + padding-left: 2em; + text-indent: -2em; +} + +p { + margin-top: 0.5em; + text-align: justify; + margin-bottom: 0.5em; + text-indent: 1em; +} + +table { + margin: 1em auto 1em auto; + max-width: 40em; + border-collapse: collapse; +} + +td { + padding-left: 2.25em; + padding-right: 0.25em; + vertical-align: top; + text-indent: -2em; + text-align: justify; +} + +td.h3 { + padding-left: 4.25em; +} + +td.h4 { + padding-left: 6.25em; +} + +.tdc { + text-align: center; + padding: 0.75em 0.25em 0.5em 0.25em; + text-indent: 0; +} + +.tdpg { + vertical-align: bottom; + text-align: right; +} + +blockquote { + margin: auto 10%; + font-size: 90%; +} + +.center { + text-align: center; + text-indent: 0; +} + +figcaption p { + padding-left: 2em; + text-indent: -2em; + text-align: justify; + margin-bottom: 1em; + font-size: 90%; +} + +.figcenter { + margin: auto; + text-align: center; +} + +.footnotes { + margin-top: 1em; + border: dashed 1px; +} + +.footnote { + margin-left: 10%; + margin-right: 10%; + font-size: 0.9em; +} + +.footnote .label { + position: absolute; + right: 84%; + text-align: right; +} + +.fnanchor { + vertical-align: super; + font-size: .8em; + text-decoration: none; +} + +.hanging p { + padding-left: 2em; + text-indent: -2em; +} + +.hanging p.book { + padding-left: 6em; +} + +.larger { + font-size: 150%; +} + +.noindent { + text-indent: 0; +} + +.pagenum { + position: absolute; + right: 4%; + font-size: smaller; + text-align: right; + font-style: normal; +} + +.poetry-container { + text-align: center; + font-size: 90%; +} + +.poetry { + display: inline-block; + text-align: left; +} + +.poetry .stanza { + margin: 1em 0em 1em 0em; +} + +.poetry .verse { + padding-left: 3em; +} + +.poetry .indent0 { + text-indent: -3em; +} + +.right { + text-align: right; +} + +.smaller { + font-size: 80%; +} + +.smcap { + font-variant: small-caps; + font-style: normal; +} + +.titlepage { + text-align: center; + margin-top: 3em; + text-indent: 0; +} + +.transnote { + background-color: #E6E6FA; + color: black; + text-align: center; + font-size: smaller; + padding: 0.5em; + margin-bottom: 5em; +} + +.x-ebookmaker img { + max-width: 100%; + width: auto; + height: auto; +} + +.x-ebookmaker .poetry { + display: block; + margin-left: 1.5em; +} + +.x-ebookmaker blockquote { + margin: auto 5%; +} + +/* Illustration classes */ +.illowp97 {width: 97%;} +.x-ebookmaker .illowp97 {width: 100%;} +.illowp100 {width: 100%;} +.illowp75 {width: 75%;} +.x-ebookmaker .illowp75 {width: 100%;} +.illowp52 {width: 52%;} +.x-ebookmaker .illowp52 {width: 100%;} + </style> + </head> +<body> +<div style='text-align:center'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 77791 ***</div> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_1">[1]</span></p> + +<div class="transnote"> +<p>Transcriber’s Note: The author’s citations of works published in languages +other than English are sometimes inaccurately spelt. In +addition, he uses a mixture of standard and nonstandard IPA symbols +to transcribe words in the Kiowa and other Native American languages; +these are preserved as originally printed.</p> +</div> + +<p class="titlepage larger">THE PEYOTE CULT</p> + +<p class="titlepage"><span class="smaller">BY</span><br> +WESTON LA BARRE<br> +<span class="smaller"><i>Professor of Anthropology<br> +Duke University</i></span></p> + +<p class="titlepage"><span class="smaller">REPRINTED BY</span><br> +THE SHOE STRING PRESS, INC.<br> +<span class="smaller">Hamden, Connecticut<br> +1959</span></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_2">[2]</span></p> + +<p class="titlepage smaller">© 1959, THE SHOE STRING PRESS, INC.</p> + +<p class="titlepage smaller">Originally published as<br> +Yale University Publications<br> +in Anthropology<br> +<span class="smcap">Number 19</span><br> +Reprinted by permission of the Department of Anthropology, Yale University</p> + +<p class="titlepage smaller">PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA</p> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_3">[3]</span></p> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="PREFACE">PREFACE</h2> + +</div> + +<p>The field work which is a partial basis of this study was begun in the summer of 1935, +when the writer was a member of the Laboratory of Anthropology at Santa Fé ethnological +group which worked with the Kiowa under Dr. Alexander Lesser of Columbia University. +The field work was continued alone in the summer of 1936 with funds granted by Yale +University and the American Museum of Natural History. Field data were gathered with +varying completeness from fifteen tribes: Kiowa, Comanche, Shawnee, Kickapoo, Osage, +Quapaw, Seminole, Delaware, Pawnee, Cheyenne, Caddo, Oto, Ponca, Kiowa Apache and +Wichita; in the case of the Kiowa, Oto, and Wichita two peyote meetings each were +attended.</p> + +<p>The debt to my almost constant field companion, Charles Apekaum (Kiowa), game +warden, ex-Navy man, graduate of Chilocco, Haskell, and Carlisle, and my chief interpreter, +is such that I may say my work could not have been carried out with such comparative +facility and speed without his aid. His knowledge of people and places was invaluable +to me. Special appreciation is expressed to Mr. Alfred Wilson (Cheyenne) of +Thomas, Oklahoma, several times state president of the Native American Church, for +lending me numerous letters and other documents from the official files of the organization, +and to Jim Waldo (Kiowa) and Kiowa Charley for similar documents, including the articles +of incorporation and state charter. To Jim Pettit (Oto) of Red Rock, local president of the +Native American Church, and Charles Tyner (Quapaw) of Miami, the added debt of +personal hospitality was incurred. The following informants were of particular help in +gathering data: Cecil and Henry Murdock (Kickapoo); Sly Picard, George May and Henry +Hunt (Wichita); Jim Aton, Belo Kozad and Homer Buffalo (Kiowa); Howard White Wolf +(Comanche); Carl Pettit, Murray Little-crow, and Mrs. George Pipestem (Oto); Albert +Stamp (Seminole); Tom and Collins Panther (Shawnee); Tennyson Berry (Kiowa Apache); +Robert Little-dance and Louis MacDonald (Ponca); Mack Haag (Cheyenne); Elijah +Reynolds (Delaware); and Sun Chief and James Sun-eagle (Pawnee). To Jonathan Koshiway +(Oto), founder of the Church of the First-born, I wish to express appreciation for his +painstaking efforts at completeness of information made on my behalf.</p> + +<p>In a study of this scope one necessarily incurs considerable debts to colleagues for aid +generously given and gratefully received. The notes of James Mooney on Kiowa, Comanche, +and Tarahumari peyote, deposited in the Bureau of American Ethnology, as well +as manuscripts by Frances Densmore on Winnebago, and Dr. Truman Michelson on Sauk +and Fox peyote, were made available through the generosity of Dr. Matthew Stirling, to +whom I express particular thanks. Mrs. Elna Smith very kindly lent further Bureau of +American Ethnology material which had been in her care. Mr. D. F. Murphy of the Indian +Office amplified my Osage notes, and Mr. John Collier, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_4">[4]</span>has been generous with information of legal and administrative nature. To Donald Collier, +student at the University of Chicago, and Ing. Luis Híjar y Haro of Mexico City, I express +appreciation for bibliographic items, as well as to Dr. Ralph Beals of the University of +California at Los Angeles. Richard Schultes, student at Harvard University, who was +with me for an ethnobotanical study during several weeks of my second summer of work, +has also been generous in giving help on bibliographic as well as botanical and pharmaceutical +matters. Dr. E. A. Hoebel of New York University made available his notes on +Northern Cheyenne and Comanche peyote. Dr. Ruth Benedict of Columbia University +and Dr. M. E. Opler of the University of Chicago have aided with Mescalero Apache +notes, and the latter has very generously lent valuable manuscript notes on Tonkawa, +Carrizo and Lipan peyotism. Dr. Frank Speck of the University of Pennsylvania was fertile +with suggestions during the second period of field work, and since its completion has contributed +important Delaware material. Mrs. Erminie Voegelin, student at Yale University, +kindly lent her voluminous notes on Shawnee peyote, as did Mrs. Anne Cooke for the +Ute, and John Noon, student at the University of Pennsylvania, for the Kickapoo. Dr. +A. H. Gayton kindly lent an interesting paper on datura. While the present paper was still +in proof form, Dr. Leslie A. White of the University of Michigan and Dr. Fred Eggan of +the University of Chicago generously lent material on Taos and Northern Cheyenne +peyotism respectively.</p> + +<p>To Dr. Edward Sapir of Yale University, to the Laboratory of Anthropology at Santa +Fé, and to Dr. Clark Wissler of the American Museum of Natural History, I wish to +express my thanks for making available the funds on which field work was undertaken. +To Dr. Sapir and to Dr. John Dollard of the Institute of Human Relations at Yale University +I owe the warm personal debt of founding a knowledge and an interest in matters +of psychological import herein treated. And to Dr. Leslie Spier, my dissertation adviser, I +express gratitude for his constant stimulating interest, valuable bibliographic help, and +leads of considerable ethnographic significance.</p> + +<p class="right"><span class="smcap">Weston La Barre</span></p> + +<h3><i>Note to the Reprint Edition</i></h3> + +<p>In the twenty years since the original publication of this book, studies of peyotism +have continued to appear, until there are at present over one thousand bibliographic +items on the ethnography of peyotism and related subjects. The author has summarized +recent studies in an extended review of “Twenty Years of Peyote Studies,” which is in +press for appearance in an early issue of <i>Current Anthropology</i>. Readers interested in +following two decades of developments in peyotism may wish to be referred to this +publication.</p> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_5">[5]</span></p> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="CONTENTS"> + CONTENTS + </h2> +</div> + +<table> + <tr> + <td></td> + <td class="tdpg smaller">PAGE</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><span class="smcap">Preface</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#PREFACE">3</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><span class="smcap">Introduction</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#INTRODUCTION">7</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><span class="smcap">Botanical and Physiological Aspects of Peyote</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#BOTANICAL_AND_PHYSIOLOGICAL_ASPECTS_OF_PEYOTE">10</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="h3">Botany</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#BOTANY">10</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="h3">Ethnobotany</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#ETHNOBOTANY">11</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="h4">Names for peyote</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#Names">14</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="h4">Etymology of “peyotl”</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#Etymology">16</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="h4">Identification of peyote</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#Identification">17</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="h3">Physiology of Peyote Intoxication</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#PHYSIOLOGY">17</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><span class="smcap">The Ethnology of Peyotism</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#THE_ETHNOLOGY_OF_PEYOTISM">23</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="h3">Non-ritual Uses of Peyote</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#NON-RITUAL_USES">23</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="h3">Ritual Uses of Peyotl</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#RITUAL_USES">29</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="h4">Huichol</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#Huichol">30</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="h4">Tarahumari</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#Tarahumari">33</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="h4">Comparison of Mexican peyote rituals</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#Comparison_Mexican">35</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="h4">Mescalero Apache and transitional forms of ritual</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#Mescalero_Apache">40</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="h4">Kiowa-Comanche type rite</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#Kiowa-Comanche">43</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="h4">Comparison of Mexican, transitional, and Plains peyotism</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#Comparison">54</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><span class="smcap">Comparative Study of Plains Peyotism</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#COMPARATIVE_STUDY_OF_PLAINS_PEYOTISM">57</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><span class="smcap">Psychological Aspects of Peyotism</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#PSYCHOLOGICAL_ASPECTS_OF_PEYOTISM">93</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><span class="smcap">Historical Interpretations</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#HISTORICAL_INTERPRETATIONS">105</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="h3">The Pre-peyote Mescal Bean Cult</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#THE_PRE-PEYOTE_MESCAL_BEAN_CULT">105</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="h3">History of the Diffusion of Peyotism</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#HISTORY">109</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><span class="smcap">Appendix 1</span>: Peyote in Mexico</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#APPENDIX_1">124</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><span class="smcap">Appendix 2</span>: Peyote and the Mescal Bean</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#APPENDIX_2">126</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><span class="smcap">Appendix 3</span>: Peyote and Teo-nanacatl</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#APPENDIX_3">128</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><span class="smcap">Appendix 4</span>: “Plant Worship” in Mexico and the United States</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#APPENDIX_4">131</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><span class="smcap">Appendix 5</span>: Chemistry of Peyote</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#APPENDIX_5">138</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><span class="smcap">Appendix 6</span>: Physiology of Peyote</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#APPENDIX_6">139</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><span class="smcap">Appendix 7</span>: John Wilson, the Revealer of Peyote</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#APPENDIX_7">151</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><span class="smcap">Appendix 8</span>: Christian Elements in the Peyote Cult</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#APPENDIX_8">162</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><span class="smcap">Appendix 9</span>: The Native American Church and Other Peyote Churches</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#APPENDIX_9">167</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><span class="smcap">Bibliography</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#BIBLIOGRAPHY">175</a></td> + </tr> +</table> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_6">[6]</span></p> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="ILLUSTRATIONS">ILLUSTRATIONS</h2> + +</div> + +<table> + <tr> + <td colspan="2" class="tdc">PLATES</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Explanation of plates</td> + <td class="tdpg smaller"><a href="#EXPLANATION_OF_PLATES">AT END</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>1. Peyote leaders</td> + <td class="tdpg"></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>2. Altar and ash birds</td> + <td class="tdpg"></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2" class="tdc">TEXT FIGURES</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td></td> + <td class="tdpg smaller">PAGE</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>1. Arrangement of tipi for peyote meeting (Kiowa)</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#figure1">44</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>2. Peyote paraphernalia</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#figure2">47</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>3. Peyote drum</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#figure3">49</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>4. Peyote altars or moons</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#figure4">75</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>5. The diffusion of peyotism</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#figure5">122</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>6. Cement altar of the Big Moon rite (Osage)</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#figure6">154</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>7. Altar in West Moon Church (Osage)</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#figure7">155</a></td> + </tr> +</table> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_7">[7]</span></p> + +<h1>THE PEYOTE CULT</h1> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="INTRODUCTION">INTRODUCTION</h2> + +</div> + +<p>Peyote (Nahuatl, peyotl) or <i>Lophophora williamsii</i> Lemaire, is a small, spineless, carrot-shaped +cactus growing in the Rio Grande Valley and southward. It contains nine +narcotic alkaloids of the isoquiniline series, some of them strychnine-like in physiological +action, the rest morphine-like. In pre-Columbian times the Aztec, Huichol, and other Mexican +Indians ate the plant ceremonially either in the dried or green state. This produces +profound sensory and psychic derangements lasting twenty-four hours, a property which +led the natives to value and use it religiously. Peyote is not, however, the same as teo-nanacatl, +as Safford believed; the latter is a narcotic mushroom which likewise had a +Mexican distribution. The term “peyotl” is also used in Mexico to designate other cacti +and non-cacti, some of which, like peyote, are reputed to have aphrodisiac and other +properties.</p> + +<p>Physiologically, the salient characteristic of peyote is its production of visual hallucinations +or color visions, as well as kinaesthetic, olfactory and auditory derangements. Psychiatrists +have used it (experimentally) with unsatisfactory results in producing temporary +psychosis, and therapeutically its use has been similarly disappointing because of the uncertainty +of action of the antagonistic alkaloids of pan-peyotl. First, exhilaration is produced +by the strychnine-like alkaloids, followed by profound depression, nausea and wakefulness, +and finally, under the influence of the morphine-like alkaloids, brilliant color visions are +produced, which last for several hours. There are no ill after-effects, and peyote is not +known to be habit-forming. These properties have led to a number of non-ritual uses by +natives for prophesying, clairvoyance, finding lost objects and the like, as well as empirically +for the cure of all manner of illnesses.</p> + +<p>In Mexico peyote was used seasonally in an agricultural-hunting religious festival, preceded +by a ritual pilgrimage for the plant. Participants danced all night around a fire to the +rasp-music of the shaman, as they ate the drug in this tribal celebration. Since about 1870 +the cult has spread to the United States, particularly in the Plains, where nearly all groups +use it. In the Southwest transitional region peyote became deeply involved in shamanistic +rivalries and witchcraft, and in the Plains with war. A pre-peyote narcotic, the “mescal +bean” (<i>Sophora secundiflora</i>) had there prepared the way for its introduction. The Plains +cult is like the warriors’ societies of earlier times in some respects. The Kiowa, Comanche +and Caddo were the chief agents of the spread of the cult throughout the entire Plains +region to southern Canada and parts of the Great Basin. The standard ritual is an all-night +meeting in a tipi around a crescent-shaped earthen mound and a ceremonially-built fire; +here a special drum, gourd rattle and carved staff are passed around after smoking and +purifying ceremonies, as each person sings four “peyote songs.” Various water-bringing +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_8">[8]</span>ceremonies occur at midnight and dawn, when there is a “baptism” or curing rite, followed +by a special ritual breakfast of parched com, fruit, and boneless meat.</p> + +<p>The Caddo-Delaware John Wilson had peyote visions that led him to modify the altar +and ceremony; this new form has spread to the Caddo, Delaware, Quapaw, Osage and +others. Wilson was one of a long line of Indian prophet-messiahs, and his “moon” has been +somewhat exploited economically. The Oto teacher, Jonathan Koshiway, founded a Christianized +version of peyotism which spread to the Omaha, Winnebago and others. An +organization of confederated tribes known as “The Native American Church” grew out +of Koshiway’s “Church of the First-born” (which latter spread to Negro groups also). +The cult has had considerable legal difficulties.</p> + +<p>Praying and doctoring in meetings, and occasionally public confession of sins, are the +major means for the liquidation of life-anxieties of this profoundly functional cult’s many +present-day communicants. In the following pages we shall attempt to delineate the history +of the study of the cult, the various botanical questions surrounding peyote, its physiological +action and the various ethnological, psychological and historical questions involved +in its diffusion.</p> + +<p>First of modern students to describe the peyote rite was James Mooney, who visited +the Kiowa, Comanche, Tarahumari, and “a number of other tribes, among them the Mexican +tribes of the Sierra Madre, and as far south as the City of Mexico.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_1_1" href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> But at his death +he had published no further study of peyote; ethnographers of the period were in general +concerned with preserving complete records of older native cultures, and ignored or paid +scant attention to the modern cult of peyote. Mooney himself gave little notice to the rite +in his monographs on the Cheyenne and the Kiowa,⁠<a id="FNanchor_2_2" href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> although at the time he was undoubtedly +the authority on the subject.</p> + +<p>Wissler, for example, barely mentions the peyote cult.⁠<a id="FNanchor_3_3" href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> Indeed, in its role of modern +destroyer or supplanter of older native religions, peyote was even a matter of concern⁠<a id="FNanchor_4_4" href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> +and annoyance to some ethnographers. Lumholtz, with wonted thoroughness, published +considerable data on Huichol and Tarahumari peyote in 1898 and later, and Kroeber in +1902 wrote a chapter on Arapaho peyote which has remained a model for later investigators.⁠<a id="FNanchor_5_5" href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a></p> + +<p>It remained for Paul Radin, however, in his studies of Winnebago peyote,⁠<a id="FNanchor_6_6" href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> to point +out to ethnographers an engrossingly interesting, but widely ignored, religious cult which +was growing and spreading before their very eyes. Since the appearance of his papers in +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_9">[9]</span>the years following 1914, the ethnographic literature on peyote has grown considerably, +due importantly to the impetus Radin gave such studies. Lowie devoted a chapter partly +to peyote in his book <i>Primitive Religion</i>; Rouhier paid some attention to ethnographic +questions in his pharmacological monograph on peyote; and Wagner wrote a short comparative +paper based largely on the Comanche and Huichol cults. Petrullo’s <i>Diabolic Root</i> +was devoted entirely to Delaware peyotism.⁠<a id="FNanchor_7_7" href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a></p> + +<p>No comparative treatment of the peyote cult of the order of Mooney’s on the Ghost +Dance, Lowie’s on Plains societies, or Spier’s on the Sun Dance had ever been made when +Dr. Maurice Smith of the University of Oklahoma began his studies. The unfortunate +death of this investigator, however, prevented the finishing of his work, of which only a +short paper⁠<a id="FNanchor_8_8" href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> has seen publication. But studies of the peyote cult in individual tribes, both +published and in manuscript, have multiplied to such an extent since the time of Kroeber’s +and Radin’s studies that the time appears ripe to attempt an integrated comparative treatment +of the religion.</p> + +<div class="footnotes"> + +<h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_1_1" href="#FNanchor_1_1" class="label">[1]</a> Mooney, <i>A Kiowa Mescal Rattle</i>, 64-65; <i>Mescal Plant and Ceremony</i> + (from which dates the medical and +pharmaceutical interest in peyote); statement in <i>Peyote, as Used in Religious Worship</i>, 58.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_2_2" href="#FNanchor_2_2" class="label">[2]</a> <i>The Cheyenne</i>, 418; <i>Calendar History</i>, 237-39.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_3_3" href="#FNanchor_3_3" class="label">[3]</a> <i>The American Indian</i>, 376.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_4_4" href="#FNanchor_4_4" class="label">[4]</a> Skinner, <i>Material Culture</i>, 42-43; <i>Societies of the Iowa</i>, 693-94, 724.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_5_5" href="#FNanchor_5_5" class="label">[5]</a> Lumholtz, <i>Tarahumari Dances</i>; <i>Huichol Indians</i>; <i>Explorations en Mexique</i>; + <i>Symbolism of the Huichol</i>; +<i>Unknown Mexico</i>; Kroeber, <i>The Arapaho</i>, 398-410.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_6_6" href="#FNanchor_6_6" class="label">[6]</a> Radin, <i>Sketch of the Peyote Cult</i>; <i>The Winnebago Tribe</i>, + 388-426; <i>Crashing Thunder</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_7_7" href="#FNanchor_7_7" class="label">[7]</a> Lowie, <i>Primitive Religion</i>, 200-204; Rouhier, <i>Monographie du Peyotl</i>; + Wagner, <i>Entwicklung und Verbreitung</i>; +Petrullo, <i>The Diabolic Root</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_8_8" href="#FNanchor_8_8" class="label">[8]</a> Smith, Mrs. Maurice G., <i>A Negro Peyote Cult</i>.</p></div> + +</div> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_10">[10]</span></p> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="BOTANICAL_AND_PHYSIOLOGICAL_ASPECTS_OF_PEYOTE">BOTANICAL +AND PHYSIOLOGICAL ASPECTS OF PEYOTE</h2> + +</div> + +<h3 id="BOTANY">BOTANY</h3> + +<p>Numerous errors involved in the study of peyote, many of them still widely current, +make it advisable to identify our subject-matter clearly at the very outset of our study. +The plant peyote was first described by Sahagún in 1560 as a narcotic cactus used ritually +by the Chichimeca, the root peiotl.⁠<a id="FNanchor_1_9" href="#Footnote_1_9" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> + Jacinto de la Serna⁠<a id="FNanchor_2_10" href="#Footnote_2_10" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> in 1626 mentioned peyote, which +he distinguished from other intoxicants. The first properly botanical description was made +in 1638 by Hernandez,⁠<a id="FNanchor_3_11" href="#Footnote_3_11" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> the naturalist of Philip II of Spain, under the rubric De Peyotl +Zacatensi, seu radice molli et lanuginosa. Ortega,⁠<a id="FNanchor_4_12" href="#Footnote_4_12" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> again, in 1754, mentioned peyote as used +in a Cora dance.</p> + +<p>Since 1845 peyote has had numerous modern botanical classifications, being listed variously +as <i>Echinocactus williamsii</i> Lem., <i>Anhalonium williamsii</i> Lem., <i>Mammillaria williamsii</i> +Coulter, <i>Echinocactus lewinii</i> Hennings, <i>Mammillaria lewinii</i> Karsten, <i>Lophophora lewinii</i> +Thompson, etc. The commonest designation in the older ethnological literature is <i>Anhalonium +lewinii</i> or <i>A. williamsii</i>. For a considerable period it was thought that these last +were two species—a point argued both on botanical and ethnographic grounds—but the +present classification of peyote is as a single species, the unique member of its genus, +<i>Lophophora williamsii</i>.⁠<a id="FNanchor_5_13" href="#Footnote_5_13" class="fnanchor">[5]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_11">[11]</span></p> + +<p>The peyote plant is a curious and unique little cactus. It has no spines whatsoever, +and ranges from the carrot-like to the turnip-like in shape and size, without, however, any +branches or leaves. The rounded top surface, which alone appears above the soil (and +which, cut off and dried, becomes the peyote “button”), is divided radially by straight, or +slightly spiral, or sinuous furrows that in some specimens become so complex as to lose +the appearance of ribs altogether. These ribs bear little tufts or pencils of matted grayish-white +hair, not unlike artists’ fine camel’s-hair brushes. It is from these that the cactus +takes both its modern botanical designation, <i>Lophophora</i> (“I bear crests”) and its Aztec +name <i>peyotl</i> (from the resemblance to cocoon-silk). In the center of the top there is a little +spot of closely matted fuzz, from which the ribs derive and grow; the flower, borne on a +stalk, grows from here too, the pinkish-whitish blossom growing into a rapidly maturing +club-shaped pinkish-reddish fruit.⁠<a id="FNanchor_6_14" href="#Footnote_6_14" class="fnanchor">[6]</a></p> + +<h3 id="ETHNOBOTANY">ETHNOBOTANY</h3> + +<p>Several matters regarding the botany of peyote should be discussed, for their having +given rise to legends about the plant. After discussing the nefarious uses to which the +Chichimeca put peyote, Hernandez writes that</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">on this account the root scarcely issues forth, but conceals itself in the ground, as if it did not wish +to harm those who discover and eat it.⁠<a id="FNanchor_7_15" href="#Footnote_7_15" class="fnanchor">[7]</a></p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">Dr. Parsons⁠<a id="FNanchor_8_16" href="#Footnote_8_16" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> recounts a Taos origin legend in which peyote acts even more spectacularly. +A warrior on the war-path heard a singing, and when he approached,</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">the plant would go open and shut like this [the narrator moves his finger-tips close together and +then opens them].... Then the plant told the Indian to come inside. But the opening was so small. +Then it got bigger; it got to be a big hole in the ground, a square hole. The Indian went down +the hole. There was a big hollow place down there in the ground, round like a kiva.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">And the story continues, telling of how the Indian learned the peyote rite from the man +in the kiva. On scrutiny this appears to be the Kiowa origin legend for peyote, modified +by the addition of familiar Pueblo folk-tale motifs. The Kiowa themselves say,</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">you must look closely at peyote, because it is like a mole when it comes on top of the ground—if +you don’t look closely it is gone again.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_12">[12]</span></p> + +<p>These curious legends, however, are not without some histological⁠<a id="FNanchor_9_17" href="#Footnote_9_17" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> and ecological +reality. In this semi-desert region the subterranean funnel-formed tap-root of the plant is +covered with woody scales which form a rigid shell. Rouhier writes:⁠<a id="FNanchor_10_18" href="#Footnote_10_18" class="fnanchor">[10]</a></p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">All this chlorophyll-region [the portion above the ground] is tumid, plump and fleshy, firm and +elastic to the touch, when, after the season of heavy rains, the plant is replete and vigorous. +During the hot season it droops and shrivels, becomes soft, and has a dull rumpled look. It retracts +then into the rigid cylinder formed by the desiccated corky desquammated part of the +stem; the plant literally gives the impression of pulling its head into its neck. (M. Diguet has told +us that the plant, at this time, buries itself in the soil, as though drawn, by a powerful force of +traction of its adventive radicles, at the base of the funnel which its tap-root has bored.)</p> +</blockquote> + +<p>Another matter of ethnobotanical interest concerns the supposed existence of two +varieties of peyote.⁠<a id="FNanchor_11_19" href="#Footnote_11_19" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> + In discussing Peyotl Zacatensis Hernandez⁠<a id="FNanchor_12_20" href="#Footnote_12_20" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> writes that “they say +they are male and female.” The Huichol likewise distinguish two kinds of Peyote, one, +the more active and bitter in taste and presenting smaller and more numerous mammillations +on the surface, called Tzinouritehua-hicouri, “Peyotl of the Gods,” the other, whose +physiological effect is less pronounced, called Rhaïtoumuanitarihua-hicouri, “Peyotl of the +Goddesses.” In the opinion of Rouhier,⁠<a id="FNanchor_13_21" href="#Footnote_13_21" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> “The Peyotl of the Goddesses ... is the young +form of <i>Echinocactus williamsii</i> [= <i>Lophophora williamsii</i>], and the Peyotl of the Gods is +its adult form.”</p> + +<p>Nor is this the end of the matter. It is well known that sex is attributed to plants in the +Plains, but there is also a well-defined pattern regarding the sex⁠<a id="FNanchor_14_22" href="#Footnote_14_22" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> specifically of peyote +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_13">[13]</span>throughout Mexico and the Plains. The Huichol have a tutelary goddess for peyote called +Hatzimouika; the peyote deity of the Tarahumari, on the other hand, is male, and great +reverence is paid by them to the hikuli walúla sälíami, or “hikuli great authority,” literally, +who is surrounded by smaller plants, his “servants,” and who, not satisfied with mere +sheep and goats, demands the sacrifice of oxen.</p> + +<p>Being persons, peyote plants naturally talk and sing on occasion. Lumholtz⁠<a id="FNanchor_15_23" href="#Footnote_15_23" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> writes of +the Tarahumari belief that</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">in the fields in which it grows, it sings beautifully, that the Tarahumare may find it. It says, “I +want to go to your country, that you may sing your songs to me.” ... It also sings in the bag while +it is being carried home. One man, who wanted to use his bag as a pillow, could not sleep, he said, +because the plants made so much noise.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">Bennett and Zingg⁠<a id="FNanchor_16_24" href="#Footnote_16_24" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> mention the Tarahumari belief that the singing one hears as the +bakánawa moves about in the night near the sleeper may be made clearer by chewing a +bit of the plant. Indeed, Mooney⁠<a id="FNanchor_17_25" href="#Footnote_17_25" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> says the Tarahumari find the peyote by hearing its song, +Híkurówa, which it sings day and night. Peyote speaks to the Tarahumari shaman during +the night of dancing and curing, and encourages him with words and by singing to him. +The fetish-plant in the ceremony proper is placed on the altar under a half-gourd resonator; +the rasping of the shaman, thus amplified, is very pleasing to peyote, who manifests his +strength by the amount of noise produced with his aid.</p> + +<p>In the Plains, however, when pleased with the singing, the peyote goddess actually +joins in with it.⁠<a id="FNanchor_18_26" href="#Footnote_18_26" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> The Kiowa call her sęⁱmąyi, literally, “Peyote Woman.” Mooney describes +a Kiowa peyote rattle on which she is represented, and at her feet the Morning +Star, which heralds her approach. A Taos origin legend for peyote tells of a warrior abandoned +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_14">[14]</span>by his companions, who heard a singing and rattling near where he lay, and finally +discovered it coming from the blossom in the center of the top of the plant.</p> + +<p>The Shawnee⁠<a id="FNanchor_19_27" href="#Footnote_19_27" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> say that if you listen carefully you can “catch songs” from Peyote +Woman. The Kickapoo likewise have the concept of the peyote “goddess” who sometimes +sings in meetings when pleased; one informant further said that “the spirit of a woman who +had been faithful to peyote sings after she has passed away. Sometimes we put pieces of +food near the fire for spirits of a dead man or woman or child. Sometimes you hear a man’s +voice too.” The Lipan say they hear “Changing Woman’s” voice in peyote meetings. The +Wichita believe it is kicu·ídie, “the woman who stays in the water,” and her little son, +wi·ḱιdiwιdá, “the boy who rolls along the banks of the water,” who are mentioned in +prayer, and who give power in meetings. The “peyote-woman” belief is attenuated elsewhere +in the Plains.⁠<a id="FNanchor_20_28" href="#Footnote_20_28" class="fnanchor">[20]</a></p> + +<h4 id="Names"><span class="smcap">Names for Peyote</span></h4> + +<p>Native terms for peyote differ somewhat in denotation and connotation. For clarity +sake we shall list only those terms referring specifically to <i>Lophophora williamsii</i>. Native +classifications of cacti, as well as extensions of the term “peyotl,” will be discussed in <a href="#APPENDIX_4">an +appendix</a>, as involving special problems.</p> + +<p>The Huichol of Jalisco call peyote hícuri, hicori, xicori or hicouri (in the notation of +speakers of different European languages); sometimes they refer to it metaphorically as +foutouri, “flower.” The Cora of the Tepic mountains term peyote huatari, houtari or +watara; the Tepehuane of Durango, kamaba. The Tarahumari of Chihuahua call it hikuli +or hikori, sometimes adding, according to Lumholtz, the epithet wanamé (or houanamé), +“superior,” to designate the peyote par excellence; the same meaning appears to be indicated +in the reduplication híkurí-íkuríwa.⁠<a id="FNanchor_21_29" href="#Footnote_21_29" class="fnanchor">[21]</a></p> + +<p>The Opata⁠<a id="FNanchor_22_30" href="#Footnote_22_30" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> call it pejori, the Otomi beyo. The Pima of the Gila River region use the +name peyori. The Comecrudo or Carrizo of Tamaulipas call peyote kóp, and Gatschet +recorded the term kúampamát for “bailar el peyote” (“many are dancing [the peyote +dance]”). The Lipan name is xʷucdjiyahi, “pricker one eats.” The Tonkawa of southern +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_15">[15]</span>Texas call peyote nonč-gáⁱɛn; the Taos name is walena, the generic term for “medicine.” +Mescalero Apache call it ho or hos; the Wichita nesac’. The Comanche wokwi or wokowi +is said by Mooney to be the generic name for cacti.⁠<a id="FNanchor_23_31" href="#Footnote_23_31" class="fnanchor">[23]</a> The Arapaho call peyote hahaayāⁿx. +Most of the Oklahoma tribes have their own version of the term peyotl, such as the +Kickapoo pi·yot, or, like them, they may use some older native term for “medicine” such +as natáⁱnoni. John Wilson (Caddo-Delaware), curiously, called peyote “sugar” or “bee-sugar”; +and some Anadarko Delaware call peyote-eating “ear-eating.”</p> + +<p>Whites have used numerous confusing and erroneous non-botanical terms for <i>Lophophora +williamsii</i>. Of these usages the commonest, “mescal,” “mescal beans” or “mescal +buttons” are the most confusing. Mescal (from the Nahuatl mexcalli, “metl [maguey] +liquor”) in northern Mexico, properly refers to the <i>Agave americana</i> or <i>Agave</i> spp. baked +in earth ovens and widely eaten in the Southwest, and from which the Mescalero Apache +take their name. By extension the term is applied to the intoxicant distilled from the native +beer, pulque, also made from <i>Agave</i> spp. A more precise designation of this native brandy +(as opposed to the native beer) is tesvino and its variants, from the Nahuatl tehuinti or +teyuinti, “intoxicating.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_24_32" href="#Footnote_24_32" class="fnanchor">[24]</a></p> + +<p>“Mescal bean” as used to designate <i>Lophophora williamsii</i> is quite indefensible, being +wrong on two counts: the “mescal” bean proper is <i>Sophora secundiflora</i> (= <i>Broussonetia +secundiflora</i>) or, incorrectly, <i>Erythrina flabelliformis</i>. The former is a red bean which was +used in a pre-peyote narcotic cult of the southern Plains, to be discussed later. The adjectival +use of “mescal” in the designations “mescal beans” or “mescal buttons” no doubt +comes from the known intoxicating properties of the distilled liquor mescal, as extended +in meaning to other unfamiliar new intoxicants, <i>Sophora secundiflora</i> (bean), and <i>Lophophora +williamsii</i> (cactus); the term “dry whisky” bears this out. Lumholtz,⁠<a id="FNanchor_25_33" href="#Footnote_25_33" class="fnanchor">[25]</a> indeed, wrote +that the Texas Rangers, during the Civil War, when taken prisoner and deprived of all +other stimulating drinks, soaked peyote (which they called “white mule”) in water and +became intoxicated on the liquid. Further confusion of peyote with mescal has arisen from +the north Mexican habit of mixing the two in a drink. Dealers call peyote the “turnip +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_16">[16]</span>cactus” or “dumpling cactus” from its shape, to which also refers the local Mexican term +biznagas, “carrot.” A local name in Starr County, Texas, where the plant grows abundantly, +is challote, but the usual dealers’ name is “peyote buttons,” from their flat shape +when dried.</p> + +<h4 id="Etymology"><span class="smcap">Etymology of Peyote</span></h4> + +<p>A precise understanding of the meaning of this term is essential, for it gives a linguistic +clue of primary importance in botanical identification. Molina⁠<a id="FNanchor_26_34" href="#Footnote_26_34" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> in 1571 recorded the +Nahuatl term peyutl, whose elastic and imprecise sense designates something white, shining, +silky or woolly, and which applies to the moth-cocoon, a spider-web, a fine tissue, +or, indeed, from its appearance (familiar enough to the Aztecs) even to the pericardium +or covering of the heart. Rémi Siméon, in his Nahuatl dictionary of 1885, lists “Peyotl or +Peyutl—A plant whose root served to make a drink that took the place of wine (Sahagún); +silkworm cocoon; pericardium, envelope of the heart.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_27_35" href="#Footnote_27_35" class="fnanchor">[27]</a></p> + +<p>This etymology, the oldest as well as the most authoritative, is accepted by Rouhier.⁠<a id="FNanchor_28_36" href="#Footnote_28_36" class="fnanchor">[28]</a> +The present writer, having been informed of its linguistic impeccability, further finds it +explanatory of otherwise curious extensions of the term “peyotl” in Hernandez,⁠<a id="FNanchor_29_37" href="#Footnote_29_37" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> as well +as later Mexican usages. Various plants in Mexico besides <i>Lophophora williamsii</i>, some of +them not even belonging to the Cactus Family, have been called “peyote.” In each case, +however, there has been some part of the plant to which the meanings of flocculence or +cocoon-like woolly pubescence descriptively can legitimately apply. <a href="#APPENDIX_1">An appendix</a> is devoted +to the clearing up of this terminological confusion.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_17">[17]</span></p> + +<h4 id="Identification"><span class="smcap">Identification of Peyote</span></h4> + +<p>We have now touched upon the etymological connotation of “peyotl,” and its extended +denotation in Mexican usage. But one further matter remains to be pointed out, +<i>viz.</i>, incorrect identification and misusages involving peyote. Safford⁠<a id="FNanchor_30_38" href="#Footnote_30_38" class="fnanchor">[30]</a> in 1915 adequately +indicated the identity of the modern peyote of the Plains with the peiotl of Sahagún and +other earlier Spanish writers. Not content, however, with proving this somewhat obvious +point, he went beyond and even contrary to his evidence and attempted to prove the +identity of peyote with a further narcotic mentioned in Spanish sources, a yellow thin-stemmed +mushroom, called teo-nanacatl by the Aztec. This confusing and wholly erroneous +identification is discussed at length in <a href="#APPENDIX_3">an appendix</a>, inasmuch as it has unfortunately won +wide acceptance.</p> + +<p>A more widespread error is the application of the terms “mescal,” “mescal bean” or +“mescal button” to the cactus <i>Lophophora williamsii</i> or peyote. These misusages are common +in the literature on peyote, and arise from confusion with a pre-peyote narcotic of the +southern Plains and Texas, the red bean of <i>Sophora secundiflora</i>, a true member of the Bean +Family. The word “mescal” as applied either to the cactus or the bean is erroneous and +misleading, and should properly be applied only to the “Indian cabbage” (<i>Agave</i> spp.) +of the Southwest, or the brandy distilled from Agave-beer or pulque.⁠<a id="FNanchor_31_39" href="#Footnote_31_39" class="fnanchor">[31]</a> The true “mescal +bean” is discussed elsewhere.</p> + +<h3 id="PHYSIOLOGY">PHYSIOLOGY OF PEYOTE INTOXICATION</h3> + +<p>The present section of our study proposes to deal with the physiology of peyote intoxication +only insofar as it may be supposed to have influenced the form of native culture-patterns +and rites surrounding its use. The efficacy of native doctoring with peyote, +however, must be decided on the basis of properly controlled medical experiments, of a +sort discussed in <a href="#APPENDIX_6">Appendix 6</a>, and is not at issue here.</p> + +<p>So far as the brute effect of the drugs is concerned, the first stage is one of physical and +mental exhilaration. To this physiological fact no doubt is due the Mexican use of peyote +in foot-races, in war and for allaying hunger and thirst when on fasting pilgrimages for +the plant. Expression of this exhilaration by dancing is common in Mexico, and is found +likewise among the Tonkawa, the Lipan and sporadically in the Plains.⁠<a id="FNanchor_32_40" href="#Footnote_32_40" class="fnanchor">[32]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_18">[18]</span></p> + +<p>Gross attitudinal behavior may be exhibited in extreme cases. Lumholtz⁠<a id="FNanchor_33_41" href="#Footnote_33_41" class="fnanchor">[33]</a> says of the +Huichol that</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">in a few cases a man may consume so much that he is attacked with a fit of madness, rushing backward +and forward, trying to kill people, and tearing his clothes to pieces. People then seize upon +him, and tie him hand and foot, leaving him thus until he regains his senses. Such occasions are +thought to be due to infringements of the law of abstinence imposed upon them before and during +the feast.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">This semi-psychotic state is no doubt as much conditioned culturally as the Malay “running +amok”; in Mexico early Spanish writers repeatedly describe native visions as sometimes +horribly frightening as well as sometimes laughable. Indeed, in Mexico, among the Mescalero, +and the early Plains users, aggressions welling up under peyote intoxication commonly +took the form of witchcraft fear and counter-witchcraft. Typically in the Plains, however, +the attitude repeatedly emphasized is that of intertribal brotherhood and an individual +feeling of friendliness and well-being. Nevertheless some fifty native visions collected +indicate great variability in the psychic state. A Taos instance records euphoria to the +point of laughter,⁠<a id="FNanchor_34_42" href="#Footnote_34_42" class="fnanchor">[34]</a> + but Crashing Thunder (Winnebago)⁠<a id="FNanchor_35_43" href="#Footnote_35_43" class="fnanchor">[35]</a> experienced a state of deep +depression and intense <i>fear</i>:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">The next morning [he writes] I tried to sleep. I suffered a great deal. I lay down in a very comfortable +position. After a while a fear arose in me. I could not remain in that place, so I went out +into the prairie, but here again I was seized with this fear. Finally I returned to a lodge near the +one in which the peyote meeting was being held, and there I lay down alone. I feared that I might +do something foolish to myself if I remained there alone, and I hoped that someone would come and +talk to me. Then someone did come and talk to me, but I did not feel any better. I went inside +the lodge where the meeting was taking place. “I am going inside,” I told him. I went in and sat +down. It was very hot and I felt as though I was going to die. I was very thirsty, but I feared to +ask for water. I thought that I was surely going to die. I began to totter over. I died and my +body was moved by another life. I began to move about and make signs. It was not myself doing +it and I could not see it. At last it stood up. The eagle feathers and the gourds, these it +said, were holy. They also had a large book there. What was contained in the book my +body saw. It was the Bible.... Not I, but my body standing there, had done the talking [this +schizoid quality of consciousness in peyote intoxication has been frequently noted by white +observers]. After a while I returned to my normal condition. Some of the people present +had been frightened thinking I had gone crazy. Others, on the other hand, liked it. It was discussed +a great deal; they called it the “shaking state.”</p> +</blockquote> + +<p>The vision experiences of John Wilson (Caddo-Delaware) and Enoch Hoag (Caddo) +are typical results of physiologically-induced hallucinations in individuals whose culture-background +highly values vision-experiences.⁠<a id="FNanchor_36_44" href="#Footnote_36_44" class="fnanchor">[36]</a> The Enoch Hoag “moon” had its origin +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_19">[19]</span>apparently in a (tetanic?) trance, wherein he saw himself as dead, with many people around +him weeping and his arms composed on his chest as with a corpse. His companions tried to +give him water with a spoon, but his jaws were stiff—a common symptom of strychnine +poisoning.⁠<a id="FNanchor_37_45" href="#Footnote_37_45" class="fnanchor">[37]</a></p> + +<p>The stimulating effect of peyote may partly account for the holding of meetings at +night, for there is no desire or ability to sleep for ten or twelve hours after eating peyote; +however, all-night meetings for various purposes are not unknown in the Plains, and the +older culture pattern merely exploits the physiological fact as a limiting condition probably. +Some observers report that, although there is heightened reflex-activity (including +those of the skin), peyote induces a partial skin anaesthesis. A Zacatecas ceremony reported +by Arlegui,⁠<a id="FNanchor_38_46" href="#Footnote_38_46" class="fnanchor">[38]</a> on the occasion of the birth of the first male child, appears to utilize this +virtue of the plant:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">The relatives gather and invite other Indians to a horrible ceremony of which the father is the +object. They give him to drink a brew concocted of a root called peyot and which not only has the +property of intoxicating him who drinks it, but also renders him insensible and drugs the flesh +and paralyzes the whole body. This drink is administered to the patient after twenty-four hours +of fasting. Then he is seated on a staghorn in a place specially chosen for this. The Indians come +with sharpened bones and teeth of different animals. Then with different ridiculous ceremonies, +they approach the unfortunate victim one by one; each one makes a wound on him, without pity, +making a great deal of blood flow out; and as those present are numerous, the wounds are many +and the unfortunate person is so maltreated that, from head to foot, he offers a lamentable spectacle.... +According to how the miserable victim has borne this, they augur the valor which the son +of a father who has suffered so much will possess.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p>The stages of peyote intoxication have been noted by natives. Writing of the Kiowa +and Comanche, Mooney⁠<a id="FNanchor_39_47" href="#Footnote_39_47" class="fnanchor">[39]</a> maintained that “in the peyote ceremonies, the songs of those +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_20">[20]</span>present are more vigorous after midnight,” and informants frequently indicate their awareness +of this.⁠<a id="FNanchor_40_48" href="#Footnote_40_48" class="fnanchor">[40]</a> + Kroeber says of this period late in the intoxication that⁠<a id="FNanchor_41_49" href="#Footnote_41_49" class="fnanchor">[41]</a></p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">the physiological discomforts have usually worn off, and the pleasurable effects are now at their +height. It appears that new songs, inspired perhaps by the visions of the night, are often composed +during this day.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">Many well known songs composed by such leaders as Quanah Parker (Comanche), Enoch +Hoag (Caddo) and John Wilson (Caddo-Delaware, called Nĭshkûntŭ or “Moonhead”) are +said to have arisen from the auditory hallucinations of peyote intoxication. The popular +song “Heyowiniho” came to John Wilson in a synaesthetic auditory hallucination in which +he heard the sound of the sun’s rising. Crashing Thunder⁠<a id="FNanchor_42_50" href="#Footnote_42_50" class="fnanchor">[42]</a> said of the beating of a drum +that “the sound almost raised me in the air so pleasurably loud did it sound to me.” Other +kinaesthetic derangements have been reported in visions.</p> + +<p>The dilation of the pupils of the eyes possibly explains the Huichol⁠<a id="FNanchor_43_51" href="#Footnote_43_51" class="fnanchor">[43]</a> belief that the +squirrel- and skunk-fetishes of their ceremony can see better than ordinary people, guiding +and guarding the hikuli-seekers on their way. Visual phenomena, indeed, are perhaps the +most conspicuous effects of peyote eating. The colors red and yellow, usually with reference +to birds and feathers, are common in both Mexican and Plains peyote symbolism.⁠<a id="FNanchor_44_52" href="#Footnote_44_52" class="fnanchor">[44]</a> +The widespread Plains belief that peyote makes one see better may derive from pupil-dilation; +white observers have reported acuter vision in peyote intoxication from this cause. +Indians frequently manifest a marked “photophobia” even in the mild morning sunlight +after meetings, and many younger men affect colored glasses at this time.</p> + +<p>The peyote alkaloids cause increased salivation, and there is a constant noise in meetings +of spitting as the users eat peyote; in some meetings attended individual tin-can spittoons +were provided. The increased flow of saliva probably accounts for the thirst-allaying +effect of the plant encountered in the origin legends and elsewhere, but this and the +diuretic⁠<a id="FNanchor_45_53" href="#Footnote_45_53" class="fnanchor">[45]</a> action of the drugs cause thirst to reappear more strongly later. A regular feature, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_21">[21]</span>therefore, of the typical Plains ritual is the bringing in of water at midnight and in the +morning, which is passed around clockwise.⁠<a id="FNanchor_46_54" href="#Footnote_46_54" class="fnanchor">[46]</a> The widespread taboo on the use of salt in +connection with peyote may have some reference to this action of the plant.⁠<a id="FNanchor_47_55" href="#Footnote_47_55" class="fnanchor">[47]</a> On the other +hand, the use of sweet⁠<a id="FNanchor_48_56" href="#Footnote_48_56" class="fnanchor">[48]</a> foods is a necessary part of the ritual; these are stereotyped both +in the Plains and Mexico to include parched corn in sugar-water, sweet fruit, and sweetened +meat either dried and powdered or cut into chunks, and candy is a regular feature in some +meetings. Sugar may in effect relieve the stage of depression in peyote intoxication somewhat.⁠<a id="FNanchor_49_57" href="#Footnote_49_57" class="fnanchor">[49]</a></p> + +<p>The classification of plants into male and female on the basis of their physiological +action has, as we have seen, a botanical basis. We are convinced on the other hand, however, +that peyote has no effect whatsoever in the curbing of an appetite for liquor. Both +native and white apologists⁠<a id="FNanchor_50_58" href="#Footnote_50_58" class="fnanchor">[50]</a> for peyote advance this argument in extenuation and defence. +Natives are perfectly sincere in their belief that the antagonism of peyote and alcohol is +physiological (even in the face of conspicuous contrary evidence),⁠<a id="FNanchor_51_59" href="#Footnote_51_59" class="fnanchor">[51]</a> and Plains Indians are +annoyed and hurt at the widespread association of drinking and peyote-eating through +the confusion of the term “mescal.” Yet the stubborn ethnographic fact remains that in +Mexico peyote is commonly drunk <i>with</i> tesvino or mescal.</p> + +<p>Various other physiological effects noted by whites find native parallels. Many of the +visions recorded for natives deal with synaesthesias of sight and hearing and smell, and +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_22">[22]</span>there occur cases of taste- and smell-hallucinations as well as the more common auditory +and visual ones. Kinaesthetic derangements are also not unknown.⁠<a id="FNanchor_52_60" href="#Footnote_52_60" class="fnanchor">[52]</a></p> + +<p>One final question is less of physiological than psychological and ethnographic import. +Along with teo-nanacatl, marihuana (<i>Cannabis</i> spp.) and the Peyotl Xochimilcensis +(<i>Cacalia cordifolia</i>), peyote has been said to have an aphrodisiac action. This association +suggests that a matter of Spanish-White or Mexican-Indian ethnography is involved.⁠<a id="FNanchor_53_61" href="#Footnote_53_61" class="fnanchor">[53]</a> But +love-magic was not unknown either in Mexico or the Plains, and it is conceivable that this +new medicine (particularly since it was used for “witching”) because of its other spectacular +effects, might have been valued for this purpose also.</p> + +<p>We have now discussed the bearing of physiological reactions on the peyote ritual and +other native behavior: the <i>exhilarating</i> first effect of the drug (in the allaying of hunger +and thirst on the march, to give courage in war, and strength in dancing and racing) and +the second stage of <i>depression</i> and <i>visions</i> (“running amok,” witchcraft-suspicion, psychic +fear-states, euphoria and feeling of brotherhood, partial anaesthesia, the “suffering to learn +something” characteristic of the Plains vision quest, synaesthesias, auditory hallucinations, +and “catching songs,” visual hallucinations, and “learning” of painting- and bead-designs, +symbolical birds and feathers, etc.).</p> + +<p>We found, too, behavior definitely related to the pupil-dilating power of peyote as +well as its sialogogue and diuretic action; the injunction against salt and the use of sweet +foods, however, may involve culture-historical matters. We have been skeptical of the +alleged anti-alcoholic virtue of peyote, and have likewise doubted that <i>physiologically</i> +peyote is either aphrodisiac or anaphrodisiac, despite heated claims on both sides. The +efficacy of native doctoring with peyote is a special problem treated elsewhere along with +the therapeutic and psychiatric experiments of Whites.</p> + +<p>The following ethnographic part of our study deals first with the non-ritual uses of +peyote, arising from its special properties, and secondly with the ritualization of its use.</p> + +<div class="footnotes"> + +<h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_1_9" href="#FNanchor_1_9" class="label">[1]</a> “They [the Chichimeca] have a considerable knowledge of plants and roots, their qualities and their +virtues. They were the first to discover and use the root called peiotl, which enters among their comestibles in +the place of wine” (Sahagún, <i>Histoire générale</i>, 10:661-62). Again, “There is another herb, like tunas of the earth +[tunas is the Spanish name for the fruit of the prickly pear, <i>Opuntia opuntia</i>]; it is called peiotl; it is white; it is +produced in the north country; those who eat or drink it see visions either frightful or laughable; this intoxication +lasts two or three days and then ceases” (Sahagún, <i>Historia general</i>, 3:241; in Safford, <i>An Aztec Narcotic</i>, 294-95).</p> + +<p>Translations from the Spanish have been made with the aid of Mr. H. W. Tessen of the Yale Graduate +School.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_2_10" href="#FNanchor_2_10" class="label">[2]</a> “Teo-nanacatl [has] ... the same properties as <i>ololiuhqui</i> or <i>peyote</i>, + since when eaten or drunk, they intoxicate +those who partake of them, depriving them of their senses, and making them believe a thousand absurdities” +(<i>Manual de Ministros</i>; in Safford, <i>An Aztec Narcotic</i>, 309-10).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_3_11" href="#FNanchor_3_11" class="label">[3]</a> “Peyote of Zacatecas, or soft and lanuginous root. The root is of nearly medium size, sending forth no +branches nor leaves above ground, but with a certain wooliness adhering to it, on which account it could not be +aptly figured by me” (<i>De Historia Plantarum</i>, 3:70; in Safford, <i>An Aztec Narcotic</i>, 295. See also Rouhier, +<i>Monographie du Peyotl</i>, 43-44).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_4_12" href="#FNanchor_4_12" class="label">[4]</a> “Nearby [the leader] was placed a tray filled with peyote, which is a diabolical root [raiz diabolica] +that is ground up and drunk by them so that they may not become weakened by the exhausting efforts of so +long a function” (Ortega, <i>Historia del Nayarit</i>; in Safford, <i>An Aztec Narcotic</i>, 295).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_5_13" href="#FNanchor_5_13" class="label">[5]</a> + Those interested in the taxonomic problem should consult the numerous botanical references in the bibliography. +Britton and Rose, in their four volume work on the Cactaceae classify peyote as <i>Lophophora williamsii</i>, +which will be followed in the present study.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_6_14" href="#FNanchor_6_14" class="label">[6]</a> The most succinct and complete description of the plant is found in Britton and Rose, <i>The Cactaceae</i>, +83-84.</p> + +<p>Peyote’s range is comprehended within an irregularly-shaped lozenge from Deming, New Mexico, to Corpus +Christi, Texas, to Puebla, Sombrerete, Zacatecas, and back to Deming. That is, the valley of the Rio Grande +(north), Tamaulipecan Mountains (east), the watershed of the affluents of the right bank of the Rio Grande de +Santiago and Rio de Mezquital (south), and the foothills of the Sierra Madre, the Sierra de Durango and the +Sierra del Nayarit (west). It prefers the calcareous and argillaceous soils of the Cretaceous formation in the north +of this region.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_7_15" href="#FNanchor_7_15" class="label">[7]</a> In Safford, <i>Aztec Narcotic</i>, 295; see also <i>Narcotic Plants</i>, 401.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_8_16" href="#FNanchor_8_16" class="label">[8]</a> Parsons, <i>Taos Pueblo</i>, 63.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_9_17" href="#FNanchor_9_17" class="label">[9]</a> The best histological account is in Rouhier, <i>Monographie</i>, + 34-42; the work of Dr. Helia Bravo, <i>Nota acerca +de la Histología</i>, is more recent. Richard Schultes at Harvard has also pursued histological studies. It is noteworthy +that the Indians ordinarily take only the upper portion of the plant, which contains a larger proportion +of the alkaloids according to Rouhier.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_10_18" href="#FNanchor_10_18" class="label">[10]</a> Rouhier, <i>op. cit.</i>, + 25. I am persuaded that many such insights would be afforded us in ethnography if we +had a less cavalier attitude toward native science and history: for after all even our own science grows from criticism +of traditional notions.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_11_19" href="#FNanchor_11_19" class="label">[11]</a> From the middle of the last century there has raged an acrimonious debate as to whether there are two +varieties of peyote corresponding to <i>Anhalonium williamsii</i> and <i>A. lewinii</i>. The former, it was contended, had +seven or eight straight ribs and lacked most of the alkaloids of the latter, which had more numerous (twelve or +more) sinuous ribs. This long, somewhat nationalistic debate may be regarded as ended since Rouhier (<i>Monographie</i>, +67) in 1926 figured a bicephalous plant on the same root, one head being a true <i>williamsii</i>, the other a +perfect <i>lewinii</i>. It is apparent that the <i>lewinii</i> “variety” is merely an older plant, which often takes the <i>williamsii</i> +aspect in its younger stages of growth; the more numerous alkaloids of the former more mature plant is likewise +purely a growth-phenomenon, as are the rib-configurations and mammillations, though environmental and seasonal +conditions may be involved as well.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_12_20" href="#FNanchor_12_20" class="label">[12]</a> Hernandez, <i>De Historia Plantarum</i>, 204, “Se dice que hay macho y hembra.” Inaccurately translated +by Safford, <i>Aztec Narcotic</i>, 295, and Rouhier, <i>Monographie</i>, 43. The simplest and most obvious translation is +the most satisfactory. According to the Lipan (Opler, <i>Use of Peyote</i>, 279) male peyotes bloom red, female +peyotes white.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_13_21" href="#FNanchor_13_21" class="label">[13]</a> Diguet, <i>Le Peyote</i>, 25; Rouhier, <i>Monographie</i>, 133.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_14_22" href="#FNanchor_14_22" class="label">[14]</a> <i>Handbook of the American Indians.</i> + 1:604b. Spier informs me this is also Navaho and perhaps Pueblo as +well. As indicated elsewhere, peyote, teo-nanacatl and associated plants have repeatedly been thought to be +aphrodisiacs. The supposed sex of the plants may have some reference to this belief; cf. the Huichol belief that +“Maize is a little girl whom one sometimes can hear weeping in the fields; she is afraid of the wild beasts, the +coyote and others that eat corn” (Lumholtz, <i>Unknown Mexico</i>, 2:279). Different colors of corn belong to different +deities also; it is interesting to note that the Huichol attribute different colors symbolically to peyote which +have no effective reality (Rouhier, <i>op. cit.</i>, 133). In 1935, in a non-peyote context, Apekaum told me that cotton +plants in a field we were passing were male and female; some trees were male, too, and others female, he thought. +No botanical realities were involved in any of these cases. The Jivaro also attribute sex to plants (Karsten, <i>Civilization</i>, +301, 304-06, 314-15, 323) as do the Aymará and others.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_15_23" href="#FNanchor_15_23" class="label">[15]</a> Lumholtz, <i>Unknown Mexico</i>, 1:362.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_16_24" href="#FNanchor_16_24" class="label">[16]</a> Bennett and Zingg, <i>The Tarahumara</i>, 295.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_17_25" href="#FNanchor_17_25" class="label">[17]</a> Mooney, <i>Tarumari-Guayachic</i>; Lumholtz, <i>Unknown Mexico</i>, + 1:365; Bennett and Zingg, <i>The Tarahumara</i>, +293.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_18_26" href="#FNanchor_18_26" class="label">[18]</a> + This auditory hallucination of hearing voices in peyote intoxication is most striking. Several explanations +may be offered: the cultural (the belief is common in Mexico and the Plains that peyote talks and sings), the +physiological (white observers, many in obvious ignorance of the ethnographic facts, have reported aural +hallucinations), or the physical (the peculiarly resonant vibrations of the water-drum echoing from the taut, cone-shaped +canvas of the tipi). A physiological constant for Indians and whites (culturally modified) seems indicated. +See Mooney, <i>A Kiowa Mescal Rattle</i>, 65; Parsons, <i>Taos Pueblo</i>, 63.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_19_27" href="#FNanchor_19_27" class="label">[19]</a> Statements without references are understood to be made from my own field work.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_20_28" href="#FNanchor_20_28" class="label">[20]</a> The Cora peyote goddess appears to be “Mother Hūrimoa” (Preuss, <i>Die Nayarit-Expedition</i>, 103). +Tarahumari dancers sometimes imitate hikuli’s talk with a sound which reminded Lumholtz of the crow of a +cock (<i>Tarahumari Dances</i>, 455). The Lipan information is from Opler (<i>The Use of Peyote</i>).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_21_29" href="#FNanchor_21_29" class="label">[21]</a> Diguet, <i>Le peyote et son usage</i>, 21, 25; Rouhier, <i>Monographie</i>, + 4; Safford, <i>An Aztec Narcotic</i>, 297; +Lumholtz, <i>Unknown Mexico</i>, 1:357, 2: <i>passim</i>; Preuss, <i>Die Nayarit-Expedition</i>, 103; Bennett and Zingg, <i>Tarahumara</i>, +135; Mooney, <i>Tarumari-Guayachic</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_22_30" href="#FNanchor_22_30" class="label">[22]</a> Rudo Ensayo (1760) in Mooney, <i>Tarumari-Guayachic</i>. + A note by F. W. H[odge] indicates a purely medicinal +use of peyote for the Opata. Otomi: León, <i>fide</i> Mooney; Mooney doubts this, somewhat unwarrantedly I +think. Pima: Alegre, in Mooney, <i>Tarumari-Guayachic</i>. Comecrudo: <i>Handbook of the American Indians</i>, 1:209a; +Mooney, <i>Tarumari-Guayachic</i>, whose source is probably Gatschet. Lipan: Opler, <i>The Use of Peyote</i>. Tonkawa: +Mooney, <i>op. cit.</i> Taos: Parsons, <i>Taos Pueblo</i>, 114, note 115. Mescalero Apache: Rouhier, <i>Monographie</i>, 4 +(Opler records this as xuc); Safford, <i>An Aztec Narcotic</i>, 297; Mooney, <i>op. cit.</i> Comanche: Mooney, <i>Miscellaneous +Notes</i>; the present writer recorded wↄ´kweᵖⁱ and pua´kιt (= “medicine”).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_23_31" href="#FNanchor_23_31" class="label">[23]</a> Mooney (<i>Peyote Notebook</i>, + 21) likewise says the Kiowa term for peyote sęⁱ means “prickly” or “prickly +fruit” and is generic for all cacti. But peyote, it will be remembered, is conspicuous for its lack of spines; perhaps +this was an older term for the prickly pear, <i>Opuntia opuntia</i>, transferred to the more recently known plant. In +any case it occurs nowadays in many compounds: sęⁱmąyi, “peyote woman,” sęⁱpiⁱ, “peyote meeting,” etc., +and in the phrase behábe sęⁱᴅɔki, “smoke, peyote power.” (Compare the Comanche hos mäbä´mho’i.) See also +Mooney, <i>Calendar History</i>, 239; Rouhier, <i>Monographie</i>, 4; Kroeber, <i>The Arapaho</i>, 399; Speck, <i>Notes on the Life +of John Wilson</i>, 552.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_24_32" href="#FNanchor_24_32" class="label">[24]</a> See <i>Handbook of the American Indians</i>, + 2:845, 846 (the Yuma, Mohave, Ute, Apache, etc., use it). The +Mescalero Apache do not derive their name from the use of the peyote, “mescal,” as Mooney stated, being so +designated long before they knew or used peyote. In the second etymology see Siméon, <i>Dictionnaire</i>, 436; also +Safford, <i>An Aztec Narcotic</i>, 293. See also La Barre, <i>Native American Beers</i>, 225.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_25_33" href="#FNanchor_25_33" class="label">[25]</a> Lumholtz, <i>Unknown Mexico</i>, 1:358. For “dry whiskey” see the <i>New Century Dictionary</i>, + Supplement: +“Mescal Buttons.” For the other names see Rouhier, <i>op. cit.</i>, 4; Britton and Rose, <i>The Cactaceae</i>, 3:84 (the spelling +pellote of Velasco, from Mooney, is a Castillianization of the Nahuatl); <i>Peyotes, datos para su estudia</i>, 209. +The spelling pezote in Alarcón, <i>Tratato de las Supersticiones</i>, 131, is obviously a copyist’s error.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_26_34" href="#FNanchor_26_34" class="label">[26]</a> de Molina, <i>Vocabulario</i>, + 80, “Peyutl—capullo de feda, o de gufano.” The Spanish o and u constitute a +single phoneme in Nahuatl, according to Mr. Benjamin Whorf, so the vowel is purely a matter of recording. +On the other hand, Reko’s etymology in <i>Was bedeutet das Wort Teo-Nanacatl?</i> (lent through the courtesy of +R. E. Schultes) is inadmissable. He writes: “Pe-yotl, Old-Aztec Pi-yautli, is quite clear in its etymology: Pi is +the significative (or affix) for ‘little.’ ... Yau-tli is always something narcotic or strong narcotic-smelling substance. +Yau- is the root, -tli the post-positive article (substantive significative).... A pi-yautli (pe-yotl) is therefore the +mildly intoxicating poison, in contrast with Hua-yautli (today Guayule, sap of the Gum-tree, which smells very +strong) which means extremely intoxicating.” This is an ad hoc forcing of an etymology on a word, according to +Whorf: in the first instance “old Aztec” pi-yautli appears to be an assumed rather than a quoted form; but even +so, -yautli should not give -yotl or -iotl of Sahagún’s recording, but an unchanged -yautli. If the rules for Nahuatl +sound-change are to be observed, peyotl must come from an uncontracted stem of two syllables, plus the absolutive +suffix, this stem being pe-yo; -yautli, on the other hand, must come from a contracted stem, originally of two +syllables, ya-wi (the -i standing for a variable or unknown vowel), plus the absolutive suffix, having the form -tl +when preceded by a vowel, -tli when preceded by a consonant, i.e., a contracted stem. As for the first syllable, +pi- and pe- are absolutely distinct phonemically in Aztec. The etymology, therefore, is neither phonetically nor +phonemically correct, and assumes random and unexplained sound changes. The writer is grateful to Mr. Whorf +for the preceding information. P. Augustin Hunt y Cortes (in Rouhier, 7) derives peyotl from the active verb +pepeyoni, pepeyon, “to move, to stir, to set into motion, to excite, to activate.” Other offerings are “child” +and a derivation from peyonanic, “stimulate, goad, prick, incite.” These are untenable for the same reasons that +Reko’s is.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_27_35" href="#FNanchor_27_35" class="label">[27]</a> Siméon, <i>Dictionnaire</i> 412, 436.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_28_36" href="#FNanchor_28_36" class="label">[28]</a> Rouhier, <i>Monographie</i> 7.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_29_37" href="#FNanchor_29_37" class="label">[29]</a> <i>De Historia Plantarum</i>, + 3:70 (Peyotl Xochimilcensi). Peyote, because of its abundance in certain localities, +figures frequently in place names.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_30_38" href="#FNanchor_30_38" class="label">[30]</a> Safford, <i>An Aztec Narcotic</i>; see also other items by this author in the bibliography.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_31_39" href="#FNanchor_31_39" class="label">[31]</a> See the <i>New Century Dictionary</i>, + “Pulque,” 4841, a word conjectured to be of Carib (Haiti or Cuba) or +Spanish origin. Agave and maguey are the American aloe, sometimes called “century plant” (cf. “maguey,” 3578, +“agave,” 108). “Mescal” proper, therefore, = Agave americana = maguey = American aloe = “century plant.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_32_40" href="#FNanchor_32_40" class="label">[32]</a> White Wolf (Comanche) tells of Kuaheta, at the time acting as fireman in Comanche Jack’s meeting, that +he once failed to return after having asked to leave the tipi. Commissioned to investigate, White Wolf found +him outside “jumping like a deer” from deep peyote intoxication. Hoebel relates a similar experience in a Northern +Cheyenne meeting. Tonakat, the well-known Kiowa “witch,” once forced a man to get up and dance in a +meeting (<i>Autobiography of a Kiowa Indian</i>, recorded by the writer, 1936). Jonathan Koshiway (Oto) laughingly +told me of a meeting in Kansas where the singer’s jaw became locked; the whole meeting was upset while they +shook and fanned him with cedar incense until his jaw “came back.” This may have been an effect of the strychnine-like +alkaloids in peyote, as in the case of Tom Panther (Shawnee) who became unable to talk or sing once +in George Fry’s meeting: “it took me four or five minutes to say the word ‘study’,” he said.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_33_41" href="#FNanchor_33_41" class="label">[33]</a> Lumholtz, <i>Huichol Indians</i>, 9.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_34_42" href="#FNanchor_34_42" class="label">[34]</a> Parsons, <i>Taos Pueblo</i>, 63.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_35_43" href="#FNanchor_35_43" class="label">[35]</a> Radin, <i>Crashing Thunder</i>, 198-99.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_36_44" href="#FNanchor_36_44" class="label">[36]</a> Fernberger (<i>Further Observations</i>, + 368), citing Petrullo, writes: “The best reporters of this group of +Indians [Delaware] insist that visions may occur under peyote intoxication but that it has become socially admirable +to suppress these visions and that, after some practice, this may be successfully accomplished.” But after +establishing ordinarily friendly relations with informants I found no such reticence about visions; these, indeed, +were publicly discussed in the Sunday forenoons after meetings (usually spent lounging under “shades” +quietly exchanging peyote experiences). Many, like Spotted Horse (Kiowa), Tom Panther (Shawnee) and Sly +Picard (Wichita) distinguished the ordinary effects of peyote from full-blown “visions”; and some corrective +modesty is occasionally exhibited for the familiar Plains assertiveness and individualism, for, in fact, through +peyote visions individuals push themselves to positions of leadership and influence. Fernberger continues: “The +informants also state that they are able to control visions when they occur, that is, to change the vision to that +of any particular known object or to hold a vision that occurs in consciousness for a considerable time. Both of +these statements are totally at variance with the descriptions of all previous observers of the visual manifestations.” +We disagree with this dictum; many informants would paraphrase the statement of Tom Panther +(Shawnee) that in peyote intoxication, “I wasn’t boss of myself.” White observers too have remarked on the +dualism of consciousness exhibited by Crashing Thunder. One might even go so far as to say that this is a reason +natives think of peyote as an <i>external</i> “power” working its influence on them.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_37_45" href="#FNanchor_37_45" class="label">[37]</a> Is the peculiar mode of wearing a blanket in meetings due to the necessity of supporting the back in +strychnine-opisthotonos (from lophophorine and anhalonine)?</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_38_46" href="#FNanchor_38_46" class="label">[38]</a> Arlegui, <i>Crónica</i>, 144; Rouhier, <i>Monographie</i>, 331.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_39_47" href="#FNanchor_39_47" class="label">[39]</a> Mooney, in Rouhier, <i>op. cit.</i>, 344.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_40_48" href="#FNanchor_40_48" class="label">[40]</a> “We’re pulling for daylight now—that’s the time those boys sang a little faster” (Voegelin, <i>Shawnee +Field Notes</i>). “I wish you could see Quanah’s songs—they just like beautiful race horses—go fast” (Mooney, +<i>Peyote Notebook</i>, 12).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_41_49" href="#FNanchor_41_49" class="label">[41]</a> Kroeber, <i>The Arapaho</i>, 404-405. Maillefert (<i>La Marihuana</i>, + 6) says that marihuana habitués in Mexico +have special songs that they sing together; a marked feature of the Mexican use of drugs, of which this may be a +case, is the pattern of group-narcosis.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_42_50" href="#FNanchor_42_50" class="label">[42]</a> Radin, <i>Crashing Thunder</i>, 178.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_43_51" href="#FNanchor_43_51" class="label">[43]</a> Lumholtz, <i>Unknown Mexico</i>, 2:272.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_44_52" href="#FNanchor_44_52" class="label">[44]</a> This is obviously heavily culture-conditioned, but Klüver (<i>Mescal</i>, + 41) records the predominance of red +and green early in peyote intoxication, and yellow and blue in later stages, with possible reference to the Ladd-Franklin +phylogenetic theory of color vision.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_45_53" href="#FNanchor_45_53" class="label">[45]</a> Maillefert (<i>loc. cit.</i>) + says marihuana habitués believe water decreases the effect of the drug, and therefore +they do not use it when smoking. Although the peyote leader must otherwise be present all through the meeting +(to prevent rival witching among the Apache), a fixed part of the Plains ritual is his exit alone at midnight to +whistle at the four points of the compass, an opportunity which is no doubt exploited. Again, spitholes are a +part of Tarahumari altars (Lumholtz, <i>Unknown Mexico</i>, 1:365).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_46_54" href="#FNanchor_46_54" class="label">[46]</a> The Caddo, however, make a point of not drinking water at night, as though looking upon the meeting +as a vision-ordeal; this aberrance is given point by the fact that they do no doctoring in peyote meetings either, +and must make four rounds of the drum before quitting, no matter if it takes until noon of the next day.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_47_55" href="#FNanchor_47_55" class="label">[47]</a> The Comanche exclude the eating of pork also, but whether this is because pork is commonly a salt meat +or because it is oily like the flesh of another tabooed food animal, the bear, I do not know.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_48_56" href="#FNanchor_48_56" class="label">[48]</a> Maillefert (<i>op. cit.</i>, + 6-7) says marihuana smokers believe that sugar augments the effect of the “grifos” +(“reefers” in Harlem parlance), so they eat sweets while smoking them. Compare the consuming of honey with +teo-nanacatl in Mexico.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_49_57" href="#FNanchor_49_57" class="label">[49]</a> The Arapaho (Kroeber, 407) use a more magical means to this end: they tie four bunches of yellow-hammer +or other feathers at the northeast, southeast, southwest and northwest poles of the tipi to brush the +bodies of worshippers who become tired.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_50_58" href="#FNanchor_50_58" class="label">[50]</a> E.g., Skinner, <i>Societies of the Iowa</i>, 694.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_51_59" href="#FNanchor_51_59" class="label">[51]</a> For mescal (the agave-drink distilled from pulque) and peyote are mixed and <i>used together</i> + in northern +Mexico. Yet Mooney often and at length produced this argument with regard to alcohol; Skinner said it destroyed +the desire of tobacco as well (see <a href="#APPENDIX_9">appendix</a> on the Native American Church). But peyote, physiologically +and culturally, is only one more means of achieving the culturally valued state of psychic derangement, +and such fundamentally deep-rooted patterns as this one is in native America do not change over-night. Even +so, is the cure any better than the disease? The writer was a little startled when a Kiowa friend, an ardent peyote +user, suggested that we go to a neighboring town one mid-week to drink. When I sought to discover his attitude +on this he soon made it clear that it was no matter of moral sentimentality but purely one of physiology: there +wasn’t another peyote meeting until Saturday, so what was the harm? One can eat lobsters one day and ice-cream +the next, but one ought not eat them the same day. This informant conceived of the antagonism as a +fight between liquor- and peyote-power, a matter-of-fact attitude probably not universal, and by no means as +cynical as it seems.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_52_60" href="#FNanchor_52_60" class="label">[52]</a> Rouhier (<i>Monographie</i>, + 320) however suggests that the illusions of phonation (the distance, strangeness +and hollowness of the voice) may not be entirely sensory, i.e. auditory, but may also be a matter of voice-production; +he cites Ellis, Putt, and Eshner.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_53_61" href="#FNanchor_53_61" class="label">[53]</a> Note the ritual necessity that a woman bring the morning water into a meeting formerly restricted to +men, and the mythological significance of the “Peyote Woman.” Opler (<i>The Influence of Aboriginal Pattern</i>) +says that Mescalero saw women in visions and wanted them, believing that if one began with visions of women +they would stay with him. Crashing Thunder (Radin, 177) confessed that at one time he attended meetings +chiefly to find “a woman whom I cared to marry permanently. Before long,” he says, “that was the only thing +that I would think of when I attended the meetings.” We have on the other hand, however, the healthy skepticism +of an Oto who said, “You can see dead people in meetings, but peyote won’t get you a woman you desire +though. She makes up her mind.” But may not other explanations than the physiologically-aphrodisiac be involved? +Might there not be an association with promiscuity of the ritual mingling of the sexes (for in the older +Sun Dance just this was implied when the main lodge-pole was brought in) in a region where sexual segregation +ritually was usual? Compare the injunction of one Ghost Dance prophet to the people not to think of women, +but to join hands with them on either side and dance the Ghost Dance. Would he have made the explicit statement +if it had not been implicitly considered reasonable to expect natural sexual arousement or preoccupation +in a rite in which men and women are not separated? Indeed, there is evidence among the Shawnee at least that +sexual opportunities afforded through the Ghost Dance were not left unexploited.</p></div> + +</div> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_23">[23]</span></p> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="THE_ETHNOLOGY_OF_PEYOTISM">THE ETHNOLOGY OF PEYOTISM</h2> + +</div> + +<h3 id="NON-RITUAL_USES">NON-RITUAL USES OF PEYOTE</h3> + +<p>An Oto in all seriousness informed the writer that “peyote doesn’t work outside +meetings, because I have tried it”—a belief understandable in a group whose sole acquaintance +with the plant is through a recent ritual.⁠<a id="FNanchor_1_62" href="#Footnote_1_62" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> Nevertheless, owing to its marked +physiological properties peyote is widely used both in Mexico and the Plains non-ritually, +a fact which forms an interesting ethnological background to the rite proper.</p> + +<p>One of the most important and striking of these uses is in prophecy and divination. +We find the Spanish missionaries in Mexico early protesting against this abomination. +The confessional of Padre Nicolás de León⁠<a id="FNanchor_2_63" href="#Footnote_2_63" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> contains the following questions for the priest +to ask the penitent:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">Art thou a sooth-sayer? Dost thou foretell events by reading omens, interpreting dreams, or by +tracing circles and figures on water? Dost thou garnish with flower garlands the places where +idols are kept? Dost thou suck the blood of others? Dost thou wander about at night, calling upon +demons to help thee? Hast thou drunk peyotl, or given it to others to drink, in order to discover +secrets, or to discover where stolen or lost articles were?</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">This last was no idle matter, as appears from other evidence; Hernandez⁠<a id="FNanchor_3_64" href="#Footnote_3_64" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> says that</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">[the Peyotl Zacatensis] causes those [Chichimeca] devouring it to be able to foresee and to predict +things; such, for instance, as whether on the following day the enemy will make an attack +upon them; or whether the weather will continue favorable; or to discern who has stolen from +them some utensil or anything else; and other things of like nature which the Chichimeca really +believe they have found out.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">Padre Arlegui,⁠<a id="FNanchor_4_65" href="#Footnote_4_65" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> after mentioning the therapeutic uses to which the Zacatecans put peyote, +complains that</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">this would not be so bad if they did not abuse its virtues, for, in order to have a knowledge of the +future and find out how their battles will turn out, they drink it brewed in water, and, as it is +very strong, it intoxicates them with a paroxysm of madness, and all the fantastic hallucinations +that come over them with this horrible drink they seize upon as omens of the future, imagining +that the root has revealed to them their future.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_24">[24]</span></p> + +<p class="noindent">Prieto⁠<a id="FNanchor_5_66" href="#Footnote_5_66" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> says of a Tamaulipecan group that</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">often in these orgies was wont to impose silence, at the height of their drunkenness, the voice of +some ancient, who, assuming a magisterial tone, prognosticated to them future events, usually +depicting them as sad and unhappy, and in spite of the lugubriousness of his predictions, he usually +ended his harangue by exhorting them to enjoy in the dance the interval between the present and +the next unhappiness.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">Alarcón⁠<a id="FNanchor_6_67" href="#Footnote_6_67" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> + adds other functions and relates of other drinks similarly used:⁠<a id="FNanchor_7_68" href="#Footnote_7_68" class="fnanchor">[7]</a></p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">If the consultation is about a lost or stolen article or concerning a woman who has absented herself +from her husband, or some similar thing, here enters the gift of false prophecy, and the divining +that has been pointed out in the preceding treatises; the divination is made in one of two ways, +either by means of a trance or by drinking peyote or ololiuhqui or tobacco to attain this end, or +commanding that another drink it, and ordering him to remain under its spell; and in all this goes +implicitly hand in hand the pact with the devil who by means of said drinks appears to them and +speaks to them, giving them to understand that he who speaks to them is the ololiuhqui or the +peyote or whatever beverage that they had drunk for the said end; and the sorry part of it is that +many put faith in [the drink] as in the very lying cheats themselves, [indeed] even more than in +the evangelical predicators.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p>As we move farther north in Mexico the use of peyote in prophesying becomes valuable +in warning of the approach of the enemy.⁠<a id="FNanchor_8_69" href="#Footnote_8_69" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> + For the Tarahumari Lumholtz⁠<a id="FNanchor_9_70" href="#Footnote_9_70" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> says that the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_25">[25]</span>various kinds of hikori were particularly good “to drive off wizards, robbers, and Apaches, +and to ward off disease.” Of <i>Anhalonium fissuratum</i> he says “robbers are powerless against +it, for Sunami calls soldiers to its aid,” while the variety Rosapara “is particularly effective +in frightening off Apaches and robbers.”</p> + +<p>In the Comanche version of the usual Plains origin tale of peyote, the leader of a group +on the war-path goes up alone to an Apache camp where a peyote ceremony is in progress. +Though an enemy, he is invited in, the leader telling him that peyote had predicted his +coming in a vision.⁠<a id="FNanchor_10_71" href="#Footnote_10_71" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> One Comanche informant said eating peyote enables one to <i>hear</i> +an enemy coming, though still far away; peyote likewise predicted the success of one of +the last Comanche horse-raids, and aided in its prosecution.</p> + +<p>From these uses of peyote in war it is no jump to its fetishistic use as a protector in +war⁠<a id="FNanchor_11_72" href="#Footnote_11_72" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> and in ordinary witchcraft. Sahagún⁠<a id="FNanchor_12_73" href="#Footnote_12_73" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> + writes that peyote</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_26">[26]</span></p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">is a common food of the Chichimecas, for it stimulates them and gives them sufficient spirit to +fight and have neither fear, thirst, nor hunger, and they say it guards them from all danger.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">De la Serna⁠<a id="FNanchor_13_74" href="#Footnote_13_74" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> said that ololiuhqui and peyote were carried by persons “forsaken of God” +as charms against all injuries, and Arlegui deplored the custom of parents to “hang little +bags on their children, and inside of them in place of the four Evangels that they place +around the necks of children in Spain, [to] place peyot or some other herb.” Arias described +a surreptitious worship of the fetish: the natives hung the herb in the choirs “as a special +creation of the malignant spirit which they designate with the name of Naycuric,” and +they communicated with the numen by drinking an infusion of peyote instead of wine.⁠<a id="FNanchor_14_75" href="#Footnote_14_75" class="fnanchor">[14]</a></p> + +<p>Peyote is also a powerful protection against witchcraft in ritual foot-races. Rivals are +liable to throw bones and herbs on the track and cause the Tarahumari runner to be bewitched +and lose the race, which is run at night. For this contingency, however, “hikuli +and the dried head of an eagle or a crow may be worn under the girdle as a protection.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_15_76" href="#Footnote_15_76" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> +Peyote is a great protection too when traveling, both in war and on peyote-pilgrimages.⁠<a id="FNanchor_16_77" href="#Footnote_16_77" class="fnanchor">[16]</a></p> + +<p>The Comanche commonly wore peyotes in buckskin bags attached to beaded bandoliers, +recalling the mescal bean bandolier which the Kiowa and others commonly wore in battle. +Indeed, peyote was even a part of the Θawikila and Kispoko war bundles of the Shawnee, +long before they knew the generalized peyote ritual—a custom similar to the Iowa use of +mescal beans in their war bundles.⁠<a id="FNanchor_17_78" href="#Footnote_17_78" class="fnanchor">[17]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_27">[27]</span></p> + +<p>But in Mexico and the Southwest war and witching are closely connected ideologically. +As a matter of fact, peyote itself as well as the peyote shaman’s rasp, is employed in +Tarahumari witchcraft.⁠<a id="FNanchor_18_79" href="#Footnote_18_79" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> + Among the Mescalero Apache,⁠<a id="FNanchor_19_80" href="#Footnote_19_80" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> however, witching <i>within</i> the +tribe by rival peyote shamans was an ever-present anxiety, their feuds being conceived in +terms of battles and war, with the “shooting” of arrows and struggles to see who had +the more powerful and compelling songs. The Mescalero peyote leader was merely a +shaman <i>primus inter pares</i>, whose major function was to prevent witching in meetings. +The purpose of the Tonkawa peyote songs, it is said, was to ward off the enemies’ witching. +Witching with peyote is less in evidence in the Plains, save among the Kiowa, Comanche, +and Cheyenne who early received it, but as late as the time when the Caddo-Delaware +messiah John Wilson took peyote and the Ghost Dance to the Quapaw there was witching +by “shooting” objects. The Northern Cheyenne feared the “trickiness” of peyote itself; +and the Lipan fireman was chosen for his braveness because “he has to go out at night to +get wood and it is a frightening job sometimes, especially when one is under the influence +of peyote; peyote is sure a joker!”</p> + +<p>Besides this fetishistic use in war, peyote was also used somewhat more “technologically” +to cure wounds. Alegre writes that the Sonoran</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">manner of curing the wounds is with peyote, that they call peyori after it has been made into a +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_28">[28]</span>powder, with which they fill the cut, cleaning it and renewing it three times every two days, or +with a species of balm composed of [maguey].</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">Prieto says that, in Tamaulipecan war, among the provisions carried by the women in the +rear were</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">gourds full of peyote and water ... and in addition to all these provisions they carry some plants, +which, chosen and prepared beforehand serve to stop hemorrhages from the wounds, and to aid in +their curing.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">The Opata used pejori for arrow-wounds, cleaning them out with cotton squills on sticks +dipped in the powder; the Lipan put peyote on wounds of all kinds.⁠<a id="FNanchor_20_81" href="#Footnote_20_81" class="fnanchor">[20]</a></p> + +<p>The other therapeutic uses of peyote are various. At Taos it was used for snake-bite. +The Caxcanes of Teo-caltiche employed peyote for cramps and fainting spells, the Chichimeca +for relieving painful joints. The Tarahumari apply peyote externally for bruises, +snake-bites and rheumatism. The Huichol use few remedies except hikuli, unlike the +Tepecano who use many, but it is good for anything from a minor ache to a major wound. +Medicinal uses are also recorded for the Tepecano, Yaqui, Opata, Pima, Papago, Cora and +Lipan.⁠<a id="FNanchor_21_82" href="#Footnote_21_82" class="fnanchor">[21]</a></p> + +<p>In the Plains a Wichita case of blindness of fifteen years’ standing was cured by the +sole application of peyote-infusion.⁠<a id="FNanchor_22_83" href="#Footnote_22_83" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> Radin cites a similar Winnebago case. The Kiowa use +peyote as a panacea: uses are recorded for tooth-ache, hemorrhages, headache, consumption, +fever, breast pains, skin disease, hiccough, rheumatism, childbirth, diabetes, colds +and pulmonary diseases in general. Mooney records the further use as a “tonic aperitif.” +The Shawnee chew peyote into poultices for sores and snake-bites and eat it for colds, +pneumonia, rheumatism, aches and pains.⁠<a id="FNanchor_23_84" href="#Footnote_23_84" class="fnanchor">[23]</a></p> + +<p>The remaining non-ritual uses of peyote are quite varied. The Acaxee employed it in +some manner in their ball games, probably eating it in small doses, according to Beals. +In Tlaxcala peyote was used by “the auxiliary forces of the conquistadores, in order not +to feel fatigue on their marches”—a widespread use in Mexico; in the Plains the typical +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_29">[29]</span>origin legend tells of peyote aiding a seriously wounded warrior or a woman and child left +behind by their companions without food or drink. The legend is not unlike the common +Plains stories of receiving power from animals in a stress-situation; Old Man Horse (Kiowa) +said “peyote is the only plant from which one can get power,” obviously thinking in terms +of the old vision quest. Peyote in fact gave power to perform shamanistic tricks in the +old days.⁠<a id="FNanchor_24_85" href="#Footnote_24_85" class="fnanchor">[24]</a></p> + +<p>The Tarahumari, among other things, left a hikuli plant with the corpse, the motive +for which is unstated.⁠<a id="FNanchor_25_86" href="#Footnote_25_86" class="fnanchor">[25]</a> A Wichita, captured in war and imprisoned, was aided in escaping +unseen from the enemy camp by his fetish-plant; the lobbying power of peyote in influencing +Federal bonus legislation has already been mentioned. Indeed, peyote has had +a record of unbroken success in preventing Federal anti-peyote legislation.⁠<a id="FNanchor_26_87" href="#Footnote_26_87" class="fnanchor">[26]</a></p> + +<h3 id="RITUAL_USES">RITUAL USES OF PEYOTE</h3> + +<p>Despite the unsatisfactory state of the literature, it is clear that the ceremonial use of +peyote in Mexico differs widely from that in the Plains. First we shall characterize the +Mexican type by summarizing the Huichol and Tarahumari rites, and later adding comparative +Mexican data.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_30">[30]</span></p> + +<h4 id="Huichol"><span class="smcap">Huichol</span></h4> + +<p>Though the most important of their fiestas, Huichol peyotism is a seasonal matter, the +hikuli seldom being eaten outside the ceremonial period in January. In October a preliminary +trip lasting fifteen days each way is made to Real Catorce (San Luis Potosí) to +obtain the plants. The eight or twelve pilgrims bathe and sleep in the temple with their +wives the night before leaving, not washing again until the feast some four months later. +After receiving new names for the trip, the next morning they pray around a fire, wearing +squirrel tails tied to their hats, and sacrifice five tortillas⁠<a id="FNanchor_27_88" href="#Footnote_27_88" class="fnanchor">[27]</a> to the fire. Then, after sprinkling +their heads with a deer-tail dipped in water steeped with certain herbs, all weep as each +man puts his right hand on his wife’s left shoulder and bids her farewell.⁠<a id="FNanchor_28_89" href="#Footnote_28_89" class="fnanchor">[28]</a></p> + +<p>Their route is full of religious associations, since formerly the gods went out to seek +peyote and now are met with in the shape of mountains, stones and springs; their dreams +en route are also important in deciding religious arrangements for the coming year (who is +to sacrifice cattle for rain, who is to be fire-maker, etc.). The pilgrims carry sacred hour-glass +shaped gourds and the leader also carries the yákwai, a ball of native-grown tobacco +called macuchi, which is solemnly distributed after they pass Puerta de Cerda. In the +afternoon they place ceremonial arrows toward the four corners of the world, and sit +around a fire until midnight. Tobacco belongs to the personified fire; after much praying the +leader touches the tobacco-ball with his plumes and wraps small portions in corn husks⁠<a id="FNanchor_29_90" href="#Footnote_29_90" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> +“so that they look like diminutive tamales,” and each man puts one in a special tobacco-gourd +tied to his quiver. This act symbolizes the birth of tobacco and henceforth they must +preserve ritual order on the march, and only cease to be the “prisoner” of Grandfather Fire +when the sacred bundles are given back to him, i.e., burned.</p> + +<p>On the fourth afternoon the women at home gather to confess their sins to Grandfather +Fire; they knot palm-leaves lest they forget the name of even a single lover and the men +consequently find no hikuli. After this public confession each woman throws her leaf into +the fire and becomes ritually clean. The men make a similar confession “to the five winds” +a little beyond Zacatecas and burn their tallies in the fire. The hikuli-seekers are henceforth +gods and the leaders fast (save for eating stray plants) until they reach the peyote country.⁠<a id="FNanchor_30_91" href="#Footnote_30_91" class="fnanchor">[30]</a></p> + +<p>Arrived, they line up, each man with an arrow on his bow-string which he points successively +to the six regions of the world without letting it fly. As they march toward the +mesa-“altar” where the leader has seen hikuli as a “deer,” each man shoots two arrows +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_31">[31]</span>each over five hikuli plants, crossing over their tops that they may be taken “alive.” They +make a ceremonial circuit of the mesa, but the “deer” assumes the form of a whirlwind +and disappears, leaving two hikuli in his tracks; there they sacrifice votive bowls, arrows, +paper flowers, beads, etc., and pray. After this they return to get their five hikuli, and eat +and gather others. The whole ceremony is of hunting deer, and after five days they reverse +the logs of their fireplace and return home with gourds of holy water, wood for the shaman’s +rasp, sotol for the “godseats,” yellow paint material and the hikuli they have gathered. +Their tobacco-gourds and faces are painted yellow, the color of the God of Fire. +The face-painting represents the faces or masks of the gods, and expresses prayers for rain, +luck in deer-hunting and good crops, symbolized as corn field, cloud, ear of corn, “rain-serpent,” +squash-vine and -flower designs.⁠<a id="FNanchor_31_92" href="#Footnote_31_92" class="fnanchor">[31]</a></p> + +<p>Approaching home, they must hunt deer until they have enough for the feast, before +being freed from the ritual restrictions of continence, fasting, and non-use of salt, meanwhile +being sustained by slices of green hikuli eaten from time to time. The deer meat is +cooked and then cut into small cubes which are strung (precisely as peyote is) on cords.⁠<a id="FNanchor_32_93" href="#Footnote_32_93" class="fnanchor">[32]</a> +The deer-killing is to obtain rain for the next growing season.⁠<a id="FNanchor_33_94" href="#Footnote_33_94" class="fnanchor">[33]</a> The hunting period over, +men and women bathe for the first time since the beginning of the hikuli-pilgrimage.</p> + +<p>For the hikuli feast the men deck their hats lavishly with brilliant macao and hawk +feathers, and wear supernumerary girdle-pouches; the women wear strings of yellow and +red plumes across the back. A temple fire, another at the east of the patio to “guard” the +dancers, and a third at the north for visitors from the underworld are built in a special +fashion: the shaman carefully brings an eighteen-inch billet of green wood, offers it to five +directions and finally to the sixth by placing it on the ground, after which others place +sticks pointing east and west on this molitáli or “pillow” of Grandfather Fire.⁠<a id="FNanchor_34_95" href="#Footnote_34_95" class="fnanchor">[34]</a></p> + +<p>Then the shaman and hikuli-seekers ceremonially circle the freshly white-plastered +“god-house of the Sun,” enter, pray aloud and give a long account of their journey until +late at night. The temple fire place (áro) is a circular clay basin in the center with a slightly +raised rim; the poker is the “arrow” of the God of Fire. The niches at the west of the +temple behind the shaman are filled with god-images; the others sit on either side of him +in a semi-circle on sotol or century-plant stools. Their wives, flower-garlanded and painted, +sit farther back in the temple, while the pilgrims smoke and sing all night about Greatgrandfather +Deer-Tail, the Morning Star and all the other gods who, long ago, went out to +seek hikuli. The next morning all wash their faces, heads and hands in water from the +hikuli-country, and salute the rising sun with a bowl of burning incense, sprinkling water +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_32">[32]</span>to the four corners of the world with a flower and praying for life and for luck in hunting +deer.⁠<a id="FNanchor_35_96" href="#Footnote_35_96" class="fnanchor">[35]</a></p> + +<p>Meanwhile the patio has been prepared for dancing. Beside the fire are jars of holy +water and tesvino, a stuffed fetish-skunk tied to a stick, and a stuffed grey squirrel decorated +with dark green beetle wing-covers, small clay birds, feathers and a crucifix.⁠<a id="FNanchor_36_97" href="#Footnote_36_97" class="fnanchor">[36]</a> The shaman, +sitting west of the main fire (behind the usual ceremonial arrows, plumes, tamales, and a pot +of hikuli-liquor) sacrifices water to the six regions with a stick; then, with assistants on +either side who take turns helping him, the shaman sings the mythological songs, unaccompanied +by a drum, and the long dance begins.⁠<a id="FNanchor_37_98" href="#Footnote_37_98" class="fnanchor">[37]</a> Both sexes take part in the dance, “a +quick, jumping walk with frequent jerky turns of the body,” in a circle counter-clockwise +around the shaman and the fire—though the circle tends to an ellipse as they approach +the fetish-animals at the northwest.⁠<a id="FNanchor_38_99" href="#Footnote_38_99" class="fnanchor">[38]</a></p> + +<p>At sunrise of the third and last day comes the corn-roasting ceremony which gives its +name to the entire festival, Rarikira (from raki, “toasted corn”).⁠<a id="FNanchor_39_100" href="#Footnote_39_100" class="fnanchor">[39]</a> The shaman fastens a +plume with a ribbon in the hair of the woman who is to do the toasting and gives her a +coarse straw whisk to stir the corn on her comal, supported on three stones over the fire. +The hikuli-seekers appear with large varicolored ears of corn in their pouches, and after +ceremonial circuits they shell it, sacrificing five grains to the fire. The woman then prepares +the esquite, and all eat this, together with deer meat and broth, thus ending the festivities.⁠<a id="FNanchor_40_101" href="#Footnote_40_101" class="fnanchor">[40]</a></p> + +<p>The Huichol ritual paraphernalia is heavily symbolized. With his eagle and hawk plumes +the singing shaman can see and hear everything anywhere, cure the sick, transform the +dead, and even call down the sun; they symbolize the antlers of deer, and deer-antlers in +turn symbolize peyote and the “chair” of Grandfather Fire. Peyote itself symbolizes both +corn and deer, while the flames of the greatest shaman of all, Grandfather Fire, are his plumes +(the brilliantly-colored macao is his particular bird). Deer-antlers, furthermore, for the +Huichol symbolize arrows,⁠<a id="FNanchor_41_102" href="#Footnote_41_102" class="fnanchor">[41]</a> arrows being the symbol <i>par excellence</i> of prayer. Again, arrows +symbolize a bird flying with outstretched neck, the feathered portion representing the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_33">[33]</span>heart. + The peyote plant, finally, is considered the drinking-bowl of the god of fire and wind.⁠<a id="FNanchor_42_103" href="#Footnote_42_103" class="fnanchor">[42]</a></p> + +<p>This intricate symbolic complex (corn = peyote = drinking-bowl of Grandfather Fire = +god of wind = whirlwind = deer = deer-tracks = peyote = deer-antlers = shaman’s plumes = +deer antlers = chair of Grandfather Fire = flames of fire = brilliant bird [macao] plumes = +flying bird = arrow = prayer for rain, corn and deer-hunting, etc.) is deeply rooted in +Huichol religion, and each one of the symbolic equations has a ritual reflex.⁠<a id="FNanchor_43_104" href="#Footnote_43_104" class="fnanchor">[43]</a></p> + +<h4 id="Tarahumari"><span class="smcap">Tarahumari</span></h4> + +<p>Tarahumari peyotism is on the decline in Samachique, Quírara and Guadalupe, though +still remaining around Narárachic; in Guadalupe the bakánawa cactus is valued instead. +From two or three to a dozen men make the month-long trip to the region around the +mouth of the Rio Conchos at any time of the year, though usually not in the rainy season. +They first purify themselves with copal incense; on the way anything may be eaten, but +in the hikuli country they eat only piñole, and speech is forbidden. Arrived, they erect a +cross near the first plants found, in order to find an abundance of others, and carefully cut +off the tops with wooden sticks to leave the roots uninjured. They sing and eat green +peyote while gathering it and in the evening they dance the dutubúri around the cross +and a fire. The harvesting lasts several days, some taking turns dancing while the others +sleep. Each variety of hikuli is put in a separate bag, for they would fight if mixed.⁠<a id="FNanchor_44_105" href="#Footnote_44_105" class="fnanchor">[44]</a></p> + +<p>The plants are left on a blanket in the mountains near home, and the blood of a slaughtered +sheep or goat is sprinkled on them to “feed” them, with a special song. After drying +they are placed in covered ollas away from the house. The hikuli-seekers are met on their +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_34">[34]</span>return with singing, and a fiesta is held with the sacrificial sheep or goat. The dutubúri +and the hikuli-dance are then danced all night around a large open-air fire, much green +peyote and tesvino being consumed. This ceremony is to “cure” the pilgrims: the shaman’s +necklace of <i>Coix lachryma-Jobi</i> seeds is dipped into a bowl of agua-miel, sotoli, or +mescal, each one receiving a spoonful, while the shaman sings of hikuli standing on a Job’s +Tears seed as big as a mountain.⁠<a id="FNanchor_45_106" href="#Footnote_45_106" class="fnanchor">[45]</a></p> + +<p>Tarahumari hikuli-feasts are held at other times also. The women grind the plants with +water on a metate into a thickish brown liquid. The dancing-patio is carefully swept with +a straw broom and several crosses are planted, and near one of these the peyote is piled with +jars of “tea” and tesvino, baskets of unsalted tamales and bowls of meat and “medicine.” +A large fire is built with logs in an east-west position and hikuli and yumari are danced all +night.⁠<a id="FNanchor_46_107" href="#Footnote_46_107" class="fnanchor">[46]</a></p> + +<p>Near the shaman and his assistants who sit west of the fire is a leaf-covered hole into +which they carefully spit; the olla-cuspidor of the men to one side and the women to the +other is passed around and emptied here also. With a drinking-gourd rim the shaman makes +a circle on the ground and in it the right-angled cross of the world-symbol. Then he inverts +a gourd over a hikuli placed on the cross, as a resonator for his rasp; hikuli enjoys this +music and manifests his strength by the noise produced.⁠<a id="FNanchor_47_108" href="#Footnote_47_108" class="fnanchor">[47]</a> The shaman’s headdress is of +bird-plumes, which prevent the wind from entering and causing illness; through them the +birds impart to him all their wisdom. The assistants, of both sexes, carry incense bowls of +copal, kneeling and crossing themselves at the cross, and then pass out the peyote.⁠<a id="FNanchor_48_109" href="#Footnote_48_109" class="fnanchor">[48]</a></p> + +<p>At times the shaman dances, at times his assistants, and women may dance either +separately or simultaneously with the other men participants. The bare-footed men are +wrapped to the chin in white blankets; the women wear clean skirts and tunics. The +clockwise dancing (with a turn of the body at the shaman’s place) consists in a “peculiar +quick, jumping march, with short steps, the dancers moving forward one after another, on +their toes, and making sharp, jerky movements, without, however, turning around.” The +men have deer-hoof sonajas, and the rasping and singing are continuous save when the +shaman politely excuses himself to the fetish hikuli; others must also ask permission to +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_35">[35]</span>leave the patio. In the intermittent dancing they beat their mouths with the palm imitating +hikuli’s talk, or cry “Hikuli vava! (Hikuli over yonder!)” in shrill falsetto.⁠<a id="FNanchor_49_110" href="#Footnote_49_110" class="fnanchor">[49]</a></p> + +<p>At dawn the dancing stops at three raps on the shaman’s rasp. All rise and gather at +the east cross. Then the shaman, followed by a boy with a gourd of palo hediondo medicine +(ohnoa roots steeped in water), “cures” each one with his rasp wetted in the medicine, as +they cry, “Thank you!” The shaman makes three long raspings with his stick on the +man’s head; its dust is so potent in curing that it is carefully gathered from around the +resonator and preserved in buckskin bags. A spoonful of other medicines is sometimes +swallowed as the shaman blows and makes passes; sometimes tesvino exclusively is used. +Blankets are also smoked with copal now. Then, facing the rising sun, the shaman makes +three raspings at arms’ length, waving home hikuli who had come from the east early in +the morning, riding on green doves, to prevent sorcery in the meeting; now he turns into +a ball and returns, accompanied by the owl. Doctoring of the sick as well as “curing” may +now occur. Then all wash carefully, and after the shaman sacrifices tortillas and tesvino as +they stand in a line facing east, they all participate in a feast.⁠<a id="FNanchor_50_111" href="#Footnote_50_111" class="fnanchor">[50]</a></p> + +<h4 id="Comparison_Mexican"><span class="smcap">Comparison of Mexican Peyote Rituals</span></h4> + +<p>Huichol peyotism is more intricate and important than Tarahumari, though it is seasonal +only and the latter venerated several varieties of cactus. The state of the literature +advises caution, but a far better case could be made for the Huichol as a center of diffusion: +the neighboring Cora, for example, had a vigorous peyote rite, while the Tubar, who share +tesvino and the yohe dance with the Tarahumari and otherwise resemble them culturally, +lack it.⁠<a id="FNanchor_51_112" href="#Footnote_51_112" class="fnanchor">[51]</a> Beals, however, points out that since the Cora-Huichol do not live within the +region of growth of peyote, they must have borrowed it; our sole knowledge of Huichol +peyotism is modern, unfortunately, but the Cora rite is known from 1754. On the whole, +the gaps in our knowledge are too great to discuss possible centers of diffusion of Mexican +peyotism; they may, indeed, lie in the little known area to the northeast.⁠<a id="FNanchor_52_113" href="#Footnote_52_113" class="fnanchor">[52]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_36">[36]</span></p> + +<p>A relatively full account of the Tamaulipecan rite is extant:⁠<a id="FNanchor_53_114" href="#Footnote_53_114" class="fnanchor">[53]</a></p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">One of the Tamaulipecan tribes would usually hold feasts for only those of its own community, +or it would invite some of those that were neighbors and friends. They took place generally by +night. Devoting two or three previous days to the preparation of a sufficient quantity of peyote, and +the gathering of fruits of the season, and in allotting certain fruits of the chase, which, broiled on +the hearth that illuminated the feast, were served at a common banquet. The feast always had +an object among these peoples. With feasts they celebrated the beginning of summer, which was +the season least rigorous for these nude people, or the abundant harvests of corn, or of forest fruits, +or their victory in some attack on their enemies. When these feasts were held for one tribe alone +they took place commonly in the rancherías where they lived permanently. But when one who +was promoting the feast invited some of his neighbors, then he chose an intermediate point between +the two places that they inhabited, and that was picked out generally in the most inaccessible or +hidden places in the mountains. As soon as everything was prepared for the banquet and the +guests had collected, a great bonfire was lighted. They placed around it the fruits of the hunt +prepared before hand. Those that took part in the dance immediately formed a circle around the +fire, and to the measured beats of the drum (the drum was made of an aro of wood over which they +attached the parchment of a deer or a coyote) which, united with the voices, composed the music. +They took part in the dance alternately raising one foot and then the other, or the whole circle +started circling around the fire. During the dance dancers and spectators broke out in discordant +howls, each one reciting in his own strophes, alluding to the cause that was motivating the feast. +Of this versification I have already previously given you an idea: relative to the celebration of some +triumph gained in their skirmishes; and in the same way they directed their phrases to the sun, +to the moon, and to the clouds, when they were enjoying good weather; to the earth and to the rain +when they had an abundance of fruit; and finally to their strength and bravery when they recalled +their hunts in the mountains or their wars. The poetic enthusiasm of the guests became more +animated with the first fumes of the peyote, which, placed on a counter that was improvised on +the trunk of a tree, was served to them by young Indian girls and the old men, and in the same +gourds, jars, or rude baked clay vases. This class of feast always used to end with the complete +drunkenness of all the guests, who, exhausted moreover by the dance, fell asleep around the almost +burnt-out fire. [As previously noted, prophecy was a feature of these rites]. In addition to these +feasts that are called mitotes, they also have other games and recreation during the hours of the +day, such as ball, fighting, and foot-racing; and these games are often that which gives the motive +for their mutual discontent, and sometimes precipitates formal wars among them.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_37">[37]</span></p> + +<p class="noindent">We note in this account the connection of peyote with corn harvests, deer hunting and +war; and dancing, racing and a morning ceremony are also mentioned. Regarding the ball-game:⁠<a id="FNanchor_54_115" href="#Footnote_54_115" class="fnanchor">[54]</a></p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">Among the Acaxee [peyote] was reported to have been placed on one side of a ball ground during +a game; its further use here is unknown, but it is likely that it was taken in small doses by the +players during the game, as is done in the kicking race of the Tarahumare in modern times.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">Chichimecan peyote-eating appears to be connected with war:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">Those that eat it or drink it see frightening and laughable visions. This spree lasts two or three +days and then stops. It is a common food of the Chichimecas, for it stimulates them and it gives +them sufficient spirit to fight and have neither fear, thirst, nor hunger, and they say it guards them +from all danger.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">The Zacatecan use of peyote seems likewise to pertain to war, since they eat it to learn +the outcome of battles. The drugging and ceremonial wounding of the father of a new-born +male child, further, is to augur its valor in war. The Caxcane used peyote ceremonially, +with associations unknown to us, but the Tlaxcaltecan use points again, though +uncertainly, to war. Preuss writes that “the god of the Morning-Star has a close relationship +to this cactus, among the Huichol,” and the Morning Star has definite war associations.⁠<a id="FNanchor_55_116" href="#Footnote_55_116" class="fnanchor">[55]</a></p> + +<p>Dancing is commonly associated with peyotism in the Mexican area, being recorded +for the Comecrudo, Chichimeca, Cora, Huichol, Tamaulipecan, Tarahumari and Lipan.⁠<a id="FNanchor_56_117" href="#Footnote_56_117" class="fnanchor">[56]</a> +Use in ritual racing is known for the Tarahumari, Huichol and Tamaulipecan tribes; and the +Acaxee tied strips of deer-hide or -hooves (the word used means either) on the instep as an +aid in climbing hills—a custom recalling the carrying of hikuli-deer in racing and the +Wichita use of mescal beans. The ritualized journey for peyote is recorded for the Cora, +Huichol, Tarahumari, Tepecano and somewhat doubtfully for the Tlaxcaltecan.⁠<a id="FNanchor_57_118" href="#Footnote_57_118" class="fnanchor">[57]</a></p> + +<p>The ceremonial fire has no definitive association with peyotism in Mexico,⁠<a id="FNanchor_58_119" href="#Footnote_58_119" class="fnanchor">[58]</a> though it +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_38">[38]</span>is a prerequisite of the Plains rite even on the hottest summer nights; nor has the copal +incense of the Huichol and Tarahumari any relation to the Plains use of sage and cedar.⁠<a id="FNanchor_59_120" href="#Footnote_59_120" class="fnanchor">[59]</a> +The corn shuck cigarette among the Huichol and Tarahumari is, furthermore, in a somewhat +different context, though Plains ceremonial cigarettes are certainly Mexico-Southwest +in origin.⁠<a id="FNanchor_60_121" href="#Footnote_60_121" class="fnanchor">[60]</a> The gourd rattle is Mayo, Tarahumari, Gila River Pima, Walapai, Havasupai, +Pueblo, Mescalero, Lipan, Karankawa, Wichita, Seri, Chitimacha, Cherokee, Creek, +Koasati and Yuchi (i.e., southern Mexico, the Southwest, peripheral Plains and Southeast) +and therefore has no special association with peyote, though again, it may be the origin +of the gourd rattle in the central and northern Plains.⁠<a id="FNanchor_61_122" href="#Footnote_61_122" class="fnanchor">[61]</a> Though the staff is a constant feature +in the Plains ceremony, in Mexico⁠<a id="FNanchor_62_123" href="#Footnote_62_123" class="fnanchor">[62]</a> this is decidedly not the case. The shaman’s rasp +among peyote-using tribes is noted only for the Cora, Huichol and Tarahumari—and has +a far wider distribution among non-users of peyote, while being absent in the Plains rite.⁠<a id="FNanchor_63_124" href="#Footnote_63_124" class="fnanchor">[63]</a> +The Tamaulipecan aro with drumhead of coyote- or deer-skin is unlike the peyote drum of +the north, and further, the use of the drum is untypical in the Mexican rite.⁠<a id="FNanchor_64_125" href="#Footnote_64_125" class="fnanchor">[64]</a></p> + +<p>On the other hand, the use of parched corn is more clearly a part of Mexican peyotism, +as is also deer-hunting.⁠<a id="FNanchor_65_126" href="#Footnote_65_126" class="fnanchor">[65]</a> “Plant-worship” is most evident perhaps for the Tarahumari, who +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_39">[39]</span>revere hikuli, bakánawa, mulato, rosapara, sunami, ocoyomi and dekúba; the Tepecano sometimes +substitute marihuana or rosa maria (<i>Cannabis sativa</i>) for peyote in their worship, +and elsewhere other plants are involved.⁠<a id="FNanchor_66_127" href="#Footnote_66_127" class="fnanchor">[66]</a> Birds are a recognizable feature in Mexican +peyotism: the Huichol macao, humming-bird and swift are noted, and the Tarahumari +humming-bird, green dove and owl.⁠<a id="FNanchor_67_128" href="#Footnote_67_128" class="fnanchor">[67]</a></p> + +<p>Bennett and Zingg on the Tarahumari would as well apply to all Mexican peyotism:⁠<a id="FNanchor_68_129" href="#Footnote_68_129" class="fnanchor">[68]</a></p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">... the use of peyote resembles an elaborate curing ceremony rather than a cult. There is nothing +to suggest a society centered around peyote-eating.... The group of peyote-eaters does not involve +any exclusiveness, requirements, or ritual pertaining to individuals. The peyote ceremonies are +not given for the pleasure of eating the plant, but to cure some disease.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">Properly speaking, then, Mexican peyotism is a tribal affair, centering around the shaman, +on whose shoulders rests the whole tribal welfare as involved in abundant corn harvests, +successful deer-hunting, and success in war (which he may prognosticate).⁠<a id="FNanchor_69_130" href="#Footnote_69_130" class="fnanchor">[69]</a> Shamanistic +curing is conspicuous in both Huichol and Tarahumari peyotism. Beals,⁠<a id="FNanchor_70_131" href="#Footnote_70_131" class="fnanchor">[70]</a> writing of northern +Mexico says that</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">the degree of shamanistic influence apparent at present is greater than at some time in the past.... +Possibly the use of peyote also had some influence in extending and reviving shamanistic concepts.... +Visionary experiences reach their highest development ordinarily in religions of the shamanistic +type.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_40">[40]</span></p> + +<p class="noindent">These remarks go far toward explaining the differential diffusion of peyotism. Peyote never +penetrated the Yuman Southwest, perhaps because the <i>dream</i> performed the psychological +function of the peyote vision (which, moreover, was not very significant in Mexico). Again, +the ritual use of peyote failed to penetrate the Pueblo Southwest or the Aztec, both +strongholds of priestly religion; perhaps the stereotyped institutional rituals of these regions +stifled such orgiastic individual emotional experiences as peyote is calculated to induce. +On the other hand, peyotism entered the shamanistic Southwest (the Mescalero) +and one Pueblo, Taos, where the kachina cult was weak, and once it reached the individualistic +vision-valuing Plains, it fairly ran riot.</p> + +<h4 id="Mescalero_Apache"><span class="smcap">Mescalero Apache and Transitional Forms of Ritual</span></h4> + +<p>Peyote came to the Mescalero⁠<a id="FNanchor_71_132" href="#Footnote_71_132" class="fnanchor">[71]</a> about 1870, in the same “general movement which +resulted in its adoption by a large number of the tribes of the United States.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_72_133" href="#Footnote_72_133" class="fnanchor">[72]</a> Like other +Apache ceremonies its origin was attributed to an individual’s encounter with a power, +but the tribe involved was the Tonkawa, Lipan or “Yaqui.” Like the Plains groups, the +Mescalero made a trip south to get peyote,⁠<a id="FNanchor_73_134" href="#Footnote_73_134" class="fnanchor">[73]</a> which was kept by the shaman for ceremonial +use only, lest private individual users who did not “know” and have the right to use the +power go mad. The primary purpose of meetings was for doctoring,⁠<a id="FNanchor_74_135" href="#Footnote_74_135" class="fnanchor">[74]</a> though “occasionally +a peyote meeting was called for some other purpose—for peyote, like other sources of +supernatural power, was believed to be efficacious for locating the enemy, finding lost objects, +foretelling the results of a venture, etc.”</p> + +<p>The news that a peyote shaman is conducting a meeting for a sick person spreads +rapidly, and all who are to attend bathe at noon of the appointed day.⁠<a id="FNanchor_75_136" href="#Footnote_75_136" class="fnanchor">[75]</a> At nightfall they +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_41">[41]</span>enter the tipi, where the peyote chief is sitting west of the fire facing the door, with a +gourd rattle in one hand and an incised wooden staff in the other.⁠<a id="FNanchor_76_137" href="#Footnote_76_137" class="fnanchor">[76]</a> The staff is his protection +against witchcraft, and he “sings to it”; he exchanges the gourd for the drum of his +assistant, but retains the staff in his left hand. In front of him on an eagle feather or piece +of buckskin lies the large talismanic “chief peyote” or “Old Man Peyote.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_77_138" href="#Footnote_77_138" class="fnanchor">[77]</a></p> + +<p>He is assisted by a door-keeper and a fire-tender, who builds a crescent mound of earth +around the fire-pit with the horns east, and keeps the fire going all night.⁠<a id="FNanchor_78_139" href="#Footnote_78_139" class="fnanchor">[78]</a> Once having +entered, one is not supposed to leave the tipi until morning save briefly, taking one of the +eagle feathers lying on either side of the door, and replacing it as soon as possible. The +peyote,⁠<a id="FNanchor_79_140" href="#Footnote_79_140" class="fnanchor">[79]</a> in a sack or on a woven tray, is first eaten by the peyote chief, who then administers +their first buttons to novices, using two eagle-tail feathers as a spoon, with three +ritual feints, after which these “fly” into their mouths. Then after smoking⁠<a id="FNanchor_80_141" href="#Footnote_80_141" class="fnanchor">[80]</a> the peyote is +passed around by the assistants as the leader prays. Beginning at the southeast the drum is +passed clockwise as each person sings four songs, his own ceremonial songs or songs received +in visions, while the leader or his assistants shakes the rattle. The leader sings most +of the songs.</p> + +<p>There was a mild bias against women⁠<a id="FNanchor_81_142" href="#Footnote_81_142" class="fnanchor">[81]</a> among the Mescalero; they received medicine +power, but could not become a peyote chief, because the responsibilities of the office were +too great—for a leader must prevent anything happening between even the greatest of rival +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_42">[42]</span>shamans in meetings.⁠<a id="FNanchor_82_143" href="#Footnote_82_143" class="fnanchor">[82]</a> + In this he was aided by the chief peyote which “he frequently +consulted ... to ascertain whether anything were amiss; any evil thoughts or efforts at +witchcraft were said to ‘show’ on this ‘chief peyote’.” A favorite device of witches to +weaken the leader was to make his assistants vomit the peyote.</p> + +<p>Peyotism was readily accepted by the Mescalero, in whose older culture were patterns +of receiving supernatural power from animals, etc. Indeed, Opler calls the Mescalero</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">a tribe of shamans, active or potentially active [and peyote became another among many sources of +power for them]. It will be readily grasped, however, that since peyote leadership and the conduct +of peyote rites were open to any one who claimed a supernatural experience with the plant, +since, in other words, an individualistic, shamanistic premise underlay the utilization of peyote +for religious purposes, centralized leadership and definite organization could not be achieved. +The Mescalero use of peyote never developed into a cult or society with a regular membership and +place of meeting, with officers and principals selected or agreeable to the entire body of devotees ... +[even with the] emphasis on curative rites....</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">This, in Mexico, made the rite tend to be tribal in character, the shaman quasi-priest. +Mescalero peyotism, therefore, is truly transitional between the Mexican all-inclusive rite +of <i>tribal</i> cure and the individualistic Plains <i>societal</i> ceremony; no equilibrium was permanently +reached between the two, and Opler adduces abundant evidence of the <i>rival</i> nature +of peyotism among competing shamans.⁠<a id="FNanchor_83_144" href="#Footnote_83_144" class="fnanchor">[83]</a> The concept was that everyone was to get in +rapport with his power(s) via peyote, with the peyote shaman, however, remaining the +figurehead leader—a multiple “working together” of powers, peyote being the power +<i>par excellence</i> that worked with other powers. The Mescalero, then, attempted to force +the physiologically somewhat refractory individual peyote experience into the shamanistic +mold. The leader remained the arbiter and mediator, and held special symbols of authority, +the staff and the rattle, to compensate for his real loss of status as cynosure, when participants +in the curing rite were enlarged beyond the patient and his relatives.</p> + +<p>Notable is the lack of Christian elements in Mescalero peyotism, in contrast with some +Plains groups; indeed, “far from becoming a weakened and Christianized version of native +beliefs, the Mescalero Apache acceptance of peyote resulted instead in an intensification of +the aboriginal religious values at many points.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_84_145" href="#Footnote_84_145" class="fnanchor">[84]</a> On the other hand, when we recalled the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_43">[43]</span>history of their relations with Whites and such psychologically similar cults as the Ghost +Dance of the Plateau, Great Basin and Plains, it is somewhat surprising that a warlike and +predatory group like the Mescalero did not associate peyote and anti-White feeling. Opler +has recorded a Tonkawa peyote ceremony with clear anti-White features; but the Mescalero +had an aboriginal ceremony before peyote whose function was the consternation and defeat +of enemies, and this, directed toward the whites, usurped the function of ritual opposition +through peyote.⁠<a id="FNanchor_85_146" href="#Footnote_85_146" class="fnanchor">[85]</a></p> + +<h4 id="Kiowa-Comanche"><span class="smcap">Kiowa-Comanche Type Rite</span></h4> + +<p>Aside from the John Wilson, John Rave, and Church of the First-born variants, the +basic Plains ceremony is remarkably homogeneous in various tribes. Since the Kiowa and +the Comanche, historically considered, were the center of this diffusion,⁠<a id="FNanchor_86_147" href="#Footnote_86_147" class="fnanchor">[86]</a> in the interests +of economy we choose their ceremony to detail as the “Plains type-rite.” In the following +account care is taken that every statement be specifically true of the Kiowa and at the same +time representative of the Plains; minor Comanche differences are shown in footnotes.</p> + +<p>Living beyond the habitat of peyote, all Plains tribes have to make pilgrimages for it or +buy it. The journey is not ritualized, but there is a modest ceremony at the site: on finding +the first plant, a Kiowa pilgrim sits west of it, rolls a cornshuck cigarette and prays, “I +have found you, now open up, show me where the rest of you are;⁠<a id="FNanchor_87_148" href="#Footnote_87_148" class="fnanchor">[87]</a> I want to use you to +pray for the health of my people.” He sings and eats green plants while harvesting them; +only the tops are taken, that the root may regenerate buds, a fine large one being saved as +a “father peyote” for meetings later.⁠<a id="FNanchor_88_149" href="#Footnote_88_149" class="fnanchor">[88]</a></p> + +<p>Many groups, like the Kiowa, “vow” meetings as in the Sun Dance. They may be held +in gratitude for recovery from illness, on a child’s first four birthdays, for doctoring the +sick, to pray for the successful delivery of a child, or for the health of the participants in +general. Present too is the possibility of instruction and power through a peyote vision; +in the Plains this is the primary motive, with doctoring second. In the last twenty years +“holiday meetings” have been introduced.⁠<a id="FNanchor_89_150" href="#Footnote_89_150" class="fnanchor">[89]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_44">[44]</span></p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp97" id="figure1" style="max-width: 43.75em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/figure1.jpg" alt=""> + <figcaption> + <p>Fig. 1. Arrangement of interior of tipi for peyote meeting. a, Kiowa “standard” peyote meeting; + b, Comanche horseshoe moon variant.</p> + </figcaption> +</figure> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_45">[45]</span></p> + +<p>In preparation, the Kiowa commonly take a sweatbath.⁠<a id="FNanchor_90_151" href="#Footnote_90_151" class="fnanchor">[90]</a> In the old days buckskin dress +was prescribed, but nowadays a “blanket” or folded sheet for men and a shawl for women +satisfies this requirement; buckskin moccasins are more comfortable than stiff-soled shoes +during a night spent sitting cross-legged. Older men still paint for meetings; one leader +for example had a yellow hair-part with a short red forehead line perpendicular to this, +vertical red lines in front of the ears, and yellow around the eyes.⁠<a id="FNanchor_91_152" href="#Footnote_91_152" class="fnanchor">[91]</a></p> + +<p>The sponsor selects his leader (ᴅωλḱi) or himself acts as one; a leader usually has his +own drummer (o’ᴅ’asodeḱi) and fireman (ɢ’iɢ’uḱi), and some a “cedar man” also. The +sponsor’s womenfolk erect the tipi, prepare and bring the food and water the next morning. +The floor is carefully cleaned and plumes of sagebrush are spread around the inside of the +tipi, as in a sweat-lodge, for a seat. The sponsor stands the cost of the meeting (from twenty-five +to fifty dollars), or others may help in paying; he also supplies the peyote or pays the +leader for it, but communicants often bring their own buttons also.</p> + +<p>The leader supplies the paraphernalia: the staff (ᴅo’ᴅę́ä, “brace-to hold-stick”) of bois +d’arc, the gourd rattle, eagle wing-bone whistle, cedar incense, altar cloth, drum, and perhaps +his personal “feathers” for doctoring. The drum (ᴅωä´ᴅω or ʙώλkωᴅωä`ᴅω) is a No. 6 +cast-iron three-legged trade-kettle with the bail-ears filed off. The buckskin head is well +soaked and tied over the kettle, a third- or half-filled with water into which ten or a dozen +live coals (and sometimes herb-perfumes) have been dropped; the Kiowa say the drum represents +thunder, the water in it rain, and the coals lightning. Seven marbles are put under +the buckskin around the outside kettle rim to serve as bosses for the thong wound once-and-a-half +times round them; the same thong is passed through each loop and laced criss-cross +seven times under the kettle, unknotted, to tighten the head and form on the bottom the +seven-pointed “Morning Star.” The single drumstick (ʙωλkωtωn) is straight, carved, +beaded, and embellished with a buckskin tassel or fringe on the handle end. The gourd-handle +is also beaded and fringed, and tufted with red horse-hair (ɢuλks’ǫgʸä) at the top +end passing through the gourd, the neck of which is plugged with half a spool; the gourd +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_46">[46]</span>itself may be covered with texts or symbolical drawings.⁠<a id="FNanchor_92_153" href="#Footnote_92_153" class="fnanchor">[92]</a> + Participants are free after midnight +to use the cult drumstick and gourd or their individual ones as they choose. Formerly +“only the leader brought in the medicine fan with him, but now many young men bring +them in who have no special business to.” These have a beaded and fringed cylindrical +handle, with feathers loosely supported in individual buckskin sockets sewed around the +shafts; often they are notched, tipped with horse-hair, or down feathers are added at the +base—as individual “visions” dictate. The leader also supplies the fetish “father peyote,” +but no Bible is used in the Kiowa or usual Plains ceremony.⁠<a id="FNanchor_93_154" href="#Footnote_93_154" class="fnanchor">[93]</a> Formerly only old men and +warriors attended meetings, but now women and girls over thirteen come in, when not +menstruating, though they may not sing the songs or use the paraphernalia.⁠<a id="FNanchor_94_155" href="#Footnote_94_155" class="fnanchor">[94]</a></p> + +<p>The tipi is entered any time after nightfall, with a preliminary clockwise circuit outside +as in the sweatbath (all circuits inside must be clockwise also). Sometimes several +line up behind the leader, who prays briefly: “I am going into my place of worship. Be with +us tonight.” Entrance however is often informal and made one by one, before the leader +comes in with his rattle and staff in one hand, and his paraphernalia-satchel⁠<a id="FNanchor_95_156" href="#Footnote_95_156" class="fnanchor">[95]</a> in the other; +he sits west of the fire, which has been started by the fireman, north of the door, who comes +in first of all. His drummer is south of him, to his right, his cedar-man (if there is one) north +and left. Others enter and informally take places, but after he is seated they kneel on the +right knee at the door for a moment, looking to him for permission to enter and be assigned +a place; the sponsor meanwhile may call out, “Come in! So-and-so,” to these, informally +welcoming them. A tipi some twenty-five feet in diameter seats thirty people comfortably. +In summer the sides are raised to allow a breeze to blow through.</p> + +<p>At the west center, horns to the east, is the crescent altar⁠<a id="FNanchor_96_157" href="#Footnote_96_157" class="fnanchor">[96]</a> (piέtᴅω) with a groove or +“path” (ɢ’ωmhoṇ) along it from horn to horn, interrupted by a flat space in the center +where the “father peyote” is later to rest on sprigs of sage. The “path” symbolizes man’s +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_47">[47]</span>path from birth (southern tip) to the crest of maturity and knowledge (at the place of the +peyote) and thence downward again to the ground through old age to death (northern tip). +The crescent, carefully shaped beforehand by the fireman out of clayey earth, also represents +the mountain range of the origin story where sęmąyi or “Peyote Woman” first discovered +the plant. East of it in a shelving depression is a fire, constantly mended by the +“fire-chief” during the night to keep it in a worm-fence arrangement, the closest approximation +to the ritual crescent-shape possible with straight sticks. The accumulating ashes +are shaped with great care into another crescent between fire and altar. A “smokestick”⁠<a id="FNanchor_97_158" href="#Footnote_97_158" class="fnanchor">[97]</a> +is kept smoldering in an east-west position close to the fire to light all cigarettes.</p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="figure2" style="max-width: 37.5em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/figure2.jpg" alt=""> + <figcaption> + <p>Fig. 2. Peyote paraphernalia. <i>Left to right</i>, Mescal bean necklace; “peyote” necktie from a strip of trade-blanket + with selvage stripes, and bead-work representing peyote buttons; beaded and fringed pheasant feather + fan; black velvet, gold-fringed altar cloth; smokestick carved with water bird, etc., eagle bone whistle; drumstick; + peyote buttons; corn husk cigarette “papers”; bundle of sage plumes; pile of powdered cedar incense; + a beaded, fringed, and carved drumstick; mescal bean necklace.</p> + </figcaption> +</figure> + +<p>All seated, the leader places the father peyote on the sage sprigs, orienting it by the +thorn or mark made when he cut it.⁠<a id="FNanchor_98_159" href="#Footnote_98_159" class="fnanchor">[98]</a> After this the ceremony is considered begun, all +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_48">[48]</span>informal talking and joking ceases, and others entering are late-comers. Everyone begins to +stare at the fetish peyote and the flickering fire.⁠<a id="FNanchor_99_160" href="#Footnote_99_160" class="fnanchor">[99]</a> Then the leader leans his eagle-humerus +whistle against the west outside of the moon, mouth end up, takes out his cedar incense +bag, gourd, tobacco, etc., and arranges them conveniently near him.</p> + +<p>The first ceremony is smoking or praying together. The leader makes himself a cigarette +of Bull Durham with corn husk “papers” dried and cut to shape, and passes the makings +clockwise to the rest, including women.⁠<a id="FNanchor_100_161" href="#Footnote_100_161" class="fnanchor">[100]</a> His own made, the fireman presents the smokestick +to the leader (who may first offer it courteously to his drummer) and this too is passed +to the left. While all smoke, the leader prays: “beha´be sęį´ᴅɔki (smoke, peyote power). +Be with us when we pray tonight. Tell your father to look at us and listen to our prayers.” +He holds his cigarette mouth end toward the peyote and motions upward that it may smoke +as he prays:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">We are just beginning our prayer meeting. We want you to be with us tonight and help us. We +want no one to be sick at this meeting from eating peyote. I will pause again at midnight to +pray to you. I will pause again in the morning to pray to you. [Then he prays for the person +who is sick or whose birthday the meeting celebrates or for relatives and participants.] If there +are any rules connected with you, peyote, that we don’t know of, forgive us if we should break +them, as we are ignorant.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">All pray silently to ᴅómᴅɔki, “earth-creator” or “earth-lord,” and older men may add their +prayers aloud after the leader. Then, following the leader, all snuff their cigarettes in the +ground and place them on the west curve of the altar, outside, or at either horn; the fireman +may gather those of women, old people or visitors.</p> + +<p>The incense-blessing ceremony immediately follows. The leader (or his “cedar-man”) +sprinkles some dried and rubbed cedar on the fire; then he makes four clockwise motions of +the peyote bag toward the fire, takes out four buttons and passes the bag. Kneeling on +both knees, he reaches down beneath the hides or blankets of the seat, and bruises a tuft +of sage between his palms, and smelling it with deep inhalations, rubs his hands over and +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_49">[49]</span>down his head, breast, shoulders and arms, with outward downward movements, ending +with the thighs. Though the peyote may not yet have reached them, the others follow suit, +reaching out their palms to absorb the blessing of the incense and rubbing themselves.</p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp75" id="figure3" style="max-width: 12.5em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/figure3.jpg" alt=""> + <figcaption> + <p>Fig. 3. Peyote drum with lashing around bosses.</p> + </figcaption> +</figure> + +<p>This done, all eat⁠<a id="FNanchor_101_162" href="#Footnote_101_162" class="fnanchor">[101]</a> their peyote, to the accompaniment of much spitting out of the +woolly center of the buttons; hereafter during the night in the intermissions of singing, +anyone can call for the peyote bag (the incense burning may or may not be repeated). Then +more cedar is sprinkled on the fire and the leader makes four motions with the staff in his +left hand and the rattle in his right toward the rising incense smoke.⁠<a id="FNanchor_102_163" href="#Footnote_102_163" class="fnanchor">[102]</a> The drummer motions +similarly with the drumstick, pulling smoke from the fire to the drum. The leader takes a +bunch of sagebrush from between the tipi-cover and pole behind him (previously prepared +by the fireman), holds it with his staff and the singing begins.⁠<a id="FNanchor_103_164" href="#Footnote_103_164" class="fnanchor">[103]</a> The drummer shifts his +left thumb over the drumhead or sloshes the water inside on it or blows on it to get the +proper tension and tone, then the leader holds his staff and sage at arm’s length between +himself and the fire and rattles for the Hayätinayo or Opening Song.⁠<a id="FNanchor_104_165" href="#Footnote_104_165" class="fnanchor">[104]</a> The leader exchanges +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_50">[50]</span>his staff and rattle for the drum the latter always passing <i>under</i> + the staff,⁠<a id="FNanchor_105_166" href="#Footnote_105_166" class="fnanchor">[105]</a> and the drummer +sings four songs of his own choosing. The paraphernalia, staff preceding drum, are +then passed to the left; each man sings to the drumming of the man on his right, and then +himself drums for the man on his left.⁠<a id="FNanchor_106_167" href="#Footnote_106_167" class="fnanchor">[106]</a> This singing, rattling, and drumming forms the +bulk of the ceremony during the night. At intervals older men pray aloud, with affecting +sincerity, often with tears running down their cheeks, their voices choked with emotion, +and their bodies swaying with earnestness as they gesture and stretch out their arms to +invoke the aid of Peyote. The tone is of a poor and pitiful person humbly asking the aid and +pity of a great power, and absolutely no shame whatever is felt by anyone when a grown +man breaks down into loud sobbing during his prayer.⁠<a id="FNanchor_107_168" href="#Footnote_107_168" class="fnanchor">[107]</a></p> + +<p>About midnight the leader announces that he is going to put incense on the fire after +the next four songs, and when he does, everyone blesses himself in the smoke. The announcement +gives the fireman time to mend the fire and build up the ash moon⁠<a id="FNanchor_108_169" href="#Footnote_108_169" class="fnanchor">[108]</a> and sweep +the cigarette butts into the fire. If the paraphernalia are north of the door they are passed +backwards to the leader drum first, if at the south (i.e. past the door) clockwise and staff +first as usual. Smoking stops, and the leader, to the drumming of his assistant, sings the +Midnight Song.⁠<a id="FNanchor_109_170" href="#Footnote_109_170" class="fnanchor">[109]</a> When the first of the four is finished, the fireman (sometimes given a +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_51">[51]</span>feather for this errand by the leader) leaves, gets a bucket of water, returns, sets it in front +of the fire and unfolds a blanket on which he sits in line with it facing west. The leader, +finishing the second song, blows four increasingly loud blasts on the eagle wing-bone whistle +(to imitate the water bird) then replaces it by the peyote and sings the last two songs. +While his assistant holds the staff and gourd, he spreads an altar cloth just west of the fetish, +and places on this the staff, gourd, sage and his fan, together with the “feathers” of communicants +passed to him for this purpose; the drum is to the south of this, the drumstick, +etc., on the cloth.</p> + +<p>After cedar-incensing, the fireman makes a smoke, puffs four times and prays, thanking +those responsible for the honor of being chosen fire-chief, and praying for the leader and +his family, the sick and the absent. Next the leader prays, then the drummer, using the +same cigarette, and to complete the figure of a cross, the man to the north or “cedar-man” +prays. When the butt is placed by the altar, the fireman makes a circuit of the altar and +passes the bucket to the man south of the door. Quiet conversation is permitted in the +somewhat informal drinking period.⁠<a id="FNanchor_110_171" href="#Footnote_110_171" class="fnanchor">[110]</a> When the fireman has drunk, the leader passes back +the fans and the paraphernalia to where the singing had been interrupted, and leaves the +tipi. He goes about thirty feet east of the tipi, whistles four times and prays, repeating this +at the south, west and north.⁠<a id="FNanchor_111_172" href="#Footnote_111_172" class="fnanchor">[111]</a> When four songs are completed, he returns, blessing himself +in the incense smoke which the drummer throws on the fire.⁠<a id="FNanchor_112_173" href="#Footnote_112_173" class="fnanchor">[112]</a> Now is the preferred +time to leave the tipi and stretch cramped legs. Singing continues as before until dawn.</p> + +<p>As the first grey light appears, the leader tells the fireman to waken or notify the woman +who is to bring the water (she has no special seat, if she has attended the meeting). The +fireman always brings the midnight water, a woman that at dawn.⁠<a id="FNanchor_113_174" href="#Footnote_113_174" class="fnanchor">[113]</a> The leader whistles +four times, even in the middle of a song, when the fireman tells him she has arrived outside. +When the singer finishes his four songs, the leader calls for the paraphernalia and sings the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_52">[52]</span>four Morning Songs; after the first of these the woman enters, arranges a blanket and sits +as did the fireman. Finishing the three remaining songs, the leader calls for feathers and +spreads them with the paraphernalia on the altar cloth, as at midnight. A smoke is made for +the woman, who thereupon prays, after which the leader and his assistants smoke it. Doctoring⁠<a id="FNanchor_114_175" href="#Footnote_114_175" class="fnanchor">[114]</a> +is best done at this time; the leader may do this, or he may ask an older man to +fan the patient with consecrated feathers from the altar cloth.</p> + +<p>Then the fireman spills a little water before the fire, the woman drinks, and the bucket +moves clockwise as before from south of the door. The woman makes a circuit of the altar, +picks up her blanket and takes the bucket out. The feathers are passed out again, and the +paraphernalia returned to the place of the next singers in the circle (because of such ritual +interruptions, praying, passing of peyote, etc., a complete round of the drum requires two +or three hours).</p> + +<p>While waiting for the ritual breakfast, the meeting is again somewhat informal. Several +women may leave to help the water-woman prepare the food, and younger men may go +outside for a stroll and a secular smoke. Old men often lecture younger members on behavior +at this time, “preaching” directly to a relative, and more indirectly to others.⁠<a id="FNanchor_115_176" href="#Footnote_115_176" class="fnanchor">[115]</a> When he +has finished another old man may exhort: “You must do as that old man has said. He’s had +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_53">[53]</span>experience. What he’s telling you is good.” At this time too visitors are given opportunity +to express gratitude for the hospitality of their host, who in turn thanks them for coming.</p> + +<p>When the food arrives outside, the fireman notifies the leader, who calls for the paraphernalia +and sings four songs, the last of which is the Quitting Song. The food meanwhile +is passed in and placed in line with the father-peyote and fire, west-to-east thus: water, +parched corn in syrup, fruit and meat.⁠<a id="FNanchor_116_177" href="#Footnote_116_177" class="fnanchor">[116]</a> No one sits east of it as in the water ceremonies. +The four songs completed, the leader tells the drummer to unlace the drum, and all the +paraphernalia are passed around (between the food and the fire at the east) for everyone +to handle,⁠<a id="FNanchor_117_178" href="#Footnote_117_178" class="fnanchor">[117]</a> as an older woman (“because food is their life-work”) or a Ten-Medicine keeper, +who typically functions at such Kiowa group-prayers, asks a blessing. The leader then +removes the father peyote from the altar, and when he puts it in his satchel with the rest +of the paraphernalia the meeting is ended.</p> + +<p>Complete social informality now reigns as the food is passed to the man south of the +door and thence clockwise. Much joking⁠<a id="FNanchor_118_179" href="#Footnote_118_179" class="fnanchor">[118]</a> goes on during this meal, which has none of the +seriousness of the Christian partaking of the Host. When the fireman has finished eating, +at the leader’s instruction, he leads the line out of the tipi.⁠<a id="FNanchor_119_180" href="#Footnote_119_180" class="fnanchor">[119]</a> The tipi may be taken down +immediately, or moved bodily a little, but the older men drift back into its shade and lie +around talking and exchanging peyote experiences.⁠<a id="FNanchor_120_181" href="#Footnote_120_181" class="fnanchor">[120]</a> As meetings are ordinarily held on +Saturday nights, Sunday forenoon is free for such visiting, talking and dozing under arbors. +Nearly everyone stays for a secular dinner at noon, and they take home what they cannot +eat; sometimes other guests come who have not attended the meeting.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_54">[54]</span></p> + +<h4 id="Comparison"><span class="smcap">Comparison of Mexican, Transitional, and Plains Peyotism</span></h4> + +<p>Having now characterized the Huichol-Tarahumari type-rite for Mexico, the Lipan-Mescalero +for the transitional nomad Southwest, and the Kiowa-Comanche as the historical +prototype for the Plains, we may attempt a comparison and contrasting of them.</p> + +<p>In Mexico as a whole “curing” is perhaps the most salient characteristic, while both +curing and doctoring are conspicuous in Mescalero. In the Plains, while doctoring is an +important feature it is by no means indispensable.⁠<a id="FNanchor_121_182" href="#Footnote_121_182" class="fnanchor">[121]</a> Peyotism in Mexico, therefore, has +a tribal character, while in Mescalero the ceremony is a <i>forum for rival shamans</i>—a trait +not altogether absent in early Plains rites—and in the Plains peyotism has a societal nature. +These facts have an important bearing on the cultural manifestations of the physiological +action of peyote. In Mexico visions are turned to the uses of prophecy;⁠<a id="FNanchor_122_183" href="#Footnote_122_183" class="fnanchor">[122]</a> in Mescalero +they enable a shaman to detect rival witchcraft; while in the Plains, visions are a source +of individual power. These categories should not be made too rigid, however, for clairvoyance, +if not prophecy, as well as witchcraft anxiety are known for early Plains peyotism, +and on the other hand, peyote medicine-power is a source of Mescalero shamanistic rivalry. +Yet as indications of relative emphasis these statements might be allowed to stand.</p> + +<p>The Mexican symbolisms point to an association with hunting, agriculture and gathering +activities, and the typical anxiety expressed in the religion is the desire for rain. In +Mescalero, peyote is the focal point for the warfare of antagonistic powers, and expresses +the mutual suspicion of formerly small local groups; the intense and ever-present anxiety is +the fear of aggression and reprisal by witchcraft. In the early Plains peyote ceremonies, +associations with warfare were prominent (influenced no doubt by a forerunner of peyotism +there, the mescal bean ceremonialism), though in later times this element had become so +nearly absent that Mooney could point quite properly to the “international” character of +the cult in his time.⁠<a id="FNanchor_123_184" href="#Footnote_123_184" class="fnanchor">[123]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_55">[55]</span></p> + +<p>Areal contrasts in minor points are no less striking. Dancing was conspicuous in Mexico, +less important transitionally, and on the whole lacking in the Plains. Painting of a symbolic +nature was ritually significant in Mexico; in the Plains individual styles were dictated by +peyote visions. Peyotism in Mexico is a seasonal matter, but in the Plains the rite occurs +the year around (in the south the trip for peyote may have been associated more with the +ritual salt pilgrimage, in the north with the ritualized war journeys; parallels are also suggested +in the Maricopa ritualized mountain-sheep hunting and Navaho deer hunting).</p> + +<p>In Mexico peyote was a tribal affair and women participated on equal terms with the +men in dancing, etc. In Mescalero, women were excluded from meetings, as in the Plains +also originally. The rite was held principally outdoors in Mexico, and in a tipi transitionally +and in the Plains—a patio arrangement in Mexico, and an altar centering around the “moon” +in the Plains. Ritual racing and ball games⁠<a id="FNanchor_124_185" href="#Footnote_124_185" class="fnanchor">[124]</a> are part of Mexican peyotism, but not elsewhere. +Smoking is inconspicuous in Mexico, but in the Plains it has been important enough +to involve church schisms.⁠<a id="FNanchor_125_186" href="#Footnote_125_186" class="fnanchor">[125]</a> Huichol peyote had no drum, though elsewhere in Mexico +a wooden drum was used, while in the Plains the water-drum (intrusive from the Southwest) +is universal. The rasp is Mexican, but the Plains rite has the gourd rattle and eagle +wing-bone whistle in addition to the drum. The “staff” is a special problem in the Plains.</p> + +<p>The Huichol and Tarahumari have a squirrel fetish in addition to the fetish plant; the +Plains have only the latter. Ceremonial drunkenness with tesvino, etc., is an integral part +of Mexican “curing”; in the Plains peyote and alcohol are so far mutually exclusive that +the familiar propaganda calls the first a specific against the second. The alleged aphrodisiac +virtue of peyote is a Mexican belief; but curiously enough in Mexico, where many “peyotes” +were said by natives to be aphrodisiac, Lumholtz pronounced <i>Lophophora williamsii</i> +definitely anaphrodisiac; while in the Plains, where the natives most strenuously deny +this virtue for peyote, enemies of the cult most consistently claim that it produces aphrodisiac +orgies.⁠<a id="FNanchor_126_187" href="#Footnote_126_187" class="fnanchor">[126]</a></p> + +<p>In Mexico the shaman alone sings, though his assistants may “spell” him; in the Plains +all male participants drum and rattle. In Mescalero, though the drum circles the tipi, the +staff and gourd remain with the leader. Finally, Mexican and Mescalero peyotism are almost +wholly free of Christian elements; so too were the early Plains rites diffusing from +the Kiowa-Comanche, though in the John Wilson rite, the Oto Church of the First-born +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_56">[56]</span>(and its successor, the Native American Church) and the Winnebago Rave-Hensley variant, +Christian symbolism and interpretations are frequent.</p> + +<p>Common elements are numerous: the ceremonial trip for peyote (more elaborate in +Mexico, to be sure), the meeting held at night, the fetish peyote, the use of feathers and +the abundance of symbolisms connected with birds, the ritual circuit, ceremonial fire and +incensing, water ceremonies, the “Peyote Woman,” morning “baptism” or “curing” rites, +“talking” peyote, abstinence from salt, ritual breakfast, singing, tobacco ceremonials, public +confession of sins, Morning Star symbolisms, and (for northern Mexico) the crescent moon⁠<a id="FNanchor_127_188" href="#Footnote_127_188" class="fnanchor">[127]</a> +altar. The fear of being blinded by the peyote-fuzz is Mescalero, Lipan and Plains, and the +water-drum is shared by both non-peyote Southwestern groups and those of the Plains who +have the peyote rite. The use of parched corn in sugar water, boneless, sweetened meat and +fruit for the “peyote breakfast” may be regarded as universal for peyotism, wherever found.</p> + +<div class="footnotes"> + +<h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_1_62" href="#FNanchor_1_62" class="label">[1]</a> Rouhier (<i>Monographie</i>, 91, n. 1) argues immense antiquity for peyotism, <i>circa</i> + 300 years B.C., among +the Chichimeca on quasi-historical grounds. Our knowledge of peyote from Spanish documents goes back to the +sixteenth century in Mexico. A manuscript in the Library of Congress reports the trial of a Taos Indian, February +3-8, 1719, for having “taken peyote and disturbed the town” (cf. Twitchell, <i>Spanish Archives</i>, 2:188). +See Bandelier, <i>Manuscript</i>; Mooney, <i>Tarumari-Guayachic</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_2_63" href="#FNanchor_2_63" class="label">[2]</a> Adapted from Lewin, <i>Phantastica</i>, 96, and Nicolás de León in Brinton, <i>Nagualism</i>, 6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_3_64" href="#FNanchor_3_64" class="label">[3]</a> Hernandez, <i>De Historia Plantarum</i>, 3:70.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_4_65" href="#FNanchor_4_65" class="label">[4]</a> Arlegui, <i>Crónica</i>, 2:154-55 in Urbina, <i>El Peyote y el Ololiuhqui</i>, 26.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_5_66" href="#FNanchor_5_66" class="label">[5]</a> Prieto, <i>Historia y Estadistica</i>, 123-24, in Mooney, <i>Peyote Notebook</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_6_67" href="#FNanchor_6_67" class="label">[6]</a> Alarcón, <i>Tratado de los supersticiones</i>, 195.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_7_68" href="#FNanchor_7_68" class="label">[7]</a> Lindquist, <i>The Red Man</i>, + 70-71, is in error in stating that the Zuñi use peyote for religious purposes; +moreover the document of 1720 cited refers to Taos, not Zuñi. Mr. An-che Li assures me that the Zuñi lack +peyote even today. Lindquist has evidently confused peyote with datura; see for example Safford, <i>Narcotic +Plants</i>, 405, 406. Still other plants, e.g., datura, cohoba snuff, coca, yahé, aya-huasca, etc., were used in Middle +America as prophetic aids; see for example Safford, <i>op. cit.</i>, 393; Gayton, <i>Narcotic Plant Datura</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_8_69" href="#FNanchor_8_69" class="label">[8]</a> Bennett and Zingg (<i>The Tarahumara</i>, + 135) write that “in a culture where animals are thought to talk and +cattle are supposed to warn their masters of impending drought or plague, it is not surprising that plants also +are imbued with personality and harmful or helpful attributes. The small ball of cacti is especially revered by +the Tarahumara.” Some <i>Mammillaria</i> spp. have a striking resemblance to a head of hair; one figured in Higgins +with flowing white “hair” is called “Old Man Cactus”; again, natives have an intense fear of even touching +these plants—an attitude recalling the Pima belief that even one drop of Apache blood falling on a person would +make him ill (Hrdlička, <i>Physiological and Medical Observations</i>, 243). In this connection it is interesting to note +that Spier has collected evidence bearing on the magical use of enemies’ scalps. The magical malevolence of the +enemy or his scalp is cited (<i>Warfare</i>) for the Maricopa, Yuman and Piman groups, Navaho, Jicarilla, and Pueblo. +The Yumans and Pimans required stringent purification from contact with the enemy or his scalp; the Pimans, +again, along with the Navaho and Pueblos turned this power to account in curing and rain-bringing. Spier states +that for the Pima-Papago the scalp is turned into an ally against the enemy, and made a specific prophylactic +against such enemy-engendered dangers as paralysis, swooning at the sight of blood or a violent death; the +Maricopa, indeed, convert a scalp into one of themselves, much as a captive is ceremonially converted and +purified. Further still, according to Spier, the Maricopa and Yumans received prophetic foreknowledge of the +enemy from these scalps, which therefore they carried with them to war. Still more strikingly, scalps are thought +to laugh and cry and babble incessantly, much as the noisily talkative peyote plant is supposed to do.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_9_70" href="#FNanchor_9_70" class="label">[9]</a> Lumholtz, <i>Tarahumari Dances</i>, 452; also <i>Unknown Mexico</i>, 1:372-74.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_10_71" href="#FNanchor_10_71" class="label">[10]</a> Spier (<i>Warfare</i>) writes that “Clairvoyance on the part of the shaman who accompanied a war party is +noted for Maricopa, Yuma, Pima, and Papago [as well as] in the Plains and Plateau.” Zuñi war chiefs, he adds, +sought sound-omens on the eve of setting out on the war-path. In this last connection the detailed similarities +in attitude and conduct of war-expeditions, peyote-pilgrimages, and salt-gathering expeditions in Mexico and +the Southwest should not be overlooked. (The Huichol shooting of the peyote plant, however, is a hunting rather +than a war symbolism, that of hunting the hikuli-deer of the peyote origin legend.) Information on the Comanche +horse-raid is from E. A. Hoebel; unfortunately the Government took most of these peyote-given horses back +again.</p> + +<p>In the 1850’s the only Kiowa who ate peyote was Big Horse. When he wished to know the whereabouts of +an absent war party he would take a drum and a rattle into a tipi, saying “gʸägūṇboṇta” (I am going to look for +medicine), eating peyote and afterward telling what he had seen; sometimes he made the sound of an eagle, the +bird that flies high above the earth and sees afar.</p> + +<p>C. W., president of the Kickapoo Native American Church, often has prophetic peyote visions; Kishkaton +says they are of “Judgment Day” when the “new world” will come, and makes them a proselytizing argument +for peyote. The debt to earlier Kickapoo prophets is obvious. A specific Caddo prophecy among the visions collected +would have prevented a serious industrial accident if it had been properly interpreted.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_11_72" href="#FNanchor_11_72" class="label">[11]</a> In the Plains the “father peyote” is often carried as a fetish. Kroeber (<i>Arapaho</i>, + 406) cites a typical case: +“The pouches used to contain the peyote plant have room for only one of the disks, which is usually carried more +or less as a personal amulet, in addition to being the center of worship during ceremonies. A circular area of bead-work +covering the front of the pouch itself, is said to represent the appearance of a peyote-plant while being worshipped. +In the center a cross of red beads represents the morning star. Around the edge of this circular bead-work +are eight small triangular figures, which denote the vomitings deposited by the ring of worshippers around +the inside of the tent in the course of the night. The yellow fringe around the pouch represents the sun’s rays.”</p> + +<p>War Eagle, Delaware (Speck, <i>Delaware Peyote Symbolism</i>) told of a man gassed in the World War whom +peyote cured after his case had been pronounced hopeless. Quanah Parker, the famous Comanche chief, used to +carry a peyote on his chest as protection in battle. A Ponca story tells of J. W. and his wife returning home as a +cyclone was coming up; when they finally arrived the house was destroyed, but in an undisturbed drawer they +found four articles still intact: a “peyote chief,” a bag of peyotes, a Bible, and a peyote drumstick.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_12_73" href="#FNanchor_12_73" class="label">[12]</a> Sahagún, <i>Historia general</i>, 3:241; <i>Histoire générale</i>, 737. Lumholtz (<i>Unknown Mexico</i>, + 2:354) adds +marihuana to the list of plants which protect against witchcraft injury: the doctor comes on a Tuesday, Thursday +or Friday, reverses the ill person’s sandals, shirt and drawers, recites the credo backwards to summon the owl, +and burns a heap of marihuana and old rags in the house. Many persons also carry marihuana in their girdles as +a protection against sorcery. The Cocopa and Yuma uses of an unidentified plant (awimimedje) to offset fatigue +and give luck suggests peyote (Gifford, <i>Cocopa</i>, 268).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_13_74" href="#FNanchor_13_74" class="label">[13]</a> De la Serna, in Safford, <i>An Aztec Narcotic</i>, 390; Arlegui in Urbina, <i>El Peyote y el Ololiuhqui</i>, + 26; Arias, +in Urbina, <i>loc. cit.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_14_75" href="#FNanchor_14_75" class="label">[14]</a> See the modern Tepecano votive bowl altar used with peyote or marihuana (Lumholtz, <i>Unknown +Mexico</i>, 2:124-25).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_15_76" href="#FNanchor_15_76" class="label">[15]</a> Lumholtz, <i>op. cit.</i>, + 1:284-85. The Wichita use the “mescal bean” in racing, and the Kiowa as a prophylactic +against stepping on menstrual blood. Peyote is associated with racing in Mexico by the Huichol, Tamaulipecans, +and Tarahumari (Lumholtz, <i>Unknown Mexico</i>, 2:49-50; Prieto, <i>Historia y Estadistica</i>, 123-24; Lumholtz, +<i>op. cit.</i>, 1:372; Bennett and Zingg, <i>Tarahumara</i>, 136-37, 295, 338).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_16_77" href="#FNanchor_16_77" class="label">[16]</a> A Wichita leader envisioned a flag three months before being drafted into the army; the fetish-peyote +he carried over-seas miraculously escaped confiscation during an inspection and disinfection of clothing, and +because of it he was only slightly wounded in battle. One meeting I attended was in performance of a vow if +the Bonus legislation then pending would pass. This same leader prophetically dreamt of how peyote would +protect him on a pilgrimage to Mexico and aid him through the customs with a supply of plants, and all happened +as predicted.</p> + +<p>The Tarahumari dare not touch the dekúba (datura) plant lest they go crazy or die; this presents a problem +since the plants are common in their winter caves. The peyote shaman, however, armed with the more powerful +plant uproots the datura with impunity. Peyote is the only cure for the otherwise fatal disease which comes from +touching dekúba (Bennett and Zingg, <i>op. cit.</i>, 138, 294).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_17_78" href="#FNanchor_17_78" class="label">[17]</a> Hoebel, <i>Comanche Field Notes</i>; Voegelin, <i>Shawnee Field Notes</i>. + The Iowa Red Bean medicine bundle +was used for war, horse stealing, hunting and horse racing (Skinner, <i>Ethnology of the Ioway Indians</i>, 245-47, +<i>Societies of the Iowa</i>, 718-19). A similar mescal war bundle and cult was present among the neighboring and +related Oto. The Red Medicine bundles of the Pawnee contained mescal beans likewise; indeed the Pawnee are +thought to be the origin of the Iowa bundle and associated war-dance. The Pawnee “kill” the beans by breaking +and stirring them in a large kettle, drinking the concoction toward morning until they vomit, to “clean out” +the body. There is an unmistakable similarity to the “black drink” ritual vomiting here (see <a href="#APPENDIX_4">Appendix 4</a>).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_18_79" href="#FNanchor_18_79" class="label">[18]</a> + Mulato, sunami, and rosapara cacti, however, protect against Apache machinations; Mooney (<i>Tarumari-Guayachic</i>) +cites a Chalája arroyo near Conaguchi (from chärä or chälä, “squirrel,” the epithet of witches) where +witches were formerly burned; cf. the use of the squirrel-fetish in the Tarahumari peyote ritual. In Tamaulipas +intertribal peace was so precarious that peyote mitotes were commonly held in remote and inaccessible intermediate +mountain regions; the recital of war deeds was sometimes part of the rite (Prieto, in Mooney, <i>Tarumari-Guayachic</i>). +De la Serna (in Safford, <i>An Aztec Narcotic</i>, 310) describes the use of teo-nanacatl in witching. For +Tarahumari witching with hikuli see Lumholtz, <i>Unknown Mexico</i>, 1:314, 323-24, 371-72.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_19_80" href="#FNanchor_19_80" class="label">[19]</a> + A favorite diversion of witches to weaken the leader was to make his assistants vomit (Opler, <i>The Influence +of Aboriginal Pattern</i>). My Kiowa companion vomited in a Ponca meeting, the first he had ever attended in +that tribe. He attributed it to their unfriendly feeling and felt considerably relieved when we visited next morning +a meeting held by old friends among the Oto; but he himself had once witched a Comanche in a meeting +(<i>Autobiography of a Kiowa Indian</i>). Tonkawa data is from Opler, <i>Autobiography of a Chiricahua Apache</i>. The +exploits of the Kiowa witch Tonakat have already been mentioned. The Comanche “used it in the old times, but +not rightly; the medicine men used it for sorcery, so people got scared and stopped using it” (Hoebel, <i>Comanche +Field Notes</i>). Among the Cheyenne, Flacco and Cloud Chief strongly opposed the introduction of peyote; the +former said “it was used to witch people and make them crazy.” The Northern Cheyenne (Hoebel, <i>Field Notes</i>) +and Lipan (Opler, <i>The Use of Peyote</i>) and Winnebago “fear states” may have a physiological basis.</p> + +<p>Mrs. Voegelin (<i>Shawnee Field Notes</i>) quotes an informant: “Wilson showed them how to swallow mescal +beads.... N. S. didn’t go; she was afraid of them. The Delaware had it too; she never wanted to go look. +John Wilson also taught them how to shoot a person with red beads two inches long; the person would fall down, +hard; then John Wilson doctored on them with medicine. [Several Shawnee] crept up in the grass when the +Quapaws were holding a Ghost Dance once, at night. S’s wife got shot.... Finally some one spoke to John +Wilson, ‘You men, you abuse the women.’ An old Peoria woman who went all the time, and swallowed those +red beads—she was kind of crazy—told Wilson that. The agent finally stopped it.... When they were shot, +John Wilson used peyote to bring them back.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_20_81" href="#FNanchor_20_81" class="label">[20]</a> Alegre, <i>Historia de la Compañía</i>, 2:219-20; Prieto, <i>Historia y Estadistica</i>, + 131. It is not proven that +peyote applied externally has an anaesthetic or anodyne action (the Zacatecan use in the childbirth ceremony +is internal); but natives recognize the ability of peyote to induce a stuporous state. The Aztec (Gerste, <i>Notes sur +le médicine</i>, 51) used peyote to stupify sacrificial victims. But peyote does not cause sleepiness, and the following +Maratine Indian battle song (in Prieto, <i>op. cit.</i>, 119-20; Mooney, <i>Peyote Notebook</i>) should perhaps be translated +“become stuporous:” “The women and ourselves shouting with pleasure, Shall drink peyote and shall fall +asleep.” For Opata data see Ensayo, in Mooney, <i>Tarumari-Guayachic</i>; for Lipan see Opler, <i>The Use of Peyote</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_21_82" href="#FNanchor_21_82" class="label">[21]</a> Parsons, <i>Taos Pueblo</i>, 59; Flores, in Urbina, <i>El Peyote y el Ololiuhqui</i>, + 26; Rouhier (<i>Monographie</i>, 96) +adds the Caxcane use “for swellings and spasms”; Hernandez, <i>De Historia Plantarum</i>, 3:70; Safford, <i>An +Aztec Narcotic</i>, 295; Bennett and Zingg, <i>The Tarahumara</i>, 294; Hrdlička, <i>Physiological and Medical Observations</i>, +173, 242, 244, 250, 251; Lumholtz, <i>The Huichol</i>, 9; <i>Unknown Mexico</i>, 2:241-42.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_22_83" href="#FNanchor_22_83" class="label">[22]</a> Would pupil-dilation from peyote cause temporary “cures” satisfying the uncritical?</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_23_84" href="#FNanchor_23_84" class="label">[23]</a> Radin, <i>Crashing Thunder</i>, 183, 196; Mooney, <i>The Mescal Plant</i>, 9. Lumholtz (<i>Unknown Mexico</i>, + 2:157) +himself confidently prescribed peyote for a scorpion-sting.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_24_85" href="#FNanchor_24_85" class="label">[24]</a> Beals, <i>Comparative Ethnology</i>, 131 (Acaxee); Rouhier, <i>Monographie</i>, + 12, fn. 3 (Tlaxcala). The Kiowa witch +Tonakat fixed a fireplace in the form of a turtle, the source of his power, and used a meeting once for shamanistic +display, being shot with a cartridge and remaining unharmed, etc. A Caddo-Delaware tells of a famous Kiowa +doctor who used similar tricks in doctoring a woman. He held a black handkerchief over her to see the location of +the disease, dipped a feather in water, cut the skin and removed two 1½″ bugs, the wound healing immediately. +Both popped when thrown into the fire, thus prognosticating her recovery from a twenty years’ illness. Wild +Horse (Caddo-Delaware) said doctors did “wizard sleight-of-hand tricks” in meetings; “some Indians can make +you believe you see things.” Some Tonkawa who visited the Kiowa about 1890 performed tricks in meeting like +eating fire (Mooney, <i>Peyote Notebook</i>).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_25_86" href="#FNanchor_25_86" class="label">[25]</a> Lumholtz, <i>Unknown Mexico</i>, 2:241-42.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_26_87" href="#FNanchor_26_87" class="label">[26]</a> + The suppression of peyote was sought under an act of Jan. 30, 1897 (29 Stat. 506), Sect. 6 of the Food and +Drugs Act of June 30, 1906 (34 Stat. 768-72), Sect. 11 of the same act, and Service and Regulatory Announcement +No. 13, Dept. of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry (issued May 3, 1915)—all without success. Specific +Federal anti-peyote bills were next attempted: Senate 1862 (65th Congress 1st Sess. Apr. 17, 1917), House of Representatives +10669 (64th Congress 1st Sess.), House of Representatives 4999 (65th Congress 1st Sess. June 12, +1917), House of Representatives 2614 (65th Congress 2nd Sess. May 13, 1918-Oct. 7, 1918). These all failed +of passing. An anti-peyote proviso attached as a rider to Appropriations bill House of Representatives 8696 of +March 28, 1918 was deleted before passage, under pressure from a powerful and alert Indian lobby. Later bills +were House of Representatives 398 (66th Congress 1st Sess.), House of Representatives 2071 (about March 29, +1924), House of Representatives 5057 (not passed by Senate, but amended as:) House of Representatives 5078 +(about Jan. 24, 1924, 68th Congress 1st Sess.)—all defeated. The Senate bill 1399 of Feb. 8, 1937 is pending at the +present writing.</p> + +<p>State laws against peyote have been more successful. The Oklahoma law of March 11, 1899 was automatically +repealed by omission in the codification of the state laws; the Darnell bill of 1927 was defeated April 13, +1927. The following states have anti-peyote laws: Colorado (before 1923), Idaho, Iowa, Kansas, Montana (by +1925), Nebraska, Nevada (by 1918), New Mexico, North Dakota (before 1923), South Dakota, Utah (before +1918), and Wyoming (1929). The Native American Church is incorporated in Oklahoma and Montana, however, +under state charters.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_27_88" href="#FNanchor_27_88" class="label">[27]</a> The trip is made after the rainy season and the corn harvest (Lumholtz, <i>Unknown Mexico</i>, + 2:127); the +roasting of corn is of equal ritual importance with the hikuli-harvest and the deer-hunt: the three, indeed, deer, +corn and peyote are symbolically the same (Lumholtz <i>op. cit.</i>, 2:156, 279).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_28_89" href="#FNanchor_28_89" class="label">[28]</a> Lumholtz, <i>Unknown Mexico</i>, 2:82, 126-27, 141, 157, 271, 272; <i>Handbook of the American Indians</i>, + 1:576-77; +Klineberg, <i>Notes on the Huichol</i>, 449. For the gourd-symbolism see also Lumholtz, <i>op. cit</i>., 2:57-58, 129, +220; for the arrows, <i>Handbook of the American Indians</i>, 2:663.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_29_90" href="#FNanchor_29_90" class="label">[29]</a> Cf. the universal corn shuck cigarette of Plains peyotism (a region of deep-rooted pipe ceremonialism), +a remarkable case of culture-continuity.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_30_91" href="#FNanchor_30_91" class="label">[30]</a> Lumholtz, <i>Unknown Mexico</i>, 2:129-35.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_31_92" href="#FNanchor_31_92" class="label">[31]</a> Lumholtz, <i>The Huichol</i>, 8; <i>Unknown Mexico</i>, + 2:129-32, 141, 277-78; for the use of the water see 2:57-58, +220.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_32_93" href="#FNanchor_32_93" class="label">[32]</a> Cf. the Plains mode of preparing the meat, though the memory of the meaning of this feature (like the +corn shuck cigarette and ritual parched corn) is long since gone.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_33_94" href="#FNanchor_33_94" class="label">[33]</a> Lumholtz, <i>Unknown Mexico</i>, 2:132-35, 153, 156, 189, 271. The triple corn-deer-peyote symbolism is +completed when the women grind peyote on a metate.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_34_95" href="#FNanchor_34_95" class="label">[34]</a> Lumholtz, <i>Unknown Mexico</i>, + 2:54, 272, 273-74. Cf. the Plains “fire-stick” and fire-arrangement.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_35_96" href="#FNanchor_35_96" class="label">[35]</a> Lumholtz, <i>Unknown Mexico</i>, 2:29-31, 142-44, 149-50.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_36_97" href="#FNanchor_36_97" class="label">[36]</a> + Spanish friars came in after 1722, but Huichol peyotism is almost wholly free of Christian beliefs (<i>Handbook +of the American Indians</i>, 1:576-77). Even the “baptism” rite is probably native.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_37_98" href="#FNanchor_37_98" class="label">[37]</a> Klineberg (<i>Notes on the Huichol</i>, + 449) mentions special dances led by “angels” the next day—a boy and +a girl dressed in their finest. It is not clear if this refers to the dance leaders or to the ceremonial “race for life” +with the eating of cake-animals and spraying of the runners by the elders. But elsewhere Lumholtz describes +a dance with carved bamboo serpent-sticks, deer-tails on short sticks, and whiskbroom “combs” (<i>Unknown +Mexico</i> 2:49-50).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_38_99" href="#FNanchor_38_99" class="label">[38]</a> Lumholtz, <i>Unknown Mexico</i>, 2:272, 274-75.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_39_100" href="#FNanchor_39_100" class="label">[39]</a> + But the whole peyote ritual might be divided into (1) the trip for hikuli, (2) the deer hunt, and (3) the +roasting of corn, though peyote-deer-corn are symbolically identical.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_40_101" href="#FNanchor_40_101" class="label">[40]</a> Lumholtz, <i>Unknown Mexico</i>, + 2:279. Tamaulipecan peyotism is similarly a hunting and first-fruits ceremony.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_41_102" href="#FNanchor_41_102" class="label">[41]</a> + “The idea of the antlers being arrows readily occurred to the Huichol, since they are the animal’s weapon +of attack and defence” (Lumholtz, <i>Symbolism of the Huichol</i>, 69).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_42_103" href="#FNanchor_42_103" class="label">[42]</a> Lumholtz, <i>Unknown Mexico</i>, 2:7-8, 56, 172-73, 201-203; <i>Handbook of the American Indians</i>, + 1:663b; +<i>Symbolism of the Huichol</i>, 42, 66, 71, 174; <i>The Huichol</i>, 10.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_43_104" href="#FNanchor_43_104" class="label">[43]</a> + Bits of deer meat, corn-tamales and strung peyote-plants are treated with exactly equivalent ritual. In the +peyote dance serpent-sticks are thrust into the air (like prayer sticks, praying for rain?), and small whisks made +of materials brought from the hikuli-country represent deer-tails. In the origin legend, peyote first arose in the +tracks of a gigantic deer; indeed, when the gods first used peyote they ground deer-antlers on a metate with +water to make an intoxicant, just as peyote is ground to make “tea” and corn to make tesvino. The fire is built +in a special way suggesting deer-antlers or the god-chairs. Arrows as definitely symbolize prayer as the prayer +sticks of the Southwest. The poker or fire-arrow of Grandfather Fire is smeared with blood and decorated with +plumes; it is his “pillow” and the rest of the sticks are his “chair.” (One “appearance” of the god is a heart, +modelled of the paste of the sacred wáve seed toasted and ground like corn, and renewed in the god-house every +five years.) Facial paintings of the Huichol are called úra, “spark,” being made of a yellow root dug in the peyote +country when the hikuli is gathered; yellow particularly symbolizes the fire gods, of whom there are two. +Tatévali, “Grandfather Fire,” is the god of prophesying and curing shamans whose birds are the macao, royal +eagle, cardinal bird, etc. The other, Tatótsi Mára Kwári, “Greatgrandfather Deer-tail,” is the god of singing-shamans, +whose bird is the white-tailed hawk. Their relationship is peculiar: Greatgrandfather Deer-tail, the +symbol of fertility, is the son of Grandfather Fire, from whose plumes he sprang. Lumholtz (<i>Symbolism of the +Huichol</i>, 10-11) explains the difficulty by indicating that the former represents a spark, the latter a fire fed by +wood.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_44_105" href="#FNanchor_44_105" class="label">[44]</a> Bennett and Zingg, <i>The Tarahumara</i>, ix, 136, 291-92; Mooney, <i>Tarumari-Guayachic</i>; + Lumholtz, <i>Tarahumari +Dances</i>, 453; <i>Unknown Mexico</i>, 1:362.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_45_106" href="#FNanchor_45_106" class="label">[45]</a> Bennett and Zingg, <i>op. cit.</i>, 292; Lumholtz, <i>Unknown Mexico</i>, + 1:363. The rasp is not used in the fiesta +on returning from the trip, but in later ones.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_46_107" href="#FNanchor_46_107" class="label">[46]</a> Lumholtz, <i>Unknown Mexico</i>, 1:171-72, 343-44, 363-64. The shaman’s women assistants are called +rokoro, “stamens”; he is the pistil—a botanically erroneous symbolism, however.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_47_108" href="#FNanchor_47_108" class="label">[47]</a> + The Tarahumari rasp is definitely associated with peyotism, indicating (Bennett and Zingg, <i>The Tarahumara</i>, +71) a Huichol provenience; but they list rasps for the Cora, Mayo, Pima (“rain sticks”), Hopi (in the +kachina dance) and N. Paiute (to charm antelope into a corral). The rasp is not exclusively Uto-Aztecan however; +it occurs for the Wichita, Hidatsa, Salinan, and archaeologically in Illinois. Tarahumari Brazil-wood rasps are +brought from the hikuli-country.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_48_109" href="#FNanchor_48_109" class="label">[48]</a> Lumholtz, <i>Unknown Mexico</i>, 1:313, 363-66; Bennett and Zingg, <i>op. cit.</i>, + 293; Mooney, <i>Tarumari-Guayachic</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_49_110" href="#FNanchor_49_110" class="label">[49]</a> Lumholtz, <i>Unknown Mexico</i>, 1:367-69, 371; Bennett and Zingg, <i>The Tarahumara</i>, + 293. Near Eagle Pass a +folk-Catholic saint is El Santo Niño de Jesús Peyotes, whose attributes are a staff, gourd, feathered hat and +basket similar to but distinct from El Santo Niño de Atoche. In Mexican legend he is a little boy; his statue is +in the cathedral or cathedral square at Rosales, Mexico. Another attribute is said to be the crescent moon.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_50_111" href="#FNanchor_50_111" class="label">[50]</a> Lumholtz, <i>Unknown Mexico</i>, + 1:292-93, 314, 344, 347-48, 371-72, 384; Bennett and Zingg, <i>The Tarahumara</i>, +294. The ceremony is called napítshi nawlíruga, “moving (dancing) around the fire” (Lumholtz, <i>Unknown +Mexico</i>, 1:364). In the dry season the Tarahumari dance the yumari almost nightly to the Morning Star, +and sacrifice tesvino to the sun; a man is often deputed to do the dance alone while the others work in the fields, +to bring rain (Lumholtz, <i>op. cit.</i>, 1:352). The Morning Star is important in the Cora rite too (Lumholtz, <i>op. cit.</i>, +1:344; Preuss, <i>Nayarit-Expedition</i>, <i>passim</i>) as well as figuring in Plains peyotism, though somewhat vaguely.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_51_112" href="#FNanchor_51_112" class="label">[51]</a> Lumholtz, <i>Unknown Mexico</i>, 1:357-58, 444; Bennett and Zingg, <i>The Tarahumara</i>, + 360, 366-67, 379, 383.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_52_113" href="#FNanchor_52_113" class="label">[52]</a> Beals, <i>Comparative Ethnology</i>, + 131. He adds, though, that “This [use] may also be aboriginal, and very +probably dates back to the separation of the Huichol from their peyote-using relatives, the Guachachiles.” He +cites Thomas and Swanton (<i>Indian Languages</i>, 22) but evidence is meagre. For the Cora we have Ortega (in +Safford, <i>An Aztec Narcotic</i>, 295, and <i>Narcotic Plants</i>, 402): “Close to the musician was seated the leader of the +singing whose business it was to mark the time. Each of these had his assistants to take his place when he should +become fatigued.... They began forming as large a circle as could occupy the space of ground that had been +swept off for this purpose. One after the other went dancing in a ring or marking time with their feet, keeping +in the middle the musician and the choirmaster whom they invited, and singing in the same unmusical tone that +he set them. They would dance all night from five o’clock in the evening to seven o’clock in the morning, without +stopping or leaving the circle. When the dance was ended all stood who could hold themselves on their feet; +for the majority from the peyote and the wine which they drank were unable to utilize their legs or hold themselves +upright.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_53_114" href="#FNanchor_53_114" class="label">[53]</a> Prieto, <i>Historia y Estadistica</i>, 123-24.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_54_115" href="#FNanchor_54_115" class="label">[54]</a> Beals, <i>Comparative Ethnology</i>, 131.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_55_116" href="#FNanchor_55_116" class="label">[55]</a> Sahagún, <i>Historia general</i>, 3:241 (Chichimeca); Prieto, <i>Historia y Estadistica</i>, + 119-20, cites a Maratine +Indian (Tamaulipecan) peyote song referring to war. Arlegui, in Urbina, <i>El Peyote y el Ololiuhqui</i>, 26; see also +Rouhier, <i>op. cit.</i>, 12, note 3, 96, 331, note 3; Alegre, in Urbina, <i>op. cit.</i>, 26; Preuss, <i>Die Nayarit-Expedition</i>, 39. +The Morning Star is the principal Cora god (Lumholtz, <i>Unknown Mexico</i>, 1:511, see also <i>Handbook of the +American Indians</i>, 1:348a). Elder Brother among the Huichol is the god of wind and hikuli (Lumholtz, <i>Symbolism +of the Huichol</i>, 42). The Tarahumari dance yumari for the Morning Star (Lumholtz, <i>Unknown Mexico</i>, 1:344). +In the Plains the drum-lacing signifies the Morning Star. Spier (<i>Yuman Tribes</i>, 165) writes: “[The battle leader’s] +song first described the morning star, ‘big star,’ which in some unidentified way is connected with war. Just +what was his function in battle was not ascertained.” He also dreamed he saw cacti fighting like men.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_56_117" href="#FNanchor_56_117" class="label">[56]</a> Mooney, <i>Tarumari-Guayachic</i>; Sahagún, <i>Historia general</i>, + 3:118; Ortega, <i>Historia del Nayarit</i>, 22-23; +Lumholtz, <i>Unknown Mexico</i>, 1:367-68, 2:274-75; Prieto, <i>Historia y Estadistica</i>, 123-24.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_57_118" href="#FNanchor_57_118" class="label">[57]</a> Racing (Tarahumari, Huichol, Tamaulipas, Acaxee): Lumholtz, <i>Unknown Mexico</i>, 1:284-85, 2:49-50; +Prieto, <i>Historia y Estadistica</i>, 123-24; Beals, <i>The Acaxee</i>, 8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_58_119" href="#FNanchor_58_119" class="label">[58]</a> Beals (<i>Comparative Ethnology</i>, + 127, 141, 211-12) lists it for Southern Mexico, Jalisco-Tepic, Southwest.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_59_120" href="#FNanchor_59_120" class="label">[59]</a> Lumholtz, <i>Unknown Mexico</i>, 1:362, 2:54; Bennett and Zingg, <i>The Tarahumara</i>, + 295. See also Wissler, +<i>The American Indian</i>, 213; <i>Handbook of the American Indians</i>, 1:604b. In the Plains some tribes differentiated +twigs and leaves as male and female.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_60_121" href="#FNanchor_60_121" class="label">[60]</a> The Tarahumari feast for the moon involves smoking to make clouds (Lumholtz, <i>Unknown Mexico</i>, + 2:130; +<i>Tarahumari Dances</i>, 441). The Huichol carry “tamale” cigarettes in their gourds and offer them to Grandfather +Fire.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_61_122" href="#FNanchor_61_122" class="label">[61]</a> Bennett and Zingg, <i>The Tarahumara</i>, 67; Beals, <i>Aboriginal Survivals</i>, + 32; Russell, <i>The Pima</i>, 168; Spier, +<i>Havasupai Ethnography</i>, 272; Lumholtz, <i>Unknown Mexico</i>, 1:313; Opler, <i>The Influence of Aboriginal Pattern</i>, +<i>The Use of Peyote</i>; Sayles, <i>An Archaeological Survey</i>, Table 2; Oliver, in Gatschet, <i>The Karankawa Indians</i>, 18; +Gatschet, in Swadesh, <i>Chitamacha Texts</i>; Kroeber, <i>The Seri</i>, 14, 42; Roberts, <i>Musical Areas</i>, 21; Paz, <i>Koasati +Field Notes</i>; Bartram, <i>Travels</i>, 502; Speck, <i>Yuchi</i>, 61.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_62_123" href="#FNanchor_62_123" class="label">[62]</a> Tarahumari officials are called igúsuame, “stick-bearers” (Bennett and Zingg, <i>op. cit.</i>, + 375-76) but this +may be an Hispanicism. However, Aztec merchants (Sahagún) carried staffs. But so far as the peyote ritual is +concerned, the staff is not mentioned for the Cora-Huichol or Tarahumari; and the various names for the peyote +staff in the Plains suggests either an indigenous or a Southwestern, not a Mexican, origin.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_63_124" href="#FNanchor_63_124" class="label">[63]</a> Bennett and Zingg, <i>The Tarahumari</i>, 71, 293-94; Lumholtz, <i>Unknown Mexico</i>, + 1:366-67. The Tarahumari +hunter used a notched deer-bone rasp. The Cora, Mayo, and Pima, Hopi and Northern Paiute suggest a +general Uto-Aztecan occurrence of the trait, but the rasp, is also Wichita, Hidatsa.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_64_125" href="#FNanchor_64_125" class="label">[64]</a> Prieto, <i>Historia y Estadistica</i>, + 123-24. See <a href="#COMPARATIVE_STUDY_OF_PLAINS_PEYOTISM">the Plains section</a> for discussion of drums.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_65_126" href="#FNanchor_65_126" class="label">[65]</a> A little white flower, tōtó, of the wet corn-producing season symbolizes corn for the Huichol and is a +prayer for it, being plastered on women’s cheeks, woven in girdles, etc. (Lumholtz, <i>Unknown Mexico</i>, 229-30). +The Tamaulipecan rite celebrates the harvest and deer-hunting as well as war; the Tepehuane all-night rite with a +mimicry of deer-hunting ends with a feast on the first “toasted corn” of the season (Lumholtz, 1:479). Acaxee +corn toasted on the ear was the usual food on war-parties (Beals, 10). Concerning the standardized parched-corn +in sugar-water of the Plains, note that the Aztec made offerings of toasted corn (sometimes with honey), and to +the culture-hero Opuchtli offered mumuchtli “a sort of corn which when toasted opens up and shows the white +marrow [popcorn] forming a very white flower. They said this represented hail, which is attributed to the water +gods.” (Sahagún, <i>A History of Ancient Mexico</i>, 1:36, 40, 87.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_66_127" href="#FNanchor_66_127" class="label">[66]</a> Bennett and Zingg, <i>The Tarahumara</i>, 138, 295; Lumholtz, <i>Unknown Mexico</i>, + 1:357-58 (wherein all +but the last named are cacti), 2:124-25 (Tepecano). The accepted etymology of teo-nanacatl, “divine mushroom,” +suggests the same attitude; in the Antilles “among the most prominent of the plants worshipped ... [are] +mushrooms, pines, opuntias, zapos, and zeybas.” (Rafinesque, cited in Bourke, <i>Scatological Rites</i>, 91; but +Rafinesque is an undependable authority). The Cherokee called casine yapon (the “black drink”) “the beloved +tree” (Bartram, <i>Travels</i>, 357). It is also said that in Virginia toadstools were an object of worship because +of their mysterious growth (Bourke, <i>ibid.</i>). In Peru coca was looked on with veneration and suppliants must +approach priests only with some in their mouths. Compare the use and attitudes toward tobacco, mescal beans, +datura, guarana paste, cohoba, chocolate (<i>Theobroma cacao</i>), aya-huasca, yahé, etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_67_128" href="#FNanchor_67_128" class="label">[67]</a> Lumholtz, <i>Unknown Mexico</i>, + 2:172-73, 207, 263 ff. The Huichol had hikuli-shields; curiously, Crow-Neck +(Kiowa) about 1860 made a peyote shield according to a vision he had at Mescalero, but he threw it away when +he was captured on his first fight in Mexico. The Kiowa, however, had heraldic shield-societies before peyote, +of which this is probably an aberrant example. (For the bird and arrow equation see Spier, <i>Yuman Tribes</i>, 331, +Lumholtz, <i>op. cit.</i>, 2:201-202.) See also Lumholtz, <i>op. cit.</i>, 1:313, 323-24, 371-72; <i>Tarahumari Dances</i>, 452.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_68_129" href="#FNanchor_68_129" class="label">[68]</a> Bennett and Zingg, <i>The Tarahumari</i>, 294.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_69_130" href="#FNanchor_69_130" class="label">[69]</a> Lumholtz, <i>Unknown Mexico</i>, + 1:311, writes: “Without his shaman the Tarahumare would feel lost, both +in this life and after death. The shaman is his priest and physician. He performs all the ceremonies and conducts +all the dances and feasts by which the gods are propitiated and evil is averted, doing all the singing, praying, +and sacrificing. By this means, and by instructing the people what to do to make it rain, and secure other benefits, +he maintains good terms for them with their deities, who are jealous of man and bear him ill-will. He is also on +the alert to keep those under his care from sorcery, illness, and other evil that may befall them ... the Tarahumare +... keeps his doctor busy curing him, not only to make his body strong to resist illness, but chiefly to +ward off sorcery, the main source of trouble in the Indian’s life.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_70_131" href="#FNanchor_70_131" class="label">[70]</a> Beals, <i>Comparative Ethnology</i>, 128.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_71_132" href="#FNanchor_71_132" class="label">[71]</a> This entire section is summarized from data collected by M. E. Opler. I gratefully acknowledge the +courtesy and generosity of his lending me the article <i>The Influence of Aboriginal Pattern</i> before publication, as +well as <i>The Autobiography of a Chiricahua Apache</i>, and unpublished notes on Lipan, Tonkawa and Carrizo +peyotism; it would be difficult to establish Mexican-Plains continuities without these invaluable data and the +warm coöperation of Dr. Opler.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_72_133" href="#FNanchor_72_133" class="label">[72]</a> The Mescalero are listed neither in Shonle (<i>Peyote: The Giver of Visions</i>, + 53-75) nor in Newberne and +Burke, <i>Peyote</i>. Mescalero peyotism, like Tarahumari, is on the decline.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_73_134" href="#FNanchor_73_134" class="label">[73]</a> + The Lipan make a smoke and pray when the first plant is found; they are hard to find unless one eats one, +then “a noise like the wind” comes, and one by one the plants appear “just like stars.” Only the tops are cut off.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_74_135" href="#FNanchor_74_135" class="label">[74]</a> Though this was general in Mescalero ceremonialism, they also controlled the weather thus, found lost +objects, located the enemy, etc.; a Chiricahua prayed for health, in the name of Yuan and Child of the Water. +The Lipan formerly did not use it for doctoring apparently. The Tonkawa, according to Mooney, performed +shamanistic tricks in peyote meetings; and a Carrizo chief, for example, filled the tipi once with down-feathers +blown from his mouth, then sucked them all in save one which he gave to a Lipan visitor. Others made a bear, +turtle, and buffalo, etc., appear.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_75_136" href="#FNanchor_75_136" class="label">[75]</a> The Lipan wash themselves with yucca or soapweed and perfume themselves with mint, and use the +same kind of sage in meetings as they wear in their hats against lightning. The Tonkawa wore G-string, leggings +and blanket, and preferably long hair and face paint; native perfumes were proper but white men’s were forbidden. +The Carrizo entered barefoot, wearing only a G-string. Some Lipan fasted the day before.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_76_137" href="#FNanchor_76_137" class="label">[76]</a> The Lipan leader “is supposed to stop all arguments in there; he has to watch all the men.” Unlike the +Mescalero, the Lipan staff and gourd were passed around clockwise (both preceding the drum); the retention +of these by the leader is probably an aspect of his special authority among the Mescalero, since the Lipan lacked +the rasp, retained by the leader, which might have been transmitted from Mexico. The Tonkawa sometimes +used a lard-can drum covered with buckskin, and passed the rattle (aberrantly) after it; the leader never drummed.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_77_138" href="#FNanchor_77_138" class="label">[77]</a> + Some shamans trace a cross of pollen on the chief peyote. The Tonkawa use the largest one they can find, +put some red paint on the top, and surround it with smaller buttons on a fine buckskin; they claimed to be able +to see far off with the aid of peyote and to detect witchcraft. Some Lipan like the Mescalero put peyote buttons +in a circle around the fire pit and the chief peyote (cf. the Comanche placing of them in a sage horseshoe west of +the altar).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_78_139" href="#FNanchor_78_139" class="label">[78]</a> + The Lipan fire-tender, like the Carrizo and some Mexican groups, made simply a fire-pit, with no crescent +altar; this form originated with the Mescalero or in northwestern Mexico, not around the lower Rio Grande. +The Carrizo, like the Tamaulipecan, held the ceremony in the open.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_79_140" href="#FNanchor_79_140" class="label">[79]</a> The Lipan used peyote green or dry or pounded up in a wooden bowl, which was passed like the drum +from the southeast. The Carrizo made a peyote “tea” (compare the neighboring Karankawa “black drink”). The +Tonkawa used a flat basket. Among the Mescalero (also Lipan and Kiowa), “Care was taken to keep the ‘fuzz’ +from the top of the peyote button from coming in contact with the eye, for it was thought to cause blindness.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_80_141" href="#FNanchor_80_141" class="label">[80]</a> Not all Mescalero leaders do this; oak-leaf cigarettes are usually used but one leader has a red stone +Sioux pipe, which is passed clockwise. The Lipan smoke oak-leaf or corn husk cigarettes at the beginning and at +the end. Their eagle wing-bone whistle in peyote is recent, and not all Mescalero leaders use it.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_81_142" href="#FNanchor_81_142" class="label">[81]</a> The Carrizo on each side of the door had a woman wearing a red blanket; the one at the south had hers +fastened with a red flicker feather, the other with a woodpecker. This non-exclusion of women is Mexican. But +the Lipan allow no women around; they may not even erect the peyote-tipi. The Tonkawa originally allowed +no women in peyote meetings; but doctoring gradually broke down this restriction.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_82_143" href="#FNanchor_82_143" class="label">[82]</a> “The virulence of these rivalries and attempts to harm others at peyote meetings led to the development +of a number of protective measures and safeguards.” For these see Opler, <i>The Influence of Aboriginal Pattern</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_83_144" href="#FNanchor_83_144" class="label">[83]</a> In the old shamanistic curing, the shaman was the performer and the others merely onlookers, but in +peyotism the inevitable physiological effects of the drug made all present potential receivers of power, and +shamanistic display and rivalry was correspondingly increased. This had not wholly disappeared even in early +Plains peyote-using groups: the Tonkawa, Lipan, and Kiowa had shamanistic displays of power in peyote meetings, +and we have recorded considerable witchcraft anxiety in early Kiowa, Comanche, Caddo, and Tonkawa +meetings.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_84_145" href="#FNanchor_84_145" class="label">[84]</a> The reasons for this are several: a nomadic people presents few opportunities for the establishing of +missions; the Apache were one of the American Indian groups last subjugated; they are notoriously suspicious +and unfriendly toward innovation, and recognized the alien origin even of peyotism; and further, the rite they +received from Mexico had few or no Christian elements in it. It might be suggested that the “baptism” ceremonies +in the morning or the ritual breakfast are Christian in origin; but this is thoroughly doubtful, since it +occurs in pre-White peyotism (e.g., Lipan).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_85_146" href="#FNanchor_85_146" class="label">[85]</a> + In the Plains, peyotism largely followed the Ghost Dance frustration of anti-White sentiment and preached +conciliation instead; such Christian elements as were added had a largely propagandist function in this direction.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_86_147" href="#FNanchor_86_147" class="label">[86]</a> Wagner, <i>Entwicklung und Verbreitung</i>, 74; Shonle, <i>Peyote: Giver of Visions</i>, 55.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_87_148" href="#FNanchor_87_148" class="label">[87]</a> + As told, this seemed to have reference to the miraculous proliferation of the Biblical loaves and fishes, +but it is sufficiently similar to aboriginal hunting beliefs.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_88_149" href="#FNanchor_88_149" class="label">[88]</a> The Comanche and others usually had a meeting on the spot, eating green peyote.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_89_150" href="#FNanchor_89_150" class="label">[89]</a> The Kiowa now have five Easter meetings, six on New Year’s Day, four to six on Thanksgiving, and two +or three on Armistice Day (by World War soldiers and sailors). Bert Crow-lance vowed to eat a hundred if all +the Kiowa boys returned safely from the War (but this is an enormous quantity actually to have eaten). The +Kiowa differ from other groups in having no funeral meetings; mourners commonly abstain for several months +from meetings. Meetings have been held for heyoka-like display. The Comanche formerly held meetings before +a war journey to invoke peyote’s protection from the enemy, and to prophesy the outcome of the battle.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_90_151" href="#FNanchor_90_151" class="label">[90]</a> “A sweatbath was always undergone by warriors preparing for war ... and perhaps generally, before +any serious or hazardous undertaking.... Sweating was important in medical practice for the cure of disease.... +Sometimes the friends and relatives of the sick person ... assembled in the sweathouse, sang and prayed for +the patient’s recovery” (<i>Handbook of the American Indians</i>, 2:661b). The peyote meeting and sweating present +many such analogies.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_91_152" href="#FNanchor_91_152" class="label">[91]</a> + Painting is commonly dictated in visions: a Kiowa saw a red-bird after a meeting once as a red-blanketed +man who told him to use red paint thereafter. Comanche formerly went in wearing only breech-clout and +“blanket,” being painted white or yellow all over the body. One Comanche had an all-over body yellow with +blue zigzags up the arm and down the side and leg, with a red zigzag paralleling this (on the outside of the arm +and therefore on the inside of the leg); on each cheek a small blue-bordered red spot, and a large three-inch red +spot on the breast under the throat. The Tonkawa painted the top of the fetish-plant red also. Leaders often +wear otter skin braid-coverings, and at certain points in the ritual fur headdresses. Mescal beans as necklaces +or on moccasin- and gourd-fringes are common (the Kiowa wear them on their moccasins as protection against +stepping on menstrual blood). The “blanket,” or sheet (in the summer), is invariable.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_92_153" href="#FNanchor_92_153" class="label">[92]</a> Mooney (<i>A Kiowa Mescal Rattle</i>, 64-65) describes a Kiowa gourd with the Peyote Woman, peyote, +moon, ash crescent, and Morning-Star under her feet heralding her morning approach with water.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_93_154" href="#FNanchor_93_154" class="label">[93]</a> + The basic rite is practically free from Christian symbolism. Some call the sage under the fetish a “cross”; +some leaders make a cross under the water-bucket or in the water with feathers at midnight. Mooney wrote that +“many of the mescal eaters wear crucifixes ... the cross representing the cross of scented leaves ... while +Christ is the mescal goddess.” But all crosses are not necessarily Christian. See <a href="#APPENDIX_8">Appendix 8</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_94_155" href="#FNanchor_94_155" class="label">[94]</a> + Older men carry real “feathers,” but younger ones often bring small, ribbed, commercial, folding ladies’ +fans—an interesting compromise. The Comanche nácihita “resting-stick, to walk,” was formerly a bow, according +to Hoebel, on war-party meetings, while the drum was formerly of wood. The Lipan formerly used a +bow, hit with a stick.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_95_156" href="#FNanchor_95_156" class="label">[95]</a> + Following a suggestion of Dr. Wissler, I made a special note of this and found that the ubiquitous satchel +is as much a “trait” of the peyote leader’s paraphernalia as his staff or gourd or feathers.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_96_157" href="#FNanchor_96_157" class="label">[96]</a> The Kiowa moon is crescent-shaped, the Comanche horseshoe-shaped—a significant point in tracing +provenience of altars in other tribes. Some Comanche garland the entire west side of the altar with sage, in which +the fetish rests. In war the Comanche used a shield as an altar. A cement moon made by a Choctaw adopted by +the Kiowa was an innovation much in disfavor, as was a Seminole altar made among the Caddo; the symbolical +interior of the latter was removed to make a simple crescent. Indeed, many Caddo are moving away from the +John Wilson symbolic cement moon.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_97_158" href="#FNanchor_97_158" class="label">[97]</a> Cf. the Huichol “pillow” for Grandfather Fire.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_98_159" href="#FNanchor_98_159" class="label">[98]</a> Belo Kozad’s (Kiowa) father peyote had been Quanah Parker’s (Comanche) and was handed around after +the meeting almost as an heirloom. Mumsika (Comanche) still preserves a famous peyote button of Kutubi’s +(Hoebel). Howard White Wolf (Comanche) has a peyote he addresses as “older brother” since it had cured him +as a baby. Clyde Koko (Kiowa) quit peyote one Christmas night and gave Charley two father peyotes to take +back to Laredo and plant with smoke and prayer; uncertain, the latter brought them back to find Koko had completely +changed his mind: “I never made such a mistake in my life. If you’d done that it sure would have ruined +me. I’ve learned a lesson!”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_99_160" href="#FNanchor_99_160" class="label">[99]</a> “The neophyte is constantly exhorted not to allow his eyes to wander, but to keep them fixed upon the +sacred mescal in the center of the circle.” (Mooney, <i>The Mescal Plant</i>, 11). Changing the cross-legged position +too often, leaning backward on one elbow or the like to rest is considered frivolous, indicating lack of seriousness. +One may leave the meeting at any time with permission, but it is best to try to wait till after midnight, unless +there is the emergency of nausea from peyote. In leaving and entering the leader is always consulted to see if the +path to one’s seat is “clear,” i.e., that no one is eating peyote or smoking; as smoking or eating peyote is conceptually +praying, it is extremely bad manners to pass between a person doing either and the altar fire, hence the +need for instruction from the leader. This is old Plains etiquette (<i>Handbook of the American Indians</i>, 1:442b). +Thus, to avoid his having to pass before smokers, the brand might be passed backwards to the fireman; his movements +in tending the fire never entail passing before anyone, and the feather given him by the leader symbolizes +delegation of power to enter or leave as necessary for wood. But no one may pass between him and his seat while +tending the fire.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_100_161" href="#FNanchor_100_161" class="label">[100]</a> Corn shucks are standard, but Comanche and Shawnee sometimes use black-jack oak-leaves (just so the +materials are native). Interestingly, the elbow pipe is never used in the Plains, but at Mescalero a pipe was used +instead of the usual Southwestern cigarette—a case of reverse or reciprocal borrowing.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_101_162" href="#FNanchor_101_162" class="label">[101]</a> There are many individualized modes of eating peyote. Hoebel describes a Comanche way: chew into a +ball, spit into palm of hand, rub in clockwise circle, swallow bolus. On the war-path one spits in his hands again +and rubs his head and ears, the better to hear. Belo said he once ate a button when each person sang. Kiowa +often make several clockwise motions of buttons toward the fire before eating, to prevent nausea, or hold the +palms out toward it and rub themselves. One may request another to chew peyote for him if he has bad teeth +or is sick, and swallow the bolus so prepared. The number of buttons eaten ranges from four to about thirty.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_102_163" href="#FNanchor_102_163" class="label">[102]</a> Mooney (<i>Miscellaneous Notes</i>) + mentions an odorous root from New Mexico, but is unclear about its use; +cedar incense was universal in the writer’s experience. The sage may be passed around also; some chew, eat it.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_103_164" href="#FNanchor_103_164" class="label">[103]</a> + Cf. the whisk of sage used in sweat-bathing; in view of other parallels, this otherwise functionless item +in the peyote meeting should not be overlooked.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_104_165" href="#FNanchor_104_165" class="label">[104]</a> + This is the first of four sets of four songs each, sung at stated times in the ritual; the others are: Yáhiyano +(midnight water song), Wakahó (daylight song for morning water) and Gayatina (Closing Song). All are Esikwita +(Mescalero); all end with a fast unrhythmical shaking of the gourd. The two Kiowa groups sęįhoṇ (Peyote Road) +and Goihoṇ (Kiowa Road) differ in that in the former only the initial song of each group is set, in the latter all +songs of all four groups are set.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_105_166" href="#FNanchor_105_166" class="label">[105]</a> + There are specific and detailed rules about passing the paraphernalia. Ordinarily, save in the case of the +leader and his assistant at the opening song, etc., the paraphernalia (here the staff) never move counter-clockwise. +The drum always passes inside the staff, i.e., proximally, the staff at arm’s length in the left hand, the drum being +passed under it with the right, when for any reason this occurs. The symbolism of this is perhaps obvious. A man +may not be the singer more than once in a round, but he may be successively drummer, singer and drummer. +(Though the staff may not go backward, the drum may, and in this case A receiving the staff, passes the drum +with his right hand under his outstretched left, from the man on his right to the man on his left, B. A then sings +to B’s drumming; the staff is then passed forward from A to B, and the drum exchanged or passed backward +from B to A, this time A drumming and B singing. Still going clockwise, the staff may be passed from B to C, +and the drum from A to B, C singing this time and B drumming a second time.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_106_167" href="#FNanchor_106_167" class="label">[106]</a> + At the east door the drum may be passed as stated to the second man so that the first man south of the +door gets a chance to sing (because the fireman is too far away to drum for him) then an exchange and normal +passing again, staff first. If a person right of the singer is old, sick, a woman or a visitor, he may request a friend +to drum for him of the leader; the friend moves clockwise and sits by him temporarily. Women neither drum nor +rattle nor sing (but like other participants they tend to sing softly favorite songs or the universally known set +songs). Men try to make their four songs different from those previously sung, but favorites may be repeated.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_107_168" href="#FNanchor_107_168" class="label">[107]</a> Kutubi (Comanche) in a war-party peyote meeting once visioned that they would be killed, and wept +and upbraided peyote for doing this. H. H. (Wichita) during a meeting wept with total unrestraint for his +brother and nephew, who had been hurt in an auto accident.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_108_169" href="#FNanchor_108_169" class="label">[108]</a> + The Kiowa sometimes make a humming-bird of the ashes (a prominent Kiowa family is called Hummingbird); +cf. the Comanche, Oto, Shawnee, Yuchi and (?) Ute ash-birds.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_109_170" href="#FNanchor_109_170" class="label">[109]</a> Peyote Road cultists: one fixed song, three optional; Kiowa Road: four fixed songs. The words of the +standard song are unintelligible. Many tribes use their own language for these set songs (e.g., one Winnebago +group). The schism in the Kiowa, if such it may be called, is excessively minor and communicants of one are +freely welcomed in the other; though it purports (probably wrongly) to be the original and more pure rite, the +Kiowa Road (led by Atape) is felt to be an uncalled-for variant.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_110_171" href="#FNanchor_110_171" class="label">[110]</a> Mooney (<i>The Mescal Plant</i>, + 8) writes: “At midnight a vessel of water is passed around, and each takes +a drink and sprinkles a few drops upon his head.” We believe Mooney has slipped into error here, for this +“baptismal” ceremony comes in the morning when the contents of the drum, not the bucket, are used. Non-Kiowa +data likewise agree on this point. According to Mooney, the leader drinks first among the Comanche. +The Caddo drink no water at this time: “One must suffer to peyote.” Such abstemiousness with a thirst-producing +substance like peyote suggests the psychological flavor of the vision quest. Note that Anhalonium means +“without salt.” “If there is suffering, this is the time. That’s the reason I took a good rest so I could stand it. +Many a time I have fallen over at this time. The hour of the Crucifixion. Everyone is suffering now ... the dark +hour” (Simmons, in <i>Peyote Road</i>).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_111_172" href="#FNanchor_111_172" class="label">[111]</a> + “The four whistles at midnight by the leader outside the tipi are to notify all things in all directions that +they were having a meeting there at the center of the cross ... calling the great power to be with us while we +were drinking so that it could hear our prayers and bless us” (Hoebel, <i>Comanche Field Notes</i>).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_112_173" href="#FNanchor_112_173" class="label">[112]</a> Others may be incensed when they reënter too, and everyone holds out his fan for the blessing. If a +communicant is smoking when another reënters, it is good manners to place the cigarette on the ground temporarily +that he may pass in front of him.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_113_174" href="#FNanchor_113_174" class="label">[113]</a> + There is a suggestion that this woman, usually the wife of the sponsor, symbolizes sęįmąyi or “Peyote +Woman”; the Morning Star heralds her approach (see Mooney, <i>A Kiowa Mescal Rattle</i>).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_114_175" href="#FNanchor_114_175" class="label">[114]</a> + Doctoring is second only to the vision for individual knowledge and power in the Plains. Kiowa peyote +doctors have special prestige among other tribes. In 1936 I sponsored a Kiowa meeting near Stecker, Oklahoma, +for Belo Kozad to doctor Ernest Kokome who was suffering from tuberculosis. (Ernest had given me his trade-blanket +beaded peyote-necktie in 1935 on the morning after a meeting at which I had admired it.) After midnight, +Belo chewed four peyote and gave them to Ernest, fanning him with feathers and cedar incense; then he made a +cross in front of the patient with a glowing coal, and, putting it in his mouth, blew all over the face and chest of +the sick young man, who unbuttoned his shirt for the purpose. Next Belo fanned or batted him with his feathers, +the patient holding up his palms to absorb the medicine virtue. Finally he took a mouthful of water and blew it +on Ernest’s head, praying and beseeching in the name of Jesus Christ for him to get well. Peyote gave Belo the +power to doctor thus and not be burned by the coal.</p> + +<p>Peyote was brought to the Creek, indeed, for doctoring by Jim Aton (a famous Kiowa peyote doctor). +Much in demand, he has doctored in peyote meetings of the Yuchi, Shawnee, Kickapoo, Creek, Caddo, Osage, +Comanche, Kiowa Apache, Kiowa, Mescalero Apache and Quapaw; also whites and Mexicans. His methods of +doctoring have been described previously. The well-known Comanche peyote doctor, Jim Post-oak, “hollers +like a bear in doctoring.” (People often imitate the animal-sources of their power in the morning, in the midst of +others’ singing, either from peyote-“euphoria” or in praise of particularly good singing.) Peyote doctoring by Old +Man Horse (Kiowa) influenced the Oto rite of the Church of the First-born too. Peyote can perform cures unassisted +outside meetings also, as shown by the case of Tommy Cat who ate peyote over the protests of his nurse +in a hospital and was cured.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_115_176" href="#FNanchor_115_176" class="label">[115]</a> + Polonian obviousness is usually the note in these harangues (sit up straight and keep awake in meetings, +wear clean clothes and bathe before coming, wear a blanket, keep your mind on good things in the ceremony, +don’t look around the tipi, don’t drink whiskey, don’t lie to your wife or show off, but pray for your wife and +children, respect old people, humble yourself, go home again if you come to a crowded meeting)—but occasionally +specific admonitions are made. A Kiowa jokester, J. S., had had trouble with his wife, and was plainly talked +to in meeting. Quanah Parker used to lecture young people in the morning. Long prayers are another means of +making psychological transactions. Some tribes make individual public confessions at this time.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_116_177" href="#FNanchor_116_177" class="label">[116]</a> Mooney, <i>The Mescal Plant</i>, 8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_117_178" href="#FNanchor_117_178" class="label">[117]</a> Some rattle the marbles of the drum, put them in the mouth and spit them into the palm. Members +commonly “baptize” themselves with the drum-water, using the drumstick to moisten the palm and rubbing +the hair, face, chest, arms and thighs as in blessing with cedar incense; some paint themselves with the charcoal +in the drum. The remaining water in the drum is poured along the moon. The sage under the peyote may be +passed to the patient, if there is one, or it may be requested for absent ailing relatives.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_118_179" href="#FNanchor_118_179" class="label">[118]</a> + Sometimes the stories have a moral point; the following was told by O. W. (Comanche) to E. R. (Delaware): +the leader of a Wichita Easter meeting had a fine watch, costing from $150 to $200. At daylight, before +water time, wanting to display it, he put it down by the feathers. A man to the north was singing and making +vigorous punches toward the peyote. When he looked at his watch later, “it was just a mess of works in there +loose, and the hands dropped off,” though nobody had touched it. “It don’t pay to go in there and then try to +show off.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_119_180" href="#FNanchor_119_180" class="label">[119]</a> + “The first shall be last and the last shall be first.” Hoebel says the Comanche fire-chief takes one step outside, +turns completely around once, and continues his way, the others exiting in a straight fashion. Cf. the +Huichol turns.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_120_181" href="#FNanchor_120_181" class="label">[120]</a> A Comanche told me a Kiowa ate a lot of peyote once and tried to sing a Comanche song. He sang the +wrong words, which meant “Mentula exposita est, Mentula exposita est!” (Cf. the Oto jokes about songs.) +A typical experience of Belo Kozad involves the hearing of a new peyote song, psychological anxiety, a moral, +and an explanation about power-getting: A peyote song, without words, once came to him in a vision. He +seemed to be in the south, in soft grass. In the distance he saw a man, whom he followed. He did not know it, +but this man represented Temptation. Belo followed the man, who was leading him off somewhere. Suddenly +the man kicked backwards with his foot [a familiar folkloristic element] and went on. When Belo approached he +found apples there; he refused to take one. Further on the man kicked back with his other foot. This time Belo +found dollar bills and playing cards; these he refused too. A third time he found pictures of beautiful girls in +various poses, but he withstood temptation. Finally he came to the top of a hill, over the brow of which the man +had disappeared ahead of him. Then he heard the man talk to him from behind: “The apples, the cards, and the +pictures all meant temptation. You have withstood them all. Upon the top of this hill you will find good fortune +if you take this peyote.” Belo went up and saw there a terrible chasm, crossed by a bridge of a single tipi pole. +The man said that the pole had to be crossed with four steps; if he did this he would have great curing power. +The man danced forward and backward across the pole to show Belo, singing this song the while. But Belo was +afraid to cross the chasm and turned back thus not acquiring the curing power.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_121_182" href="#FNanchor_121_182" class="label">[121]</a> Indeed, among some groups like the Caddo, doctoring is expressly absent.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_122_183" href="#FNanchor_122_183" class="label">[122]</a> + In Mescalero, too, “prophecy and advice were no small part of the performance. It was rarely that his +power did not vouchsafe the shaman some reassuring information concerning the longevity of his patient, the +number of grandchildren with which he would be blessed, and the future state of his fortunes.” They also controlled +the weather thus, found lost objects, located the enemy, etc., but doctoring was the main feature of +Mescalero peyote meetings.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_123_184" href="#FNanchor_123_184" class="label">[123]</a> Shonle (<i>Peyote: Giver of Visions</i>, + 57) notes that peyote was latterly a reservation phenomenon, when +tribal enmities were gone. The Ghost Dance had been anti-White; peyotism was a compromise, and the friendly +intertribal contacts growing out of the Ghost Dance could now be exploited.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_124_185" href="#FNanchor_124_185" class="label">[124]</a> + Cf. Tamaulipecan rites and the black-drink ball-game of the Southeast. (The black drink was as nearby +as the Karankawa.) The Southwest-Southeast connections are more than superficial; Beals (<i>Comparative Ethnology</i>, +142) believes there is a probable connection of Southwest-Mexican alcoholic drinks with the Southeastern +black drink.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_125_186" href="#FNanchor_125_186" class="label">[125]</a> + Curiously the cigarette of the region farther west is universal in the intrusive Plains peyote rite, while +at Mescalero the stone elbow pipe is passed around in the calumet fashion of the Plains in one leader’s ceremony.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_126_187" href="#FNanchor_126_187" class="label">[126]</a> Is this a culture-environmental problem?—for the same substance which was spectacularly aphrodisiac +in Lame Deer, Montana, was stubbornly anaphrodisiac in Philadelphia. Unfortunately for the accusing school +of thought, Bennett and Zingg’s trait-distribution tables indicate a negative association of sexual promiscuity +and the ritual use of peyote in Mexico.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_127_188" href="#FNanchor_127_188" class="label">[127]</a> + Opler says that “in no other Mescalero ceremony is a mound of earth in the shape of a crescent found. +On the other hand, crude earth tracings did grace a Mescalero rite occasionally, and the moon was much in +evidence in ritual song and design. The staff of the peyote shaman seems an innovation at first thought; yet it has +a counterpart in the ‘old age stick’ held by the singer in the girl’s puberty rite.” The gourd in Mescalero has +exclusively peyote associations. On the whole, the standard Plains ceremony appears to have taken shape among +the Lipan-Mescalero. But Curtis (<i>North American Indian</i> 19:199-200) says that the White Mountain Apache +were the first United States users and that “the ritual [in the United States] is obviously copied from the +Wichita ceremonial form.”</p></div> + +</div> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_57">[57]</span></p> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="COMPARATIVE_STUDY_OF_PLAINS_PEYOTISM">COMPARATIVE STUDY OF PLAINS PEYOTISM</h2> + +</div> + +<p>We have now compared the basic Plains rite with that of Mexico and the transitional +Lipan-Mescalero. Yet an independent development of this basic rite in the Plains and a +multiform flowering of the cult there, influenced by older cultural concepts of a different +nature, necessitates a discussion of more minute variants within the region. In other words, +we have determined in the previous section the major variations of the peyote ceremony as +aboriginally constituted, and now trace the fate of the cult as it invaded a different cultural +terrain and came under the influence of other culture patterns, including the Christian.⁠<a id="FNanchor_1_189" href="#Footnote_1_189" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></p> + +<p><i>Trip for Peyote.</i> A typical nine-day trip was made by the Cheyenne in 1914 from Watonga, +Oklahoma, to Laredo, Texas. Ten “peyote boys” contributed the total cost of +$61.85, and several suitcases full of buttons were brought back (about 1,400 each); these +were bought from a White dealer in Laredo.⁠<a id="FNanchor_2_190" href="#Footnote_2_190" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Another time a Southern Cheyenne, then President +of the Native American Church, brought back a special trailer full of peyote from +Romer, Texas. The northern Plains tribes make infrequent pilgrimages for the plant, depending +largely upon supplies shipped from Texas or bought from Indians nearer the source. +One Wichita leader sold 40 acres of land to buy a car in which to make a trip to Mousquis, +his fourth or fifth such trip in about ten years. An early Comanche party going for peyote +in the Apache region had much the character of a war journey; as described by Hoebel it +involved a clairvoyant discovery of the enemy, prophecy of the outcome, and a horse-raid. +Typically, however, the Kickapoo “chip in” money for peyote pilgrimages, and precede +this with prayers for the safe-keeping of the travellers.</p> + +<p><i>Rite at Site.</i> The Lipan⁠<a id="FNanchor_3_191" href="#Footnote_3_191" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> say that</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">peyote is pretty hard to find when you are looking for it ... a person who is not used to it doesn’t +recognize it though he is in the middle of a whole clump of peyote. Once he sees one, another appears +and so on until they all come out just like stars. If you are having a hard time finding them +you do this: when you find just one by itself you eat it. When it takes effect, when you get a little +dizzy, you will hear a noise like the wind from a certain direction. Go over there ... from the +place where the noise is coming you will get many peyote plants.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p>Mrs. Voegelin⁠<a id="FNanchor_4_192" href="#Footnote_4_192" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> reports an interesting Shawnee concept:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>You can get power by visiting the peyote patch in Texas, and telling it at evening that you want +help to cure people and get medicine. You sprinkle tobacco there. The next morning, when the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_58">[58]</span>Morning Star comes up, the person goes to the patch where he put the tobacco and when he +comes close he hears a rattler rattling. If he has nerve enough to go over there, likely he does +not find a snake there, but just something to scare him. If he does find a snake there, he grabs the +rattlesnake (which is coiled up on top of the medicine) and takes it off and then he picks one peyote +button from that place. Then he goes to another bunch and picks another button.... Perhaps +at the fourth spot where he picks his fourth button, the snake is there again and he must remove it.... +Jim Clark related this defying of a rattlesnake to the obtaining of another very powerful +herb in the old days.⁠<a id="FNanchor_5_193" href="#Footnote_5_193" class="fnanchor">[5]</a></p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">The typical Plains gathering ceremony has been described to the writer for the Kiowa, +Wichita, and Kickapoo: one sits west of the first peyote found and makes a smoke-prayer +before orienting the plant with a thorn or mark that it may be properly used as a “father +peyote” later; this first plant shows the gatherer where to find more.</p> + +<p><i>Vowing of Meetings.</i> Spier has traced the pattern of “vowing” the Sun Dance in the +Plains and it is interesting to note the persistence of this trait in the peyote ceremony. It +is particularly a pattern of the Algonquian-speaking peoples; but we have recorded it for +the Kiowa and Wichita as well as the Shawnee, Kickapoo, and Northern Cheyenne.⁠<a id="FNanchor_6_194" href="#Footnote_6_194" class="fnanchor">[6]</a></p> + +<p><i>Time of Meetings.</i> Peyote meetings are generally held Saturday nights so that the forenoon +of the following Sunday may be spent relaxing and talking under a “shade”; but the +Comanche and Seminole sometimes set theirs for Sunday night, following the White pattern +for religious meetings.⁠<a id="FNanchor_7_195" href="#Footnote_7_195" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> The Caddo, Tonkawa and Lipan often had four meetings on successive +nights, particularly for sick persons; the Caddo sometimes mark four birthdays +with meetings a year apart. Holiday meetings on Easter, New Year’s, Thanksgiving and +Christmas are common; an Arapaho meeting was once held with a Christmas tree. Many +tribes like the Northern Cheyenne drink tea outside meetings, when practising songs or +“to sharpen one’s mind” when solving some particularly knotty personal problem, but +some groups maintain that it is forbidden to use peyote outside meetings, for it would be +useless then, even for doctoring. The frequency of meetings throughout the year would +be difficult to ascertain, though there is no seasonal restriction as in Mexico; perhaps one +or two meetings a month in each tribe might be an average number when the whole year +is considered.</p> + +<p><i>Purpose.</i> Doctoring of the sick is the commonest reason given for calling a meeting; but +though infrequently expressed as an official motive, the vision-producing physiological +effect of peyote is probably the major reason. However, so various are the stated purposes +of meetings, that one is led to conclude that when a man wishes to have one, he ordinarily +finds little difficulty in discovering a reason for it. A Lipan Apache said,</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_59">[59]</span></p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">In the early days they just had a good time for one night. It was not used as a curing ceremony +then.... At first they wanted to have good visions, that’s what they were after. But then, recently, +they began to use it as a medicine for sick people.⁠<a id="FNanchor_8_196" href="#Footnote_8_196" class="fnanchor">[8]</a></p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">The Kickapoo and Caddo do not doctor in meetings; the latter pray for the sick, however, +and commonly have four meetings in close succession for this purpose, as well as on the +first four anniversaries of a child’s birth or a man’s death.</p> + +<p>The primary reason for Northern Cheyenne meetings is social, with doctoring second; +they knew of meetings held for rain, but despite prolonged droughts in their region never +made them themselves. Comanche formerly held meetings to exercise clairvoyance about +the enemies’ position, to obtain protection from them⁠<a id="FNanchor_9_197" href="#Footnote_9_197" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> and to ascertain by prophecy the +outcome of battle; like the Mescalero they also held meetings to divine and combat sorcery, +and one meeting was held to celebrate the surveying of their lands. Delaware meetings +were for the welfare of the community in general, to show hospitality to visiting friends +and to mark the first four anniversaries of a death.⁠<a id="FNanchor_10_198" href="#Footnote_10_198" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> Kickapoo hold meetings to obtain rain, +in consolation for a death, to name a child⁠<a id="FNanchor_11_199" href="#Footnote_11_199" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> + and for a dead person.⁠<a id="FNanchor_12_200" href="#Footnote_12_200" class="fnanchor">[12]</a></p> + +<p>Mescalero ate peyote to locate the enemy, to find lost objects and to foretell the future +as well as for curing.⁠<a id="FNanchor_13_201" href="#Footnote_13_201" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> The Osage have funeral meetings, and meetings to “see the face of +Jesus” or the faces of their dead relatives;⁠<a id="FNanchor_14_202" href="#Footnote_14_202" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> the Oto say they can see the deceased in meetings +too. In the Oto Church of the First-born, Jonathan Koshiway baptized, married, and +conducted funerals; the Pawnee have no funeral meetings but celebrate birthdays, New +Year’s Eve, Christmas and Easter.⁠<a id="FNanchor_15_203" href="#Footnote_15_203" class="fnanchor">[15]</a></p> + +<p>A typical Ponca meeting attended at White Eagle was to doctor a sick child with peyote +tea. Another, a Shawnee meeting at McCloud, had been vowed if the soldiers’ bonus +legislation passed Congress. One Shawnee held meetings for his eldest daughter yearly for +thirteen years; sometimes they hold purely social meetings and for health and doctoring, +but not for rain. Wichita, on the other hand, set up meetings to pray for rain and good crops, +on anniversaries, and for doctoring; and a Wichita “bonus” meeting was held in 1936. Prophecy +has been present in Wichita meetings also. The Winnebago⁠<a id="FNanchor_16_204" href="#Footnote_16_204" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> have death-consolation +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_60">[60]</span>meetings, + death-anniversary meetings and meetings to doctor the sick. At Taos⁠<a id="FNanchor_17_205" href="#Footnote_17_205" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> meetings +are for curing, or simply when “someone thinks they ought to have a peyote meeting.”</p> + +<p><i>Participants.</i> The Carrizo had two women by the door to bring water into the meeting, +but the Lipan permitted no women to be present or even erect the tipi. In the early days +the Kiowa, Comanche, Tonkawa, Sauk, and Oto prohibited women from attending, and +only old men used peyote, but forty or fifty years ago women started coming in to be doctored +and gradually came in for other reasons, though they could not use the ritual paraphernalia; +under no circumstances may a menstruant woman enter.⁠<a id="FNanchor_18_206" href="#Footnote_18_206" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> The restriction against +women appears to apply only to groups who early had peyote, when it still had much of +the flavor of a warriors’ society about it; for example, the Arapaho, Cheyenne, Ponca, +Kickapoo, Mescalero, Shawnee, Taos and Wichita apparently always allowed women to +attend.⁠<a id="FNanchor_19_207" href="#Footnote_19_207" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> In the Iowa meeting the women formed the outer of two concentric circles, the +men the inner, and the former were allowed only two buttons.⁠<a id="FNanchor_20_208" href="#Footnote_20_208" class="fnanchor">[20]</a> Women never use eagle +feather fans.</p> + +<p>Some tribes, like the Caddo, still have a strong objection to the presence of White men +in meetings, but other groups do not object to White men as such.⁠<a id="FNanchor_21_209" href="#Footnote_21_209" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> A number of tribes +have a bias against the attendance of Negroes, but this is not the case at least with the +Kiowa, Wichita, and Kickapoo.⁠<a id="FNanchor_22_210" href="#Footnote_22_210" class="fnanchor">[22]</a></p> + +<p><i>Visiting.</i> All Indians, however, of whatever tribe, are welcome in the meetings of all +other tribes.⁠<a id="FNanchor_23_211" href="#Footnote_23_211" class="fnanchor">[23]</a> For example, at a Shawnee leader’s meeting at McCloud there were 12 Kickapoo, +6 Shawnee, 3 Caddo, 2 Kiowa, 2 Whites, a Wichita, a Seminole, a Sauk-and-Fox, an +Oto, a Potawatomi and a Negro—a not untypical aggregate.⁠<a id="FNanchor_24_212" href="#Footnote_24_212" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> Individual users visit around +a great deal in trying to “learn about peyote”; an old Kickapoo user had been in meetings +of the Arapaho, Cheyenne, Caddo, Delaware, Wichita, Apache, Kiowa, Osage, Yuchi, +Sauk-and-Fox, Oto, Iowa, Shawnee, Comanche, Pawnee and Ponca. Indeed, the very +origin legend of peyote indicates a period of beginning intertribal contacts, and peyotism +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_61">[61]</span>in later days became the specific vehicle of intertribal friendships, when mutual warfare +disappeared.</p> + +<p><i>Place of Meeting.</i> The typical place of meeting for the Plains, as well as Taos, Mescalero, +and Lipan, is the tipi. The Arapaho-Winnebago peyote tipi has twelve poles, symbolizing +the earth.⁠<a id="FNanchor_25_213" href="#Footnote_25_213" class="fnanchor">[25]</a> The Pawnee have special painted tipis for peyote, as in the Ghost Dance; and, +like the Pawnee, the Wichita and Winnebago dismantle the tipi immediately at the end of +a meeting.⁠<a id="FNanchor_26_214" href="#Footnote_26_214" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> + The Osage, Quapaw, Omaha, Northern Winnebago and others⁠<a id="FNanchor_27_215" href="#Footnote_27_215" class="fnanchor">[27]</a> have special +peyote churches, or “round houses” (really polygonal), and many, like the Taos, hold winter +meetings in the home of some member.</p> + +<p>But meetings were held elsewhere too in the past. The Carrizo had meetings in the +open within a circle of sticks. The first Kiowa meetings took place within a circle of upright +poles with canvas stretched around it, open to the sky; Comanche also used simple wind-breaks +as do even now the Northern Cheyenne, who sometimes also hold the ceremony +on a hill-top in the open.⁠<a id="FNanchor_28_216" href="#Footnote_28_216" class="fnanchor">[28]</a> The Caddo have held meetings in a canvas-covered subconical +“stick house” holding over forty people in two rows; and the Bannock of Idaho, on account +of opposition to peyotism, have held meetings in backwoods log-houses—in short, the +holding of the meeting in a tipi, while common and typical, is not ritually required.</p> + +<p><i>Bathing.</i> The Lipan customarily washed their hair in yucca suds before a meeting, and +perfumed themselves with mint. In the Plains and at Mescalero they take a sweatbath +or a bath with water; the Arapaho⁠<a id="FNanchor_29_217" href="#Footnote_29_217" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> plunge once against the current and once with it, +then rub themselves with teaxuwineⁿ or waxuwahan and other scented plants. The Osage +build a sweat lodge as an integral part of their church, in a direct line east of it. A man in +Hominy specializes in giving Osage old-style sweat baths, but some of them somewhat +ostentatiously travel to Claremore, a hundred miles away, to take “radium baths” before +meetings.</p> + +<p><i>Painting.</i> Face and body painting is recorded for the Arapaho, Comanche, Delaware, +Kiowa, Oto, Shawnee, Tonkawa, Wichita and Winnebago, yellow being the commonest +color used by the Arapaho and Comanche.⁠<a id="FNanchor_30_218" href="#Footnote_30_218" class="fnanchor">[30]</a> A Kiowa story tells of the acquiring of +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_62">[62]</span>an individual paint design in a vision of a red bird which turned into a man. The Tonkawa +even painted the fuzz on the top of the fetish peyote red, according to Opler. Painted stripes +symbolize for the Wichita the extent of one’s experience with peyote: a beginner paints +the part of the hair yellow and puts one blue line on his face, adding up to four finally: +“He’s supposed to know something then.” Both men and women painted for Winnebago +meetings.⁠<a id="FNanchor_31_219" href="#Footnote_31_219" class="fnanchor">[31]</a></p> + +<p><i>Clothing and Headdress.</i> Formerly native dress was prescribed for Plains peyote meetings, +and even now a blanket (in summer a folded sheet) among male communicants and a +shawl among female is common—to symbolize affiliation with “blanket Indians.” Younger +men, otherwise in ordinary White dress, often wear a “peyote-necktie” made of an old-fashioned +trade blanket, beaded, and with the selvage-stripes as a design; soft neckerchiefs +drawn through rings with “water-bird” and “Morning-Star” designs are also common. +The Arapaho⁠<a id="FNanchor_32_220" href="#Footnote_32_220" class="fnanchor">[32]</a> water woman wears a symbolically painted buckskin dress; men wear +special wrist-bands and headdresses of yellow hammer and woodpecker feathers. Carrizo +men wore only a loincloth in meetings, not even moccasins; the women attendants wore +red blankets, the one to the north with woodpecker feathers and the one to the south with +a red flicker feather.⁠<a id="FNanchor_33_221" href="#Footnote_33_221" class="fnanchor">[33]</a> Iowa wear Kiowa-Comanche style leggings, the thongs of which are +knotted with “red medicine” or mescal beans.⁠<a id="FNanchor_34_222" href="#Footnote_34_222" class="fnanchor">[34]</a></p> + +<p>A turban or head-scarf has been observed among the Delaware, Shawnee, Kickapoo, +Wichita and Winnebago,⁠<a id="FNanchor_35_223" href="#Footnote_35_223" class="fnanchor">[35]</a> but the otter-skin cap of the Kiowa and Winnebago is optional. +At Taos the variant dress of the “peyote boys” has become a symbol of the strife of the +old and the new. The young men who use peyote cut out the seats of their trousers, thus +converting them into a G-string and leggings and necessitating a blanket, and let their +hair grow in Plains fashion.⁠<a id="FNanchor_36_224" href="#Footnote_36_224" class="fnanchor">[36]</a> Among older Osage men the “roached” style of scalp lock +was formerly still in vogue, but the younger men who have adopted the peyote religion +wear their hair long, parted and braided on each side with ribbons and yarn.⁠<a id="FNanchor_37_225" href="#Footnote_37_225" class="fnanchor">[37]</a> Among the +Winnebago, on the other hand, the progressivism of the peyote cult demands that long hair +be cut, and Crashing Thunder discovered that it was a “shame to wear long hair.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_38_226" href="#Footnote_38_226" class="fnanchor">[38]</a></p> + +<p><i>Ritual Restrictions.</i> Salt may not be eaten on the day that peyote is consumed among +the Huichol, Tarahumari, Arapaho, Comanche, Kickapoo, Wichita, etc.; the distributional +gaps are more likely gaps in our information than lack of the taboo, which is probably +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_63">[63]</span>universal at least among the early Plains users of peyote.⁠<a id="FNanchor_39_227" href="#Footnote_39_227" class="fnanchor">[39]</a> + It is also considered hygienically +if not ethically unwise to use peyote in connection with alcoholic drinks; indeed, many +insist that the former cures addiction to the latter. The Arapaho⁠<a id="FNanchor_40_228" href="#Footnote_40_228" class="fnanchor">[40]</a> did not bring sharp +instruments into a peyote meeting, a taboo elsewhere unreported.</p> + +<p><i>Officials.</i> The “road chief” is the most important individual in a meeting. Kroeber writes +of the Arapaho leader in a manner which might apply to any Plains leader:⁠<a id="FNanchor_41_229" href="#Footnote_41_229" class="fnanchor">[41]</a></p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">The leader of each ceremony is sole director of it. He may ... base [his ceremony] partly on +visions during previous ceremonies. In other cases, he follows ceremonies that he has participated +in, changing or adding details to suit his personal ideas. No two ceremonies conducted by different +individuals are therefore exactly alike; but the general course of all is quite similar.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">We do not agree with Petrullo that the leader is a mere “figurehead.” Indeed, as we shall +see later, the variation in ceremonies is a function of leadership far more than of tribal +affiliation. The leader has full authority to change the ceremony in any way he wishes, +and his permission must be asked and secured even in such little matters as leaving the tipi +temporarily; even the fireman, his chief assistant, constantly consults with him and receives +directions.⁠<a id="FNanchor_42_230" href="#Footnote_42_230" class="fnanchor">[42]</a></p> + +<p>In fact, peyote leadership is a matter bringing much prestige, and in these days is a +major means of advancement among one’s fellows. John Rave, Albert Hensley, Jonathan +Koshiway, Quanah Parker and John Wilson find parallels to a less degree in all peyote +leaders, and rare is the man who does not seize the opportunity presented by his authority +to introduce some change, however trifling, into the ceremony.⁠<a id="FNanchor_43_231" href="#Footnote_43_231" class="fnanchor">[43]</a> Each tribe has a limited +number of recognized peyote leaders which can be named. The Shawnee, for example, +have nine only and the Pawnee have only eight recognized leaders in a population of eight +hundred. In the case of the Osage the number of leaders is further limited by the number +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_64">[64]</span>of permanent “churches” available; Murphy lists eighteen “East Moons” on the reservation +and three “West Moons.”</p> + +<p>Originally the officials in a peyote meeting appear to have been limited to the “road-chief,” +drummer, and “fire-chief.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_44_232" href="#Footnote_44_232" class="fnanchor">[44]</a> The “cedar-chief” is a later development. Among the +Winnebago the leader, drummer and cedar-man symbolize respectively the Father, the Son +and the Holy Ghost, and the leader gives the drummer his staff even as God delegated authority +to Jesus.⁠<a id="FNanchor_45_233" href="#Footnote_45_233" class="fnanchor">[45]</a> In the Quapaw “Big Moon” the officials number eight: three firemen +north of the door (required since every person must be fanned with feathers every time he +reënters the tipi), the leader, drummer and cedar-man west of the altar, and in addition +“one good man” at each arm of the altar-crucifix cross-piece.</p> + +<p><i>Economics.</i> On the basis of 13,300 peyote users in 1922 (and the number has since substantially +increased) in the United States alone, it is clear that the cult is of economic +significance in a number of ways. The price of peyote from dealers in Laredo, who supply +most of the northern Plains and Great Basin users, is from $2.50 to $5.00 a thousand buttons; +it is said that “the inhabitants of the small town of Nuevo Laredo, on the Mexican +side of the Rio Grande, derive their livelihood almost exclusively from the peyote trade.” +Schultes estimates $20,000 as the annual commercial transactions involved north of the +Rio Grande.⁠<a id="FNanchor_46_234" href="#Footnote_46_234" class="fnanchor">[46]</a></p> + +<p>The Tarahumari used to combine their peyote journeys with trading and other commercial +transactions, but the trip was otherwise profitable since peyote itself commanded +a good price; Lumholtz says one plant cost a sheep at one time in Tarahumariland, and he +himself was asked $10 for a dozen plants.⁠<a id="FNanchor_47_235" href="#Footnote_47_235" class="fnanchor">[47]</a> The Huichol sold part of their harvest sometimes +to non-pilgrims.⁠<a id="FNanchor_48_236" href="#Footnote_48_236" class="fnanchor">[48]</a></p> + +<p>In the Plains the sponsor usually meets the expense of a meeting himself, but some +groups like the Oto pass around a vessel in the morning for a “free-will offering.” At Taos +the peyote chief bears the expense, though others may make contributions to help defray +the cost. The chief expense at Tarahumari, as elsewhere, is the sacrificial beef. The total +cost of a meeting varies considerably, according to the number of persons fed at the secular +meal the next day. Meetings that Mooney attended in 1918 cost $15, $58 (including a beef +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_65">[65]</span>costing $35), and $80 respectively, but these amounts seem excessive. The writer has +sponsored an average meeting costing only about $15, and Hoebel has supplied “groceries” +for meetings at from $6 to $10 only.⁠<a id="FNanchor_49_237" href="#Footnote_49_237" class="fnanchor">[49]</a></p> + +<p>Considering their importance and authority, it is not surprising that the peyote chiefs +come in for some financial recompense. The Tarahumari peyotero was given a quarter of +the slaughtered beef, and one peyote doctor at Narárachic made his entire living by peyote +cures. Several Kiowa doctors nearly or completely match this. A Sioux doctor at Taos was +given a silk dress of the patient’s wife, a belt and $5 cash. Indeed, one of the complaints +against Wilson, the Caddo-Delaware peyote messiah, was that he over-exploited the +financial opportunities afforded by peyote leadership.⁠<a id="FNanchor_50_238" href="#Footnote_50_238" class="fnanchor">[50]</a> Victor Griffin (Quapaw) claims to +be the only man authorized by Wilson to make Big Moons, and for the building of a small +Quapaw “round house” near Miami, Oklahoma, he and his assistant, Charles Tyner +(Quapaw) received $750. There was and is considerable exchanging of gifts in connection +with peyote meetings and intertribal visiting; feathers, drum sticks, etc. are common gifts, +as well as “father peyotes” which have become heirlooms.⁠<a id="FNanchor_51_239" href="#Footnote_51_239" class="fnanchor">[51]</a></p> + +<p><i>Amount of Peyote Eaten.</i> The minimum number of buttons eaten by each participant is +usually four. Several persons claim to have eaten 75 to 100 or more, but the average is +nearer a third or a fourth of this.⁠<a id="FNanchor_52_240" href="#Footnote_52_240" class="fnanchor">[52]</a> Personal observations tend to confirm Mooney’s estimate +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_66">[66]</span>of 12 to 20 as a night’s average consumption; he said that 90 was the most any Kiowa +had ever eaten, and he believed this was possible since the individual was powerfully built—although +that number would amount to about a pound and a half. This may be so, but +one is skeptical of alleged consumptions of more than 30 or 40 average-sized buttons in the +dry form. For the green form we should set the maximum at considerably fewer, perhaps +15 or 20 good-sized plants, which even so is a liberal estimate. About 300 each was the +average for two Winnebago meetings, and assuming an ordinary group of 20 communicants +this amounts to only 15 buttons apiece. We should call this a fair estimate of the +average for beginners and old users combined in a meeting; before accepting larger estimates +it should be recalled that there is a certain prestige in eating and retaining large +amounts of peyote, a fact which may color statements somewhat. Peyote is also consumed as +tea, especially by the old and the sick; in one case 24 discs made 15 cups of tea, and in +another 30 made 2 quarts of the infusion. A pneumonia patient drank the latter, one cupful +every two hours, to induce perspiration deemed necessary for his cure.</p> + +<p><i>Peyote Paraphernalia in General.</i> Typical Plains peyote paraphernalia includes minimally +the leader’s satchel, gourd rattle, water drum, drum stick, staff, feathers, eagle wing-bone +whistle, corn shucks and loose tobacco, bags for peyote and cedar incense, altar cloth, sage, +water bucket and ritual-breakfast containers. The rasp is not used by the Lipan or Mescalero +or in the Plains, and the whistle is recent for the two former. The Lipan previously +used a bow struck with a stick in place of the later one-sided tambourine drum; the kettle +drum, from Mexico, is still more recent.⁠<a id="FNanchor_53_241" href="#Footnote_53_241" class="fnanchor">[53]</a> Mescalero shamans sometimes added the use of +pollen, which they used to trace a cross on the father peyote, and like the Tonkawa, occasionally +served the peyote on woven trays instead of in bags. Taos paraphernalia is standard +Plains in type. A common color for Arapaho peyote objects is yellow; Skinner thought the +bead-work on Iowa gourds and magpie feather fans indicated a Kiowa or Kiowa-Apache +provenience. Among the Delaware and others each devotee has his own gourd rattle, +but this (like personal drum sticks and feathers) may not be used until after midnight.⁠<a id="FNanchor_54_242" href="#Footnote_54_242" class="fnanchor">[54]</a></p> + +<p><i>Staff.</i> From ancient times, and possibly before Columbus, the cane or staff was a symbol +of authority in Mexico,⁠<a id="FNanchor_55_243" href="#Footnote_55_243" class="fnanchor">[55]</a> and for this reason we should hesitate before labeling this feature +of peyote an Hispanicism. Again, Opler equates the staff of the Mescalero shaman (which +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_67">[67]</span>he holds throughout the ceremony, not passing it around with the drum) with the “old age +stick” held by the singer in the aboriginal girl’s puberty rite.</p> + +<p>Similar syncretism with older patterns seems to have occurred also in the Plains. The +Comanche used a bow for a staff when holding peyote meetings on the war path, but the +term naci-hιta means literally “resting stick-to walk,” according to White Wolf. In the +Iowa Red Bean war bundle ceremony, the rattle was held in the left hand [sic] while the +bow and arrow were waved in the right as the person sang. The Delaware call the leader’s +staff “arrow,” and so also do the Osage, Quapaw and Oto; the Ponca, on the other hand, +call it a “bow.” The Kiowa suggest that a bow was formerly used, but the term ᴅo’ᴅęⁱä +means “brace-to hold-stick”; it must be of bois d’arc (<i>Maclura pomifera</i> C. K. Schneider), +however, and some are nocked at the top and bottom like a bow. The Lipan “cane” was +called ilkibenatsi´e or “ram-rod.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_56_244" href="#Footnote_56_244" class="fnanchor">[56]</a></p> + +<p>The Shawnee, according to Mrs. Voegelin, called the peyote staff the walking stick of +the old, but the red tassel at the top symbolized the headdress worn with a single feather +at the war dance. The t’owayennemö of Taos was held in the left hand “for the strength +of life,” and the red and white horse-hair tufts encircling the top (so Dr. White was told) +were there “because the White man is above the Indian.” A Delaware staff which Dr. +Speck saw contained designs representing a tipi, water, the door of the lodge, the blue sky +and fire, symbolized by the colors of the bead-work.</p> + +<p>Reinterpretations of the meaning of the staff are common. A Wichita called it the “staff +of life.” The Iowa staff represents the staff of the Saviour, while the Winnebago variously +interpret it as a shepherd’s crook and the rod with which Moses smote the rock (in obvious +reference to the leader’s calling for water in the ceremony). Differences in the staff have +even come to symbolize a schism in the Winnebago church: that used by Rave was decorated, +as elsewhere in the Plains, but Clay used a simple undecorated staff, lacking even +feathers, calling attention to the fact that Moses staff was undecorated.⁠<a id="FNanchor_57_245" href="#Footnote_57_245" class="fnanchor">[57]</a></p> + +<p><i>Gourd Rattles</i>. Rattles made of gourds (<i>Lagenaria</i> spp.) have become universal in the +Plains since the spread of peyotism; but the Iowa had a small gourd rattle with beaded +handle in their Red Bean war bundle dance, and the peripheral-Plains distribution of this +trait in pre-peyote times has been traced elsewhere. Some groups (Delaware, Osage, Ute, +etc.) have individual rattles for each participant.⁠<a id="FNanchor_58_246" href="#Footnote_58_246" class="fnanchor">[58]</a> A large one seen at Apache, Oklahoma, +made by Spotted Crow (Cheyenne) had drawn on it a moon with a fire and a Morning Star +in negative, together with the following “Jesus talk:”⁠<a id="FNanchor_59_247" href="#Footnote_59_247" class="fnanchor">[59]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_68">[68]</span></p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> + <div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Help me O Lord</div> + <div class="verse indent0">My God O save me</div> + <div class="verse indent0">According to thy Mercy</div> + <div class="verse indent0">O God my heart is</div> + <div class="verse indent0">fixed. I will sing</div> + <div class="verse indent0">And give praise</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Even with my glory.</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class="noindent">A Wichita gourd was said by one informant to represent the world or sun; the beads are +“people talking” and the bead-work in general is “things on the earth,” while the horse-hair +tuft dyed red on the top represents the rays of the rising sun. A Delaware gourd of +Dr. Speck’s has bead-work on its handle symbolizing morning (blue), fire (red) and a row of +X X X’s (the songs sun).⁠<a id="FNanchor_60_248" href="#Footnote_60_248" class="fnanchor">[60]</a></p> + +<p><i>Drum.</i> The standard peyote drum, already described for the Kiowa, made of a small +iron kettle with seven bosses in the lacing, is found also among the Arapaho, Comanche, +Iowa, Cheyenne, Lipan, Pawnee, Ute, Shawnee, Kickapoo, etc.⁠<a id="FNanchor_61_249" href="#Footnote_61_249" class="fnanchor">[61]</a> The Kickapoo say the +seven marbles represent the days of the week, just as the twelve eagle feathers of the fan +symbolize the twelve months of the year; the four coals which are dropped into the +water of the drum are lightning, the water rain and the drumming itself thunder.⁠<a id="FNanchor_62_250" href="#Footnote_62_250" class="fnanchor">[62]</a></p> + +<p>In drumming, the vessel is given an occasional shake to wet the head with the contained +water, and the left thumb is used to test the tone and tighten the head: sometimes too the +head is sucked or blown upon, so that the water is forced to ooze through the skin. The +Ponca, however, do not permit the drum head to be touched—“peyote makes the sound, +not the hand,”⁠<a id="FNanchor_63_251" href="#Footnote_63_251" class="fnanchor">[63]</a> they say—and hence make a handle of the lacing-rope twisted upon itself. +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_69">[69]</span>Old Man Sack (Caddo) also forbade blowing on the drum, “even when it cups up and +sounds like a tin can,” a Kiowa peyote-boy said; in the stricter Caddo moons no water is +drunk until the drum has made four rounds, with the result that some of their meetings +consequently last well into the forenoon of the next day—a genuine ordeal according to +informants. Among the Iowa, and possibly also in some Caddo Delaware “Big Moons” +the drum chief accompanies the drum around the circle, drumming for each singer. The +Jesse Clay style of drumming among the Winnebago, described by Densmore, is common +among the southern tribes: a rapid unaccented beating before the beginning of the singing, +gradually slackening to match the speed of the voice. Another mannerism may be noted at +the end of each song, when the rattle is shaken unrhythmically as fast as possible during the +last few bars of the song, then suddenly stopped with the last drum beat.⁠<a id="FNanchor_64_252" href="#Footnote_64_252" class="fnanchor">[64]</a> The water drum +is typically Southeastern in distribution, but its presence in the Plains peyote cult must be +accounted another Southwestern feature, inasmuch as it was standardized and diffused over +the Plains before Southeastern groups in Oklahoma received peyote and hence could have +introduced the trait into it.⁠<a id="FNanchor_65_253" href="#Footnote_65_253" class="fnanchor">[65]</a></p> + +<p><i>Feathers.</i> Feathers are important in peyote symbolism. In the original Comanche rite +only the leader brought in a medicine fan with him; “now many young men bring them +who have no special business to.” Skinner wrote that eagle feathers were “badges of the +society” among peyote-using Iowa; women were never allowed to use eagle feathers in +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_70">[70]</span>meetings, however. Younger Oto men carry modern ribbed folding-fans, older ones commonly +an entire wing. The individual fans of the Northern Cheyenne, as elsewhere, are +not produced until the full effects of the peyote come on, some time after midnight. The +eagle feather fans of the Winnebago represent the wings of birds mentioned in Revelations, +while the Kickapoo state that the twelve feathers of the eagle fan symbolize the twelve +months of the year; twelve is a common Delaware ritual number also.⁠<a id="FNanchor_66_254" href="#Footnote_66_254" class="fnanchor">[66]</a></p> + +<p>The Arapaho hang bunches of feathers on the northeast, northwest, southeast and +southwest tipi poles to brush off the bodies of tired worshippers. The Mescalero use eagle +feathers as a spoon to feed their first peyote to neophytes. The Winnebago, like other +tribes, pass a feather around with the staff in its circuit. The Kiowa, Ponca and others +use feathers in the water rites: the former make a cross in the midnight water with the +feathers of all present, held in a bunch, while the latter place a single feather across the +top of the bucket and whistle along the feather. The use of feathers among the Ponca, +where cedar incensing is not a strong trait, is especially conspicuous: a feather is passed +to the fireman as a symbol of authority, allowing him to leave the tipi without express +permission each time from the “road-man,” and there is a “baptism” with feathers in the +water ceremonies too. The vanes of Ponca feathers are often notched. The red blankets of +the two Carrizo women helpers were fastened with a woodpecker and a flicker feather +respectively.⁠<a id="FNanchor_67_255" href="#Footnote_67_255" class="fnanchor">[67]</a></p> + +<p>Feathers are common in visions too. A Kiowa envisaged his barred hawk-feathers as a +ladder rising through the smoke hole of the tipi to heaven, like a Jacob’s Ladder, and another +time as rippling water. Feathers are commonly arranged and cut, colored and tufted, +etc., in accordance with visions seen during meetings.⁠<a id="FNanchor_68_256" href="#Footnote_68_256" class="fnanchor">[68]</a> Jonathan Koshiway (Oto) had +assembled a favorite fan from individual gift feathers, each of which had a different history—one +from an old Osage woman who wished for him her long life, two from Hunting-horse +(Kiowa), and the like. An interesting development in the Big Moon ceremony is the ritual +necessity for each person to be fanned at the fire by the fireman or others every time he +re-enters the tipi. This trait is Delaware, Caddo, Osage and Quapaw⁠<a id="FNanchor_69_257" href="#Footnote_69_257" class="fnanchor">[69]</a> in distribution, the +latter having two special “guards” at the north and south arms of the altar cross who are +charged with fanning each entrant; ordinary incensing with cedar has been reported even +among the Ute and is probably universal in peyotism. Perhaps with the same purpose in +mind, protection from dangerous influences, the Mescalero takes an eagle feather from +either side of the door as he makes his exit, returning as soon as possible.⁠<a id="FNanchor_70_258" href="#Footnote_70_258" class="fnanchor">[70]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_71">[71]</span></p> + +<p><i>Birds.</i> We have already noted the importance of birds in Huichol and Tarahumari +peyote symbolism, and are to discover that they are equally significant in the Plains. Here +the “water-bird” somewhat ambiguously suggests a bird that lives in the water or the +bird involved with the whistling for the midnight water. Arapaho songs refer to peyote +and the birds which are its messengers, and sparrow hawk, yellow hammer and other +woodpecker feathers are common in their meetings. When the fireman goes to get the +water he carries an eagle wing, and the whistling which he makes is said to imitate the +cry of a bird in search of water (the end of the eagle wing-bone whistle is finally dipped into +the water bucket, as though it were the bird drinking).⁠<a id="FNanchor_71_259" href="#Footnote_71_259" class="fnanchor">[71]</a></p> + +<p>The Comanche peyote bird is the “sun-eagle,” said to be just under the rising morning +sun; “Comanches always mention that bird in their meeting.” This bird, the kʷina-óhap +(literally, “eagle-yellow”), which is represented in the shaped ashes west of the peyote +fire, “flashes like the sun; ... water bird feathers are used just because they are pretty.” +In this connection it is interesting to recall the Tarahumari place name Couwápigóchi, +“place of the wapigóri,” from the name of a fishing bird, “a cross between an eagle and a +hawk, with feet like an eagle,” which the Mexicans call aquillala, and the brilliantly colored +macao and other birds belonging to the Huichol “Grandfather Fire.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_72_260" href="#Footnote_72_260" class="fnanchor">[72]</a></p> + +<p>The Kiowa represent their “water-bird” on peyote tie-slides as a long-necked bird like +a kingfisher or crane; these have been traded all over the Plains. If a Kiowa peyote-user +sees an eagle in a vision, he thereafter carries his eagle-feather fan in his left hand as a +sign of this.⁠<a id="FNanchor_73_261" href="#Footnote_73_261" class="fnanchor">[73]</a> The peyote bird is prominent in symbolic Kiowa paintings also. Jonathan +Koshiway, the Oto peyote teacher, said:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">The peyote spirit is like a little humming bird. When you are quiet and nothing is disturbing it, +it will come to a flower and get the sweet flavor. But if it is disturbed, it goes quick.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">Hence the admonitions to sit quietly in meetings and “study” to see if you can “maybe learn +something.” Tom Panther, a Shawnee leader, called the ash-bird</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">a holy bird; it drinks as well as we do of the holy water [<i>i.e.</i> some of the ritual water is poured +on the ash-figure in the morning] and it gets alive a little when people drink, and from then on +is lively until morning.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">The martin is said to be the Shawnee peyote bird, as indicated perhaps in the “scissors-tail” +shape of some ashes. A Mexican who had long lived with the Wichita had an interesting +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_72">[72]</span>vision during the water-ceremonies of an Arapaho meeting, when he saw a white +feather of the leader “turn into Christ and boss the bald-eagle feather of the fireman +around.” The association of birds with peyotism, therefore, appears to be universal in the +Plains and Mexico alike.</p> + +<p><i>Fetish Peyote.</i> Peyote is the only plant toward which the Kiowa and other typical non-agricultural +Plains tribes have a religious attitude and from which they can get “power.” +Yet the fetishistic attitude as a psychological phenomenon is not unknown in the Plains +of pre-peyote times; the Kiowa taime or Sun Dance image and the “Ten-Medicine” bundles +have widespread parallels in the Plains—the Cheyenne fetish-arrows and sacred heart, the +Iowa red bean war-bundles, and the ubiquitous medicine-bundles of which the Blackfoot +are a type.⁠<a id="FNanchor_74_262" href="#Footnote_74_262" class="fnanchor">[74]</a> The Arapaho wore the fetish-plant in an amulet pouch covered with beads, +and when placed on the altar a head-plume was sometimes put nearby. The Cheyenne also +carry exceptionally large specimens in beaded buckskin cases,⁠<a id="FNanchor_75_263" href="#Footnote_75_263" class="fnanchor">[75]</a></p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">the bead-work being in the form of a star to represent the sun [?] and the case being suspended +from his neck by four strands of beads “to represent the four thoughts that lead to peyote.”</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">A Wichita informant carried a peyote button with him to France in the late War, and the +fetish miraculously escaped detection during the sterilizing of uniforms; it protected him +until he could return to collect his soldier’s bonus in 1936, when a special meeting was held +to thank peyote for these boons.</p> + +<p>Some Shawnee call the hogimá or “peyote chief” the messenger between humans and +God; others call it the “interpreter” or the Holy Ghost. Crashing Thunder addressed the +most holy peyote medicine as “grandfather,” but the usual designation of the fetish is +“peyote chief” or “father peyote.” While Wolf (Comanche) called it “elder brother” +because as a child one specific plant had protected him during an illness.</p> + +<p>The Winnebago are evidently influenced by an older tribal pattern in their use of +two sacred peyotes, one “male” and the other “female.” John Wilson in an early Caddo +meeting near Fort Cobb, Oklahoma, “before the country opened,” placed three peyote +buttons on the moon (symbolizing the Trinity of leaders?); his drummer saw one of these +turn into a person he had known in life. The Lipan usually had only one hucdjiya´isia, or +“big peyote lying,” but sometimes put buttons in a circle around the fire pit, somewhat like +the Comanche who placed them in the sage crescent west of the fire.⁠<a id="FNanchor_76_264" href="#Footnote_76_264" class="fnanchor">[76]</a></p> + +<p>The Osage, with their usual flair for ostentation, place the “chief peyote” “within the +marked outline of a heart and set upon a beaded cylinder support,” according to Dr. Speck. +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_73">[73]</span>Iowa father peyotes are notable for their size. The Tonkawa sometimes painted the fuzz +on the plant red, as though it were a person. The Taos addressed the peyote chief as +“Father Ear,” probably carrying over to peyote a common Pueblo fetishistic attitude +toward corn. Lipan and Mescalero father peyotes were an active ally of the shaman leading +the meeting, as any attempt at witchcraft would “show” on it and inform him of something +amiss.⁠<a id="FNanchor_77_265" href="#Footnote_77_265" class="fnanchor">[77]</a></p> + +<p>Some individuals particularly cherish and prize their “father peyotes.” A well-known +Wichita leader showed the writer his private collection of them one forenoon after a +meeting.⁠<a id="FNanchor_78_266" href="#Footnote_78_266" class="fnanchor">[78]</a> Some famous “peyote chiefs” are almost heirlooms. Belo Kozad, a prominent +Kiowa peyote leader, has one which once belonged to the famous Comanche chieftain, +Quanah Parker. This was passed around at the end of the meeting and handled with the +utmost reverence.⁠<a id="FNanchor_79_267" href="#Footnote_79_267" class="fnanchor">[79]</a></p> + +<p><i>Bible.</i> Peyote-users have also taken over the typical Protestant fetishism of the Bible, +but this Christian element in peyote meetings is confined exclusively to Siouan-speaking +groups. Radin states categorically that “the use of the Bible is an entirely new element +introduced by the Winnebago,” but there is good reason to believe that Hensley borrowed +this trait from more southerly Oklahoma groups which he visited in the early days of +Winnebago peyotism. The Omaha placing of an open Bible near the father peyote may +indeed have been influenced by the Winnebago (who put the peyote directly on the open +book), and so too the Iowa, but the Oto use of the Bible in the Church of the First-born +probably preceded it in Oklahoma, where, indeed, John Wilson’s Big Moon cult embodied +Christian elements. Further, the reading of the Bible is a feature of the Rave rite only, not +of the Clay version, a more aboriginal form.⁠<a id="FNanchor_80_268" href="#Footnote_80_268" class="fnanchor">[80]</a></p> + +<p>The Winnebago use the New Testament, especially Revelations. Hensley used to +have the singing stop at intervals, so that the younger educated men might translate and +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_74">[74]</span>interpret portions for non-reading members. For some individuals at least, the Bible was +the touchstone of behavior:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">Then we went home [says Crashing Thunder] and they showed me a passage in the Bible where +it said that it was a shame for any man to wear long hair. I looked at the passage. I was not a man +learned in books, but I wanted to give them the impression that I knew how to read so I told them +to cut my hair. I was still wearing it long at the time. After my hair was cut I took out a lot of +medicines, many small bundles of them. These and my shorn hair I gave to my brother-in-law. +Then I cried and my brother-in-law also cried. He thanked me, told me that I understood and +that I had done well.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">Another time, in a peyote vision, his body deserted Crashing Thunder and turned the +leaves of the Bible until it came to Matthew 16 and read⁠<a id="FNanchor_81_269" href="#Footnote_81_269" class="fnanchor">[81]</a> that “Peter did not give himself +up”; this meant that the peyote was troubling him because he was stubborn and would +not acquiesce to its power.⁠<a id="FNanchor_82_270" href="#Footnote_82_270" class="fnanchor">[82]</a></p> + +<p>The Bible was also used to support rationalizations after the fact:⁠<a id="FNanchor_83_271" href="#Footnote_83_271" class="fnanchor">[83]</a></p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">At first our meetings were started without following any rule laid down by the Bible, but afterwards +we found a very good reason for holding our meetings at night. We searched the Bible and +asked many ministers for any evidence of Christ’s ever having held any meetings in the day-time +but we could find nothing to that effect. We did, however, find evidence that he had been out all +night in prayer. As it is our desire to follow as closely as we can in the footsteps of Christ, we +hold our meetings at night.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">The Bible is said to mention peyote in several places:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">And they shall eat the flesh in that night, roast with fire, and unleavened bread; and with bitter +herbs they shall eat it (Exodus 12.8).</p> + +<p class="noindent">And this day shall be unto you for a memorial; and ye shall keep it as a feast by an ordinance +forever (Exodus 12.14).</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">Mrs. Voegelin cites a Shawnee belief in a Bible reference to peyote, but it is somewhat +ambiguous and obscure.⁠<a id="FNanchor_84_272" href="#Footnote_84_272" class="fnanchor">[84]</a></p> + +<p><i>Altars or “Moons.”</i> Peyote altars range in complexity from the simple war-shield of a +Comanche war-party leader on which the peyote was laid, to the elaborate permanent +symbolic concrete altars in the Big Moon round-house churches. All the Plains variants +are built on the standard crescent altar, grooved from tip to tip by the “peyote road” +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_75">[75]</span>which devotees must follow to a knowledge of peyote.⁠<a id="FNanchor_85_273" href="#Footnote_85_273" class="fnanchor">[85]</a> + Interpretations of the moon +symbolism are almost as numerous as individual users; for, given the physiological effects +of peyote and the acceptance in Plains culture of the individual vision “authority,” standardized +meanings are not to be expected. One Shawnee, for instance, said the mound represented +the mountain of the origin story where “Peyote Woman” first found peyote; +another that the place of the peyote on the moon represented the space between Jesus +Christ’s eyes, just over the brain, and the arms of the crescent his arms as he lay face +downward on the cross: “If we eat the peyote which is on his brain, maybe it will make us +think too.”</p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="figure4" style="max-width: 37.5em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/figure4.jpg" alt=""> + <figcaption> + <p>Fig. 4. Peyote altars or moons. a, Basic Caddo-Delaware moon with + a mound at the east of the cross; b, the Caddo Big Moon altar; c, Enoch Hoag + (Caddo) moon, as drawn by Elijah Reynolds (probably the same as Petrullo, Plate 5 B).</p> + </figcaption> +</figure> + +<p>Again, given these factors and the nature of peyote leadership, it is not surprising to +find variations run riot; sometimes even the same leader does not conduct two meetings +exactly alike, or construct the moon precisely the same (changing the ashes, etc.) Three +Osage leaders, for example, change the tribal altar by simply turning everything through +180° to make a “West Moon.” John Elcare (Delaware) is said to have a unique “fish moon,” +north of the fire and facing east, which he feeds and gives to drink. The Omaha⁠<a id="FNanchor_86_274" href="#Footnote_86_274" class="fnanchor">[86]</a> dug a +heart-shaped fireplace eight to twelve inches deep to represent the heart of Jesus. We were +unable to discover the exact nature of Leonard Taylor’s (Cheyenne) “Heart Moon,” no +longer conducted, but it appears rather to resemble a Winnebago altar figured by Densmore: +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_76">[76]</span>a heart superimposed on a cross in the fireplace, under the fire, with a small mound to +the east representing the earth.</p> + +<p>This mound opposite and to the east of the crescent appears to be of Caddoan origin.⁠<a id="FNanchor_87_275" href="#Footnote_87_275" class="fnanchor">[87]</a> +Jimmy Hunter’s moon shows this in perhaps its earliest, and certainly its simplest form: a +line joining the mound and the center of the crescent, with another crossing this from horn +to horn of the crescent. Bob Dunlap’s moon has a further minor addition, a heart at the +juncture of the crossed lines. The moon of Ernest Spybuck, pictured in Harrington, is +Shawnee rather than Delaware-Caddo, but shows definite Big Moon influence; it is intermediate +in complexity, perhaps, between the Caddoan small moons and the elaborately +symbolic John Wilson Big Moon. The Enoch Hoag moon⁠<a id="FNanchor_88_276" href="#Footnote_88_276" class="fnanchor">[88]</a> (a favorite among the Caddo +nowadays) shows features parallel with the Wilson moon: it has a star and a heart at the +hair-parting or forehead of the altar “face,” ash mounds simulating eyes, an inverted heart +at the crossing of the altar-lines as a nose, four concentric lozenges for an oracular mouth, +and another heart east of this resembling a cleft chin; the moon itself is the figure’s hair. +Moonhead’s (i.e. John Wilson’s) altar similarly represents a man’s head, and contains the +leader’s initials or “foot-prints” and his “grave” alongside that of Jesus. The Black Wolf +moon is another elaboration of the Big Moon type.</p> + +<p>It must not be thought, however, that the bold innovations begun by John Wilson and +others have resulted in a complete chaos of individualism. It requires considerable prestige +and force of personality to vision a moon impressively enough to gain an adequate following. +In recent years leaders in the Native American Church have expressed themselves unfavorably +on the growing variety and profusion of rival moons, and have urged a return to +the standardized simplicity of the older more deeply entrenched forms. Perhaps for this +reason, and personality factors as well, several new “moons” have been considerably less +than complete successes. A case in point is that of Albert Stamp (Seminole). His design is +not strikingly original or different from the moons of the Caddo among whom he lives: +he has six concentric lozenges to Hoag’s four and has added three concentric triangles. +That is all. But his moon has not found acceptance, and he has dismantled his cement altar, +removing the entire central symbolic portion, leaving only the crescent and simple polygonal +apron.⁠<a id="FNanchor_89_277" href="#Footnote_89_277" class="fnanchor">[89]</a></p> + +<p>This is only a single instance of a general movement back to more “pure” original forms, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_77">[77]</span>stimulated perhaps by the standardizing influence of the Native American Church. This +sentiment has had its effect even upon followers of the Wilson Big Moon rite, which is +apparently dying out among the Caddo-Delaware (though still strong among the Osage +and Quapaw), in favor of the “more Caddo” Hoag moon. If a generalization might be made +about the influence of the three tribes most important in the diffusion of Plains peyotism—the +Kiowa, the Comanche and the Caddo (who because of their southerly position first +received the new religion)⁠<a id="FNanchor_90_278" href="#Footnote_90_278" class="fnanchor">[90]</a>—we might call the Kiowa the original standardizers and +teachers, who have departed only in the most minute ways from earlier forms; the Comanche +the proselytizers and missionaries of the new religion; and the Caddo⁠<a id="FNanchor_91_279" href="#Footnote_91_279" class="fnanchor">[91]</a> the innovators.</p> + +<p><i>Fire.</i> Nowhere is the kind of wood for the fire ritually prescribed. Mulberry, slippery +elm, cottonwood and black jack are said not to be good because they pop and give off +sparks, tending to scatter the carefully piled-up ashes. Red bud, which gives off much +light and little heat, is a favorite for summer use, while box alder is considered good for +winter. But “Grandfather Fire” (as the Delaware, Winnebago, Kickapoo and Shawnee +address it) is built in a ritually prescribed way, like the angle of a worm-fence with the +apex to the west. The Shawnee say the first four sticks represent tipi poles. The ritual +number of peyotism, seven, appears in the number of sticks prescribed for the Northern +Cheyenne and Taos.⁠<a id="FNanchor_92_280" href="#Footnote_92_280" class="fnanchor">[92]</a></p> + +<p>The fire stick at a Kickapoo-Shawnee meeting attended near McCloud, Oklahoma, was +elaborately carved with a crescent, a bird, a father peyote on a rosette, the word “Christ” +and crossed sticks.⁠<a id="FNanchor_93_281" href="#Footnote_93_281" class="fnanchor">[93]</a> The Caddo say this fire stick is the “heart,” while the twelve interlacing +sticks of the fire are the “ribs” and the two ash mounds the “lungs” of Jesus; in some +Caddo moons two fireman put sticks on alternately.⁠<a id="FNanchor_94_282" href="#Footnote_94_282" class="fnanchor">[94]</a> The Wilson moon of the Quapaw +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_78">[78]</span>and + Delaware has three firemen who sit by the door to fan entrants. The Arapaho⁠<a id="FNanchor_95_283" href="#Footnote_95_283" class="fnanchor">[95]</a> leader +chooses his hictänäⁿtcä or “fire chief” by silently pointing an eagle wing-feather at him, +which the latter uses as a fan during the ceremony; the feather of the Ponca fireman is a +symbol of authority. The ceremonial fire as a trait is Mexican, Southwestern, Southeastern +and southern Plains (e.g., Caddo and Hasinai), but as involved in peyotism it is a Mexican-Southwestern +borrowing rather than Southeastern.⁠<a id="FNanchor_96_284" href="#Footnote_96_284" class="fnanchor">[96]</a></p> + +<p><i>Ashes.</i> An interesting feature, remotely suggesting the Southwest, is the building up +of the ashes of the peyote fire into a figure. The commonest form is a crescent, smaller than +and parallel to the crescent of the earthen moon, which is nearly universal in the Plains. +At an early date the Comanche began making the ashes into the shape of a “sun eagle” and +the Kiowa into a “humming-bird.” The Shawnee and Kickapoo call it a “water bird”; one +Shawnee leader occasionally makes buffalo heads. A Pawnee leader, Good Sun, makes an +“eagle” in the ashes. Jonathan Koshiway (Oto) says the bird is “the holy spirit when +Jesus was baptized; it’s got good eyes like an eagle—you can’t fool it.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_97_285" href="#Footnote_97_285" class="fnanchor">[97]</a></p> + +<p>The separation of the ashes into two piles in the Big Moon rite comes in for similarly +varying interpretations. A Delaware informant said that on one’s journey in life toward the +peyote “if you’re the right kind of fellow you can pass the fire and everything opens up” +like the Red Sea. Some say the two ash piles are the lungs of Jesus; others that one is the +grave of John Wilson and the other the grave of Jesus Christ. Some Osage say the whole +interior of the altar represents a grave.</p> + +<p><i>Smoking.</i> Most of the variations in this ceremony are rather minor. In some groups +like the Kiowa only the leader or an older man prays; in others like the Oto all pray aloud +at the same time with individual prayers. The Kickapoo ask permission of the leader to +make a smoke prayer. The Caddo stop the singing while a prayer is going on, but this is +not universal elsewhere. The rule not to pass a smoker or a person chewing peyote appears +everywhere, save in the Wilson rite; in this only the leader smoked, and “show-offs” who +made requests for tobacco were frowned upon. This descriptive fact is minuscule in importance, +save in pointing out the authority of the leader and personality traits of Wilson +himself. The original ceremony, as indicated by the Lipan, was a communal smoke at the +beginning. The Osage are said to smoke cigars in their peyote meetings, but the usual insistence +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_79">[79]</span>is + on native materials, the corn shuck or, occasionally, the oak leaf cigarette.⁠<a id="FNanchor_98_286" href="#Footnote_98_286" class="fnanchor">[98]</a></p> + +<p>In view of the nearly universal ritual use of tobacco in the Americas, the negative cases +which occur are interesting. This is traceable to the influence of White Protestantism of the +“Russellite” sect in Kansas upon the founder of the Church of the First-born, Jonathan +Koshiway. Persuaded by the Kiowa, however, Koshiway and the Oto later abandoned this +prohibition, but meanwhile it had spread to other groups. The Iowa⁠<a id="FNanchor_99_287" href="#Footnote_99_287" class="fnanchor">[99]</a> “threw away” smoking +along with liquor, and did not smoke in peyote meetings. The conjectured Oto origin +of Winnebago peyotism is seemingly confirmed by their rejection of smoking in the Jesse +Clay meetings:⁠<a id="FNanchor_100_288" href="#Footnote_100_288" class="fnanchor">[100]</a></p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">My elder brother [says Crashing Thunder upon conversion to peyote] hereafter I shall only +regard Earthmaker as holy. I will make no more offerings of tobacco. I will not use any more tobacco. +I will not smoke, nor will I chew tobacco. I have no further interest in these things.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">The non-use of tobacco in peyote meetings appears to be Pawnee⁠<a id="FNanchor_101_289" href="#Footnote_101_289" class="fnanchor">[101]</a> as well. Nowadays, +as though in compensation for his earlier defection from the pure native rite, Koshiway +uses extraordinarily long six-inch corn shucks.</p> + +<p><i>Sage.</i> Sagebrush is used in several ways in peyote meetings: around the periphery of +the tipi as a seat, in a cross or rosette under the father peyote on the altar, and in the +perfuming ceremony before eating peyote, when it is rubbed between the palms, smelled +and rubbed over the head and arms, body and legs.⁠<a id="FNanchor_102_290" href="#Footnote_102_290" class="fnanchor">[102]</a> Sometimes a bunch of sage tied together +is passed around with the singing-staff also.⁠<a id="FNanchor_103_291" href="#Footnote_103_291" class="fnanchor">[103]</a> + Dr. Parsons says that at Taos⁠<a id="FNanchor_104_292" href="#Footnote_104_292" class="fnanchor">[104]</a> +the perfuming is done “to keep the smell of it [on us] so we won’t feel weak or dizzy”; and +as a similar protective function of sage is reported by Opler for the Lipan and the “Sun +Dance weed” by Mrs. Cooke for the Ute, it is evidently widespread. The Ute sometimes +place a willow rope around the tipi, about four feet in from its circumference.</p> + +<p><i>Passing of Objects.</i> The standard clockwise circuit of tobacco, sage, peyote, paraphernalia, +water, food and persons has already been described. This trivial ritual has nevertheless +been made the vehicle of expression of the leader’s authority to change it. Sometimes +the circuit begins at the door (Lipan), sometimes at the leader or cedar chief (Iowa), +and elsewhere smokes may begin at the leader but food and water at the southeast.⁠<a id="FNanchor_105_293" href="#Footnote_105_293" class="fnanchor">[105]</a> In +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_80">[80]</span>the morning after the untying of the drum the ritual paraphernalia and the father peyote +are commonly passed around for participants to handle (Kickapoo, Kiowa, Ponca, etc.) +The Ponca make a point of passing the water between the fire and the paraphernalia at +the altar-cloth in the midnight ceremony.</p> + +<p>The obsessive, involutional quality of ritualism is nowhere better illustrated than in +the minutiae of these rules for passing. We have particularized for the Kiowa the standard +modes of passing paraphernalia,⁠<a id="FNanchor_106_294" href="#Footnote_106_294" class="fnanchor">[106]</a> but even experienced “peyote boys” are in need of +instruction concerning the “way” of an unfamiliar leader when they visit other tribes. +The Northern Cheyenne, for example, may not pass the drum in his clockwise circuit to +leave the tipi, save in grave emergencies when permission is asked of the leader through +the fireman. One may not pass a person praying or smoking or eating peyote, and must +again consult the leader to see if the way out is clear; there is still another obstacle in the +fireman, for no one may exit between him and his seat while he is fixing the fire (the smoker +may temporarily put his smoke on the ground before him, or the fireman temporarily take +his seat in these cases).</p> + +<p>The Clay rite of the Winnebago has a unique method of passing objects: clockwise +along the north from the leader to the fireman at the east, then counter-clockwise back to +the leader and around along the south to the door, and again clockwise to the leader. The +Caddo meticulously observe another rule in entering and leaving the tipi, as though the +interior were divided into north and south sides: those on the south enter clockwise and +exit counter-clockwise, while those on the north enter counter-clockwise and exit clockwise.</p> + +<p>These sometimes complicated “rules” are not the least part of “learning about peyote,” +and the ordering of them by the leader reflects similarly complex psychological transactions +among individuals. For instance, the simple matter of leaving the tipi at recesses is involved +in schism among the Caddo. Translating the terms, they cite the full-blood Caddo, Enoch +Hoag’s, as the “systematic way,” or “pure tribal way,” to which they are currently returning +(because the leader must be consulted before leaving); the half-Caddo, John Wilson’s, +is “any kind of way” (because he is said to have abrogated some of these rules). The +Seminole, Stamp, attempted a compromise, allowing persons to exit without permission if +they observed the rules about not passing in front of a smoker or eater of peyote; “I’m +right in the middle,” he said. But Elijah Reynolds says, “The older men were skeptical. He +just made it up to gain influence among others. It’s a kind of racial feeling there.”</p> + +<p><i>Praying.</i> Minor variations occur in this procedure too. The Cheyenne are said to pray +at great length—“an hour or more sometimes,” a Comanche told me. The Oto use cedar incense +instead of tobacco when they pray. The Ponca pray in unison and audibly before the +meeting, seated. The Winnebago stand up together to pray, and the leader stands up to +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_81">[81]</span>pray with a confessant west of the altar. The Shawnee pray on getting the dirt for the +“moon,” getting the sage, making the moon, putting a cross on it, cutting the corn shucks, +when the food is brought in, etc. The door-man in Pawnee meetings makes a special prayer +of dismissal. Often, as with the Kiowa and Oto, the “tribal priest” or curator of the tribal +palladium is asked to make an official prayer at some time in the meeting. At Taos the chief +prays before the line of worshippers enters inside, and all pray inside. Murie says all the +Pawnee pray after the closing song, when the sun’s first rays strike the altar through the +opened door.⁠<a id="FNanchor_107_295" href="#Footnote_107_295" class="fnanchor">[107]</a></p> + +<p>Mrs. Voegelin gives a typical Shawnee prayer:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">My prayer is that of a pitiful man. And also these people here, visitors, I wish my creator to answer +my prayer to take pity on those visitors. They came to my daughter’s meeting for some good reason +to learn something about my daughter’s meeting. So each of us give blessing, and bless the water +that was brought in this morning. So let our friendship purify it, that we might drink this water, +to give us long life, and a better life; and I ask our father to bless all my children, and my wife, and +all of us who are in this meeting tonight. I am glad my friends came here to help me with my +prayer tonight, my daughter’s birthday meeting, and we thank thee for this food she brought in, +that our friends who are going to eat this food, that they might feel better from now on in everyday +life. We ask in the name of Jesus, Amen. (He then cried ceremonially at the finish of the prayer; +a few tears ran down his cheeks.)</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">Praying in peyote meetings appears to have much of the psychological flavor of the old +vision quest. The speaker’s voice becomes louder as he proceeds, earnest and quavering +as he sways with the fullness of his emotion and stretches out his hands toward the peyote +and the fire. Sometimes his speech is wholly interrupted by uninhibited broken sobbing as +he cries out for the pity of the supernaturals. John Rave, the Winnebago teacher, said +that “only if you weep and repent will you be able to attain knowledge.” Several of the +Delaware face-paintings collected by Dr. Speck represent “crying for repentance.”</p> + +<p><i>Incense.</i> Cedar incense is invariably placed on the fire at the beginning of the ceremony +to purify the paraphernalia and to “bless” the participants before they eat peyote. A patient +or one sick from eating peyote is incensed and fanned with an eagle wing, and incense +is burnt for the fireman at midnight when he returns with the water, for the leader on returning +from the whistling ceremony outside, and for the water woman in the morning. +Others extend the incensing and fanning to every person who re-enters the tipi after a +recess, and the Wilson rite⁠<a id="FNanchor_108_296" href="#Footnote_108_296" class="fnanchor">[108]</a> has special officials to perform this duty. Many leaders about +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_82">[82]</span>midnight provide for the cedar smoking of personally-owned feathers, drum sticks, gourds, +etc., and permit individuals to use their own after midnight until morning in place of the +equipment provided by the leader.</p> + +<p><i>Method of Eating.</i> Peyote is most commonly eaten in the raw dried state as “buttons,” +but when obtainable, in the green form also, which is said to be more potent in action. +Sometimes both are provided in the same ceremony, as well as peyote “tea,” a dark-brown +infusion made of soaked and boiled buttons. For the old and sick the buttons may be +soaked and softened in water, or pounded dry in mortars and molded into small moist balls; +the latter form is reported for the Arapaho, Caddo, Delaware, Lipan, Osage and Winnebago. +In chewing the dry buttons the Kiowa, Mescalero and others take care to pick off +the fuzz on the top lest it cause sore eyes and blindness.⁠<a id="FNanchor_109_297" href="#Footnote_109_297" class="fnanchor">[109]</a></p> + +<p><i>Singing.</i> The leader always sings the four sets of Esikwita or Mescalero Apache songs +as his assistant drums: Hayätinayo (Opening Song), Yáhiyano (Midnight Song), Wakahó +(Daylight Song) and Gayatina (Closing Song). All the other songs, sung by the participants +during the rounds of the drum, are entirely optional. But the standard set songs +are not everywhere used: those of the Ponca are said to be Comanche. The ritual songs of +the Pawnee are in the Pawnee language, and those of the John Rave rite are in Winnebago +(though the followers of Jesse Clay still use the Apache songs.) The circumstances of the +origin of some famous songs by Quanah Parker, John Wilson (e.g., Heyowiniho) and +Enoch Hoag (e.g., Yanahiano) are widely known.⁠<a id="FNanchor_110_298" href="#Footnote_110_298" class="fnanchor">[110]</a></p> + +<p>Many show Christian influence. The Iowa, for example, sing the following songs with +Indian vocables, but in a high-pitched style which makes the English words nearly unrecognizable:</p> + +<ul> + <li>i. Jesus’ way is the only way.</li> + <li>ii. Saviour Jesus is the only Saviour.</li> + <li>iii. Oh, Lord, Lord, Lord! It is not everyone who says that who shall be saved.</li> + <li>iv. I know Jesus now.</li> + <li>v. You must be born again.</li> +</ul> + +<p class="noindent">The closing song of the Winnebago varies; Yellowbank gave this one:</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_83">[83]</span></p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> + <div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">This is the road that Jesus showed us to walk in.</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class="noindent">The followers of Rave close with the Lord’s prayer and a song about wings:</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> + <div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">There are many wings [repeated five times]</div> + <div class="verse indent0">It is God’s will that there should be many wings.</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class="noindent">The first of these is said to have come from the Arapaho, the second from Isaiah 6.2, although +a New Testament explanation is offered.⁠<a id="FNanchor_111_299" href="#Footnote_111_299" class="fnanchor">[111]</a> The last song of the Pawnee meeting +refers to Christ.⁠<a id="FNanchor_112_300" href="#Footnote_112_300" class="fnanchor">[112]</a></p> + +<p>Other Winnebago songs (with repetitions omitted) are as follows:</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> + <div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">God, I thank you for all you have done for me through Jesus’ name.</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class="noindent">(This is an opening song, according to Yellowbank. Another opening song:)</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> + <div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">God’s Son says, “Get up and follow Me.” Jesus said, “You shall enter +into the kingdom of God.”</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class="noindent">The following are two morning songs:</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> + <div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Jesus said, “Whoever asks Me for water, I will give him the water of life.</div> + <div class="verse indent0">If I give him water he will never thirst again.”</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<div class="poetry-container"> + <div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">The sun is coming up now. God made that light for us.</div> + <div class="verse indent0">We are living now. God made us. To God is the glory.</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class="noindent">Other peyote songs are not sung at ritually-set times:</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> + <div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Jesus, how do we know, Jesus, how do we know [him]?</div> + <div class="verse indent0">We think about Jesus wherever we are.</div> + </div> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">How did I know, How did I know Jesus?</div> + </div> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">When I die I will be at the door of heaven and Jesus will take me in.</div> + </div> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">God said in the beginning, “Let there be light,”</div> + <div class="verse indent0">He meant it for you.</div> + </div> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Son of God, have pity on us [repeat]</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Son of God, when you come again,</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Where your people (the angels) are, let us be.</div> + </div> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">This is God’s way [repeat]</div> +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_84">[84]</span> </div> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Whosoever believeth in Him will have everlasting life.</div> + <div class="verse indent0">This is God’s way.</div> + </div> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">We are living humbly on this earth [five times]</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Our Heavenly Father, we want everlasting life through Jesus Christ.</div> + <div class="verse indent0">We are living humbly on this earth.</div> + </div> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">He is the only way, Christ is the Way of Life,</div> + <div class="verse indent0">He is the only way.⁠<a id="FNanchor_113_301" href="#Footnote_113_301" class="fnanchor">[113]</a></div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class="noindent">Radin⁠<a id="FNanchor_114_302" href="#Footnote_114_302" class="fnanchor">[114]</a> adds the following Winnebago songs:</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> + <div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Ask God for life and he will give it to us.</div> + </div> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">God created us, so pray to him.</div> + </div> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">To the home of Jesus we are going, pray to him.</div> + </div> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Come ye to the road of the son of God; come ye to the road.</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p><i>Midnight Ceremonies.</i> The whistling outside the tipi at the four quarters is variously +rationalized. The Kickapoo say the leader’s circuit follows that of the singing inside, the +Shawnee that he whistles at the cardinal points “on account of the four different winds.” +The Northern Cheyenne, according to Hoebel, say they are following the instructions of +their culture-hero Sweet Medicine in this, while the Comanche say the whistling is to +“notify all things in all directions that we are having a meeting here in the center of the +cross, and calling the great power to be with us while we drink so that it could hear our +prayers.” The Winnebago “flute” blown at this time is to “announce the birth of Christ +to all the world”; it also represents the trumpet of the Day of Judgment, and the leader’s +otter skin hat symbolizes Christ’s crown of glory. Other Winnebago⁠<a id="FNanchor_115_303" href="#Footnote_115_303" class="fnanchor">[115]</a> say the whistling +symbolizes the song of praise of the birds in heaven whom God created. The Arapaho say +the whistling is an eagle’s cry when it is searching for water, and imitates its coming from +a great distance until it dips its beak into the water.⁠<a id="FNanchor_116_304" href="#Footnote_116_304" class="fnanchor">[116]</a></p> + +<p>The midnight songs of the Pawnee are said to be for the protection of the man who +fetches the water. Old-time Comanche used a paunch for the water, but a bucket is everywhere +now used; Comanche and Iowa drinking begin at the cedar chief, rather than south +of the door as is usual. The Ponca leader dips a feather in the water and sprinkles patients +and those nearby with it; and Shawnee sacrifice a cupful to the earth before drinking. The +Kickapoo and others drink directly from the bucket when the fireman brings the midnight +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_85">[85]</span>water, but use a cup when the woman brings the morning water, in graceful symbolism. +Some say the woman represents “Peyote Woman”; others, like the Wichita, identify her +with older native powers.⁠<a id="FNanchor_117_305" href="#Footnote_117_305" class="fnanchor">[117]</a></p> + +<p>The Lipan have no midnight water ceremony. The Hoag (Caddo) rite has no water +ceremonies until the drum has made four rounds of the tipi, but water is brought in for +visitors who might call for it or provided outside to be drunk at recesses.⁠<a id="FNanchor_118_306" href="#Footnote_118_306" class="fnanchor">[118]</a> In Moonhead’s +meeting the fireman gets a feather from the leader on leaving and touches the peyote on his +return as he is fanned and incensed with cedar.</p> + +<p><i>Recess.</i> After the midnight water ceremony anyone can leave on permission of the leader +when he has returned from the whistling ritual outside and been incensed with cedar smoke. +People usually leave in twos and threes, as the meeting continues, but they return promptly +since others may wish to go out. The Pawnee are apparently unique in their midnight recess: +after the water ceremony all leave for a ten to twenty-five minute period, the paraphernalia +meanwhile resting on the altar cloth.</p> + +<p><i>Doctoring.</i> Doctoring in peyote meetings (save those of the Kickapoo, Caddo and possibly +the Osage)⁠<a id="FNanchor_119_307" href="#Footnote_119_307" class="fnanchor">[119]</a> is of prime importance, and in a majority of cases is the expressed purpose +of calling a meeting. The supposed therapeutic virtues of peyote, or in the less technological +view, its “power,” have been important in the history of the cult. Quanah Parker, +the great Comanche proselytizer of peyote, at first opposed to it, was cured of a stomach +ailment in 1884 and became one of the most enthusiastic proponents of the herb. Peyote +doctoring has been the occasion many times of the spread of peyotism from tribe to tribe +(e.g., the Kiowa bringing it to the Creek). Kiowa doctoring was also probably influential +in modifying the Church of the First-born on Koshiway’s visit in their country, and in +bringing it into the fold of the Native American Church.</p> + +<p>The motives for the spread of peyotism in the Plains could perhaps be equally divided +between doctoring and power-seeking, but the dichotomy is somewhat artificial in terms +of native ideologies: indeed, the chief “power” one gets in meetings is for doctoring.⁠<a id="FNanchor_120_308" href="#Footnote_120_308" class="fnanchor">[120]</a> +Winnebago attitudes recorded by Radin⁠<a id="FNanchor_121_309" href="#Footnote_121_309" class="fnanchor">[121]</a> find parallels elsewhere:</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_86">[86]</span></p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">The first and foremost virtue predicated by Rave for the peyote was its curative power. He gives +a number of instances in which hopeless venereal diseases and consumption were cured by its use; +and this to the present day is the first thing one hears about it. In the early days of the peyote cult +it appears that Rave relied principally for new converts upon the knowledge of this great curative +virtue of the peyote.... Along this line lay unquestionably its appeal for the first converts. +Its spread was due to a large number of interacting factors. One informant claims that there was +little religion connected with it at first, and that people drank the peyote on account of its peculiar +effects.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">Densmore⁠<a id="FNanchor_122_310" href="#Footnote_122_310" class="fnanchor">[122]</a> says that prayer during Winnebago peyote doctoring “are petitions to God +for the recovery of the sick person, not affirmations of his recovery.”</p> + +<p>Opler quotes a Lipan informant on doctoring:⁠<a id="FNanchor_123_311" href="#Footnote_123_311" class="fnanchor">[123]</a></p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">In the early days they just had a good time for one night. It was not used as a curing ceremony +then.... At first they wanted to have good visions, that’s what they were after. But then, recently, +they began to use it as a medicine for sick people.... If a sick person comes in the tipi, +they see what is the matter with him. Perhaps a witch has shot something into him, a bone or something +like that. It is seen. Then the sick one rolls a cigarette and gives it to someone there who he +thinks can cure him. Perhaps some man says, “I think I can take that out with the help of peyote +and these other men.” So he does his ceremonial work in there and extracts what is bothering the +patient.... He sucks it out usually with his own lips, not with a tube. It is nasty work right +there. It might be dirty and full of pus. But the medicine man doesn’t think of it in that way. +To them it is just as if they were sucking nice juice out of something. Yet it will look terrible +to others.... All the bad things have to go into the fire and burn down to ashes.... Sometimes +they suck out things like insects which have been shot into people and these things pop. Sometimes +when they throw the evil object in the fire it blazes up blue but does not pop.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p>Northern Cheyenne and Shawnee patients sit in special places in the peyote tipi, as +in the sweat lodge, suggesting that older patterns of doctoring are involved; as we have +seen, the sweat lodge is an integral part of the Osage peyote round-house plan. That associations +of curing by peyote and curing in the sweat lodge lie close to the surface finds +affirmation in an interesting Arapaho case:⁠<a id="FNanchor_124_312" href="#Footnote_124_312" class="fnanchor">[124]</a></p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">One of the recent modifications of the peyote ceremonial was devised by a firm devotee, to cure a +sick person. The originator of this new form of the worship believes himself to have been cured +by the drug. In this ceremonial, which was repeated four times, the tent seems to have represented +a sweat house, and a path led from the entrance to a fire outside, as before a sweat lodge. The +ritual, while remaining a peyote ceremony, conformed more or less to the ordinary processes of +doctoring a sick person.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_87">[87]</span></p> + +<p class="noindent">One could easily over-emphasize the novelty of such a procedure, considering the widespread +use of peyote in doctoring, yet even the Caddo, who do not doctor with peyote, +often have four meetings to pray for the recovery of the sick person; certainly cures by +peyote do not rest entirely on the “technological” procedure of the patient’s eating and +drinking peyote, but others present “help” by eating in the name of the sufferer and praying. +This is not at all unlike the presence of relatives and others in the sweat bath praying +for the patient’s recovery; the various uses of sage, the fire pits in some altars, and the +ritual necessity for a fire even on the hottest summer nights further suggest sweat bath +parallels.⁠<a id="FNanchor_125_313" href="#Footnote_125_313" class="fnanchor">[125]</a></p> + +<p>Peyote is a panacea in doctoring. A Cheyenne woman was cured of a cancer of the liver +which had been pronounced hopeless at a White hospital. Such invidious distinctions between +White and peyote doctoring are common; for the former represents merely human +skill, and is not the unmodified herb the direct creation of God? Belo Kozad, himself a well-known +Kiowa peyote doctor, spoke as follows:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">When my sick wife was in there I chewed peyote for her. Her skin got like wood bark—the hair +come out. The doctors couldn’t make it. We give it up, can’t do anything. [It was] diabetes, and +we shoot him every time she eats. That spoils the people; they lose the mind and the skin gets bad. +That morphine for Howard [Sankadote, who was ill the night of the meeting and could not be +present] make him talk funny. It just ruin the people in the mind. <i>Come</i> to peyote! God knows +more than any people!</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">Perhaps Belo had every “pragmatic” right to talk thus: had he not himself cured a boy’s +hemorrhage by eating one hundred green peyotes for him? Peyote indeed is a famous cure +for tuberculosis and respiratory diseases.</p> + +<p>John Bearskin (Winnebago) knew of two cures by “Sister Etta” in meetings: one a +woman with goitre, the other a boy who had previously been dumb.⁠<a id="FNanchor_126_314" href="#Footnote_126_314" class="fnanchor">[126]</a> Pneumonia also +readily yields to peyote, producing beneficial perspiration when thirty buttons are drunk +over a period of hours in two quarts of water. The writer has seen doctoring with peyote +for a crushed thigh, tuberculosis, and malnutrition (?) in a two-year-old child; this last cried +fretfully in the early part of the meeting, but was fed “tea” until it was blue and quiet in +strychnine tetanus by morning. The wife of our Quapaw host had also been “operated on +in church.”</p> + +<p>A Sioux doctor, who had gotten his power from a vision in which peyote turned into +a man, doctored at Taos; but an acquaintance of Dr. Parsons imputed his trachoma to +witchcraft on the part of “foreigners” who came to large meetings. He found that peyote +water prevented the inflammation of his eyes. Another boy’s leg was “all gone, rotten,” +and the boy himself emaciated. Peyote men prayed over him for a month, whereupon he +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_88">[88]</span>became well and fat, though his leg remained drawn up because he had taken too much +White man’s medicine. The wife of a peyote man, herself cured of neck sores by the plant, +asserted that witch sickness is lacking nowadays in Taos because of the power of peyote +in exorcizing witchcraft; a peyote chief, however, holding a button in his hand, had had to +remove a porcupine quill which some witch had shot into her nose. At Taos even anti-peyotists +consider it good for cures, and Dr. Parsons, no doubt with some reason, makes +the query: “Will peyote find its character of witch prophylaxis an introduction to the +southern pueblos?”⁠<a id="FNanchor_127_315" href="#Footnote_127_315" class="fnanchor">[127]</a></p> + +<p>Peyote is equally successful in treating mental cases. An Oto informant told of four successive +meetings held for a man who had “gone crazy” when his wife left him. Formerly +under observation at Norman, he was afraid people were coming for him during the meeting; +he could hardly talk, wanted to run out and people had to wrestle with him. Old Man +White Horn gave him a peyote and told him it would protect him; finally, in the third successive +meeting the man “came to” and asked what had been happening. Another Oto +patient chopped wood incessantly, rolled and unrolled strings, etc., and used to have “meetings” +by himself, drumming, singing and eating peyote all alone. An Oto told me of a Taos +boy who had “gone crazy”; some said it was peyote that was doing this. But a doctor +from west of Albuquerque came and pulled a snake and a dead water dog out of him; +these had been his medicines, taught him by his father, and it was decided that he had +clearly broken some taboo surrounding his father’s medicine.</p> + +<p>“<i>Preaching.</i>” An interesting feature of peyotism, probably deriving from earlier patterns, +is the moral lecture in the morning. In one Caddo “moon” the leader “talks to the +boys, teaches them, just like a preacher, telling them to do the right thing through life, +and the consequences if they didn’t do the right things.” White Wolf (Comanche) says +Quanah Parker lectured younger people in the morning; so too did Kickapoo, Carrizo, +Shawnee and Wichita leaders.</p> + +<p>After passing peyote, the Delaware leader “addresses the peyote and the fire, prays, +and often delivers a regular sermon or moral lecture.” In the Iowa meeting:⁠<a id="FNanchor_128_316" href="#Footnote_128_316" class="fnanchor">[128]</a></p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">The peyote chief ... leads in the preaching and Bible reading.... The leader (or, as the writer +understands it) perhaps some visiting preacher of the faith, gets up and delivers a sermon, while +the cedar chief casts some more incense on the fire. [He commonly exhorts them to confession.] +The leader then calls on other preachers to talk, and then asks the fire chief [to pass the peyote +again].... Meanwhile he continues to read the Bible and exhort all sinners to repent. He points +out that all the old ways have been given up, and with them their “idols,” such as the great +drum of the religious dance.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">John Wilson ordinarily began his meetings with a talk by himself; the Oto are commonly +addressed in meetings by their “tribal priest.” The estrangement of the lively J. S. (Kiowa) +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_89">[89]</span>and his young wife was composed through moral homilies delivered by older relatives in a +peyote meeting—a typical occurrence.</p> + +<p>At the end of the Pawnee meeting⁠<a id="FNanchor_129_317" href="#Footnote_129_317" class="fnanchor">[129]</a></p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">the members ... sit in their places and talk over their experiences.... The leader closes the +meeting at noon with a lecture, or sermon, on ethical matters, speaking especially against the use +of alcohol.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">Possibly Osage “testimony” may have some relation to this.⁠<a id="FNanchor_130_318" href="#Footnote_130_318" class="fnanchor">[130]</a> + The Winnebago⁠<a id="FNanchor_131_319" href="#Footnote_131_319" class="fnanchor">[131]</a></p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">ceremony is opened by a prayer by the founder and leader, this being followed by an introductory +speech.... During the early hours ... speeches by people in the audience [are made], and the +reading and explanation of part of the Bible.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">The midnight sermon, after the midnight water, also occurs:⁠<a id="FNanchor_132_320" href="#Footnote_132_320" class="fnanchor">[132]</a></p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">Then the leader asks anyone he desires to make a speech. This may emphasize any point in regard +to peyote.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">The moral harangue is no doubt derived from earlier Plains patterns, though it is a Southwestern +feature as well, among the Rio Grande Pueblos and elsewhere.⁠<a id="FNanchor_133_321" href="#Footnote_133_321" class="fnanchor">[133]</a></p> + +<p><i>Prophecy.</i> The gift of prophecy has often been claimed by individuals in native America. +The first well-known such was Popé of the Pueblo Revolt in 1680, but his successors were +many: Wabokieshiek, or “White Cloud,” the Winnebago-Sauk prophet of the Black Hawk +War; the Delaware prophet of Pontiac’s Conspiracy (1762); Tenskwatawa, twin brother +of Tecumseh, and the well-known “Shawnee Prophet” (1805); Kanakuk, the Kickapoo⁠<a id="FNanchor_134_322" href="#Footnote_134_322" class="fnanchor">[134]</a> +reformer (1827); Smohalla, the Sokulk dreamer of the Columbia (1870-1885); Tavibo, the +Paiute; Nakaidoklini, the Apache (1881); Wovoka, or Jack Wilson, the Paiute prophet of +the Ghost Dance of 1889 and later; Skaniadariio, or “Handsome Lake,” the Seneca teacher, +etc.⁠<a id="FNanchor_135_323" href="#Footnote_135_323" class="fnanchor">[135]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_90">[90]</span></p> + +<p>Save for the revelations of the Caddo-Delaware John Wilson, and the teachings of +John Rave and Jonathan Koshiway, this tradition has become much attenuated as regards +peyotism. Large-scale prophecies can no longer be made to skeptical and disillusioned audiences, +but prophecy in minor matters still occurs via peyote (e.g., the Delaware case in +which a serious industrial accident might have been avoided if he had only been able to +interpret correctly a warning peyote gave him). Old-time Comanche could hear the enemy +while still away off when they ate peyote, and in making raids could discover the whereabouts +of horses, etc. White Wolf, again, visioned Charley Seminole’s face all bloody at a +peyote meeting, but was unable to interpret the prophecy; somewhat later, sure enough, +the Seminole accidentally shot himself under the eye.</p> + +<p>In the origin story of peyote, when the Kiowa or Comanche were on the war-path, +the Apache leader knew of their leader’s approach to the tipi where they were having a +meeting, and told his fireman to invite him in, whence the visitor brought peyote back to +his tribe; this story is known all over the southern Plains. Around 1870 the only Kiowa +who ate peyote was Pabo, or Big Horse. When he wished to find the whereabouts of an +absent party he would go into a tipi and say “gʸäʰgūṇboṇta” (I am going to look for medicine), +and would drum and rattle and eat peyote, and tell the results of his inquiry afterward. +Pabo’s power was from the eagle, but Kiowa owl-doctors had clairvoyant powers +in pre-peyote times. Another Kiowa user miraculously predicted the coming of telegraph +lines and the railroad to Anadarko, having previously never seen either, and a Wichita +predicted the World War.</p> + +<p><i>“Baptism” and Other Morning Ceremonies.</i> The “curing” ceremonies of Mexico and the +Southwest still find a reflex in the Plains “baptism” in the morning ceremonies. The leader +in the tipi whistles for the water as in the midnight ceremony, and a smoke is made for the +bearer, the only difference being that this time it is a woman, often symbolically costumed,⁠<a id="FNanchor_136_324" href="#Footnote_136_324" class="fnanchor">[136]</a> +who some say represents Peyote Woman of the legend. Many groups, however, have a +ritual “baptism” in this morning ceremony, which is lacking at midnight.⁠<a id="FNanchor_137_325" href="#Footnote_137_325" class="fnanchor">[137]</a> + The Arapaho,⁠<a id="FNanchor_138_326" href="#Footnote_138_326" class="fnanchor">[138]</a> +for example, untie the drum and pass it around the circles; each man wrings out the wet +drum head, makes a loop of the lacing-rope and throws it lasso-fashion over his foot to +symbolize the roping of horses, presses the seven marbles of the drum to various parts of his +body, and drinks a little of the drum water. The worshippers then wash the paint from +their faces, and comb their hair, a towel, a mirror, a comb and water making the round of +the tipi; then finally the drinking water is passed around.</p> + +<p>The Delaware file out behind the fireman to greet the rising sun with prayer, and, +standing in the same relative positions they occupied in the tipi, wash their faces with the +water which the fireman pours on their hands; those who fall down at this time are said +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_91">[91]</span>to be visiting heaven. The rest re-enter for the ritual breakfast. The Caddo similarly file +out to wash and comb their hair, and preserve the same order even at the secular meal at +noon. The Iowa wash with soap and water as they sit in the tipi; “the peyote chief himself +carries the water to show his humility, because of Biblical references to the washing of +feet.” The Shawnee are marshalled outside in two lines at sun-up to wash their faces and +“do arm exercises.” The Kickapoo, Wichita, Oto, Northern Cheyenne and others pass the +drum and sometimes all the ritual paraphernalia around to be handled; some lick the drum +stick dipped in the water and touch it to various parts of their bodies. The Ponca leader, +using a feather, shakes water on participants both at midnight and in the morning, and as +in some other groups, waters the drum also.⁠<a id="FNanchor_139_327" href="#Footnote_139_327" class="fnanchor">[139]</a></p> + +<p>The ritual “quitting songs” are sung by the Pawnee just at dawn, as the first rays of +the sun strike the altar through the opened door; the last song is sung five times, and each +member then prays in turn to God. The “baptism” ceremony of the Winnebago John Rave +cultists (derived from the Oto) is more Christian in tone than that of the Jesse Clay rite +(of Arapaho origin). Rave dipped his fingers in a peyote infusion, and passed them over the +forehead of a new member saying, “God, His holiness,” (or, as some say, “God, the Son, +and the Holy Ghost”).⁠<a id="FNanchor_140_328" href="#Footnote_140_328" class="fnanchor">[140]</a> A little water is also poured on the ground as a sacrifice. The well-nigh +universal mode of disposing of the remaining water in the drum is to pour it along the +earthen “moon.”</p> + +<p><i>Peyote Breakfast.</i> The foods in the ritual breakfast in the tipi are so standardized as +scarcely to allow comparative treatment. They are merely minor variations on the theme: +water, parched corn in sweetened water, fruit and dried sweetened meat.⁠<a id="FNanchor_141_329" href="#Footnote_141_329" class="fnanchor">[141]</a> From the Lipan +(roasted corn, yucca fruit, wild fruit and meat, according to Opler) to the Ute (canned corn, +canned peaches and corned beef, as reported by Mrs. Cooke) the uniformity is striking. +These foods are eaten from a common set of four vessels,⁠<a id="FNanchor_142_330" href="#Footnote_142_330" class="fnanchor">[142]</a> which are passed around with a +single spoon in each. Sometimes ground hominy or parched corn mush is substituted, and +Hoebel reports the Northern Cheyenne use of Cracker Jack for the parched corn. Beef is +the usual meat, in boneless chunks or dried, pounded and sweetened, but pork (tabooed +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_92">[92]</span>for the Comanche) is reported for the Ponca and Northern Cheyenne.⁠<a id="FNanchor_143_331" href="#Footnote_143_331" class="fnanchor">[143]</a> + Wild fruits are +somewhat preferred to canned varieties, but are not always obtainable. Although the original +meanings and connections with agricultural, gathering and hunting ceremonies have +long since been lost sight of, the feeling for the proper foods in a peyote breakfast is still +quite strong in the Plains, a remarkable instance of culture continuity.</p> + +<div class="footnotes"> + +<h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_1_189" href="#FNanchor_1_189" class="label">[1]</a> For convenience of reference I have followed with all possible care the sequence of the development and +appearance of elements laid down in the Kiowa-Comanche type-rite (above), of which the following paragraphs +are largely comparative discussions.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_2_190" href="#FNanchor_2_190" class="label">[2]</a> Mooney, <i>Miscellaneous Notes</i>, 40.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_3_191" href="#FNanchor_3_191" class="label">[3]</a> Opler, <i>Lipan Apache Field Notes</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_4_192" href="#FNanchor_4_192" class="label">[4]</a> Erminie Voegelin, <i>Shawnee Field Notes</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_5_193" href="#FNanchor_5_193" class="label">[5]</a> Ritual gathering of plants is not unknown elsewhere; see Mooney, <i>The Sacred Formulas</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_6_194" href="#FNanchor_6_194" class="label">[6]</a> See G. A. Dorsey in <i>Handbook of the American Indians</i>, + 2:650a (Sun Dance), as well as Spier’s <i>The Sun +Dance of the Plains Indians</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_7_195" href="#FNanchor_7_195" class="label">[7]</a> Hoebel says the Comanche formerly did not have all night meetings because of the danger of attack while +under the influence of the drug.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_8_196" href="#FNanchor_8_196" class="label">[8]</a> Opler’s data suggest that even the vision-seeking motive is recent among the Lipan.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_9_197" href="#FNanchor_9_197" class="label">[9]</a> The Lipan prayed for protection from their enemies as well as for health and long life.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_10_198" href="#FNanchor_10_198" class="label">[10]</a> Petrullo, 48. The mourning council meeting was not unfamiliar in pre-peyote times. One such council was +held for Tarhe, chief priest of the Wyandot, at Upper Sandusky, in the old days, attended by all the tribes of +Ohio, the Indiana Delaware and the Seneca of New York (<i>Handbook of the American Indians</i>, 2:294).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_11_199" href="#FNanchor_11_199" class="label">[11]</a> + Four older men pray and the child is passed clockwise around the tipi as every one present calls out its +name.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_12_200" href="#FNanchor_12_200" class="label">[12]</a> Meetings are held <i>for</i> + the corpse, which is present “facing east” (head west) in the meeting; at the funeral +next day he faces west. The writer omitted to attend an Osage meeting at Hominy because it was a funeral meeting.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_13_201" href="#FNanchor_13_201" class="label">[13]</a> Cf. the uses of datura.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_14_202" href="#FNanchor_14_202" class="label">[14]</a> La Flesche, <i>Peyote as Used in Religious Worship</i>, 21.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_15_203" href="#FNanchor_15_203" class="label">[15]</a> A favorite Indian holiday in Oklahoma is Memorial Day, when graves are lavishly decorated.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_16_204" href="#FNanchor_16_204" class="label">[16]</a> Densmore, <i>The Peyote Cult</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_17_205" href="#FNanchor_17_205" class="label">[17]</a> Parsons, <i>Taos Pueblo</i>, 12 ff.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_18_206" href="#FNanchor_18_206" class="label">[18]</a> Only two cases are known of women who fully participated in meetings: Dog-woman (deceased), wife +of John Red-turtle (Cheyenne) sang and beat the drum; a woman at Taos, Apekaum says, sings in meetings like +men.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_19_207" href="#FNanchor_19_207" class="label">[19]</a> Kroeber, <i>The Arapaho</i>, 398-99; Opler, <i>The Influence of Aboriginal Pattern</i>; + Parsons, <i>Taos Pueblo</i>; the +rest field investigation.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_20_208" href="#FNanchor_20_208" class="label">[20]</a> Skinner, <i>Societies of the Iowa</i>, 725.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_21_209" href="#FNanchor_21_209" class="label">[21]</a> One William Richard Nebuchadnezzar West ate peyote with the Kiowa for years. Petrullo mentions one +Pat Noonigan who ate with the Delaware, and the Shawnee had a white participant for some twenty years. +Early white familiarity with peyote in Texas must be postulated to account for its use by Texas Rangers in the +Civil War (Lumholtz, 1:358).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_22_210" href="#FNanchor_22_210" class="label">[22]</a> A Negro brought by the Kiowa drummed and sang along with the rest in a Shawnee meeting; the former +existence of a Negro “peyote” church near Tulsa argues for a considerable amount of such contact.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_23_211" href="#FNanchor_23_211" class="label">[23]</a> Again excepting the Caddo, who are over-suspicious for reasons discussed later.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_24_212" href="#FNanchor_24_212" class="label">[24]</a> The most homogeneous meeting I attended was a special tribal Wichita one which, nevertheless, was +attended by three Kiowa, four Comanche, and two Whites, beside fourteen Wichita.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_25_213" href="#FNanchor_25_213" class="label">[25]</a> Radin, <i>The Winnebago Tribe</i>, 415.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_26_214" href="#FNanchor_26_214" class="label">[26]</a> Murie, <i>Pawnee Indian Societies</i>, 638; Densmore, <i>The Peyote Cult</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_27_215" href="#FNanchor_27_215" class="label">[27]</a> Radin, <i>A Sketch of the Peyote Cult</i>, 2; <i>The Winnebago Tribe</i>, 388.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_28_216" href="#FNanchor_28_216" class="label">[28]</a> Hoebel, <i>Northern Cheyenne Field Notes</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_29_217" href="#FNanchor_29_217" class="label">[29]</a> Kroeber, <i>The Arapaho</i>, 399; Smith (Mrs. Maurice G.), <i>A Negro Peyote Cult</i>, + 452, note 10; see also <i>Handbook +of the American Indians</i>, 2:661.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_30_218" href="#FNanchor_30_218" class="label">[30]</a> Kroeber, <i>The Arapaho</i>, 404-405; see also Petrullo, <i>The Diabolic Root</i>, + 101. Shawnee sometimes paint their +temples; Oto use red bars below side burns. Delaware examples from Speck: red hair-part, red-blue-red-blue-red +horizontal lines over the bridge of the nose and cheeks (Wilson’s Big Moon meetings); red and blue lines below +and at corners of eyes (“crying for repentance”); green zigzags in yellow cheek spots, two red and one blue line +at corner of eyes; all red chin bounded by a blue semilunar arc on the upper lip and up the cheeks (representing +the altar “moon”); and blue red-bordered dots on each cheek-bone and forehead representing peyote-buttons +(a woman’s design).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_31_219" href="#FNanchor_31_219" class="label">[31]</a> Radin, <i>Crashing Thunder</i>, 182.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_32_220" href="#FNanchor_32_220" class="label">[32]</a> Kroeber, <i>The Arapaho</i>, 403, 405.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_33_221" href="#FNanchor_33_221" class="label">[33]</a> Opler, <i>Lipan Apache Field Notes</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_34_222" href="#FNanchor_34_222" class="label">[34]</a> Skinner, <i>Ethnology of the Ioway Indians</i>, 261.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_35_223" href="#FNanchor_35_223" class="label">[35]</a> Densmore, <i>Winnebago Songs of the Peyote Ceremony</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_36_224" href="#FNanchor_36_224" class="label">[36]</a> Parsons, <i>Taos Pueblo</i>, 119.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_37_225" href="#FNanchor_37_225" class="label">[37]</a> Speck, <i>Notes on the Ethnology of the Osage</i>, 163.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_38_226" href="#FNanchor_38_226" class="label">[38]</a> Radin, <i>Crashing Thunder</i>, 186-87.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_39_227" href="#FNanchor_39_227" class="label">[39]</a> Anhalonium means “without salt.” The salt-taboo is a common Southwestern one, unconnected with +peyotism there (e.g., Kroeber, <i>The Seri</i>, 45) but associated in Plains peyotism with such borrowed Southwestern +traits as the water-drum.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_40_228" href="#FNanchor_40_228" class="label">[40]</a> Kroeber, <i>The Arapaho</i>, 400.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_41_229" href="#FNanchor_41_229" class="label">[41]</a> <i>Idem</i>, + 398. “The slight variations in pattern,” writes Opler of the Mescalero, “... undoubtedly owe +their existence to the fact that there are a number of peyote shamans, each eager to assert his own individuality +and ‘way’ by some minor departure or ‘rule’.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_42_230" href="#FNanchor_42_230" class="label">[42]</a> The peyote shaman in Mexico was certainly no figurehead, and the peyote leaders of the Carrizo, +Tonkawa, Lipan and Mescalero were important in preventing rivalry.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_43_231" href="#FNanchor_43_231" class="label">[43]</a> The authority of the leader finds ritual reflection throughout the John Wilson “moon”: e.g., only the +leader might smoke and pray, and others calling for smokes were frowned upon as presumptuous. Further, John +Wilson’s “moon” contains his “grave” alongside that of Jesus Christ, and his initials W. (Wilson) or M. (Moonhead). +The altar, indeed, represented Moonhead’s face; he even prescribed face-painting styles with his initials +in them. A man equated with Jesus Christ is scarcely a negligible person. Koshiway (Oto) performed marriages +and baptisms and conducted funerals in the Church of the First-born. The point is just as well demonstrated +by the negative cases of those who aspired to peyote leadership and failed. Even the local Pawnee President of +the Native American Church, James Sun-eagle, does not lead meetings.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_44_232" href="#FNanchor_44_232" class="label">[44]</a> + Delaware meetings appear to have had only road-man and fire-guard (Harrington, <i>Religion and Ceremonies</i>, +188) but this may be an error of omission. The Kiowa, Pawnee, Cheyenne, Iowa, and Taos all have the +“cedar-man” in addition.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_45_233" href="#FNanchor_45_233" class="label">[45]</a> Radin, <i>A Sketch of the Peyote Cult</i>, 3; <i>The Winnebago Tribe</i>, + 388. Densmore (<i>Winnebago Songs of the +Peyote Ceremony</i>), lists only three leaders but may not be counting the fireman. See Skinner, <i>Societies of the Ioway</i>, +724; Parsons, <i>Taos Pueblo</i>, 62 ff.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_46_234" href="#FNanchor_46_234" class="label">[46]</a> Schultes, <i>Peyote and Plants Used</i>, 129-31.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_47_235" href="#FNanchor_47_235" class="label">[47]</a> Excessive prices for peyote have been reported elsewhere. Mooney says (<i>Miscellaneous Notes</i>, + 30) an +Oklahoma White dealer once charged 25 cents a button, though they cost him only $5.00 a thousand. Hoebel +says a Comanche once traded a fine horse for five hundred buttons. See Bennett and Zingg, <i>The Tarahumara</i>, +291-92; Lumholtz, <i>Tarahumari Dances</i>, 453-55.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_48_236" href="#FNanchor_48_236" class="label">[48]</a> Diguet, <i>Le Peyote et son usage</i>, 28.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_49_237" href="#FNanchor_49_237" class="label">[49]</a> Parsons, <i>Taos Pueblo</i>, 60; Bennett and Zingg, <i>The Tarahumara</i>, + 293, xiv; Mooney, <i>Miscellaneous Notes</i>, +60 ff.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_50_238" href="#FNanchor_50_238" class="label">[50]</a> Big Moon leaders apparently required fees; Speck (Peyote MSS.) says the Seneca were too poor to pay +more than the leader’s carfare when the cult was brought to them. Wilson himself met his death when some +horses given him by the Quapaw and tied to the back of his wagon pulled backward at a crossing as a locomotive +approached, and some of his enemies assert that this was in punishment for his avariciousness and economic exploitation +of peyotism. He even charged money for sweatbaths he prepared in connection with meetings.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_51_239" href="#FNanchor_51_239" class="label">[51]</a> Cf. Kroeber, <i>The Arapaho</i>, + 410. A Shawnee gave the meeting-tipi to two old men the next morning, and +the writer has exchanged gifts with several tribes, notably the Oto and the Kiowa.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_52_240" href="#FNanchor_52_240" class="label">[52]</a> Koshiway said he ate 100 once: “I was like a Ford, all broken down, connecting rods loose. The next day +I was overhauled and hitting on all four, and went to work.” Belo Kozad, well-known Kiowa leader, said he ate +100 green peyote once but had a “hard time keeping it down.” Big Bow (Kiowa) claims to have eaten 75 at the +time of his prophetic vision of the World War. One Oto sometimes eats 40 to 50 at which a man comes and instructs +him. Alfred Wilson (Cheyenne) for eight years President of the Oklahoma N.A.C. said he ate 84 green +ones once. Densmore (<i>Winnebago Songs of the Peyote Ceremony</i>) says Winnebago ate 40 to 100, and many of +them ate 60; elsewhere (<i>The Peyote Cult</i>) she states a Winnebago usually ate 15, but some ate up to 40. Lipan +(Opler, <i>Lipan Apache Field Notes</i>) ate 12 to 50. A Tonkawa leader (Opler, <i>Chiricahua Apache</i>) ate 40. Users at +Taos (Parsons, <i>Taos Pueblo</i>, 66) ate as many as 60, but usually about 20 or 30. Mescalero (Opler, <i>The Influence +of Aboriginal Pattern</i>) ate from 4 to 40, with 12 as a “generous amount.” Iowa (Skinner, <i>Societies of the Iowa</i>, +724-25) considered 16 a good amount, women being restricted to 2. Huichol (Lumholtz, <i>The Huichol Indians</i>, 9) +rarely ate more than 4 or 5 daily, but at times consumed up to 20. An Arapaho stated under oath (<i>Peyote as +Used in Religious Worship</i>, 49) he had eaten 12-30 peyote at different times, agreeing with Kroeber’s average of +12, with amounts of more than 30 eaten sometimes. A White observer in a Comanche meeting said he had seen +them eat 30 or 40 apiece (Simmons, <i>The Peyote Road</i>). An Osage, on the other hand, stated before an official group +that 5 was the upper limit for women and 7 for men (<i>Peyote as Used in Religious Worship</i>, 31), a statement open +to doubt.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_53_241" href="#FNanchor_53_241" class="label">[53]</a> Opler, <i>Lipan Apache Field Notes</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_54_242" href="#FNanchor_54_242" class="label">[54]</a> Opler, <i>The Influence of Aboriginal Pattern</i>; <i>Chiracahua Apache</i>; Parsons, <i>Taos Pueblo</i>, + 3; Kroeber, <i>The +Arapaho</i>, 402, 405; Skinner, <i>Ethnology of the Ioway</i>, 249 (but the Christian symbolism here is Plains); Harrington, +<i>Religion and Ceremonies</i>, 187-88; Petrullo, <i>The Diabolic Root</i>, 53.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_55_243" href="#FNanchor_55_243" class="label">[55]</a> + The cane was the symbol of the Aztec merchant, and his friends did this utlatl or otate great reverence at +a feast on the return from his travels; it symbolized Yiacatecutli, the god of merchants. Slaves were also sacrificed +at a temple rite involving the canes (Sahagún, <i>A History of Ancient Mexico</i>, 1:41-42). Among the Huichol the +staff of the judges in the native courts are accorded “a superstitious reverence” as symbols of authority (Lumholtz, +<i>Unknown Mexico</i>, 2:250). And although Governor Valdes had visited most of the pueblos to appoint native +governors and captains by the year 1642, in Tarahumari the native term for leaders is igúsuame, “stick-bearers” +or selfgame, “lance-bearers” (Bennett and Zingg, <i>The Tarahumara</i>, 375-76).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_56_244" href="#FNanchor_56_244" class="label">[56]</a> Skinner, <i>Societies of the Iowa</i>, 718; Harrington, <i>Religion and Ceremonies</i>, + 187-88; Opler, <i>Lipan Apache +Field Notes</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_57_245" href="#FNanchor_57_245" class="label">[57]</a> Parsons, <i>Taos Pueblo</i>, 65; Skinner, <i>Societies of the Iowa</i>, + 725; Radin, <i>A Sketch of the Peyote Cult</i>, 4, 21; +Densmore, <i>The Peyote Cult</i> (but there is no biblical authority for this in Exodus 7. 19, 20. or concerning Aaron’s +rod in Exodus 8 or 10.13).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_58_246" href="#FNanchor_58_246" class="label">[58]</a> Skinner, <i>Societies of the Iowa</i>, 724; Cooke, <i>Ute Field Notes</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_59_247" href="#FNanchor_59_247" class="label">[59]</a> Winnebago gourds often have on them pictures of Christ, the cross and “crown” of thorns, the shepherd’s +crook and other Christian symbols (White Buffalo, in Blair, <i>The Indian Tribes</i>, 282; see also Harrington, +<i>Religion and Ceremonies</i>, 188; <i>Handbook of the American Indians</i>, 2:355b; Kroeber, <i>The Arapaho</i>, 400, 405; +Radin, <i>Crashing Thunder</i>, 20).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_60_248" href="#FNanchor_60_248" class="label">[60]</a> + The best gourds are relatively small, not more than 3″ in diameter, somewhat flattened on the top rather +than spherical, and elongated toward the handle. A hole is made through the gourd opposite the neck, cut off +an inch or so from the round part; a stick is thrust through these, the neck hole being reinforced and made smaller +by whittling down half a spool and glueing it in. There is no peg transversely through the portion emerging +through the top, but both this and the handle part are usually covered with tightly-sewn buckskin to which +bead-work is attached; some handles are carved or left plain. A tuft of red-dyed horse-hair is often put on the +top and a buckskin fringe at the bottom; shot or pebbles make the sound.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_61_249" href="#FNanchor_61_249" class="label">[61]</a> Kroeber, <i>The Arapaho</i>, 400; Skinner, <i>Ethnology of the Ioway</i>, 249; <i>Societies of the Iowa</i>, + 724; Hoebel, +Voegelin, Opler, and Cooke, <i>Field Notes</i>; Mooney (<i>Miscellaneous Notes</i>) says Comanche drums had eight marbles +sometimes, as had also the Shawnee, according to Mrs. Voegelin.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_62_250" href="#FNanchor_62_250" class="label">[62]</a> The Kickapoo once tried a four-legged brass kettle instead of the regulation three-legged iron one, but +soon discarded it, having decided that the tone was not right (this probably rationalizes some criticism of their +ostentation). The Caddo had a 10-marbled crock drum with a deer skin head; the Oto, who have the kettle drum, +sometimes use a crock, as do the Omaha (Gilmore, <i>The Mescal Society</i>, 166; <i>Uses of Plants</i>). The Delaware sometimes +used otter skin instead of deer skin, with four bosses tightened with a sharp stick or deer-horn (Harrington, +<i>Religion and Ceremony</i>, 188; Petrullo, <i>The Diabolic Root</i>, 50).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_63_251" href="#FNanchor_63_251" class="label">[63]</a> Cf. the Mexican belief about the peyote under the gourd-resonator. Such taboos in regard to drums are +also Iroquoian I believe, and possibly Southeastern.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_64_252" href="#FNanchor_64_252" class="label">[64]</a> Skinner, <i>Societies of the Iowa</i>, + 726; Densmore, <i>Winnebago Songs of Peyote Ceremonies</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_65_253" href="#FNanchor_65_253" class="label">[65]</a> The Chickasaw beat on a wet deer skin tied over the mouth of a large clay pot (Adair, <i>History</i>, + 140). +The Choctaw beat with one drumstick on a deer skin stretched over an earthen pot or kettle (Swanton, <i>Social +and Religious Beliefs</i>, 222); they used the goat skin covered cypress knee drum as well (Bushnell, <i>Choctaw</i>, 22), +and also bear skin and deer skin (Swanton, <i>op. cit.</i>, 224). The Koasati older drum was deer skin over a cypress +knee, and later the small iron kettle (Paz, <i>Field Notes</i>). The Taskigi Creek used a hollow vessel partly filled with +water (Speck, <i>The Creek Indians</i>, 137). The Yuchi, besides the log drum, had the pot drum, containing water, +about 18″ high; the hide was usually decorated with a wheel-like design and the privilege of beating the drum +was invested in a certain individual (Speck, <i>Yuchi</i>, 61, cf. the Caddo, in some respects a peripheral Southeastern +group and who have the “crock” drum). The Catawba and Quapaw also had the pot-drum (Speck, <i>Catawba +Texts</i>; <i>Handbook of the American Indian</i>, 2:335b). It is not known if the Tonkawa water-drum is pre-peyote, +but the Lipan pottery drum is late according to Opler. The water-drum of the Southeast is continuous through +the Antilles into South America (Wissler, <i>The American Indian</i>, 154).</p> + +<p>Wissler makes no mention of Mexican or Southwestern occurrences of the kettle-drum or water-drum, but +the trait is common in these regions. The Aztec had the kettle-drum (Sahagún, <i>A History of Ancient Mexico</i>, 1:87, +91). Beals (<i>Comparative Ethnology</i>, 112, 188, Table 71) lists the atabale or kettle-drum in Tehueco, Culiacan, +Tepic (Zentispac), Tarasco, and Mexico. The pottery drum is Lacandone, Natchez and Chitimacha also (Swanton, +<i>Aboriginal Culture</i>, 708, in Beals, 188). Stevenson (<i>The Zuñi</i>, 39) mentions a Tepehan pottery drum struck +loudly at certain ceremonies to insure the presence of beings who would keep the singing of songs correct. The +Western Apache have “male” and “female” water drums (Henry, J., <i>Cult of Silas John Edwards</i>). The Huichol +use no drum in the peyote ceremony; the Tamaulipecan peyote-drum is the wooden type, as is also the Tarahumari +drum (Bennett and Zingg, <i>The Tarahumara</i>, 67-68) and the Huichol drum, which is “alive” (Lumholtz, +<i>Unknown Mexico</i>, 2:32-34). The Taos is the standard peyote drum; but the pottery drum is found among non-users +of peyote: e.g., Navaho, Chiricahua, W. Apache, Jicarilla, Yavapai and Pueblo in general (Spier, information).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_66_254" href="#FNanchor_66_254" class="label">[66]</a> Hoebel, <i>Comanche Field Notes</i>; Skinner, <i>Societies of the Iowa</i>, + 724, 758; Densmore, <i>The Peyote Cult</i>; +Parsons, <i>Taos Pueblo</i>, 65; Speck, <i>A Study of the Delaware</i>, <i>passim</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_67_255" href="#FNanchor_67_255" class="label">[67]</a> Kroeber, <i>The Arapaho</i>, 405-409; Opler, <i>The Influence of Aboriginal Pattern</i>; + Radin, <i>Crashing Thunder</i>, +176; Opler, <i>Carrizo Field Notes</i>. The feather as a symbol of delegated authority is also found in the Ghost Dance.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_68_256" href="#FNanchor_68_256" class="label">[68]</a> Cf. Boas, <i>Anthropology</i>, + 91, “... the feathers of the Dakota Indians ... by the way they are cut and +painted, express warlike exploits.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_69_257" href="#FNanchor_69_257" class="label">[69]</a> Hills, <i>Eating Medicine with the Quapaws</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_70_258" href="#FNanchor_70_258" class="label">[70]</a> Harrington, <i>Religion and Ceremonies</i>, 188; Opler, <i>The Influence of Aboriginal Pattern</i>. + <i>Handbook of the +American Indians</i>, 1:455-56, “The downy feather was to the mind of the Indian a kind of bridge between the +spirit world and ours.” Note the Ponca whistling along the water bucket feather.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_71_259" href="#FNanchor_71_259" class="label">[71]</a> Kroeber, <i>The Arapaho</i>, 403, 405, 407.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_72_260" href="#FNanchor_72_260" class="label">[72]</a> The Oto and Arapaho wear tufts of down feathers on their hair in meetings; cf. the Tarahumari shaman’s +feather headdress which tells him all the bird knew and protects him by preventing air from entering his head +and making him ill (Lumholtz, <i>Unknown Mexico</i>, 1:313).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_73_261" href="#FNanchor_73_261" class="label">[73]</a> Mooney, <i>Peyote Notebook</i>, + 28. Crashing Thunder visioned an eagle with outspread wings in a meeting +once (Radin, 188-89).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_74_262" href="#FNanchor_74_262" class="label">[74]</a> + Huichol peyote fetishes include the squirrel, skunk, birds and the shaman’s fetish plant; the Tarahumari +have the squirrel, birds and peyote plant; the southern Plains birds and the peyote plant; and the northern +Plains the plant only—an interesting degeneration in complexity of symbolism, a sort of diffusionist law of inverse +squares.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_75_263" href="#FNanchor_75_263" class="label">[75]</a> Kroeber, <i>The Arapaho</i>, 401, 406; letter of L. L. Meeker to Mooney.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_76_264" href="#FNanchor_76_264" class="label">[76]</a> Radin, <i>Crashing Thunder</i>, 181-82; <i>A Sketch of the Peyote Cult</i>, 21; <i>The Winnebago Tribe</i>, + 389, “They are +regarded by a number of people, certainly by Rave, with undisguised veneration [i.e., the peyote ‘chiefs’].”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_77_265" href="#FNanchor_77_265" class="label">[77]</a> Skinner, <i>Societies of the Iowa</i>, 724; Opler, <i>Chiricahua Apache</i>; + <i>The Influence of Aboriginal Pattern</i>; <i>Lipan +Apache Field Notes</i>; Parsons, <i>Taos Pueblo</i>, 64-65. Cf. the Anadarko Delaware phrase “ear-eating” for peyote-eating +(Speck, <i>Notes on the Life of John Wilson</i>, 552).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_78_266" href="#FNanchor_78_266" class="label">[78]</a> + An especially handsome and regular one, oriented with a thorn on its “north” side, had fifteen full radial +lines of hair-tufts. Of three others, one was kept in a woman’s small mirrored vanity-case, a pomade jar, and a +silk handkerchief, all carefully wrapped up. Another very old one was given his brother-in-law, Yellow Bird, by +a Comanche. A cracked one was kept in a beaded buckskin pouch along with a Catholic medallion dated 1890; +it had been given him by an Apache. He has also preserved one given his wife by Mexicans at El Rio on their +first peyote trip in 1926, and tied up with the mother’s he keeps two little ones which helped his little girl. And +finally, there were seven which he laid behind the whistle one New Year’s meeting to represent the seven days +of the week; his daughter drank the water in which they were soaked and became well in seven days. She is a +grown woman now and he still keeps these peyotes which have so well demonstrated their power.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_79_267" href="#FNanchor_79_267" class="label">[79]</a> The Comanche leader Mumsika still preserves a famous peyote button formerly belonging to Kutubi +which performed prophecies on an historical war party into Texas (Hoebel, <i>Comanche Field Notes</i>). The anxiety +of Clyde Koko (Kiowa) when he thought he had lost his “father peyotes” after changing his mind about sending +them back to their original country, well demonstrates the psychological reality of these fetishisms.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_80_268" href="#FNanchor_80_268" class="label">[80]</a> Radin, <i>Crashing Thunder</i>, 169, note; Gilmore, <i>The Mescal Society</i>, + 165-66; Speck (manuscript); Skinner, +<i>Societies of the Iowa</i>, 724; Densmore, <i>The Peyote Cult</i>; <i>Winnebago Songs of the Peyote Ceremony</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_81_269" href="#FNanchor_81_269" class="label">[81]</a> Radin, <i>Crashing Thunder</i>, 200. This is indeed a miracle if he read it in Matthew 16.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_82_270" href="#FNanchor_82_270" class="label">[82]</a> Radin, <i>Crashing Thunder</i>, 186-87; <i>Sketch of the Peyote Cult</i>, 5; <i>The Winnebago Tribe</i>, + 394-95.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_83_271" href="#FNanchor_83_271" class="label">[83]</a> Radin, <i>Sketch of the Peyote Cult</i>, 6; <i>The Winnebago Tribe</i>, + 395-96. The reference to John 1.4 indicates +nothing of relevance.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_84_272" href="#FNanchor_84_272" class="label">[84]</a> + Romans 11.16-18. No native with whom the writer is acquainted has to date noted the obvious Shakespearean +reference to peyote, in the speech of Banquo as the three witches vanish incorporeally into thin air +(Macbeth I, iii): “Were such things here as we do speak about, or have we eaten on the insane root that takes +the reason prisoner?”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_85_273" href="#FNanchor_85_273" class="label">[85]</a> The Carrizo-Lipan had no crescent mound, which is probably of Mescalero origin.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_86_274" href="#FNanchor_86_274" class="label">[86]</a> Gilmore, <i>The Mescal Society</i>, 165-66.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_87_275" href="#FNanchor_87_275" class="label">[87]</a> Cf. <i>Handbook of the American Indians</i>, + 2:2b, 661: “Formerly among the southern Plains tribes a buffalo +skull was placed on a small mound in front of the sweat house, the mound being formed of earth excavated from +the fireplace.” The original Comanche and Caddo moons appear to have been more horseshoe- than crescent-shaped, +and the apron of the Caddoan Big Moons obviously developed from an elongation of the horns. The +introduction of the heart is apparently Caddoan also, influenced probably by the Catholic “Sacred Heart” of +Jesus.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_88_276" href="#FNanchor_88_276" class="label">[88]</a> Enoch Hoag was at one time John Wilson’s assistant or drummer.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_89_277" href="#FNanchor_89_277" class="label">[89]</a> A Comanche told Hoebel of a “moon” with the entire tipi-floor of cement; if this is identical with one +I was told about, it has been subsequently destroyed. The rationalization given was that the cement floor distorted +the sound of the drum, and a return to an earthen floor was made.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_90_278" href="#FNanchor_90_278" class="label">[90]</a> The Kiowa and Caddo are therefore at opposite extremes; the Kiowa were the leading spirits in the +institutionalizing of peyotism in the Native American Church, which gathered to itself even the earlier Church +of the First-born. In this respect they are the “Catholics” of the movement, and, tired of the warring rival +Protestantisms let loose by Caddo visionaries, many groups are undergoing an “Oxford Movement” back to the +simplest earlier native forms, sans Bible and sans elaborate altars, which after all have been the vehicles for prestige +and wealth of ambitious individualism.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_91_279" href="#FNanchor_91_279" class="label">[91]</a> Several of Petrullo’s examples (Hoag, Black Wolf, etc.) are Caddo rather than Delaware. His Hoag moon +(<i>The Diabolic Root</i>, pl. 5, B, p. 181) was given to the writer with a half-ellipse joining the moon-tips to form the +lower part of the “face,” and the ash-mounds in position as “eyes,” and the two eastern hearts reversed.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_92_280" href="#FNanchor_92_280" class="label">[92]</a> Hoebel, <i>Northern Cheyenne Field Notes</i>; Parsons, <i>Taos Pueblo</i>, 64.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_93_281" href="#FNanchor_93_281" class="label">[93]</a> This specimen is figured in Schultes, <i>Peyote and Plants Used</i>, + 7. Is this a reflex of an older Kickapoo pattern? +The prophet Kanakuk furnished his followers with a chart showing a path through fire and water, and +gave them prayer sticks graven with religious symbols. See <i>Handbook of the American Indians</i>, 1:650b, “Kanakuk.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_94_282" href="#FNanchor_94_282" class="label">[94]</a> Petrullo, <i>Diabolic Root</i>, + 50, 101, 113. The symbolism of twelve of the Caddo here is clearly a Delaware +borrowing; cf. the twelve panels in the Big Moon altars, the twelve eagle feathers, and the twelve sticks of the +fire. See Speck, <i>Delaware Big House</i>, for the symbolism of twelve (twelve “heavens” etc.; cf. the twelve steps +in the altar apron of the Wilson moon). Petrullo says the twelve sticks represent the months of the year or the +tail-feathers of the eagle.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_95_283" href="#FNanchor_95_283" class="label">[95]</a> Kroeber, <i>The Arapaho</i>, 401. See also Speck, <i>A Study of the Delaware Big House</i>, + 47, 51. Cf. the Arapaho, +Sitting Bull, the Ghost Dance prophet giving feathers to his assistants.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_96_284" href="#FNanchor_96_284" class="label">[96]</a> The ceremonial fire we have seen is Huichol and Tarahumari (cf. the “pillow of Grandfather Fire” of +the Huichol with the “heart” of the Caddo-Delaware peyote fire: both are used as a “smoke stick”). The Caddo +ceremonial fire, however, was pre-peyote (<i>Handbook of the American Indians</i>, 2:2b; Swanton, <i>Aboriginal Culture</i>, +701). Beals (<i>Comparative Ethnology</i>, 127) lists the ceremonial fire for the Tarahumari, Caddo, Hasinai, +Chitimacha, Houma, Natchez, Tunica, Taënsa, Jalisco (Cutzalán), Mexico, and Maya (Lacandone); it is lacking +in Tepic-Culiacan, Old Sinaloa, Old Sonora, Southern Sierra and Tamaulipas (whence a southern Plains provenience +for the ceremonial fire in peyotism is implausible). See also Beal’s map 26, 209; table 121, 211-12.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_97_285" href="#FNanchor_97_285" class="label">[97]</a> + It is believed that the Yuchi example figured by Petrullo in Plate 2 is erroneous in the placing of the ash +eagle and in the presence of the redundant ash crescent.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_98_286" href="#FNanchor_98_286" class="label">[98]</a> Interestingly, though the bulk of modern peyotists are Siouan, Caddoan and Algonquian groups, none +used the elbow pipe in the ceremony—only Taos. See Wissler, <i>The American Indian</i>, 26, fig. 6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_99_287" href="#FNanchor_99_287" class="label">[99]</a> Skinner thought peyote destroyed the appetite for tobacco (<i>Societies of the Iowa</i>, + 694, 726).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_100_288" href="#FNanchor_100_288" class="label">[100]</a> Radin, <i>Crashing Thunder</i>. See Kroeber, <i>The Arapaho</i>, 401; Parsons, <i>Taos Pueblo</i>, + 64, for standard form.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_101_289" href="#FNanchor_101_289" class="label">[101]</a> Murie, <i>Pawnee Indian Societies</i>, 640-41.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_102_290" href="#FNanchor_102_290" class="label">[102]</a> + The importance of taking a comparative viewpoint is indicated by the statement of Gilmore, <i>The Mescal +Society</i>, 165, “... the Omaha, of Nebraska, have interjected the use of wild sage, <i>Artemesia gnaphalodes</i>, in +connection with mescal ceremonies, that plant having been an immemorial symbol of sacredness among the +Omaha.” But see Kroeber, <i>The Arapaho</i>, 399, 401; Radin, <i>The Winnebago Tribe</i>, 415 and others.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_103_291" href="#FNanchor_103_291" class="label">[103]</a> In view of other peyote parallels, note the sweat bath sage-whip.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_104_292" href="#FNanchor_104_292" class="label">[104]</a> Parsons, <i>Taos Pueblo</i>, + 65. The Arapaho (Kroeber, 402), Kiowa, and others chew bits of sage.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_105_293" href="#FNanchor_105_293" class="label">[105]</a> Skinner, <i>Societies of the Iowa</i>, 722.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_106_294" href="#FNanchor_106_294" class="label">[106]</a> Harrington (<i>Religion and Ceremonies</i>, + 189) may be in error in stating that the staff is passed to the drummer’s +<i>right;</i> the native painting contradicts this; cf. Kroeber, <i>The Arapaho</i>, 402, for the standard method; concerning +passing persons, see Parsons, <i>Taos Pueblo</i>, 65.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_107_295" href="#FNanchor_107_295" class="label">[107]</a> Radin, <i>Crashing Thunder</i>, 171, 175-77, 185-87; cf. <i>The Winnebago Tribe</i>, + 394-95; Parsons, <i>Taos Pueblo</i>, +64. Murie, <i>Pawnee Indian Societies</i>, 637.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_108_296" href="#FNanchor_108_296" class="label">[108]</a> Cedar was used to purify the Delaware Big House (Speck, <i>A Study of the Delaware</i>, + 171), which may +account for the special cedar-man in the Delaware rite of Wilson. But the pattern may have been reinforced by +the censer of the Catholics, by whom Wilson is known to have been influenced. The Mescalero ascribe sickness +after eating peyote to witching by rival shamans. Mooney mentions an odorous root from New Mexico used +protectively perhaps, in Kiowa or Comanche meetings. See Kroeber, <i>The Arapaho</i>, 402-403; Parsons, <i>Taos +Pueblo</i>, 65, 105; Densmore, <i>The Peyote Cult</i>; <i>Winnebago Songs of the Peyote Ceremony</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_109_297" href="#FNanchor_109_297" class="label">[109]</a> Opler, <i>The Influence of Aboriginal Pattern</i>; cf. Parsons, <i>Taos Pueblo</i>, + 63, 65.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_110_298" href="#FNanchor_110_298" class="label">[110]</a> Mooney, <i>Miscellaneous Notes</i>, 8; <i>Peyote Notebook</i>, + 12, 14. Dr. Maurice G. Smith collected a number of +peyote songs near Anadarko in 1930 (see Densmore, <i>Winnebago Songs of the Peyote Ceremony</i>) as did Richardson +in 1935 (Kiowa largely); see also Klineberg, <i>Notes on the Huichol</i>, 458. Radin (<i>A Sketch of the Peyote Cult</i>, 3; +<i>The Winnebago Tribe</i>, 388) implies that the paraphernalia circulate only among the four leaders and others sing +only occasionally. Songs are best in the morning when the unpleasant effects of the peyote have worn off (cf. +Mooney, <i>The Mescal Plant</i>; Kroeber, <i>The Arapaho</i>, 404-405; Rouhier, <i>Monographie</i>, 344). Koshiway (Oto) told +a joke in the morning about a partially deaf man’s misunderstanding the song “Jesus in the glory now, he ya na +ha we,” and singing “Jesus in Missouri now.” Jack said, laughing, “He must be getting close, He’s just over +the river now!” Opler’s informant said the Lipan can sing songs of a personal ceremony such as bear songs in +peyote meetings, but not masked dancer songs.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_111_299" href="#FNanchor_111_299" class="label">[111]</a> Skinner, <i>Societies of the Iowa</i>, 728. Densmore, <i>The Peyote Cult</i>: + “The greatness (power) of God is made +manifest through seven beasts, as prophesied. One beast is in power now, as seen by the troubles of the present +time, all of which are according to prophecy. There is some spirit [the seraphim] praising God constantly, which +signifies that we also should do that in order to inherit eternal life.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_112_300" href="#FNanchor_112_300" class="label">[112]</a> Murie, <i>Pawnee Indian Societies</i>, 637.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_113_301" href="#FNanchor_113_301" class="label">[113]</a> Densmore, <i>The Peyote Cult</i>; <i>Winnebago Songs of the Peyote Ceremony</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_114_302" href="#FNanchor_114_302" class="label">[114]</a> Radin, <i>A Sketch of the Peyote Cult</i>, 5; <i>The Winnebago Tribe</i>, 395.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_115_303" href="#FNanchor_115_303" class="label">[115]</a> Densmore, <i>The Peyote Cult</i>; Radin, <i>The Winnebago Tribe</i>, 416-17.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_116_304" href="#FNanchor_116_304" class="label">[116]</a> Kroeber, <i>The Arapaho</i>, + 403. A more concrete physiological reason for the leader’s exit was suggested +in the preceding section.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_117_305" href="#FNanchor_117_305" class="label">[117]</a> Skinner, <i>Societies of the Iowa</i>, 725, 727. Murie (<i>Pawnee Indian Societies</i>, + 637) misplaced emphasis in +stating that midnight ceremonies as such are peculiar to the Pawnee, yet he was correct, I believe, in implying +that their special midnight recess was unique.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_118_306" href="#FNanchor_118_306" class="label">[118]</a> Cf. Petrullo, <i>The Diabolic Root</i>, + 116. Spybuck follows this Caddo-Delaware custom (Voegelin, <i>Shawnee +Field Notes</i>.) Cf. the painting in Harrington (<i>Religion and Ceremonies</i>, pl. 9); but Spybuck is Shawnee not Delaware.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_119_307" href="#FNanchor_119_307" class="label">[119]</a> + The Osage case is offered thus tentatively as it was in answer to a leading question in a public hearing. +See Office of Indian Affairs, <i>Discussion Concerning Peyote</i>, 44.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_120_308" href="#FNanchor_120_308" class="label">[120]</a> Certainly doctoring was the most important element in the Southwest; cf. Bennett and Zingg, <i>The +Tarahumara</i>, 294: “The use of peyote resembles an elaborate curing ceremony [among the Tarahumari] rather +than a cult.” Opler (<i>The Influence of Aboriginal Pattern</i>) writes that “Apache ceremonialism had for its primary +object the curing of disease,” and peyotism came within this framework.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_121_309" href="#FNanchor_121_309" class="label">[121]</a> Radin, <i>A Sketch of the Peyote Cult</i>, 12-13; <i>The Winnebago Tribe</i>, 423.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_122_310" href="#FNanchor_122_310" class="label">[122]</a> Densmore, <i>Winnebago Songs of the Peyote Ceremony</i>, 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_123_311" href="#FNanchor_123_311" class="label">[123]</a> + To be sure, diagnosis of illness by clairvoyance, etc., is resorted to, but this is to be expected when witchcraft +is the main cause of sickness. (Cf. the combination of doctoring and divination with cohoba snuff in Haiti. +Safford, <i>Narcotic Plants</i>, 393.) Obsessive elements of interest to psychiatry are found both in the witchcraft +fear and in the methods chosen to cure the ill.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_124_312" href="#FNanchor_124_312" class="label">[124]</a> Kroeber, <i>The Arapaho</i>, 405.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_125_313" href="#FNanchor_125_313" class="label">[125]</a> Kiowa and Comanche parallels with older doctoring methods have been collected also. One of the +latter involves a 2 foot mound in the tipi with a cedar sprig on it, a fire, a woman assistant, smoking of tobacco, +and blowing on the patient.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_126_314" href="#FNanchor_126_314" class="label">[126]</a> Densmore, <i>The Peyote Cult</i>; <i>Winnebago Songs of the Peyote Ceremony</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_127_315" href="#FNanchor_127_315" class="label">[127]</a> Parsons, <i>Taos Pueblo</i>, 60, 67-68.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_128_316" href="#FNanchor_128_316" class="label">[128]</a> Harrington, <i>Religion and Ceremonies</i>, 189; Skinner, <i>Societies of the Iowa</i>, + 725.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_129_317" href="#FNanchor_129_317" class="label">[129]</a> Murie, <i>Pawnee Indian Societies</i>, 637.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_130_318" href="#FNanchor_130_318" class="label">[130]</a> “[At] 5 o’clock in the morning, when suddenly the singing ceased, the drum and the ceremonial staff +were put away, and the leader, beginning at the door, asked each person, ‘What did you see?’” (La Flesche, in +<i>Peyote as Used in Religious Worship</i>, 33).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_131_319" href="#FNanchor_131_319" class="label">[131]</a> Radin, <i>A Sketch of the Peyote Cult</i>, 3; <i>The Winnebago Tribe</i>, 388.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_132_320" href="#FNanchor_132_320" class="label">[132]</a> Radin, <i>Crashing Thunder</i>, 176; Densmore, <i>The Peyote Cult</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_133_321" href="#FNanchor_133_321" class="label">[133]</a> Wissler, <i>The American Indian</i>, + 189: “One prominent feature of Nahua life was the elaboration of the +moral lecture. In the Pueblo region of the Rio Grande the chiefs and head men were given to daily moral lectures.... +Perhaps we are again dealing with a general characteristic of New World society.” Cf. the Tamaulipecan +harangue (Prieto, <i>Historia y Estadistica</i>, 123-24).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_134_322" href="#FNanchor_134_322" class="label">[134]</a> The prophecies and predictions of C. W. (Kickapoo president of the Native American Church) on the +basis of his visions have an old-time flavor, though colored by Christianity and proselytizing for peyote: he +prophesied the “Judgment Day” and the “new world” to come; “it will be too late to go in [the peyote tipi] +when the time comes—you’ve got to start now,” Kishkaton reports him as saying.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_135_323" href="#FNanchor_135_323" class="label">[135]</a> <i>Handbook of the American Indians</i>, + 1:65a, 309-10, 401-402, 650; 2:371a, 587a, 885-86. Cf. the elaborate +Quichua and Aztec Messiah legends.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_136_324" href="#FNanchor_136_324" class="label">[136]</a> Kroeber, <i>The Arapaho</i>, 403-404; Densmore, <i>The Peyote Cult</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_137_325" href="#FNanchor_137_325" class="label">[137]</a> Mooney (<i>The Mescal Plant</i>, 8) errs, we believe, in citing a Kiowa midnight baptism.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_138_326" href="#FNanchor_138_326" class="label">[138]</a> Kroeber, <i>The Arapaho</i>, 404.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_139_327" href="#FNanchor_139_327" class="label">[139]</a> Petrullo, <i>The Diabolic Root</i>, 93; Harrington, <i>Religion and Ceremonies</i>, + 190; Skinner, <i>Societies of the +Iowa</i>, 727; Voegelin, <i>Shawnee Field Notes</i>; Hoebel, <i>Northern Cheyenne Field Notes</i>. “Baptism” is Lipan also.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_140_328" href="#FNanchor_140_328" class="label">[140]</a> Murie, <i>Pawnee Indian Societies</i>, 637; Radin, <i>A Sketch of the Peyote Cult</i>, + 3, 5; <i>The Winnebago Tribe</i>, +389; Densmore, <i>The Peyote Cult</i>. It is said that “the peyote-eaters wanted to get baptized and unite with the +church in Winnebago, but the clergyman in charge would not permit them, so they went and did their own +baptizing through their leader John Rave.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_141_329" href="#FNanchor_141_329" class="label">[141]</a> + Some add cookies and candy. The use of sweet foods and the sweetening of others recalls the eating of +teo-nanacatl with honey, and the eating of sweet-meats while smoking “grifos” or marihuana. See Maillefert, +<i>La Marihuana</i>, 6-7.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_142_330" href="#FNanchor_142_330" class="label">[142]</a> Mopope (Kiowa) painted a special set of white enamel-ware vessels for Kozad’s meetings: water-bucket +(tipi and “water-bird”), parched-corn pan (ear of corn and four-direction feathers), fruit-pan (thunderbird, fruit +within a crescent design) and meat-dish (cooking fire, buffalo horns and sun design).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_143_331" href="#FNanchor_143_331" class="label">[143]</a> A recurrence of an old custom ascribed to Sweet Medicine appears in the Northern Cheyenne peyote +breakfast, when an individual takes five pieces of meat across the lodge to a visitor (Hoebel, <i>Northern Cheyenne +Field Notes</i>).</p></div> + +</div> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_93">[93]</span></p> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="PSYCHOLOGICAL_ASPECTS_OF_PEYOTISM">PSYCHOLOGICAL ASPECTS OF PEYOTISM</h2> + +</div> + +<p>A descriptive account of a ritual pattern, however meticulously detailed it be, must +always fall short of reality unless supplemented by further information regarding its functioning +in terms of individuals. The older descriptive ethnography and the newer interest +in the dynamics of culture are as necessary to each other as anatomy and physiology, of +which, indeed, they are the anthropological parallels. We accordingly embark upon the +somewhat anecdotal filling in of the pattern sketched in the preceding section.</p> + +<p>Every student of peyote has been met with a sometimes odd mixture of suspiciousness +and candor, an ambivalence in attitude derived primarily from the native attitudes toward +peyotism itself. Most of the younger adherents of the cult have had White schooling of a +sort, but though the express intent of this schooling has been the deculturation of the Indian, +on returning to their tribes old loyalties are characteristically reestablished and old ways +of thinking fallen into; the total effect of Christian teaching on peyotism, therefore, has not +been particularly profound.</p> + +<p>But all peyote adherents are aware of the efforts, both religious and secular, to suppress +the movement, and most of them are familiar with the arguments advanced against peyote +as an allegedly harmful drug. They have commonly met this with the counter-propaganda +that peyote is a specific cure for alcoholism, but nevertheless this attitude on the part of +bearers of the powerful and prestige-full White culture has not left them unimpressed, and +there is a consequent lack of psychological security in their belief and practice of peyotism. +Though the cult is a compromise solution between Christianity and older native religions, +there is still a large number of persons whose attitude toward peyote is thoroughly precarious—as +evidenced by the vacillations, defections and rationalizations we are about to +list.</p> + +<p>Save for the Caddo (and there are perhaps historical reasons for this) ordinary sincerity +and interest are met by the Plains practitioners with corresponding candor and friendliness +toward the ethnographer. There is no very great difficulty in a sympathetic White +man’s attending a peyote meeting nowadays. Indeed, some groups, out of naïve faith in the +plant’s power, seem even to invite attendance in the hope of producing a propagandist for +the cult to counteract the unfriendliness which they feel, and not unrightly, has arisen from +ignorance and prejudice. An instance of this good faith and even naïveté occurs in an +Osage petition to Congress that in the event of a law being passed to regulate the use of +peyote, an exception be made for the “Indian lodges using it as a sacrament,” and they +promised to use it only under the supervision of reservation superintendents!⁠<a id="FNanchor_1_332" href="#Footnote_1_332" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> And a sincerity +not open to doubt was evidenced by a Cheyenne, one time president of the Native +American Church, who sent 200 peyote buttons on his own initiative through his agency-superintendent +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_94">[94]</span>to a chemist at Stanford University, requesting a thorough and disinterested +scientific analysis, and offering his further services if necessary.⁠<a id="FNanchor_2_333" href="#Footnote_2_333" class="fnanchor">[2]</a></p> + +<p>Another factor making for insecurity of belief and practice has been the intense opposition +on the part of some leaders of older cults in the tribe itself. We will recur to this +subject in discussing the history of peyote in specific groups, but cite here the rather +accentuated example of hostility at Taos.⁠<a id="FNanchor_3_334" href="#Footnote_3_334" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> Dr. Parsons tells of a lawsuit between a +“peyote boy” and one of the Mexican Penitentes which was resolved by both paying the +costs, to prevent the betrayal of native customs. Thereafter the chiefs said:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">[Peyote] does not belong to us. It is not the work given to us. It will stop the rain. Something will +happen.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">But as desire for rain is the typical anxiety reflected in native ritual in the agricultural +Southwest, the peyote boys retorted in the same vein. In the drought of 1922 they said:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">“Now it is so dry this summer because the peyote boys can’t have their meetings; they used to +bring so much rain.” [Indeed, nowadays,] the townspeople are given to referring all their inclination +to feud to the peyote situation.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">But there is ample evidence that this tendency existed before peyote ever came to Taos. +On the other hand, the wife of one peyote-user asserted that there was no more “witch +sickness” in the town because of the peyote people, who were able to exorcize witches; +nevertheless, one man attributed his trachoma to witching by “foreigners” in peyote +meetings.</p> + +<p>Such intense seriousness is in marked contrast to the situation in some Plains tribes, +where peyote jokes are told at times in the forenoons after meetings, when sufficient rapport +has been established. A Comanche story tells of a leader who took his expensive watch +into a meeting and laid it on the altar cloth near the father peyote to “show off.” A man +shaking the gourd vigorously on the north side was making motions toward the father +peyote, and miraculously the watch became broken up; “it was just a mess of works there +loose, and the hands dropped off.” The informant was highly amused at this story. An +Oto told the tale of a man whose jaw became stiff as he was singing, a contretemps which +upset the whole meeting. Though this effect was apparently due to peyote, the story +was greeted with much laughter. People laugh at the incorrect singing of peyote songs too. +We have already mentioned the one involving the alarming proximity of the Messiah just +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_95">[95]</span>across the river in Missouri. Another story is told of a visiting Kiowa who attempted to +sing a Comanche song in meeting. He mispronounced the words and sang, “<i>Mentula exposita +est! Mentula exposita est!</i>” All the auditors of this story laughed at this further proof +that the Comanche have “no shame.”</p> + +<p>The attitudes surrounding the plant itself are interesting. Perhaps the Tarahumari⁠<a id="FNanchor_4_335" href="#Footnote_4_335" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> +attitudes are most accentuated:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">Those who have never eaten peyote fear it most. Should they touch the plant, they believe they +would go crazy or die. Those who have once eaten it at a fiesta need have no fear of it, providing +they treat it properly.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">At Tarahumari feasts of the dead peyote protects the living from the ghost of the deceased, +quite as eating it prevents bears from attacking the hunter or deer from running away +from him; it confers invulnerability from the Apaches and warns of their approach, and +likewise foils the machinations of sorcerers and robbers. In short, “hikuli is a powerful protector +of its people under all circumstances.”</p> + +<p>The Lipan well represent the attitude of early users in the United States:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">If a fellow is not scared, is not afraid of it, he will surely have a good time. A fellow who is afraid +of it just gets dizzy and frightened. He sees things that frighten him. What he sees is not true, but +is just playing a joke on him.... When a fellow is honest and good natured it is easy for him. But +when a fellow is rough and ill tempered he will have a hard time learning from peyote. It will +scare him and make it hard for him.... The chief peyote is pretty tough. It watches what is going +on. It keeps everything straight. It is a plant, but it can see and understand better than a man. If +someone has wrong thoughts, he had better look out or he will go crazy....</p> + +<p>When they first start eating peyote they put their thoughts on something good, something +they want, for they say that whatever you are thinking about when you start is what you will see +all during the night in your vision.... Sometimes a man sees a vision and it scares him and he goes +out running. But he is all right the next day. The thing that frightened him won’t happen unless +he thinks about it all the time and it frightens him continually. Then he begins to be afraid of it +and thinks it will happen. But if he holds it off—holds off the bad thoughts that frighten him—nothing +will occur.... Sometimes it makes you dream something pleasant, sometimes it makes +you dream something dangerous.... In the morning, just after the meeting is over, you can tell +others what you saw.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">Hoebel writes that</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">the trickiness of peyote is emphasized by the Cheyenne. They constantly reiterate that a man +must keep hold of himself and also that he must live straight or peyote will shame him.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_96">[96]</span></p> + +<p class="noindent">A Delaware rationalized the unpredictable effect of peyote somewhat differently:⁠<a id="FNanchor_5_336" href="#Footnote_5_336" class="fnanchor">[5]</a></p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">I had the feeling once that it was going to make me foolish, but that happens to everybody, and is +a test of one’s faith in peyote.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">Vomiting of peyote is a punishment for one’s sins, but it cleanses the body of its impurities +in the process and purifies the blood. Part of the symbolism in the bead-work on an Arapaho +fetish-pouch is the “vomitings” deposited in a ring around the inside of the tipi.⁠<a id="FNanchor_6_337" href="#Footnote_6_337" class="fnanchor">[6]</a></p> + +<p>It would be naïve to suppose that peyote tastes any less unpleasant to natives than it +does to Whites. But we should remember that peyote is eaten by Indians influenced by +strong motives and deep belief, and the consequent physiological state is easily and adequately +rationalized. It is not surprising that a man addicted to alcohol and shamed by it +before both Indians and Whites believes that “whiskey and peyote fight in a man, and +usually peyote wins and brings it out.” No doubt such a cure <i>ad nauseam</i> is as good as any, +and more effective than some. The depressing effect of peyote is also well recognized and +measures are taken to overcome it. The Arapaho have feathers at four corners of the tipi +to brush persons who tire during the meeting, and the “smoke” at Taos is made to overcome +the depression of the early stages of eating, as sage is similarly used in the Plains.⁠<a id="FNanchor_7_338" href="#Footnote_7_338" class="fnanchor">[7]</a></p> + +<p>But suffering is counted even a positive virtue among people who had the “vision +quest” in the old days. A crippled Indian at Miami told me that “to get power from peyote +a man must suffer to it.” The four rounds of the drum without water among the Caddo suggests +an intention of making the meeting an ordeal, and Mrs. Voegelin’s Shawnee informant +emphasized that the Spybuck moon modelled on the Caddo was “hard.” Most informants +would consider the Osage, who have “beds” in their meeting-houses sometimes, not merely +ostentatious but also “soft”; one old man said that sage under the blankets of the seat as a +cushion indicated a decadent generation, for did not they sit on the bare ground in the old +days? A Kickapoo informant said Quanah Parker used to warn them that the taste of +peyote wasn’t good, though “it would keep you on the right path.” About 2:10 in the +morning a Comanche informant of Simmons said:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">If there is suffering, this is the time. That’s the reason I took a good rest: so I could stand it. +Many a time I have fallen over at this time. It’s getting on to what they call the dark hour, the +hour of the Crucifixion. Everyone here is suffering now.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">The Winnebago⁠<a id="FNanchor_8_339" href="#Footnote_8_339" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> elaborated into a dogma the physiological effect of peyote in producing +occasional vomiting:</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_97">[97]</span></p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">If a person who is truly repentant eats peyote for the first time, he does not suffer at all from its +effects. But if an individual is bull-headed, does not believe in its virtue, he is likely to suffer a great +deal.... If a person eats peyote and does not repent openly, he has a guilty conscience, which leaves +him as soon as the public repentance has been made.... If a peyote-user relapses into his old +way of living, then the peyote causes him great suffering.... The disagreeable effects of the +peyote varied directly with a man’s disbelief in it. This explanation [Rave] persistently drummed +into the ears of beginners, who otherwise become terrified and give up too soon.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p>We have already noted the Huichol-Tarahumari belief that peyote sees and punishes +evil deeds. Similarly, when as an old man Kutubi (Comanche) became sick he gave his father +peyote to Mumsika, reasoning that he had “probably eaten something peyote didn’t allow”; +this is probably the same father peyote which years before had predicted a bad fate for a +war party. The leader had wept and strenuously upbraided peyote for this and may later +have felt some guilt for his presumptuousness. In any case he held peyote responsible +both times for his bad fortune.</p> + +<p>But if peyote is blamed for bad fortune, it is also accredited with the liquidation of +manifold anxieties. Fear of death is perhaps the most conspicuous anxiety in Plains culture. +It is not surprising, therefore, that doctoring plays a major part in the cult. But the power +and authority of peyote are relied upon in other ways too. In a number of tribes peyote or +peyote tea is used whenever the individual finds himself confronted with any important +personal problem. To be sure, it is the individual’s <i>total wishes</i> which ultimately find expression +in the course of action followed, but the consultation with peyote composes conflicts +and gives an authority to the decision which the “unaided” individual might not have +been able to summon.⁠<a id="FNanchor_9_340" href="#Footnote_9_340" class="fnanchor">[9]</a></p> + +<p>The protective function of the father peyote is most highly patterned, perhaps, among +the Mescalero Apache.⁠<a id="FNanchor_10_341" href="#Footnote_10_341" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> In this culture the aggressions arising from the particular socio-economic +system of marriage find expression in intense witchcraft activity. But for the typical +aggressions which a culture engenders, a culture often has a patterned solution to offer. +For though the means used were magical, the aggressions and counter-aggressions were <i>real</i> +in the psychological sense, and peyote had a real function in witch-prophylaxis. Shamanistic +rivalry was most virulent and witchcraft-anxiety was correspondingly as intense as the +projected hatreds. One never knew what dangerous and powerful supernatural possessions +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_98">[98]</span>a hated rival possessed, hence a number of protective devices were developed in Mescalero +peyotism.⁠<a id="FNanchor_11_342" href="#Footnote_11_342" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> Yet characteristically in this uncomfortable culture, the power of peyote was +itself dangerous, and elaborate care had to be exercised in removing the fuzz from the top +of the buttons before eating. Should it touch the eyes, it would cause blindness!</p> + +<p>In the Plains the fear is often expressed, not without justification, that the white man +is ever about to take away the peyote religion from the Indian, as he has taken almost everything +else material and immaterial. But the frequency of this asserveration, sometimes in +contexts which the writer thought were unrealistic, indicates that Indians view peyote in +a sense as a protector from the Whites. Peyote is rather confidently thought to be able to +take care of itself—which accounts for the comparative ease with which a white man can +obtain entrance to a meeting, where he will be exposed to “proof” of peyote’s power. We +need not emphasize this function of peyote beyond its true proportions, but it may be recalled +that peyote enabled a native to escape from a white man’s jail; that it aided peyote +pilgrims to bring plants undeterred through the white man’s customs; that it is the +sovereign remedy for the evil of the white man’s whiskey; that peyote has so far protected +itself against the white man’s attempted sumptuary legislation; that it miraculously escaped +detection and confiscation in a white man’s war, through which it protected its bearer; +and, not least in psychological importance, that peyote characteristically succeeds (because +it is of God, not man) in cures which the white doctor has long since given up as hopeless.</p> + +<p>This function of peyote as protector is rooted in earlier history: it sees from afar the +approach of the enemy, predicts the results of battle and protects one in battle from the +hazards of war. Peyote would have prevented a gun accident, and an accident with a mechanical +saw, in instances collected, if the persons involved had only been able to understand +its warning. And in another case, when a serious automobile accident had already +happened, peyote quelled the anxiety of worrying relatives in assuring an ultimate cure. +Again, Mary Buffalo, White Wolfs mother and Belo Kozad’s wife had all lost many +children, until they took their sons into peyote meetings and prayed to the power that they +be spared; in each case the son grew to manhood. Peyote is the comforter in the event of +death also; a funeral meeting is often held as the last rite of respect to the deceased, and +some groups hold anniversary meetings for four years after the death.</p> + +<p>But peyote punishes as well. An inconstant result of its physiological action is the production +at times of an intense fear-state. Rave, for example, (Winnebago)⁠<a id="FNanchor_12_343" href="#Footnote_12_343" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> in a period of +mental stress experienced his fear:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">Suddenly I saw a big snake. I was very much frightened. Then another one came crawling over +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_99">[99]</span>me. “My God! Where are these snakes coming from?” There at my back there seemed to be something +also. So I looked around and saw a snake about ready to swallow me entirely. It had arms +and legs and a long tail. The end of its tail was like a spear. “Oh God! I am surely going to +die now,” I thought. Then I turned in another direction and I saw a man with horns and long +claws and with a spear in his hand. He jumped for me and I threw myself on the ground. He +missed me. Then I looked back. This time he started back but it seemed to me that he was directing +his spear at me. Again I threw myself on the ground and he missed me. There seemed to be +no escape for me.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">A similar experience of Crashing Thunder (Winnebago) is noted elsewhere; and in a +story told of Bear Track (Cheyenne) and his Osage wife on their visit to the Holy Land, +the parents seem to have communicated some of their anxiety and fear surrounding mysterious +experiences there to their small daughter, who awoke screaming one night at a presence +she saw in the room.</p> + +<p>The peyote meeting of many groups has incorporated in it a powerful mechanism for +the liquidation of individual anxieties in the practice of public confession of sins. It is +difficult to over-estimate the importance of this feature.⁠<a id="FNanchor_13_344" href="#Footnote_13_344" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> On the exhortation of the leader, +many members rise and accuse themselves publicly of misdemeanors or offenses, asking +pardon of persons who might have been injured by them. How large a part peyote has in +the production of such states is an open question (for the pattern of public confession is +widespread aboriginally in the New World); but that confession to the father-peyote +and his authority, and repentance before the group is of profound significance cannot be +doubted. More than ritual tears stream down the confessant’s cheeks as he acknowledges +his faults and asks aid to keep his promise to mend his ways.</p> + +<p>Peyote often figures in matters of personal adjustment. The story of John Rave is too +well known to require more than mention here. The somewhat similar history of Jonathan +Koshiway (Oto) is likewise interesting in showing how a compromise was struck between +the older pagan culture and Christianity, to whose influence this individual had been exposed. +The personal solution in Koshiway’s case seems to have been a perfectly satisfactory +one: in the Church of the First-born he doctored and “hollered” like the source of his +power in good old Indian fashion, and on the other hand baptized, conducted funerals and +married couples just as in white churches. The statements of Crashing Thunder’s father⁠<a id="FNanchor_14_345" href="#Footnote_14_345" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> +indicate a somewhat less happy and inclusive solution, which involved the sacrifice of the +old customs:</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_100">[100]</span></p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">The peyote people are rather foolish for they cry when they feel happy about anything. They +throw away all the medicines that they possess and whose virtues they know. They give up all the +blessings they received while fasting, give up all the spirits who blessed them. They stop giving +feasts and making offering of tobacco. They burn up all their holy things, destroy the war-bundles. +They stop smoking and chewing tobacco. They are bad people. They burn up their medicine +pouches, give up the Medicine Dance and even cut up their otter-skin bags.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">Crashing Thunder, as we have seen, was himself persuaded by peyote cultists that it was +disgraceful to have his hair long, and he gave his shorn hair with his medicine bundles to +his brother-in-law, as both wept and as he received the thanks of his relatives. Clothing +and headdress are also symbols of conflict between the old and the new for Taos and Osage.</p> + +<p>A dramatic solution of a life-long problem was offered Crashing Thunder in peyotism. +He had lied about having gotten power from a vision-experience in connection with the +the older native religion: so important for personal prestige was this experience that he +was betrayed into fabrication to obtain it. But he never lied to himself. All his life he was +aware of the deception, and being a man of marked fundamental honesty, he keenly felt +the fraud. Finally at the age of forty-five he did achieve through peyote the experience which +he had missed in his youth. His conversion to the peyote religion was consequently most +profound: “It is the only holy thing that I have become aware of in all my life,” he said +simply, after this experience.</p> + +<p>Jack Thomas (Delaware) solved a problem of major importance to himself through +peyote. He had been appointed a Government policeman, and found considerable conflict +between his duty and his sympathies. Finally he became gravely ill, and a meeting was put +on by his brother and another relative to pray for his recovery. In this meeting the answer +came to him:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">The others in the tipi did not like me. Peyote told me this. I had been a man-catcher. That was +the reason. The two persons that loved me prayed for me and I got well. I did not go back to my +job of man-catcher. Peyote showed me that it is wrong.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p>The mechanisms for social control afforded by the public and communal nature of the +cult (as opposed to the individualism of the older religions in the Plains) are on the whole +very effective. The speeches of the leaders and old men give ample opportunity for the +expression of opinions concerning the conduct of younger members in peyote meetings and +out. We have already noted the case in which a Kiowa marriage was saved from destruction +by timely advice and reprimand addressed to the husband in a peyote meeting. The prayers, +too, which almost any individual may make by calling for a smoke, are further vehicles for +quite various psychological transactions.</p> + +<p>Peyote leadership carries with it much prestige, and the great road-chiefs like Quanah +Parker, Belo Kozad, Old Man Horse, White Horn, John Rave and Jonathan Koshiway are +spoken of with considerable respect. In the case of John Wilson peyote was further made +the vehicle of economic success. But the negative instances are just as interesting. We have +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_101">[101]</span>already mentioned A. S., a Seminole who lived and married among the Caddo. He built a +moon of the general John Wilson-Enoch Hoag type, which differed from these in only +minor details. His bid for personal prestige, however, received so little support on the part +of his group that he removed the inner symbolic part of his altar to the woods nearby, and +left only the crescent and apron of a “small moon.”</p> + +<p>Another case is that of H. B., a Kiowa. This group has been unimpressed by any major +changes in the rite, and success in leadership lies along rather conventional lines since they +regard themselves as the repositors of the original native rite. H. B. aspired to be a peyote +leader and to increase his prestige through the cult. His wife’s brother was the leader of +the minutely variant “Kiowa Road,” his mother’s brother, further, was one of the two +original users of peyote among the Kiowa and his step-father was an owner of one of the +“Ten Medicine” bundles. All in all his chances might have seemed good in the beginning. +But a train of bad luck befell him: his wife died, his step-son fell sick, and his mother’s +brother died, all within a year. His mother quarreled with the rather well-to-do wife of her +nephew, C. A., who among the middle-aged men is perhaps the most promising and widely +accepted peyote leader (though he still modestly confines himself to the job of “fire chief”). +Then, as C. A. said—and he was not above sabotaging his rival H. B.’s chances—“he +couldn’t quite make the grade, because people wondered why all these things had happened +to him; some fellows are like that.”</p> + +<p>There is much therefore that is psychologically precarious in peyotism. Personal histories +and happenings to the individual determine his attitude toward the cult, and the +attitude may change as new anxieties arise and old ones are solved. A typical conversion +perhaps is that of John Bearskin (Winnebago), described by Densmore:⁠<a id="FNanchor_15_346" href="#Footnote_15_346" class="fnanchor">[15]</a></p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">The parents of John Bearskin belonged to the medicine lodge and he belonged to that organization +until 1912. The mother of John Bearskin became sick in 1905 and told him that she was near to +death. He was so distressed that he went to town and became drunk. The next morning they +wakened him and said that his mother was dead. His father died in 1909. At that time he had a +little girl two years old and his sister had a little girl five years of age. Both children died a week +after his father’s death. Bearskin’s father left him a farm with house, stock and implements. He +disposed of these, spent part of the proceeds and with the remainder bought a house in Winnebago +[Nebraska] but later sold that and spent the money. He was drifting from place to place and +working as he had opportunity when a cousin wrote him about peyote, advising him to return +and use it. He went back and on January 19, 1912, he and his two daughters joined the peyote organization, +being baptized by John Rave. His wife joined later, during an illness. Since that time +he has not wavered in his attachment to the peyote cult, neither has he gambled nor used liquor +nor tobacco.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">But there are skeptics who do not join. Michelson⁠<a id="FNanchor_16_347" href="#Footnote_16_347" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> quotes a Sauk informant, who first belonged +and later quit the cult:</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_102">[102]</span></p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">I do not believe in it because it gives you the same effect as whisky when you are drunk four or +five days; only peyote will affect you when you eat it once. I have eaten so there is nothing in it. +I quit five years ago. And another reason why I do not believe in it is because the man did not know +who the manitou was who did the talking [in the Peyote origin legend]; because the men pitied by +manitous, among us Sauks, knew who they were, such as Wolf, Wisake, Turtle, or such as that.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">An Oto informant was skeptical at first about the power of peyote, and experimented with +it: for two days he drank tea to test its virtues, and then went to a meeting. There he was +converted or “saved” when he realized that he was “pitiful like a stick.”</p> + +<p>Delos Lonewolf (Kiowa) quit peyote and became a preacher again, though he had been +an important peyote leader and one-time president of the Oklahoma Native American +Church; he had had “family troubles” and was apparently persuaded thereto by his wife. +Cecil Horse and Albert Cat (Kiowa) have also recently quit peyote. When Kiowa Jim +lost his son, he gave his staff, gourd and feathers to Baptiste Derond (Oto), a brother-in-law +of Jonathan Koshiway. Derond was later killed in an automobile accident. His younger +brother Frank now has the paraphernalia, but according to Koshiway, “they are afraid of +them, and want to return them,” since they are associated with misfortune.⁠<a id="FNanchor_17_348" href="#Footnote_17_348" class="fnanchor">[17]</a></p> + +<p>Sometimes Christianity itself is invoked in defence of peyote. Old Man Green (Oto) +used arguments from the Bible to confound a Protestant minister who had been unfriendly +to the native religion. He quoted from Genesis 1.12 an opinion from God Himself upon His +completing the creation of green herbs: “and God saw that it was good.” Said Green, +“Peyote was there then. If you condemn peyote, you condemn God’s work.” On the whole, +however, peyotism and Christianity are mutually exclusive in the southern Plains at least, +so far as membership in the one or the other is concerned. This is partly due to the usual +time peyote meetings are held (i.e., Saturday night and Sunday forenoon), but partly also +to the intransigence and stubbornness to native overtures on the part of white Protestant +ministers.</p> + +<p>Bert Crow-lance (Kiowa) is an interesting case of a man who has tried both the old +religion and peyote, and found both unsatisfactory. In 1935 he attempted the vision quest, +fasting and praying on a hill west of Anadarko. A hernia had partially incapacitated him +for work, and he was seeking means to support his large family. He went out to fast and +pray in the hope (so he told the writer) of finding gold and diamonds in Oklahoma through +a vision, and failing that, oil, which would make him rich. But before he had completed the +required four days, his deceased mother appeared to him in a vision and told him that there +were snakes around which endangered him, and that he must return later with a pipe, +which he had forgotten. But the second attempt was no more successful than the first.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_103">[103]</span></p> + +<p>Crow-lance had gone to a number of peyote meetings. In one of them he prayed that +his sick daughter be made well. She later died. Crow-lance in disgust threw his peyote +feathers into the Washita River. A friend who heard of this was horrified:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">Only when a Kiowa <i>dies</i> do you throw things in the river. Your children and grandchildren are +living. That’s a mistake, and he must right it now. We’re getting after him now—he threw away +all his good feathers!</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">The articles were recovered in part, and selections of gourds and feathers were made by +other peyote-users. Another anecdote we have already recounted of a father peyote which +was almost returned to the place where it had been gathered. Again, Timbo (Comanche) +formerly had many cattle and horses. He has lost all of them now, and this he blames on +the displeasure of peyote. In short, all manner of happenings are attributed to the approval +or ill favor of peyote, and rare is the event which may not be rationalized on this basis.</p> + +<p>From these data, then, it may be well seen that peyotism functions in all ways as a +living religion: peyote christens the new-born and protects their early years, teaches the +young, marries young men and women, rewards and punishes the behavior of adult years, +and buries the dead—offering throughout consolation for troubles, chastening for bad +deeds or thoughts, and serving as the focus for tribal and intertribal life. Peyotism is without +question the living religion of the majority of Plains Indians today. Perhaps the statement +of a Delaware may make this clear:⁠<a id="FNanchor_18_349" href="#Footnote_18_349" class="fnanchor">[18]</a></p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">The old Delaware religion is too heavy for us who are becoming few and weak. It is too difficult; +Peyote is easy in comparison. Therefore we who are weak take up this new Indian religion. This +is the very objection raised by the old men, taking it up. But Peyote knows that the Indian’s burden +of becoming educated and at the same time keeping up the old religion is too heavy, for he said +that to the old woman who was the first to discover our new religion. Peyote is to be the Indians’ +new religion. It is to be for all the Indian people and only for them.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p>The intent of the present section was to give the reader some sense of the emotional +immediacy of peyotism to the present-day Plains Indian. Such a study might properly be +termed “functional,” and in biological analogy corresponds to the physiology or dynamic +aspect of the anatomy or descriptive morphology attempted in our preceding discussion +of cultural traits and patterns. But we must at once abandon our analogy, lest like some +others we extrapolate illegitimately terms which have meaning in one universe of discourse +into another where they serve only to produce confusion. In biology and medicine, anatomy +may perhaps be understood wholly divorced from palaeontological and physical-anthropological +(i.e., historical) considerations, but this is peculiarly not the case with +any attempt to discuss a culture-pattern functionally or psychologically. Here the immediacy +and the momentum of past history, that is the functioning of culture-patterns in +terms of individuals, is precisely the point at issue. And here the aggregation of traits into +a complex is less the result of organismic-biological factors than of “historical accident” (e.g., +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_104">[104]</span>the use of parched corn in the Plains ritual breakfast—its function in the religious pattern +of an agricultural economy having long since been in abeyance). The traits of a complex do +not gain their relatedness or their adhesiveness from any biological-organismic “function”; +culture-traits are not chromosome-linked genes, and change of one trait of a pattern need +not organically change the rest. Indeed, if we can speak of “the peyote cult” at all, it is +only after demonstrating its historical continuity as such.</p> + +<p>For Bert Crow-lance and Homer Buffalo, we maintain, judged from the vantage-point +of any other culture than their own, would remain enigmas or examples of inexplicably +bizarre behavior if we did not fall back on history—on the decadent pattern of the vision-quest, +and on patterns now almost vanished of prestige and power-seeking, etc. But the +problem of the ethnologist as we see it is not the reporting of the outlandish and the +picturesque; it is the discovery of plausible motivations in terms of native meanings, the +discovery of the essentially humane in its to us often disguised manifestations. In practice, +then, <i>we can never know enough history</i> either biographical or cultural, in explaining a +present culture as it functions in individuals acting in such and such a (historically-conditioned) +way. We feel the more free, therefore, to trace in the next section the history of a +pre-peyote Plains narcotic used ritually, inasmuch as it affords an insight into the historical +problem.</p> + +<div class="footnotes"> + +<h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_1_332" href="#FNanchor_1_332" class="label">[1]</a> <i>Peyote as Used in Religious Worship</i>, + 11, lent through the courtesy of Alfred Wilson (Cheyenne).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_2_333" href="#FNanchor_2_333" class="label">[2]</a> Letter of Mack Haag (Cheyenne), Calumet, Oklahoma, to Dr. R. W. Miles, San Francisco, California, +Sept. 16, 1925, and reply Oct. 2, 1925. What unfriendliness the writer met was largely the projection of individual +suspiciousness, e.g., that of a Caddo who concocted a preposterous story out of his own imagination. +When I returned to Anadarko in 1936 with a White companion who remained for several weeks, this man circulated +the story that James Mooney’s son and the son of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs had arrived to +make a thorough check-up on peyote, that to obtain an “absolute lowdown” we had a man stationed on every +corner in the town to check up on every Indian who took a drink of beer in a saloon, picked up a woman, or +was overheard swearing—in any of a dozen Indian languages!</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_3_334" href="#FNanchor_3_334" class="label">[3]</a> Parsons, <i>Taos Pueblo</i>, 66-68.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_4_335" href="#FNanchor_4_335" class="label">[4]</a> Datura or Jimsonweed was also greatly feared; it killed or drove crazy anyone who touched it. Only +shamans armed with the more powerful peyote dared uproot it. Bakánori was used by runners to rub on their +legs or to carry in the girdle to counteract witchcraft in the ritual races; but if kept too long this plant also would +drive a man crazy or kill him. See Bennett and Zingg, <i>The Tarahumara</i>, 136-38, 292, 338, 347; Lumholtz, <i>Unknown +Mexico</i>, 1:359-60, 372-74; also Mooney, <i>Tarumari-Guayachic</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_5_336" href="#FNanchor_5_336" class="label">[5]</a> Opler, <i>The Use of Peyote</i>; <i>Lipan Apache Field Notes</i>; Hoebel, <i>Northern Cheyenne Field Notes</i>; + Petrullo, +<i>The Diabolic Root</i>, 71.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_6_337" href="#FNanchor_6_337" class="label">[6]</a> Can this be a reflex of an older pattern? Spier (<i>The Sun Dance</i>, + 473) lists as a part of the Sun Dance of +the Arapaho, Kiowa and Southern Cheyenne a prepared drink and the induction of vomiting. Kozad (Kiowa) +believed peyote had a good effect whether vomited or not—the virtue being in the quantity eaten. Cf. the +emetic rites in connection with the “black drink.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_7_338" href="#FNanchor_7_338" class="label">[7]</a> Kroeber, <i>The Arapaho</i>, 406-407; Parsons, <i>Taos Pueblo</i>, 65.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_8_339" href="#FNanchor_8_339" class="label">[8]</a> Radin, <i>A Sketch of the Peyote Cult</i>, 5-6, 19-20; <i>The Winnebago Tribe</i>, 395.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_9_340" href="#FNanchor_9_340" class="label">[9]</a> E.g., Charles Lonewolf (Kiowa) in <i>Peyote as Used in Religious Worship</i>, + 53; Hoebel, <i>Comanche Field Notes</i>. +Again, all the prestige of the culture itself was behind Old Man White Horn’s pronouncement to the psychotic +Oto, R. E., that peyote would protect him. This individual suffered apparently from an obsessional neurosis +(stereotyped actions, collecting string, rolling and unrolling balls of it, persecutory fears, avoidance of people, +fear of being pursued etc.). If his difficulties had originally arisen from real or supposed aggressions upon him of +members of his group, the therapeutic value of the assertion that the fetish would protect him is obvious. For +the belief that it would protect him was shared by all the others present, and he had the support of the enormous +impetus a deep-seated culture-pattern possesses. The importance of the fetish plant as a psychic “authority” +should likewise not be minimized.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_10_341" href="#FNanchor_10_341" class="label">[10]</a> Opler, <i>The Influence of Aboriginal Pattern</i>, <i>passim</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_11_342" href="#FNanchor_11_342" class="label">[11]</a> + For one matter, the shaman’s staff never left his hand to be passed around as in the Plains; and each individual +had some prophylactic fetish in his hand which he never dared relinquish throughout the meeting. +Note, too, the fetish peyote on the altar: on this the leader could detect evil thoughts and acts, such as the +magic intrusive “shooting” of water-beetles and feathers by rival shamans into each other.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_12_343" href="#FNanchor_12_343" class="label">[12]</a> Radin, <i>Crashing Thunder</i>, 180, see also 193-94, 198-99; <i>A Sketch of the Peyote Cult</i>, + 8-9; Densmore, +<i>Winnebago Songs of the Peyote Ceremony</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_13_344" href="#FNanchor_13_344" class="label">[13]</a> Skinner, <i>Societies of the Iowa</i>, 725; Radin, <i>Crashing Thunder</i>, + 177; <i>A Sketch of the Peyote Cult</i>, 5-6, 19-20; +<i>The Winnebago Tribe</i>, 395; Densmore, <i>The Peyote Cult</i>; <i>Winnebago Songs of the Peyote Ceremony</i>. Confession +is present in Iowa, Oto, and Winnebago peyotism. But I have noted non-peyote instances of public confession +among Aztecs, Aurohuaca, Carrier, Chichimeca, Crow, Dogrib, Eskimo, Guatemaltecans, Huichol, Ijca, Inca, +Iroquois, Maya, Nicarao, Plains Cree, Plains Ojibwa, Salteaux, Shawnee, Slave, Tahltan, Western Apache, +Yellowknife, and Yucatecans. Related practices are reported for the Arikara, Blackfoot, Southern Cheyenne, +Oglala, and Sarsi.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_14_345" href="#FNanchor_14_345" class="label">[14]</a> Radin, <i>Crashing Thunder</i>, 171, 186-87; Petrullo, <i>The Diabolic Root</i>, 111.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_15_346" href="#FNanchor_15_346" class="label">[15]</a> Densmore, <i>Winnebago Songs of the Peyote Ceremony</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_16_347" href="#FNanchor_16_347" class="label">[16]</a> Michelson, <i>Sauk and Fox Myths</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_17_348" href="#FNanchor_17_348" class="label">[17]</a> A Wichita told an anecdote which he thought evidenced his own very good fortune. During a storm +he was trying to get to a meeting at Red Rock in his old car, which failed him. A tragedy occurred in this meeting: +Riley Fawfaw (Oto) was killed by lightning. A supporting wire had been put on the tipi and along this the +lightning apparently traveled, for money in his pocket was melted, his neighbors made unconscious and others +thrown about the tipi by the force of the bolt. Unfortunately it seemed inexpedient to inquire more deeply into +detailed attitudes about this incident.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_18_349" href="#FNanchor_18_349" class="label">[18]</a> Petrullo, <i>The Diabolic Root</i>, 76.</p></div> + +</div> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_105">[105]</span></p> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="HISTORICAL_INTERPRETATIONS">HISTORICAL INTERPRETATIONS</h2> + +</div> + +<h3 id="THE_PRE-PEYOTE_MESCAL_BEAN_CULT">THE PRE-PEYOTE MESCAL BEAN CULT</h3> + +<p>As we have noted in the section on the botany of peyote, the use of the term “mescal” +is surrounded with considerable confusion, and is persistently used in the older literature +to designate <i>Lophophora williamsii</i> or peyote. The true mescal is the <i>Agave</i> spp. whose +cabbage-like center is baked by the tribes of the Southwest and northern Mexico as a food; +“mescal” also refers to the brandy distilled from mescal beer or pulque. No doubt it is due +to their intoxicating properties that two other distinct plants, <i>Sophora secundiflora</i> and +<i>Lophophora williamsii</i>, have been called, respectively, “mescal bean” and “mescal button.” +A further confusion of these last has been contributed to by the fact that both have been +involved in Plains cult uses.</p> + +<p><i>Sophophora secundiflora</i> is an evergreen shrub bearing two or three tough-shelled red +seeds in a bean-like pod. Known in Mexico as “toleselo” and elsewhere as mescal-bean, coral-bean,⁠<a id="FNanchor_1_350" href="#Footnote_1_350" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> +frijolito, frijolillo and mountain laurel,⁠<a id="FNanchor_2_351" href="#Footnote_2_351" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> it contains the extremely toxic narcotic alkaloid +sophorine or cytisine,⁠<a id="FNanchor_3_352" href="#Footnote_3_352" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> the physiological action of which accounts for its ceremonial +use by natives. This is a powerful poison causing nausea, convulsions and finally death by +asphyxiation; it is said⁠<a id="FNanchor_4_353" href="#Footnote_4_353" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> to resemble nicotine closely in physiological action. A more complete +botanical and physiological account appears in <a href="#APPENDIX_2">an appendix</a>, and we are here concerned +only with its ethnographic aspects.</p> + +<p>Havard says that the Indians near San Antonio</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">formerly used the seed as an intoxicant, half of a seed producing a delirious exhilaration followed +by a deep sleep lasting two or three days.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">Opler tells a Chiricahua Apache coyote story in which the trickster pounded up a number +of the beans and gave them to the people to eat:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">So while the people were out of their minds, Coyote cut out their hair in patches the way Indians +cut their hair. So there they were, crazy.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">Lumholtz says that the Tarahumari added the root (?) of the frijolillo to their maguey wine +“as a ferment,” and Bennett and Zingg report an archaeological occurrence at a Rio Fuerte +site in Chihuahua on a Basket-Maker horizon:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">Containers found here and in another site held nothing but a few seeds of the poisonous wild +“bean,” which may have ceremonial significance.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_106">[106]</span></p> + +<p class="noindent">This inference is not implausible when we recall the Mexican mode of keeping peyote.⁠<a id="FNanchor_5_354" href="#Footnote_5_354" class="fnanchor">[5]</a></p> + +<p>The use of peyote in racing and in ball games is noted for the Tarahumari and Tamaulipecan +groups, and in this connection it is interesting to learn that the Wichita used to eat +mescal beans before they ran a race. A Cheyenne informant said that his tribe used the +“red-berry” as an eye-wash long before they knew of peyote, though he never heard of +their eating it; “it’s poison,” he said. The Comanche used to get mescal beans from near +Fort Stanton, apparently for ornamental purposes only.⁠<a id="FNanchor_6_355" href="#Footnote_6_355" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> Like most of the Plains tribes, the +Kickapoo used mescal beans chiefly as beads, but in common with the Cheyenne they used +them medicinally: for earache they boiled, mashed and strained the beans through a cloth.</p> + +<p>The Kiowa use the ḱɔnḱoλ or mescal beans typically, as beads in peyote meetings, +much as they formerly wore bandoliers of them on the war-path. One Kiowa is said to +have chewed the inside of a mescal bean before breaking a bad wild horse bareback. A +Kiowa peyote chief had several of the beans on his moccasin heel-fringe, to protect from +the dangers of inadvertently stepping on menstrual blood, and another Kiowa “peyote boy” +had a mescal bean attached to the thong of his gourd rattle. Mescal beans are clearly thought +to possess great medicine-power.</p> + +<p>The Iowa had leggings which Skinner thought might have been of a modified Kiowa-Comanche +type, with a perforated scarlet mescal bean (Iowa, maka shutze, “red medicine”) +knotted on each thong of the fringe. The Omaha used as beads and good luck charms +bright red beans which Gilmore thought were <i>Erythrina</i>, and which they called makaⁿ +zhide or “red medicine” likewise. In adopting the use of chinaberries (<i>Melia azerdache</i> L.) +as beads, they likened them to mescal beans and called them, curiously, makaⁿ-zhide sabe, +“black red-medicine.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_7_356" href="#Footnote_7_356" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> Pawnee informants said that long ago they used bat or mescal +beans for medicine “to strengthen the body,” but now use them only for decoration. The +Oto used to eat “liar(?) berries” or mescal beans in one of their lodges; they had the interesting +superstition that they breed (recalling the sex attributed to peyote):</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">Tie two or three in a bundle, leave it a year or so, and when you open it again you’ll have a dozen.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p>The inference that the Pawnee and Oto used the mescal bean ritually is borne out by +the Iowa, who had a full-fledged ceremony called the “Red Bean Dance:”⁠<a id="FNanchor_8_357" href="#Footnote_8_357" class="fnanchor">[8]</a></p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">This is an ancient rite (maⁿkácutzi waci) far antedating the modern peyote eating practice but on +the same principle. The society was founded by a faster who dreamed that he received it from +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_107">[107]</span>the deer, for red beans (mescal) are sometimes found in deer’s stomachs.⁠<a id="FNanchor_9_358" href="#Footnote_9_358" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> + There are four assistant +leaders, besides the leader, and it is their duty to strike the drum and sing during ceremonies.</p> + +<p>In this society members were obliged to purchase admission from some one of the four assistant +leaders. This was done in the regular ceremonial way. A candidate brought gifts and heaped them +on the ground before the assistant leader and begged for the songs, etc., which he taught them and +was then a leader. There was no initiation ceremony. During performances the members painted +themselves white and wore a bunch of split owl-feathers on their heads. Small gourd rattles were +used and the members while singing held a bow and arrow in the right hand which they waved +back and forth in front of the body while they manipulated the rattle with the left.</p> + +<p>This ceremony was held in the spring when the sunflowers were in blossom on the prairie, +for then nearly all the vegetable foods given by wakanda were ripe. The leader, who was the +owner of a medicine and war bundle called maⁿkácutzi warúhawe connected with this society, +had his men prepare by “killing” the beans⁠<a id="FNanchor_10_359" href="#Footnote_10_359" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> by placing them before the fire until they turned +yellow. Then they are taken and pounded up fine⁠<a id="FNanchor_11_360" href="#Footnote_11_360" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> and made into a medicine brew. The members +then danced all night, and just past midnight they commenced to drink the red bean decoction. +They kept this up until about dawn when it began to work upon them so that they vomited⁠<a id="FNanchor_12_361" href="#Footnote_12_361" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> +and prayed repeatedly, and were thus cleansed ceremonially, the evil having been driven from +their bodies. Then a feast of the new vegetable foods⁠<a id="FNanchor_13_362" href="#Footnote_13_362" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> was given them and a prayer of thanks +was made to wakanda for vegetable foods and tobacco.</p> + +<p>The connection of the maⁿkácutzi warúhawe, or red bean war bundle with the society is not +altogether clear to me, save that it was a sacred object possessed by the society which brought +success in war, hunting, especially for the buffalo, and in horse-racing.⁠<a id="FNanchor_14_363" href="#Footnote_14_363" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> Members of this society +tied red beans around their belts when they went to war, deeming them a protection against +injury.⁠<a id="FNanchor_15_364" href="#Footnote_15_364" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> + Cedar berries and sagebrush were also used with this medicine.⁠<a id="FNanchor_16_365" href="#Footnote_16_365" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> Sage was boiled and used +to medicate sweat baths on the war trail.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">Further information is afforded by Harrington,⁠<a id="FNanchor_17_366" href="#Footnote_17_366" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> who collected a typical red bean bundle +figured by Skinner, indicating a Pawnee parallel to the Iowa cult:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>In addition to the two varieties of Ioway war bundles before described, a third sort was +found, Maⁿkaⁿshudje oyu, or Red Medicine Bundles.... This was not discussed with the others, +for the reason that the Ioways claim that it did not originate with them, but was derived from the +Pawnee, who, in return for many presents, gave them authority to use it, and instructed them +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_108">[108]</span>in its preparation and ritual. The legend of its origin among the Pawnee was not known to my +informants.</p> + +<p>The bundle, says Chief Tohee, belonged to a society, whose annual meeting was held about +the time corn is ripe.⁠<a id="FNanchor_18_367" href="#Footnote_18_367" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> There was but one main bundle, but each member had a “flute” or whistle, +and a small package of medicine. When the time approached for the meeting, the member who was +to give the feast sent a crier or “waiter” around to the different members, calling them to meet at +a certain night in his bark house or tipi, whichever he was using at the time. All painted themselves +and fixed themselves up in their best style for the occasion. Music was furnished by a number of +singers, who kept time to the sound of drumming upon a tight bow-string,⁠<a id="FNanchor_19_368" href="#Footnote_19_368" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> and the sound of +small gourd rattles. During the ceremonies the singers seated themselves in four different places at +the side of the lodge, corresponding to the four directions, and sang in each one the verses prescribed +by tradition, the order being: east, south, west, and north.⁠<a id="FNanchor_20_369" href="#Footnote_20_369" class="fnanchor">[20]</a> The dance is said to have consisted +of peculiar jumping movements.</p> + +<p>Now, the “Red Medicine” which forms the basis of the bundle, is the sacred red Mescal +bean (<i>Erythrina flabelliformis</i>) which seems to have narcotic or perhaps intoxicating properties +when taken internally.⁠<a id="FNanchor_21_370" href="#Footnote_21_370" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> + Formerly widely used by the Indians of the Southern Plains⁠<a id="FNanchor_22_371" href="#Footnote_22_371" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> to produce +dreams or visions at certain ceremonies, it has now been supplanted by the more powerful “button” +cut from the Peyote cactus, which is sometimes wrongly also called “mescal,” thus taking the name +of its predecessor.</p> + +<p>When morning put an end to the dances of the ceremony under discussion, a large number +of the red beans were broken up, or “killed” as the Indians say (regarding the beans as alive) and +stirred up with water in a large kettle, together with certain herbs which are said to make the +decoction milder in action. Then all the participants drank a cup or two of the mixture. The only +description of the action of the drug was that everything looks red to the drinker for a while, +when he vomits, and evacuates the bowels, which the Indians say, cleans out the system, and +benefits the health, even in the case of children. The medicine drinking, and the stupor and purging +consequent upon it end the ceremony.</p> + +<p>It is said that the bundle has been handed down for a number of generations, since it was +obtained from the Pawnee, all in one family, which must have benefited considerably, one would +think, from the valuable presents necessary to join the society.... The [bundle’s] taboo was +very strict, forbidding its owners to break the bones⁠<a id="FNanchor_23_372" href="#Footnote_23_372" class="fnanchor">[23]</a> of any animal under any circumstances. +They must never allow the bundle to touch the ground either....</p> + +<p>When not in use, it was kept carefully wrapped in hides or canvas so as to exclude the weather, +hanging on a pole standing just east of the owner’s lodge, in front of the doorway. In addressing +the bundle, they called it “Grandfather,” and made offerings to it by throwing tobacco on the +ground near the pole where it hung. On festal occasions the sweet smoke of burning cedar twigs +was wafted upon it as an offering.</p> + +<p>In time of war, a special man was appointed to carry it, as was the case with most war bundles. +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_109">[109]</span>Like them, too, it was opened when the enemy was sighted, when its enclosed amulets were +put on by the warriors. Tooting their war-whistles, they rushed gaily into battle, confident of the +Red Medicine’s protection.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">Mrs. Voegelin⁠<a id="FNanchor_24_373" href="#Footnote_24_373" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> quotes an informant on a Shawnee use of mescal in a war connection:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>Čalikwa’s grandfather gave him one of these mescal beans (manitowimskočii’Oa). This old +man knew prayers about these beans.... He had four grandsons. He made a prayer to give each +of these boys a bean—one apiece.... He made a prayer about how the Creator made these beans +and how they’re used, using tobacco ... out in the woods; he built a fire, where he offered prayer. +This old man wanted his grandsons to be warriors. So he told the first grandson to swallow one +of those beans.</p> + +<p>When the first boy swallowed the bean, the bean came out. He told the boy, “You can never +be a powerful man or anything; there’s something in the way, that that bean didn’t want to stay +(inside you).” This happened to three of the boys. The last grandson to take the bean was Čalikwa; +when he took it, the bean didn’t come out. So when he saw his grandson keeping that bean, the +old man was thankful. He told him, “Now you have a power; any time you see a battle you’ll +be the leader.” [And so he was in 1865, when the Shawnee almost wiped out the Tonkawa in +battle.]</p> +</blockquote> + +<h3 id="HISTORY">HISTORY OF THE DIFFUSION OF PEYOTISM</h3> + +<p>Far too little is known—or probably ever will be known—about peyotism in Mexico +to attempt to reconstruct its history; but our earliest Spanish sources indicate its pre-Columbian +presence among the Aztec, and probably also the Cora-Huichol.⁠<a id="FNanchor_25_374" href="#Footnote_25_374" class="fnanchor">[25]</a> But the latter +do not live in the region of growth of the plant, whence Beals argues that they must certainly +have borrowed the cult. Rouhier claims immense antiquity for Huichol peyotism, +but unconvincingly. If, indeed, as Beals with great plausibility argues, peyote is historically +associated with shamanism, then it may have been involved in a late reinvigoration of +shamanistic elements, at the expense of the priestly-sacerdotal elements of an older, impoverished +culture stratum. Evidence is even less conclusive for other Mexican groups, but +on the whole it appears that the ritualization of the use of peyote was already vigorous in +many parts of Mexico at the time of the first Spanish contact.</p> + +<p>The approximate age of the peyote cult among the Tarahumari is likewise unknown to +us. It is not so integrated into their culture as in the case of the Huichol, and in nearly all +respects the southern cult is more complex than the northern. Furthermore, Tarahumari +peyotism has for some time been in decline, indicating perhaps a borrowing which was not +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_110">[110]</span>sufficiently rooted—the neighboring Tubar, for example, did not use hikuli, though their +customs otherwise much resembled the Tarahumari. Both Lumholtz and Bennett and Zingg +consider Tarahumari peyotism a diffusion from the Cora-Huichol; certainly the Tarahumari +themselves show very little indication of being a center of diffusion in Mexico in their lack +of characteristic traits⁠<a id="FNanchor_26_375" href="#Footnote_26_375" class="fnanchor">[26]</a>.</p> + +<p>Despite our comparative ignorance of the region, a much better case could be made for +northeastern Mexico as a center of diffusion, for the region immediately south of the Rio +Grande is one of the abundant growth of peyote. The oldest use in the United States is +in this region, rather than in the Southwest as represented by the Mescalero. Tonkawan +peyotism, for example, may be quite old: Velasco wrote in 1716 that many of the Indians +of Texas drank “pellote” in connection with their dances. The Lipan got peyote from the +Carrizo before white contact, according to Opler’s informants. The Lipan used to go to a +place called Biγaguɫgai, which was “wide grass country beyond the Pecos in Texas,” where +the Mescalero came sometimes to meet them. Wagner says the Mescalero got peyote from +the Lipan about 1880, but later Plains history of the cult as evidenced by the Kiowa leads +us to accept the date 1870 set by Opler, as more plausible. Opler has well accounted for +the ready acceptance by the Mescalero of this shamanistically-colored complex, and its +integration into their pattern of aggression by witchcraft; he believes that peyotism was +brought to their door by the same movement which brought it to the Plains, though Mescalero +peyotism is appreciably older.⁠<a id="FNanchor_27_376" href="#Footnote_27_376" class="fnanchor">[27]</a></p> + +<p>From Dr. Parsons’ careful account, it is clear that Taos practises the classical Plains +rite. Contact with the Arapaho-Cheyenne version dates at least as far back as 1907, and +tentative beginnings of this sort continued in later years.⁠<a id="FNanchor_28_377" href="#Footnote_28_377" class="fnanchor">[28]</a> Interestingly, Cozio recorded in +1720 the prosecution of a Taos Indian who had taken peyote and disturbed the town.⁠<a id="FNanchor_29_378" href="#Footnote_29_378" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> +In any case the history of peyote at Taos has been a stormy one.⁠<a id="FNanchor_30_379" href="#Footnote_30_379" class="fnanchor">[30]</a> About 1918 the hierarchy +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_111">[111]</span>became bitterly opposed to peyote, and turned three men out of their kiva membership +in an attempt to rout it out. Dr. Parsons⁠<a id="FNanchor_31_380" href="#Footnote_31_380" class="fnanchor">[31]</a> believes that the weakness of the kachina cult +at Taos accounts perhaps for peyote getting any foothold there at all. It is no coincidence +that the Water Kiva, which has to do with the main elements of the kachina cult, the pilgrimage, +is the one most outstandingly opposed to peyote. Considerable political activity +has erupted over the issue, and Dr. Parsons surmises that the protective influence of a +recently deceased political figure in the pueblo was also of significance. It may well be that +recent Federal legislation will so strengthen the hand of the civil authorities at Taos that +the suppression of peyote can be accomplished; in 1923 the number of “peyote boys” was +only 52 in a population of 635.</p> + +<p>In the Plains the most important tribes in the diffusion of the peyote cult were the +Kiowa, the Comanche, and to a lesser degree perhaps, the Caddo. Most Kiowa agree that +they got peyote and the accompanying ritual from the Mescalero Apache. The usual story +is that a raiding party came to the Apache country, and that during an Apache peyote +meeting being held at the time, the leader by clairvoyant means was made aware of the +approach of the war-party leader. He told his fireman to invite the man in, enemy though he +was. In this manner the man learned the ceremony, and at the end he was presented with +peyote and ritual paraphernalia to take back to his tribe.⁠<a id="FNanchor_32_381" href="#Footnote_32_381" class="fnanchor">[32]</a></p> + +<p>Pabo, or Big Horse, was the only user among the Kiowa about 1868 or 1870, and +Mooney began to notice Kiowa peyote only around 1886, so the vigorous activity of a +cult proper may be said to date from about this time (though friendly contacts with the +Mescalero in his opinion dated as far back as 1850 or before).⁠<a id="FNanchor_33_382" href="#Footnote_33_382" class="fnanchor">[33]</a> But the introduction of +peyote was not exclusively the doing of one tribe, any more in the case of the Kiowa than +of other groups. Tribal contacts have been multiple since the cessation of intertribal warfare, +and one is not at all inclined to discount the vague information from Kiowas that +they knew of peyote from the Cáγeso, the Zé·bakiɛni or “Long Arrows,” the Yæk’i (a +loose designation for various north Mexican tribes) and the Kωɔnhęɢo. These last so-called +“bare-footed” people are probably the Carrizo, who ranged within the region of growth of +peyote. The Tonkawa⁠<a id="FNanchor_34_383" href="#Footnote_34_383" class="fnanchor">[34]</a> also made visits to the Kiowa around 1890 and performed shamanistic +tricks in peyote meetings. We therefore set the date of Kiowa peyotism somewhat +earlier than Shonle’s⁠<a id="FNanchor_35_384" href="#Footnote_35_384" class="fnanchor">[35]</a> “before 1891” (her data were based on official Government sources +which might not have become cognizant of the cult until late in its history), for Kiowa were +holding meetings by 1880 or before. The Kiowa probably contributed little or nothing +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_112">[112]</span>definitive to the general shape of the ceremony, most of whose features were already standardized +among the Lipan and the Mescalero.⁠<a id="FNanchor_36_385" href="#Footnote_36_385" class="fnanchor">[36]</a></p> + +<p>At one time, however, there was intense opposition to peyote on the part of some +Kiowa. In the winter of 1887-88 Bąįgʸä had a revelation on the strength of which he claimed +to be the successor to Pate’te or “Buffalo-Bull-Coming-Out” (the “Buffalo Prophet” of +1881-82 who had promised to bring back the buffalo if his followers joined him in resisting +the Whites and returning to the old customs). He organized a group of about thirty into an +order called Baiyui or “Sons of the Sun,” with a special costume, singing of guedωgʸä, or +old “going-to-war” songs, smoking ceremony and dance. These he commanded to resume +the old costume, weapons and customs, and distributed to them a sacred new fire made with +a drill to take the place of fires kindled with flint-and-steel or matches. The Sons of the Sun +were bitterly opposed to peyote on the ground that it was in conflict with the Ten Medicine +Bundles, though since its introduction some years before there had been no special +opposition to peyote. One of their rules was to drink always from an individual cup or +bucket, in pointed contrast to the peyote custom.</p> + +<p>Bąįgʸä predicted that a great whirlwind would come in the spring, followed by a four-day +prairie-fire in which the Whites and all their works would be destroyed and the buffalo +and the old Indian life restored. He ordered all the Kiowa to gather at Elk Creek, where +they would be safe when the catastrophe came. He claimed that his followers would be +invulnerable to the white soldiers’ bullets, and that he himself could kill the latter with the +glance of his eye as far as he could see them. As the time grew near there was intense excitement +and the whole tribe, save for a few skeptical chiefs and medicine men, assembled at +the appointed spot. When the holocaust failed to materialize the people lost faith in him. +He held his original group together until the coming of the Ghost Dance in the fall of 1890. +Shortly before this his son had died, and when the Ghost Dance came he claimed to have +seen the fresh tracks of this son on his grave, resurrected, and through this revelation attempted +to identify his group with the Ghost Dance, without, however, any success. His +disciples continued to ride around together in a group, and maintained their bitter hostility +to peyote, but were not taken seriously. Finally, indeed, Lone Bear and other Sons of the +Sun, became staunch peyote-users themselves and opposition vanished.</p> + +<p>The first Comanche user of peyote was Buigʷat, who married an Apache woman and +is said to have learned it from the Mescalero. Other early users were Dešode (“Smart +Man”) and Tašipa, but by far the most important peyote leader among the Comanche was +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_113">[113]</span>Quanah Parker. Previously opposed to it, he later changed his mind when peyote cured an +illness of his. One of the earliest Comanche meetings was held east of Fort Sill in 1873 or +1874, about the time Kicking Bird was imprisoned there. Quanah subsequently visited the +Cheyenne, Arapaho, Ponca, Oto, Pawnee and Osage among others⁠<a id="FNanchor_37_386" href="#Footnote_37_386" class="fnanchor">[37]</a> and conducted meetings +among them in the early 1890’s. The Comanche origin legend is similar to that of the +Kiowa, except that the White Mountain Apache were involved.</p> + +<p>Regardless of priority, the prestige of both these tribes as teachers of peyote is considerable.⁠<a id="FNanchor_38_387" href="#Footnote_38_387" class="fnanchor">[38]</a> +Due to their influence, peyote spread rapidly in Oklahoma until it assumed the +proportions of an “international” religion such as the Ghost Dance had been. Distinctly +a reservation phenomenon in the days following the cessation of intertribal warfare, peyotism +was able to exploit the friendly contacts growing out of the Ghost Dance. As Opler +writes, “The spread and increased prominence of peyote ceremonies coincided suggestively +with the final triumph of white civilization over the tribes of our western plains, those very +groups upon whom peyote obtained so strong a hold.”</p> + +<p>The express intention of Indian policy of the period was the deculturation of the natives, +to be obtained by sending the children to white schools, away from the influence of +tribal life.⁠<a id="FNanchor_39_388" href="#Footnote_39_388" class="fnanchor">[39]</a> But this policy prepared the way for peyotism in several ways: it weakened the +tradition of the older tribal religions without basically altering typical Plains religious +attitudes, and multiplied friendly contacts between members of different tribes. Friendships +made as school-boys account for considerable visiting and revisiting from tribe to +tribe, and nearly ideal conditions for the diffusion of the cult were established. When +Eagle Flying Above (Pawnee) got peyote from White Eyes (Arapaho) the sign language +was the vehicle used, but in modern times the use of English as a lingua Franca is an +enabling factor of great importance in the diffusion of the cult. Thus, ironically, the +intended modes of deculturizing the Indian have contributed preëminently to the reinvigoration +of a basically aboriginal religion.</p> + +<p>Among the groups of considerable secondary importance in this diffusion, the Caddo +are perhaps outstanding. The variations which the Caddo-Delaware messiah John Wilson +began, and taught to the Quapaw, Osage and other “Big Moon” worshippers, is a somewhat +special historical development and is treated in <a href="#APPENDIX_7">an appendix</a>. The significance of the +Oto in the development of the Christianized version among the Omaha, Winnebago and +other Siouan groups is shown in <a href="#APPENDIX_9">another appendix</a> on the history of the Church of the +First-born and other peyote churches.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_114">[114]</span></p> + +<p>In the diffusion of the standard rite the Arapaho and the Cheyenne perhaps come next +after the Kiowa and the Comanche. Jock Bullbear was one of the earliest Arapaho users, +learning it from the Comanche when he returned from Carlisle⁠<a id="FNanchor_40_389" href="#Footnote_40_389" class="fnanchor">[40]</a> in 1884, and by 1891 +Arapaho peyotism came to the attention of Mooney. A Cheyenne and Arapaho custom in +connection with peyote meetings is the giving of presents to friends and visitors the next +morning after a meeting.⁠<a id="FNanchor_41_390" href="#Footnote_41_390" class="fnanchor">[41]</a> The sweat lodge doctoring modification of Arapaho peyotism +has been described previously.</p> + +<p>The Bannock of Idaho have used peyote since 1906-1911, apparently against considerable +opposition. They formerly met in log-houses in the backwoods, and did not use the +plant openly until the Oklahoma Native American Church was organized. The Cheyenne +are believed by the writer to be the source of their cult.</p> + +<p>The Blackfoot in 1913 were said to lack⁠<a id="FNanchor_42_391" href="#Footnote_42_391" class="fnanchor">[42]</a> the peyote religion, but Wissler states that +he heard them singing peyote songs within a hundred yards of the very agent who denied +the existence of the cult among them. Alfred Wilson (Cheyenne), who as president of +the Native American Church has occasion to know, says that the Blackfoot have peyote, +though they were officially⁠<a id="FNanchor_43_392" href="#Footnote_43_392" class="fnanchor">[43]</a> listed as non-users in 1922.</p> + +<p>The Five Civilized Tribes received peyote at a very late date. Wagner⁠<a id="FNanchor_44_393" href="#Footnote_44_393" class="fnanchor">[44]</a> in 1932 said +that the Creek, Choctaw and Chickasaw do not eat peyote; this agrees with the statements +of Jim Aton (Kiowa) who said the Cherokee did not have it when he himself took +peyote to the Creek in 1931. The Seminole have also taken it up recently, but some acquaintance +with the plant must be postulated as early as 1922, since Newberne and Burke⁠<a id="FNanchor_45_394" href="#Footnote_45_394" class="fnanchor">[45]</a> +list 40 users among the 101,506 population of the combined Five Tribes. The influence +involved here is probably the Yuchi, who in turn got it from the Cheyenne.⁠<a id="FNanchor_46_395" href="#Footnote_46_395" class="fnanchor">[46]</a></p> + +<p>The Cheyenne are currently a source for peyote among the Blood in Canada, who were +being organized in the summer of 1936. The Canadian Cree and Chippewa are very recent +partial converts too; the latter received it from the Chippewa of Minnesota.⁠<a id="FNanchor_47_396" href="#Footnote_47_396" class="fnanchor">[47]</a></p> + +<p>The Cheyenne in Oklahoma used peyote before 1885, the date of the first Government +census. The Government scout Flacco was violently against it and said that it was used +“to witch people and make them crazy.” Cloud Chief, of the Snake Clan, also opposed +the coming of peyote, as he had previously opposed the Ghost Dance. But Leonard Tylor +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_115">[115]</span>and John Turtle went to the Kiowa country in 1884-85 and learned the ceremony. A little +later, in 1889-90, Henry White Antelope and Standing Bird visited the Comanche and +learned Quanah Parker’s “way.” Tylor later got a “heart moon” of his own (Caddo influence?) +some time after the allotment of lands.</p> + +<p>Northern Cheyenne peyotism is largely parallel in its history to that of the Southern +Cheyenne. It began among them around 1900 or before, some of them having learned it at +Haskell; recently they have become affiliated with the Native American Church. Hoebel +writes:⁠<a id="FNanchor_48_397" href="#Footnote_48_397" class="fnanchor">[48]</a></p> + +<blockquote> +<p>There has been a limited amount of friction between the religious conservatives and the Peyote +worshippers, and a distinction is drawn between a Peyote leader and a medicine man. For example, +a ranking Peyote leader volunteered to give me much esoteric information on old cultural ways, +explaining that he could talk to me about sacred things because he is not a medicine man. The Peyote +people have taken over the entire leadership of tribal life. All members of the tribal council are +Peyote worshippers and probably 80 per cent of the adults in the tribe are affiliated with the Peyote +cult. Only the very old men abstained from Peyote and held to the old medicine beliefs. Among the +Northern Cheyenne, Issiwin or the Sacred Hat is still revered and is under the care of an old medicine +man. The Peyote leaders took a sacred button to the hat keeper and asked him to put it in the +ancient bundle with the old hat but they claim not to know whether the keeper had done so or not. +My guess is that they did know but did not care to tell.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">There is a tendency to separatism between the sections on the reservation, but nothing +suggesting a schism in Northern Cheyenne peyotism; there is interparticipation in meetings +of the various groups, though there is a mild rivalry between the Muddy Creek and the +other territorially-defined groups.</p> + +<p>The Delaware got peyote from the Kiowa and Comanche about 1886, the earliest users +including Chief Charles Elkhair, Joe Washington, James C. Webber, George T. and John +Anderson, Benjamin Hill, Reed and Frank Wilson, Mrs. Allie Anderson, Mrs. Ora Spybuck +and Mrs. Little Tethlies. Washington’s family still has the original articles given them +by the Comanche.⁠<a id="FNanchor_49_398" href="#Footnote_49_398" class="fnanchor">[49]</a></p> + +<p>Iowa peyote⁠<a id="FNanchor_50_399" href="#Footnote_50_399" class="fnanchor">[50]</a> was in full swing in 1914, but is said to have died out since 1922. In +this tribe the introduction of peyote</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">has driven out of existence almost all the other societies and ancient customs of the tribe; almost +all of the Iowa in Oklahoma are ardent peyote disciples, and only ... a few ... still follow the +older customs.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">Peyotism has relaxed the rules of secrecy about the older medicine ceremonies also, and +may perhaps be ultimately responsible for the final deculturation of the Iowa.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_116">[116]</span></p> + +<p>Kansa⁠<a id="FNanchor_51_400" href="#Footnote_51_400" class="fnanchor">[51]</a> peyotism came from the Ponca about 1907. It was very strong among them by +1915, “having apparently superseded all of the old Kansa beliefs.”</p> + +<p>Henry Murdock (Kickapoo) brought the new religion from Quanah Parker and the +Comanche in 1906; but he had personally known of peyote before, having gone to Mexico +in 1864. Quanah had known Murdock before the peyote religion began spreading and invited +his friend by letter to visit him. He put on a meeting in his honor, taught him the +ceremony and presented him with peyote paraphernalia. The set songs in the Kickapoo rite +are Comanche, and the custom of making the ashes into a bird likewise indicates a Comanche +provenience for the ceremony. The Kickapoo were originally much against peyote.⁠<a id="FNanchor_52_401" href="#Footnote_52_401" class="fnanchor">[52]</a></p> + +<p>Peyote began to have a limited adherence among the Menomini a little before 1914, +owing largely to marital ties with Winnebago and Potawatomi users.⁠<a id="FNanchor_53_402" href="#Footnote_53_402" class="fnanchor">[53]</a> The ritual has the +Christian character of the Winnebagos’ and membership in the peyote society not only +precludes any in all the other societies, but also demands the abandonment of all ancient +practices and destruction of their paraphernalia. Skinner believed that</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">its success will mean the death-blow to all the ancient customs of the tribe, already decadent, without +the compensation of any advantageous or progressive substitute.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">The spread of the cult has been met with determined opposition among the Menomini, +and some peyote users later sought and received reinstatement in the older tribal rites.</p> + +<p>One Modoc in Oklahoma, Sam Ball, married a Quapaw woman and took up peyote as +a result. At present he is the only one,⁠<a id="FNanchor_54_403" href="#Footnote_54_403" class="fnanchor">[54]</a> but such marital ties have often before been the +source of the spread of peyote.</p> + +<p>Peyote was introduced to the Omaha⁠<a id="FNanchor_55_404" href="#Footnote_55_404" class="fnanchor">[55]</a></p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">in the winter of 1906-07 by an Omaha returning from the Oto in Oklahoma. He had been much +addicted to alcoholics, and was told by an Oto that the plant and the religious cult practiced therewith +would be a cure. On his return he sought the advice and help of the leader of the Mescal +Society of the Winnebago, next door neighbors tribe of the Omaha. He and a few other Omaha, +who also suffered from alcoholism, formed a society which has since increased in numbers and influence +against much opposition, till it includes about half the tribe.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">The medicine-men were particularly opposed to the use of peyote; one native Omaha, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_117">[117]</span>Thomas L. Sloan, prepared a bill against peyote and presented it to the Nebraska State +Legislature, but later suffered a change of heart.</p> + +<p>The Osage are a typical example of the multiple origins for peyotism in one tribe. +Chief Lookout testified⁠<a id="FNanchor_56_405" href="#Footnote_56_405" class="fnanchor">[56]</a> that the Osage had peyote about 1896, and in a petition to Congress +signed by him and Eves Tailchief, Edgar McCarthy and Arthur Bonnecastle, it +was stated that Chief Black Dog and Chief Clermont established lodges among them in +1898. The source was Caddo, and nearly all the 800 full-bloods were ultimately peyote +users; the Quapaw ceremony may also have had an influence upon them. The Caddo-Delaware +messiah, John Wilson, came to the Osage in 1902, after most of them around Hominy +and elsewhere had known of it.⁠<a id="FNanchor_57_406" href="#Footnote_57_406" class="fnanchor">[57]</a> The younger Osage who embraced the new religion could +be distinguished from the conservatives in their wearing of braids decorated with ribbons +and colored yarn, in place of the older reached style of headdress. In the last year or so an +Osage named Morell has invited the Caddos Alfred Taylor and Ben Carter to bring the +“Enoch” (Caddo) moon to his home; he already had a Wilson moon on his place, but his +sons wanted to have the more basic Caddoan moon.⁠<a id="FNanchor_58_407" href="#Footnote_58_407" class="fnanchor">[58]</a></p> + +<p>The Tonkawa first brought peyote to the Oto very long ago; Koshiway places this as +far back as 1876 (which is not implausible in view of the earliest Kiowa and Comanche +contacts with the plant). This must not be regarded, however, as the date of the vigorous +functioning of the cult, but it is well to recall here the Oto mescal bean cult which may +have facilitated the borrowing of the later narcotic.⁠<a id="FNanchor_59_408" href="#Footnote_59_408" class="fnanchor">[59]</a></p> + +<p>We have elaborated in <a href="#APPENDIX_8">an appendix</a> the origin of the Christian elements in Oto peyotism, +which spread to other Siouan groups (Omaha and Winnebago). The Church of the +First-born embodied Russellite doctrines familiar to the Oto teacher Koshiway.⁠<a id="FNanchor_60_409" href="#Footnote_60_409" class="fnanchor">[60]</a> It was +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_118">[118]</span>incorporated in 1914, though its roots may have gone back as far as 1896, apparently with +some consultation with the Shawnee,⁠<a id="FNanchor_61_410" href="#Footnote_61_410" class="fnanchor">[61]</a> and the consent of White Horn (Oto) leader of the +older and already established native peyote ceremony. Its influence on the Native American +Church and the Negro Church of the First-born is elsewhere discussed, as are also the +specific Christian elements in peyotism as a whole. The famous meeting 14 miles east of +Red Rock at which the Kiowa leaders Belo Kozad and Jack Sankadote and an Apache +named Star visited the Oto, was responsible for the amalgamation of the Church of the +First-born and the Native American Church. Dugan Black, leader of the first Oto meeting +attended, is stated to have gotten his “road” from Little Henry (Kiowa) and uses Kiowa +songs; another Oto leader uses Conklin Hummingbird’s fireplace.</p> + +<p>The Ponca are said by Shonle⁠<a id="FNanchor_62_411" href="#Footnote_62_411" class="fnanchor">[62]</a> to have gotten peyote from the Southern Cheyenne +in 1902-04, but native information indicates that there were Comanche sources too (Ponca +songs, e.g., are frequently Comanche). The Cheyenne, White Horse, brought them the +cult in September, 1904, but when they heard that it was recent among this group, they +went to Quanah Parker among the Comanche “to get to the bottom of it.” The late Robert +Buffalo-head was the earliest leader of the Cheyenne rite. A suggestion of Caddo influence +appears again in the rules surrounding the drum; the typical Ponca peyote drum has a +handle made of the twisted rope-end of the lacing. “The old people are strict, and you’re +not allowed to put your hand on the drum [head],” we were told.</p> + +<p>Eagle Flying Above, who later became oil-wealthy, was the first Pawnee user of peyote, +obtaining it from White Eyes, an Arapaho friend, about 1890 or a little later. Several +months later Sun Chief, the writer’s informant, took it up. At the death of Eagle Flying +Above, Sun Chief was the only Pawnee leader, and all the others learned the rite from +him; he has eaten peyote since 1892-94, but only later became a leader. A still earlier source +appears to be the Quapaw,⁠<a id="FNanchor_63_412" href="#Footnote_63_412" class="fnanchor">[63]</a> whom two Pawnee youths visited in 1890, but the cult became +vigorous only after further instruction from the visiting Arapaho. There was some +opposition to peyote among the Pawnee in the early days: “they didn’t understand it.” +The leaders of the opposition were Sky Chief, head of the Kuγau or “Doctor Dancers,” +and Good Buffalo, leader of the Buffalo Dance ceremonialists; later, however, both joined +the peyote-users. The cult is found chiefly among the Pítahauírata, where the form originated, +but found a later following among the Chauí, then the Kítkaháxki and a few Skidi.</p> + +<p>It is interesting to note that, as with the Shawnee and others, Pawnee peyote was early +involved in the Ghost Dance excitement. The leader claimed from peyote the same sort +of revelations acquired in the Ghost Dance trance, and taught that while under the influence +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_119">[119]</span>of peyote one could learn the rituals belonging to bundles and societies; in this +manner he himself amassed considerable star lore. One unusual Pawnee feature was the +use of a special Ghost Dance form of painted tipi for peyote meetings; minor changes were +made in the type of drum and rattle also.⁠<a id="FNanchor_64_413" href="#Footnote_64_413" class="fnanchor">[64]</a></p> + +<p>The Potawatomi first had peyote sometime between 1908 and 1914, but little else is +known about it there. Quapaw peyotism derives from the Caddo-Delaware. The Ree⁠<a id="FNanchor_65_414" href="#Footnote_65_414" class="fnanchor">[65]</a> +[Arikara] were strongly against the cult, and it apparently died out among them by 1924. +Ed Butler brought Sauk⁠<a id="FNanchor_66_415" href="#Footnote_66_415" class="fnanchor">[66]</a> peyote directly from the Tonkawa:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">In the early days women were not allowed to be members, and the manitou who gave the man this +medicine made it a rule that it should be used [only] in war-time.... It is only a war-bundle among +other tribes.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">But the Sauk have been tenacious of their older religion and its fetishes,⁠<a id="FNanchor_67_416" href="#Footnote_67_416" class="fnanchor">[67]</a> though peyotism +is now strong among them; indeed, about 1923, attempted affiliation with the Native +American Church failed because five rival chiefs ran different meetings.⁠<a id="FNanchor_68_417" href="#Footnote_68_417" class="fnanchor">[68]</a></p> + +<p>The Seminole have started the religion only recently, about the same time as the Cherokee; +they have learned it through the Yuchi, Caddo and Kiowa. George Anderson (Delaware) +brought the Wilson moon to the Seneca in 1907, when eighteen men and women became +members. One of the Seneca had a Quapaw wife, who gave him the idea of obtaining +the moon; they were too poor to pay Anderson’s usual fee, and merely gave him carfare +home.⁠<a id="FNanchor_69_418" href="#Footnote_69_418" class="fnanchor">[69]</a></p> + +<p>The Shawnee Jim Clark received peyote from the Comanche in the late 1890’s. Informants +say the Shawnee have had peyote as a plant for a long time, using it to keep from +getting tired on the march, for moistening the mouth when dry-camping and to relieve +hunger. The first Absentee Shawnee meeting was held by the Scotts in 1900, under the +tutelage of the Kickapoo. John Wilson was among the Shawnee about 1894, and George +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_120">[120]</span>Fourleaf (Delaware) brought peyote to White Oak from Mexico about 1898. Ernest Spybuck +got his moon from the Delaware near Dewey, while the Panthers are said to use the +Yuchi manner. The majority of the Shawnee, however, use the standard Kiowa-Arapaho +moon. Some Shawnee liken the leader’s staff to the staff in the Green Corn Dance, and there +is a legend of getting power from peyote which some say was not peyote but another +plant which preceded it.⁠<a id="FNanchor_70_419" href="#Footnote_70_419" class="fnanchor">[70]</a></p> + +<p>A Sioux introduced peyote to the Uintah and Ouray Agency.⁠<a id="FNanchor_71_420" href="#Footnote_71_420" class="fnanchor">[71]</a> The Ute around Fort +Duchesne have used peyote “on the sly” since before 1916; the cult was vigorous around +Randlette, Utah, by the spring of 1916. Mrs. Cooke attended a Ute meeting in 1937 +about ten miles from Whiterocks; an informant told her that</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">sometimes they have a half moon instead of a crescent—depending on the size of the moon in the +sky at that time.... They had twice had a moon which had eyes and a mouth made in it—this is +“God peeping.”</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">This last suggests a Caddoan “Big Moon” influence, but the motif of the changing moon +must be Ute, as it is not encountered elsewhere. The Gosiute near the Salt Lake Desert +began about 1921, as did the Paiute west of Salt Lake City. Little is known of these groups, +but possibly Cheyenne teaching is responsible; Southern Ute visited Oklahoma peyote +groups as early as 1910 according to information of Dr. Parsons.⁠<a id="FNanchor_72_421" href="#Footnote_72_421" class="fnanchor">[72]</a></p> + +<p>The Wichita, like the Shawnee, claim to have had peyote long before they learned to +eat it in meetings. In one of their rain ceremonies they used a medicine bundle containing +four objects: feathers, a little buckskin doll, a piece of flint and peyote. The ceremony +was called hä·ctiaš, “fire-people-around,” and they sang all night for four nights to bring +rain. The coming of the peyote ritual, therefore, aroused no hostility:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">No Wichita was ever against it [Sly Picard says]; they couldn’t be, as all our medicine men and +women had peyote in their medicine—the whole tribe.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">Yellow Bird (Wichita-Kichai) may have eaten peyote as early as 1889, before the Washita +bridge between Anadarko and Gracemont was built, and Sly’s father used it in 1892, +learning it from the Caddo. But they were dissatisfied with the Caddo moon, and invited +Frank Moitah (Comanche) and Salo (Kiowa) to teach them. Old Man Horse (Kiowa) is +usually credited, however, with bringing peyote to the Wichita about 1902.</p> + +<p>In 1893 and 1894 the Winnebago John Rave visited peyote eaters in Oklahoma (though +he had eaten it as early as 1889,) and again in 1901. On the return from his second trip he +tried to introduce the religion, but without success save among a few of his own relatives. +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_121">[121]</span>In 1903 or 1904 Rave went to South Dakota, Minnesota and Wisconsin to preach the new +religion; he had been visiting the Kiowa and Comanche, as well as the Oto. Somewhat +later Jesse Clay was taught the rite at Winnebago by a visitor called Arapaho Bull, and +Dick Griffin learned another version from the Osage at Pawhuska, at a time when John +Wilson was there. Yellowbank said that the Winnebago of Nebraska got peyote from the +Arapaho, and thence it came to the Winnebago of Wisconsin. Thunder Cloud was among +those opposing it, but by 1914 nearly half the tribe were adherents.⁠<a id="FNanchor_73_422" href="#Footnote_73_422" class="fnanchor">[73]</a></p> + +<p>The Yankton of South Dakota by 1916 had a peyote cult strong enough to warrant the +sending to Congress of a petition to pass an anti-peyote bill signed with ninety-two names. +The Yuchi affiliated with the Creek around Sapulpa and Kellyville, received peyote from +the Cheyenne. Shonle cites three additional groups we have not yet included. These are +the Shoshoni, who received peyote in 1919, the Sioux (1909-10) and the Crow (1912). +Comparisons of the present list with Shonle’s gives on the whole earlier dates, yet this +need not be considered in any sense a discrepancy. Shonle’s data were based on government +sources, and should stand as indicating the dates when the various cults became virile +enough to attract official notice. Our own data, based on native sources, give on the other +hand what are probably the earliest contacts and introductions of the rite, without reference +to the number or percentage of adherents in any tribe. It is evident from them too that +tentative starts and multiple origins are the rule rather than the exception, and Shonle’s +information and our own should be regarded as supplementary rather than contradictory.⁠<a id="FNanchor_74_423" href="#Footnote_74_423" class="fnanchor">[74]</a></p> + +<p>Although peyotism is gone or decadent among the Tarahumari and the Mescalero, it +is still vigorously spreading in the United States and southern Canada. Conceivably it +could spread until it embraced all Plains, Basin and Woodlands groups whose earlier culture +is sufficiently consonant with its concepts, and it may have some slender chance of +spreading in the southern and eastern Pueblos and Plateau, but scarcely elsewhere, for +both geographical and cultural reasons. The cult may be expected to spread for some time +in the future, but when its inevitable decadence and probable ultimate disappearance will +have been accomplished, we may have witnessed in it the last of the great intertribal religious +movements of the American Indian.</p> + +<p>The present section sums up the external history of the diffusion of peyotism so far as +it can be known from our Mexican sources, and in the Plains, where it appears that the +pre-peyote mescal bean cult prepared the way somewhat for the use of the narcotic cactus.</p> + +<p>The Plains rites are basically derived from the Kiowa, Comanche and Caddo peyote +ceremonies, which in turn derive from the Mescalero Apache (whence the diffusion traces +back to the Lipan and Tonkawa through the Carrizo perhaps to Tamaulipecan groups). +The Kiowa and the Comanche led in the diffusion of the standard aboriginal ceremony, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_122">[122]</span>but the Caddo variant was powerfully influenced by the individual, John Wilson, and +diffused to the Osage, Quapaw, Delaware and others in a somewhat modified form. This +is the subject of <a href="#APPENDIX_7">a special appendix</a>.</p> + +<p>The Oto are probably the crucial group in the diffusion of the later Christianized version +of peyotism among such Siouan groups as the Winnebago and Omaha. Here again an +individual gave a new turn to the ceremony by summing up in himself two streams of +culture, the aboriginal and the Christian. Jonathan Koshiway is discussed in <a href="#APPENDIX_9">an appendix</a> on +the Native American Church, and <a href="#APPENDIX_8">a special appendix</a> is devoted to the matter of Christian +elements in the cult. The diagram on the opposite page sums up the external history of +peyotism succinctly.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_123">[123]</span></p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="figure5" style="max-width: 62.5em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/figure5.jpg" alt=""> + <figcaption> + <p class="center">Fig. 5. Chronological outline of the diffusion of peyotism.</p> + </figcaption> +</figure> + +<div class="footnotes"> + +<h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_1_350" href="#FNanchor_1_350" class="label">[1]</a> “These beans are often confused with those of a certain species of <i>Erythrina</i>, + which are sometimes sold in +their place in the markets of Mexico, but which are not at all narcotic” (Safford, <i>Narcotic Plants</i>, 397).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_2_351" href="#FNanchor_2_351" class="label">[2]</a> Not to be confused with the “mountain laurel” <i>Kalmia latifolia</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_3_352" href="#FNanchor_3_352" class="label">[3]</a> Henry, <i>The Plant Alkaloids</i>, 395, 398.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_4_353" href="#FNanchor_4_353" class="label">[4]</a> Henry, <i>op. cit.</i>, 397; cf. Safford, <i>Narcotic Plants</i>, 397.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_5_354" href="#FNanchor_5_354" class="label">[5]</a> Bellanger, in Havard (Bulletin 519:6); Opler, <i>The Autobiography</i>; Lumholtz, <i>Unknown Mexico</i>, + 1:256; +Bennett and Zingg, <i>The Tarahumara</i>, 358. The use of frijolillo in maguey liquor (which equates with mescal) +probably accounts for the usage “mescal bean.” Since the text was written further Apache material has appeared +(Castetter and Opler, <i>Ethnobiology of the Chiricahua and Mescalero Apache</i>, 54-55).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_6_355" href="#FNanchor_6_355" class="label">[6]</a> Mooney, <i>Miscellaneous Notes</i>, 6. Schultes figures a Kiowa necklace of true mescal beans (<i>Sophora +secundiflora</i> Ortega, Lag. ex DC.) strung on buckskin, with a piece of red ribbon, beaver fur and a child’s +ring enclosing a bundle of dried beaver-testis “medicine” in a lace handkerchief, as trinkets or amulets.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_7_356" href="#FNanchor_7_356" class="label">[7]</a> Skinner, <i>Ethnology of the Ioway</i>, 261; Gilmore, <i>Uses of Plants</i>, 99.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_8_357" href="#FNanchor_8_357" class="label">[8]</a> Skinner, <i>Societies of the Iowa</i>, 718-19.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_9_358" href="#FNanchor_9_358" class="label">[9]</a> Cf. the origin of peyote in deer’s foot-prints or hooves.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_10_359" href="#FNanchor_10_359" class="label">[10]</a> “The maⁿkácutzi beans were supposed to be alive. Those I have seen in the possession of various Iowa +were kept in a buckskin wrapper which was carefully perforated that they might see out.” Cf. the ability of +the father peyote to see.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_11_360" href="#FNanchor_11_360" class="label">[11]</a> Cf. the preparation of peyote by grinding on metates like corn.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_12_361" href="#FNanchor_12_361" class="label">[12]</a> Cf. the black drink ceremony to the east, and the Plains Sun Dance.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_13_362" href="#FNanchor_13_362" class="label">[13]</a> Early peyotism was likewise an agricultural “first-fruits” rite.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_14_363" href="#FNanchor_14_363" class="label">[14]</a> The Wichita used mescal beans in horse-racing too. Cf. the use of peyote in racing and deer-hunting, +and the use of datura in deer-hunting.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_15_364" href="#FNanchor_15_364" class="label">[15]</a> Cf. the fetishistic use of the father peyote in war.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_16_365" href="#FNanchor_16_365" class="label">[16]</a> Cedar and sage are likewise involved in peyotism.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_17_366" href="#FNanchor_17_366" class="label">[17]</a> Harrington, quoted by Skinner, <i>Ethnology of the Ioway</i>, 245-47.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_18_367" href="#FNanchor_18_367" class="label">[18]</a> Compare <a href="#Footnote_13_362">note 13</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_19_368" href="#FNanchor_19_368" class="label">[19]</a> + The Delaware, Osage, Quapaw and Oto call the leader’s peyote staff an “arrow,” the Ponca a “bow.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_20_369" href="#FNanchor_20_369" class="label">[20]</a> + Cf. peyotism’s four ritual songs, and the whistling outside at midnight at the four points of the compass.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_21_370" href="#FNanchor_21_370" class="label">[21]</a> But <i>Erythrina flabelliformis</i> contains no toxic alkaloids; see <a href="#APPENDIX_2">Appendix 2</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_22_371" href="#FNanchor_22_371" class="label">[22]</a> Did that truculent and little-known group, the Caddo, have the mescal cult?</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_23_372" href="#FNanchor_23_372" class="label">[23]</a> Has this taboo any reference to the boneless meat of the peyote ritual breakfast?</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_24_373" href="#FNanchor_24_373" class="label">[24]</a> Voegelin, <i>Shawnee Field Notes</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_25_374" href="#FNanchor_25_374" class="label">[25]</a> + The Huichol, for whatever such evidence is worth, in the mythological songs of their shamans, recite how +the world began and how they were taught to hunt deer, to seek hikuli and to raise corn (Lumholtz, <i>Unknown +Mexico</i>, 2:8). The route they take in gathering peyote is from beginning to end full of religious and mythological +associations, and they meet their deities on the way in the shape of mountains, stones, springs, etc. (<i>idem</i>, 2:132). +According to their traditions, they originated in the south, but got lost under the earth as they wandered +northward, reappearing in the country of the hikuli (<i>idem</i>, 2:23). Such deep-rooted symbolisms as theirs argues +age.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_26_375" href="#FNanchor_26_375" class="label">[26]</a> Bennett and Zingg, <i>The Tarahumara</i>, 360, 366-67, 379, 383, 386; Lumholtz, <i>Unknown Mexico</i>, + 1:357-358, +444 (but see 1:378).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_27_376" href="#FNanchor_27_376" class="label">[27]</a> Velasco, <i>Dictamen Fiscal</i>, 194; Opler, <i>The Autobiography</i>; <i>Lipan Field Notes</i>; + <i>The Influence of Aboriginal +Pattern</i>; Wagner, <i>Entwicklung und Verbreitung</i>. Opler says that peyote was introduced within the memory of +the oldest living Mescalero; after 1910 it was in decided decline.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_28_377" href="#FNanchor_28_377" class="label">[28]</a> Parsons, <i>Taos Pueblo</i>, + 62-63. The origin legend is Kiowa. Mooney received a letter dated July 18, 1921 +from the Taos Indian, Star Road, relative to trials of “peyote boys.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_29_378" href="#FNanchor_29_378" class="label">[29]</a> Cozio, <i>Proceso</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_30_379" href="#FNanchor_30_379" class="label">[30]</a> In 1921 on the orders of the Governor, Manuel Cordova, a peyote meeting was raided and the blankets +and shawls of all participants somewhat highhandedly confiscated. Prominent medicine-men refused to doctor +“peyote boys” because the new religion was prejudicial to their vested interests. In 1923 two adherents of the +cult were whipped, one twenty-five lashes, by the Lieutenant-Governor. Three men were fined $700, $800 and +$1000, and the case ultimately reached the American court; the judge decided that the Governor had no right +to impose such heavy fines, reversed the judgment and ordered the return of the property. This done, the +officers resigned from office, and for a time there were no secular officers at Taos because no one wanted to take +up the controversy. In 1931 the confiscated property taken ten years before had still not been returned, the Council +refusing even to consider a $10 fine in compensation; $25 was demanded for the return of each shawl and +blanket.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_31_380" href="#FNanchor_31_380" class="label">[31]</a> Parsons, <i>Taos Pueblo</i>, + 80, note 64; 99, note 166; 118; John Collier, in <i>Peyote as Used in Religious Worship</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_32_381" href="#FNanchor_32_381" class="label">[32]</a> This widespread origin legend of the Plains is also Mescalero and Lipan, and from certain indications I +suspect that it is Tamaulipecan also.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_33_382" href="#FNanchor_33_382" class="label">[33]</a> Mooney, in <i>Handbook of the American Indians</i>, 1:701, “Kiowa Apache.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_34_383" href="#FNanchor_34_383" class="label">[34]</a> Mooney, <i>Peyote Notebook</i>, 14.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_35_384" href="#FNanchor_35_384" class="label">[35]</a> Shonle, Peyote; <i>The Giver of Visions</i>, + 54. Jack Sankadote, for example, was carried into a meeting as a +baby by his father, and he is in his fifties.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_36_385" href="#FNanchor_36_385" class="label">[36]</a> Several older Kiowa patterns parallel peyote usages (e.g. the smoking ceremony of the Old Women’s +Society: leader west of central fire, lieutenants on either side of the door, five dishes of food from the fire eastward; +the Buffalo Medicine Men’s Society bundle-repair meeting with a sage “stage,” etc.), and the Kiowa-Comanche +had the all night singing and beating on a rolled-up hide on the eve of departure on the war-path. +But such parallels from the tribes one knows best lead to often naïve particularistic explanations and should be +guarded against. As a matter of fact it is the wide distribution of sweat bath doctoring and society meetings +which accounts for the ease with which peyotism made its way in the Plains. The following two paragraphs are +partly based on data gathered by Donald Collier, a colleague of the Laboratory of Anthropology Kiowa trip.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_37_386" href="#FNanchor_37_386" class="label">[37]</a> In judging the relative importance of the Kiowa and the Comanche in the diffusion of peyotism, one +should recall that Comanche was historically the lingua Franca of the southern Plains. Quanah took peyote +to the Caddo and Wichita it is said, though he was not the first to do so; he led meetings among the Cheyenne +and the Arapaho in 1884. Petrullo (<i>The Diabolic Root</i>, 129) says he learned peyote about 1868 in Arizona, New +Mexico and Old Mexico.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_38_387" href="#FNanchor_38_387" class="label">[38]</a> “It is desirable to eat with the Comanche or the Kiowa because they are reputed to have learned of +Peyote many years before the others.” (Petrullo <i>op. cit.</i>, 33.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_39_388" href="#FNanchor_39_388" class="label">[39]</a> <i>Handbook of the American Indians</i>, 2:870b; cf. Mooney, in <i>Peyote as Used in Religious Worship</i>, + 13-14, +15; Rouhier, <i>Monographie</i>, 102.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_40_389" href="#FNanchor_40_389" class="label">[40]</a> Jock Bullbear’s and Mooney’s testimonies in <i>Peyote as Used in Religious Worship</i>, + 40, 48, 57.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_41_390" href="#FNanchor_41_390" class="label">[41]</a> Kroeber, <i>The Arapaho</i>, 410. The practice apparently is also Kiowa and Oto.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_42_391" href="#FNanchor_42_391" class="label">[42]</a> Wissler, <i>Societies and Dance Associations</i>, + 436; the statement was made in conversation.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_43_392" href="#FNanchor_43_392" class="label">[43]</a> Newberne and Burke, <i>Peyote: An Abridged Compilation</i>, table.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_44_393" href="#FNanchor_44_393" class="label">[44]</a> Wagner, <i>Entwicklung und Verbreitung</i>, 84, footnote.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_45_394" href="#FNanchor_45_394" class="label">[45]</a> Newberne and Burke, <i>op. cit.</i>, 33 ff.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_46_395" href="#FNanchor_46_395" class="label">[46]</a> Petrullo, <i>The Diabolic Root</i>, 71-72.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_47_396" href="#FNanchor_47_396" class="label">[47]</a> Wilson said that one Smith had been in Oklahoma from a group on the Yukon River in southern Alaska; +they were said to have used it for fifteen years. Jenness (letter to Schultes) reported a rumor that a little peyote +had filtered into Salishan groups of British Columbia but Gunther (letter to Schultes) reported its absence among +the Flathead and Kutenai.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_48_397" href="#FNanchor_48_397" class="label">[48]</a> Hoebel, <i>Northern Cheyenne Field Notes</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_49_398" href="#FNanchor_49_398" class="label">[49]</a> Letter from Fred Washington to Dr. F. G. Speck, April 21, 1932. Petrullo (<i>The Diabolic Root</i>, + 165) says +the Delaware got peyote from the Kiowa; there is obvious Caddo influence too, via John Wilson.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_50_399" href="#FNanchor_50_399" class="label">[50]</a> Skinner, <i>Societies of the Iowa</i>, 693-94, 724; <i>Medicine Ceremony of the Menomini</i>; + <i>Ethnology of the Ioway</i>, +190, 217, 248-49.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_51_400" href="#FNanchor_51_400" class="label">[51]</a> Skinner, <i>Societies of the Iowa</i>, 758.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_52_401" href="#FNanchor_52_401" class="label">[52]</a> “We the undersigned members of the Kickapoo Tribe of Indians in Kansas most earnestly petition you +to help us keep out the pellote, or mescal, from our people. We realize that it is bad for us Indians to indulge in +that stuff. It makes them indolent, keeps them from working on their farms, and taking care of their stock. It +makes men and women neglect their families. We think it will be a great calamity for our people to begin to use +the stuff.... We most urgently petition you that immediate action must be taken before the stuff gets hold of +our people” (Seymour, <i>Peyote Worship</i>, 183).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_53_402" href="#FNanchor_53_402" class="label">[53]</a> Skinner, <i>Medicine Ceremony of the Menomini</i>, 24, 42-43, 97.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_54_403" href="#FNanchor_54_403" class="label">[54]</a> Speck, <i>Delaware Peyote Symbolism</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_55_404" href="#FNanchor_55_404" class="label">[55]</a> Gilmore, <i>The Mescal Society</i>, 163-67; <i>The Uses of Plants</i>, + 104-106; Mooney, <i>Tarumari-Guayachic</i>; Speck, +<i>Delaware Peyote Symbolism</i>; testimony of Sloan in <i>Peyote as Used in Religious Worship</i>, 35. Murie, <i>Pawnee +Indian Societies</i>, 637.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_56_405" href="#FNanchor_56_405" class="label">[56]</a> <i>Peyote as Used in Religious Worship</i>, + 10-11, 30-31, 43, 44-45. This booklet was compiled after 1911, +giving for “twenty years [ago]” a maximally early date of 1891; but other internal evidence indicates a publication +date of 1916, giving the date 1896 as quoted.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_57_406" href="#FNanchor_57_406" class="label">[57]</a> Speck, <i>Notes on the Ethnology</i>, 171.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_58_407" href="#FNanchor_58_407" class="label">[58]</a> No doubt with the memory of the fate of Albert Stamp’s attempted “moon” among the Caddo, Taylor +exhibited considerable modesty when this flattering offer was made. “I appreciate that offer,” he said, “but I’m +just Alfred Taylor, that’s all I am, and I never did run a meeting, and I would rather you’d get somebody else +from down home who runs meetings to do it for you.” Several weeks later my informant said he didn’t think +Taylor would accept, though he might drum or build the fire “like a servant”—“He’s afraid the Caddos will +think he is pushing himself ahead too much, but he has even drummed for Enoch Hoag; he just don’t like to +jump ahead of everybody too much away from home.” This abnegation is all the greater when it is understood +that the Osage are accustomed to make handsome money gifts on such occasions.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_59_408" href="#FNanchor_59_408" class="label">[59]</a> Koshiway compared the smoke-meeting before the war path to peyote: “They have a meeting and +smoke the pipe together and leave the next day. This clears up the enemies, and you can prophesy then. Peyote +is similar to this—all night.” Another older pattern interestingly survives among the Oto: in the informal +morning period in the tipi, joking relationship seems to function.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_60_409" href="#FNanchor_60_409" class="label">[60]</a> + One wonders if the Russellite eschatology was not made more acceptable historically among the Oto because +of an approximation to certain Ghost Dance notions. In any case, the curious prohibition on smoking may +have symbolized, on the one hand, the rejection of older patterns of religious smoking, reinforced by the prohibition +of secular smoking too.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_61_410" href="#FNanchor_61_410" class="label">[61]</a> Mooney, <i>Tarumari-Guayachic</i>, 38.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_62_411" href="#FNanchor_62_411" class="label">[62]</a> Shonle, <i>Peyote: The Giver of Visions</i>, 55.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_63_412" href="#FNanchor_63_412" class="label">[63]</a> Murie, <i>Pawnee Indian Societies</i>, 636-37. Wagner (<i>Entwicklung und Verbreitung</i>, + 75) disputes Shonle’s +statement that they got it from the Quapaw, on the ground of the greater complexity of the Quapaw rite. His +argument is unimpressive and a priori: John Wilson was the source of that complexity. Cf. Opler, <i>The Autobiography</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_64_413" href="#FNanchor_64_413" class="label">[64]</a> There may be Doctor Dance parallels in peyotism (e.g., an earthen altar, a fire in a round hole in the +center of the tipi, doctoring at night with coals, fan or sucking horn, presence of the relatives of the patient in +the meeting, etc.); another older Pawnee pattern in peyote may be the special morning prayer-maker south of the +door.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_65_414" href="#FNanchor_65_414" class="label">[65]</a> “PEYOTE FAILS. It is a good thing that peyote is stopped for it was doing more harm than good. +Our young men of the reservation were just beginning to start in eating the devil’s root.... Peyote fails because +it has no mouth so can not speak to its followers of their origin and destiny, nor as to sin, repentance, forgiveness, +salvation nor of anything else. It has no ears, so can not hear prayer; it has no eyes, so it can not see a person’s +needs; no hands so can not help; no mind, so can not think. It is therefore unable to ask God for the thing +which its worshipers need, and which they plead with it to implore God for. Our boys tried to make others believe +that peyote is a God and a religion, but if one wants to believe in mysterious things it must be Christ or +peyote.” (Sam Newman, Ree [Arikara], in <i>The Indian Leader</i>.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_66_415" href="#FNanchor_66_415" class="label">[66]</a> Michelson, <i>Sauk and Fox Myths</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_67_416" href="#FNanchor_67_416" class="label">[67]</a> Skinner, <i>Observations on the Ethnology</i>, 10, 85.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_68_417" href="#FNanchor_68_417" class="label">[68]</a> Native American Church, President’s Report, 1925.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_69_418" href="#FNanchor_69_418" class="label">[69]</a> Speck, <i>Delaware Peyote Symbolism</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_70_419" href="#FNanchor_70_419" class="label">[70]</a> Voegelin, <i>Shawnee Field Notes</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_71_420" href="#FNanchor_71_420" class="label">[71]</a> <i>Peyote, An Insidious Evil</i>, 3-4; Office of Indian Affairs, <i>Discussion Concerning Peyote</i>, + 13.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_72_421" href="#FNanchor_72_421" class="label">[72]</a> Much of this information is from Alfred Wilson, a Southern Cheyenne. His presidential report for +1925 (Sixth Annual Convention of the Native American Church) cites “locals” for the Caddo, Wichita, Pawnee, +Arapaho, Yuchi, Kiowa, Oto, Shawnee, Ponca, Sauk and Fox, Cheyenne, and Omaha. Parsons, <i>Taos Pueblo</i>, +62; Willard Park informed me in 1936 that the Paviotso lacked peyote.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_73_422" href="#FNanchor_73_422" class="label">[73]</a> Radin, <i>A Sketch of the Peyote Cult</i>, 4-5, 7; <i>The Winnebago Tribe</i>, + 394, 400, 415, 423; <i>Crashing Thunder</i>, +169-70, 179, 185; Lowie, <i>Notes Concerning New Collections</i>, 289; Densmore, <i>The Peyote Cult; Winnebago Songs +of the Peyote Ceremony</i>; Speck, <i>Delaware Peyote Symbolism</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_74_423" href="#FNanchor_74_423" class="label">[74]</a> Seymour, <i>Peyote Worship</i>, 184; Petrullo, <i>The Diabolic Root</i>, + 71-72; Shonle, <i>Peyote; The Giver of Visions</i>, 55.</p></div> + +</div> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_124">[124]</span></p> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="APPENDIX_1">APPENDIX 1: PEYOTE IN MEXICO</h2> + +</div> + +<p>The connotative etymological implications of the term “peyotl” become valuable when +an understanding of its wider denotative applications is sought. In Hernandez’ original +description, <i>Lophophora williamsii</i> is called “Peyotl Zacatensi, seu radice molli et lanuginosa”⁠<a id="FNanchor_1_424" href="#Footnote_1_424" class="fnanchor">[1]</a>—that +is to say, the whitish flocculence which gains the plant both its Aztec and +modern botanical names, is again pointed out in Hernandez’ Latin synonym, “soft and +lanuginous root.”</p> + +<p>But Hernandez distinguished two peyotes, “Peyotl Zacatensi” and “Peyotl Xochimilcensi,”⁠<a id="FNanchor_2_425" href="#Footnote_2_425" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> +the latter not even one of the Cactaceae, and one wonders at the classification +until the plant is botanically described:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">This peyote, a rather excellent medicine, has a heavy round root covered with woolly rootlets, in +addition to other roots which resemble acorns, because of their form and size, growing out in every +direction.... It has few stems ... with yellow flowers at their extremities.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">From even this brief characterization it is clear that the term “peyotl” was extended to this +non-cactus (later identified as <i>Cacalia diversifolia</i> or <i>C. cordifolia</i>)⁠<a id="FNanchor_3_426" href="#Footnote_3_426" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> because of its balanoid +lanuginous roots. The latter species is sold in the drug markets around Guadalajara, Jalisco, +as “peyote”; specimens from Alvarez, San Luis Potosí, locally known as “cachan,” are +valued as an aphrodisiac and remedy for sterility, the rhizic-orchic pubescence of the plant +being evidently viewed in terms of sympathetic magic.</p> + +<p>Dr. Alfonso⁠<a id="FNanchor_4_427" href="#Footnote_4_427" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> applies the term peyote or piote further to <i>Cacalia sinuata</i>, La Llave, and +<i>Etchevarria coespitosa</i> Dec., the former Compositae, the latter one of the Crassulaceae. +One of the Compositae, <i>Senecio</i> spp., ranging from Cerro del Pino to the Valley of Mexico +is thus described:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">The tap-root is tuberous-ovoid, size of a small hen’s egg, a little curved above, carrying almost all +[its bulk] in the heavy extremity.... All the surface is covered with a nap formed of long matted +hairs of the color of cannel, and a number of long roots.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_125">[125]</span></p> + +<p class="noindent">The “Peyote of Tepic”⁠<a id="FNanchor_5_428" href="#Footnote_5_428" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> (<i>Senecio hartwegii</i>) is smaller and more globular than the above, and +contains no alkaloid, the gluey, sticky sap having no effect on the dove or the rat. The +“Peyote of Querétaro” (<i>Echinocactus turbinatus</i> Henning), said to be distinguished from +<i>Anhalonium</i> only by the spiral disposition of the hair-pencils, is a common form of <i>Lophophora +williamsii</i>.</p> + +<p>In the case of all these non-cacti to which the term peyote has been applied, the plants +have exhibited descriptively either a lanuginous or pubescent surface-nap, or balanoid, +orchitic, or nut-like root-nodules, and in some cases both; in one case there was a cocoon-shaped +pod in addition. But Schultes⁠<a id="FNanchor_6_429" href="#Footnote_6_429" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> lists other “peyotes” which may not fit this explanation: +Compositae: <i>Senecio calophyllus</i> Hemsl., <i>S. Hartwegii</i> Benth., <i>S. ovatiformis</i> Sch. Bip., +<i>S. Petasitus</i> DC and <i>Cacalia</i> spp. (e.g., <i>C. cordifolia</i> HBK); Leguminosae: <i>Rhynchosia longeracemosa</i> +Mart. & Gal.; and even one of the Solanaceae, <i>Datura meteloides</i> DC.</p> + +<p>All the above are non-cacti, but many Cactaceae have also been called “peyote.” These +include: <i>Anhalonium Englemannii</i> Lem., <i>A. prismaticum</i> Lem., <i>A. furfuraceum</i> Wats., +<i>A. pulvilligerum</i> Lem., <i>A. areolosum</i> Lem., <i>Lophophora williamsii</i> Lem., <i>Ariocarpus fissuratus</i> +(Englm.) K. Schum., <i>Astrophytum myriostigma</i> Lem., <i>A. asterias</i> (Zucc.) Lem., +<i>Pelecyphora aselliformis</i> Ehrenb., and <i>Strombocactus disciformis</i> DC. The diminutive “peyotillo” +has been applied to <i>Dolichothele longimamma</i> Britton and Rose, and <i>Solisia pectinata</i> +Britton and Rose.⁠<a id="FNanchor_7_430" href="#Footnote_7_430" class="fnanchor">[7]</a></p> + +<div class="footnotes"> + +<h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_1_424" href="#FNanchor_1_424" class="label">[1]</a> Hernandez, in Safford, <i>Aztec Narcotic</i>, 295; <i>Peyotes, Datos para Estudia</i>, 204.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_2_425" href="#FNanchor_2_425" class="label">[2]</a> In simpler Mexican cultures, peyote was in the hands of shamans; this other peyote appears to derive its +name from the priests of a certain class in the higher Aztec culture: “According to some authorities, the highest +grade of these native hierophants bore among the Nahuas the symbolic name of ‘flower weavers,’ Xochimilca, +probably from the skill they had to deceive the senses by strange and pleasant visions (Xochimilca, que asi llamavan +á los mui sabios encantadores)” (Torquemada, in Brinton, <i>Nagualism</i>, 298).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_3_426" href="#FNanchor_3_426" class="label">[3]</a> A specimen in Mooney, Peyote Notebook, 56, was so identified. Schultes viewed this and identified it as +<i>C. cordifolia</i> which in addition has cocoon-shaped pods. Cf. the use of <i>Lophophora</i> as an aphrodisiac.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_4_427" href="#FNanchor_4_427" class="label">[4]</a> Alfonso, in Rouhier, <i>Monographie</i>, 3; Santoscoy, <i>Nayarit</i>, + 32. Schultes (<i>Peyote and Plants Used</i>, 135) lists +<i>Cotyledon caespitosa</i> Haw. as a Crassulaceous “peyote.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_5_428" href="#FNanchor_5_428" class="label">[5]</a> <i>Peyotes, Datos para Estudia</i>, + 111, 206, 208. This non-cactus “peyote” of Tepic may have been the false +clue leading Rouhier to believe an earlier range of peyote into Tepic.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_6_429" href="#FNanchor_6_429" class="label">[6]</a> Schultes, <i>Peyotes and Plants Used</i>, + 135. The Reko etymology preferred by Schultes (p. 136) so far as botanical +evidence goes derives peyotl from Aztec pi- (small) and -yautli or -yolli (herb with narcotic odor or action), +making “peyotillo” a double diminutive. Schultes has accepted, at the instance of the present writer, the thesis +that <i>Cacalia</i> spp. might well enough fit the “velvety, cocoon-like” etymology, but argues nevertheless that +“this etymology does not seem to explain the application of the same name to the great array of plants which +possess no soft or silky parts whatsoever.” Schultes is undoubtedly right on this point in terms of descriptive +botany; yet may not some items be included in our lists illegitimately? <i>Anhalonium prismaticum</i> Lem., for +example, is called hikuli, not peyote, and is only partly its terminological equivalent. And does the “little narcotic” +etymology explain all these instances?</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_7_430" href="#FNanchor_7_430" class="label">[7]</a> Urbina, in Harms, <i>Über das Narkotikum</i>, 31; Schultes, <i>op. cit.</i>, 135.</p></div> + +</div> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_126">[126]</span></p> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="APPENDIX_2">APPENDIX 2: PEYOTE AND THE MESCAL BEAN</h2> + +</div> + +<p>Far the commonest designation for peyote in the older literature is “mescal bean,” a +curiously persistent misusage, since either in the dried or the green state <i>Lophophora williamsii</i> +resembles a bean even less than a mushroom, Safford’s teo-nanacatl. On probing more +deeply into this confusion, a widespread pre-peyote narcotic cult of the southern Plains +was discovered. The ethnographic results of this study are presented in the text, but a +brief characterization of the “mescal bean” proper is essential as well.</p> + +<p>Collected specimens of the old Plains “red bean” (= mescal bean proper) have been +identified by authorities at the Harvard Botanical Museum as <i>Sophora secundiflora</i> (Ortega) +Lag. ex DC.⁠<a id="FNanchor_1_431" href="#Footnote_1_431" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> Variously known as “mescal bean” (southern Plains), “colorín” (Coahuila, +Nuevo León, Texas), “frijolillo” (Nuevo León, Texas), “frijolito” (Texas), “evergreen +coral-bean,” “coral-bean” and “mountain laurel” (southern New Mexico), this plant +grows from Coahuila to San Luis Potosí, western Texas and southern New Mexico, being +specially characteristic of the dry limestone hills. It is not, however, the “mountain laurel” +<i>Kalmia latifolia</i>, being a true member of the Fabaceae or Bean Family; the term “coral-bean” +is likewise applied to two other legumes of Texas, both, however, <i>Erythrina</i> spp., not +<i>Sophora</i>.⁠<a id="FNanchor_2_432" href="#Footnote_2_432" class="fnanchor">[2]</a></p> + +<p><i>Sophora secundiflora</i> contains the highly toxic narcotic alkaloid sophorine, C₁₁H₁₄ON₂, +which is identical with cytisine (= ulexine, = baptitoxine). Resembling nicotine closely +in physiological action, the contents of one bean are said to be able to produce nausea, +convulsions and even death by asphyxiation in man.⁠<a id="FNanchor_3_433" href="#Footnote_3_433" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> <i>Sophora secundiflora</i> (= <i>Broussonetia +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_127">[127]</span>secundiflora</i>) itself is a handsome evergreen shrub or small tree, eight to thirty-five feet +high, bearing thick, leathery, dark glossy green leaves. The violet-blue bunches of flowers +appearing in the spring give off a strong rank fragrance, and from these develop, in the summer, +woody pods, satiny outside, two to four inches long, and containing one to four hard-shelled +bright red beans.⁠<a id="FNanchor_4_434" href="#Footnote_4_434" class="fnanchor">[4]</a></p> + +<p>Safford⁠<a id="FNanchor_5_435" href="#Footnote_5_435" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> states that “these beans are often confused with those of certain species of +<i>Erythrina</i>, which are sometimes sold in their place in the markets of Mexico, but which +are not at all narcotic.” It is therefore possible, and indeed probable, that the beans used +as necklaces and bandoliers in the Plains were both <i>Sophora</i> spp. and <i>Erythrina</i> spp.; +Mooney⁠<a id="FNanchor_6_436" href="#Footnote_6_436" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> for example had specimens of red bean necklaces identified as <i>S. secundiflora</i> and +<i>E. fruticisa</i>. The confusion of the two closely related groups is understandable when the +beans alone are available for diagnosis; the bean of <i>Sophora secundiflora</i> differs from that +of <i>Erythrina flabelliformis</i>, for example, in little more than the shape of the hilum, or scar +of attachment, that of the former being rounded and of the latter more linear, while the +beans of <i>E. corraloides</i> are more elongate than those of <i>Sophora</i>. Gilmore’s⁠<a id="FNanchor_7_437" href="#Footnote_7_437" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> identification +of the Omaha “red-medicine” with <i>Erythrina</i> spp. may possibly be wholly correct since +he mentions only decorative and magic uses for the beans; but in view of the chemical +composition of the two, any ritual narcotic use must <i>a fortiori</i> refer to <i>Sophora secundiflora</i>, +the “mescal bean” proper.</p> + +<div class="footnotes"> + +<h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_1_431" href="#FNanchor_1_431" class="label">[1]</a> There is no problem of identifying the old Plains “red bean” with the “mescal bean”; both Schultes and +I obtained Kiowa specimens in the field. The problem is the correct botanical classification of the specimens, +and the widespread misusage of their name for peyote.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_2_432" href="#FNanchor_2_432" class="label">[2]</a> Standley, <i>Trees and Shrubs</i>, 435; Dayton, <i>Important Western Browse Plants</i>, + 87; Boughton and Hardy, +<i>Mescalbean</i>, 5; Opler, <i>Autobiography</i>. The Chiricahua “Mountain laurel” is <i>S. secundiflora</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_3_433" href="#FNanchor_3_433" class="label">[3]</a> Henry (T. A.), <i>The Plant Alkaloids</i>, 395; Dayton, op. cit., 89. Havard (<i>Report on the Flora</i>, + 500) says the +alkaloid sophoria [sic] was isolated by Dr. H. C. Wood in 1877 as a whitish, amorphous substance producing +convulsions, temporary loss of voluntary movement, and distressing vomiting; again (<i>Drink Plants</i>, 39) he says +sophorine [sic] is an irritant-narcotic. Another alkaloid, matrine, is found in <i>Sophora</i> spp. (Nagai, Plugge, Kondo +et al. in Henry (T. A.), <i>The Plant Alkaloids</i>, 398). Havard, citing one Bellanger, says the Indians near San Antonio +formerly used the seed as an intoxicant, half of one producing a delirious exhilaration followed by a deep +sleep lasting two or three days; a whole bean, according to Dr. Rothrock’s informant, would kill a man. Dayton, +89, says children have been known to die from the effects of eating seeds of <i>S. secundiflora</i>; in any case, a rupture +of the hard, leathery coat of the bean would be required for the release of the alkaloid in the bean-flesh.</p> + +<p>Cattle and sheep appear to be more affected by the leaves of the plant, which also contain the alkaloid, +than by the beans. The effect on them is marked: sheep fed about one percent body weight of the leaves were +paralyzed in the legs for days and calves fed as little as .25% of body weight of fresh leaves died in 45 hours; +one fed 1.0% died in 1¾ hours. Recovery in sheep sometimes required 12 days, in calves up to 16 days (Boughton +and Hardy).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_4_434" href="#FNanchor_4_434" class="label">[4]</a> Condensed and synthesized from Boughton and Hardy; Havard, <i>Report on the Flora</i>, 458, 500; <i>Drink +Plants</i>, 39-40; Standley, 435; Dayton, 87-89.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_5_435" href="#FNanchor_5_435" class="label">[5]</a> Safford, <i>Narcotic Plants</i>, 398.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_6_436" href="#FNanchor_6_436" class="label">[6]</a> Mooney, <i>Tarumari-Guayachic</i> (quoting Safford?).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_7_437" href="#FNanchor_7_437" class="label">[7]</a> Gilmore, <i>Uses of Plants</i>, 99 writes: “The Omaha traveling into Oklahoma have found them [chinaberry] +there, and have taken up their use. They already had employed for beads as well as for a good-luck charm the +bright red seed of a species of <i>Erythrina</i>. They say it grows somewhere to the southwest, toward or in Mexico. +They call it ‘red medicine,’ makaⁿ zhide (makaⁿ, medicine; zhide, red). When the seeds of Melia (azerdache L.) +[chinaberry] were adopted for use as beads, they likened them to makaⁿ zhide, and so call them makaⁿ-zhide sabe, +‘black red-medicine’.”</p></div> + +</div> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_128">[128]</span></p> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="APPENDIX_3">APPENDIX 3: PEYOTE AND TEO-NANACATL</h2> + +</div> + +<p>The already sufficiently intricate ethnobotanical problem of peyote has been further +complicated by an erroneous identification of a narcotic mushroom used by the Aztecs +with the cactus peyotl. Safford⁠<a id="FNanchor_1_438" href="#Footnote_1_438" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> identifies the two by a somewhat casual use of his evidence, +and mystifies himself with the consistent contradiction offered by all the early Spanish +writers to his assumption. He composes the contradiction by assuming that the Aztecs did +not recognize the dried discoidal button as the same plant as the green cactus; despite +overwhelming etymological evidence he supposes they called the former teo-nanacatl and +the latter peyotl. Only a complete review of the evidence can clear up this misapprehension.</p> + +<p>The Spanish writers consistently describe the two separately, with detailed circumstantial +distinctions which leave no room for misunderstanding. Sahagún,⁠<a id="FNanchor_2_439" href="#Footnote_2_439" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> says</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">[The Chichimeca] had a great knowledge of herbs and roots and knew their qualities and their +virtues. They themselves discovered and first used the root that they call peiotl and those that +used to gather and eat them used them in place of wine, and they did the same with those that they +call nanacatl, which are toadstools [hongos malos] that also make one drunk like wine.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">Again, in a special chapter on intoxicating plants, Sahagún distinguishes the two:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">There is another herb like tunas of the earth [the Spanish name for the fruit of the prickly pear, +<i>Opuntia opuntia</i>] which is called peiotl. It is white. It grows in the northern part. Those that eat it +see frightening and laughable visions. This intoxication lasts two or three days and then stops....⁠<a id="FNanchor_3_440" href="#Footnote_3_440" class="fnanchor">[3]</a></p> +</blockquote> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">There are some little mushrooms in their land that they call teo-nanacatl. They grow under the +grass of the fields or pastures. They are round. They have a sort of high stem [pie], thin and round. +They are eaten with great relish, but they harm the throat and make one drunk.⁠<a id="FNanchor_4_441" href="#Footnote_4_441" class="fnanchor">[4]</a></p> +</blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_129">[129]</span></p> + +<p class="noindent">Still further to emphasize the point, Sahagún in the next section of this chapter⁠<a id="FNanchor_5_442" href="#Footnote_5_442" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> goes on +to speak of edible mushrooms:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">The cone-shaped mushrooms (mushrooms or nanacatl) <i>genus campos agrorum</i> in the mountains +are good to eat. They are cooked because of this, and if they are raw or badly cooked, they produce +vomiting or diarrhea, and they kill one,</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">and he continues to list and describe a number of other edibles.</p> + +<p>The naturalist Hernandez⁠<a id="FNanchor_6_443" href="#Footnote_6_443" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> is even more explicit. He describes teo-nanacatl under the +heading “De nanacatl seu Fungorum genere”; and from the harmless white mushrooms, +iztacnanacame, the red mushrooms, tlapalnanacame, and the yellow-orbicular mushrooms, +chimalnanacame, he distinguishes teo-nanacatl as “teyhuinti,” that is, “intoxicating.” Siméon’s +Nahuatl dictionary even uses nanacatl as an illustration:⁠<a id="FNanchor_7_444" href="#Footnote_7_444" class="fnanchor">[7]</a></p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">Teo-nanacatl, espece de petit champignon qui a mauvais gout, enivre et cause des hallucinations; +il est medicinal contre les fievres et la goutte.... Teyuinti, qui enivre quelqu’un, enivrant; teyhuinti +nanacatl, champignon enivrant.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">Safford quotes this evidence himself!</p> + +<p>Padre Jacinto de la Serna⁠<a id="FNanchor_8_445" href="#Footnote_8_445" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> records for us another compound of the Nahuatl word for +mushroom, and describes the fungus while likewise specifically distinguishing it from peyote +and ololiuhqui:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">To this meeting had come an Indian ... who had brought some of the mushrooms that are gathered +in the monte, and with these he had performed a great idolatry. But before proceeding with my +story I wish to explain the nature of the said mushrooms, which in the Mexican language are called +Quahtlananacatl, “wild mushrooms.” ... These mushrooms were small and yellow and ... were +collected by priests and old men, appointed as ministers for these impostures, who would proceed +to the place where they grow and remain almost the whole night in prayer and in superstitious +conjuring; and at dawn, when a certain little breeze known to them would begin to blow, then they +would gather the narcotic,⁠<a id="FNanchor_9_446" href="#Footnote_9_446" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> attributing to it deity, with the same properties as ololiuhqui or peyote, +since when eaten or drunk, they intoxicate those who partake of them, depriving them of their +senses, and making them believe a thousand absurdities.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">In Safford it appears that de la Serna distinguished these from Picietl, tobacco, also. There +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_130">[130]</span>is an implied confusion, to be sure, in Alarcón, but he supplies confirmation of this last +point, along with interesting ethnographic details:⁠<a id="FNanchor_10_447" href="#Footnote_10_447" class="fnanchor">[10]</a></p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">One should notice that in almost every case that they are moved to offer a sacrifice to their imagined +gods, there comes to take charge of it and preside over it some quack, medicine-man, seer or diviner +from among other Indians, the majority of them falling back on their crazy ceremonies, or on whatever +whim arises when they are deranged from the drinking of what they call ololiuhqui or pezote +[sic] or tobacco, whatever it might be called in particular localities.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p>The Franciscan Fray Toribio de Benvento mentions teo-nanacatl, to which he gives +an erroneous etymology:⁠<a id="FNanchor_11_448" href="#Footnote_11_448" class="fnanchor">[11]</a></p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">They had another kind of drunkenness ... which was with small fungi or mushrooms [hongos ó +setas pequeñas] ... which are eaten raw, and, on account of being bitter, they drink after them +or eat with them a little honey of bees, and shortly after that they see a thousand visions, especially +snakes. They went raving mad, running about the streets in a wild state [bestial embriaguez]. They +called these fungi “teo-na-m-catl,” a word meaning “bread of the gods.”</p> +</blockquote> + +<p>Tezozomoc,⁠<a id="FNanchor_12_449" href="#Footnote_12_449" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> again, related that at the coronation of Montezuma the Mexicans gave +wild mushrooms [hongos montesinos] to the strangers to eat; that the strangers became +drunk, and thereupon began to dance. Diego Durán⁠<a id="FNanchor_13_450" href="#Footnote_13_450" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> gives further particulars of the coronation +of Montezuma II; he says that after the usual human sacrifices had been offered, all +went to eat raw mushrooms (hongos crudos), which caused them to lose their senses, more +than if they had drunk much wine. In their ecstasy many of them killed themselves with +their own hands, and by virtue of the mushrooms had visions and revelations of the future.</p> + +<p>The conclusion from all this evidence is obvious: the peyote of the Plains, <i>Lophophora +williamsii</i>, is identical with the peiotl, peyotl, pellote, peyote, pejori, peyori or bejo of the +Aztec and other Mexican tribes, but this cactus is wholly distinct from the little yellow +thin-stemmed fungus teo-nanacatl, and Safford’s identification of the two is erroneous.</p> + +<div class="footnotes"> + +<h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_1_438" href="#FNanchor_1_438" class="label">[1]</a> Safford, <i>An Aztec Narcotic</i> 294; <i>Identification of Teo-nanacatl, Narcotic Plants; Peyote</i>, + 1278-79.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_2_439" href="#FNanchor_2_439" class="label">[2]</a> Sahagún, <i>Historia general</i>, + Lib. 10, cap. xxix: “... ellos mismos discubrieron, y usaron primero la raíz +que llaman peiotl, y los que comian y tomaban la usaban en lugar de vino, y lo mismo hacian de los que llaman +nanacatl que son los bongos malos que emborrachan tambien como el vino.” The authoritative edition of Jourdanet +and Siméon, 661-62 translates nanacatl as “champignon vénéneux.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_3_440" href="#FNanchor_3_440" class="label">[3]</a> Sahagún, <i>Historia general</i>, + 3:241-42: “Hay otra yerba como tunas de tierra, se llama peiotl, es blanca, +hacese ácia la parte del norte, los que la comen ó beben vén visiones espantosas ó irrisibles.” (Lib. 11, cap. vii, pt. +i, “De ciertas yerbas que emborrachen.”) Jourdanet and Siméon, 737, unfortunately describe tunas as “une ... +plante qui rapelle la truffe,” which is a mushroom. Sahagún’s work is virtual dictation from Aztec informants, +later translated with painstaking care into Spanish. It is difficult to assume, as did Safford, that such able herbalists +did not know the difference between a cactus and a fungus.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_4_441" href="#FNanchor_4_441" class="label">[4]</a> “Hay unos honguillos en esta tierra que se llaman teo-nanacatl, críanse debajo del heno en los campos ó +páramos; son redondos, tienen el pie altillo, delgado y redondo, comidos son de mal sabor, dañan la garganta y +emborrachan.” (<i>Idem</i>, 3:241-42.) To be sure our own best scientific knowledge must always be the touchstone +for the data of the various folk-sciences; yet one is not entitled to a lofty and comprehensive <i>á priori</i> distrust of +native knowledge, particularly when detailed with such clarity as this.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_5_442" href="#FNanchor_5_442" class="label">[5]</a> “Las setas (hongos ó nanacatl) hacen genus campos agrorum en los montes, son buenas de comer....” +(Sahagún, <i>Historia general</i>, 3:243).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_6_443" href="#FNanchor_6_443" class="label">[6]</a> Hernandez, in Safford, <i>Aztec Narcotic</i>, 293. The very word itself means “mushroom!” Reko’s etymology +for teo-nanacatl, “divine nourishment,” is unsound according to Whorf; and indeed, there is nothing of the +edible <i>par excellence</i> about fungi (see Schultes, <i>Peyote and Plants Used</i>, 136-37).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_7_444" href="#FNanchor_7_444" class="label">[7]</a> Siméon, in Safford, <i>Identification of Teo-nanacatl</i>, 400, 412.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_8_445" href="#FNanchor_8_445" class="label">[8]</a> de la Serna, <i>Manual de Ministros</i>, 261.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_9_446" href="#FNanchor_9_446" class="label">[9]</a> Cf. the Huichol peyote-gathering ritual and the wind which arises.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_10_447" href="#FNanchor_10_447" class="label">[10]</a> Safford, <i>Aztec Narcotic</i>, + 291. Indeed in this short sub-chapter, Sahagún distinguishes and describes +coatlxoxouhqui = ololiuhqui [its seeds] peyotl, tlapatl, tzintzintlapatl, mixitl, teo-nanacatl, tochtetepo, atlepatli, +aquiztli, tenxoxoli and quimichpatli! Alarcón, <i>Tratado</i>, 131; also in Urbina, <i>El Peyote y el Ololhiuqui</i>, 27.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_11_448" href="#FNanchor_11_448" class="label">[11]</a> <i>Ritos Antiquos</i>; + in Kingsborough, 9:17. Jourdenet and Siméon, translators of Sahagún, <i>Histoire général</i>, +738, have: “[Teo-nanacatl] c’est-à-dire: champignon dangereux. Le terme générique est nanacatl qui se met en +composition avec d’autres mots pour désigner les diverses espèces de champignons.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_12_449" href="#FNanchor_12_449" class="label">[12]</a> <i>Crónica Mexicana</i>; in Kingsborough, 9:153. The fact that <i>raw</i> + mushrooms are mentioned disposes of +Safford’s supposition that <i>dried</i> peyote buttons are meant.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_13_450" href="#FNanchor_13_450" class="label">[13]</a> Durán, <i>Historia de las Indias</i>, 564, quoted from Kingsborough’s <i>Mexican Antiquities</i> + by Bourke, <i>Scatological +Rites</i>, 90.</p></div> + +</div> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_131">[131]</span></p> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="APPENDIX_4">APPENDIX 4: “PLANT WORSHIP” IN MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES</h2> + +</div> + +<p>Peyote is only one of several narcotics in the southern United States and Mexico +which because of their physiological action find ritual and other uses. Since, in many of +these, uses are related, there arises the problem of their possible historical relationship. +In any case, it is illuminating to study the general background of attitudes out of which +peyotism grew.</p> + +<h3>CACTI</h3> + +<p>The Tarahumari of northwestern Mexico, though their hikuli cult is less elaborate +than that of the Huichol, have a complex of “worship” and use of several varieties of cacti. +Besides hikuli wanamé (<i>Lophophora williamsii</i>) Lumholtz⁠<a id="FNanchor_1_451" href="#Footnote_1_451" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> lists the following:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>Mulato (a <i>Mammilaria</i>), believed to make the eyes large and clear to see sorcerers, to prolong +life, and to give speed to runners who eat it.⁠<a id="FNanchor_2_452" href="#Footnote_2_452" class="fnanchor">[2]</a></p> + +<p>Rosapara (a more advanced vegetative form of the same, but with many spines) which has very +keen eyes for Tarahumari wrong-doing; it punishes by driving the offender mad, or throwing him +down a precipice; “it is therefore very effective in frightening off bad people, especially robbers and +Apaches.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_3_453" href="#Footnote_3_453" class="fnanchor">[3]</a></p> + +<p>Sunami (<i>Mammilaria fissurata</i>),⁠<a id="FNanchor_4_454" href="#Footnote_4_454" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> rare, but even more powerful than wanamé, for it calls soldiers +to its aid. The drink produced from it is strongly intoxicating. Deer cannot run away from you, nor +bears harm you when carrying this cactus.⁠<a id="FNanchor_5_455" href="#Footnote_5_455" class="fnanchor">[5]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_132">[132]</span></p> + +<p>Hikuli walúla sälíami, “hikuli great authority,” is the greatest of all; it is extremely rare, and +Lumholtz never saw a specimen, though it was described to him as “growing in clusters of from +eight to twelve inches in diameter, resembling wanamé with many young ones around it.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_6_456" href="#Footnote_6_456" class="fnanchor">[6]</a></p> + +<p>Ocoyome, unlike the preceding hikuli which are good, is used only for evil purposes. It has long +white spines or “claws,” and comes from the Devil. If accidentally touched with the foot, it would +break one’s leg; it also throws offenders over precipices.⁠<a id="FNanchor_7_457" href="#Footnote_7_457" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> Lumholtz says it was very rarely used, and +Mooney says the Tarahumari used it not at all—though the “Apaches” did—since it was “poison.” +Mooney describes the plant as having a reddish down, root and surface, which may account for +the Apaches’ tying it around their waists to make them brave, in their battles.⁠<a id="FNanchor_8_458" href="#Footnote_8_458" class="fnanchor">[8]</a></p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">Bennett and Zingg are perhaps referring to the same plant under the name “peyote cimarrón,” +which is “small, red, and ineffective; it is not used or even touched, since the abuser +might die.” “Peyote christiano” (hikuli dewéame), a larger, green variety, apparently +Lophophora, is considered the “most efficacious.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_9_459" href="#Footnote_9_459" class="fnanchor">[9]</a></p> + +<p>Bennett and Zingg give two other kinds of cactus used by the Tarahumari:⁠<a id="FNanchor_10_460" href="#Footnote_10_460" class="fnanchor">[10]</a></p> + +<blockquote> +<p>Witculíki (Mex. <i>biznaga</i>, <i>Mammillaria hyderi</i>), a ball cactus of the gorges, is roasted about four +minutes in ashes, after being split and divested of its spines; the soft center is squeezed into the +ear in case of earache or deafness. (This curiously echoes of the talking peyote stories.)</p> + +<p>Bakánawa or bakánori, a small ball cactus, is used by the Indians of the barrancas. Shamans, not +peyoteros, carry small bits of the root in their bags; it can be kept only three years, after which it +must be sold or hidden, lest the owner go crazy. The shaman chews and anoints the patient with it. +So powerful is it that runners use it three days before racing; one man died of fear after having offended +this plant.</p> +</blockquote> + +<h3>NON-CACTI</h3> + +<p>Of the ritually used narcotics of this area we have already discussed the “mescal bean,” +or <i>Sophora secundiflora</i>, and teo-nanacatl, the sacred mushroom of the Aztec and +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_133">[133]</span>Chichimeca.⁠<a id="FNanchor_11_461" href="#Footnote_11_461" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> The use of marihuana (<i>Cannabis</i> + spp.) in counteracting sorcery, and other beliefs +surrounding its employment are also elsewhere discussed.⁠<a id="FNanchor_12_462" href="#Footnote_12_462" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> The use of the mescal-bean +of the southern Plains and the various alcoholic drinks⁠<a id="FNanchor_13_463" href="#Footnote_13_463" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> of Mexico and the Southwest +are perhaps related to the “black drink” made of the leaves and twigs of the “beloved +tree” (<i>Ilex cassine</i>), which is distributed continuously from the Carolinas to the Rio Grande, +with a continuation of the trait across the Antilles into northeastern and central South +America.⁠<a id="FNanchor_14_464" href="#Footnote_14_464" class="fnanchor">[14]</a></p> + +<p>But the narcotic exhibiting perhaps the most numerous parallels in usage with peyote +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_134">[134]</span>is datura.⁠<a id="FNanchor_15_465" href="#Footnote_15_465" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> + Gayton lists as datura-users in the Southwest⁠<a id="FNanchor_16_466" href="#Footnote_16_466" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> the Pima, Zuñi, Navaho, Hopi, +Havasupai, Walapai, Mohave, Yuma and Cocopa, and in California the Akwa’ala, Southern +Diegueño, Pass Cahuilla, Gabrielino, Luiseño, Serrano, Chumash, Salinan, Miwok, Eastern +and Western Mono, and the Foothill and Southern Valley Yokuts. This distribution +is continuous with that in northwestern Mexico among the Opata, Tepehuane, Cora, +Tepecano and Aztec.⁠<a id="FNanchor_17_467" href="#Footnote_17_467" class="fnanchor">[17]</a></p> + +<p>The parallel uses of peyote, cohoba snuff and datura in prophecy and divination have +been summarized elsewhere,⁠<a id="FNanchor_18_468" href="#Footnote_18_468" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> but there are further interesting uses of datura. The Aztec +of Mexico⁠<a id="FNanchor_19_469" href="#Footnote_19_469" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> had special officials who took ololiuhqui (the seeds of datura) to discover cures +for illnesses, to find lost or stolen property, to ascertain the origin of long sickness due to +witchcraft, etc., receiving pay for their services. Sometimes they prescribed the drug for +their patients; datura was also used empirically as an anodyne in setting fractures, and it +may have been one of the drugs employed to stupefy sacrificial victims, though peyote is +the only one identified. Ololiuhqui was also mixed with tobacco and the ashes of venomous +insects to make the sacred ointment of the priesthood; set on altars it was called Divine +Meat.⁠<a id="FNanchor_20_470" href="#Footnote_20_470" class="fnanchor">[20]</a> The Cora⁠<a id="FNanchor_21_471" href="#Footnote_21_471" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> + refer to daturas in their songs and myths, but their use of it is not +known.</p> + +<p>In northern Mexico, the Tepehuane used toloache [datura] in place of peyote.⁠<a id="FNanchor_22_472" href="#Footnote_22_472" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> Tepecano +prayers refer to datura as the husband of Corn Daughter and the son-in-law of Father +Sun; having taken two mistresses, he was punished for this by being stuck head downward +in the ground and commanded to give mortals whatever they begged of him. They believe +him to have great riches, which they pray for and “borrow.” Datura is one of the five +narcotics whose flowers decorate a love charm.⁠<a id="FNanchor_23_473" href="#Footnote_23_473" class="fnanchor">[23]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_135">[135]</span></p> + +<p>In the Southwest, the Pima had a jimsonweed song which brought success in deer-hunting⁠<a id="FNanchor_24_474" href="#Footnote_24_474" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> +and cured vomiting and dizziness. The White Mountain Apache⁠<a id="FNanchor_25_475" href="#Footnote_25_475" class="fnanchor">[25]</a> mixed the +root of <i>D. meteloides</i> with their corn beer to make it more intoxicating. The Apache of +Bourke⁠<a id="FNanchor_26_476" href="#Footnote_26_476" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> credited datura with the power of making men crazy, but denied using it medicinally +or ceremonially. The Havasupai⁠<a id="FNanchor_27_477" href="#Footnote_27_477" class="fnanchor">[27]</a> eat datura leaves occasionally apparently for purely +secular pleasure, and also use the drug in their arrow poison. At Zuñi⁠<a id="FNanchor_28_478" href="#Footnote_28_478" class="fnanchor">[28]</a> datura was one of +the medicines formerly belonging to the gods, and only the rain priests and directors of +the Little Fire and Cimex fraternities could use it; the rain priests propitiated birds with +the powdered root, or a man ate it to bring rain. They also administered it to clients who +had been robbed, to discover the thief, and to patients with broken bones; the pulverized +root and flower were also used with corn meal for all types of wounds. In myth the daturas +were once brother and sister who walked the earth and saw who committed thefts, but +the Divine Ones said they knew too much and caused them to disappear into the earth +forever; perhaps for this reason it is also used to communicate with the dead. The Navaho⁠<a id="FNanchor_29_479" href="#Footnote_29_479" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> +eat the root of <i>D. meteloides</i>, and sometimes “the Indians under its influence, like the Malays +run amuck and try to kill everybody they meet.” There is a record of Hopi doctoring with +datura.⁠<a id="FNanchor_30_480" href="#Footnote_30_480" class="fnanchor">[30]</a></p> + +<p>Nearly all the tribes of southern California used datura. The Akwa’ala, Yuma, Mohave +and Eastern Mono took it to acquire gambling luck; the Central Miwok did not eat it, +but considered that a dream about datura aided one’s gambling fortune.⁠<a id="FNanchor_31_481" href="#Footnote_31_481" class="fnanchor">[31]</a> Of the remaining +tribes of the region who used it ceremonially, some features were held in common: (1) it +was not taken before puberty,⁠<a id="FNanchor_32_482" href="#Footnote_32_482" class="fnanchor">[32]</a> + (2) it was usually administered to a group,⁠<a id="FNanchor_33_483" href="#Footnote_33_483" class="fnanchor">[33]</a> and (3) a +supernatural helper, sometimes an animal, was sought.⁠<a id="FNanchor_34_484" href="#Footnote_34_484" class="fnanchor">[34]</a></p> + +<p>In southwestern California the use of datura is strongly ritualized in the Chungichnich +cult of the Luiseño, and Northern and Southern Diegueño. According to Kroeber the ritual +is comparatively recent and overlies an older, simpler use of the plant over a wider area. +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_136">[136]</span>In the Chungichnich ceremony datura is given to boys as a preliminary ritual in puberty +observance; its use is not seasonal, nor do women ever partake of it.⁠<a id="FNanchor_35_485" href="#Footnote_35_485" class="fnanchor">[35]</a></p> + +<p>The Mountain Cahuilla⁠<a id="FNanchor_36_486" href="#Footnote_36_486" class="fnanchor">[36]</a> are typical of groups who had the simpler datura rite in +puberty ceremonials before the addition of Chungichnich ritualism.</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>Manet (datura) was given to boys of 18-20 in a ceremony lasting 3 to 6 days in which other +younger boys of 6-10 years were taught clan and “enemy” songs by their fathers. The paha or +leader prepared strings of reed, eagle and flicker feathers which were worn by the dancers, who +practiced away from the village. The drinking ceremony or kiksawel took place inside the ceremonial +dance house, and women and children were warned away by the manet-dancer’s bull-roarer.⁠<a id="FNanchor_37_487" href="#Footnote_37_487" class="fnanchor">[37]</a> Each +boy was given a drink of a decoction of datura pounded in a mortar by the clan chief. The men in the +enclosure took each boy by the waist, and they all danced around the fire, led by the manet-dancer. +The boys remained unconscious in the house all night when the effect of the drug became manifest, +and were removed the following afternoon to a secluded cañon where for a week they were taught +songs and dances nightly. The last afternoon a sand-painting was made and its symbolism explained. +After an ant-ordeal and a fire-dance they were regarded as men and full-fledged members +of the clan.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p>A second group of tribes in the San Joaquin basin and Sierra Nevada foothills had a +datura-drinking ceremonial every spring for both sexes shortly after the age of puberty.⁠<a id="FNanchor_38_488" href="#Footnote_38_488" class="fnanchor">[38]</a></p> + +<blockquote> +<p>The participant’s social status was not changed and the rite alone constituted a ceremonial +unit, the tananhibina or tanabi-drinking of the Western Mono. Dancing to clappers took place +until the children fell unconscious, whereupon they were carried away to special camps by relatives. +If a person appeared to be covered with blood or maggots and vermin (the causes of sickness), +they were brushed off with an eagle-feather brush.⁠<a id="FNanchor_39_489" href="#Footnote_39_489" class="fnanchor">[39]</a> In discovering the sickness the seer used an +eagle-bone whistle which enabled him to “hear” the sickness; if a man had poison, one could see +where it was. One could also see things at very great distances, as well as discover what medicine-man +had caused the death of people by witchcraft. The seer could likewise find lost articles +and discover wealth by means of datura. The drinkers were guarded during this time lest they harm +themselves or be harmed. Some men did not have any datura-visions; this was because some medicine-man +feared his bad deeds would be discovered, and hence rendered the drink harmless by magic +and “covered up” those persons. If a medicine-man wanted to become very powerful, he took +tanabi on ten successive seasons. Datura leaves were placed on the forehead of a dead person to +drive out the spirit,⁠<a id="FNanchor_40_490" href="#Footnote_40_490" class="fnanchor">[40]</a> and people boiled tanabi leaves so the steam filled their house that the spirit +of the dead man would not return to them in dreams.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p>In view of these repeated parallels in the attitudes and usages surrounding both peyote +and datura, it is certainly not without significance that their distribution, while contiguous, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_137">[137]</span>is mutually exclusive in northern Mexico and the southwestern United States: peyote is +generally central and northeastern in Mexico, whence it spread northward and eastward +into the Plains, while datura is northwestern in Mexico and extends through the Pueblo +and nomadic Southwest to southern California. And if the “black drink,” native American +beers in Mexico and the Southwest, and the mescal bean be all counted with peyote and +datura as part of one general distribution, we have a large continuous area or “narcotic +complex” across the whole southern United States and northern Mexico. Such large +general distributions are not unknown (e.g., bear ceremonialism), and datura (via Central +America), ilex drinks (via the Antilles) and aboriginal alcoholic liquors (continuous from the +Southwest through Mexico and Central America to include the entire northern three-quarters +of South America) are surely connected ultimately with the same traits in South +America—more particularly since not alone are the plants involved the same, but also +detailed “superorganic” attitudes and ritual manifestations.</p> + +<div class="footnotes"> + +<h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_1_451" href="#FNanchor_1_451" class="label">[1]</a> Lumholtz, <i>Unknown Mexico</i>, + 1:372-74. These short paragraphs are summaries, not direct quotations.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_2_452" href="#FNanchor_2_452" class="label">[2]</a> + Cf. the physiological action of peyote-alkaloids, discussed elsewhere (dilation of the pupil, increased reflex +excitability). The use of narcotics in this area in connection with racing appears again with peyote in northern +Mexico, and with the “mescal bean” (<i>Sophora secundiflora</i>) among the Wichita. The Acaxee used peyote in +their ball play, much as the “black drink” (<i>Ilex cassine</i>) was used in the Southeast. Cf. Mooney’s (<i>Tarumari-Guayachic</i>) +“Muräto,” apparently identical with Lumholtz’ Mulato, that “is used mostly in races, not ground +up, but tied whole around waist, at back.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_3_453" href="#FNanchor_3_453" class="label">[3]</a> Lumholtz, <i>Unknown Mexico</i>, + 1:373. In this region narcotics in general are much employed in connection +with war, and the magical “witching” of the enemy—whose power is not merely physical but magically malevolent +too. “Mescal beans” were part of the war-bundle in some southern Plains tribes, and both peyote and datura +were used clairvoyantly and prophetically in war connections. The attitude that the enemy is a witch, Dr. Spier +informs me, is widespread among both the Yumans and Athapascans of the Southwest. Cf. also peyote and captured +scalps (e.g., Maricopa) talking, and being danger-ridden.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_4_454" href="#FNanchor_4_454" class="label">[4]</a> This is an instance where it is rewarding conscientiously to respect native categories and ethnobotanical +statements for hordenine (= anhaline, one of the alkaloids of Lophophora) was discovered in <i>Anhalonium +fissuratum</i> in 1894 by Heffter (see <a href="#Footnote_5_495">Appendix 5, fn. 5</a>).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_5_455" href="#FNanchor_5_455" class="label">[5]</a> Mooney, <i>Tarumari-Guayachic</i>, says sunami is very much respected, and is used only by doctors. Women +doctors grind them on metates, placing the plant upright and crushing it with one blow (cf. the “killing” of +mescal beans in the Plains). Doctors assemble for this feast, which requires the sacrifice of a beef. Special rites +attend its gathering, and it must be gathered in a black blanket and bleeds red blood. It must be kept in a double +basket in a cave, lest it hear quarreling in the house. It dislikes fire, and after ten or twenty years it loses its +virtue and must be replanted with copal incensing where originally found. Doctors rub tizwin-and-sunami over +the heart and rest of the body, for it makes one win races. <i>Anhalonium fissuratum</i> has a striking resemblance to +deer-hooves; it is likely the hikuli referred to in this and other Tarahumari-Huichol tales—but it should be recalled +that peyotism in Mexico is also connected with deer-hunting.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_6_456" href="#FNanchor_6_456" class="label">[6]</a> Lumholtz, <i>Unknown Mexico</i>, 1:373-74; Mooney, <i>Tarumari-Guayachic</i>, + says this variety is as big as a +man’s hat. The description probably refers to an occasional polycephalous specimen of <i>Lophophora williamsii</i> +(hikuli wanamé).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_7_457" href="#FNanchor_7_457" class="label">[7]</a> Lumholtz, <i>Unknown Mexico</i> 1:374; <i>Tarahumari Dances</i>, + 253, 452-54; cf. Mooney’s (<i>Tarumari-Guayachic</i>) +kókoyómi. Mooney thought Lumholtz’ “walulasahane” was Tepecano, not Tarahumari.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_8_458" href="#FNanchor_8_458" class="label">[8]</a> The resemblance of some <i>Mammillaria</i> + spp. to a head or scalp of hair is quite striking; Higgins, in fact, +figures an “Old Man Cactus” with long flowing white “hair.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_9_459" href="#FNanchor_9_459" class="label">[9]</a> Bennett and Zingg, <i>The Tarahumara</i>, 290.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_10_460" href="#FNanchor_10_460" class="label">[10]</a> Bennett and Zingg, <i>op. cit.</i>, + 137, 295. The users of bakánawa believe it to be even more powerful than +peyote. One can more easily believe that the ataxic gait of a peyote-intoxicated person would “throw” him over +a cliff or break a leg, than that it would result in any conspicuously superior racing ability.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_11_461" href="#FNanchor_11_461" class="label">[11]</a> Dorman, in Bourke, <i>Scatalogical Rites</i>, + 91, says mushrooms were “worshipped” in the Antilles, in Virginia, +and possibly also in California. The Siberian use of <i>Amanita</i> spp. is well-known, but no doubt these sporadic +uses are all independent of each other.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_12_462" href="#FNanchor_12_462" class="label">[12]</a> Lumholtz, <i>Unknown Mexico</i>, 2:354; see also notes 41, 45, 48 in <a href="#APPENDIX_6">Appendix 6</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_13_463" href="#FNanchor_13_463" class="label">[13]</a> The writer has published elsewhere on the subject of the numerous native American beers (see <i>Native +American Beers</i>). So far as a cactus-source of these is concerned, the following groups make use of <i>Cereus giganteus</i> +Englm. and <i>C. Thurberi</i> Englm. for their sahuaro drink: Huichol (?), Pima, Maricopa, Yuma, Papago, Halchidoma +(?), and San Carlos Apache.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_14_464" href="#FNanchor_14_464" class="label">[14]</a> The ilex “black drink” is Catawba (<i>Handbook of the American Indians</i>, + 1:150a, 2:1000-1001); Alibamu +(Forster, <i>Bossu</i>, 254, 261, 294, 354-55); Creek (Swanton, <i>Social Organization and Social Usages</i>, 307, 445; Adair, +in Swanton, <i>Social and Religious Beliefs</i>, 265; Speck, <i>The Creek Indians</i>, 110, 117-18, 134; Bartram, <i>Travels</i>, 449, +507), both Taskigi and Mikasuki; Cherokee (Bartram, <i>Travels</i>, 357); Chickasaw (Swanton, <i>Social and Religious +Beliefs</i>, 240); Koasati (Paz, <i>Koasati Field Notes</i>); Yuchi (Speck, <i>Ethnology of the Yuchi</i>, 122-24, 135); Natchez +(Charlevoix, <i>Histoire de l’Isle</i>, 166; du Pratz, <i>Histoire</i>, 2:46, 3:13); Atakapa (Forster, <i>Bossu</i>, 1:354-55), Chitamacha +(Gatschet, in Swadesh, <i>Chitamacha Texts</i>) and Karankawa (Oliver, in Gatschet, <i>The Karankawa Indians</i>, +18-19). Also in Florida (de Laudoniére, in Lewin, <i>Phantastica</i>, 279; Safford, <i>Narcotic Plants</i>, 417; Romans, <i>A +Concise Natural History</i>, 94), and also possibly in Virginia (Beverly, <i>History of Virginia</i>, 175-80; Ribault +[1666], Dominique de Gourages [1567], McCullough, Le Moyne—all in Havard, <i>Drink Plants</i>, 41-42; Lawson, +<i>History of Carolina</i>, 380-82 [1860 ed.]; Adair, <i>The History of the American Indian</i>, 108). A similar emetic +rite is also found among the “Cutalchich” of Texas (Cabeza de Vaca, in Safford, <i>Narcotic Plants</i>, 416-17), the +Tainan or Greater Antilles Arawak (Gower, <i>The Northern and Southern Affiliations</i>, 39-40), the Lesser Antilles +Carib and Guiana (Dixon [R. B.], <i>Some Aspects</i>, 1-12), the Amazon Basin (Wissler, <i>The American Indian</i>, 213), +Jivaro and Canelo of Ecuado (Karsten, in Lewin, <i>Phantastica</i>, 279-81; Safford, <i>Narcotic Plants</i>, 413, 416); +Guarani of Northern Bolivia (Safford, op. cit., 413; Spruce, <i>Notes of a Botanist</i>, 2:419-20). See also Thurnwald, +<i>Economics</i>, 65; Harrington, <i>Cuba Before Columbus</i>, 295, 388-89; Spier, <i>Yuman Tribes</i>, 181; <i>Handbook of the +American Indians</i>, 2:32a, 145-46; Sapir, <i>Kaibab-Paiute</i>. An interestingly parallel distribution (which may +have historical relevance) is that of fish and arrow poisons. Fish poisons are reported for northeastern South +America, the Orinoco valley, the upper Amazon, the Antillean Carib; the Tarahumari, Acaxee, Opata and in +California; the Catawba, Taskigi Creek, Cherokee, Koasati, Yuchi and Iroquois (cf. the blow-gun of the Creek, +Cherokee, Choctaw, Iroquois, Yuchi, central Carib, Florida Key-dwellers, natives of Hispaniola and of northeastern +South America). Arrow poisons are found in Sonora, Central America, the Guianas, the Antilles +(Carib), Florida Arawak (?) and, in historic times, the Tarahumari, as well as in South America. The Opata, +curiously, used yerba de fleche to poison deer at water-holes. Beals (<i>Comparative Ethnology</i>, 115, 193) also lists +poison arrows for the Southern Diegueño, Chumash, Cahuilla, Yavapai, Havasupai, Navaho, Western Apache, +Lipan, Natchez (?), Seri, Mixtec and in Sinaloa and Culiacan. Spier adds the Blackfoot and perhaps other Plains +groups to this list. The group with poison arrows south of the Great Lakes (<i>Jesuit Relations</i>, 8:302, in Gower, 21) +one would guess is Iroquois.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_15_465" href="#FNanchor_15_465" class="label">[15]</a> We ignore for our purposes the South American area of the use of datura, though it is surely connected +with the Mexican culturally and historically, as well as the South American use of coca, tobacco, cohoba snuff +(<i>Piptadenia peregrina</i>), guarana (<i>Paullinia cupana</i> or <i>P. sorbilis</i>), chocolatl (<i>Theobroma cacao</i>), aya-huasca (<i>Banisteria +caapi</i>) and yajé (<i>Haemadictyon Amazonicum</i> Spruce). Many of the uses of these plants in war, prophesying, +divination, ordeals, and doctoring are strikingly similar to the Mexican uses of marihuana, datura, teo-nanacatl +and peyote.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_16_466" href="#FNanchor_16_466" class="label">[16]</a> The sources for these are cited in Gayton, <i>The Narcotic Plant Datura</i>, + a manuscript to which I am much +indebted.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_17_467" href="#FNanchor_17_467" class="label">[17]</a> Note the parallel uses of datura in South America found among the Inca, Matacuna, Chancay, Sipibo, +Cocoma, Omagua, Jivaro, Canelo, Quijo, Zaparo, Guanes (Guanuco?), Chibcha and in Darien (after Gayton). +The “wysoccan” used by the Pamunky (Beverly, <i>History of Virginia</i>, 2:24) is said to be a datura (Safford, +<i>Daturas</i>, 557-58); the sporadic use as a medicament in Jamaica (Beckwith, <i>Notes on Jamaica</i>, 9, note 5, 28) +may not be aboriginal.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_18_468" href="#FNanchor_18_468" class="label">[18]</a> The writer hopes in due time to publish further data on New World narcotics.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_19_469" href="#FNanchor_19_469" class="label">[19]</a> De la Serna, in Safford, <i>Daturas</i>, 551, Arlegui, <i>Crónica</i>, 144; Rouhier, <i>Monographie</i>, + 331.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_20_470" href="#FNanchor_20_470" class="label">[20]</a> Gerste, <i>Notes sur la médicine</i>, + 51. This may be the source of Reko’s erroneous teo-nanacatl etymology.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_21_471" href="#FNanchor_21_471" class="label">[21]</a> Preuss, <i>Nayarit-Expedition</i>, 1:231.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_22_472" href="#FNanchor_22_472" class="label">[22]</a> Diguet, <i>Le Peyote et son Usage</i>, 21, note 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_23_473" href="#FNanchor_23_473" class="label">[23]</a> Mason, <i>Tepecano Prayers</i>, + 138, 139, 142, 143. Cf. the supposed aphrodisiac effects of peyote, teo-nanacatl, +and marihuana.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_24_474" href="#FNanchor_24_474" class="label">[24]</a> Russell, <i>The Pima</i>, + 299-300. Cf. sunami of the Tarahumari for deer hunting, and the mescal bean for +buffalo hunting.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_25_475" href="#FNanchor_25_475" class="label">[25]</a> Hrdlička, <i>Physiological and Medical Observations</i>, 28; cf. <i>Handbook of the American Indians</i>, + 2:837b.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_26_476" href="#FNanchor_26_476" class="label">[26]</a> Bourke, <i>The Medicine-Men</i>, 455.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_27_477" href="#FNanchor_27_477" class="label">[27]</a> Spier, <i>Havasupai</i>, 249, 269.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_28_478" href="#FNanchor_28_478" class="label">[28]</a> Stevenson, <i>Ethnobotany of the Zuñi</i>, 46, 47, 88; <i>The Zuñi Indians</i>, + 385; Parsons, <i>A Zuñi Detective</i>, 168-70. +Every single instance in this paragraph finds parallels in the uses of peyote: the powdering of the root, rain-getting, +discovery of robbers, as an anodyne, for wounds, etc., differentiation in sex and communication with +the dead. Note also in connection with rain-making the “water-bird” of peyotism.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_29_479" href="#FNanchor_29_479" class="label">[29]</a> Lumholtz, <i>Unknown Mexico</i>, 1:4; <i>The American Cave-Dwellers</i>, + 389; cf. the running amuck with peyote.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_30_480" href="#FNanchor_30_480" class="label">[30]</a> Robbins <i>et alii</i>, <i>Ethnobotany of the Tewa</i>, 55, note 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_31_481" href="#FNanchor_31_481" class="label">[31]</a> References from Gayton, <i>The Narcotic Plant Datura</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_32_482" href="#FNanchor_32_482" class="label">[32]</a> Cf. the use of peyote formerly only by adult warriors.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_33_483" href="#FNanchor_33_483" class="label">[33]</a> Cf. the group use of marihuana, teo-nanacatl and peyote in Mexico.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_34_484" href="#FNanchor_34_484" class="label">[34]</a> Again compare peyote, particularly in the Plains.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_35_485" href="#FNanchor_35_485" class="label">[35]</a> Kroeber (<i>Handbook</i> + 462, 589, 593, 609, 613-14) lists tribes who may lack it. See also Kroeber, <i>Anthropology</i>, +309-311.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_36_486" href="#FNanchor_36_486" class="label">[36]</a> Summarized from Gayton, citing W. D. Strong, <i>Aboriginal Society</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_37_487" href="#FNanchor_37_487" class="label">[37]</a> Cf. the preparation of peyote in Mexico.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_38_488" href="#FNanchor_38_488" class="label">[38]</a> Summarized from Gayton.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_39_489" href="#FNanchor_39_489" class="label">[39]</a> Cf. this and the following elements with peyote usages.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_40_490" href="#FNanchor_40_490" class="label">[40]</a> Cf. the Mexican use of peyote.</p></div> + +</div> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_138">[138]</span></p> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="APPENDIX_5">APPENDIX 5: CHEMISTRY OF PEYOTE</h2> + +</div> + +<p>Alkaloids are found in a number of cacti: <i>Cereus peruvianus</i>, <i>C. pecten aboriginum</i>, +<i>Pilocereus sargentianus</i> Orcutt, <i>Phyllocactus ackermanii</i>, <i>P. russelianus</i>, <i>Echinocereus mamillosus</i>, +<i>Mammillaria cirrhifera</i>, <i>M. uberiformis</i>, <i>M. centricirrha</i>, <i>Anhalonium prismaticum</i>, +<i>A. fissuratum</i>,⁠<a id="FNanchor_1_491" href="#Footnote_1_491" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> and <i>Lophophora williamsii</i>. <i>Lophophora</i> in its mature state, however, is +notable for the number of alkaloids which it contains, nine being known at present.</p> + +<p>The long and hotly-disputed botanical question of <i>Anhalonium williamsii</i> versus <i>A. +lewinii</i>, beyond its ethnographic significance in accounting the plants “male” and “female,” +has a chemical aspect for a time obscuring their botanical identity. <i>A. williamsii</i> (young +specimens of <i>Lophophora</i>) contains only the alkaloid Pellotine,⁠<a id="FNanchor_2_492" href="#Footnote_2_492" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> while <i>A. lewinii</i> (the +mature <i>Lophophora</i>) contains at least nine, as follows:⁠<a id="FNanchor_3_493" href="#Footnote_3_493" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> Anhaline (C₁₀H₁₅ON), Anhalamine +(C₁₁H₁₅O₃N), Mescaline (C₁₁H₁₇O₃N), Anhalonidine (C₁₂H₁₇O₃N), Anhalonine +(C₁₂H₁₅O₃N), Lophophorine (C₁₃H₁₇O₃N), Pellotine (C₁₃H₁₉O₃N), Anhalinine and Anhalidine. +Lophophorine is an oily colorless liquid; mescaline crystallizes only in the presence +of atmospheric CO₂; and anhalonidine crystallizes imperfectly; the rest are crystalline. +Their physiological activity appears to increase with their chemical complexity.⁠<a id="FNanchor_4_494" href="#Footnote_4_494" class="fnanchor">[4]</a></p> + +<p>Hordenine was first isolated from <i>A. fissuratum</i> by Heffter in 1894 and shown to be +identical with Späth’s anhaline from <i>Lophophora</i> in 1920; Heffter isolated pellotine in 1894, +mescaline, anhalonidine, anhalonine and lophophorine in 1896, Kauder adding anhalamine +in 1899. Capellman collaborated with Heffter on mescaline in 1905. If Heffter first isolated +the <i>Lophophora</i> alkaloids, Späth is to be largely credited with establishing their chemical +constitution and synthesizing them: mescaline in 1920, anhalamine in 1921, and anhalonidine +and pellotine in 1922. Röder in 1922 and Gangl in 1923 collaborated in establishing the +chemical constitution of others of the alkaloids.⁠<a id="FNanchor_5_495" href="#Footnote_5_495" class="fnanchor">[5]</a></p> + +<div class="footnotes"> + +<h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_1_491" href="#FNanchor_1_491" class="label">[1]</a> Tschirsch, <i>Handbuch</i>, 680.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_2_492" href="#FNanchor_2_492" class="label">[2]</a> Henry (T. A.), <i>The Plant Alkaloids</i>, 194; Moureu, <i>Review</i>, + 519; Heffter, <i>Ueber zwei Cacteenalkaloïde</i>, +2977; <i>Ueber Pellote</i>, 309 ff.; Späth, <i>Über die Anhalonium</i>; I, <i>Anhalin und Mezcalin</i>, 129; Kunkel, <i>Handbuch</i>, +836; Schumann, <i>Über giftige Kakteen</i>, 106.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_3_493" href="#FNanchor_3_493" class="label">[3]</a> Henry (T. A.), <i>loc. cit.</i> + The more recently discovered anhalinine and anhalidine are cited from Schultes, +<i>Peyote and Plants Used</i>, 134.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_4_494" href="#FNanchor_4_494" class="label">[4]</a> Rouhier, <i>Monographie</i>, 196, 201, 205, 212.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_5_495" href="#FNanchor_5_495" class="label">[5]</a> Henry (T. A.), <i>The Plant Alkaloids</i>, 194-95; Moureu, <i>Review</i>, + 520; Heffter, <i>Ueber zwei Cacteenalkaloïde</i>, +2976; <i>Ueber Pellote</i>, 69-73; Späth, <i>Ueber die Anhalonium</i>; I, <i>Anhalin und Mezcalin</i>, 129, 138-39; II, <i>Die Konstitution</i>, +97, 263. Anhalonine has been found in <i>A. jourdanianum</i> (Henry, <i>op. cit.</i>, 194; Heffter, <i>Ueber Pellote</i>, +427) which is identical with <i>Lophophora</i>. See Heffter, <i>Ueber zwei Cacteenalkaloïde</i>, 2976-77, also vols. 29:216, +223-25, 227; 34:3005, 3008, 3013; Heffter and Capellman, <i>Versuch zur Synthese</i>, 38:3634-40; Kauder, <i>Über +Alkaloide</i>, 190-98. Späth, with Gangl and Röder, <i>Über de Anhalonium</i>, IV, VI; Kunkel, <i>Handbuch</i>, 836.</p></div> + +</div> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_139">[139]</span></p> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="APPENDIX_6">APPENDIX 6: PHYSIOLOGY OF PEYOTE</h2> + +</div> + +<h3>ACTION OF THE INDIVIDUAL ALKALOIDS OF LOPHOPHORA WILLIAMSII</h3> + +<p>Since the alkaloids of peyote fall into two classes with regard to physiological action, +the strychnine-like (increased reflex-irritability to the point of tetanus) and the morphine-like +(sedative-soporific) and since there are important ethnographic considerations concerning +the supposed “sex” of peyote, we discuss the action of each alkaloid before characterizing +pan-peyotl physiologically. The two groups are somewhat antagonistic in action; ethnographic +indications seem to point to the earlier action of the strychnine-like alkaloids, and +a delayed reaction of the morphine-like. However, the size of the dose and the continued +ingestion of buttons during the night cause variations in the length of the different periods +of intoxication.</p> + +<p>The peyote-alkaloids might be arranged in a scale, with mescaline at the morphine-like +extreme and lophophorine at the other: (morphine-like) mescaline, peyotline, anhaline, +anhalamine, anhalonidine, anhalonine, lophophorine (strychnine-like). Peyotline, however, +has a variable effect on different individuals, while anhalonine has been accounted of the +morphine-like group by Rouhier.⁠<a id="FNanchor_1_496" href="#Footnote_1_496" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> The color-visions so conspicuous in peyote-intoxication +are chiefly produced by mescaline.⁠<a id="FNanchor_2_497" href="#Footnote_2_497" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> + Lophophorine is the most toxic.⁠<a id="FNanchor_3_498" href="#Footnote_3_498" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> Physiologically +the effects of the individual alkaloids are:⁠<a id="FNanchor_4_499" href="#Footnote_4_499" class="fnanchor">[4]</a></p> + +<blockquote> + +<p><i>Mescaline</i>: slowing of pulse, slight headache, sensation of heaviness in the limbs lasting one to +several hours; heavier doses, feeling of discomfort and fullness of stomach (even when injected +intravenously) in addition to the above symptoms; still heavier doses, accentuation of symptoms and +appearance of color-visions.</p> + +<p><i>Peyotline</i>: in about an hour reduces the pulse approximately one-quarter the normal number of +beats; two hours after ingestion, heaviness of eyelids, sensation of fatigue, aversion to all physical +or mental effort; has no marked analgesic action but is a fairly good sedative and has a very appreciable +hypnotic and anodyne action.</p> + +<p><i>Anhaline</i> [= hordenine]:⁠<a id="FNanchor_5_500" href="#Footnote_5_500" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> exercises a paralyzing effect on the central nervous system.</p> + +<p><i>Anhalamine</i>: this has not been adequately studied physiologically. Nor have <i>Anhalinine</i> and +<i>Anhalidine</i>.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_140">[140]</span></p> + +<p><i>Anhalonidine</i>: only slight sleepiness and dull sensation in head; pulse not affected.</p> + +<p><i>Anhalonine</i>: produces no sensible effect, except perhaps a slight sleepiness.</p> + +<p><i>Lophophorine</i>: the most toxic, has no narcotic action; a quarter-hour after ingestion an accentuated +sickening feeling in the back of the head, with hotness and blushing of face, slight pulse diminution; +symptoms disappear after 40 minutes.</p> + +<p>“In short,” says Rouhier,⁠<a id="FNanchor_6_501" href="#Footnote_6_501" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> “save for anhalonidine which, in strong doses, provokes in the frog +paralysis of the motor nerve-ends (which is not observed otherwise in mammals), the alkaloids of +peyote act on the central nervous system.... [Mescaline] acts on the brain, which it paralyzes. +[Lophophorine] is antagonistic in action to this, augmenting the irritability of the spinal cord and +its elongations.... Peyotline, anhalonine and anhalonidine hold a middle place between the two +preceding. They produce in the frog a soporific effect (due to the paralysis of the brain or central +nervous system), followed by an effect of tetanus. Anhalonidine and anhalonine have identical +physiological effects. The paralyzing effect of the former is of long duration. That of the second is +much reduced and is lacking in warm-blooded animals.”</p> +</blockquote> + +<h3>ACTION OF PAN-PEYOTL</h3> + +<p>The native use of peyote, however, involves of course the whole series of alkaloids, +and we must discuss the physiological effect of pan-peyotl preparations. Since antagonistic +alkaloids are at work, it is not surprising to find several stages of physiological action with +the whole plant. Dixon writes:⁠<a id="FNanchor_7_502" href="#Footnote_7_502" class="fnanchor">[7]</a></p> + +<blockquote> +<p>The action may be divided into a preliminary stage and a stage of intoxication. In the former +there is excitement, a feeling of exhilaration, and diminished kinaesthetic sensations, performances +involving effort being hardly noticed; the face is flushed, and the pupils dilated; there is a tendency +to talkativeness, which may become wandering later, when the patient begins to feel “lightheaded.”</p> + +<p>This stage quickly passes away, and is followed by one of intoxication, in which there is a great +inclination to lie down, although there is never any tendency to sleep. The pupils are now widely +dilated, but act sluggishly to light. On attempting to walk, the gait closely resembles that in alcoholic +intoxication, and in all bodily movements requiring precision, the incoördination is evident. +The body is generally in a tremulous condition, the tremors showing well when the attention is +fixed on anything held in the hand. Reflexes over the whole body are much increased, including the +skin reflexes, although there is considerable blunting of painful and tactile sensation. Twitching of +muscles occurs in various parts of the body, especially noticeable in the face, and there is a curious +feeling as if the face, lips, tongue, etc., were much swollen.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_141">[141]</span></p> + +<p>As in <i>cannabis indica</i>, time is over-estimated, possibly as a result of the rapid flow of ideas⁠<a id="FNanchor_8_503" href="#Footnote_8_503" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> and +the inability to fix the attention. Perception of space is also modified,⁠<a id="FNanchor_9_504" href="#Footnote_9_504" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> on one occasion giving the +impression that the ground sloped away in all directions.</p> + +<p>Perception may be considerably delayed; for example, one may look at a person one knows well, +and it is only after scanning his features for what appears to the experimenter a considerable time, +that recognition occurs;⁠<a id="FNanchor_10_505" href="#Footnote_10_505" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> it is possible, however, that this may be explained by the increased time-relation. +The attention cannot be fixed, as the least stimulus is sufficient to alter the train of thought; +thus it was found impossible to fix the attention on a book, and a subsequent examination of notes +attempted during intoxication showed incoördination both as regards language and writing.</p> + +<p>On two occasions when deeply under the influence of the drug, there was an indescribable +feeling of dual existence; thus after sitting with closed eyes subjectively examining the color visions, +on suddenly opening them for a brief space one seems to be a different self, as on waking from a +dream we pass into a different world from that in which we have been. This may be to some extent +comparable to the rhythmical rise and fall of the “physical waves” in Indian hemp intoxication.⁠<a id="FNanchor_11_506" href="#Footnote_11_506" class="fnanchor">[11]</a></p> + +<p>But by far the most remarkable of these subjective phenomena are the sensory hallucinations,⁠<a id="FNanchor_12_507" href="#Footnote_12_507" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_142">[142]</span>especially visual. These arise gradually, and are at first only seen with closed eyes.... The visions +rapidly become more marked, until on closing the eyes a regular kaleidoscopic play of colours can +be seen with either eye, precisely the same; hence the condition must be central.</p> + +<p>These colours may assume all kinds of fantastic shapes; they are never still, but constantly in +motion, sometimes in a circular or to-and-fro manner, but more generally there is a kind of pulsation +somewhat similar to that in the cinematograph.⁠<a id="FNanchor_13_508" href="#Footnote_13_508" class="fnanchor">[13]</a></p> + +</blockquote> + +<p>Both native visions and white observations testify abundantly to the phenomena of +synaesthesis, or the perception of the data of one sense in terms of another. Rouhier figures +a painting made by an experimenter in which the sound of a bell is seen as a surréaliste +aggregate of flowing, pulsating lines; and a subject of Havelock Ellis had a “curious sensation +of tasting colors.” Crichtly mentions a color-taste synaesthesia also.⁠<a id="FNanchor_14_509" href="#Footnote_14_509" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> All these phenomena +are physiological constants, as indicated by comparison of native visions with +white experimenters’ observations.</p> + +<p>After visual hallucinations far the commonest are auditory ones. The writer, with a +number of other observers, has noted the preternatural resonance, hollowness, discreteness +and far-away quality of one’s own voice; if vocal disfunction were involved one would +expect a raising of pitch here, hence it is probably auditory. On this point Dixon bears +critical evidence:⁠<a id="FNanchor_15_510" href="#Footnote_15_510" class="fnanchor">[15]</a></p> + +<blockquote> +<p>The whole effect of the sound of the piano was most curious and delightful, the whole air being +filled with music, each note of which seemed to arrange itself around a medley of other notes which +appeared to me to be surrounded by a halo of colour pulsating to the music. Nasal hyperaesthesia +was also present, though less evident than either the visual or auditory phenomena.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p>The more strictly physiological effects may be summed up as follows:⁠<a id="FNanchor_16_511" href="#Footnote_16_511" class="fnanchor">[16]</a></p> + +<blockquote> + +<p><i>Skin</i>: no local irritation on injection of pan-peyotl; one observer reports partial skin anaesthesia, +but this does not affect cutaneous reflex-excitability, which is much increased.</p> + +<p><i>Respiration</i>: moderate amounts in Rana esculens produce no effect, but in toxic doses respiration +becomes quicker and shallower, death ultimately occurring from paralysis of the respiratory center. +In man respiration is ordinarily not affected, but some observers report shallower and more rapid +breathing with “occasional long-drawn and deep sighs, and a painful feeling of suffocation.” Still +another observer states that “respiration slows immediately after injection but is not influenced in +a durable manner.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_17_512" href="#Footnote_17_512" class="fnanchor">[17]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_143">[143]</span></p> + +<p><i>Circulation</i>: in the frog a marked effect on heart-beat: diminished rapidity, but increased duration; +in the dog a small dose causes a slight rise in pressure, stronger doses considerable depression +on the heart and vasodilation; in the cat mescaline causes initial lower pressure, slowly rising, and +with a larger dose a greater initial fall, more marked slowing in beat, with variable promptness in +recovery. In man .05 gr. of lophophorine causes marked slowing of beat but a rise in pressure and +force. An ordinary dose of four “buttons” produces a 15-25% fall in the number of beats, with a +slow recovery from a sharp drop unless more are eaten. But death in guinea pigs and frogs comes +through paralysis of respiration, not of the heart, since in Wiley’s experiments it would beat 15-20 +minutes after the death of the animal. “All this evidence points to the conclusion that the main +effect of these alkaloids is a direct one on cardiac muscle ... [since] very large doses, quite non-therapeutic +in amount, are ... required before the colour visions ... are observed.”</p> + +<p><i>Salivation</i>: increased in the cat, whether administered by mouth or subcutaneously; the alkaloids +are secreted in the saliva (one cc. of cat saliva produces the same symptoms in a frog); in man +salivation is somewhat increased.</p> + +<p><i>Digestive system</i>: in small doses pan-peyotl is constipating, according to some. In the cat large +doses produce diarrhea and blood in the feces. In man and the quadrupeds all sensations of hunger +are suppressed or absent during the period of intoxication, but the appetite returns somewhat increased +after recovery; on first injection or ingestion there is a marked nausea and feeling of fullness +in the stomach which passes off, without, however, hunger arising.</p> + +<p><i>Blood, secretions, etc.</i>: no increase in the coagulability of the blood; pancreatic and biliary secretions +unaffected.</p> + +<p><i>Kidneys</i>: peyote alkaloids chiefly excreted by the kidneys; experiments show increased renal +blood supply, and pan-peyotl is markedly diuretic.</p> + +<p><i>Eyes</i>: in the later stages of intoxication the pupils are widely dilated, accompanied by lack of +accommodation and consequent photophobia.</p> + +<p><i>Nervous system</i>: sizeable doses produce their most marked effect on the nervous system: wakefulness +(despite cardiac and muscular depression), exaggeration of all reflexes (due to selective action +on the spinal cord). A frog injected with pan-peyotl became “exceedingly susceptible to stimuli, +until even the slightest touch or even a breath of cold air is sufficient to give rise to a little nervous +explosion, with the resulting contraction of several muscles”; the frog became rigid in tetanus as +the reflexes degenerated. Convulsions are produced in the dog with ⅕ cc. of pan-peyotl, sometimes +light, sometimes as violent as those of strychnine; death in convulsions with 1 cc. per kilogram of +body weight. Pan-peyotl immediately kills a rabbit with a dose of 2 cc. per kilogram of body weight, +injected intravenously; 2 cc. injected in the lymphatic sac paralyzes a frog. An injected cat shows +“ataxic gait, with jerky and stiff movements”—a staccato effect in an animal notable for the legato +quality of its movements—with “irregular twitchings of muscles over the whole body.” The same +effects, less marked because of relatively smaller doses, appear in man as in other mammals. Extraordinary +doses cause qualitatively and quantitatively the same reactions: the writer has seen a +child, quite ill and suffering from malnutrition, brought very fretful into a peyote meeting and fed +peyote “tea” until rigid in strychnine-like tetanic opisthotonos.</p> + +<p><i>Psychic state</i>: exceedingly variable, varying culturally, with the stages of intoxication, and in the +individual himself at different times. Mexican visions sometimes have a frightening tone, sometimes +one of hilarity. The writer had marked confirmation of this while still ignorant of this ethnographic +fact: in an Oto meeting in 1936 visions were of monstrous animals so ridiculous and hilariously +funny that proper self-restraint in meeting was difficult; yet, in a control experiment comfortably +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_144">[144]</span>conducted in New Haven, the psychic state developed into one of stark, galloping, psychotic terror, +quite inexplicable on realistic grounds (later, parallels were found in Winnebago material and in +white observations). Curiously enough Dixon noted in a cat photophobia, dilated pupils and a fixed +“stare ... [and] most of the physical elements of ‘terror.’ ... The ears were drawn back, the hair +over the body, especially the tail, becomes erected, there is twitching of the superficial muscles, +the respiration being shallow and hurried, and the heart weak and irregular.” One experimenter’s +subject became possessed of the fixed idea that he was being poisoned, when the intoxication had +thoroughly developed. This experience, once felt, is so strikingly physiological that one is tempted +to wonder if there is any hypersecretion of adrenalin, perhaps in adjustmental reaction to the effect +of the alkaloids on the heart. Dixon thought <i>Lophophora</i> differed from <i>Cannabis indica</i> in never +provoking merriment; yet Wertham and Bleuler had one subject who achieved a state of to him +quite meaningless hilarity. Fear states are present among native users also, to judge from the content +of some visions recorded; conceivably these might be the psychic end-results of the intensified +reflex-excitability induced by the strychnine-like alkaloids. However, one should bear in mind +throughout the antagonistic effect of the alkaloids, which together with individual, cultural and +other differences (physiological state, amount eaten, the form in which the drug is taken—infusion +or solid, dry or green—the continued eating of it in late stages of intoxication, etc.) contribute to +widely variable reactions. The experiments of Wertham and Bleuler are impressive in this connection.⁠<a id="FNanchor_18_513" href="#Footnote_18_513" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> +This variability for the same subject at different times, Indians explain, is conditioned by +what one starts thinking about when the intoxication begins.⁠<a id="FNanchor_19_514" href="#Footnote_19_514" class="fnanchor">[19]</a></p> + +</blockquote> + +<h3>PEYOTE AS APHRODISIAC AND ANAPHRODISIAC</h3> + +<p>We have previously noted the use in Mexico of teo-nanacatl, <i>Cacalia</i> spp. and <i>Cannabis</i> +spp. for their supposed aphrodisiac virtues. Peyote too has become involved in this +use, but it has been as warmly defended as attacked, some indeed maintaining that it is a +specific anaphrodisiac. It can hardly be both. The present writer, as a matter of fact, considers +this less a problem of physiology than one of ethnology, psychology or even psychiatry, +and is persuaded that in the pharmacological-physiological sense there exist neither +aphrodisiacs nor their opposite, anaphrodisiacs.</p> + +<p>The matter is not to be settled off-handedly by resort to experiments on white subjects; +it is a more intricate question of culture and personality. If white subjects argue heatedly +for peyote’s aphrodisiac and anaphrodisiac virtues, this proves nothing physiological. It +merely indicates the long notorious fact that given the somewhat anti-sexual tradition of +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_145">[145]</span>west European culture, the typical anxiety of its culture-bearers is sexual. This is scarcely +the case with the Plains Indians I have observed. As expressed in ritual, symbolism and +prayer, the typical anxiety of these natives is that about life itself—and the culture-historical +background out of which this has grown will be readily recalled by students of +Plains ethnography (constant warfare, prestige symbolisms, the coming of the Whites with +new diseases, superior weapons, etc.).</p> + +<p>We shall merely cite here, therefore, instances showing up the order of “proof” so far +adduced to support these contrary stands about peyote. Lumholtz leads the anaphrodisiac +school:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">Another marked effect of the plant is to take away temporarily all sexual desire. This fact, no doubt, +is the reason why the Indians, by a curious aboriginal mode of reasoning, impose abstinence from +sexual intercourse as a necessary part of the hikuli cult.⁠<a id="FNanchor_20_515" href="#Footnote_20_515" class="fnanchor">[20]</a></p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">Wertham and Bleuler also write of subjects that⁠<a id="FNanchor_21_516" href="#Footnote_21_516" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> “efforts to conjure up an erotic scene +were unsuccessful.” Fernberger,⁠<a id="FNanchor_22_517" href="#Footnote_22_517" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> however, exhibits a still more naïve sense of evidence:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>[An ethnographer] reports that in the Peyote Cults investigated there is no actual, implied +or even symbolic eroticism⁠<a id="FNanchor_23_518" href="#Footnote_23_518" class="fnanchor">[23]</a> which marks these ceremonies off from practically every other known +American Indian ceremony of any tribe or group [!]. In order to test the validity of some of these +reports, nine mature members of the faculty ... submitted together to extreme peyote intoxication.⁠<a id="FNanchor_24_519" href="#Footnote_24_519" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> +[The experiment was performed in a group <i>because</i> it] gave the opportunity for suggestion +of one observer upon another [and permitted a ceremony complete with rattles and drum. Consequently⁠<a id="FNanchor_25_520" href="#Footnote_25_520" class="fnanchor">[25]</a>] +one unexpected and unforeseen result of this investigation is the evident strongly anti-aphrodisiac⁠<a id="FNanchor_26_521" href="#Footnote_26_521" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> +effect of the drug. This would again explain, for social psychology and for anthropology, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_146">[146]</span>the purely and totally unerotic character⁠<a id="FNanchor_27_522" href="#Footnote_27_522" class="fnanchor">[27]</a> + of the ceremonies of the Peyote Cults so unusual +to American Indian ceremonies.⁠<a id="FNanchor_28_523" href="#Footnote_28_523" class="fnanchor">[28]</a></p> +</blockquote> + +<p>It seems alike profitless to enter into a discussion of those who argue the aphrodisiac +properties of peyote.⁠<a id="FNanchor_29_524" href="#Footnote_29_524" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> These have often enough been missionaries and administrators whose +use of the argument in bitter attacks on the Native American Church shows them to be +scarcely disinterested. Certainly from the evidence so far at hand we can only heartily +endorse the opinion of Klüver⁠<a id="FNanchor_30_525" href="#Footnote_30_525" class="fnanchor">[30]</a> that “the drug apparently does not influence the sexual +sphere in any specific way.”</p> + +<h3>THERAPEUTIC USES OF PEYOTE</h3> + +<p>From the physiological relation of the peyote alkaloids to strychnine and morphine, +considerable enthusiasm was early shown about their pharmacodynamics and possible +therapeutic uses. Jolly⁠<a id="FNanchor_31_526" href="#Footnote_31_526" class="fnanchor">[31]</a> in 1896 experimented on pellotine [= peyotline] as a hypnotic and +soporific, for when used in small doses in man the fall of the pulse initially is accompanied +by sleepiness. Heffter⁠<a id="FNanchor_32_527" href="#Footnote_32_527" class="fnanchor">[32]</a> + likewise reports a marked heaviness of limbs and eyelids. Loaeza,⁠<a id="FNanchor_33_528" href="#Footnote_33_528" class="fnanchor">[33]</a> +apparently using pan-peyotl preparations, maintained that peyote and <i>Cereus serpentinus</i> +(organillo) had value as tonics or cardiac regulators, but variable action and individual +idiosyncrasy is marked. Henry⁠<a id="FNanchor_34_529" href="#Footnote_34_529" class="fnanchor">[34]</a> says the therapeutic dose of pellotine is one-third to two-thirds +of a grain, but that it is only “slightly narcotic.” The high toxicity of lophophorine +discourages its therapeutic use. Rouhier⁠<a id="FNanchor_35_530" href="#Footnote_35_530" class="fnanchor">[35]</a> wrote in 1926 that “properly speaking, therapeusis +by peyote does not yet exist. Although the drug was introduced in the American +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_147">[147]</span>pharmaceutical market⁠<a id="FNanchor_36_531" href="#Footnote_36_531" class="fnanchor">[36]</a> + for twenty years, from which it has since disappeared, it is still +unknown to the great medical public.” On the whole, however, the therapeutic possibilities +of <i>Lophophora</i> seem unimpressive.⁠<a id="FNanchor_37_532" href="#Footnote_37_532" class="fnanchor">[37]</a></p> + +<h3>USES IN PSYCHIATRY</h3> + +<p>Because peyote produces what has been described as a “mescal psychosis,” it has been +suggested that it might be a useful approach for the psychiatrist in the study of schizophrenia. +The production of “horrible depressions” in a subject of Prentiss and Morgan +and “fear that his life was leaving him,” as well as the unaccountable hilarity of Wertham +and Bleuler’s subject, suggests a similar value, if any, in the study of manic-depressive +psychoses too. No doubt psychoses may be exteriorized with increased facility in peyote +intoxication, but this strikes one as a crude method and subject to the introduction of +extraneous factors over which there is no control.⁠<a id="FNanchor_38_533" href="#Footnote_38_533" class="fnanchor">[38]</a></p> + +<p>Hutchings used pellotine as a hypnotic on psychotic patients in the St. Lawrence +State Hospital. Pilcz likewise reports this use of peyote as a sedative for the insane, but +Warburg states that these experiments have met with little success, on account of the by-effects +of the alkaloids. Dr. Goodall of the Carmarthen Asylum, according to Havelock +Ellis, tried peyote on melancholic and stuporous patients, but “beyond dilation of pupils +and rapidity [!] of heart action, the results were nil.” Martindale and Westcott report that +formerly peyote was used in neurasthenia, hysteria and asthma; it is hard to see in some +cases where the cure is any superior to the disease, however. Briau employed peyote in +“anxiety states,” but the extremely variable emotional states under peyote intoxication +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_148">[148]</span>make even tentative conclusions precarious.⁠<a id="FNanchor_39_534" href="#Footnote_39_534" class="fnanchor">[39]</a> + Indeed, peyote would be calculated to aggravate +asthma and anxiety states under some circumstances!</p> + +<p>Bensheim found different mescal reactions in cycloids and schizoids, but Wertham and +Bleuler somewhat surprisingly discovered both reactions in a single person, and argued for +the inconstancy of the formal structure of the “personality.” Probably, however, peyote +had no definitive importance in either case though the former used only mescaline and the +latter pan-peyotl. Zucker induced mescaline intoxication in the hallucinated insane, but +far too many variables appear to be involved here. Zador conducted experiments on the +blind and patients with disordered vision, using mescaline, the chief hallucination-producing +alkaloid of peyote. Klüver discussed color predominance in reported visions (red-green in +the initial phases, blue-yellow later). This suggests selective action of the alkaloids on various +regions of the retina, evidence bearing on the Ladd-Franklin phylogenetic theory of +color vision. Possibly, too, colors predominant in peyote-symbolisms of natives may have +a physiological meaning. Klüver’s “form-constants” in peyote-intoxication may have similar +significance, but he dealt largely with White visions only.⁠<a id="FNanchor_40_535" href="#Footnote_40_535" class="fnanchor">[40]</a></p> + +<h3>PEYOTE AS A DRUG</h3> + +<p>Of more concern, however, to those who interest themselves in the welfare of Indians +is the possible ill effect or habit-forming nature of the drug. On this point we quote the +opinions of those better qualified than the writer to speak.</p> + +<p>Briau,⁠<a id="FNanchor_41_536" href="#Footnote_41_536" class="fnanchor">[41]</a> in his psychiatric study, emphasized</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">the innocuousness of peyote.... No signs of grave intolerance were ever exhibited, nor any accident +more disagreeable than vomiting, all too frequent at the beginning of a treatment with opiates. +There was no notable organic upsetment produced during the time of action of the medicament. +The effects on the circulation, respiration, digestive system and excretory functions have not appeared +noxious. We have frequently examined urine for the existence of abnormal constituents +revealing some derangement of the liver or the kidneys. In short, never during our researches have +distressing secondary phenomena been manifested (headache, obnubilation, confusion, psychic and +physical depression, or gastro-intestinal disturbances).... No brutality in the action [of pan-peyotl] +can be remarked.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p>Briau believes the drug non-habit forming. Rouhier expresses himself more guardedly:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">That peyote-mania can sometimes exist, we will not dispute. We merely remark, to explain our +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_149">[149]</span>optimism on the subject, that the drug does not seem to provoke that irresistible physiological +appetite, nor that “state of need,” purveyors of the great toxicomanias which opium, cocaine, +heroine or alcohol create.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p>Havelock Ellis expresses himself as follows:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">The few observations recorded in America and my own experiments in England do not enable us +to say anything regarding the habitual consumption of mescal in large amounts. That such consumption +would be gravely injurious I cannot doubt. Its safeguard seems to lie in the fact that a +certain degree of robust health is required to obtain any real enjoyment from its visionary gifts.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">The last statement is somewhat gratuitous, if not erroneous.⁠<a id="FNanchor_42_537" href="#Footnote_42_537" class="fnanchor">[42]</a></p> + +<p>Hrdlička⁠<a id="FNanchor_43_538" href="#Footnote_43_538" class="fnanchor">[43]</a> writes as follows:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">My views ... are that any substance which is capable of producing such effects on the brain and +nervous system if abused is bound to produce harm. Fortunately peyotl is rather scarce, is used on +special occasions only—in a large majority of cases—and thus it is probably quite free from any +permanent injury.⁠<a id="FNanchor_44_539" href="#Footnote_44_539" class="fnanchor">[44]</a> The drug can perhaps be likened to nicotine, and like the latter will doubtless +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_150">[150]</span>not affect different individuals to the same degree. Also, as with nicotine, it may be quite impossible +with our present means to detect the harm it has done. Besides which it is quite possible that the +system may build up some resistance or safeguard against it and thus prevent any substantial injury. +I should by no means join myself to those who see in it any <i>great</i> danger.</p> +</blockquote> + +<div class="footnotes"> + +<h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_1_496" href="#FNanchor_1_496" class="label">[1]</a> Rouhier, <i>Monographie</i>, 231.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_2_497" href="#FNanchor_2_497" class="label">[2]</a> Kobert, <i>Lehrbuch</i>, 1008-1009; Rouhier, <i>op. cit.</i>, 227; Henry (T. A.), <i>The Plant Alkaloids</i>, + 199: Dixon +(W. E.), <i>The Physiological Action</i>, 71. Rouhier (<i>op. cit.</i>, 228, 231) places peyotline in the strychnine group; it +has a narcotic and tetanic effect on animals, to be sure, but in man, according to Jolly, it causes slight hypnosis, +but no anaesthesia. Schmiedeberg puts it in the morphine group, which we have followed (cf. Kobert, <i>Lehrbuch</i>, +1009).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_3_498" href="#FNanchor_3_498" class="label">[3]</a> Henry (T. A.), <i>The Plant Alkaloids</i>, 199; Rouhier, <i>op. cit.</i>, + 238; Dixon (W. E.), <i>The Physiological Action</i>, 71.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_4_499" href="#FNanchor_4_499" class="label">[4]</a> Condensed from Rouhier, <i>op. cit.</i>, 227-32. Note “pellotine” is the same as “peyotline.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_5_500" href="#FNanchor_5_500" class="label">[5]</a> Henry, <i>loc. cit.</i> Staub and Grassmann (<i>Über die Wirkungsgrenze</i>, + 336) state, in dogs, increased heart-beat +and pressure.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_6_501" href="#FNanchor_6_501" class="label">[6]</a> Rouhier, <i>op. cit.</i>, + 231. I have modified and added to Rouhier’s classifications. Ellis (<i>Mescal: A New +Artificial Paradise</i>) describes the effects on the central nervous system as “acute cerebrasthenia.” The lethal dose +of anhalonine hydrochloride for rabbits is 0.16 to 0.2 grams per kilogram of body weight; lophophorine kills +frogs by a dose of only 0.011 grams per kilogram of body weight. (Henry, <i>op. cit.</i>, 199).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_7_502" href="#FNanchor_7_502" class="label">[7]</a> Dixon (W. E.), <i>The Physiological Action</i>, 79-81. Rouhier (<i>op. cit.</i>, + 268-69): “Intoxication by peyote in +man comprises two very distinct phases, one, general superexcitement, contentment; euphoria, the other of +nervous sedation, of more or less accentuated physical indolence, and of hypocerebrality; this last phase is almost +entirely filled with the production of color-visions.” Henry (<i>op. cit.</i>, 199) likens this preliminary stage to alcoholic +intoxication.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_8_503" href="#FNanchor_8_503" class="label">[8]</a> Fernberger (<i>Observations</i>, + 270) mentions “a very clear but rapidly changing focus of attention”; see also +his <i>Further Observations</i>, 367. Crichtly (<i>Some Forms</i>, 102) notes the “rapidity of change,” though visions “lasted +many hours.” It is in this that the “indescribability” of the visions lies (Ellis, <i>Mescal: A New Artificial Paradise</i>).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_9_504" href="#FNanchor_9_504" class="label">[9]</a> Fernberger (<i>Observations</i>, 269) notes “distortion of time and space”; and (<i>Further Observations</i>, + 367) a +“grave upsetting of space and time ... space was extremely extended and time extremely slowed.” Maggendorfer +(<i>Intoxikationspsychosen</i>, 355-56) notes for mescaline a time and space derangement, similar to those in +other “intoxikationpsychosen.” Crichtly (<i>op. cit.</i>, 105) describes micropsia and megalopsia, or gravely deranged +perception of size.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_10_505" href="#FNanchor_10_505" class="label">[10]</a> In these careful statements by Dixon (on a subject not notable for the accuracy of all observers) many +physiological bases for ethnographic observations I have made may be found, e.g., the mistaking in a Kiowa meeting +of the medicine-man Tonakat by an informant for a hideous alligator-like monster; he believed then he had +seen this witch “for what he was.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_11_506" href="#FNanchor_11_506" class="label">[11]</a> The writer testifies to the accuracy of Dixon’s somewhat amazing statement. So marked have been the +physical effects of the first stage of intoxication, that when these pass off to give rise to the feeling of physiological +normality (introspectively), one almost has a distrust of the existence of these spectacular mental displays +particularly if the observer is of a markedly non-“psychic” or skeptical cast of mind. The visions arise in the +midst of a psychological state I can only describe as one of perfectly plausible “epistemological orientation,” +sometimes acutely felt in alcoholic intoxication. The feeling of dissociation with this unfamiliar and spectacular +side of one’s peyote-intoxication experience has suggested to some observers incipient schizoid psychoses. Small +wonder natives often exhibit curiously ambivalent attitudes toward their visions, and sometimes explicitly +reject and disclaim them as “bad,” the result of trickery by the peyote power (“he’s testing me”) or by some human +witch present. Hoebel in conversation has insisted on the Northern Cheyenne attitude of suspicion of +peyote’s “trickiness.” But I wholly disagree with Havelock Ellis and others who have argued for the “ineffability” +of visions, and even less do I see in peyote-intoxication any approach to the mystical state of the epistemological +<i>convincingness</i> of the <i>visions</i>. It is this <i>concomitant</i> state of seeming objectiveness and reality-orientation +which accounts for the marked feeling of duality. On this point, cf. Drs. Monakow and Morgue: “[Peyote +produces] a particular state of dreaming, without losing, relatively, the idea of orientation, accompanied by +pseudo-hallucinatory phenomena.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_12_507" href="#FNanchor_12_507" class="label">[12]</a> Ellis (<i>Mescal: A Study of a Divine Plant</i>, + 60) reports a “vague olfactory hallucination”; Fernberger +(<i>Observations</i>, 269) and the writer have noticed kinaesthetic derangements which have parallels in native visions. +Hearing is very acute (Fernberger, <i>ibid.</i>; <i>Further Observations</i>, 371), but subject to hallucination and synaesthetic +derangement.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_13_508" href="#FNanchor_13_508" class="label">[13]</a> Some fifty native peyote “visions” were collected in the original dissertation from which this paper is +derived.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_14_509" href="#FNanchor_14_509" class="label">[14]</a> Rouhier, <i>op. cit.</i>, 315, fig. 44; Ellis, <i>Mescal; A Study</i>, 68; Crichtly, <i>Some Forms</i>, + 106.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_15_510" href="#FNanchor_15_510" class="label">[15]</a> Dixon (W. E.), <i>The Physiological Action</i>, 81.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_16_511" href="#FNanchor_16_511" class="label">[16]</a> Based largely on Dixon and Rouhier, with additional data from Jaensch, Wiley, Crichtly, Prentiss +and Morgan, Ellis, Fernberger, Wertham and Bleuler, Lewin, Maggendorfer, Staub and Grassmann.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_17_512" href="#FNanchor_17_512" class="label">[17]</a> Rouhier, <i>op. cit.</i>, + 232. But Dixon writes, “In man the nervous effects are extremely interesting, but on +account of the respiratory depression which is liable to occur it is not desirable to experiment too freely; it is +necessary to remember that this substance, like Indian hemp, varies considerably in its effects on different individuals, +and that the element of idiosyncrasy is marked.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_18_513" href="#FNanchor_18_513" class="label">[18]</a> Wertham and Bleuler, <i>Inconstancy of the Formal Structure of the Personality</i>. + The general thesis of these +experimenters was that personality types might be studied as they were exteriorized in mescaline intoxication +via the Rorschach test. One of the observers described two personalities in a normal subject in two periods of +intoxication, not knowing that it was the same person. They conclude, interestingly: “It is suggested that these +observations indicate that the form of a personality is not a constant, but that it may be influenced by outer circumstances, +and that the usual psychologic ‘type’ of a person does not necessarily exhaust the description of +the formal structure of his personality.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_19_514" href="#FNanchor_19_514" class="label">[19]</a> + “What an excellent use for a medical congress,” Sir Francis Galton dryly wrote Havelock Ellis (<i>Mescal: +A Study</i>, 71, note), “to put one half of their members under mescal, and to make the other half observe them.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_20_515" href="#FNanchor_20_515" class="label">[20]</a> Lumholtz, <i>Unknown Mexico</i>, 1: 359; cf. <i>Explorations in Mexique</i>, + 181-82. It is a curious west-European +mode of reasoning that leads one to expect in all psychic upsetments such as this the emergence of the sexual +anxiety—more particularly in the case of peyote intoxication, which provokes marked fall of heart-beat, physical +and mental depression at one stage, uncomfortable “stomach fullness” and acute nausea!</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_21_516" href="#FNanchor_21_516" class="label">[21]</a> Wertham and Bleuler, 60. The presence of prior suggestion is blatantly obvious. Cf. Karwoski, 212: +“To the sexologist an easy way of obliterating temporarily the genital response is offered since mescal is a +powerful anaphrodisiac.... My own experience confirms the anaphrodisiac properties of mescal, but the fact +that under its influence I found my imagination turning to erotic situations, although temporarily impotent, is +an illustration of the persistence of conditioning that offers an interesting suggestion with reference to the +extirpation experiments reported in the controversy over the James-Lange theory of emotions.” Unfortunately, +<i>culture</i> cannot be extirpated.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_22_517" href="#FNanchor_22_517" class="label">[22]</a> Fernberger, <i>Further Observations</i>, 368. But Fernberger misunderstood his informant, Petrullo, who +(<i>The Diabolic Root</i>, 8, note) of course disclaims this statement from “which” on.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_23_518" href="#FNanchor_23_518" class="label">[23]</a> + Field workers protest privately, but not often enough explicitly, against the projection of these culturally- +and personally-subjective values into other cultures. The envisaging of primitive cultures as unspoiled +Arcadias where one’s frustrated dreams for one’s own culture come true, is at least as old as Tacitus’ “Germania,” +and is still going on, not alone among laymen.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_24_519" href="#FNanchor_24_519" class="label">[24]</a> We repeat that results <i>either positive or negative</i> + for white observers have no bearing on the problem +as regards natives, as this problem is cultural.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_25_520" href="#FNanchor_25_520" class="label">[25]</a> Fernberger, <i>Further Observations</i>, 377.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_26_521" href="#FNanchor_26_521" class="label">[26]</a> All but one vomited.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_27_522" href="#FNanchor_27_522" class="label">[27]</a> It is scarcely surprising that one does not find in Indian ceremonies what is not there.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_28_523" href="#FNanchor_28_523" class="label">[28]</a> Had Fernberger investigated such of his predecessors as Lumholtz, the novelty of his results would +have impressed him less. And had his experiments been more critical he would not be superfluously supplied +with an “explanation” to a problem where no data to be explained exist (compare the a-priorism of the “parapsychologists”). +But Fernberger continues: “For every one of the observers the anti-aphrodisiac effect of the +drug was marked and continued, in most cases, for at least 24 hours after the period of intoxication. Efforts at +erotic stimulation proved ineffective. In several cases physical automanipulation of the genitals failed to produce +the usual physiological effect. The calling up of erotic images—visual and verbal—were equally ineffective.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_29_524" href="#FNanchor_29_524" class="label">[29]</a> An able and sincere field worker has told the writer of an experience at a meeting which ended for him +in orgasm. But he would agree that detailing of similar White “aphrodisiac” experiences is edifying more as +regards individuals than the drug. This paper aims to deal with the <i>native</i> peyote cult.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_30_525" href="#FNanchor_30_525" class="label">[30]</a> Klüver, <i>Mescal, the Divine Plant</i>, + 101; but peyote is a complex of physiologically antagonistic drugs of +quite variable reaction.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_31_526" href="#FNanchor_31_526" class="label">[31]</a> Jolly, <i>Über die schlafmachende; Über Pellotine</i>, + 375-76. This effect is all the more remarkable since Heffter +in similar experiments noted that pellotine produced in the frog excitability and reflex tetanus.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_32_527" href="#FNanchor_32_527" class="label">[32]</a> Heffter, <i>Über Pellotin</i>, 327-28.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_33_528" href="#FNanchor_33_528" class="label">[33]</a> Loaeza, in del Campo, <i>Peyote</i>, 145. Koang-Hobschette (<i>Les Cactacées</i>, + 41) says cactine, the active element +of <i>Cereus grandiflorus</i> Mill. is used like digitalis as a cardio-tonic, strengthening the systole and diminishing the +diastole like strychnine.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_34_529" href="#FNanchor_34_529" class="label">[34]</a> Henry (T. A.), <i>The Plant Alkaloids</i>, 199.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_35_530" href="#FNanchor_35_530" class="label">[35]</a> Rouhier, <i>Monographie</i>, 340.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_36_531" href="#FNanchor_36_531" class="label">[36]</a> Parke Davis and Co. formerly manufactured the drug. See their <i>Newer Pharmacology</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_37_532" href="#FNanchor_37_532" class="label">[37]</a> + But not to all persons! The typical over-enthusiasm with which new materia medica are received is itself +an interesting ethnographic commentary. Prentiss and Morgan (<i>Therapeutic Uses</i>, 4-5) prescribed it variously +for “cramps, griping and colic ... [and] nervous headache” as well as “tickling in the throat.” They also +report (<i>The Alkaloids of Anhalonium</i>, 123-37) uses by other doctors. Two brothers, doctors, prescribed peyote +for their brother who was suffering from “softening of the brain.” He died a few months later, uncured. Nevertheless, +they prescribed peyote for their sister, who was “very low and out of her head;” she later recovered. +Richardson (D. A.), (<i>A Report</i>, 194-95) reports still more spectacular sequelae. He administered peyote to a man +with “frontal cephalalgia.” “Especially would I remark,” he says, “on the clearing of the skin of pimples over +the chest and back, and a marked softening of the hair, which before the exhibition of the anhalonium was dry, +with a tendency to break easily.” It nevertheless also decreased the abnormal oiliness of the skin. Further, he +thought it was a solvent for uric acid, likely to be of value for stones in the bladder. Lastly, “In my opinion, +anhalonium is a superior cardiac tonic, and, like nitroglycerine, its effects are prolonged after the administration +of the drug is withdrawn.”</p> + +<p>The efficacy of peyote in native doctoring seems as little established also. Reasons of ethnographic nature +have already been cited for doubting the anti-alcoholic virtue of peyote. Indeed, the leader of one meeting I +attended I visited in jail later in the week; he had been arrested for drunken street-fighting. I could uncharitably +cite half-a-dozen similar cases, but it seems amply enough demonstrated that there is no relation of exclusiveness +between peyotism and alcoholism.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_38_533" href="#FNanchor_38_533" class="label">[38]</a> Klüver, <i>Mescal, The “Divine” Plant</i>, 97, 108. Prentiss and Morgan, <i>Anhalonium Lewinii</i>, + 581; Wertham +and Bleuler, <i>Inconstancy in the Formal Structure</i>, 52, 60.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_39_534" href="#FNanchor_39_534" class="label">[39]</a> Hutchings, in Heffter, <i>Ueber Pellote</i>, 409; Pilcz, <i>Ueber Pellotin</i>, + 1121-22; Warburg, in Bennett and Zingg, +<i>The Tarahumara</i>, 136; Ellis, <i>Mescal: A Study</i>, 71; Martindale and Westcott, <i>The Extra Pharmacopoeia</i>, 1:836; +Briau, in Koang-Hobschette, <i>Les Cactacées</i>. Karwoski (<i>Psychophysics</i>, 212) suggests that peyote might heighten +rapport in psychoanalysis; cf. Deschamps.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_40_535" href="#FNanchor_40_535" class="label">[40]</a> Bensheim, <i>Typenunterschiede</i>, 121; Wertham and Bleuler, <i>Inconstancy in the Formal Structure</i>, + 70; +Zucker, <i>Versuche</i>, 107; Zador, <i>Meskalinwirkung bei Störung</i>, 30; <i>Meskalinwirkung</i>; Klüver, <i>Mescal, The “Divine” +Plant</i>, 36-39, 41; Ladd-Franklin, <i>Colour and Colour-Theories</i>, <i>passim</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_41_536" href="#FNanchor_41_536" class="label">[41]</a> Briau, in Koang-Hobschette, <i>Les Cactacées</i>, 73-74; Rouhier, <i>Le Peyotl</i>, + 337; Ellis, <i>Mescal: A New Artificial +Paradise</i>, 141.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_42_537" href="#FNanchor_42_537" class="label">[42]</a> An editorial <i>Paradise or Inferno?</i> + (Editorial, 390) sharply rebuked Ellis for the attractiveness which +he had ascribed to mescal intoxication, basing the criticism on grounds of medical ethics.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_43_538" href="#FNanchor_43_538" class="label">[43]</a> + Letter to Schultes, Feb. 21, 1936. My own experience leads me fully to endorse Hrdlička’s careful statement. +Elsewhere in the text are cited numerous cases of natives who, in good faith I believe, gave up the use of +peyote entirely upon the rising of special or acute anxieties. My informants, on the other hand, quite as frankly +admitted that there were some individuals who showed signs of addiction, in the sense that they consumed the +plant often and abundantly, but these are not clear uncomplicated instances of drug-addiction; I trust such native +candor implicitly. Besides, peyote is not wholly pleasant (“You must suffer to peyote”).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_44_539" href="#FNanchor_44_539" class="label">[44]</a> + The issue of the native religious use of the drug is indeed a complex one. But whatever else may be said, +it is only fair to the Indians to state that the bitterest and most unmeasured condemnations of the drug have +issued from quarters which are scarcely disinterested. Whatever the merits of the case, those persons are concerned +with the deculturation of the Indian, and see in the peyote religion a formidable obstacle to their progress +in inducting the native into modern life. The doubtless good intentions of such persons have on occasion, however, +led them into errors of judgment when, for instance, they would argue that peyotism is merely out-and-out +drug addiction in religious guise (e.g. Daiker, Hughes, Newberne and Burke, Seymour, Watermulder, and +the writers in the Indian Rights Association and Literary Digest articles;) Lindquist, for example, feels free to +commit numerous errors of fact yet still pontificate on the “false gods” of “the cult of Death” which is “nothing +but an evil” (<i>The Red Man</i>, 72, 73, 75). For, given the Plains religious and ideological background, the peyote +cult is entirely plausible as a religion, and the issue is properly one of religious freedom.</p> + +<p>The intellectual “authority” in west European culture is, of course, the empirical and pragmatic (or putatively), +while that of the Indian in this religion, as elsewhere, can correctly be termed mystical, if we understand +by this a super-normal knowledge-technique transcending ordinary epistemological considerations. For there +can be no shadow of a doubt concerning the deep and humble sincerity of the worship and belief—and sincerity +perhaps, even in the absence of other ingredients, is the chief component of a living religion. And if the chief +function of a religion is the liquidation of the anxieties and the solution of the fears and troubles of its adherents, +then surely the peyote religion eminently qualifies as such.</p> + +<p>The issue then balances somewhat delicately on the point of “authority,” which is really at bottom a matter +of comparative ethnography. If, as we believe, the scientific is truly the most mature knowledge-technique +man has yet perfected, then facile and off-hand condemnation of peyotism on its basis is even less possible. Aside +from the probable ultimate disappearance of the Native American Church, a generous and libertarian philosophy +would condemn present attacks on it as often misguided and even oftener uninformed. The chief human difficulty +in the world today is the adjustment of one culture to another, of one absolutistic ideology and Weltanschauung +to another. But the scientific spirit itself would protest against the dictatorship of any one ideology, +of whatever sort; there is too much chance that any self-contained scheme be dangerously wrong, when unchecked +by modifying differing beliefs. Science, indeed, has been lifted above the level of folklore precisely because +the spectacle of variously conditioned culture-historical outlooks has necessitated self-criticism and an +objective comparative survey of beliefs. A fetishistic attitude toward science and its tentative pronouncements, +therefore, is itself folkloristic in tone. This however, is not to suggest any distrust in the ability of the scientific +method to obtain such sound results as have been so far achieved; but it is intended to point out the real limitations +in our information.</p> + +<p>Although the best modern scientific knowledge would indicate that the alkaloids in peyote do not perform +the manifold therapeutic miracles which natives ascribe to it, one might still well wonder whether harsh sumptuary +laws would not work more positive hardship and harm than the drug itself. If not the injustice then certainly +the inexpedience of such exercise of civil authority has been amply demonstrated in the Eighteenth Amendment +and its sorry consequences. We may not presume therefore to judge what should be the administrative +fate of the peyote cult. The emotional and ideological side of the religion is not open to judgement; and on the +properly scientific and physiological side of the question the simple fact is that we actually don’t know enough +about it.</p></div> + +</div> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_151">[151]</span></p> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="APPENDIX_7">APPENDIX 7: JOHN WILSON, THE REVEALER OF PEYOTE</h2> + +</div> + +<p>The life and career of a remarkable individual were successively involved in the several +traditions of the Ghost Dance, mescalism, old Algonquian shamanistic “shooting” ceremonies +and finally peyotism. Both for its intrinsic interest and its historical significance +we give here in some detail the life of this man. Wilson appears first as a leader in the Ghost +Dance movement of the 1890’s. Mooney⁠<a id="FNanchor_1_540" href="#Footnote_1_540" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> writes:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>The principal leader of the Ghost dance among the Caddo is Nĭshkûntŭ, “Moon Head,” known +to the whites as John Wilson. Although considered a Caddo, and speaking only that language,⁠<a id="FNanchor_2_541" href="#Footnote_2_541" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> +he is very much of a mixture, being half Delaware, one-fourth Caddo, and one-fourth French. One +of his grandfathers was a Frenchman. As the Caddo lived originally in Louisiana, there is a considerable +mixture of French blood among them, which manifests itself in his case in a fairly heavy beard. +He is about 50 years of age [in 1892-93], rather tall and well built, and wears his hair at full length +flowing loosely over his shoulders. With a good head and strong, intelligent features, he presents +the appearance of a natural leader.... He was one of the first Caddo to go into a trance, the occasion +being the great Ghost dance held by the Arapaho and Cheyenne near Darlington agency, at +which Sitting Bull presided, in the fall of 1890. On his return to consciousness he had wonderful +things to tell of his experiences in the spirit world, composed a new song, and from that time became +the high priest of the Caddo dance. Since then his trances have been frequent, both in and +out of the Ghost dance, and in addition to his leadership in this connection he assumes the occult +powers and authority of a great medicine-man, all the powers claimed by him being freely conceded +by his people.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">Captain Scott, who visited the Caddo in 1890-91 during the period of their greatest excitement +about the Ghost Dance, also met Wilson, of whom he writes:⁠<a id="FNanchor_3_542" href="#Footnote_3_542" class="fnanchor">[3]</a></p> + +<blockquote> +<p>John Wilson, a Caddo man of much prominence, was especially affected [by the Ghost Dance], +performing a series of gyrations that were most remarkable. At all hours of the day and night his +cry could be heard all over camp, and when found he would be dancing in the ring, possibly upon +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_152">[152]</span>one foot, with his eyes closed and the forefinger of his right hand pointed upward, or in some other +ridiculous posture. Upon being asked his reasons for assuming these attitudes he replied that he +could not help it; that it came over him just like cramps.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">Wilson soon became a well-known doctor in this connection. Scott continues:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">John Wilson had progressed finely, and was now a full-fledged doctor, a healer of diseases, and a +finder of stolen property through supernatural means. One day, while we were in the tent, a +Wichita woman entered, led by the spirit. It was explained to us that she did not even know who +lived there, but some force she could not account for brought her. Having stated her case to John, +he went off into a fit of the jerks, in which his spirit went up and saw “his father” (i.e., God), and +who directed him how to cure this woman. When he came to, he explained the cure to her, and +sent her away rejoicing. Soon afterwards a Keechei man came in, who was blind of one eye, and who +desired to have the vision restored. John again consulted his father, who informed him that nothing +could be done for that eye because that man held aloof from the dance.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">When Mooney visited the Caddo on Sugar Creek late in 1895,</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>John Wilson came down from his own camp to explain his part in the Ghost dance. He wore +a wide-brim hat, with his hair flowing down to his shoulders, and on his breast, suspended from +a cord, about his neck, was a curious amulet consisting of the polished end of a buffalo horn, surrounded +by a circlet of downy red feathers, within another circle of badger and owl claws. He +explained that this was the source of his prophetic and clairvoyant inspiration. The buffalo horn +was “God’s heart,” the red feathers contained his own heart,⁠<a id="FNanchor_4_543" href="#Footnote_4_543" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> and the circle of claws represented +the world. When he prayed for help, his heart communed with “God’s heart,” and he learned what +he wished to know. He had much to say also of the moon. Sometimes in his trances he went to the +moon and the moon taught him secrets.... He claimed an intimate acquaintance with the other +world and asserted positively that he could tell me “just what heaven is like.” Another man who +accompanied him had a yellow sun with green rays painted on his forehead, with an elaborate +rayed crescent in green, red, and yellow on his chin, and wore a necklace from which depended a +crucifix and a brass clockwheel, the latter, as he stated, representing the sun.</p> + +<p>On entering the room where I sat awaiting him, Nĭshkûntŭ approached and performed mystic +passes in front of my face with his hands, after the manner of the hypnotist priests in the Ghost +dance, blowing upon me the while, as he afterward explained to blow evil things away from me before +beginning to talk on religious subjects....⁠<a id="FNanchor_5_544" href="#Footnote_5_544" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> Laying one hand on my head, and grasping my +own hand with the other, he prayed silently for some time with bowed head, and then lifting his +hand from my head, he passed it over my face, down my shoulder and arm to the hand, which he +grasped and pressed slightly, and then released the fingers with a graceful upward sweep.⁠<a id="FNanchor_6_545" href="#Footnote_6_545" class="fnanchor">[6]</a></p> +</blockquote> + +<p>A curious mixture of Caddoan (?) mescalism, Ghost Dance, Delaware “shooting” +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_153">[153]</span>ceremonies and early peyotism occurred among the Shawnee when Wilson came to them +about 1889. The Quapaw were being taught the Ghost Dance, in which a small water +drum was used to accompany the circling of the dancers, alternately men and women. +Wilson showed them how to swallow mescal beans, and also how to “shoot” them into a +person so that he or she would fall down. Then he doctored the person with peyote to +bring him back to consciousness. A number of tribes were involved in these doings, according +to Mrs. Voegelin, the Shawnee, Delaware, Mohawk, Peoria, Caddo (?), Quapaw, +Iowa and Oto. Gradually, however, Wilson turned from the Ghost Dance to peyote. Already +in Mooney’s time he was “prominent in the mescal [i.e., peyote] rite, which has +recently come to his tribe [the Caddo] from the Kiowa and Comanche.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_7_546" href="#Footnote_7_546" class="fnanchor">[7]</a></p> + +<p>Both mescalism and the Ghost Dance, in his person, have traceable influence upon peyotism. +This syncretism of cultures in one personality is of considerable interest.</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>Before Wilson had quite reached the age of forty, he had lived the life of an ordinary Indian of +Oklahoma. He was addicted to moderate drinking. He frequented the social dances and gambling +gatherings usual among reservation groups of his type. He had participated likewise in the contemporary +religious ceremonies performed by the Delaware.... As a vagrant, not however in the +condemning sense of the term, he had wandered as most Oklahoma Indians do, from tribe to tribe +and inevitably also among the whites experiencing the wide range of personal and social contacts +which might be inferred from the statement. Anderson states, in short, that his uncle had lived a +sinful life but adds in effect that he had not been guilty of any major offences. He was married to a +woman of Delaware and Caddo descent and had an adopted son, Black Wolf, reputed to be also +part Delaware part Caddo, and who is still living (1932) and carrying out Wilson’s teachings and +ministrations.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">About this time he attended a Comanche dance, where a Comanche man presented him +with a peyote button and told him to give it a trial—which he did in an unusually thorough +manner. Speck continues:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>Before long he concluded to adopt the advice given and to retire from worldly companionship, +to make the trial and to study its outcome. With this objective in mind he informed his wife, secured +provisions for a few weeks stay in camp and together they drove away in a wagon to a little creek +where an abundant supply of fresh drinkable water might be had. The place he selected was a +secluded “clean and open place” where they would be alone free from intrusion and worldly distractions. +Anderson thinks that Wilson remained there about two or three weeks but he does not +remember hearing him say how long. When all was ready he began his innovation to the mysteries +of Peyote the first night by eating 8 or 9 “buttons.” We learn that during the period of self exposure +to the power of Peyote he took the medicine at frequent intervals during the day or night as +the impulse prompted him using about the same quantity each time it was taken. As soon as he +began, using the words of the informant, “<i>Peyote took pity on him</i>” for his humble mien and sincere +desire to learn its power. During the whole period he allowed nothing to distract him, giving his +entire thought and wish to learn what Peyote might teach him. The outcome was the revelation +<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_155"></a><a id="Page_156"></a>[156]</span>that motivated him for the rest of his life and made him a teacher of the Peyote doctrines, which he +himself exclusively evolved through the revelations given him at this time.</p> + +<p>During the time of his sojourn, Wilson did not fast or undergo other abnegations but lived +normally.... Each time Wilson took peyote during those days and nights of seclusion he ate about +fifteen peyote “buttons.” ... During the two weeks or so of his experimental seclusion, Wilson +was continually translated in spirit to the sky realm where he was conducted by Peyote. In this +estate he was shown the figures in the sky and the celestial landmarks which represented the events +in the life of Christ, and also the relative positions of the Spiritual Forces, the Moon, Sun, Fire, +which had long been known to the Delawares, through native traditional teachings, as Grandfather +and Elder Brothers. Here, too, he was shown the grave of Christ, now empty, “where Christ had +rolled away the rocks at the door of the grave and risen to the sky.” He was shown, always under +the guidance of Peyote, the “Road” which led from the grave of Christ to the Moon in the Sky +which Christ had taken in his ascent. He was told by Peyote to walk in this path or “Road” for +the rest of his life, advancing step by step as his knowledge would increase through the use of +peyote, remaining faithful to its teachings ... [and if he did] he would finally, just before his death, +bring him into the actual presence of Christ and of Peyote.... The details of construction of the +earth works to form the “Moon” which he was to construct in the Peyote tent were all revealed +to him with their meanings as Peyote continued his instructions to Wilson during his visits to the +sky.... Also came revelations as to how the face should be painted, the hair dressed. Of major +importance, however, was the complete course of instruction given to Wilson by Peyote in the +singing and syllabization of the numerous Peyote songs which were to form the principal parts of +the ceremony of worship. Anderson felt certain that Wilson possessed and used no less than two +hundred of these songs.⁠<a id="FNanchor_8_547" href="#Footnote_8_547" class="fnanchor">[8]</a></p> +</blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_154">[154]</span></p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp52" id="figure6" style="max-width: 43.75em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/figure6.jpg" alt=""> + <figcaption> + <p>Fig. 6. An Osage altar of the John Wilson Big Moon type. A, “Peyote path,” or Moon-Head (Wilson’s + name); B, hole for “arrow” when not in use; C, “Heart of Goodness” where father peyote is placed; D, Heart of + the World above which the ritual fire is built; E, the Sun, giver of life. The east-west line is the “straight road” + the way to heaven, or “thinking straight”; the north-south line represents “the road across the world”; together + they form a cross symbolic of the crucifixion.</p> + </figcaption> +</figure> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp52" id="figure7" style="max-width: 43.75em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/figure7.jpg" alt=""> + <figcaption> + <p>Fig. 7. A variant Osage moon of somewhat esoteric symbolism. This and the Osage moon + in Figure 6 are reproduced through the courtesy of Mr. D. F. Murphy.</p> + </figcaption> +</figure> + +<p>Wilson’s original moon, however, passed through an evolution, for Anderson’s drawing +in Speck is considerably simpler in design than those depicted for the Osage by Murphy, +or photographed by the author for the Quapaw. An early version, apparently, is one +collected from Henry Hunt (Wichita) near Anadarko. In this the crescent or “moon” is +elongated to imitate the parted hair of an Indian, whose eyes are the two mounds of ashes +between its horns; a line runs from the father-peyote to the east, terminating in a mound +with five circles concentrically zoning it like a globe-map, with another line at right angles +to this drawn from tip to tip of the crescent, making a cross, at the intersection of which +is drawn a heart resembling a man’s nose. There is also a heart at the “parting” of the hair, +on which the fetish peyote rests, and a third one on the top of the zoned mound at the east. +This altar is said to symbolize Moonhead’s face, and indeed it much resembles one when +seen from the eastern door. Speck says in confirmation of our conjecture that</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">at first, he said, he made a small “Moon,” increasing its size day by day symbolical of his progress +in spiritual knowledge. By the end of his sojourn amid spiritual environment, he came to make the +so-called large “Moon,” the Wilson “Moon” which has become typical of his followers.⁠<a id="FNanchor_9_548" href="#Footnote_9_548" class="fnanchor">[9]</a></p> +</blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_157">[157]</span></p> + +<p class="noindent">But Wilson, no doubt, made still later additions, for these early moons entirely lack the +elaborate apron symbolism of the Osage and Quapaw altars.</p> + +<p>A Delaware informant said Wilson’s moon was first used north of Lookeba, Oklahoma. +Black Wolf and George Caddo were early converts to his version—which, indeed may +initially have been not so different from the older Caddo moon with a cross and mound +east of the crescent (the Wilson division of the tipi into north and south side, for example, +is an old one in Caddoan ceremonial organization).⁠<a id="FNanchor_10_549" href="#Footnote_10_549" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> The symbolism of the Wilson “Big +Moon” receives varied interpretations nowadays. The Osage call the three hearts of the +altar the “Heart of Goodness,” the “Heart of the World,” and the “Heart of Jesus;” +others interpret the “world” as the “sun.” The ashes are the graves of Christ and Wilson +for some, the dividing of the Red Sea for others. Some say the whole fire-pit is the grave +of Christ, and the ash mounds his lungs, as the figure under the fire is his heart. The twelve +lines of the altar apron are variously the twelve steps to heaven, the twelve heavens of +Delaware mythology, the twelve months of the year, the twelve feathers of the eagle’s tail, +etc. The symbolism of seven for the “days of the week” is possibly Southwestern in origin +(cf. the seven bosses of the drum). Diamond-shaped figures close to the sun-mound represent +Christ’s foot-prints, according to Petrullo,⁠<a id="FNanchor_11_550" href="#Footnote_11_550" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> while the “WW” or “MM” at the west of +the altar are said to mean this for the Quapaw (“Moonhead” or “Wilson” depending on +one’s position while reading the initials). The cross of the altar, of course, is symbolical of +the Crucifixion. The cigarette of corn husk is known as the “Pipe of Jesus” among the +Delaware.⁠<a id="FNanchor_12_551" href="#Footnote_12_551" class="fnanchor">[12]</a></p> + +<p>Peyote taught Wilson many variations in the ceremony as well. He used a crock instead +of a kettle for the peyote drum. At one period in the development of the ritual only +the firemen did the drumming besides the leader and his assistant (i.e., four men, three +firemen and the leader’s assistant, proceeded clockwise around the tipi with the drum, +drumming for each singer in turn, instead of the standard method of passing the drum for +all to use); Wilson did not require the drum to make four rounds, for this might occasionally +have interfered with the morning rite of filing out of the tipi “to meet the sun” with raised +arms and prayer. In his rite only the leader made the initial prayer-smoke, though older +men might ask for smokes later in the night if they so desired. Cigarettes could be made +only at one of four places, one informant stated: at the leader’s place, at the north or south +at the ends of the cross, and at the fireman’s place, and the leader had to smoke all of them +first. Upon reentering after a recess, each person was incensed and fanned by the firemen +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_158">[158]</span>and others to blow away whatever evil influences might cling to him from the outside +night. In time Wilson added special functionaries at the cross-bars of the crucifix to perform +this fanning, making eight officials: two fanners, three firemen-drummers and three leaders +(road man, drummer and cedar man) symbolizing the Father, Son and Holy Ghost of the +Christian Trinity. In the Wilson rite there was much touching of the father peyote as +communicants made their circuit of the altar on reentering. It is said that water could be +asked for at any time, and permission to leave was not necessary if the rules about passing +in front of an eater or smoker were observed.</p> + +<p>Wilson himself took his “moon” to the tribes of northeastern Oklahoma. The Shawnee +were influenced impermanently, and today only Ernest Spybuck has a modified Big Moon. +The Seneca were influenced through the Quapaw, whom Wilson first succeeded in deeply +influencing. The Quapaw leader, Victor Griffin, made a moon at Devil’s Promenade which +was modified around 1906 or 1907 from Wilson’s moon.⁠<a id="FNanchor_13_552" href="#Footnote_13_552" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> The Delaware around Dewey +were much influenced by Wilson from 1890-92 on.⁠<a id="FNanchor_14_553" href="#Footnote_14_553" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> But the Osage were the most important +converts. By 1902 “most of the Indians at the Hominy camp and elsewhere in the Nation +[had] taken it up and become devoted to it.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_15_554" href="#Footnote_15_554" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> Black Dog, one of the first Osage converts, +introduced the “West Moon” in which the door is at the west and the altar similarly +reversed; most of the Osage moons today, however, are the standard Clermont east +moons. The Potawatomi may have been influenced by the teachings of Wilson somewhat +also.⁠<a id="FNanchor_16_555" href="#Footnote_16_555" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> Wilson’s nephew, Anderson, brought the Seneca peyote in 1907 on the request of +a Seneca married to a Quapaw woman.⁠<a id="FNanchor_17_556" href="#Footnote_17_556" class="fnanchor">[17]</a></p> + +<p>The economic motive seems evident in much of Wilson’s behavior. Speck tells of the +introduction of peyote among the Osage as follows:⁠<a id="FNanchor_18_557" href="#Footnote_18_557" class="fnanchor">[18]</a></p> + +<blockquote> +<p>[About 1891] John Wilson was on his way from Anadarko to conduct meetings among the +Delawares around Copan. While passing through the Osage nation he visited Tall Chief, a Quapaw +married to an Osage woman. While here Wilson was stopped by an Osage who had previously +attended Peyote meetings among the Delawares and requested to meet a group of Osage and tell +them about his revelations and his convictions and instruct them in its rules. He consented and +complied with their wishes. The Osage in attendance at his meeting were convinced and converted. +He accordingly stayed on with them about three weeks. Black Dog was at the time Chief of the +Osage. His tribe was won over in force to the Wilson sect of Peyote worshippers.... J. Wilson +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_159">[159]</span>then returned to Anadarko, leaving behind him among the Osage two young Delawares who stayed +back attracted by the prospects of fortune offered by the wealthy Osage. Wilson had received presents +from the tribe of new converts amounting to considerable value, a wagon, a carriage, a buggy +and teams of good horses and harness for each and other horses, fourteen in all, not to mention +blankets, goods and money.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">His death occurred after a similar mission to the Quapaw. He had been among them to +conduct a meeting and was returning to Anadarko in a buggy with a Quapaw woman and +another woman. Wilson’s wife was still living at the time, and he was either offered the +Quapaw woman or demanded her while among the tribe. Speck quotes his nephew:⁠<a id="FNanchor_19_558" href="#Footnote_19_558" class="fnanchor">[19]</a></p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">Anderson said he did not like to think this but that the Quapaw were not all good people and had +possibly been actuated by a desire to establish a home for Wilson in order to keep him and his +ministry in their midst.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">In any event, Wilson had been given a number of horses, which were tied to the back of +his buggy. While crossing a railroad track, these horses pulled back and prevented their +crossing just as a locomotive bore down upon them. Wilson was instantly killed. His +detractors maintain that this was just punishment for his failure to live up to his own +teachings. Since this period many communicants have fallen away from his “moon,” for his +own⁠<a id="FNanchor_20_559" href="#Footnote_20_559" class="fnanchor">[20]</a></p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">moral instructions ... referred to abstinence from liquor, to restraint [in] sexual matters and fidelity +to matrimony.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p>Though influenced by Catholic teachings, Wilson had a peculiar and specific attitude +toward the Bible.⁠<a id="FNanchor_21_560" href="#Footnote_21_560" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> According to Speck,⁠<a id="FNanchor_22_561" href="#Footnote_22_561" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> + he</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">instructed the Indians to seek knowledge by direct communion and to avoid consulting the Bible +or the Gospels for the purpose of moral instructions. He insisted that the Bible was intended for the +white man who had been guilty of the crucifixion of Christ and that the Indian who had not been +a party to the deed was exempt from guilt on this score and that therefore, the Indian was to receive +his religious influences directly and in person from God through the Peyote Spirit, whereas +Christ was sent for this mission to the white man.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">He nevertheless embodied in his person many of the messianic characteristics of his several +native prophet predecessors; a Delaware informant said “John Wilson used to perform +miracles” in meetings, such as divining what was in a man’s mind, and telling him who the +persons were that he saw in a vision. The Osage, at least formerly, had a marked reverence +for Wilson. Speck wrote in 1907 that⁠<a id="FNanchor_23_562" href="#Footnote_23_562" class="fnanchor">[23]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_160">[160]</span></p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">pictures of Wilson are in demand among the devotees, who kiss them on sight. The man has been +deified since his death.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">There is much variation of opinion about Wilson among Indians of various tribes, but +perhaps the statements of his nephew, George Anderson, are authoritative if not entirely +disinterested. Speck says:⁠<a id="FNanchor_24_563" href="#Footnote_24_563" class="fnanchor">[24]</a></p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">An idea seems to have become current, either through the rumors of designing persons who opposed +him or through exaggeration among his followers, that Wilson is responsible for having told his +associates that he would return to life again after death and also that they should pray to him in +the Peyote meetings.... Anderson denies that Wilson made either assertion. He had heard Wilson +tell in his meetings that at times the worshippers when taking peyote might see him, as some are +said since to have done, his face appearing to their vision over the fire. [With reference to the second +statement Wilson on the contrary warned them not to pray to him, but through peyote to God.] ... +This warning has not, however, prevented the practice of praying directly to and through John +Wilson from becoming frequent among some of the Osages ... and probably among the Quapaw.</p> + +<p>In both the latter groups [Anderson] has seen Wilson’s portrait placed on the “moon” in the +Peyote lodge near the peyote “button” and the crucifix. Some who do this, he is convinced, actually +concentrate thought upon Wilson instead of Peyote. And Anderson regards both practices +as contrary to the teachings of Wilson. A custom has also spread among the Osage to wear a portrait +button of John Wilson on the coat or, when in native dress, upon one of the fur or feather +ornaments.... Anderson’s testimony [was] that John Wilson told his followers that <i>he was not +sent by God to fulfill a mission</i>, but that he was <i>shown</i> by Peyote how to conduct religious worship +in the Peyote meetings in order to cure disease, heal injury, purge the body from the effects of sin⁠<a id="FNanchor_25_564" href="#Footnote_25_564" class="fnanchor">[25]</a> +and to lead the Indians to reach the regions “above” <i>hukweyun</i> in Delaware, or heaven, where they +would <i>see Peyote and the Creator</i>.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">The Caddo and Delaware, nevertheless, display considerable “touchiness” on the subject +of John Wilson even today, since other tribes have ridiculed his real or supposed claims +to divinity. Native criticism is not lacking either on the score of his economic exploitation +of peyote leadership.⁠<a id="FNanchor_26_565" href="#Footnote_26_565" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> Petrullo⁠<a id="FNanchor_27_566" href="#Footnote_27_566" class="fnanchor">[27]</a> + writes that</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_161">[161]</span></p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">his enemies claim that in the course of his life he professed to have had fresh visions which always +were interpreted to his personal gain....</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">However, his followers staunchly deny these allegations. Perhaps in answer to the accusation +of being mercenary, Wilson, with one of his followers named Wolf, themselves set up a +meeting once, at which they showed their generosity by giving away all their clothes with +other gifts until they were clad only in breechclouts.⁠<a id="FNanchor_28_567" href="#Footnote_28_567" class="fnanchor">[28]</a> Yet even so the belief is widespread +that his death was due to his exploitation of the gift-giving pattern to the extreme of demanding +a Quapaw woman for his wife.⁠<a id="FNanchor_29_568" href="#Footnote_29_568" class="fnanchor">[29]</a></p> + +<p>The Wilson sect is still strong among the Osage and the Quapaw, but elsewhere, even +among the Delaware and Caddo, it is waning considerably. The Caddo show a disposition +to return to the Enoch Hoag “moon,” which is considered more “pure” and aboriginal.⁠<a id="FNanchor_30_569" href="#Footnote_30_569" class="fnanchor">[30]</a> +But antagonisms to new elements Wilson sought to introduce date as far back as 1885. +About this time Elk Hair was hunting in Comanche territory and learned a ritual he has +since kept without change:⁠<a id="FNanchor_31_570" href="#Footnote_31_570" class="fnanchor">[31]</a></p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">Elk Hair preferred the Comanche way because it was the pure Indian way.... We brought back to +our people the pure Peyote rite and we have used Peyote in the right way ever since.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">Elk Hair, according to Petrullo,⁠<a id="FNanchor_32_571" href="#Footnote_32_571" class="fnanchor">[32]</a> “has barely managed to keep a following among the +Delawares of Dewey,” but this region is the stronghold of the Anderson family and if +defection of the Anadarko groups to the Hoag moon is any indication, we may expect a +reinvigoration of the Elk Hair rite. Indeed, War Eagle wrote from Dewey in 1932 that⁠<a id="FNanchor_33_572" href="#Footnote_33_572" class="fnanchor">[33]</a></p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">Bacon Rind [whose recent death is mentioned in the letter] was one of the last of the old people who +beli[e]ved in [the] Wilson cult; these first followers of peyote are about all gone. [The] small moon +now prevales in the Osage. It will be a blessing to the world when all the Quapaws and what few +Delawares [are left practicing it] will change [to the standard peyote rite].</p> +</blockquote> + +<div class="footnotes"> + +<h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_1_540" href="#FNanchor_1_540" class="label">[1]</a> Mooney, <i>The Ghost Dance</i>, 903-905.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_2_541" href="#FNanchor_2_541" class="label">[2]</a> Capt. Hugh L. Scott, in Mooney, <i>The Ghost Dance</i>, 904.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_3_542" href="#FNanchor_3_542" class="label">[3]</a> We have elsewhere expressed the opinion that the Caddo had an historical significance in the spread of +peyotism second only to that of the Kiowa-Comanche, and that Wilson represents this Caddoan influence predominantly. +Though he had Delaware blood, this numerically small group could scarcely have wielded the influence +or exercised the prestige necessary to account for the spread of his “moon;” the Caddo, on the other +hand, who early had peyote, did have this prestige. We therefore believe Petrullo in error in claiming Wilson +as a Delaware. Speck (<i>Notes on the Life</i>, 540) writes that “His associations with the Comanche and Caddo, to +whom he was related by blood, were close.” Petrullo himself, indeed (<i>The Diabolic Root</i>, 44) indicates Caddoan +influences on Wilson: “John Wilson, the originator of the Big Moon, was living among the Caddo. He was one +of the first Delaware to eat peyote. He belonged to the Black Beaver band ... held by the Government at the +Wichita and Caddo reservations. It was there that Wilson was born and raised.” Petrullo also says Wilson +made visits to Arizona and New Mexico before returning to make his moon on the Caddo reservation.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_4_543" href="#FNanchor_4_543" class="label">[4]</a> Note the prominence of hearts in the altar elaborated by Wilson. According to Petrullo (<i>The Diabolic +Root</i>, 45) “John Wilson ... had received some Catholic instruction.” These probably derive, therefore, from +the Catholic “Sacred Heart.” (The heart is present in Huichol religion, but even if not wholly aboriginal [Aztecan +influence?] and Catholic-influenced there too, it is quite independent of the Wilson heart motifs.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_5_544" href="#FNanchor_5_544" class="label">[5]</a> Cf. the prominence in Wilson’s moon of brushing each person entering with feathers.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_6_545" href="#FNanchor_6_545" class="label">[6]</a> Cf. the Winnebago leader’s similar praying with confessants in peyote meetings.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_7_546" href="#FNanchor_7_546" class="label">[7]</a> Speck, <i>Notes on the Life</i>, 540-42; cf. also Petrullo, <i>The Diabolic Root</i>, 80.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_8_547" href="#FNanchor_8_547" class="label">[8]</a> “In response to the question as to whether Wilson ever spoke of the Peyote songs as symbolizing the +singing of birds, Anderson asserted that he had heard of this among other Peyote sects but had never heard Wilson +express it.” (Speck, <i>op. cit.</i>, 542 note.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_9_548" href="#FNanchor_9_548" class="label">[9]</a> Some of Wilson’s Caddoan teachings were sufficiently unlike those of the Delaware to antagonize them. +A Delaware informant of Petrullo (<i>The Diabolic Root</i>, 66) said, “It [peyote] should be eaten in order to get well, +not to have visions.” (Benedict’s study indicated, one recalls, that in the Woodlands only puberty-visions occurred, +while in the Plains adults too may obtain them.) Again (p. 68) “Wilson was wrong. Peyote is good, but +it is good and powerful medicine, not a religion like the Big House. [For instance] four boiled Peyote placed on +top of the head will help in cases of insanity.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_10_549" href="#FNanchor_10_549" class="label">[10]</a> Cf. the Pawnee (Murie, <i>Pawnee Indian Societies</i>, 642).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_11_550" href="#FNanchor_11_550" class="label">[11]</a> Petrullo, <i>The Diabolic Root</i>, 172.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_12_551" href="#FNanchor_12_551" class="label">[12]</a> Petrullo, <i>op. cit.</i>, 56-59, 67, 96, note 29.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_13_552" href="#FNanchor_13_552" class="label">[13]</a> Petrullo (<i>The Diabolic Root</i>, + 103). He claims to be Wilson’s authorized successor and has revised his +moon. Petrullo (<i>op. cit.</i>, 4) says John Quapaw is Wilson’s real successor.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_14_553" href="#FNanchor_14_553" class="label">[14]</a> Harrington (<i>Religion and Ceremonies</i>, 156) says Wilson brought the Lenape peyote from the Washita +River Caddo as well as the Ghost Dance in 1890-92, which died out with him among the Delaware (<i>idem</i>, 190-91).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_15_554" href="#FNanchor_15_554" class="label">[15]</a> Speck, <i>Notes on the Ethnology</i>, 171.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_16_555" href="#FNanchor_16_555" class="label">[16]</a> On the mere score of Christian elements we do not agree, however, that Wilson’s influence necessarily +extended to the Wichita, Winnebago, Kickapoo, and Omaha (Petrullo, <i>The Diabolic Root</i>, 79). See following +appendices.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_17_556" href="#FNanchor_17_556" class="label">[17]</a> Speck, <i>Notes on the Life</i>, 554.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_18_557" href="#FNanchor_18_557" class="label">[18]</a> <i>Idem</i>, 553.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_19_558" href="#FNanchor_19_558" class="label">[19]</a> <i>Idem</i>, 544.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_20_559" href="#FNanchor_20_559" class="label">[20]</a> <i>Idem</i>, 546.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_21_560" href="#FNanchor_21_560" class="label">[21]</a> For this reason we doubt the soundness of Petrullo’s inference that the Omaha, Winnebago, etc., were +influenced by Wilson. These groups actually used the Bible in meetings and read from it. This influence, we believe, +traces to another teacher, the Oto Jonathan Koshiway.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_22_561" href="#FNanchor_22_561" class="label">[22]</a> Speck, <i>Notes on the Life</i>, 547.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_23_562" href="#FNanchor_23_562" class="label">[23]</a> Speck, <i>Notes on the Ethnology</i>, 171.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_24_563" href="#FNanchor_24_563" class="label">[24]</a> Speck, <i>Notes on the Life</i>, 549.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_25_564" href="#FNanchor_25_564" class="label">[25]</a> Wilson taught that the number of peyote required to be eaten varies according to the amount of impurity +in the “heart” and stomach of the individual, “which impurity resulting from sins committed he likened to ‘dirt’” +(Speck, <i>Notes on the Life</i>, 545). The more frequently the communicant attended peyote meetings, the less dirt, +obviously, there could accumulate. The degree of nausea, Wilson taught, is the punishment meted out for sin +(cf. John Rave’s teaching).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_26_565" href="#FNanchor_26_565" class="label">[26]</a> + To be sure the pattern of gift-giving is deep-rooted in the Plains, yet it is a curious coincidence at least +that Wilson should have taken peyote to the Quapaw, who own the largest lead and zinc mining fields in the +world, and the Osage, made notoriously wealthy through oil. Anderson told Speck that the Osage had given +Wilson $200 for building them a moon, and Charles Tyner (Quapaw) told me that he and Victor Griffin (Quapaw) +had received $500 for an altar in one sum and some hundreds of dollars in money gifts later. The Osage +once gave Anderson $20 and his wife $10 because his uncle, John Wilson, had built their moon (Speck, <i>op. cit.</i>, +551). Wilson even used to charge $1 per person for the sweatbaths he gave before meetings.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_27_566" href="#FNanchor_27_566" class="label">[27]</a> Petrullo, <i>The Diabolic Root</i>, 82; cf. 45, 95.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_28_567" href="#FNanchor_28_567" class="label">[28]</a> Petrullo, <i>op. cit.</i>, 45; cf. 104.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_29_568" href="#FNanchor_29_568" class="label">[29]</a> His followers, in any case, betray their expectancy of financial reward. It was remarked, for example, +that the impecunious Seneca gave Anderson only his trainfare when he brought peyote to them. Griffin, more +business-like, always arranges beforehand the amount of compensation he is to receive.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_30_569" href="#FNanchor_30_569" class="label">[30]</a> Cf. the case of the Caddo Alfred Taylor whom the Osage invited to introduce the basic Caddo moon—even +the Osage are turning from the Wilson rite.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_31_570" href="#FNanchor_31_570" class="label">[31]</a> Petrullo, <i>op. cit.</i>, 43.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_32_571" href="#FNanchor_32_571" class="label">[32]</a> <i>Idem</i>, 31-32.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_33_572" href="#FNanchor_33_572" class="label">[33]</a> War Eagle, letter to Speck from Dewey, Oklahoma April 1, 1932. We believe Petrullo, as shown by +this letter, has over-emphasized the decadence of the basic rite at Dewey. The Wilson-Elk Hair antagonism is +shown in even trivial ways. The latter use the feathers of swift-flying birds to “hurry up” the medicine cure, the +faster the singing of songs, the quicker the cure. The Wilson cultists, who sing slowly, accuse the little moon +followers of “putting too much vigor and speed into their healing and praying meetings as is typified by their +inclination to decorate their Peyote paraphernalia with Hummingbird feathers, symbolical of the acme of speed.” +(Speck, <i>Notes on the Life</i>, 551; thanks are due to the University of Pennsylvania Committee of Faculty Research, +for Grant No. 93 on which his work was done.)</p></div> + +</div> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_162">[162]</span></p> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="APPENDIX_8">APPENDIX 8: CHRISTIAN ELEMENTS IN THE PEYOTE CULT</h2> + +</div> + +<p>Very few ascertainably Christian elements are discoverable in Mexican peyotism. Some +such as “curing” with rosaries of Job’s-tears beads dipped in tesvino, eating bits of the +idol’s body and the like, may be largely aboriginal.⁠<a id="FNanchor_1_573" href="#Footnote_1_573" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> “El Santo Niño de Peyote” of Santa +Rosalia is apparently a local variation of El Santo Niño de Atoche; the mission of El +Santo Nombre de Jesus Peyotes is so-called merely from the abundance of the plant thereabouts. +The overlay of Mexican Catholicism is elsewhere thin and localized also. The Huichol⁠<a id="FNanchor_2_574" href="#Footnote_2_574" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> +see the saints in their color visions as pictures or giant men and women walking +about; sometimes they press the saints into service in their rain-making ceremonies. The +cross⁠<a id="FNanchor_3_575" href="#Footnote_3_575" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> in tesvino-curing and those on the Huichol peyote patio may really derive from an +old native four-point symbolism. The Tarahumari⁠<a id="FNanchor_4_576" href="#Footnote_4_576" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> call the large green hikuli “peyote +christiano,” in contrast to a small, red, ineffective one called “peyote cimarrón,” and Christian +Tarahumari lift their hats to the plant and make the sign of the cross, but the essential +ritual was unmodified by Christian ideas. None of these Christian features is common to +Mexican peyotism.</p> + +<p>The rite as it came to the United States, then, was aboriginal in character, as far as we +can ascertain. Opler writes that⁠<a id="FNanchor_5_577" href="#Footnote_5_577" class="fnanchor">[5]</a></p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">there is no hint of the influence of Christianity in the Mescalero use of peyote. The growth of the +cult among these people has been maintained entirely within the traditional bounds of Apache +ceremonialism. Indeed, far from becoming a weakened and Christianized version of native beliefs, +the Mescalero Apache acceptance of peyote resulted instead in an intensification of the aboriginal +religious values and concepts at many points.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">This characterization would equally well fit the basic Kiowa-Comanche rite of the Plains, +in which Christian elements are quite absent. These elements in the Plains are distinctly +a secondary development, stemming from the Oto Koshiway and such Oto-influenced +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_163">[163]</span>groups as the Omaha, Iowa and Winnebago⁠<a id="FNanchor_6_578" href="#Footnote_6_578" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> + and the groups taught by John Wilson, such +as the Delaware, Quapaw and Osage.</p> + +<p>Arapaho-Winnebago officials and ritual food are given Christian symbolism:⁠<a id="FNanchor_7_579" href="#Footnote_7_579" class="fnanchor">[7]</a></p> + +<blockquote> +<p>During the evening the leader represents the first created man, the woman dressed up is the New +Jerusalem, the bride waiting for the bridegroom. The cup used by the leader and the woman is +supposed to symbolize the fact that they are to become one; the water represents the God’s gift, +His Holiness. The corn represents the feast to be partaken of on the Day of Judgment and the +fruit represents the fruit of the tree of life. The meat represents the message of Christ and those who +accept it will be saved.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">The Winnebago, Quapaw and Osage peyote officials represent the Father (the leader), the +Son (the drummer) and the Holy Ghost (the cedar-man); the trinity of hearts in the Big +Moon may represent much the same idea in the Osage-Quapaw rite.</p> + +<p>Koshiway said that the bird into which the Oto ashes are shaped is</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">the Spirit descending when Jesus was baptized: the Holy Spirit, like an eagle, with good eyes; you +can’t fool it. [The ashes themselves represent] a prayer for the white hair of old age, and the fire is +like the fire through which God spoke to Moses. Peyote is like a “telescope” through which you +can see God.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">The Delaware twin piles of ashes symbolize Christ’s lungs; Mary Buffalo says one pile +is the grave of Christ, the other of John Wilson, among the Osage; the Quapaw say the +whole coffin-shaped fire-pit is Christ’s grave. The Ponca, according to Brabant, believed +the body of the Saviour would emerge from the altar and become visible to those who had +eaten enough of the sacred plant. Among the Caddo,</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">the first stick in the fire represents the heart. There are twelve other sticks which represent the +ribs [of Christ, as the ashes his lungs].⁠<a id="FNanchor_8_580" href="#Footnote_8_580" class="fnanchor">[8]</a></p> +</blockquote> + +<p>The paraphernalia of the ceremony are also given Christian interpretations. The Delaware +followers of Wilson call the corn husk cigarette the “pipe of Jesus.” And of an unspecified +group Mooney writes that</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">many of the mescal eaters wear crucifixes, which they regard as sacred emblems of the rite, the +cross representing the cross of scented leaves upon which the consecrated mescal rests during the +ceremony, while the Christ is the mescal goddess.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">Some Kiowa leaders make a cross under the water bucket, and cross the feathers in the +water before drinking⁠<a id="FNanchor_9_581" href="#Footnote_9_581" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> and the peyote staff, like that of the Delaware, often has an inconspicuous +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_164">[164]</span>cross near the top. The twelve feathers of the Omaha leader’s fan represent the +twelve apostles of Christ. The Winnebago fans differ for the John Rave and the Jesse +Clay rites, but both sects use eagle feathers which represent the wings of the birds mentioned +in Revelations. John Rave’s staff is symbolic of the “shepherd’s crook,” and the +mound of earth in the altar is “Mt. Sinai.” White Buffalo said that gourd rattles among the +Nebraska Winnebago commonly bore drawings of Christ, his cross and crown, etc., and +Radin says they often bear drawings of scenes from the Bible as well as peyote visions. +A Cheyenne gourd seen at Apache and made by Spotted Crow had the following “Jesus +talk” on it:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>Help me O Lord My God O save me According to thy Mercy O God my heart is fixed. I will +sing And give praise Even with my Glory.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">The Winnebago explain that the exchange of gourd and drum between the leader and his +assistant when singing the set songs means that “God gives power to Christ, in Heaven and +earth,” just as the leader delegates his authority. The blowing of the leader’s “flute” at +the four points of the compass is to announce the birth of Christ to the world, and later it +symbolizes the trumpet of the Day of Judgment, when Christ will appear wearing the +crown of glory (symbolized by the leader’s otter skin hat, worn at this time).⁠<a id="FNanchor_10_582" href="#Footnote_10_582" class="fnanchor">[10]</a></p> + +<p>The Bible as an additional piece of peyote paraphernalia probably stems from the +Christianism of the Oto, who used it in their meetings, being mentioned also for the Iowa, +Omaha and Winnebago. The New Testament, and particularly Revelations, is a favorite +among the Rave cultists (Jesse Clay’s followers do not use the Bible)—Crashing Thunder +finding in it authority for a hair-cut, and others discovering reasons after the fact for holding +their meetings at night. Three Old Testament texts are widely known also:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>And they shall eat the flesh in that night, roast with fire, and unleavened bread; and with bitter +herbs they shall eat it. (Exodus 12.8.)</p> + +<p>And this day shall be unto you for a memorial; and ye shall keep it as a feast by an ordinance +forever. (Exodus 12.14.)</p> + +<p>For if the firstfruit be holy, the lump is also holy: and if the root be holy, so are the branches.... +Boast not against the branches. But if thou boast, thou bearest not the root, but the root thee. +(Romans 11.16 and 18.)</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">Various other Biblical references appear in the ceremony. Among the Iowa the leader +carries the water himself in the morning to show his humility, and because of Christ’s +washing of feet mentioned in the Gospels. The Winnebago equate the physiological action +of peyote with Christ’s casting out devils. A Comanche said suffering is caused by one’s +sins and lack of faith in peyote, and that point in the night when nausea is commonly +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_165">[165]</span>severest is called the “Dark Hour, the hour of the Crucifixion.” A Kickapoo leader often +cast his prophecies in Biblical language. A Kiowa, again, appeared to have a belief about +the first peyote found which parallels the miraculous proliferation of the loaves and the +fishes in the Bible. Koshiway compared the Indians to the fishermen on the Sea of Galilee, +when Christ said “Peace, be still!” to the angry waves, just as peyote says it to the storm-tossed +Indians in this latter-day world. And for the man who lives a good life, the ashes of +the fire will open up like the waters of the Red Sea, and he can pass through the fire to the +father peyote along the “Peyote Road” on the moon.⁠<a id="FNanchor_11_583" href="#Footnote_11_583" class="fnanchor">[11]</a></p> + +<p>Some two dozen songs, previously reported in the text, show Christian influence. The +closing song of the Negro Church of the First-born was the Christian hymn, “Till We Meet +Again,” but the majority of peyote songs have native words. The Rave rite, derived from +the Oto and the Quapaw (influenced by the Christianity of Jonathan Koshiway and John +Wilson, respectively), contained more Christian elements in symbolism and song than the +Jesse Clay cult. This was the more aboriginal, yet he back-handedly quoted the Scriptures +to justify the plain staff (“like Moses’”) of his ceremony as against the decorated staff of +Rave. Occasional peyote visions show Christian influence: some of Crashing Thunder’s +were of this sort, and a Kiowa had visions of a mitred priest who nodded smilingly and +approvingly at the father peyote on the altar, but in the visions collected Christian elements +are uncommon.⁠<a id="FNanchor_12_584" href="#Footnote_12_584" class="fnanchor">[12]</a></p> + +<p>Mexican peyotism and the Wilson rite were influenced by Catholicism, but the Church +of the First-born and the Native American Church by Protestantism (the Russellites, the +Mormons, etc.). At the first Oto meeting attended a vessel was passed around in the morning +for a “free-will offering,” as in Protestant churches, and the Pawnee, Kiowa and others +have “Ladies’ Auxiliaries” to the local Native American Church. These women have +quilting parties, can fruit, make up box lunches to raise church money and visit the sick, +much as their White sisters do. Other White elements appear in the meetings themselves. +The Iowa leader and fireman, for instance, shake hands with everyone in the tipi after the +ritual feast, in token of friendship and good will. The Osage and Quapaw “round-houses,” +too, are in obvious imitation of White peoples’ churches, but the Osage are criticized for +ostentation along White “leisure class” lines. More conservative groups make disparaging +remarks about the “beds” in their meetings, their electric lights in the round house, and +their cigars—some Osage churches are even provided with spittoons!</p> + +<p>Yet when all these features have been summed up, it is still clear that the layer of +Christianity on peyotism is very thin and superficial indeed. Furthermore, the Christianized +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_166">[166]</span>Wilson and Rave rites among the Caddo and Winnebago are currently losing followers +to the more conservative Hoag and Jesse Clay moons—and there are frequent expostulations +against the mixing of the native religion with the White.⁠<a id="FNanchor_13_585" href="#Footnote_13_585" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> Some groups feel no inconsistency +in belonging to both the peyote church and some White Protestant sect as well, +but the unfriendliness of the functionaries of the latter groups toward peyotism and their +lack of reciprocal tolerance has driven many borderline cases openly into the peyote church. +The Indians feel, perhaps rightly, that peyotism is their last strong link with the aboriginal +past, which others are trying to destroy. Hence it has contributed greatly to the sense of +community and morale of the Indian groups in Oklahoma.</p> + +<p>Of course apologists sometimes use Christian arguments to confound the enemies of +the cult, as when peyote and the water are equated to the Catholic use of bread and wine +in Communion,⁠<a id="FNanchor_14_586" href="#Footnote_14_586" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> or when Old Man Green (Oto) told a minister that he was condemning +God’s work in attacking peyote. But these do not proceed from any profound faith in +Christianity. A Shawnee comment is most typical:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>Christ was born only several hundred years ago, not when the world was created, like peyote.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">Prayers are still addressed to the older tribal deities in peyote meetings: the Winnebago +to Earthmaker, the Oto to Wakan, the Cheyenne to Mayan, etc. A Kickapoo summed +up the religious history of his tribe as follows:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>We had medicine bags before Jesus was born over in Bethlehem, in the old country. The old +generation worshipped idols. When God’s son was going to be born, they were trying to make the +people believe God. And after Jesus was born, they commenced this [peyote].</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">Nevertheless, it should be reiterated that on the whole, despite the apparent and superficial +syncretism with Christianity, peyotism is an essentially aboriginal American religion, +operating in terms of fundamental Indian concepts about powers, visions and native modes +of doctoring. The Christianity of many native Christians is precarious at best—as we have +seen from various case histories—when it comes into any very serious conflict with native +culture. Perhaps most peyote-users would echo the words of the famous Comanche chief, +Quanah Parker, with reference to the superiority of peyotism over Christianity:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>The white man [he said] goes into his church house and talks <i>about</i> Jesus, but the Indian goes +into his tipi and talks <i>to</i> Jesus.⁠<a id="FNanchor_15_587" href="#Footnote_15_587" class="fnanchor">[15]</a></p> +</blockquote> + +<div class="footnotes"> + +<h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_1_573" href="#FNanchor_1_573" class="label">[1]</a> + “[De la Serna] adds that ... they delighted in caricaturing the Eucharist, dividing among their congregation +a narcotic yellow mushroom for the bread, and the inebriating pulque for the wine. Sometimes they +adroitly concealed in the pyx, alongside the holy water, some little idol of their own, so that they really followed +their own superstitions while seemingly adoring the Host. They assigned a purely pagan sense to the sacred +formula, ‘Father, Son, and Holy Ghost,’ understanding it to be, ‘Fire, Earth, and Water,’ or the like” (Brinton, +<i>Nagualism</i>, 28); Bennett and Zingg, <i>The Tarahumara</i>, 369, 385. <i>Coix Lachryma Jobi</i> was an early Spanish introduction, +but may have replaced some native seed (e.g., mescal) used as beads. Serna’s mushroom is probably +teo-nanacatl.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_2_574" href="#FNanchor_2_574" class="label">[2]</a> Klineberg, <i>Notes on the Huichol</i>, 449; Lumholtz, <i>Unknown Mexico</i>, 1:314; 2:170, 189.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_3_575" href="#FNanchor_3_575" class="label">[3]</a> Lumholtz, <i>op. cit.</i>, 2:171-72, 272; Bennett and Zingg, <i>The Tarahumara</i>, 294.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_4_576" href="#FNanchor_4_576" class="label">[4]</a> Bennett and Zingg, <i>op. cit.</i>, 290; Lumholtz, <i>Unknown Mexico</i>, + 1:360-61. On Tarahumari Christianity see +<i>Handbook of the American Indians</i>, 2:692b; the ease of acceptance suggests congruence with aboriginal forms.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_5_577" href="#FNanchor_5_577" class="label">[5]</a> Opler, <i>The Influence of Aboriginal Pattern</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_6_578" href="#FNanchor_6_578" class="label">[6]</a> + The Winnebago did not introduce the first Christian elements, as Radin believed. A Taos Indian (Plains-influenced?) +once visioned Christ (Parsons, <i>Taos Pueblo</i>, 66).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_7_579" href="#FNanchor_7_579" class="label">[7]</a> Radin, <i>The Winnebago Tribe</i>, 418; Densmore, <i>The Peyote Cult</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_8_580" href="#FNanchor_8_580" class="label">[8]</a> Petrullo, <i>The Diabolic Root</i>, 101, 113; Brabant, in Seymour, <i>Peyote Worship</i>, + 182. Cf. Gilmore’s Omaha +(<i>The Mescal Society</i>, 165-66) whose fireplace is the heart of Jesus.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_9_581" href="#FNanchor_9_581" class="label">[9]</a> + But there seemed to be a certain quality of propaganda for the ethnographer’s benefit in one Kiowa doctoring +meeting, when the name of Jesus was mentioned in prayers with unwonted frequency.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_10_582" href="#FNanchor_10_582" class="label">[10]</a> Petrullo, <i>The Diabolic Root</i>, 96, cf. 56-59, 67, 96, note 9; Mooney, <i>A Kiowa Mescal Rattle</i>, + 65; Harrington, +<i>Religion and Ceremonies</i>, 186-88; Gilmore, <i>The Mescal Society</i>, 165-66; <i>Uses of Plants</i>, 106; Densmore, +<i>The Peyote Cult</i>; Radin, <i>A Sketch of the Peyote Cult</i>, 4, 12; <i>The Winnebago Tribe</i>, 416-17; White Buffalo in Blair, +<i>The Indian Tribes</i>, 282 (letter of April 15, 1909).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_11_583" href="#FNanchor_11_583" class="label">[11]</a> Skinner, <i>Societies of the Iowa</i>, 724, 727; Gilmore, <i>The Mescal Society</i>, + 165-66; <i>The Uses of Plants</i>; Densmore, +<i>Winnebago Songs of the Peyote Ceremony</i>; <i>The Peyote Cult</i>; Radin, <i>A Sketch of the Peyote Cult</i>, 5-6; <i>The +Winnebago Tribe</i>, 394-95; <i>Crashing Thunder</i>, 186-87, 200; Simmons, in Mooney, <i>Miscellaneous Notes</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_12_584" href="#FNanchor_12_584" class="label">[12]</a> Skinner, <i>Societies of the Iowa</i>, 727-28; Murie, <i>Pawnee Indian Societies</i>, + 637; Densmore, <i>The Peyote Cult</i>; +<i>Winnebago Songs of the Peyote Ceremony</i>; Radin, <i>A Sketch of the Peyote Cult</i>, 5; <i>The Winnebago Tribe</i>, 395; +<i>Crashing Thunder</i>, 193-94; Smith [Mrs. M. G.], <i>A Negro Peyote Cult</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_13_585" href="#FNanchor_13_585" class="label">[13]</a> The turmoil among the Caddo seems to grow out of the attempt to mix Christian with native motives +and John Wilson is nowadays by no means universally revered. “There have been some Delawares living with +the Caddo who have from time to time tried to introduce the Catholic faith in the Peyote meeting. Often they +used the crucifix on the Peyote on the moon. All these attempts have met with opposition from most of the Delawares” +(Petrullo, <i>The Diabolic Root</i>, 77).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_14_586" href="#FNanchor_14_586" class="label">[14]</a> + Petition of 62 Osage to the Senate Committee on Indian Affairs, in <i>Peyote, as Used in Religious Worship</i>, +64-67.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_15_587" href="#FNanchor_15_587" class="label">[15]</a> Simmons, <i>The Peyote Road</i>.</p></div> + +</div> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_167">[167]</span></p> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="APPENDIX_9">APPENDIX 9: THE NATIVE AMERICAN CHURCH AND OTHER PEYOTE CHURCHES</h2> + +</div> + +<p>The many attempted anti-peyote legal measures, and the frank hostility of some persons⁠<a id="FNanchor_1_588" href="#Footnote_1_588" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> +to peyotism early stimulated the cultists to seek some sort of legally-guaranteed security +for their worship. The first of several incorporated peyote churches, the Oto Church of +the First-born, has heretofore been little known. Peyote came to the Oto under the late +White Horn’s leadership from the Tonkawa some time before 1896. The original rite is +said to have been “just like the Apache,” which is to say, the standard pre-John Wilson +Plains type. But the Oto, like other tribes, began to have “government trouble” about +their worship shortly before the World War. A group of younger men, Frank Eagle, George +Pipestem, Charles MacDonald and Charles W. Dailey, who had been away to school and +were considerably influenced by White Protestantism, sought, at this juncture, to use the +White man’s weapons in their own defence. But by far the most important figure in this +movement was Jonathan Koshiway.</p> + +<p>Although enrolled as a Sauk-and-Fox, Koshiway’s mother was an Oto. He had formerly +lived in northeastern Kansas, and had been an Indian evangelist for the Church of Latter-Day +Saints.⁠<a id="FNanchor_2_589" href="#Footnote_2_589" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> As an individual Koshiway was considerably influenced by Middle Western +Protestantism, and solved for himself the adjustmental problem of double culture-bearers +by discovering that the old native religion of his childhood was the <i>same</i> as the White +Christianity of his maturity, with merely different phrasing and vocabulary. Did not God +speak to Moses through a burning bush, like the Indians’ peyote fire? When God viewed his +creation, does not the Bible say that “God saw that it was good,” and was not the little +peyote plant one of the herbs of the field thus created? Did not Christians also make use +of wafers and sacramental wine just as the Indians used the flat buttons of the sacred herb +and peyote “tea”? Did not Christianity even embody the Plains ritual number in the “Four +Foundations” of Love, Faith, Hope, and Charity?</p> + +<p>Jack was a “Bible student” in Kansas City at one time, and is notably fluent in these +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_168">[168]</span>syncretic interpretations, being called upon frequently to speak in peyote meetings, +especially when visitors are present to whom explanations are in order. Another important +influence upon Koshiway—as well as upon George Deroin (Iowa) of Perkins, who +may once have been his associate—was that of the Russellites, a somewhat desiccated +Protestant cult of the Middle West, who did not believe in any “earthly” government. +This dogma naturally suited a group in difficulties with temporal government. Koshiway +explained to me that the name finally chosen for the organization is a “heavenly name” and +that the church proper is “up there”; yet practical peace must be made with Caesar on +earth, and this Koshiway set about with care to do.</p> + +<p>First of all he consulted White Horn, leader of the native peyote rite, and gained his +support. Koshiway generously states that White Horn was the co-founder of the Church +of the First-born, but the fact appears to be that the latter’s role consisted in giving the +official approval of the older established peyote cult. Koshiway also visited many white +ministers to get their advice on organization. There appears to have been some friction +about this, and even Koshiway ended up by insisting that the peyote church should not be +“under” any white Protestant church, but independent. Then, despite the fact that the +Russellites preach non-cooperation with the Government and the ultimate break-up of all +temporal governments, Koshiway went to a lawyer in Perry, Oklahoma, H. F. Johnson, +and sought legal advice. On December 8, 1914, the “First-born Church of Christ” was +incorporated under the laws of Oklahoma and received a charter for an organization located +at Red Rock, Oklahoma, signed by Benjamin F. Harrison, the Secretary of State.⁠<a id="FNanchor_3_590" href="#Footnote_3_590" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> The +articles of incorporation were signed by Jonathan Koshiway and four hundred and ten +other names.</p> + +<p>Koshiway wanted an “authorized” preacher to come and baptize the newly constituted +church’s adherents, but this never became a regular practice, if, indeed, it ever actually +occurred at all. A reluctance to come half-way was manifested by the Protestant groups +concerned, and in time Jack himself took up all the usual functions of a minister, marrying, +conducting funerals and in addition doctoring in meetings and “hollering” the way his +source of medicine power does. Secondary Shawnee influences occurred in this later period, +but the chief ritual difference between the usual peyote rite of the Plains and that of the +Oto Church of the First-born is directly traceable to the influence of the Russellites.</p> + +<p>This difference was over the question of smoking in meetings. As Koshiway reconstituted +the Church, the preliminary smoking of corn shuck cigarettes was abolished—a remarkable +innovation when one recalls the deeply entrenched ceremonial use of tobacco +in the Plains, but when a narcotic was sacrificed in the ritual, tobacco went, not peyote. +Koshiway took peyote to a group of Oto in Kansas under Charley Rubido, and by this +time the work of syncretism which had been accomplished became evident, for,</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">when we examined the literature [says Koshiway] we found that [the native Russellites under +Rubido and the Koshiway peyotists] were just alike.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_169">[169]</span></p> + +<p class="noindent">In both groups smoking was omitted, and cedar leaves were burned in place of this at +intervals of prayer. When the leader called upon an individual to pray, he was given cedar +to burn to produce smoke and bear away the prayer. The Bible was a conspicuous part of +the meeting also.⁠<a id="FNanchor_4_591" href="#Footnote_4_591" class="fnanchor">[4]</a></p> + +<p>The later history of the Church of the First-born was influenced by the interaction +of Koshiway and the later-founded Native American Church. At Cheyenne, a little town +northwest of Calumet, Oklahoma, a group of Oto, Kiowa and Arapaho had an intertribal +conference to decide upon measures of defence for peyotism. Jack took the Oto charter to +this conference and explained his solution of the problem. James Mooney at this, or a later +conference, was influential in persuading the assembly to adopt this method of organization, +but many of the group apparently objected to the element of White religion implied +in the title “First-born Church of Christ” and rejected the name. The title ultimately +chosen was the “Native American Church,” which emphasized the intertribal solidarity +of the cult, as well as its aboriginality.</p> + +<p>Koshiway’s behavior at this point is interesting. He had not succeeded in making himself +the head of the church of his naming as extended in a state-wide organization. As he +himself puts it he “began to deny” the First-born Church of Christ, and “joined” the Native +American Church, where, though he was less important as an individual, he nevertheless +was a member of a larger and more official in-group. He is much amused in his attitude +toward the remnants of the Oto church; says he,</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>They were so religious [about smoking]—I converted them, and then they turned around and +said I wasn’t right; that’s how peculiar us Indians are!</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="noindent">As a matter of fact, however, Koshiway seems to have believed that the true belief about +peyote was <i>a fortiori</i> what he, the founder of the church, successively believed. When later +he re-introduced the smoking of tobacco into the ceremony, he actually was himself backsliding +into the older native custom and retreating from the Russellite-influenced no-smoking +rule. The real Puritans, obviously, were the Kansas group who retained the rule. +A curious and amusing compensation is evident in the most modern reconstitution of the +Oto smoking ceremony: the “shucks” in meetings attended were fully twice as long as +those normally used in the Plains rite!</p> + +<p>The present Oto church in Oklahoma, under the presidency of James Pettit, considers +itself a local branch of the Native American Church, but the Kansas group still carries +on the Russellite no-smoking rule. The return to the older standard pattern came about in +this way.⁠<a id="FNanchor_5_592" href="#Footnote_5_592" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> The well-known Kiowa leader, Belo Kozad, came to the Oto with Jack Sankadote +(one of the two original Kiowa users) and an Apache named Star. The meeting was held +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_170">[170]</span>fourteen miles east of Red Rock, and Koshiway’s attendance at this was a turning-point. +Belo prayed to peyote—a practice itself rejected by Koshiway—that Jack take up his +“road.” Jack maintained his disapproval of smoking, but for some time had apparently +come to prefer being an accepted member of the larger group to being an important outsider. +Somewhat later, he revisited the Kiowa and his friend Albert Cat, attending several +meetings there. At one of these Belo offered Koshiway a prayer-smoke, and finally after +some hesitation he took it—a very small act objectively, to be sure, but symbolizing the +healing of a schism in the native peyote religion. On this trip south Koshiway had been +given money gifts, and a sick woman the Oto had brought with them had been doctored by +Old Man Horse (Kiowa); these factors perhaps weighed somewhat in favor of his embracing +the state-wide cult. In the ideology of Belo (and most Kiowa as well) there was no +theoretical objection to Christian churches, but the usual attitude was that peyotism and +Christianity were mutually exclusive <i>alternatives</i>.⁠<a id="FNanchor_6_593" href="#Footnote_6_593" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> Still later Belo Kozad again visited the +Oto and led a meeting, and this time Koshiway was his assistant or drummer, and Koshiway +now had his place in the classic rite. His adaptability and good humor have given him a +position of considerable importance in Oto peyotism, though he is by no means the oldest +user—more important perhaps even than that of Sam Bassett, the “tribal priest.”</p> + +<p>Several other fore-runners of the Native American Church should be mentioned. In +1897 the Oto brought the new religion to the Omaha and Winnebago of Nebraska and by +1909 there was an organization called the Union Church of mescal-eaters at Winnebago, +Nebraska, which made use of the Bible.⁠<a id="FNanchor_7_594" href="#Footnote_7_594" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> The Omaha formed a similar organization called +the American Indian Church Brother Association, whose elaborate symbolic crest is figured +in Wagner. The Kiowa United American Church mentioned by Mrs. Voegelin may also +have been a forerunner of the Native American Church.</p> + +<p>This organization was formed by an intertribal group which met at El Reno and +included Mack Haag (Cheyenne) of Calumet, Sidney White Crane of Kingfisher, Charles +W. Dailey (Oto), George Pipestem (Oto), and Charles E. Moore (Oto), all of Red Rock, +Frank Eagle (Ponca) of Ponca City, Wilbur Peawa (Comanche) of Fletcher, Mam Sookwat +(Comanche) of Baird, and Apache Ben of Apache, Oklahoma.⁠<a id="FNanchor_8_595" href="#Footnote_8_595" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> A certificate of incorporation +was granted to “The Native American Church” at Oklahoma City under the Great +Seal and the signature of the Secretary of State, dated October 10, 1918, and signed by +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_171">[171]</span>Alfred Wilson (Cheyenne), Louis McDonald (Ponca), Delos Lonewolf (Kiowa), Herman +McCarthy (Osage) and Tennequah (Comanche). The strongly intertribal nature⁠<a id="FNanchor_9_596" href="#Footnote_9_596" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> of the +organization is indicated by the various tribal affiliations of the men elected to the offices +of the Native American Church. The constitution under which the charter was obtained +was changed at Washington in the administration of Ned Brace, and several amendments +were made in 1935. Frank Cayou (Omaha) of Hominy has for some time been seeking a +national charter from Congress, through Secretary Ickes and Commissioner Collier, so far +with no success.</p> + +<p>Formerly there was an annual tax of two dollars for each individual member of the state +organization, one half kept by the local group and the other half sent to the state headquarters, +but later this was changed to a ten dollar tax per tribe. In Oklahoma there are now +(1936) twenty-four tribes organized in the church, and these send two delegates from each +local church (if there are several locals there may be as many as six delegates from one +tribe). The yearly convention is held the last Friday in November, formerly always in El +Reno, though in 1936 it was held in Hominy. El Reno is the site of “The Wigwam,” a +young Indian men’s fraternal organization which once maintained a museum-meeting room +convenient for these conventions, hence the Native American Church was incorporated +as of this place. Because of the many native languages represented, English is the lingua +Franca of negotiations at conventions. The chief function of the state organization so far +has been the mobilizing of political power and application of pressure on legislative groups, +in the preservation of what the Indians regard as their constitutionally guaranteed right +of religious freedom.</p> + +<p>The Winnebago and Omaha of Nebraska, and also the Indians of South Dakota, Wisconsin +and Kansas have patterned their constitutions after that of the original Oklahoma +Native American Church. The Native American Church is now also incorporated in +Montana and Nebraska;⁠<a id="FNanchor_10_597" href="#Footnote_10_597" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> + in the latter state Jesse Clay was the first president⁠<a id="FNanchor_11_598" href="#Footnote_11_598" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> of an +actively evangelistic group which sends “missionaries” into new regions, ambitious of +making peyote the universal Indian religion. In Oklahoma there are local tribal organizations +within the Native American Church. For example, among the Kickapoo there is a +“men’s club” which meets after every peyote meeting and a “women’s club” which meets +on the second Thursday of every month. The Ponca also have a “Ladies’ Auxiliary,” as do +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_172">[172]</span>also the Pawnee. These data are of course incomplete, but it is believed that they are representative.</p> + +<p>Of particular interest, however, is the Negro Church of the First-born, formerly existing +near Tulsa, Oklahoma.⁠<a id="FNanchor_12_599" href="#Footnote_12_599" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> The founder was John Jamison who was born in Lincoln Co., +Oklahoma. His parents for some reason were given allotments, and he grew up among the +Iowa, speaking Iowa, Pawnee and Comanche. When he sought to take up the peyote +cult, the younger men were less friendly than the older ones; they resented a Negro’s +taking the “old Indian religion.” The rite which he conducted was the typical Indian one, +but involved more use of the Bible than was general; the elements of the drum, gourd +dishes for sacred food, medicine feathers, cane, sage, cedar, canvas tipi and chief peyote +button were all present. Jamison sometimes dressed in a chief’s bonnet, blanket and moccasins. +He conducted meetings as far back as 1920 which Indians sometimes attended, and +occasionally he was sent for to conduct Indian meetings. In 1926 Jamison died of a brain +concussion after he had been attacked by a half-crazed Negro. The cult did not survive his +death; it had never been popular outside a small group, though some persons were attracted +by the healing he attempted to do. But even the devoted became suspicious when they +learned of Government hostility to their practices. As Mrs. Smith writes,</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="noindent">This attitude on the part of the negroes is doubly interesting in view of the rebellious attitude +which the Indians displayed under the same circumstances.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p>Jamison’s rite differed in a number of respects from the standard Plains ceremony: the +peyote on the moon was eaten by the leader at midnight; the leader sat at the west with +four “sisters” to his right and four “brothers” to his left (including his drum and cedar +man); the fireman north of the door was usually the same man in every meeting. Participants +sat “goat fashion,” i.e., kneeled and sat on their heels, when singing or eating peyote. +The leader sang Indian songs or hymns indifferently. After an opening prayer the leader, or +a male assistant, read a passage from Scripture, and toward morning a member talked on +the passage. During the midnight song, the ashes of the ritual fire were made “heart-shaped,” +then this was deliberately destroyed by the leader⁠<a id="FNanchor_13_600" href="#Footnote_13_600" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> and the ashes swept to the +side. This “burning the heart of the fire” signified the “end of the day.” There was a +recess at midnight and the drummer beat to signify the close of this period, after which +the communicants reentered and ate peyote and sang until daylight.</p> + +<p>As the sun rose, they threw open the door and, all standing, sang the closing song, “Till +We Meet Again.” The sun is supposed to hit the center of the fire “heart.” Then the “sisters” +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_173">[173]</span>leave and serve a sweetened meal which must contain no salt. There is no ceremonial +smoking⁠<a id="FNanchor_14_601" href="#Footnote_14_601" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> as in the Indian ceremony, and cedar smoking is used only once toward the beginning. +The food served is parched corn soaked and sweetened, beef prepared the “Indian +way” (roasted, ground and sweetened; or dried, soaked, stewed, ground and sweetened), +fruit, cereal or mush and finally water. The presence of parched corn is an interesting object +lesson in the stability of a culture trait; centuries later and hundreds of miles away from +the Mexican corn-harvesting ritual we find members of another race still practising the +now meaningless pattern. The mere accident of historical association of parched corn and +peyote has imposed a cultural compulsion!</p> + +<p>Jamison always took Epsom salts⁠<a id="FNanchor_15_602" href="#Footnote_15_602" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> Friday night before the meeting, usually held on +Saturday nights, and a hot bath before going to the meeting. If he ate salt or otherwise +failed to follow these rules, he would see “spooks” and “crazy things.” Further syncretism +with Christian elements is evidenced in the following confession of faith, a copy of which +was possessed by all the faithful and framed:</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p class="center">David Walker<br> +Director<br> +Our Motto: “The World for Christ”<br> +Christ, the Good Shepherd<br> +[picture of group sitting goat fashion, paraphernalia]<br> +Church Covenant<br> +of the Church of the First-born<br> +“Hebrews 12th Chapter, 23rd verse”</p> + +<p class="noindent">We, the undersigned believers in Jesus Christ, do by virtue of Scriptural Faith submit +ourselves to the cause of Christ and the Gospel; to live therein; to walk therein; to teach +therein; to sing therein; to pray therein; to preach therein; to baptize therein; to observe +all the ordinances of Him who has called us to peace, that God may have all the glory +thereof. In testimony whereof we the undersigned hereunto set our hands, by virtue of +our own free will.</p> + +<p class="right">John C. Jamison<br> +Conductor in Charge</p> + +<p>Mrs. Lucinda Walker<br> +Mother of the Household of the Faith</p> + +<p>Katie Hoggins<br> +Secretary of the Household of the Faith</p> + +<p>Mrs. J. L. Ramsey<br> +Assistant</p> + +<p>Mrs. Polly Marshall<br> +Assistant.</p> + +</blockquote> + +<p>The quotation from Hebrews 12.23 the source of the name of the church:</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>[But ye are come] to the general assembly and church of the firstborn, which are written in +heaven, and to God the Judge of all, and to the spirits of just men made perfect.</p> + +</blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_174">[174]</span></p> + +<p class="noindent">Unlike the Oto group, Jamison never succeeded in getting his “moon” incorporated, although +there are suggestions⁠<a id="FNanchor_16_603" href="#Footnote_16_603" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> that Negro groups in South Dakota may have been influenced +by peyotism.</p> + +<div class="footnotes"> + +<h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_1_588" href="#FNanchor_1_588" class="label">[1]</a> The cult use of peyote has been persecuted not alone by legislatures and religious groups. The following +broadside, obtained from Alfred Wilson (Cheyenne) through Enoch Smokey (Kiowa) was posted at Harry Ehoda’s +home in Mountain View, Oklahoma: “To all Indians addicted to the use of peyota and other forms of heathen +or pagan forms of worship. You are hereby warned to sease form such degrading practices. Our Government has +spent and is spending thousands of dollars each month to educate and life up the Indians and the Ku Kluck Klan +of this state have determined that no Indian who has been educated by the Government shall come back home +and debouch his people. Take Due Warning. The Clan in Your Community Will Look After You and Other +Ku Kluck Klan of Okla.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_2_589" href="#FNanchor_2_589" class="label">[2]</a> Cf. Harry Rave (brother of John), quoting another Indian, in Seymour, <i>Peyote Worship</i>, + 182: “‘My friend +we must organize a church and have it run like the Mormon Church’.” Could this have been Koshiway? Mormon +interest in peyotism is indicated in letters to C. Warden (Arapaho) of Gary, Oklahoma, from the Latter +Day Saints, which I have seen. See the <i>Book of Mormon</i>, I Nephig:2-28.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_3_590" href="#FNanchor_3_590" class="label">[3]</a> Data on this charter from a note in Mooney, <i>Peyote Notebook</i>, 38.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_4_591" href="#FNanchor_4_591" class="label">[4]</a> This element introduced by Albert Hensley into Winnebago peyotism, was probably influenced by the +Oto church, when Hensley made his visits in Oklahoma.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_5_592" href="#FNanchor_5_592" class="label">[5]</a> With this native “Oxford Movement” cf. the parallel cases of the Caddo defection from the Wilson rite +to the Enoch Hoag “moon” and the Hensley separatists to the Rave and Jesse Clay groups, the latter in each +case representing a more aboriginal phrasing of the ceremony.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_6_593" href="#FNanchor_6_593" class="label">[6]</a> Which is of course mere theory; actually there is considerable unconscious syncretism, and Belo himself +frequently refers to Jesus in his prayers.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_7_594" href="#FNanchor_7_594" class="label">[7]</a> <i>Report on the case</i>, in Safford, <i>Aztec Narcotic</i>, + 306. “Twelve years ago the Otoes brought the new religion +to the Winnebagoes and Omahas of Nebraska.... In talking with Albert Hensley, one of the prominent +leaders, he said, ‘The mescal was formerly used improperly, but since it has been used in connection with the +Bible it is proving a great benefit to the Indians. Now we call our church the Union Church instead of Mescal-eaters’” +(Letter, April 15, 1909 in Blair, <i>The Indian Tribes</i>, 282.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_8_595" href="#FNanchor_8_595" class="label">[8]</a> From articles of incorporation kindly lent me by James Waldo (Kiowa). The original paper was lost by +Mooney in Washington; Kiowa Charley’s copy gives the date Oct. 29, 1919—probably a duplicate reissue. +Other data from Murdock and Wilson.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_9_596" href="#FNanchor_9_596" class="label">[9]</a> From 1918 to 1936 the officials have been (president, vice-president and treasurer, respectively): Frank +Eagle (Ponca), Mack Haag (Cheyenne), Calumet, Louis MacDonald (Ponca), Ponca City; Mack Haag, Delos +Lonewolf (Kiowa), Carnegie, James Waldo (Kiowa), Verden; Delos Lonewolf, Alfred Wilson (Cheyenne), Thomas, +James Waldo; Alfred Wilson, Ned Brace (Kiowa), Mountain View, Oscar Whyel (Kickapoo); Alfred Wilson, +Ned Brace, Louis Toyebo (Kiowa); Ned Brace, Frank Cayou (Omaha), Edgar McCarthy (Osage); Frank Cayou, +Alfred Wilson, Edgar McCarthy. George Pipestem (Oto) of Red Rock was the secretary of the Native American +Church from its founding until his death in 1936.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_10_597" href="#FNanchor_10_597" class="label">[10]</a> Letter of C. C. Guinn of Guinn & Maddox, Attorneys, to Mack Haag, President of the Native American +Church, dated Hardin, Montana, Feb. 16, 1916; Densmore, <i>The Peyote Cult</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_11_598" href="#FNanchor_11_598" class="label">[11]</a> Elections of officials are held yearly in Nebraska instead of every two years as in Oklahoma.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_12_599" href="#FNanchor_12_599" class="label">[12]</a> Condensed from Mrs. M. G. Smith’s article, <i>A Negro Peyote Cult</i>. Mrs. Smith does not mention any +possible Oto influence, which, in view of the near-identity of the name appears probable.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_13_600" href="#FNanchor_13_600" class="label">[13]</a> This occurs in no Indian peyote ceremony known to the writer. This deliberate destructive act suggests +a symbolic aggression. The psychic mechanisms underlying this behavior have been shown with fine perception +in John Dollard’s penetrating book <i>Caste and Class in a Southern Town</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_14_601" href="#FNanchor_14_601" class="label">[14]</a> This again suggests Oto influence.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_15_602" href="#FNanchor_15_602" class="label">[15]</a> Cf. the related emetic rites!</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_16_603" href="#FNanchor_16_603" class="label">[16]</a> Reko, <i>Ein Kultus die Gespenster</i>, 431: “Die Christian Peyotl Church in South Dakota benutzt diese +Dinger an Stelle der Hostie und verabreicht sie bei der Kommunion and die Glaübigen. Daneber haben sie jenseits +der Grenze noch eine nicht unbedeutende Kunschaft in der nordamerikanischen Indianer und den Schwarzen +die die Mescalbottons [sic] freilich keineswegs zum Kommunizieren benützen.”</p></div> + +</div> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_175">[175]</span></p> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="BIBLIOGRAPHY">BIBLIOGRAPHY</h2> + +</div> + +<div class="hanging"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Adair, James.</span> <i>The History of the American Indians</i> (London, 1775).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">de Alarcón, Hernando Ruis.</span> <i>Tratado de las supersticiones y costumbres gentilicas, 1629</i> (Anales del Museo +Nacional de Mexico, vol. 6, 1898).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Alberts, ——.</span> <i>Einwirkung des Meskalins auf komplizierte psychische Vorgänge</i> (Dissertation. Heidelberg, 1920).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Alegre, F. J.</span> Historia de la Compañía de Jesus en Nueva-España (3 vols. 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F.</span> <i>Manuscript</i> (in Report Madrid Exposition, in Harvard Peabody Museum, 1893).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Bartram, William.</span> <i>Travels through North and South Carolina, Georgia, East and West Florida, the Cherokee +County ... with Observations on the Manners of the Indians</i> (Philadelphia, 1791).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Basauri, Carlos.</span> <i>Monografía de los Tarahumaras</i> (Mexico, 1929).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Beals, Ralph L.</span> Aboriginal Survivals in Mayo Culture (American Anthropologist, vol. 34:28-39, 1932).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>The Acaxee, a Mountain Tribe of Durango and Sinaloa</i> (Ibero-Americana, No. 6, 1933).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>The Comparative Ethnology of Northern Mexico before 1750</i> (Ibero-Americana, No. 2, 1932).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Beckwith, Martha Warren.</span> <i>Notes on Jamaica Ethnobotany</i> (Publications, Vassar Folklore Foundation, No. +8:1-47. Poughkeepsie, N. Y., 1927).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Benedict, Ruth Fulton.</span> <i>The Vision in Plains Culture</i> (American Anthropologist, vol. 24:1-23, 1922).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Bennett, Wendell C., and Robert M. Zingg.</span> <i>The Tarahumara</i> (Chicago, 1935).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Bensheim, H.</span> <i>Typenunterschiede bei mescalin versuchen</i> (Zeitschrift für die gesamte Neurologie und Psychiatrie, +vol. 121:531-43, 1929).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Beringer, K.</span> <i>Experimentelle Psychosen durch Meskalin</i> (Zeitschrift für die gesamte Neurologie und Psychiatrie, +vol. 24, 1920).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Experimentelle Psychosen durch Meskalin</i> (Vortrag auf der südwestdeutschen Psychiater-Versammlung +in Erlangen, 1922).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Intoxication due to Alkaloid from Mescaline: Resulting Mental and Physical Phenomena</i> (Archivo Argentino +de Neurologia, vol. 2:145-54, 1928).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Der Meskalinrausch, Seine Geschichte und Erscheinungsweise</i> (Monographien aus dem Gesamtegebiete der +Neurologie und Psychiatrie, vol. 49:35-89, 119-315, 1927).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Beverly, Robert.</span> <i>History of Virginia, by a Native and Inhabitant of the Place</i> (2nd ed. London, 1722).</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_176">[176]</span></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Blair, E. H.</span> <i>The Indian Tribes of the Upper Mississippi Valley and Region of the Great Lakes</i> (Cleveland, 1912).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Boas, Franz.</span> <i>Anthropology</i> (Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, vol. 2:73-110. New York, 1930).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Bolitho, William.</span> <i>Article</i> (The New York World, January 3, 1929).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Boston Herald</i> [article] (April 14, 1927).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Boughton, I. B., and W. T. Hardy.</span> <i>Mescalbean</i> (Sophoro Secundiflora) <i>Poisonous for Livestock</i> (Texas Agricultural +Experiment Station, Bulletin No. 519, 1935).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Bourke, John G.</span> <i>The Medicine-Men of the Apaches</i> (Annual Report, Bureau of American Ethnology, 9:443-603, +1892).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>On the Border with Crooke</i> (New York, 1891).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Scatalogical Rites of All Nations</i> (Washington, 1891).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Boyer, Jacques.</span> <i>Visual Hallucinations from Peyote</i> (Nature, vol. 55, whole number 2760:403-06, 1927).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Bravo, Helia H.</span> <i>Las Cactaceas de Mexico</i> (Mexico, 1937).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Nota acerca de la Histología del Peyote, Lophophora williamsii, Lemaire</i> (Anales del Instituto de Biología, +1931).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Bresler, J.</span> <i>Anhalonium Lewinii</i> (Psychiatrische-Neurologische Wochenschrift, vol. 7:249-55, 1905-06).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Briau, R.</span> <i>Du Peyotl dans les États anxieux</i> (Thesis. Université de Paris, 1928).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Brinton, Daniel G.</span> <i>Nagualism</i> (American Philosophical Society, Proceedings, vol. 33, 1894).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Notes on the Floridian Peninsula, Its Literary History, Indian Tribes and Antiquities</i> (Philadelphia, 1859).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Religions of Primitive People</i> (New York, 1897).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Britton, N. L., and J. N. Rose.</span> <i>The Cactaceae</i> (4 vols. Washington, D.C., 1922).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Buchanan, D. N.</span> <i>Meskalinrausch</i> (British Journal of Medical Psychology, vol. 9:67-88, 1929).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Buhler, K.</span> <i>Handbuch der Psychologie</i>, Vol. 1, <i>Die Strucktur der Wahrnehmungen</i>; Part 1, <i>Ersehrungsweisen +der Farben</i> (1922).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Buschmann, J. C.</span> <i>Die Spuren der aztekischen Sprache im nördlichen Mexico und höheren amerikanischen Norden</i> +(Abhandlungen der Königlicher Akademie der Wissenschaft zu Berlin für 1854:106-07, 1859).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Bushnell, David I.</span> <i>The Choctaw</i> (Bulletin, Bureau of American Ethnology, 48. Washington, 1909).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Cairns, H.</span> <i>Divine Intoxicant</i> (Atlantic Monthly, vol. 144, no. 5:638-45, 1929).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Del Campo, Juan Martinez.</span> <i>Peyote</i> (Anales del Instituto Médico Nacional de México, vol. 6:142-43, 1904).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">De Cardenas, Juan.</span> <i>Primera Parte de los problemas y secretos maravillosos de las Indias</i> (2nd ed. Museo Nacional +de Arqueología, Historia y Etnología, no. 17:145-208, 1913).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Castetter, E. F., and M. E. Opler.</span> <i>The Ethnobiology of the Chiricahua and Mescalero Apache</i> (Bulletin, University +of New Mexico, Ethnobiological series, vol. 4, no. 5, 1936).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Castetter, E. F. and Ruth M. Underhill.</span> <i>Ethnobiology of the Papago Indians</i> (University of New Mexico +Bulletin, Biological Series, vol. 4, no. 3, whole no. 275. Albuquerque, 1935).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Ceroni, Luigi.</span> <i>L’intossicazione mescalinica (Autoespierienze)</i> (Rivista Sperimentale de Freniatria, vol. 56, 1932).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">De Charlevoix, P. F. D.</span> <i>Histoire de l’Isle Espangnole ou de St. Dominique</i> (Amsterdam, 1733).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Chotzen, ——.</span> <i>Article</i> (Psychiatrisch-Neurologische Wochenschrift, 1909).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Cobo, Bernabé.</span> <i>Historia del Nuevo Mundo</i> (4 vols. Sevilla, 1890-93).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Collier, Donald.</span> <i>Peyote: A General Study of the Plant, the Cult and the Drug</i> (in <i>Survey of Conditions of Indians +in United States</i>, vol. 34. Washington, 1937).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Conklin, Edmund S.</span> <i>Photographed Lilliputian Hallucinations</i> (Journal of Nervous and Mental Diseases, vol. 62:133-40, +1925).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Cooke, Anne M.</span> <i>Northern Ute Field Notes</i> (Manuscript).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Corlett, William T.</span> <i>The Medicine-man of the American Indian</i> (Baltimore, 1935).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Corona, Rosendo.</span> <i>Los Huicholes del Pueblo de Santa Caterina</i> (1888).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Coulter, John M.</span> <i>Preliminary Revision of the North American Species of Cactus, Anhalonium and Lophophora</i> +(U. S. National Herbarium, Contributions, vol. 3:91-132. Washington, 1894).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Cozio, Antonio Valverde.</span> <i>Proceso contra un Indio de Taos que había tomado peyote y alborotado el pueblo</i> +(1720).</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_177">[177]</span></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Crichtly, M.</span> <i>Some Forms of Drug Addiction: Mescalism</i> (British Journal of Inebriety, vol. 28, no. 3:99-108, +1931).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Curtis, E. S.</span> <i>The North American Indian</i> (20 vols. Cambridge, 1907-1930).</p> + +<p>Curtis’ Botanical Magazine, vol. 73, fig. 4296, 1847.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Daiker, F. H.</span> <i>Liquor and Peyote, a Menace to the Indian</i> (Report, Thirty-Second Annual Lake Mohonk Conference: +62-68. Albany, 1914).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Daul, A.</span> <i>Illustriertes Handbuch der Kakteenkunde</i> (Stuttgart, 1890).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Dayton, W. A.</span> <i>Important Western Browse Plants</i> (U.S. Department of Agriculture, Miscellaneous Publication, +No. 101. Washington, 1931).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Densmore, Frances.</span> <i>The Peyote Cult and Treatment of the Sick among the Winnebago Indians</i> (Bureau of American +Ethnology, Manuscript 3205, 1931).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Winnebago Songs</i> (Bureau of American Ethnology, Manuscript 1971, n.d.).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Winnebago Songs of the Peyote Ceremony</i> (Bureau of American Ethnology, Manuscript 3261, 1932).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry.</span> <i>Service and Regulatory Announcement, No. 13</i> (Washington, +1915).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Deschamps, André.</span> <i>Ether, Cocaine, Hachich, Peyotl et Démence précoce</i> (Paris, 1932).</p> + +<p><i>Diccionario Universal. Appendice</i>, Vol. 1 (Mexico, 1856).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Diguet, Leon.</span> <i>Les Cacteceas utiles du mexique</i> (Paris, 1928).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Le Peyote</i> (Paris, 1929).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Le Peyote et son usage ritual chez les Indiens du Nayarit</i> (Journal de la Société des Americanistes de Paris, +n.s. vol. 4, no. 1:21-29, 1907).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>La Sierre du Nayarit</i> (Nouvelles Archives des Univers Scientifiques. Paris, 1928).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Dixon, R. B.</span> <i>Some Aspects of the American Shaman</i> (Journal of American Folk-Lore, vol. 21:1-12, 1908).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Dixon, W. E.</span> <i>The Physiological Action of the Alkaloids Derived from Anhalonium Lewinii</i> (Journal of Physiology, +vol. 25:69-86, 1899-1900).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Dixon, W. E., and Edmund White.</span> <i>A Preliminary Note on the Pharmacology of the Alkaloids Derived from the +Mescal Plant</i> (British Medical Journal, vol. 2:1060-61, 1898).</p> + +<p><i>Documentos inéditos ó muy raros para la historia de Méjico</i> (35 vols. Mexico, 1905—).</p> + +<p><i>Documentos para la Historia de Mexico</i> (20 vols. Mexico, 1853-57).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Dollard, John.</span> <i>Caste and Class in a Southern Town</i> (New Haven, 1937).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Dorman, Rushton M.</span> <i>The Origin of Primitive Superstitions</i> (Philadelphia, 1881).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Dragendorff, Georg.</span> <i>Die Heilpflanzen der verschiedenen Völker und Zeiten</i> (Stuttgart, 1898).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Durán, Diego.</span> <i>Historia de las Indias de Nueva-España y Islas de Tierra Firme</i> (2 vols, Mexico, 1867, 1880).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Editorial.</span> <i>Paradise or Inferno?</i> (British Medical Journal, vol. 1:390, 1898).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Editorial.</span> <i>Peyote</i> (Outlook, vol. 115:645-46, 1917).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Ellis, Havelock.</span> <i>Mescal: A New Artificial Paradise</i> (Contemporary Review, vol. 73:130-41, 1898).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Mescal: A Study of a Divine Plant</i> (Popular Science Monthly, vol. 61:52-71, 1902).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>A Note on the Phenomena of Mescal Intoxication</i> (Lancet, vol. 1, whole no. 3849:1540-42, 1897).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Engelmann, George.</span> <i>Cactaceae of the Boundary</i> (Report on the United States and Mexican Boundary Survey, +vol. 2:1-78. Washington, 1859).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Synopsis of the Cactaceae of the Territory of the United States and Adjacent Regions</i> (American Academy +of Arts and Sciences, Proceedings, vol. 3:259-314, 345-46, 1852-57).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Ensayo, Rudo (Eusebio Guiteras, Tr.).</span> <i>Rudo Ensayo</i> (Records, American Historical Society of Philadelphia, +vol. 5, Philadelphia, 1894).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Ewell, Ervin E.</span> <i>The Chemistry of the Cactaceae</i> (Journal of the American Chemical Society, vol. 18:624-43, +1896).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Ewers, Hans Heine.</span> <i>Die Besessenen: Seltsame Geschichten</i> (Munich, 1922).</p> + +<p><i>Farmacopía Méxicana.</i> (4th ed. Mexico, 1904).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Ferías, Pedro.</span> <i>Idolatrías de Chiapas</i>, 1585 (Anales del Museo National de México, vol. 6, 1892).</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_178">[178]</span></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Fernberger, Samuel W.</span> <i>Further Observations on Peyote Intoxication</i> (Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology +vol. 26:367-78, 1932).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Observations on Taking Peyote</i> (American Journal of Psychology, vol. 34:267-70, 616, 1923).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Figg, Herbert B.</span> <i>Mescal</i> (Pharmaceutical Journal and Pharmacist, vol. 127:240-41, 1931).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Flores, Andrés Estrada.</span> <i>Relación y mapa del partido de San Pedro Teo-caltiche</i> (Manuscript, 1659).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Foerster, C. F.</span> <i>Handbuch der Kacteenkunde in ihrem ganzen Umfange</i> (Leipzig, 1846; 2nd ed. 1885).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Förster, E.</span> <i>Selbst-experiment im Mescalinrausch</i> (Zeitschrift für die gesamte Neurologie und Psychiatrie, vol. +127:1-14, 1930).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Forster, J. R., Tr.</span> <i>Bossu: Travels through that Part of North America Formerly Called Louisiana</i> (2 vols. London, +1771).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Fortune, R. F.</span> <i>Omaha Secret Societies</i> (Columbia University Contributions to Anthropology, vol. 14. New +York, 1932).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Fournier, P.</span> <i>Les Cactées et les plantes grasses</i> (Paris, 1935).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Frank, Paul.</span> <i>Field Notes on the Peyote Cult of the Mescalero</i> (Manuscript, 1931).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">García, Bartholomé.</span> <i>Manual para administrar los Santos Sacramentos</i> (Mexico, 1760).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Gatschet, Albert S.</span> <i>The Karankawa Indians</i> (Archaeological and Ethnological Papers, Peabody Museum, +Harvard University, vol. 1:69-167, 1891).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Gatton, A. H.</span> <i>The Narcotic Plant Datura in Aboriginal American Culture</i> (Thesis. University of California +Library, 1928).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Gelb, Adhémar.</span> <i>Über den Wegfall der Warnehmung von “Oberflachenfarben”</i> (Zeitschrift für Psychologie, +vol. 84:193-257, 1920).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Gerste, A.</span> <i>Notes sur la médicine et la botanique des anciens Mexicains</i> (Rome, 1909).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Gifford, W. E.</span> <i>The Cocopa</i> (University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology, +vol. 31:259-334, 1933).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Gilmore, Melvin R.</span> <i>The Mescal Society among the Omaha Indians</i> (Publications, Nebraska State Historical +Society, vol. 19:163-67, 1919).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Uses of Plants by the Indians of the Missouri River Region</i> (Annual Report, Bureau of American Ethnology, +33:43-154, 1911-12 [1919]).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Gower, Charlotte D.</span> <i>The Northern and Southern Affiliations of Antillean Culture</i> (American Anthropological +Association, Memoir 35, 1927).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Grace, G. S.</span> <i>The Action of Mescaline and Some Related Compounds</i> (Journal of Pharmacological and Experimental +Therapeutics, vol. 50:359-72, 1934).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Griffiths, David.</span> <i>Cacti</i> (U. S. Department of Agriculture, Circular No. 66. Washington, 1929).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Guttman, A.</span> <i>Bericht: Die Spaltung der Persönlichkeit durch ein Medikament</i> (Frankfort-am-Main, n.d.).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Experimentelle Halluzinationen durch Anhalonium Lewinii</i> (Bericht über den VI Kongress für experimentelle +Psychologie. Göttingen, 1914).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Halluzinationen und andere Folgenscheinungen nach experimenteller Vergiftung mit Anhalonium Lewinii +(Mescal)</i> (Zeitschrift für die gesamte Neurologie und Psychiatrie, vol. 24:50-53, 1921).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Medikamentöse Personlichkeits-spaltung</i> (Monatsschrift für Psychiatrie und Neurologie, vol. 56:161-87, +1924).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Hale, E. M.</span> <i>Ilex Cassine, the Aboriginal North American Tea</i> (U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bulletin 14, +Washington, 1891).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Hall, Robert D.</span> <i>Affidavit on Peyote</i> (Bulletin, Office of Indian Affairs, 21 Washington, 1923).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Hamet, Raymond.</span> <i>Sur l’action physiologique de la mescaline, alcaloïde principal du Peyotl</i> (Bulletin de l’Academie +de Médicine, vol. 105:46-54, 1931).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Hammond, G. P., Ed., and A. Rey, Tr.</span> <i>Balthasar de Obregon: History of Sixteenth Century Explorations</i> (Los +Angeles, 1928).</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_179">[179]</span></p> + +<p><i>Handbook of the American Indians</i> (Bulletin, Bureau of American Ethnology, 30. 2 parts. Washington, 1907, +1910).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Harms, H.</span> <i>Über das Narkotikum Peyotel der alten Mexicaner</i> (Monatsschrift für Kakteenkunde, vol. 31:90-92, +1921).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Harrington, M. R.</span> <i>Cuba Before Columbus</i> (Indian Notes and Monographs, No. 17, 2 vols. New York, 1921).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>New Kiowa Collection</i> (Masterkey, vol. 11:132, 1937).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Religion and Ceremonies of the Lenape</i> (Indian Notes and Monographs, vol. 19, 1921).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Hartwich, Carl.</span> <i>Der Menschlichen Genussmittel</i> (Leipzig, 1911).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Havard, V.</span> <i>Drink Plants of the North American Indians</i> (Torrey Botanical Club, Bulletin, vol. 23:33-46, +1896).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Report on the Flora of Western and Southern Texas</i> (Proceedings, U. S. National Museum, vol. 8:449-533, +1886).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Heffter, A.</span> <i>Articles</i> (Journal de chimie et de pharmacie, vol. 1, 1895; vol. 8, 1898).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Über Pellotin</i> (Therapeutische Monatshefte, vol. 10:327-28, 1896).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Ueber Cacteenalkaloïde</i> (Berichte der Deutschen chemischen Gesellschaft, vol. 20, pt. 1:216-27, 1896; vol. +31, pt. 1:1193-99, 1898; vol. 34, pt. 2:3004-3015, 1901).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Ueber Pellote</i> (Archiv für Experimentelle Pathologie und Pharmakologie, vol. 34:65-86, 1894; vol. 40:385-429, +1898).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Ueber zwei Cacteenalkaloïde</i> (Berichte der Deutschen chemischen Gesellschaft, vol. 27, pt. 3:2975-79, 1894).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Heffter, A., and R. Capellman.</span> <i>Versuch zur Synthese des Mezcalins</i> (Berichte der Deutschen chemischen Gesellschaft, +vol. 38, pt. 3:3634-40, 1905).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Hennings, Paul.</span> <i>Eine Giftige Kaktee, Anhalonium Lewinii, N. Sp.</i> (Gartenflora, vol. 37:410-11, fig. 92; Berichte +des Botanischen Vereins der provinz Brandenburg in Berlin, Feb. 10, 1888).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Henry, Jules.</span> <i>The Cult of Silas John Edwards</i> (Manuscript).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Henry, Thomas Anderson.</span> <i>The Plant Alkaloids</i> (2nd ed. London, 1924).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Hernandez, Francisco.</span> <i>De Historia Plantarum Novae Hispaniae</i> (Anales del Instituto Médico Nacional, vol. +4, no. 11:204, 1900).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Hernandez, Topete Diego.</span> <i>Ceremonias que celebran a la fecha los Huicholes</i> (El Indio, vol. 1:45, 1924).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Herrera, Alfonso.</span> <i>Sinonimia vulgar y científica de algunas plantas silvestras y de varias de las que se cultivan en +México</i> (La Naturaleza, vol. 6, no. 8, 1883).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Herrera, A. L.</span> <i>Farmacopía Latino-Americana</i> (Mexico, 1921).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Higgins, E. B.</span> <i>Our Native Cacti</i> (New York, 1931).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Híjar y Haro, Ing. Luis.</span> <i>El Peyote a través de los siglos</i> (Revista Mexicana de Ingeniería y Arquitectura, vol. +15, no. 9:543-63; no. 11:665-92, 1937).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Hill, A. F.</span> <i>Economic Botany</i> (New York and London, 1937).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Hill, J. R.</span> <i>Note on Mescal Buttons</i> (Pharmaceutical Journal, vol. 64, 4th series, vol. 10:191, 1900).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Hills, F. D.</span> <i>Eating Medicine with the Quapaws</i> (Manuscript).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Hirscht, K.</span> <i>Bericht über die Jahreshauptiersommlung</i> (Monatsschrift für Kakteenkunde, vol. 5, 1895).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Hoebel, E. Adamson.</span> <i>Comanche Field Notes</i> (Manuscript).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Northern Cheyenne Field Notes</i> (Manuscript).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>The Wonderful Herb: An Indian Cult Vision Experience</i> (Manuscript).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Hrdlička, Aleš.</span> <i>Physiological and Medical Observations among the Indians of the Southwestern United States +and Northern Mexico</i> (Bulletin, Bureau of American Ethnology, 34 Washington, 1908).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Hughs, W.</span> <i>Perils of Peyote</i> (Commonweal, vol. 9:719, 1929).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Hutchings, ——.</span> Report on the Use of Pellotine as a Sedative and Hypnotic ([St. Lawrence] State Hospital, +Bulletin, 1897).</p> + +<p><i>Index Kewensis.</i> Fasc. I, 136; II, 813, 1893; III, 156, 1894. First Supplement: 29, 253, 263, 1901-04. Second +Supplement: 1905.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_180">[180]</span></p> + +<p>Indian Helper. Vol. 14:26, April 21, 1899.</p> + +<p>Indian Leader. Vol. 27:26, March 21, 1924.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Ixtlilxochitl, F. d’Alva.</span> <i>Histoire des Chichiméques</i> (Paris, 1840).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Jacod, Guillarmot.</span> <i>La Pellotine chez les Alienés</i> (Thesis. Lausanne, 1897).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Jaensch, E. R.</span> <i>Über den Aufbau des Bewusstseins</i> (Zeitschrift für Psychologie und Sinnesorgane, Abt. I, Ergänzungsband +16:305-07, 1930).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Jaensch, Walter.</span> <i>Pharmakologische Versuche über Beziehungen optischer Konstitutionsstigmen zu den Halluzinationen</i> +(Zentralblatt für die gesamte Neurologie und Psychiatrie, vol. 23, 1920).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Jahrreiss, W.</span> <i>Störungen der Bewusstseins</i> (Handbuch der Geistekranken, vol. 1:640-41, 1928).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">James, Henry, Ed.</span> <i>Familiar Letters of William James</i> (Atlantic Monthly, vol. 126:1-15, 163-75, 305-317, +1920).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Janot, M., and M. Bernier.</span> <i>Article</i> (Bulletin des Sciences Pharmacologiques, vol. 40:145-53, 1933).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Jimenez, ——.</span> <i>De la naturaleza y virtudes de las plantas de Neuva España.</i></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Jolly, F.</span> <i>Über die schlafmachende Wirkung des Pellotinum muriaticum</i> (Therapeutische Monatshefte, vol. +10:328-29, 1896).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Über Pellotine als Schlafmittel</i> (Deutsche Medicinische Wochenschrift, vol. 22:375-76, 1896).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Jones, C. C.</span> <i>Historical Sketch of Tomo-Chi-Chi, Mico of the Yamacraws</i> (Albany, 1868).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Jourdanet, D.</span>, and <span class="smcap">Rémi Siméon</span>. <i>Histoire générale des choses de la nouvelle Espagne</i> (Paris, 1880).</p> + +<p><i>Journal de Pharmacie et de Chemie</i> (6me series, vol. 8:519-23, 1898).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Kalischer, S.</span> <i>Über giftige Kakteen</i> (Monatsschrift für Kakteenkunde, vol. 5:59-60, 1895).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Karsten, R.</span> <i>The Civilization of the South American Indian</i> (New York, 1926).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Karsten, G., and H. Schenck.</span> <i>Vegetationsbilder</i>, Heft. 8: <i>Mexikanische Kakteen-, Agaven-, und Bromeliaceen-Vegetation</i> +(Jena, 1904).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Karwoski, Theodore.</span> <i>Psychophysics and Mescal Intoxication</i> (Journal of General Psychology, vol. 15:212-20, +1936).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Kauder, ——.</span> <i>Über Alkaloide aus Anhalonium Lewinii</i> (Archiv der Pharmazie vol. 237:190-98, 1899).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Über Alkaloide aus Mescal-buttons</i> (Chemische Central-Blatt, vol. 1:1244, 1899).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Kelly, E. L.</span> <i>Individual Differences in the Effects of Mescal</i> (Journal of General Psychology, vol. 9:462-72, +1933).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">King, Edward</span> (Lord Kingsborough). <i>Antiquities of Mexico</i> (London, 1831).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Kinney, B.</span> <i>A Drug Peril under Religious Guise</i> (Native American, Jan. 1, 1921).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Klineberg, Otto.</span> <i>Notes on the Huichol</i> (American Anthropologist, vol. 36:446-60, 1934).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Klüver, Heinrich.</span> <i>Mescal, The “Divine” Plant and Its Psychological Effects</i> (London, 1928).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Mescal Visions and Eidetic Visions</i> (American Journal of Psychology, vol. 37:502-15, 1926).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Knauer, Alwyn.</span> <i>Psychologische Untersuchungen über den Meskalinrausch</i> (Zeitschrift für die gesamte Neurologie +und Psychiatrie, vol. 4:37-39, 1912).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Knauer, A., and W. J. M. A. Maloney.</span> <i>Psychic Action of Mescaline</i> (Journal of Nervous and Mental Diseases, +vol. 40:425-38, 1913).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Koang-Hobschette, A.</span> <i>Les Cactacées, leur utilisation général et thérapeutique</i> (Thesis. Université de Nancy. +Paris, 1929).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Kobert, Rudolf.</span> <i>Lehrbuch der Intoxikationen</i> (2 vols. Stuttgart, 1902-1906).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Kraemer, Henry.</span> <i>Applied and Economic Botany</i> (2nd ed. New York, 1914).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Kroeber, A. L.</span> <i>Anthropology</i> (New York, 1923).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>The Arapaho</i> (Bulletin, American Museum of Natural History, vol. 18, 1907).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Handbook of the Indians of California</i> (Bulletin, Bureau of American Ethnology, 78. Washington, 1925).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>The Seri</i> (Southwest Museum Papers, vol. 6. Los Angeles, 1931).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Kunkel, A. J.</span> <i>Handbuch der Toxikologie</i> (2 vols. Jena, 1901).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Kupper, H.</span> <i>Kakteen.</i></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_181">[181]</span></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">La Barre, W.</span> <i>The Autobiography of a Kiowa Indian</i> (Manuscript).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Native American Beers</i> (American Anthropologist, vol. 40, no. 2:224-34, 1938).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Labouret, J.</span> <i>Monographie de la Famille des Cactées</i> (Paris, 1858).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Ladd-Franklin, Christine.</span> <i>Colour and Colour Theories</i> (New York, 1929).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">de Landa, Diego.</span> (<span class="smcap">B. de Bourbourg, Tr.</span>). <i>Relation des choses de Yucatan</i> (Paris, 1864).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Landry, S. F.</span> <i>Notes on Anhalonium Lewinii, Embelia Ribes, and Cocillaña</i> (Therapeutic Gazette, vol. 13, 3rd +series, vol. 5:1, 1889).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Langstein, ——.</span> <i>Pellotin als Schlafmittel</i> (Prager Medicinische Wochenschrift, vol. 21:446, 1896).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Lawson, John.</span> <i>History of Carolina</i> (London, 1714; <i>reprint</i>, Raleigh, 1860).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Lemaire, C. A.</span> <i>Article</i> (Berliner Allegemeine Gartenzeitung, vol. 3:385, 1845).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Cactearum aliquot novarum ac insuetarum in horto monvilliano cultarum accurata descriptio</i>, Fasc. I. +(Lutetiae Parisiorum, 1838).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">de León, Alonzo.</span> <i>Historia de Nuevo León</i> (in Documentos Inéditos ó muy raros para la historia de Méjico, vol. +25, 1909. Mexico, 1905-).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">de León, Nicolás.</span> <i>Camino del Cielo</i> (Mexico, 1611).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">de León y Gama, Antonio.</span> <i>Description Histórica y Cronológia de las Dos Piedras</i> (2nd ed. Mexico, 1832).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Le Page du Pratz, Antoine S.</span> <i>Histoire de la Louisiane</i> (3 vols. Paris, 1758; London, 1763, 1764).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Leroy, R.</span> <i>Les états affectifs dans les hallucinations liliputiennes</i> (Journal de Psychologie normale et pathologique, +1928).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Leuba, J. H.</span> <i>The Psychology of Religious Mysticism</i> (New York, 1929).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Lewin, Louis.</span> <i>Anhalonium Lewinii</i> (Therapeutic Gazette, vol. 12, 3rd series, vol. 4:231-37, 1888).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Article</i> (Berichte der Deutschen botanischen Gesellschaft, vol. 12:9, 289, 1894).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Les Paradis Artificiels</i> (1928).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Phantastica; Narcotic and Stimulating Drugs</i> (New York, 1931).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Ueber Anhalonium Lewinii</i> (Pharmazeutische Zeitung, vol. 40:343, 1895).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Über Anhalonium Lewinii</i> (Archiv für experimentelle Pathologie und Pharmakologie, vol. 24:401-11, +1887-88).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Über Anhalonium Lewinii und andere Cacteen</i> (Archiv für experimentelle Pathologie und Pharmakologie, +vol. 34:374, 1894).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Lindquist, G. E. E.</span> <i>The Red Man in the United States</i> (New York, 1923).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Lowie, R. H.</span> <i>Notes Concerning New Collections</i> (Anthropological Papers, American Museum of Natural +History, vol. 4:274-329, 1910).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Primitive Religion</i> (New York, 1924).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Lumholtz, Carl.</span> <i>The American Cave Dwellers</i> (Bulletin, American Geographical Society, vol. 26:299-325, +1894).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Explorations en Mexique de 1894 a 1897</i> (Journal, Société des Americanistes de Paris, vol. 7:181-82, +1899).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>The Huichol Indians of Mexico</i> (Bulletin, American Museum of Natural History, vol. 10:1-14, 1898).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Report of Explorations in Northern Mexico</i> (Bulletin, American Geographical Society, vol. 23:386-402, +1891).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Symbolism of the Huichol Indians</i> (Memoirs, American Museum of Natural History, vol. 3, pt. 1:1-228, +1900).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Tarahumari Dances and Plant Worship</i> (Scribner’s Magazine, vol. 16:451-56, 1894).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Tarahumari Life and Customs</i> (Scribner’s Magazine, vol. 16:305-11, 1894).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Unknown Mexico</i> (2 vols. New York, 1902).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Macleod, William C.</span> <i>The American Indian Frontier</i> (Philadelphia, 1924).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Maggendorfer, F.</span> <i>Intoxikationspsychosen</i> (Handbuch der Geistekranken, vol. 7:159, 162, 355-56, 1928).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Maillefert, E. M. G.</span> <i>La Marihuana</i> (Ethnos, vol. 1:5-7, 1920 [Mexico City]).</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_182">[182]</span></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Manakow, ——, et —— Mourgue.</span> <i>Introduction biologique à l’etude de la neurologie et de la psychologie</i> +(Paris, 1928).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Martindale, William, and W. W. Westcott.</span> <i>The Extra Pharmacopoeia</i> (20th ed. 1932).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Martinez, Maximino.</span> <i>Catalogo alfabetica de nombres vulgares y cientificas de plantas que existen en México</i> +(Mexico, 1923).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Las plantas medicinales de México</i> (Mexico, 1933).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Plantas narcóticas de México</i> (Dirección de estudias biológicas, Boletin, vol. 4:1, 1925).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Plantas útiles de México</i> (Mexico, 1928).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Mason, J. Alden.</span> <i>Tepecano Prayers</i> (International Journal of American Linguistics, vol. 1:91-153, 1918).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Mayer, H. W.</span> <i>Der Cocainismus</i> (Leipzig, 1926).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Mayer-Gross, W., and J. Stein.</span> <i>Pathologie der Wahrnehmung I, II</i> (Handbuch der Geistekranken, vol. 1, +1928).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Über einige Abanderungen des Sinnestatigkeit im Mescalinrausch</i> (Zeitschrift für die gesamte Neurologie +und Psychologie, vol. 101, 1926).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Mendieta, Jerónimo.</span> <i>Histórica Eclesiástica Indiana</i> (1596).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Merck, E.</span> <i>Berichte der chemischen Fabrik E. Merck</i> (Darmstadt, 1899).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Merck’s Index</i> (4th ed. New York, 1930).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Nicht offizielle Alkaloide</i> (Wissenschaftliche Abhandlungen der Chemischen Fabrik E. Merck, vol. 22:384-86. +Darmstadt, 1918).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Michaelis, Paul.</span> <i>Beiträge zur vergleichenden Anatomie der Gattungen Echinocactus, Mammillaria und Anhalonium</i> +(Thesis. Erlangen, 1896).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Michelson, Truman.</span> <i>Sauk and Fox Myths</i> (Bureau of American Ethnology. Manuscript 2736 Washington, +n.d.).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Mitchell, S. W.</span> <i>The Effects of the Fluid Extract of A. Lewinii</i> (American Neurological Association, Transactions, +vol. 22, 1896).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Remarks on the Effects of Anhalonium Lewinii (the Mescal Button)</i> (British Medical Journal, vol. 2:1625-29 +1896).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Mogilewa, Affanasia.</span> <i>Ueber die Wirkung einiger Kakteenalkaloide auf das Fraschherz</i> (Archiv für experimentelle +Pathologie und Pharmakologie, vol. 49:137-56, 1903).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">de Molina, A.</span> <i>Vocabulario de la Lengua Mexicana</i> (Leipzig, 1880).</p> + +<p>Monatsschrift für Kakteenkunde. <i>Articles</i> (vol. 1:93-94, 1891; vol. 4:36-39, 1894; vol. 5:14, 59, 94, 1895; vol 7:94, +1897; vol. 8:110-11, 116, 127, 164, 1898; vol. 10:161, 1900; vol. 21:47-48, 183, 1911; vol. 31, 1921).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Mooney, James.</span> <i>Calendar History of the Kiowa Indians</i> (Annual Report, Bureau of American Ethnology 17, +pt. 1:129-444. Washington, 1898).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>The Cheyenne Indians</i> (Memoir, American Anthropological Association, vol. 1, no. 6, 1907).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>The Ghost Dance Religion</i> (Annual Report, Bureau of American Ethnology 14, pt. 2:641-1110. Washington, +1892 [1893]).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>A Kiowa Mescal Rattle</i> (American Anthropologist, o.s. vol. 5:64-65, 1892).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>The Kiowa Peyote Rite</i> (Der Urquell, Bd 1. Leyden, 1897).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>The Mescal Plant and Ceremony</i> (Therapeutic Gazette, 3rd series, vol. 12:7-11, 1896).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Miscellaneous Notes on Peyote</i> (Bureau of American Ethnology. Manuscript 1887. Washington, n.d.).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Peyote Notebook</i> (Bureau of American Ethnology. Manuscript 1930. Washington, n.d.).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>The Sacred Formulas of the Cherokee</i> (Annual Report, Bureau of American Ethnology 7:303-97. Washington, +1891).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Tarumari-Guayachic, January 21, 1898</i> (Bureau of American Ethnology. Manuscript 2537. Washington, +n.d.).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">de la Mota Padilla, Matias Angel.</span> <i>Historia de la Conquista de la Provincia de la Nueva-Galicia</i> (Mexico, +1870).</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_183">[183]</span></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Moureu, Charles.</span> <i>Review</i> (Journal de Pharmacie et de Chemie, 6me séries, vol. 8:519-23, 1898).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Murie, James R.</span> <i>Pawnee Indian Societies</i> (Anthropological Papers, American Museum of Natural History, +vol. 11:543-644, 1914).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Murphy, D. F.</span> <i>Notes on Osage Peyote</i> (Manuscript).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Newberne, R. E. L., and C. H. Burke.</span> <i>Peyote: An Abridged Compilation from the Files of the Bureau of Indian +Affairs</i> (Washington, 1922).</p> + +<p><i>The New Century Dictionary</i> (New York, 1914).</p> + +<p><i>New Mescal Religion</i> (Independent, vol. 66:430, 1909).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Noon, John A.</span> <i>Notes on Kickapoo Peyotism</i> (Manuscript).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Noriega, Juan Manual.</span> <i>Curso de Historia de Drogas</i> (Mexico, 1902).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Ochoterena, Isaac.</span> <i>Nota acerca la identificación botanica de algunas de las plantas conocidas vulgarmente con el +nombre de Peyotl</i> (Revista Mexicana de Biología, vol. 6:95, 1926).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Office of Indian Affairs.</span> <i>Discussion Concerning Peyote, April, 1935.</i></p> + +<p class="book"><i>Documents on Peyote, Part I. May 18, 1937.</i></p> + +<p class="book"><i>Peyote</i> (Office of Indian Affairs, Bulletin 21, 1923).</p> + +<p><i>Old Coyote Protests</i> (Commonweal, vol. 9:585, 1929).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Oliva, Leonardo.</span> <i>Lecciones de Farmacología</i> (vol. 2:392. 1926).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Opler, Morris E.</span> <i>The Autobiography of a Chiricahua Apache</i> (Manuscript).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Chiricahua Apache</i> (Manuscript).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>The Influence of Aboriginal Pattern and White Contact on a Recently Introduced Ceremony, the Mescalero +Peyote Rite</i> (Journal of American Folk-Lore, vol. 49:143-66, 1936 [1937]).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Lipan Apache Field Notes</i> (Manuscript).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>The Use of Peyote by the Carrizo and Lipan Apache Tribes</i> (American Anthropologist, vol. 40, no. 2:271-85, +1938).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Orozco y Berra, Manuel.</span> <i>Geográfica de las lenguas y carta etnografica de México</i> (Mexico, 1864).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Ortega, J.</span> <i>Historia del Nayarit, Sonora, Sinaloa, y ambas Californios</i> (1887).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Parsons, Elsie Clews.</span> <i>Taos Pueblo</i> (General Series in Anthropology, No. 2. Menasha, Wis., 1936).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>A Zuñi Detective</i> (Man, vol. 16, no. 99:168-70, 1916).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Paz, Lyda.</span> <i>Koasati Field Notes</i> (Manuscript).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Perez, Bolde Jesus.</span> <i>Dos observations hechas en el hombre sano, relativos a la acción del peyote</i> (Anales del Institut +Médico Nacional, vol. 7, 1905).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Perez de Ribas, Andrés.</span> <i>Historia de los Triumphos de Nuestra Santa Fee en los Misiones de la Provincia de +Nueva España</i> (Madrid, 1645).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Petrullo, Vincenzo.</span> <i>The Diabolic Root</i> (Philadelphia, 1934).</p> + +<p><i>Peyote Cult Gaining among Indian Tribes</i> (New York Times, November 12, 1936).</p> + +<p><i>Peyote: Hearing before a sub-committee of the Committee on Indian Affairs of the House of Representatives, on +H.R. 2614, 1918.</i></p> + +<p><i>Peyote: An Insidious Evil</i> (Indian Rights Association, No. 114, 1918).</p> + +<p><i>Peyote: A Pernicious Indian Religion</i> (Literary Digest, vol. 68:34, 1921).</p> + +<p><i>Peyote as Used in Religious Worship by the Indians</i> (Compilation from Public Records and Congressional Hearings +[no date, no author, Edgar McCarthy probable publisher]).</p> + +<p><i>Peyotes, Datos para su Estudia</i> (Anales del Instituto Médico Nacional de Mexico, vol. 4:11, 203-14, 1899).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Pfeiffer, —— and —— Otto.</span> <i>Abbildung und Beschreibung bluender Cacteen</i> (Cassel, 1843).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Pierson, D. L.</span> <i>American Indian Peyote Worship</i> (Missionary Review of the World, vol. 28:201, 1915).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Pilcz, Alexander.</span> <i>Ueber Pellotin</i> (Wiener klinische Wochenschrift, vol. 9:1121-22, 1896).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Pincussohn, L.</span> <i>Zur Kenntnis des Pellotins</i> (Berliner klinische Wochenschrift, vol. 2:44-47, 1907).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Ponce, Pedro.</span> <i>Breve relación de los dioses y ritos de la gentilidad</i> (Anales del Museo Nacional de Mexico, vol. 6, +1892).</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_184">[184]</span></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Ponte, Dino.</span> <i>Il Peyotl</i> (Giornale de Farmacie, di Chimica et di Scienza Affini, vol. 82:245-56, 1933).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Prentiss, D. W., and F. F. Morgan.</span> <i>The Alkaloids of A. Lewinii</i> (National Medical Review, vol. 6:147-51, +1896-97).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>The Alkaloids of Anhalonium Lewinii (Mescal Buttons) with Notes upon Therapeutic Uses</i> (Medical Society +of the District of Columbia, Transactions for 1896:123-27, 1897).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Anhalonium Lewinii (Mescal Buttons) a Study of a Drug with Especial Reference to its Physiological Action +upon Man</i> (Therapeutic Gazette, vol. 19, 3rd series, vol 11:577-85, 1895).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Mescal Buttons: A. Lewinii, Henning (Lophophora Williamsii Lewinii, Coulter)</i> (Medical Record:258-66, +1896).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Therapeutic Uses of Mescal Buttons</i> (Therapeutic Gazette, vol. 20, 3rd series, vol. 12:4-7, 1896).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Preuss, Konrad T.</span> <i>Die Nayarit-Expedition, Erster Band: Die Religion der Cora-Indianer</i> (Leipzig, 1912).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Prieto, Alejandro.</span> <i>Historia y Estadistica del Estado de Tamaulipas</i> (Mexico, 1873).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Prinzhorn, Hans.</span> <i>Entrückung durch Rauschgift</i> (Zeitschrift für Parapsychologie, January, 1918).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>The Problem of Peyote</i> (Review of Reviews, vol. 65:437-38, 1922).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Putt, E. B.</span> <i>Mescal</i> (Hearing Senate Indian Affairs Committee, Indian Appropriation Bill. Washington, 1919).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Mescal</i> (Office of Indian Affairs, Bulletin 21:7-12, Washington, 1923).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Quercy, Pierre.</span> <i>Hallucinations visuelles peyotliques</i> (Congres de Blois, 1927).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Etudes sur l’hallucination</i> (Etude clinique, vol. 1, Paris, 1930).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Radin, Paul.</span> <i>Crashing Thunder: The Autobiography of a Winnebago Indian</i> (New York, 1926).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>A Sketch of the Peyote Cult of the Winnebago: A Study in Borrowing</i> (Journal of Religious Psychology, vol. +7:1-22, 1914).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>The Winnebago Tribe</i> (Annual Report, Bureau of American Ethnology, 37. Washington, 1915-16).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Raffour, ——.</span> <i>La Médicine chez les Mexicains precolombiens</i> (Thesis, Paris, 1900).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Ramírez, J.</span> <i>El Peyote</i> (Estudias de Historia Natural 140. Mexico, 1904).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>El Peyote</i> (Anales del Instituto Médico Nacional de México, vol. 4, 1909).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Reko, B. P.</span> <i>Star-names of the Chilam Balam of Chuymayel</i> (El México Antiguo, vol. 4:124-25, 1937).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Reko, V. A.</span> <i>Botánica médica méxicana</i> (Mexico, 1929-36).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>La Flora Diabólica de México</i> (Mexico, 1928).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Gespenster in Mexico</i> (Mexico, 1925).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Ein Kaktus die Gespenster Ruft</i> (Atlantis, vol. 7:428-34, 1932).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Magische Gifte in Mexico</i> (Deutsche Zeitung von Mexico, May 1924).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Der Peyotl-kaktus</i> (Die Bruecke, vol. 2:9-10, n.d.).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Rausch- und Betäubungsmittel der neuen Welt</i> (Stuttgart, 1936).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Der Unheimliche Gast</i> (Reichspost, Vienna, May, 1932).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Was bedeutet das Wort Teo-Nanacatl?</i> (Manuscript).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Was ist Peyote?</i> (Zeitschrift für Parapsychologie, 4:7, July, 1929).</p> + +<p><i>Report of the Secretary of the Interior on the Senate Bill 1399 Dealing with the Interstate Shipment of Peyote</i> (Washington, +1937).</p> + +<p><i>Report on the Case of the United States Versus Nah-qua-tah-tuck, alias Mitchell Neck.</i> (Manuscript. Archives +of the Bureau of Chemistry, Washington, 1914).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Richardson, D. A.</span> <i>A Report on the Action of Anhalonium Lewinii (Mescale Buttons)</i> (New York Medical +Journal, vol. 64:194-95, 1896).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Richardson, Jane.</span> <i>Kiowa Peyote Songs</i> (Manuscript).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Richet, C.</span> <i>Les Poisons de l’Intelligence</i> (Paris, 1922).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Robbins, W. W., J. P. Harrington, and Barbara Freire-Marreco.</span> <i>Ethnobotany of the Tewa Indians</i> (Bulletin, +Bureau of American Ethnology 55. Washington, 1916).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Roberts, Helen H.</span> <i>Musical Areas in North America</i> (Yale University Publications in Anthropology, No. 12. +New Haven, 1936).</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_185">[185]</span></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Robles, Clemente, and José Gomez Robleda.</span> <i>Trabajo Initial acerca de la Acción Fisiológica de Clorhidrata de +Peyotina</i> (Anales del Instituto Biología, 1931).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Romans, Bernard.</span> <i>A Concise Natural History of East and West Florida</i> (New York, 1775).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Rouhier, Alexandre.</span> <i>Monographie du Peyotl</i> (Thesis, Paris, 1926).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Phénomènes de metagnomie experimentale observés au course d’une experience fait avec le peyotl</i> (Revue +metapsychique, 144-54, 1925).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>La Plante qui fait les yeux émerveillés—Le Peyotl</i> (Paris, 1927).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Les Plantes divinatoires</i> (Paris, 1927).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Rusby, H. H.</span> <i>A. Lewinii</i> (Bulletin of Pharmacy, vol. 2:126, 1888).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Mescal Buttons</i> (Bulletin of Pharmacy, vol. 8:306, 1894).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Mescal Buttons</i> (Reference Handbook of the Medical Sciences, vol. 6:456, 1903).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Russell, Frank.</span> <i>The Pima Indians</i> (Annual Report, Bureau of American Ethnology, 26:3-389, 1908).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Safford, W. E.</span> <i>An Aztec Narcotic</i> (Journal of Heredity, vol. 6:291-311, 1915).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Cactaceae of Northeastern and Central Mexico</i> (Washington, 1909).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Daturas of the Old World and the New</i> (Annual Report, Smithsonian Institution, 1922:536-67 [1923]).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Identification of Teo-nanacatl of the Aztecs with the Narcotic Cactus L. Williamsii</i> (Botanical Society of +Washington, D. C., 1915).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Narcotic Plants and Stimulants of the Ancient Americans</i> (Annual Report, Smithsonian Institution, 1916:387-424 +[1917]).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Peyote, The Narcotic Mescal Button of the Indians</i> (Journal, American Medical Association, vol. 77:1278-79, +1921).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">de Sahagún, Bernardino.</span> <i>A History of Ancient Mexico by Fray Bernardino de Sahagún</i>, Vol. I. (Fanny R. +Bandelier, Tr.) (Nashville, 1932).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Histoire générale des choses de la Nouvelle-Espagne</i> (D. Jourdanet and Rémi Siméon, Tr. and Ed.) (Paris, +1880).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Historia general de las cosas de Nueva España</i> (C. M. de Bustamente, Ed.) (3 vols. Mexico, 1829-30).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Salm-Dyck, Otto.</span> <i>Article</i> (Cact. hort. 34, 69).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Article</i> (Botanical Magazine, t. 4295).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Salm-Dyck, Otto, and —— Dietrich.</span> <i>Article</i> (Berliner Allegemeine Gartenzeitung, vol. 13:385, 1845).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Santoscoy, Alberto.</span> <i>Nayarit</i> (Collección de Documentos inéditos, historicos y etnográficos. Guadalajara, +1899).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Noteas etnograficas del Ing. oficial del Estado de Jalisco</i> (Collección Documentos. Mexico).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Sapir, Edward.</span> <i>Kaibab Paiute Field Notes</i> (Manuscript).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Sauer, Carl O.</span> <i>The Distribution of Aboriginal Tribes and Languages in Northwestern Mexico</i> (Ibero-Americana, +No. 5, Berkeley, 1934).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Saville, Marshall H.</span>, Ed. <i>Notes on the Superstitions of the Indians of Yucatan</i> (Indian Notes and Monographs, +vol. 9:202-08, 1921).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Sayles, E. B.</span> <i>An Archaeological Survey of Texas</i> (Medallion Papers, No. 17. Globe, 1935).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Scheideweiler, M. J.</span> <i>Descriptio diagnostica nonnullarum Cactearum</i> (Bulletin de l’Academie Royale des +Sciences de Bruxelles, vol. 5:492, 1838).</p> + +<p>Schmeideberg’s Archiv für experimentelle Pathologie und Pharmakologie (vol. 24:401-411. Leipzig, 1873).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Schoolcraft, H. R.</span> <i>Historical and Statistical Information Respecting the History, Condition and Prospects of the +Indian Tribes of the United States</i> (6 vols. Philadelphia, 1851-1857).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Schultes, Richard Evans.</span> <i>Peyote and Plants Used in the Peyote Ceremony</i> (Harvard Botanical Museum Leaflets, +vol. 4, no. 7, 1937).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Peyote Cult</i> (Literary Digest, Nov. 13, 1937).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Peyote Intoxication, A Review of the Literature on the Chemistry, Physiological and Psychological Effects of +Peyotl</i> (Thesis, Harvard University, 1936).</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_186">[186]</span></p> + +<p class="book"><i>Peyote</i> (Lophophora Williamsii) <i>and Plants Confined with It</i> (Harvard Botanical Museum Leaflets, vol. 5, +no. 5, 1937).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Schumann, Karl.</span> <i>Articles</i> (Monatsschrift für Kakteenkunde, vol. 4:36-37, 86, 1894; vol. 5:77, 1895; vol. 6:177-80, +1896).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Blühende Kakteen (Iconographia Cactacearum)</i> (3 vols. Neudamm, 1913).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Cactaceae, Die Naturliche Pflanzenfamilien</i> (Leipzig, 1894).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Gesamtbeschreibung der Cacteen</i> (Monographia Cactacearum, II) (Neudamm, 1903).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Über giftige Kakteen</i> (Berichten der Pharmaceutische Gesellschaft; 103-10, 1895).</p> + +<p><i>Science News Letter</i>, September 20, 1930.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Serko, A.</span> <i>Im Mescalinrausch</i> (Jahrbücher für Psychiatrie und Neurologie, vol. 34:355, 1913).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">de la Serna, Jacinto.</span> <i>Manual de ministros de Indios para el Conocimiento de sus Idolatrías y Extirpación de +Ellas</i> (Documentos inéditos, 104:165. Madrid, 1892).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Seymour, Gertrude.</span> <i>Peyote Worship: An Indian Cult and a Powerful Drug</i> (Survey, vol. 36:181-84, 1916).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Shell, C. E.</span> <i>Experience of Charles E. Shell while under the Influence of Pellote (Peyote) on June 21, 1909</i> (Office +of Indian Affairs, Bulletin 21:27-29, 1923).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Shonle, Ruth.</span> <i>Peyote: The Giver of Visions</i> (American Anthropologist, vol. 27:53-75, 1925).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Siméon, Rémi.</span> <i>Dictionnaire de la langue Nahuatl ou Mexicaine</i> (Paris, 1885).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Simmons, C. S.</span> <i>The Peyote Road</i> (Manuscript).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Skinner, Alanson.</span> <i>Associations and Ceremonies of the Menomini</i> (Anthropological Papers, American Museum +of Natural History, vol. 13:167-215, 1915).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Ethnology of the Ioway Indians</i> (Bulletin, Public Museum of the City of Milwaukee, 5:181-354, 1926).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Kansa Organizations</i> (Anthropological Papers, American Museum of Natural History, vol. 11:741-45, +1915).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Material Culture of the Menomini</i> (Indian Notes and Monographs no. 20, 1921).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Medicine Ceremony of the Menomini, Iowa, and Wahpetan Dakota</i> (Indian Notes and Monographs, vol. 4, +1921).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Observations on the Ethnology of the Sauk Indians</i> (Bulletin, Public Museum of the City of Milwaukee, 5:1-57, +1923; 59-95, 119-80, 1925).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Societies of the Iowa, Kansa, and Ponca Indians</i> (Anthropological Papers, American Museum of Natural +History, vol. 11:679-740, 1915).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Slossen, E. E.</span> <i>Peyote Paradise</i> (Collier’s, vol. 84:44, 1929).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Smith, B.</span> <i>A Note on the Action of Mescal</i> (British Medical Journal, vol. 2 for 1913, p. 21).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Smith, Maurice G.</span> <i>Peyote</i> (Oklahoma Daily, December 8, 1929).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Smith, Mrs. Maurice G.</span> <i>A Negro Peyote Cult</i> (Journal, Washington Academy of Sciences, vol. 24:448-53, +1934).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Späth, E.</span> <i>Über die Anhalonium-Alkaloide.</i> I. <i>Anhalin und Mezcalin</i> (Monatshefte für Chemie, vol. 40:129-52. +Wien, 1920); II. <i>Die Konstitution des Pellotins, des Anhalonidins, und des Anhalamins</i> (<i>idem</i>, 42:97-115, +1924); III. <i>Konstitution des Anhalins</i> (<i>idem</i>, vol. 42:263-66, 1924); V. <i>Die Synthese des Anhalonidins und +des Pellotins</i> (<i>idem</i>, vol. 43:477-84, 1924).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Späth, E., and J. Gangl.</span> <i>Über die Anhalonium-Alkaloide.</i> VI. <i>Anhalonin und Lophophorin</i> (Monatshefte für +Chemie, vol. 44:103-113, 1924).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Späth, E., and H. Röder.</span> <i>Über die Anhalonium-Alkaloide.</i> IV. <i>Die Synthese des Anhalamins</i> (Monatshefte +für Chemie, vol. 43:93-111, 1924).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Speck, Frank G.</span> <i>Catawba Field Notes</i> (Manuscript).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>The Creek Indians of Taskigi Town</i> (Memoir American Anthropological Association 2, no. 2, 1907).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Delaware Peyote Symbolism</i> (Manuscript).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Ethnology of the Yuchi Indians</i> (University of Pennsylvania, Anthropological Publications of the University +Museum, vol. 1, no. 1. Philadelphia, 1909).</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_187">[187]</span></p> + +<p class="book"><i>Notes on the Ethnology of the Osage Indians</i> (Transactions, University of Pennsylvania, Department of +Archaeology vol. 2:159-71, 1907).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Notes on the Life of John Wilson, the Revealer of Peyote, as Recalled by his Nephew, George Anderson</i> (General +Magazine and Historical Chronicle, vol. 35:539-56, 1933).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>A Study of the Delaware Big House Ceremony</i> (Publications, Pennsylvania Historical Commission No. 2. +Harrisburg, 1931).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Spier, Leslie.</span> <i>Havasupai Ethnography</i> (Anthropological Papers, American Museum of Natural History, vol. 29, +pt. 3, 1928).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>The Sun Dance of the Plains Indians</i> (Anthropological Papers, American Museum of Natural History, vol. +14, 451-527, 1921).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Yuman Comparative Study: Warfare</i> (Manuscript).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Yuman Tribes of the Gila River</i> (Chicago, 1933).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Spinden, H. J.</span> <i>Ancient Civilizations of Mexico and Central America</i> (Handbook 3, American Museum of Natural +History, 3rd edition, 1928).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Spruce, Richard.</span> <i>Notes of a Botanist on the Amazon and the Andes</i> (London, 1908).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Standley, Paul C.</span> <i>Trees and Shrubs of Mexico</i> (Contributions, U. S. National Herbarium, vol. 23, pts. 1, 2, 3. +Washington, 1920-23).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Staub, H., and W. Grassmann.</span> <i>Über die Wirkungsgrenze einiger Gifte am isolierten Sängerherzen</i> (Archiv für +experimentelle Pathologie und Pharmakologie, vol. 154:317-41, 1930).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Stevenson, M. C.</span> <i>Ethnobotany of the Zuñi Indian</i> (Annual Report, Bureau of American Ethnology. 30:31-102. +Washington, 1915).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>The Religious Life of the Zuñi Child</i> (Annual Report, Bureau of American Ethnology, 5:537-55. Washington, +1887).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>The Zuñi Indians</i> (Annual Report, Bureau of American Ethnology, 23. Washington, 1904).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Swadesh, Morris.</span> <i>Chitamacha Texts</i> (Manuscript).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Swanton, John R.</span> <i>Aboriginal Culture of the Southeast</i> (Annual Report, Bureau of American Ethnology, 42:673-726. +Washington, 1928).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Religious Beliefs and Medical Practices of the Creek Indians</i> (Annual Report, Bureau of American Ethnology, +42:473-672. Washington, 1928).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Social Organization and Social Usages of the Indians of the Creek Confederacy</i> (Annual Report, Bureau of +American Ethnology, 42:23-472. Washington, 1928).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Social and Religious Beliefs and Usages of the Chickasaw</i> (Annual Report, Bureau of American Ethnology, +44:169-273. Washington, 1928).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Thomas, Cyrus, and John R. Swanton.</span> <i>Indian Languages of Mexico and Central America and their Geographical +Distribution.</i> (Bulletin, Bureau of American Ethnology, 44. Washington, 1911).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Thompson, W.</span> <i>The Species of Cacti Commonly Cultivated under the Generic Name Anhalonium</i> (Annual Report, +Missouri Botanical Gardens, vol. 9:127-35, 1898).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Thurnwald, Richard.</span> <i>Economics in Primitive Communities</i> (Oxford, 1932).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Thwaites, R. G.</span>, Ed. <i>Jesuit Relations</i> (73 vols. Cleveland, 1896-1901).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Toro, Alfonso.</span> <i>Las plantas sagradas de los Aztecos y su influencia sobre el arte precortesiano</i> (Proceedings, +Twenty-third International Congress of Americanists: 101-21, 1930).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Triede, Georg.</span> <i>Die Alkaloide: Ein Monographie der natürlichen Basen</i> (2 vols. Leipzig, 1909).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Tschirsch, A.</span> <i>Handbuch der Pharmakognosie</i> (3 vols. Leipzig, 1909).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Twitchell, R. E.</span> <i>Spanish Archives of New Mexico</i> (vol. 2:188. 1914).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Underhill, Ruth.</span> <i>The Autobiography of a Papago Woman</i> (Memoir, American Anthropological Association, +46, 1936).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Urbina, Manuel.</span> <i>Article</i> (La Naturaleza, vol. 3, 1912).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>El Peyote y el Ololiuhqui</i> (Anales del Museo Nacional de Mexico, vol. 7, 1900).</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_188">[188]</span></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Vaschide, N.</span> <i>Une Plante Divine: Le Mescal</i> (La Quinzaine, vol. 46:112, 1905).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Velasco, ——.</span> <i>Dictamen Fiscal, Nov. 30, 1716</i> (Memoria de Nueva España, 27:194).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Voegelin, Erminie.</span> <i>Shawnee Field Notes</i> (Manuscript).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Wagner, G.</span> <i>Entwicklung und Verbreitung des Peyotes Cultes</i> (Baessler-Archiv, vol. 15:59-141, 1932).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Walter, ——.</span> <i>Les Excitants artificiales dans le travail intellectuel</i> (Paris, 1905).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Watermulder, G. A.</span> <i>Mescal</i> (Report, Thirty-second Annual Lake Mohonk Conference: 68-76. Albany, 1914).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Wertham, Frederic, and Manfred Bleuler.</span> <i>Inconstancy of the Formal Structure of the Personality: Experimental +Study of the Influence of Mescaline on the Rorschach Test</i> (Archives of Neurology and Psychiatry, +vol. 28, July, 1932).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">White, Edmund.</span> <i>Article</i> (Journal of Physiology, vol. 25:69, 1899-1900).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Wiley, H. W.</span> <i>Statement</i> (Office of Indian Affairs, Bulletin 21:15-19, 1923).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Williams, P. Watson.</span> <i>Les Boutons de Mescal en Amerique</i> (Journal de Pharmacie de Belgique, vol. 3:619-20, +1921).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Wissler, Clark.</span> <i>The American Indian</i> (2nd edition, New York, 1922).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Societies and Dance Associations of the Blackfoot Indians</i> (Anthropological Papers, American Museum of +Natural History, vol. 11:359-460, 1916).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Youngken, H. W.</span> <i>Drugs of North American Indians</i> (American Journal of Pharmacy, vol. 96:489, 1924).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Zador, Julius.</span> <i>Meskalinwirkung auf das Phantomglied</i> (Monatsschrift für Psychiatrie und Neurologie, vol. 77, +1930).</p> + +<p class="book"><i>Meskalinwirkung bei Störung des optischen System</i> (Zeitschrift für die gesamte Neurologie und Psychiatrie, +127:30, 1930).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Zador, Julius, and K. Zucker.</span> <i>Meskalinwirkung am Halluzinanten</i> (Zeitschrift für die gesamte Neurologie +und Psychiatrie, vol. 227:15-29, 1930).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Zeman, H.</span> <i>Verbreitung und Grad der Eidetischen Anlage</i> (Zeitschrift für Psychologie, vol. 96:208, 1925).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Zucker, K.</span> <i>Versuche mit Meskalin am Halluzinanten</i> (Zeitschrift für die gesamte Neurologie und Psychiatrie, +vol. 127:107, 1930).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Zucker, K., and Zador, J.</span> <i>Zur Analyse der Meskalinwirkung am Normallen</i> (Zeitschrift für die gesamte Neurologie +und Psychiatrie, vol. 127:1-2, 1930).</p> + +</div> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="EXPLANATION_OF_PLATES">EXPLANATION OF PLATES</h2> + +</div> + +<p><a href="#plate1">Plate 1.</a> Peyote leaders. <i>Upper left</i>, Charley Apekaum (Kiowa) and Jonathan Koshiway (Oto); <i>upper right</i>, +Alfred Wilson (Cheyenne) twice president of the Native American Church; <i>lower left and right</i>, Packing-Stone +(Kiowa) a “Ten-Medicine” keeper and peyote leader in typical leaders’ costume of blanket and buckskin +clothes; the headdress is old Kiowa.</p> + +<p><a href="#plate2">Plate 2.</a> Altar and ash-birds. <i>Upper left</i>, Quapaw permanent cement altar of the John Wilson Big Moon +rite. The ash mounds are the “graves” of John Wilson and Jesus Christ; the W’s or M’s on each side of the +heart signify “Moon-Head” or “Wilson.” The nearest heart of the mound is the Heart of the World, that under +the fire the Sacred Heart of Christ, that on the moon the Heart of Goodness on which the father peyote rests. +Seven lines around the apron represent week days, the twelve lines the months of the year. The ashes mean +the parting of the Red Sea, or mean to some the sheep and the goats. This altar was made by the authorised +builder, Victor Griffin, and his assistant, Charley Tyner. <i>Upper right</i>, Symbolic peyote painting by Mopope +(Kiowa) showing sacred staff, seven-marbled drum, drumstick, gourd rattle, doctoring feathers, and altar or +moon with ash crescent. The water bird intermediary is carrying a prayer from the father peyote on the altar +across the ritual fire to the great spirit indicated by the seven rays of feathers of the rising sun. The lightning +lines from the god-head result from the artist’s visits to the Southwestern pueblos. <i>Center</i>, A fine example of the +scissors-tail ash bird made at an Oto meeting near Red Rock, Oklahoma. <i>Lower</i>, An unusually fine example of the +water bird ash bird made at a Shawnee meeting near McCloud. The burnt sticks finish out the scissors-tail of +the bird. The smokestick in the foreground is carved with native and Christian symbols (now in Peabody Museum, +Harvard University). (It is believed that the Yuchi altar of Petrullo, Plate 2, is erroneously figured and is +of the order of those shown here.)</p> + +<h3>PLATES</h3> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp52" id="plate1" style="max-width: 31.25em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/plate1.jpg" alt=""> + <figcaption> + <p class="right">[LA BARRE] PLATE 1</p> + <p class="center"><span class="smcap">Peyote Leaders</span></p> + </figcaption> +</figure> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp52" id="plate2" style="max-width: 31.25em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/plate2.jpg" alt=""> + <figcaption> + <p class="right">[LA BARRE] PLATE 2</p> + <p class="center"><span class="smcap">Altar and Ash Birds</span></p> + </figcaption> +</figure> + +<div style='text-align:center'>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 77791 ***</div> +</body> +</html> diff --git a/77791-h/images/cover.jpg b/77791-h/images/cover.jpg Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..55233c9 --- /dev/null +++ b/77791-h/images/cover.jpg diff --git a/77791-h/images/figure1.jpg b/77791-h/images/figure1.jpg Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..98e800a --- /dev/null +++ b/77791-h/images/figure1.jpg diff --git a/77791-h/images/figure2.jpg b/77791-h/images/figure2.jpg Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..ad61a53 --- /dev/null +++ b/77791-h/images/figure2.jpg diff --git a/77791-h/images/figure3.jpg b/77791-h/images/figure3.jpg Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..4033a3e --- /dev/null +++ b/77791-h/images/figure3.jpg diff --git a/77791-h/images/figure4.jpg b/77791-h/images/figure4.jpg Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..c12cf83 --- /dev/null +++ b/77791-h/images/figure4.jpg diff --git a/77791-h/images/figure5.jpg b/77791-h/images/figure5.jpg Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..d1645d7 --- /dev/null +++ b/77791-h/images/figure5.jpg diff --git a/77791-h/images/figure6.jpg b/77791-h/images/figure6.jpg Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..d955652 --- /dev/null +++ b/77791-h/images/figure6.jpg diff --git a/77791-h/images/figure7.jpg b/77791-h/images/figure7.jpg Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..638d3e4 --- /dev/null +++ b/77791-h/images/figure7.jpg diff --git a/77791-h/images/plate1.jpg b/77791-h/images/plate1.jpg Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..e3eb615 --- /dev/null +++ b/77791-h/images/plate1.jpg diff --git a/77791-h/images/plate2.jpg b/77791-h/images/plate2.jpg Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..e270c94 --- /dev/null +++ b/77791-h/images/plate2.jpg diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6c72794 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This book, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..c7660db --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for eBook #77791 +(https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/77791) |
