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+
+*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 76900 ***
+
+
+
+
+
+ INTERNATIONAL CONCILIATION
+
+ SPECIAL BULLETIN
+
+ RACE AND NATIONALITY
+
+ By
+ FRANZ BOAS
+
+ Professor of Anthropology, Columbia University
+
+ JANUARY, 1915
+
+ American Association for International Conciliation
+ Sub-Station 84 (407 West 117th Street)
+ New York City
+
+
+
+
+The editor of _Everybody’s Magazine_, in which this article appeared in
+briefer form in November, 1914, has kindly granted permission for its
+republication in this series.
+
+
+
+
+ RACE AND NATIONALITY
+
+
+The struggle that is now devastating Europe has been described as
+an unavoidable war of races, as an outcome of the innate hostility
+between Teutonic, Slav, and Latin peoples, that can never be overcome
+by argument and reason, because it is due to deep-seated “racial
+instinct.” If this were so, we might despair of the future of mankind;
+for beyond this conflict would arise others without end, as wider and
+closer international intercourse develops and brings more emphatically
+into consciousness racial differences like those between Latin-American
+and Anglo-American, East Indian and European, Mongol or Malay and
+European. If this view were correct, the so-called “racial instinct”
+would perpetuate wars of extermination until one race alone survived.
+
+It is true that in our own political and social life the feeling of
+racial solidarity finds strong expression in our behavior towards
+Mongol and Negro. It is equally true that in Europe the Slavic world is
+moved to its depths by the Pan-Slavistic idea; that Germany has been
+carried far on a wave of admiration for the excellence of the great
+Teutonic race, and that England rests serene on the unshaken conviction
+of the superiority of the Anglo-Saxon; and yet the emotional value of
+these ideas does not make clear their rational values.
+
+The term “racial instinct” expresses the ideas that there are definite,
+insurmountable antipathies based on differences of appearance, and
+that certain hereditary mental characteristics belong to each type of
+man.
+
+In Europe, the occurrence of local types has led to the concept of
+distinct races, identified with certain national groups: the blond
+representing the Teuton; the heavy, darker type, the Slav; and the
+Mediterranean, the typical Spaniard or Italian.
+
+On account of the peculiar position of the blond type, it has been
+pre-eminently identified with the so-called Aryan race. As is well
+known, most of the languages of Europe are derived from one ancient
+form of speech,--the parental Aryan language. Slavic, Teutonic, and
+Romance languages are the most important modern divisions of this
+group in Europe, to which Greek, Celtic, Lithuanian, and Albanian also
+belong. Among European languages, only Finnish and its relatives on the
+Baltic, Magyar, Turkish, and Basque, do not belong to this extended
+group. Aryan languages are spoken by people of the most diverse racial
+types; nevertheless there are scientists who try to identify the blond
+north-European with the ancient pure Aryan, and who claim for the race
+pre-eminent hereditary gifts, because the people who at present and in
+our concept are the leaders of the world speak Aryan languages.
+
+Scientific proof of these contentions cannot be given. They are rather
+fancies of north-European dreamers, based on the complaisant love of
+the achievements of the blondes. No one has ever proved either that all
+the Aryans of the earliest times were blondes, or that people speaking
+other languages may not have been blond, too; and nobody would be
+able to show that the great achievements of mankind were due to blond
+thinkers. On the contrary, the men to whom we are indebted for the
+basic advance of civilization belong to the dark-complexioned human
+types of the Orient, Greece, and Italy, and not to our blond ancestors.
+
+How deep and emotional a hold this idea has in the minds of some
+scientists appears when some investigators try to show us that Christ
+cannot have been a Jew by descent, but must have been an Aryan.
+
+
+ THE GREAT BLOND ARYAN--A FICTION
+
+The idea of the great blond Aryan, the leader of mankind, is the result
+of self-admiration, that emotional thinkers have tried to sustain by
+imaginative reasoning. It has no foundation in observed fact. This,
+however, does not decrease the emotional value of the fiction that
+has taken hold of minds wherever the Teutonic, German, or Anglo-Saxon
+type--however it may be called--prevails.
+
+It is not the pre-eminence of the blonde alone that appeals to the
+fancy in northwest-European countries: all over Europe we find the idea
+of racial purity, and of the existence of certain features inherent
+in each race that make it superior to all others; while it is assumed
+that the mixed, “mongrel” races are doomed to permanent inferiority.
+This notion prevails among ourselves with equal force, for we shake our
+heads gravely over the ominous influx of “inferior” races from eastern
+Europe. Inferior by heredity? No. Socially different? Yes, on account
+of the environment in which they have lived, and therefore different
+from ourselves, and not easily subject to change provided they are
+allowed to cluster together indefinitely. Equally strong is our fear of
+the mongrelization of the American people by intermixtures between the
+northwest-European and other European types.
+
+Scientific investigation does not countenance the assumption that in
+any one part of Europe a people of pure descent or of a pure racial
+type is found, and careful inquiry has failed completely to reveal any
+inferiority of mixed European types.
+
+
+ TYPE AND RACE DO NOT COINCIDE
+
+In our imagination the local racial types of Europe have been
+identified with the modern nations, and thus the supposed hereditary
+characteristics of the races have been confused with national
+characteristics. An identification of racial type, of language, and of
+nationality has been made, that has gained an exceedingly strong hold
+on our imagination. In vain sober scientific thought has remonstrated
+against this identification; the idea is too firmly rooted. Even if it
+is true that the blond type is found at present pre-eminently among
+Teutonic people, it is not confined to them alone. Among the Finns,
+Poles, French, North Italians, not to speak of the North African
+Berbers and the Kurds of western Asia, there are many individuals of
+this type. The heavy-set, dark East-European type is common to many of
+the Slavic peoples of eastern Europe, to the Germans of Austria and
+southern Germany, to the North Italians, and to the French of the Alps
+and of central France. The Mediterranean type is spread widely over
+Spain, Italy, Greece, and the coast of Asia Minor, without regard to
+national boundaries.
+
+In western Europe, types are distributed in strata that follow one
+another from north to south,--in the north the blonde, in the center a
+dark, short-headed type, in the south the slightly built Mediterranean
+type.
+
+_National boundaries in central Europe, on the other hand, run north
+and south: and so we find the northern French, Belgian, Hollander,
+German, and Russian to be about the same in type and descent; the
+central French, South German, Swiss, North Italian, Austrian, Servian,
+and central Russian, to be all the same variety of man; and the
+southern French, to be closely related to the types of the eastern and
+western Mediterranean area._
+
+At the present moment the relation of German and Slav is of principal
+interest. During the period of Teutonic migrations, in the first few
+centuries of our era, the Slavs settled in the whole region from which
+Teutonic tribes had moved away. They occupied the whole of what is now
+eastern Germany. In the Middle Ages, with the growth of the German
+Empire, a slow backward movement set in. Germans settled as colonists
+in Slavic territory, and by degrees German speech prevailed over the
+Slavic. In Germany, survivals of the gradual process may be found in a
+few remote localities where Slavic speech still persists. As by contact
+with the more advanced Germans the cultural and economic conditions
+of the Slav improved, his resistance to Germanization became greater
+and greater,--earliest among the Czechs and Poles, later in the other
+Slavic groups.
+
+This process has led to the present distribution of languages, which
+expresses a fossilization of German colonization in the east, and
+illustrates in a most striking way the penetration of peoples. Poland
+and part of Russia, Slavonic and Magyar territories, are interspersed
+with small German settlements, which are the more sparse and scattered
+the farther east they are located, the more continuous the nearer they
+lie to Germany.
+
+With the increased economic and cultural strength of the Slav, the
+German lost his ability to impose his mode of life upon him, and with
+it his power to assimilate the numerically stronger people in its own
+home. But by blood all these people, no matter what their speech, are
+the same.
+
+In short, _there is no war of races in Europe_; for in every single
+nationality concerned in the present struggle the various elements
+of the European population are represented, and arrayed against the
+same elements as grouped together in another nationality. The conflict
+has nothing whatever to do with racial descent. The so-called racial
+antipathies are feelings that have grown up on another basis and have
+been given a fictitious racial interpretation.
+
+If we deny the presence of racial contrasts, it may not be amiss to
+say a word on the fact that we may distinguish with more or less
+uncertainty individuals that belong to distinct nationalities. This
+common experience might seem contradictory to what has been said
+before; but we form concepts of national types partly from essential
+elements of the form of the body, partly from the mannerisms of wearing
+hair and beard, and also from the characteristic expressions and
+motions of the body, which are determined not so much by hereditary
+causes as by habit. On the whole, the latter are more impressive than
+the former; and among the nations that are concerned in the present
+struggle, no fundamental traits of the body occur that belong to one to
+the exclusion of the others.
+
+It is clear that the term _race_ is only a disguise of the idea of
+_nationality_, which has really very, very little to do with racial
+descent; and that the passions that have been let loose are those of
+national enmities, not of racial antipathies.
+
+If community of racial descent is not the basis of nationality, is it
+community of language?
+
+When we glance at the national aspirations that have characterized a
+large part of the nineteenth century, community of language might
+seem to be the background of national life. It touches the most
+sympathetic chords in our hearts. Italians worked for the overthrow
+of all the small local and great foreign interests that were opposed
+to the national unity of all Italian-speaking people. German patriots
+strove for the federation of the German-speaking people in one empire.
+The struggles in the Balkans are largely due to a desire for national
+independence according to the limits of speech. The Poles are longing
+for a re-establishment of their state which is to embrace all those of
+Polish tongue.
+
+
+ WITHOUT THE BOND OF LANGUAGE
+
+Still this does not comprise the whole of nationalism, for no less
+ardent is the patriotism of bilingual Belgium and of trilingual
+Switzerland. Even here in America we see that the bond of tongue is
+not the only one. Else we should feel that there is no reason for a
+division between Canada and the United States, and that the political
+ties between western Canada and French Quebec must be artificial.
+Neither would it be intelligible why modern Germany should never have
+pursued the policy of unifying all German-speaking peoples in Europe,
+why she should not covet the large German provinces of Austria, and
+should patiently witness the forcible Russianization of the German
+towns in the Baltic provinces and the Magyarization of the Germans in
+Hungary.
+
+Neither the bonds of blood nor those of language alone make a nation.
+It is rather the community of emotional life that rises from our
+every-day habits, from the forms of our thoughts, feelings, and
+actions, which constitute the medium in which every individual can
+unfold freely his activities.
+
+Language and nation are so often identified, because we feel that among
+a people that uses the same language every one can find the widest
+field for unrestricted activity. Added to this is the powerful idea
+of political unity, which emphasizes the interests of the citizen as
+opposed to those of the foreigners. These beliefs combine to create a
+sense of national unity. Nevertheless it is perfectly clear that there
+is no individual, nor any group of individuals, that represents the
+national ideal. It is rather an abstraction based on the current forms
+of thought, feeling, and action,--an abstraction of high emotional
+value, that is further enhanced by the consciousness of political power.
+
+It is well to bear in mind that nationality is not necessarily based
+on unity of speech; for when the same type of cultural ideals prevails
+in a polyglottal area, in which each group is too weak to give to the
+individual a free field of action, this can be attained only by the
+development of a union of the independent groups. Those who claim on _a
+priori_ ground that there cannot be any Austrian patriotism on account
+of the polyglottal mixture that is found in the empire, might do well
+to consider that during the past seventy years a co-ordination of the
+various linguistic groups has slowly developed. Against the wishes of
+the Monarchy, Hungary has gained its independence of German domination;
+and during the last few decades the Government of Austria itself, much
+against the clamor of the German element, has given due recognition to
+the wishes of the Slavic population. In all this we see the beginning
+of a new national life, probably the only one that can lead to a free
+unfolding of human activity in this region that is split up like no
+other part of Europe.
+
+The attitude of Italy in the present situation illustrates also that
+the linguistic bond is not the only source of national aspirations.
+While national unity of the Italian-speaking people is their avowed
+aim, those Italians who have cast their lot with Switzerland are
+willingly left to themselves. In other areas the ardor with which unity
+is sought depends upon the historic past. The Italians under Austrian
+rule appeal most strongly to the Italian imagination, and Austria is
+reaping her reward for long-continued oppression. This has taken such
+strong hold of the Italian mind, that the French encroachments in the
+west, and Mazzini’s condemnation of the Third French Republic for not
+restoring the lost territory, seem to have been forgotten.
+
+For the full development of his faculties, the individual needs the
+widest possible field in which to live and act according to his modes
+of thought and inner feeling. Since, in most cases, the opportunity
+is given among a group that possesses unity of speech, we feel
+full sympathy with the intense desire to throw down the artificial
+barriers of small political units. This process has characterized
+the development of modern nations, and is now active in part of
+southeastern Europe.
+
+When, however, these limits are overstepped, and a fictitious racial
+or alleged national unit is set up that has no existence in actual
+conditions, the free unfolding of powers, for which we are striving,
+is liable to become an excuse for ambitious lust for power. When
+France dreamt of a union of all Latin people in a Pan-Latin union
+under her leadership, the legitimate limits of natural development
+were lost sight of for the sake of national ambition. If Russia
+promotes a Pan-Slavistic propaganda among the diverse peoples, solely
+on the ground that the Slavs are linguistically related, and assumes
+a fictitious common racial origin, the actual usefulness of the
+nationalistic idea is lost sight of, and it is made the cover for the
+desire of expansion of power.
+
+
+ THE WRONG SIDE OF NATIONALISM
+
+There is no doubt that the idea of nationality has been a creative
+force, making possible the fuller development of individual powers by
+widening the field of individual activity, and by setting definite
+ideals to large co-operating masses; but we feel with Fichte and
+Mazzini that the political power of a nation is important only when the
+national unit is the carrier of ideals that are of value to mankind.
+
+Together with the positive, creative side of nationalism, there has
+developed everywhere another one, which forms the basis of the passions
+that are blinding the people of Europe to the high aims of humanity.
+Instead of seeing in each nation one of the members of mankind that
+contributes in its own way toward the advance of civilization,
+an aggressive intolerance of all other units has grown up. It is
+strengthened by the inadaptability of governmental machinery, which
+favors national isolation.
+
+On a larger scale the conditions are repeated now that less than a
+century ago prevented the ready formation of modern nations. The
+narrow-minded local interests of cities and other small political
+units resisted unification or federation on account of the supposed
+conflicts between their interests and ideals and those of other
+units of comparable size. The governmental organization strengthened
+the tendency to isolation, and the unavoidable, ever-present desire
+of self-preservation of the existing order stood in the way of
+amalgamation. It was only after long years of agitation and of bloody
+struggle that the larger idea prevailed.
+
+Those of us who recognize in the realization of national ideals a
+definite advance that has benefited mankind cannot fail to see that the
+task before us at the present time is a repetition of the process of
+nationalization on a larger scale; not with a view to levelling down
+all local differences, but with the avowed purpose of making them all
+subserve the same end.
+
+The federation of nations is the next necessary step in the evolution
+of mankind.
+
+It is the expansion of the fundamental idea underlying the organization
+of the United States, of Switzerland, and of Germany. The weakness of
+the modern peace movement lies in this, that it is not sufficiently
+clear and radical in its demand, for its logical aim cannot be an
+arbitration of disagreements. It must be the recognition of common aims
+of at least all the nations of European descent. The time is obviously
+not ripe for demanding an expansion of this idea over the productive
+members of the non-European races of mankind.
+
+Such federation of nations is not a Utopian idea, any more than
+nationalism was a century ago. In fact, the whole development of
+mankind shows that this condition is destined to come. In the
+earliest period of social development, when human beings lived in
+small, scattered groups, the unit in which community of interest was
+recognized was the small horde, and every outsider was considered as
+specifically distinct and as an enemy who must be killed for the sake
+of self-preservation. By slow degrees the size of the horde increased
+and they formed themselves into larger units. The distinction between
+the members of the tribe and the foreigner was no longer considered as
+a specific one, although the idea continued to prevail that it was of
+foremost interest to protect the fellow-tribesman against the foreigner.
+
+Progress has been slow, but almost steady, in the direction of
+expanding the political units from hordes to tribes, from tribes to
+small states, confederations, and nations. The concept of the foreigner
+as a specifically distinct being has been so modified that we are
+beginning to see in him a member of mankind.
+
+Enlargement of circles of association, and equalization of rights of
+distinct local communities, have been so consistently the _general_
+tendency of human development, that we may look forward confidently to
+its consummation.
+
+It is obvious that the standards of ethical conduct must be quite
+distinct as between those who have grasped this ideal and those who
+still believe in the preservation of isolated nationality in opposition
+to all others. In order to form a fair judgment of the motives of
+action of the leaders of European nations at the present time, we
+should bear in mind that in all countries the standards of national
+ethics, as cultivated by means of national education, are opposed to
+this wider view. Devotion to the nation is taught as the paramount
+duty, and it is instilled into the minds of the young in such a form
+that with it grows up and is perpetuated the feeling of rivalry and of
+hostility against all other nations.
+
+Conditions in Europe are intelligible only when we remember that by
+education patriotism is surrounded by a halo of sanctity, and that
+national self-preservation is considered the first duty.
+
+If our public conscience is hardly strong enough to exact the faithful
+performance of the terms of a treaty in which only commercial interests
+are at stake, if we are restrained with some difficulty from aggression
+for the sake of economic advantage, it is at least intelligible why
+a government that sees the very existence of the nation endangered
+should, in a conflict of duties, reluctantly decide to set the safety
+of the nation for which it is responsible higher than the performance
+of a treaty inherited from a previous generation.
+
+We must acknowledge that in such a case the demands of national and
+international duty are hopelessly at variance, and what line of action
+is chosen depends upon the conception of responsibility and upon the
+value given to the preservation of national existence.
+
+
+ NATIONALISM IN AMERICA
+
+Since our own political interest in the war in Europe is weak, we stand
+naturally nearer to the standpoint of international morals and are
+inclined to misinterpret the motives that sway the nations at war. We
+should not deceive ourselves. It is only lack of immediate interest
+that determines our attitude. Owing to our more isolated position on
+the Western Hemisphere and to the great size of our country, we are
+not so much exposed to the conflicts between our interests, real or
+imaginary, and those of other nations.
+
+Still we are no less eager than the nations of Europe to instil the
+idea of the preponderance of national interest over human interest into
+the minds of the young. We, too, teach rather the lessons of aggressive
+nationalism than those of national idealism, expansion rather than
+inner development, the admiration of warlike, heroic deeds rather
+than of the object for which they were performed. Given a national
+conflict, and the same unreasoning passions will sway our people that
+are carrying Europe to the brink of ruin.
+
+Those who look forward to the federation of nations must work together
+to teach their ideals to the young, to teach that no nation has the
+right to impose its individuality upon another one, that no war is
+justifiable except for the defence of the threatened integrity of our
+ideals.
+
+
+
+
+ Transcriber’s Note
+
+
+Some inconsistencies in spelling, hyphenation, and punctuation have
+been retained.
+
+This file uses _underscores_ to indicate italic text. Small capitals
+changed to all capitals.
+
+
+
+
+*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 76900 ***
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+<div style='text-align:center'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 76900 ***</div>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_1">[Pg 1]</span></p>
+
+<div class="titlepage-box titlepage-box1">
+<p class="center noindent titlepage-xl"><span class="smcap">International Conciliation</span></p>
+
+<p class="center noindent titlepage-xs">SPECIAL BULLETIN</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="titlepage-box titlepage-box2">
+<h1 class="titlepage-pad-down2">
+RACE AND NATIONALITY
+</h1>
+
+<p class="center noindent titlepage-pad-down2"><figure class="figcenter illowe39_3750" id="i_001">
+ <img class="w100" src="images/i_001.png" alt="Publisher's logo">
+</figure>
+
+<p class="center noindent titlepage-pad-down1">By<br>
+FRANZ BOAS<br>
+<span class="titlepage-xs">Professor of Anthropology, Columbia University</span>
+</p>
+
+<p class="center noindent">JANUARY, 1915</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="titlepage-box titlepage-box3">
+<p class="center noindent titlepage-xs">American Association for International Conciliation<br>
+Sub-Station 84 (407 West 117th Street)<br>
+New York City</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="pagebreak">
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_2">[Pg 2]</span></p>
+
+<p>
+The editor of <cite>Everybody’s Magazine</cite>, in which this
+article appeared in briefer form in November, 1914,
+has kindly granted permission for its republication in
+this series.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_3">[Pg 3]</span></p>
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+<div class="chapter">
+ <h2 class="nobreak" id="RACE_AND_NATIONALITY">
+ RACE AND NATIONALITY
+ </h2>
+</div>
+
+<div>
+ <img class="drop-cap illowe14_3125" src="images/i_003.png" alt="" data-role="presentation">
+</div>
+
+<p class="drop-cap"><span class="upper-case">The</span>
+struggle that is now devastating Europe
+has been described as an unavoidable war of
+races, as an outcome of the innate hostility
+between Teutonic, Slav, and Latin peoples,
+that can never be overcome by argument and reason,
+because it is due to deep-seated “racial instinct.” If
+this were so, we might despair of the future of mankind;
+for beyond this conflict would arise others without
+end, as wider and closer international intercourse
+develops and brings more emphatically into consciousness
+racial differences like those between Latin-American
+and Anglo-American, East Indian and European,
+Mongol or Malay and European. If this view were
+correct, the so-called “racial instinct” would perpetuate
+wars of extermination until one race alone survived.</p>
+
+<p>It is true that in our own political and social life
+the feeling of racial solidarity finds strong expression
+in our behavior towards Mongol and Negro. It is
+equally true that in Europe the Slavic world is moved
+to its depths by the Pan-Slavistic idea; that Germany
+has been carried far on a wave of admiration for the
+excellence of the great Teutonic race, and that England
+rests serene on the unshaken conviction of the superiority
+of the Anglo-Saxon; and yet the emotional
+value of these ideas does not make clear their rational
+values.</p>
+
+<p>The term “racial instinct” expresses the ideas that
+there are definite, insurmountable antipathies based
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_4">[Pg 4]</span>on differences of appearance, and that certain hereditary
+mental characteristics belong to each type of
+man.</p>
+
+<p>In Europe, the occurrence of local types has led to
+the concept of distinct races, identified with certain
+national groups: the blond representing the Teuton;
+the heavy, darker type, the Slav; and the Mediterranean,
+the typical Spaniard or Italian.</p>
+
+<p>On account of the peculiar position of the blond
+type, it has been pre-eminently identified with the so-called
+Aryan race. As is well known, most of the languages
+of Europe are derived from one ancient form
+of speech,—the parental Aryan language. Slavic, Teutonic,
+and Romance languages are the most important
+modern divisions of this group in Europe, to which
+Greek, Celtic, Lithuanian, and Albanian also belong.
+Among European languages, only Finnish and its relatives
+on the Baltic, Magyar, Turkish, and Basque, do
+not belong to this extended group. Aryan languages
+are spoken by people of the most diverse racial types;
+nevertheless there are scientists who try to identify
+the blond north-European with the ancient pure
+Aryan, and who claim for the race pre-eminent hereditary
+gifts, because the people who at present and in
+our concept are the leaders of the world speak Aryan
+languages.</p>
+
+<p>Scientific proof of these contentions cannot be
+given. They are rather fancies of north-European
+dreamers, based on the complaisant love of the
+achievements of the blondes. No one has ever proved
+either that all the Aryans of the earliest times were
+blondes, or that people speaking other languages may
+not have been blond, too; and nobody would be able
+to show that the great achievements of mankind were
+due to blond thinkers. On the contrary, the men to
+whom we are indebted for the basic advance of civilization
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_5">[Pg 5]</span>belong to the dark-complexioned human types
+of the Orient, Greece, and Italy, and not to our blond
+ancestors.</p>
+
+<p>How deep and emotional a hold this idea has in the
+minds of some scientists appears when some investigators
+try to show us that Christ cannot have been
+a Jew by descent, but must have been an Aryan.</p>
+
+<h3 class="nobreak">THE GREAT BLOND ARYAN—A FICTION</h3>
+
+<p>The idea of the great blond Aryan, the leader of
+mankind, is the result of self-admiration, that emotional
+thinkers have tried to sustain by imaginative
+reasoning. It has no foundation in observed fact.
+This, however, does not decrease the emotional value
+of the fiction that has taken hold of minds wherever
+the Teutonic, German, or Anglo-Saxon type—however
+it may be called—prevails.</p>
+
+<p>It is not the pre-eminence of the blonde alone that
+appeals to the fancy in northwest-European countries:
+all over Europe we find the idea of racial purity, and
+of the existence of certain features inherent in each
+race that make it superior to all others; while it is
+assumed that the mixed, “mongrel” races are doomed
+to permanent inferiority. This notion prevails among
+ourselves with equal force, for we shake our heads
+gravely over the ominous influx of “inferior” races
+from eastern Europe. Inferior by heredity? No.
+Socially different? Yes, on account of the environment
+in which they have lived, and therefore different
+from ourselves, and not easily subject to change
+provided they are allowed to cluster together indefinitely.
+Equally strong is our fear of the mongrelization
+of the American people by intermixtures between
+the northwest-European and other European types.</p>
+
+<p>Scientific investigation does not countenance the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_6">[Pg 6]</span>assumption that in any one part of Europe a people
+of pure descent or of a pure racial type is found, and
+careful inquiry has failed completely to reveal any inferiority
+of mixed European types.</p>
+
+<h3 class="nobreak">TYPE AND RACE DO NOT COINCIDE</h3>
+
+<p>In our imagination the local racial types of Europe
+have been identified with the modern nations, and thus
+the supposed hereditary characteristics of the races
+have been confused with national characteristics. An
+identification of racial type, of language, and of nationality
+has been made, that has gained an exceedingly
+strong hold on our imagination. In vain sober
+scientific thought has remonstrated against this identification;
+the idea is too firmly rooted. Even if it
+is true that the blond type is found at present pre-eminently
+among Teutonic people, it is not confined
+to them alone. Among the Finns, Poles, French, North
+Italians, not to speak of the North African Berbers
+and the Kurds of western Asia, there are many individuals
+of this type. The heavy-set, dark East-European
+type is common to many of the Slavic peoples
+of eastern Europe, to the Germans of Austria and
+southern Germany, to the North Italians, and to the
+French of the Alps and of central France. The Mediterranean
+type is spread widely over Spain, Italy,
+Greece, and the coast of Asia Minor, without regard
+to national boundaries.</p>
+
+<p>In western Europe, types are distributed in strata
+that follow one another from north to south,—in the
+north the blonde, in the center a dark, short-headed
+type, in the south the slightly built Mediterranean
+type.</p>
+
+<p><em>National boundaries in central Europe, on the other
+hand, run north and south: and so we find the northern
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_7">[Pg 7]</span>French, Belgian, Hollander, German, and Russian
+to be about the same in type and descent; the central
+French, South German, Swiss, North Italian, Austrian,
+Servian, and central Russian, to be all the same variety
+of man; and the southern French, to be closely related
+to the types of the eastern and western Mediterranean
+area.</em></p>
+
+<p>At the present moment the relation of German and
+Slav is of principal interest. During the period of
+Teutonic migrations, in the first few centuries of our
+era, the Slavs settled in the whole region from which
+Teutonic tribes had moved away. They occupied the
+whole of what is now eastern Germany. In the Middle
+Ages, with the growth of the German Empire, a
+slow backward movement set in. Germans settled as
+colonists in Slavic territory, and by degrees German
+speech prevailed over the Slavic. In Germany, survivals
+of the gradual process may be found in a few
+remote localities where Slavic speech still persists.
+As by contact with the more advanced Germans the
+cultural and economic conditions of the Slav improved,
+his resistance to Germanization became greater and
+greater,—earliest among the Czechs and Poles, later
+in the other Slavic groups.</p>
+
+<p>This process has led to the present distribution of
+languages, which expresses a fossilization of German
+colonization in the east, and illustrates in a most striking
+way the penetration of peoples. Poland and part
+of Russia, Slavonic and Magyar territories, are interspersed
+with small German settlements, which are
+the more sparse and scattered the farther east they are
+located, the more continuous the nearer they lie to
+Germany.</p>
+
+<p>With the increased economic and cultural strength
+of the Slav, the German lost his ability to impose his
+mode of life upon him, and with it his power to assimilate
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_8">[Pg 8]</span>the numerically stronger people in its own home.
+But by blood all these people, no matter what their
+speech, are the same.</p>
+
+<p>In short, <em>there is no war of races in Europe</em>; for in
+every single nationality concerned in the present
+struggle the various elements of the European population
+are represented, and arrayed against the same
+elements as grouped together in another nationality.
+The conflict has nothing whatever to do with racial
+descent. The so-called racial antipathies are feelings
+that have grown up on another basis and have been
+given a fictitious racial interpretation.</p>
+
+<p>If we deny the presence of racial contrasts, it may
+not be amiss to say a word on the fact that we may
+distinguish with more or less uncertainty individuals
+that belong to distinct nationalities. This common experience
+might seem contradictory to what has been
+said before; but we form concepts of national types
+partly from essential elements of the form of the body,
+partly from the mannerisms of wearing hair and
+beard, and also from the characteristic expressions
+and motions of the body, which are determined not
+so much by hereditary causes as by habit. On the
+whole, the latter are more impressive than the former;
+and among the nations that are concerned in the present
+struggle, no fundamental traits of the body occur
+that belong to one to the exclusion of the others.</p>
+
+<p>It is clear that the term <i>race</i> is only a disguise of
+the idea of <i>nationality</i>, which has really very, very
+little to do with racial descent; and that the passions
+that have been let loose are those of national enmities,
+not of racial antipathies.</p>
+
+<p>If community of racial descent is not the basis of
+nationality, is it community of language?</p>
+
+<p>When we glance at the national aspirations that
+have characterized a large part of the nineteenth
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_9">[Pg 9]</span>century, community of language might seem to be the
+background of national life. It touches the most sympathetic
+chords in our hearts. Italians worked for
+the overthrow of all the small local and great foreign
+interests that were opposed to the national unity of all
+Italian-speaking people. German patriots strove for
+the federation of the German-speaking people in one
+empire. The struggles in the Balkans are largely
+due to a desire for national independence according
+to the limits of speech. The Poles are longing for a
+re-establishment of their state which is to embrace
+all those of Polish tongue.</p>
+
+<h3 class="nobreak">WITHOUT THE BOND OF LANGUAGE</h3>
+
+<p>Still this does not comprise the whole of nationalism,
+for no less ardent is the patriotism of bilingual
+Belgium and of trilingual Switzerland. Even here in
+America we see that the bond of tongue is not the
+only one. Else we should feel that there is no reason
+for a division between Canada and the United States,
+and that the political ties between western Canada and
+French Quebec must be artificial. Neither would it
+be intelligible why modern Germany should never
+have pursued the policy of unifying all German-speaking
+peoples in Europe, why she should not covet the
+large German provinces of Austria, and should patiently
+witness the forcible Russianization of the German
+towns in the Baltic provinces and the Magyarization
+of the Germans in Hungary.</p>
+
+<p>Neither the bonds of blood nor those of language
+alone make a nation. It is rather the community of
+emotional life that rises from our every-day habits,
+from the forms of our thoughts, feelings, and actions,
+which constitute the medium in which every individual
+can unfold freely his activities.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_10">[Pg 10]</span></p>
+
+<p>Language and nation are so often identified, because
+we feel that among a people that uses the same language
+every one can find the widest field for unrestricted
+activity. Added to this is the powerful idea
+of political unity, which emphasizes the interests of
+the citizen as opposed to those of the foreigners.
+These beliefs combine to create a sense of national
+unity. Nevertheless it is perfectly clear that there is
+no individual, nor any group of individuals, that represents
+the national ideal. It is rather an abstraction
+based on the current forms of thought, feeling, and
+action,—an abstraction of high emotional value, that
+is further enhanced by the consciousness of political
+power.</p>
+
+<p>It is well to bear in mind that nationality is not necessarily
+based on unity of speech; for when the same
+type of cultural ideals prevails in a polyglottal area,
+in which each group is too weak to give to the individual
+a free field of action, this can be attained only
+by the development of a union of the independent
+groups. Those who claim on <i lang="la">a priori</i> ground that there
+cannot be any Austrian patriotism on account of the
+polyglottal mixture that is found in the empire, might
+do well to consider that during the past seventy years
+a co-ordination of the various linguistic groups has
+slowly developed. Against the wishes of the Monarchy,
+Hungary has gained its independence of German
+domination; and during the last few decades the
+Government of Austria itself, much against the clamor
+of the German element, has given due recognition to
+the wishes of the Slavic population. In all this we
+see the beginning of a new national life, probably the
+only one that can lead to a free unfolding of human
+activity in this region that is split up like no other
+part of Europe.</p>
+
+<p>The attitude of Italy in the present situation illustrates
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_11">[Pg 11]</span>also that the linguistic bond is not the only
+source of national aspirations. While national unity
+of the Italian-speaking people is their avowed aim,
+those Italians who have cast their lot with Switzerland
+are willingly left to themselves. In other areas the
+ardor with which unity is sought depends upon the
+historic past. The Italians under Austrian rule appeal
+most strongly to the Italian imagination, and
+Austria is reaping her reward for long-continued oppression.
+This has taken such strong hold of the
+Italian mind, that the French encroachments in the
+west, and Mazzini’s condemnation of the Third
+French Republic for not restoring the lost territory,
+seem to have been forgotten.</p>
+
+<p>For the full development of his faculties, the individual
+needs the widest possible field in which to live
+and act according to his modes of thought and inner
+feeling. Since, in most cases, the opportunity is given
+among a group that possesses unity of speech, we feel
+full sympathy with the intense desire to throw down
+the artificial barriers of small political units. This
+process has characterized the development of modern
+nations, and is now active in part of southeastern
+Europe.</p>
+
+<p>When, however, these limits are overstepped, and
+a fictitious racial or alleged national unit is set up
+that has no existence in actual conditions, the free
+unfolding of powers, for which we are striving, is
+liable to become an excuse for ambitious lust for
+power. When France dreamt of a union of all Latin
+people in a Pan-Latin union under her leadership, the
+legitimate limits of natural development were lost
+sight of for the sake of national ambition. If Russia
+promotes a Pan-Slavistic propaganda among the diverse
+peoples, solely on the ground that the Slavs are
+linguistically related, and assumes a fictitious common
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_12">[Pg 12]</span>racial origin, the actual usefulness of the nationalistic
+idea is lost sight of, and it is made the cover for the
+desire of expansion of power.</p>
+
+<h3 class="nobreak">THE WRONG SIDE OF NATIONALISM</h3>
+
+<p>There is no doubt that the idea of nationality has
+been a creative force, making possible the fuller development
+of individual powers by widening the field
+of individual activity, and by setting definite ideals
+to large co-operating masses; but we feel with Fichte
+and Mazzini that the political power of a nation is
+important only when the national unit is the carrier
+of ideals that are of value to mankind.</p>
+
+<p>Together with the positive, creative side of nationalism,
+there has developed everywhere another one,
+which forms the basis of the passions that are blinding
+the people of Europe to the high aims of humanity.
+Instead of seeing in each nation one of the members
+of mankind that contributes in its own way toward
+the advance of civilization, an aggressive intolerance
+of all other units has grown up. It is strengthened
+by the inadaptability of governmental machinery,
+which favors national isolation.</p>
+
+<p>On a larger scale the conditions are repeated now
+that less than a century ago prevented the ready formation
+of modern nations. The narrow-minded local
+interests of cities and other small political units resisted
+unification or federation on account of the supposed
+conflicts between their interests and ideals and
+those of other units of comparable size. The governmental
+organization strengthened the tendency to isolation,
+and the unavoidable, ever-present desire of
+self-preservation of the existing order stood in the
+way of amalgamation. It was only after long years
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_13">[Pg 13]</span>of agitation and of bloody struggle that the larger
+idea prevailed.</p>
+
+<p>Those of us who recognize in the realization of
+national ideals a definite advance that has benefited
+mankind cannot fail to see that the task before us
+at the present time is a repetition of the process of
+nationalization on a larger scale; not with a view to
+levelling down all local differences, but with the
+avowed purpose of making them all subserve the same
+end.</p>
+
+<p>The federation of nations is the next necessary step
+in the evolution of mankind.</p>
+
+<p>It is the expansion of the fundamental idea underlying
+the organization of the United States, of Switzerland,
+and of Germany. The weakness of the modern
+peace movement lies in this, that it is not sufficiently
+clear and radical in its demand, for its logical
+aim cannot be an arbitration of disagreements. It
+must be the recognition of common aims of at least
+all the nations of European descent. The time is obviously
+not ripe for demanding an expansion of this
+idea over the productive members of the non-European
+races of mankind.</p>
+
+<p>Such federation of nations is not a Utopian idea, any
+more than nationalism was a century ago. In fact, the
+whole development of mankind shows that this condition
+is destined to come. In the earliest period of social
+development, when human beings lived in small,
+scattered groups, the unit in which community of interest
+was recognized was the small horde, and every outsider
+was considered as specifically distinct and as an
+enemy who must be killed for the sake of self-preservation.
+By slow degrees the size of the horde increased
+and they formed themselves into larger units. The distinction
+between the members of the tribe and the foreigner
+was no longer considered as a specific one, although
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_14">[Pg 14]</span>the idea continued to prevail that it was of
+foremost interest to protect the fellow-tribesman
+against the foreigner.</p>
+
+<p>Progress has been slow, but almost steady, in the
+direction of expanding the political units from hordes
+to tribes, from tribes to small states, confederations,
+and nations. The concept of the foreigner as a specifically
+distinct being has been so modified that we
+are beginning to see in him a member of mankind.</p>
+
+<p>Enlargement of circles of association, and equalization
+of rights of distinct local communities, have
+been so consistently the <em>general</em> tendency of human
+development, that we may look forward confidently
+to its consummation.</p>
+
+<p>It is obvious that the standards of ethical conduct
+must be quite distinct as between those who have
+grasped this ideal and those who still believe in the
+preservation of isolated nationality in opposition to
+all others. In order to form a fair judgment of the
+motives of action of the leaders of European nations
+at the present time, we should bear in mind that in all
+countries the standards of national ethics, as cultivated
+by means of national education, are opposed to
+this wider view. Devotion to the nation is taught as
+the paramount duty, and it is instilled into the minds
+of the young in such a form that with it grows up
+and is perpetuated the feeling of rivalry and of hostility
+against all other nations.</p>
+
+<p>Conditions in Europe are intelligible only when we
+remember that by education patriotism is surrounded
+by a halo of sanctity, and that national self-preservation
+is considered the first duty.</p>
+
+<p>If our public conscience is hardly strong enough to
+exact the faithful performance of the terms of a
+treaty in which only commercial interests are at stake,
+if we are restrained with some difficulty from aggression
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_15">[Pg 15]</span>for the sake of economic advantage, it is at least
+intelligible why a government that sees the very existence
+of the nation endangered should, in a conflict of
+duties, reluctantly decide to set the safety of the nation
+for which it is responsible higher than the performance
+of a treaty inherited from a previous generation.</p>
+
+<p>We must acknowledge that in such a case the demands
+of national and international duty are hopelessly
+at variance, and what line of action is chosen
+depends upon the conception of responsibility and
+upon the value given to the preservation of national
+existence.</p>
+
+<h3 class="nobreak">NATIONALISM IN AMERICA</h3>
+
+<p>Since our own political interest in the war in
+Europe is weak, we stand naturally nearer to the
+standpoint of international morals and are inclined
+to misinterpret the motives that sway the nations at
+war. We should not deceive ourselves. It is only
+lack of immediate interest that determines our attitude.
+Owing to our more isolated position on the
+Western Hemisphere and to the great size of our
+country, we are not so much exposed to the conflicts
+between our interests, real or imaginary, and those
+of other nations.</p>
+
+<p>Still we are no less eager than the nations of
+Europe to instil the idea of the preponderance of national
+interest over human interest into the minds of
+the young. We, too, teach rather the lessons of aggressive
+nationalism than those of national idealism, expansion
+rather than inner development, the admiration
+of warlike, heroic deeds rather than of the object for
+which they were performed. Given a national conflict,
+and the same unreasoning passions will sway our
+people that are carrying Europe to the brink of ruin.</p>
+
+<p>Those who look forward to the federation of nations
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_16">[Pg 16]</span>must work together to teach their ideals to the
+young, to teach that no nation has the right to impose
+its individuality upon another one, that no war is
+justifiable except for the defence of the threatened
+integrity of our ideals.</p>
+
+<div class="transnote">
+<h2 class="nobreak">Transcriber’s Note</h2>
+
+<p>
+Some inconsistencies in spelling, hyphenation, and punctuation have been
+retained.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div style='text-align:center'>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 76900 ***</div>
+</body>
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