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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7b82bc --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +*.txt text eol=lf +*.htm text eol=lf +*.html text eol=lf +*.md text eol=lf diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..437d58a --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #69879 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/69879) diff --git a/old/69879-0.txt b/old/69879-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 5dcde34..0000000 --- a/old/69879-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,6569 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook of Newer ideals of peace, by Jane Addams - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this eBook. - -Title: Newer ideals of peace - -Author: Jane Addams - -Release Date: January 26, 2023 [eBook #69879] - -Language: English - -Produced by: Emmanuel Ackerman and the Online Distributed Proofreading - Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from - images generously made available by The Internet Archive) - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK NEWER IDEALS OF PEACE *** - - - - - - THE CITIZEN’S LIBRARY - - OF - - ECONOMICS, POLITICS, AND - SOCIOLOGY - - EDITED BY - - RICHARD T. ELY, PH.D., LL.D. - - PROFESSOR OF POLITICAL ECONOMY, - UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN - - NEWER IDEALS OF - PEACE - - - - - THE CITIZEN’S LIBRARY OF ECONOMICS, POLITICS, AND SOCIOLOGY - - _12mo._ _Half Leather_ _$1.25 net, each_ - - - =MONOPOLIES AND TRUSTS.= By RICHARD T. ELY, PH.D., LL.D. - - =THE ECONOMICS OF DISTRIBUTION.= By JOHN A. HOBSON. - - =WORLD POLITICS.= By PAUL S. REINSCH, PH.D., LL.B. - - =ECONOMIC CRISES.= By EDWARD D. JONES, PH.D. - - =OUTLINES OF ECONOMICS.= By RICHARD T. ELY. - - =GOVERNMENT IN SWITZERLAND.= BY JOHN MARTIN VINCENT, PH.D. - - =ESSAYS ON THE MONETARY HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.= By CHARLES J. - BULLOCK, PH.D. - - =SOCIAL CONTROL.= By EDWARD A. ROSS, PH.D. - - =HISTORY OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN THE UNITED STATES.= By JESSE MACY, - LL.D. - - =MUNICIPAL ENGINEERING AND SANITATION.= By M. N. BAKER, PH.B. - - =DEMOCRACY AND SOCIAL ETHICS.= By JANE ADDAMS, LL.D. - - =COLONIAL GOVERNMENT.= By PAUL S. REINSCH, PH.D., LL.B. - - =AMERICAN MUNICIPAL PROGRESS.= By CHARLES ZUEBLIN, B.D. - - =IRRIGATION INSTITUTIONS.= By ELWOOD MEAD, C.E., M.S. - - =RAILWAY LEGISLATION IN THE UNITED STATES.= By BALTHASAR H. MEYER, - PH.D. - - =STUDIES IN THE EVOLUTION OF INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY.= By RICHARD T. ELY, - PH.D., LL.D. - - =THE AMERICAN CITY.= By DELOS F. WILCOX, PH.D. - - =MONEY.= By DAVID KINLEY, PH.D. - - =THE FOUNDATIONS OF SOCIOLOGY.= By EDWARD A. ROSS. - - =THE ELEMENTS OF SOCIOLOGY.= By FRANK W. BLACKMAR, PH.D. - - =COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION.= By PAUL S. REINSCH, PH.D., LL.B. - - =AN INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF AGRICULTURAL ECONOMICS.= By HENRY C. - TAYLOR, M.S.AGR., PH.D. - - =SOME ETHICAL GAINS THROUGH LEGISLATION.= By FLORENCE KELLEY. - - =INTRODUCTION TO BUSINESS ORGANIZATION.= By SAMUEL E. SPARLING, PH.D. - - =THE NEWER IDEALS OF PEACE.= By JANE ADDAMS, LL.D. - - - THE MACMILLAN COMPANY - 64-66 FIFTH AVENUE - NEW YORK - - - - - _THE CITIZEN’S LIBRARY_ - - - Newer Ideals of Peace - - - BY - JANE ADDAMS - - HULL-HOUSE, CHICAGO, AUTHOR OF “DEMOCRACY - AND SOCIAL ETHICS,” ETC. - - - New York - THE MACMILLAN COMPANY - LONDON: MACMILLAN & CO., LTD. - 1906 - _All rights reserved_ - - - - - Copyrighted 1906 - By THE MACMILLAN COMPANY - - Set up, electrotyped. Printed December, 1906 - - - THE MASON-HENRY PRESS - SYRACUSE, NEW YORK - - - - - TO - Hull-House - AND - its Neighbors - - - - - PREFATORY NOTE - - -These studies in the gradual development of the moral substitutes for -war have been made in the industrial quarter of a cosmopolitan city -where the morality exhibits marked social and international aspects. - -Parts of two chapters have been published before in the form of -addresses, and two others as articles in the _North American Review_ -and in the _American Journal of Sociology_. All of them however are -held together by a conviction that has been maturing through many years. - - Hull-House, - Chicago. - - - - - CONTENTS - - - CHAPTER I - - INTRODUCTION - - Newer ideals of peace are dynamic; if made operative - will do away with war as a natural process 3 - - Of the older ideals the appeal to pity is dogmatic 4 - - The appeal to the sense of prudence also dogmatic - and at this moment seems impotent 5 - - Outlook for universal peace by international arbitration 6 - - Primitive and profound impulses operate against impulse - to war 8 - - Appeal to pity and prudence unnecessary if the cosmopolitan - interest in human affairs is utilized 9 - - Social morality originates in social affections 11 - - Emotion determines social relations in the poorer - quarters of a cosmopolitan city 13 - - New immigrants develop phenomenal powers of association 14 - - Their ideal of government includes kindliness as - well as protection 15 - - Crowded city quarters the focal point of governmental - progress 16 - - Life at these points must shape itself with reference - to the demands of social justice 17 - - Simple foundations laid there for an international - order 18 - - Ideals formed “in the depth of anonymous life” make - for realization 20 - - Impulses toward compassionate conduct imperative 21 - - The internationalism of good will foreseen by the - philosopher 23 - - A quickening concern for human welfare; international - aspects illustrated by world-wide efforts - to eradicate tuberculosis, first signs of the substitution - of nurture for warfare 25 - - This substitution will be a natural process 26 - - Our very hope for it, a surrender to the ideals of the - humble 27 - - Accounting must be taken between survivals of militarism - and manifestations of newer humanitarianism 28 - - Tendency to idealization marked eighteenth-century - humanitarian 29 - - Newer ideals of this century sustained only by - knowledge and companionship 30 - - - CHAPTER II - - SURVIVALS OF MILITARISM IN CITY GOVERNMENT - - American Republic founded under the influence of - doctrinaire eighteenth-century ideals. Failure in - municipal administration largely due to their inadequacy 31 - - Modern substitutes of the evolutionary conception of - progress for eighteenth-century idealism 32 - - Failure of adjustment between the old form of government - and present condition results in reversion - to military and legal type 34 - - National governmental machinery provides no vehicle - for organized expression of popular will 35 - - Historic governments dependent upon force of arms 36 - - Founders placed too exclusive a value upon the - principles defended by the War of the Revolution. - Example of the overestimation of the - spoils of war 37 - - Immigration problem an illustration of the failure - to treat our growing Republic in a spirit of progressive - and developing democracy 39 - - Present immigration due partly to the philosophic - dogmas of the eighteenth-century. Theory of - naturalization still rests upon those dogmas 40 - - No adequate formulization of newer philosophy although - immigration situation has become much - more industrial than political 42 - - Exploitation of immigrants carried on under guise of - preparation for citizenship 46 - - Failure to develop a government fitted to varied - peoples 48 - - Attitude of contempt for immigrant survival of a - spirit of conqueror toward inferior people 49 - - Contempt reflected by children toward immigrant - parents 50 - - Universal franchise implies a recognition of social - needs and ideals 52 - - Difficulties of administering repressive government in - a democracy 54 - - The attempt inevitably develops the corrupt politician - as a friend of the vicious 56 - - He must be followed by successive reformers who - represent the righteous and protect tax interests 57 - - Illustration from the point of view of humble people 58 - - Dramatic see-saw must continue until we attain the - ideals of an evolutionary democracy 59 - - Community divided into repressive and repressed, - representing conqueror and conquered 60 - - - CHAPTER III - - FAILURE TO UTILIZE IMMIGRANTS IN CITY GOVERNMENT - - Democratic governments must reckon with the unsuccessful - if only because they represent majority - of citizens 62 - - To demand protection from unsuccessful is to fail - in self-government 63 - - Study of immigrants might develop result in revived - enthusiasm for human possibilities reacting upon - ideals of government 64 - - Social resources of immigrants wasted through want - of recognition of old habits 65 - - Illustrated by South Italians’ ability to combine community - life with agricultural occupations, which - is disregarded 66 - - Anglo-Saxon distrust of experiments with land tenure - and taxation illustrated by Doukhobors 67 - - Immigrant’s contribution to city life 69 - - Military ideals blind statesmen to connection between - social life and government 70 - - Corrupt politician who sees the connection often first - friend of immigrant 71 - - Real statesmen would work out scheme of naturalization - founded upon social needs 72 - - Intelligent co-operation of immigrants necessary for - advancing social legislation 74 - - Daily experience of immigrants not to be ignored as - basis of patriotism 75 - - Lack of cosmopolitan standard widens gulf between - immigrant parents and children 78 - - Government is developing most rapidly in its relation - to the young criminal and to the poor and dependent 79 - - Denver Juvenile Court is significant in its attitude - toward repressive government 81 - - Good education in reform schools indicates compunction - on the part of the State 83 - - Government functions extended to care of defectives - and dependents 84 - - Ignores normal needs of every citizen 85 - - Socialists would meet the needs of workingmen by - socialized legislation, but refuse to deal with the - present state 86 - - At present radical changes must come from forces - outside life of the people 87 - - Imperial governments are now concerning themselves - with primitive essential needs of workingmen 88 - - Republics restrict functions of the government 90 - - Is America, in clinging to eighteenth-century traditions, - losing its belief in the average man? 91 - - - CHAPTER IV - - MILITARISM AND INDUSTRIAL LEGISLATION - - American cities slow to consider immigration in relation - to industry 93 - - Workingmen alone must regard them in relation - to industrial situations 94 - - Assimilation of immigrants by workingman due both - to economic pressure and to idealism 95 - - Illustrated by Stock Yards Strike 96 - - And by the strike in Anthracite Coal Fields 97 - - In the latter aroused public opinion forced Federal - Government to deal with industrial conditions 98 - - In complicated modern society not always easy to - see where social order lies 101 - - Chicago Stock Yards Strike illustrates such a situation 104 - - Government should have gained the enthusiasm immigrants - gave to union 107 - - War element an essential part of strike 109 - - Appeal to loyalty the nearest approach to a moral - appeal 110 - - Reluctance of United States Government to recognize - matters of industry as germane to government 112 - - Resulting neglect of civic duty 113 - - The workingman’s attitude toward war as expressed - by his international organization 114 - - Commerce the modern representative of conquest 116 - - Standard of life should be the test of a nation’s prosperity, - so recognized by workingmen 117 - - Social amelioration undertaken by those in closest - contact with social maladjustments 118 - - Present difficulties in social reform will continue - until class interests are subordinated to a broader - conception of social progress 119 - - If self-government were inaugurated by advanced - thinkers now, they would make research into - early forms of industrial governments 121 - - Autocratic European governments have recognized - workingman’s need of protection 122 - - Has Democracy a right to refuse this protection? 123 - - - CHAPTER V - - GROUP MORALITY IN THE LABOR MOVEMENT - - Industrial changes which belong to the community - as a whole have unfortunately divided it into - two camps 124 - - These are typified by Employers’ Associations and - Trades Unions each developing a group morality 125 - - Trade Unions at present illustrate the eternal compromise - between the inner concept and the outer - act 127 - - Present moment one of crisis in Trades Union development 128 - - Newly organized unions in war state of development - responsible for serious mistakes 130 - - Tacit admission that a strike is war made during the - Teamsters’ Strike in Chicago in 1905 132 - - Temporary loss of belief in industrial arbitration 134 - - Teamsters’ Strike not adjudicated in court threw the - entire city into state of warfare 136 - - New organizations of employers exhibit traits - of militant youth 138 - - Public although powerless to intervene, sees grave - social consequences 140 - - Division of community into classes; increase of race - animosity; spirit of materialism 141 - - Class prejudice created among children still another - social consequence 142 - - Disastrous effect of prolonged warfare upon the - labor movement itself 144 - - Real effort of trades unions at present is for recognition - of the principle of collective bargaining 145 - - Trades unions are forced to correct industrial ills - inherent in the factory system itself 146 - - Illustration from limitation of output 147 - - Illustration from attitude towards improved machinery 148 - - Disregard of the machine as a social product makes - for group morality on the part of the owner and - employees 149 - - Contempt resulting from group morality justifies - method of warfare 150 - - - CHAPTER VI - - PROTECTION OF CHILDREN FOR INDUSTRIAL EFFICIENCY - - Deficiency in protective legislation 151 - - Contempt for immigrant because of his economic - standing 152 - - National indifference to condition of working children 154 - - Temptation to use child labor peculiar to this industrial - epoch 155 - - Our sensibilities deadened by familiarity 155 - - Protection of the young the concern of government 156 - - Effect of premature labor on the child 158 - - Effect of child labor on the family 161 - - Effect on the industrial product 162 - - Effect on civilization 163 - - Intelligent labor the most valuable asset of our industrial - prosperity 164 - - Results of England’s foreign commercial policy 165 - - Lack of consistency in the relation of the state to the - child in the United States 166 - - Failure of public school system to connect with - present industrial development 167 - - Correlation of new education with industrial situation 168 - - Child labor legislation will secure to child its proper - play period 169 - - Power of association developed through play 171 - - Co-operation, not coercion, the ideal factory discipline 173 - - Actual factory system divorced from the instinct of - workmanship 174 - - The activity of youth should be valuable assets for - citizenship as well as industry 175 - - Military survivals in city government destroys this - asset 176 - - The gang a training school for group morality 177 - - Concern of modern government in the development - of its citizens 179 - - - CHAPTER VII - - UTILIZATION OF WOMEN IN CITY GOVERNMENT - - The modern city founded upon military ideals 180 - - Early franchise justly given to grown men on basis - of military duty 181 - - This early test no longer fitted to the modern city - whose problems are internal 182 - - Women’s experience in household details valuable to - civic housekeeping. No method of making it - available 184 - - Municipal suffrage to be regarded not as a right or a - privilege, but as a piece of governmental machinery 187 - - Franchise not only valuable as exercised by educated - women, matters to be decided upon too basic - to be influenced by modern education 188 - - Census of 1900 shows greater increase of workingwomen - than of men and increasing youth of - working women 189 - - Concerted action of women necessary to bring about - industrial protection 191 - - Women can control surroundings of their work only - by means of franchise 192 - - Unfair to put task of industrial protection upon - women’s trades unions as it often confuses issues 194 - - Closer connection between industry and government - would result if working women were enfranchised 196 - - Failure to educate women to industrial life disastrous - to industry itself and to women as employers 197 - - Situation must be viewed in relation to recent immigration - and in connection with present stage - of factory system in America 199 - - - - - NEWER IDEALS OF PEACE - - - - - CHAPTER I - - INTRODUCTION - - -The following pages present the claims of the newer, more aggressive -ideals of peace, as over against the older dovelike ideal. These newer -ideals are active and dynamic, and it is believed that if their forces -were made really operative upon society, they would, in the end, quite -as a natural process, do away with war. The older ideals have required -fostering and recruiting, and have been held and promulgated on the -basis of a creed. Their propaganda has been carried forward during the -last century in nearly all civilized countries by a small body of men -who have never ceased to cry out against war and its iniquities and who -have preached the doctrines of peace along two great lines. The first -has been the appeal to the higher imaginative pity, as it is found in -the modern, moralized man. This line has been most effectively followed -by two Russians, Count Tolstoy in his earlier writings and Verestchagin -in his paintings. With his relentless power of reducing all life to -personal experience Count Tolstoy drags us through the campaign of -the common soldier in its sordidness and meanness and constant sense -of perplexity. We see nothing of the glories we have associated with -warfare, but learn of it as it appears to the untutored peasant who -goes forth at the mandate of his superior to suffer hunger, cold, and -death for issues which he does not understand, which, indeed, can have -no moral significance to him. Verestchagin covers his canvas with -thousands of wretched wounded and neglected dead, with the waste, -cruelty, and squalor of war, until he forces us to question whether a -moral issue can ever be subserved by such brutal methods. - -High and searching as is the preaching of these two great Russians who -hold their art of no account save as it serves moral ends, it is still -the appeal of dogma, and may be reduced to a command to cease from -evil. And when this same line of appeal is presented by less gifted -men, it often results in mere sentimentality, totally unenforced by a -call to righteousness. - -The second line followed by the advocates of peace in all countries has -been the appeal to the sense of prudence, and this again has found its -ablest exponent in a Russian subject, the economist and banker, Jean de -Bloch. He sets forth the cost of warfare with pitiless accuracy, and -demonstrates that even the present armed peace is so costly that the -burdens of it threaten social revolution in almost every country in -Europe. Long before the reader comes to the end of de Bloch’s elaborate -computation he is ready to cry out on the inanity of the proposition -that the only way to secure eternal peace is to waste so much valuable -energy and treasure in preparing for war that war becomes impossible. -Certainly no theory could be devised which is more cumbersome, more -roundabout, more extravagant, than the _reductio ad absurdum_ of -the peace-secured-by-the-preparation-for-war theory. This appeal to -prudence was constantly emphasized at the first Hague Conference and -was shortly afterward demonstrated by Great Britain when she went to -war in South Africa, where she was fined one hundred million pounds -and lost ten thousand lives. The fact that Russia also, and the very -Czar who invited the Conference, disregarded the conclusions of the -Hague Tribunal makes this line of appeal at least for the moment seem -impotent to influence empires which command enormous resources and -which lodge the power of expenditure in officials who have nothing to -do with accumulating the treasure they vote to expend. - -It would, however, be the height of folly for responsible statesmen -to ignore the sane methods of international discussion and concession -which have been evolved largely as a result of these appeals. The -Interparliamentary Union for International Arbitration and the -Institute of International Law represent the untiring efforts of the -advocates of peace through many years. Nevertheless universal peace, -viewed from the point of the World’s Sovereignty or of the Counsel of -Nations, is discouraging even when stated by the most ardent promoters -of the peace society. Here it is quite possible that the mistake is -being repeated which the old annalists of history made when they -never failed to chronicle the wars and calamities which harassed -their contemporaries, although, while the few indulged in fighting, -the mass of them peacefully prosecuted their daily toil and followed -their own conceptions of kindliness and equity. An English writer[1] -has recently bidden us to look at the actual state of affairs existing -at the present moment. He says, “Universal and permanent peace may be -a vision; but the gradual change whereby war, as a normal state of -international relations, has given place to peace as the normal state, -is no vision, but an actual process of history palpably forwarded in -our own day by the development of international law and of morals, -and voluntary arbitration based thereon.” He insists that it is the -function of international lawyers merely to give coherent expression -to the best principles which the common moral sense of civilized -Governments recognizes; in other words, that international law should -be like primitive law within the nation, a formal expression of custom -resting on the sense of a reciprocal restraint which has been found to -be necessary for the common good. - -Assuming that the two lines of appeal--the one to sensibility and the -other to prudence--will persist, and that the international lawyers, in -spite of the fact that they have no court before which to plead and no -executive to enforce their findings, will continue to formulate into -codes the growing moral sense of the nations, the following pages hope -not only to make clear the contention that these forces within society -are so dynamic and vigorous that the impulses to war seem by comparison -cumbersome and mechanical, but also to point out the development of -those newer social forces which it is believed will at last prove a -“sovereign intervention” by extinguishing the possibility of battle at -its very source. - -It is difficult to formulate the newer dynamic peace, embodying the -later humanism, as over against the old dogmatic peace. The word -“non-resistance” is misleading, because it is much too feeble and -inadequate. It suggests passivity, the goody-goody attitude of -ineffectiveness. The words “overcoming,” “substituting,” “re-creating,” -“readjusting moral values,” “forming new centres of spiritual energy” -carry much more of the meaning implied. For it is not merely the desire -for a conscience at rest, for a sense of justice no longer outraged, -that would pull us into new paths where there would be no more war nor -preparations for war. There are still more strenuous forces at work -reaching down to impulses and experiences as primitive and profound -as are those of struggle itself. That “ancient kindliness which sat -beside the cradle of the race,” and which is ever ready to assert -itself against ambition and greed and the desire for achievement, is -manifesting itself now with unusual force, and for the first time -presents international aspects. - -Moralists agree that it is not so much by the teaching of moral -theorems that virtue is to be promoted as by the direct expression of -social sentiments and by the cultivation of practical habits; that in -the progress of society sentiments and opinions have come first, then -habits of action and lastly moral codes and institutions. Little is -gained by creating the latter prematurely, but much may be accomplished -to the utilization of human interests and affections. The Advocates -of Peace would find the appeal both to Pity and Prudence totally -unnecessary, could they utilize the cosmopolitan interest in human -affairs with the resultant social sympathy that at the present moment -is developing among all the nations of the earth. - -By way of illustration, I may be permitted to cite the London showman -who used to exhibit two skulls of Shakespeare--one when he was a youth -and went poaching, another when he was a man and wrote plays. There -was such a striking difference between the roystering boy indulging in -illicit sport and the mature man who peopled the London stage with all -the world, that the showman grew confused and considered two separate -acts of creation less improbable than that such an amazing change -should have taken place. We can easily imagine the gifted youth in the -little group of rustics at Stratford-on-Avon finding no adequate outlet -for his powers save in a series of break-neck adventures. His only -alternative was to sit by the fire with the village cronies, drinking -ale so long as his shillings held out. But if we follow him up to -London, through all the charm and wonder of the stage which represented -his unfolding mind, if we can imagine his delight as he gradually -gained the freedom, not only of that big town, but of the human city -as well, we can easily see that illicit sport could no longer attract -him. To have told the great dramatist the night Hamlet first stepped -upon the boards that it was a wicked thing to poach, to have cautioned -him that he must consider the cost of preserving the forest and of -raising the deer, or to have made an appeal to his pity on behalf of -the wounded creatures, would have been the height of folly, because -totally unnecessary. All desire, almost all memory of those days, had -dropped from him, through his absorption in the great and exciting -drama of life. His effort to understand it, to portray it, had utilized -and drained his every power. It is equally true of our contemporaries, -as it was of the great play-wright, that the attainment of this -all-absorbing passion for multiform life, with the desire to understand -its mysteries and to free its capacities, is gradually displacing the -juvenile propensities to warfare. - -From this standpoint the advocates of the newer Ideals of Peace would -have little to do but to insist that the social point of view be kept -paramount, realizing at the same time that the social sentiments are as -blind as the egoistic sentiments and must be enlightened, disciplined -and directed by the fullest knowledge. The modern students of human -morality have told us that primitive man, by the very necessities of -his hard struggle for life, came at last to identify his own existence -with that of his tribe. Tribal life then made room within itself for -the development of that compassion which is the first step towards -sensibility and higher moral sentiment. If we accept this statement -then we must assume that the new social morality, which we so sadly -need, will of necessity have its origin in the social affections--we -must search in the dim borderland between compassion and morality for -the beginnings of that cosmopolitan affection, as it is prematurely -called. - -The life of the tribal man inevitably divided into two sets of actions, -which appeared under two different ethical aspects: the relation within -the tribe and the relation with outsiders, the double conception of -morality maintaining itself until now. But the tribal law differed no -more widely from inter-tribal law than our common law does from our -international law. Until society manages to combine the two we shall -make no headway toward the Newer Ideals of Peace. - -If we would institute an intelligent search for the social conditions -which make possible this combination we should naturally seek for -them in the poorer quarters of a cosmopolitan city where we have, as -nowhere else, the conditions for breaking into this double development; -for making a fresh start, as it were, toward a synthesis upon a higher -moral line which shall include both. There is every opportunity and -necessity for compassion and kindliness such as the tribe itself -afforded, and there is in addition, because of the many nationalities -which are gathered there from all parts of the world, the opportunity -and necessity for breaking through the tribal bond. Early associations -and affections were not based so much on ties of blood as upon that -necessity for defense against the hostile world outside which made the -life of every man in a tribe valuable to every other man. The fact -of blood was, so to speak, an accident. The moral code grew out of -solidarity of emotion and action essential to the life of all. - -In the midst of the modern city which, at moments, seems to stand -only for the triumph of the strongest, the successful exploitation -of the weak, the ruthlessness and hidden crime which follow in the -wake of the struggle for existence on its lowest terms, there come -daily--at least to American cities--accretions of simple people, who -carry in their hearts a desire for mere goodness. They regularly -deplete their scanty livelihood in response to a primitive pity, and, -independent of the religions they have professed, of the wrongs they -have suffered, and of the fixed morality they have been taught, have -an unquenchable desire that charity and simple justice shall regulate -men’s relations. It seems sometimes, to one who knows them, as if they -continually sought for an outlet for more kindliness, and that they are -not only willing and eager to do a favor for a friend, but that their -kindheartedness lies in ambush, as it were, for a chance to incorporate -itself in our larger relations, that they persistently expect that -it shall be given some form of governmental expression. This is -doubtless due partly to the fact that emotional pity and kindness are -always found in greatest degree among the unsuccessful. We are told -that unsuccessful struggle breeds emotion, not strength; that the -hard-pressed races are the emotional races; and that wherever struggle -has long prevailed emotion becomes the dominant force in fixing social -relations. Is it surprising, therefore, that among this huge mass of -the unsuccessful, to be found in certain quarters of the modern city, -we should have the “medium,” in which the first growth of the new -compassion is taking place? - -In addition to this compassion always found among the unsuccessful, -emotional sentiment runs high among the newly arrived immigrants -as a result of the emotional experiences of parting from home and -kindred, to which he has been so recently subjected. An unusual mental -alertness and power of perception also results from the upheaval. The -multitudes of immigrants flooding the American cities have many times -sundered social habits cherished through a hundred generations, and -have renounced customs that may be traced to the habits of primitive -man. These old habits and customs have a much more powerful hold than -have mere racial or national ties. In seeking companionship in the new -world, all the immigrants are reduced to the fundamental equalities and -universal necessities of human life itself, and they inevitably develop -the power of association which comes from daily contact with those who -are unlike each other in all save the universal characteristics of man. - -When looked at too closely, this nascent morality disappears, and one -can count over only a thousand kindly acts and neighborly offices. But -when meditated upon in the whole, there at once emerge again those vast -and dominant suggestions of a new peace and holiness. It would seem as -if our final help and healing were about to issue forth from broken -human nature itself, out of the pathetic striving of ordinary men, who -make up the common substance of life: from those who have been driven -by economic pressure or governmental oppression out of a score of -nations. - -These various peoples who are gathered together in the immigrant -quarters of a cosmopolitan city worship goodness for its own value, -and do not associate it with success any more than they associate -success with themselves; they literally “serve God for nought.” -If we would adduce evidence that we are emerging from a period of -industrialism into a period of humanitarianism, it is to such quarters -that we must betake ourselves. These are the places in which it is -easiest to study the newer manifestations of government, in which -personal welfare is considered a legitimate object; for a new history -of government begins with an attempt to make life possible and human -in large cities, in those crowded quarters which exhibit such an -undoubted tendency to barbarism and degeneracy when the better human -qualities are not nourished. Public baths and gymnasiums, parks and -libraries, are provided first for those who are without the security -for bare subsistence, and it does not seem strange to them that it -should be so. Such a community is made up of men who will continue to -dream of Utopian Governments until the democratic government about -them expresses kindliness with protection. Such men will continue to -rely upon neighborly friendliness until organized charity is able -to identify impulsive pity with well-considered relief. They will -naïvely long for an education for their children that will fit them to -earn money until public education shall come to consider industrial -efficiency. As their hopes and dreams are a prophecy of the future -development in city government, in charity, in education, so their -daily lives are a forecast of coming international relations. Our -attention has lately been drawn to the fact that it is logical that -the most vigorous efforts in governmental reform, as well as the most -generous experiments in ministering to social needs, have come from the -larger cities and that it is inevitable that they should be to-day “the -centers of radicalism,” as they have been traditionally the “cradles of -liberty.”[2] - -If we once admit the human dynamic character of progress, then it is -easy to understand why the crowded city quarters become focal points of -that progress. - -A deeper and more thorough-going unity is required in a community -made up of highly differentiated peoples than in a more settled and -stratified one, and it may be logical that we should find in this -commingling of many peoples a certain balance and concord of opposing -and contending forces; a gravitation toward the universal. Because of -their difference in all external matters, in all of the non-essentials -of life, the people in a cosmopolitan city are forced to found their -community of interests upon the basic and essential likenesses of their -common human nature; for, after all, the things that make men alike -are stronger and more primitive than the things that separate them. It -is natural that this synthesis of the varying nations should be made -first at the points of the greatest congestion, quite as we find that -selfishness is first curbed and social feeling created at the points -where the conflict of individual interests is sharpest. One dares not -grow too certain as to the wells of moral healing which lie under the -surface of the sullen work-driven life which the industrial quarters -of the modern city present. They fascinate us by their mere size and -diversity, as does the city itself; but certain it is, that these -quarters continually confound us by their manifestations of altruism. -It may be that we are surprised simply because we fail to comprehend -that the individual, under such pressure, must shape his life with -some reference to the demands of social justice, not only to avoid -crushing the little folk about him, but in order to save himself from -death by crushing. It is an instance of the irresistible coalescing -of the altruistic and egoistic impulse which is the strength of social -morality. We are often told that men under this pressure of life become -calloused and cynical, whereas anyone who lives with them knows that -they are sentimental and compassionate. - -It is possible that we shall be saved from warfare by the “fighting -rabble” itself, by the “quarrelsome mob” turned into kindly citizens -of the world through the pressure of a cosmopolitan neighborhood. It -is not that they are shouting for peace--on the contrary, if they -shout at all, they will continue to shout for war--but that they are -really attaining cosmopolitan relations through daily experience. -They will probably believe for a long time that war is noble and -necessary both to engender and cherish patriotism; and yet all of the -time, below their shouting, they are living in the kingdom of human -kindness. They are laying the simple and inevitable foundations for an -international order as the foundations of tribal and national morality -have already been laid. They are developing the only sort of patriotism -consistent with the intermingling of the nations; for the citizens of a -cosmopolitan quarter find an insuperable difficulty when they attempt -to hem in their conception of patriotism either to the “old country” -or to their adopted one. There arises the hope that when this newer -patriotism becomes large enough, it will overcome arbitrary boundaries -and soak up the notion of nationalism. We may then give up war, because -we shall find it as difficult to make war upon a nation at the other -side of the globe as upon our next-door neighbor. - -These humble harbingers of the Newer Ideals of Peace, venturing -themselves upon a larger relationship, are most touching; and while -the success of their efforts can never be guaranteed or spoken of too -confidently, they stir us with a strange hope, as if new vistas of life -were opening before us--vistas not illuminated with the glare of war, -but with a mellowed glow of their own. These paths are seen distinctly -only as we ascend to a more enveloping point of view and obtain a -larger and bulkier sense of the growing sentiment which rejects the old -and negative bonds of discipline and coercion and insists upon vital -and fraternal relationship, subordinating the lower to the higher. -To make this hope valid and intelligible, is indeed the task before -these humble brethren of ours and of those who would help them. They -encourage us to hope for the discovery of a new vital relation--that -of the individual to the race--which may lay the foundation for a new -religious bond adequate to the modern situation; and we almost come -to believe that such a foundation is, in fact, being laid now--not in -speculation, but in action. - -That which secured for the early Hebrew shepherd his health, his peace -of mind, and his sense of connection with the Unseen, became the -basis for the most wonderful and widespread religion the world has -ever known. Perhaps, at this moment, we need to find that which will -secure the health, the peace of mind, and the opportunity for normal -occupation and spiritual growth to the humblest industrial worker, as -the foundation for a rational conduct of life adapted to an industrial -and cosmopolitan era. - -Even now we only dimly comprehend the strength and irresistible power -of those “universal and imperious ideals which are formed in the -depths of anonymous life,” and which the people insist shall come to -realization, not because they have been tested by logic or history, -but because the mass of men are eager that they should be tried as -a living experience. According to our different methods of viewing -society, we express this newer ideal which is after all so old as to -have been engendered in the tribe itself. He who makes the study of -society a mere corollary of biology, speaks of the “theory of the -unspecialized,” that the simple cell develops much more rapidly when -new tissue is needed than the more highly developed one; he who views -society from the economic standpoint and finds hope only in a changed -industrial order, talks of the “man at the bottom of society,” of the -proletarian who shall eventually come into his own; he who believes -that a wiser and a saner education will cure our social ill, speaks -ever and again of “the wisdom of the little child” and of the necessity -to reveal and explore his capacity; while he who keeps close to the -historic deductions upon which the study of society is chiefly founded, -uses the old religious phrase, “the counsel of imperfection,” and bids -us concern ourselves with “the least of these.” - -The French have a phrase _l’imperieuse bonté_ by which they designate -those impulses towards compassionate conduct which will not be denied, -because they are as imperative in their demand for expression as is -the impulse to make music or to soften life by poesy and decoration. -According to this definition, St. Francis was a genius in exactly the -same sense as was Dante or Raphael, and he revealed quite as they did, -possibilities and reaches of the human soul hitherto unsuspected. This -genius for goodness has in the past largely expressed itself through -individuals and groups, but it may be that we are approaching a period -which shall give it collective expression, and shall unite into one -all those private and parochial efforts. It would be no more strange -than was that marvelous coming together of the artists and the people -in the thirteenth century which resulted in the building of the Gothic -cathedrals. We may be waiting for a religious enthusiasm, for a divine -fire to fuse together the partial and feeble efforts at “doing good” -into a transfigured whole which shall take on international proportions -as naturally as the cathedrals towered into unheard-of heights. -The Gothic cathedrals were glorious beyond the dreams of artists, -notwithstanding that they were built by unknown men, or rather by so -many men that it was a matter of indifference to record their names. -Could we compare the present humanitarian efforts to the building of -a spiritual cathedral, it would seem that the gargoyles had been made -first, that the ground is now strewn with efforts to “do good” which -have developed a diabolical capacity for doing harm. But even these -may fall into place. The old cathedral-builders fearlessly portrayed -all of life, its inveterate tendency to deride as well as to bless; -its trickery as well as its beauty. Their art was catholic enough to -portray all, and the cathedral was huge enough to mellow all they -portrayed into a flowing and inspired whole. - -At the present moment it requires the philosopher to unify these -spiritual efforts of the common man into the internationalism of good -will, as in the past it was natural that the philosophers, the men -who looked at life as a whole, should have been the first to sigh for -negative peace which they declared would be “eternal.” - -Speculative writers, such as Kant, Bentham, and Buckle, long ago -pointed out that the subsidence of war was inevitable as society -progressed. They contended that every stage of human progress is marked -by a further curtailment of brute force, a limitation of the area in -which it is permitted. At the bottom is the small savage community in -a perpetual state of warfare; at the top an orderly society stimulated -and controlled by recognized ideals of social justice. In proportion -as the savage society comes under the dominion of a common moral -consciousness, it moves up, and in proportion as the civilized society -reverts to the use of brute force, it goes down. Reversion to that -brute struggle may at any moment cost the destruction of the painfully -acquired bonds of equity, the ties of mutual principle, which are -wrought with such effort and loosed with such ease. But these earlier -philosophers could not possibly have foreseen the tremendous growth -of industry and commerce with their inevitable cosmopolitanism which -has so recently taken place, nor without knowledge of this could they -possibly have prognosticated the leap forward and the aggressive -character which the concern for human welfare has latterly evinced. -The speculative writers among our contemporaries are naturally the -only ones who formulate this new development, or rather bid us heed -its presence among us. An American philosopher[3] has lately reminded -us of the need to “discover in the social realm the moral equivalent -for war--something heroic that will speak to men as universally as war -has done, and yet will be as compatible with their spiritual natures -as war has proved itself to be incompatible.” It may be true that we -are even now discovering these moral substitutes, although we find -it so difficult to formulate them. Perhaps our very hope that these -substitutes may be discovered has become the custodian of a secret -change that is going on all about us. We care less each day for the -heroism connected with warfare and destruction, and constantly admire -more that which pertains to labor and the nourishing of human life. -The new heroism manifests itself at the present moment in a universal -determination to abolish poverty and disease, a manifestation so -widespread that it may justly be called international. - -In illustration of this new determination one immediately thinks of -the international effort to rid the face of the earth of tuberculosis, -in which Germany, Italy, France, England and America are engaged with -such enthusiasm. This movement has its international congresses, -its discoverers and veterans, also its decorations and rewards for -bravery. Its discipline is severe; it requires self-control, endurance, -self-sacrifice and constant watchfulness. Its leaders devote hours to -careful teaching and demonstration, they reclaim acres of bad houses, -and make over the food supply of huge cities. One could instance -the determination to do away with neglected old age, which finds -expression in the Old Age Pension Acts of Germany and Australia, in the -State Savings Banks of Belgium and France, in the enormous number of -Mutual Benefit Societies in England and America. In such undertakings -as these, with their spontaneous and universal manifestations, are -we beginning to see the first timid forward reach of one of those -instinctive movements which carry onward the progressive goodness of -the race. - -It is possible that this substitution of nurture for warfare is -analogous to that world-wide effort to put a limit to revenge which -one nation after another essayed as each reached a certain stage of -development. To compel the avenger to accept blood-money in lieu of -the blood of his enemy may have been but a short step in morals, -but at least it destroyed the stimulus to further shedding of blood -which each avenged death had afforded, and it laid the foundations -for court adjudications. The newer humanitarianism is more aggressive -and substitutes emotional stimuli as well as codes of conduct. We may -predict that each nation quite as a natural process will reach the -moment when virile good-will will be substituted for the spirit of -warfare. The process of extinguishing war, however, compared to the -limiting of revenge, will be amazingly accelerated. Owing to the modern -conditions of intercourse, each nation will respond, not to an isolated -impulse, but will be caught in the current of a world-wide process. - -We are much too timid and apologetic in regard to this newer -humanitarianism, and do not yet realize what it may do for us in -the way of courage and endurance. We continue to defend war on the -ground that it stirs the nobler blood and the higher imagination of -the nation, and thus frees it from moral stagnation and the bonds -of commercialism. We do not see that this is to borrow our virtues -from a former age and to fail to utilize our own. We find ourselves -in this plight because our modern morality has lacked fibre, because -our humanitarianism has been much too soft and literary, and has given -itself over to unreal and high-sounding phrases. It appears that our -only hope for a genuine adjustment of our morality and courage to our -present social and industrial developments, lies in a patient effort -to work it out by daily experience. We must be willing to surrender -ourselves to those ideals of the humble, which all religious teachers -unite in declaring to be the foundations of a sincere moral life. - -The following pages attempt to uncover these newer ideals as we may -daily experience them in the modern city. It may be found that certain -survivals of militarism in municipal government are responsible for -much of the failure in the working of democratic institutions. We may -discover that the survivals of warfare in the labor movement and all -the other dangers of class morality rest largely upon an appeal to -loyalties which are essentially a survival of the virtues of a warlike -period. The more aggressive aspects of the newer humanitarianism may be -traced in the movement for social amelioration and in the protective -legislation which regards the weakest citizen as a valuable asset. -The same spirit which protests against the social waste of child -labor also demands that the traditional activity of woman shall be -utilized in civic life. When the State protects its civic resources, -as it formerly defended its citizens in time of war, industrialism -versus militarism comes to be nurture versus conquest. In order to -trace the displacement of the military ideals of patriotism by those -of a rising concern for human welfare, we must take an accounting -between those forms of governmental machinery and social organization -which are the historic outgrowth of conquest and repression and the -newer forms arising in their midst which embody the social energy -instantly recognizable as contemporaneous with our sincerest moral -life. To follow this newer humanitarianism even through its obvious -manifestations requires at the very outset a definite abandonment of -the eighteenth-century philosophy upon which so much of our present -democratic theory and philanthropic activity depends. It is necessary -from the very beginning to substitute the scientific method of research -for the a priori method of the school men if we would deal with real -people and obtain a sense of participation with our fellows. The -eighteenth-century humanitarian hotly insisted upon “the rights of -man,” but he loved the people without really knowing them, which is -by no means an impossible achievement. “The love of those whom a man -does not know is quite as elemental a sentiment as the love of those -whom a man does know,” but with this difference, that he shuts himself -away from the opportunity of being caught and carried forward in the -stream of their hopes and aspirations, a bigger and warmer current -than he dreams of. The eighteenth-century humanitarian substituted his -enthusiastic concept of “the natural man” for the warmth which this -stream might have given him, and so long as he dealt with political -concepts it answered his purpose. Mazzini made a most significant -step between the eighteenth-century morality and our own by appealing -beyond “the rights of man” to the “duties to humanity;” but although an -impassioned democrat, he was still a moralist of the earlier type. He -realized with them that the appeal to humanity would evoke a finer and -deeper response than that to patriotism or to any sectional morality; -but he shared the eighteenth-century tendency to idealization. It -remained for the moralist of this generation to dissolve “humanity” -into its component parts of men, women, and children and to serve their -humblest needs with an enthusiasm which, so far from being dependent -upon glamour, can be sustained only by daily knowledge and constant -companionship. - -It is no easy task to detect and to follow the tiny paths of progress -which the unencumbered proletarian with nothing but his life and -capacity for labor, is pointing out for us. These paths lead to a type -of government founded upon peace and fellowship as contrasted with -restraint and defence. They can never be discovered with the eyes of -the doctrinaire. From the nature of the case, he who would walk these -paths must walk with the poor and oppressed, and can only approach them -through affection and understanding. The ideals of militarism would -forever shut him out from this new fellowship. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] L. T. Hobhouse, Democracy and Reaction, page 197. - -[2] The Growth of Cities in the Nineteenth Century. A. T. Weber, page -432. - -[3] William James, Professor of Philosophy at Harvard University. - - - - - CHAPTER II - - SURVIVALS OF MILITARISM IN CIVIL GOVERNMENT - - -We are accustomed to say that the machinery of government incorporated -in the charters of the early American cities, as in the Federal and -State constitutions, was worked out by men who were strongly under the -influence of the historians and doctrinaires of the eighteenth century. -The most significant representative of these men is Thomas Jefferson, -and their most telling phrase, the familiar opening that “all men are -created free and equal.” - -We are only now beginning to suspect that the present admitted failure -in municipal administration, the so-called “shame of American cities,” -may be largely due to the inadequacy of those eighteenth-century -ideals, with the breakdown of the machinery which they provided. We -recognize the weakness inherent in the historic and doctrinaire method -when it attempts to deal with growing and human institutions. While -these men were strongly under the influence of peace ideals which were -earnestly advocated, both in France and in America, even in the midst -of their revolutionary periods, and while they read the burning poets -and philosophers of their remarkable century, their idealism, after -all, was largely founded upon theories concerning “the natural man,” a -creature of their sympathetic imaginations. - -Because their idealism was of the type that is afraid of experience, -these founders refused to look at the difficulties and blunders which -a self-governing people were sure to encounter, and insisted that, -if only the people had freedom, they would walk continuously in the -paths of justice and righteousness. It was inevitable, therefore, that -they should have remained quite untouched by that worldly wisdom which -counsels us to know life as it is, and by that very modern belief that -if the world is ever to go right at all, it must go right in its own -way. - -A man of this generation easily discerns the crudeness of “that -eighteenth-century conception of essentially unprogressive human -nature in all the empty dignity of its ‘inborn rights.’”[4] Because -he has grown familiar with a more passionate human creed, with the -modern evolutionary conception of the slowly advancing race whose -rights are not “inalienable,” but hard-won in the tragic processes of -experience, he realizes that these painfully acquired rights must be -carefully cherished or they may at any moment slip out of our hands. -We know better in America than anywhere else that civilization is -not a broad road, with mile-stones indicating how far each nation -has proceeded upon it, but a complex struggle forward, each race and -nation contributing its quota; that the variety and continuity of this -commingled life afford its charm and value. We would not, if we could, -conform them to one standard. But this modern attitude, which may -even now easily subside into negative tolerance, did not exist among -the founders of the Republic, who, with all their fine talk of the -“natural man” and what he would accomplish when he obtained freedom and -equality, did not really trust the people after all. - -They timidly took the English law as their prototype, “whose very root -is in the relation between sovereign and subject, between lawmaker -and those whom the law restrains,” which has traditionally concerned -itself more with the guarding of prerogative and with the rights of -property than with the spontaneous life of the people. They serenely -incorporated laws and survivals which registered the successful -struggle of the barons against the aggressions of the sovereign, -although the new country lacked both nobles and kings. Misled by the -name of government, they founded their new government by an involuntary -reference to a lower social state than that which they actually saw -about them. They depended upon penalties, coercion, compulsion, -remnants of military codes, to hold the community together; and it -may be possible to trace much of the maladministration of our cities -to these survivals, to the fact that our early democracy was a moral -romanticism, rather than a well-grounded belief in social capacity and -in the efficiency of the popular will. - -It has further happened that as the machinery, groaning under the -pressure of new social demands put upon it, has broken down that from -time to time, we have mended it by giving more power to administrative -officers, because we still distrusted the will of the people. We are -willing to cut off the dislocated part or to tighten the gearing, but -are afraid to substitute a machine of newer invention and greater -capacity. In the hour of danger we revert to the military and legal -type although they become less and less appropriate to city life in -proportion as the city grows more complex, more varied in resource and -more highly organized, and is, therefore, in greater need of a more -diffused local autonomy. - -A little examination will easily show that in spite of the fine phrases -of the founders, the Government became an entity by itself away from -the daily life of the people. There was no intention to ignore them -nor to oppress them. But simply because its machinery was so largely -copied from the traditional European Governments which did distrust -the people, the founders failed to provide the vehicle for a vital -and genuinely organized expression of the popular will. The founders -carefully defined what was germane to government and what was quite -outside its realm, whereas the very crux of local self-government, as -has been well said, is involved in the “right to locally determine the -scope of the local government,” in response to the needs as they arise. - -They were anxious to keep the reins of government in the hands of the -good and professedly public-spirited, because, having staked so much -upon the people whom they really knew so little, they became eager -that they should appear well, and should not be given enough power to -enable them really to betray their weaknesses. This was done in the -same spirit in which a kind lady permits herself to give a tramp five -cents, believing that, although he may spend it for drink, he cannot -get very drunk upon so small a sum. In spite of a vague desire to -trust the people, the founders meant to fall back in every crisis upon -the old restraints which government has traditionally enlisted in its -behalf, and were, perhaps, inevitably influenced by the experiences of -the Revolutionary War. Having looked to the sword for independence from -oppressive governmental control, they came to regard the sword as an -essential part of the government they had succeeded in establishing. - -Regarded from the traditional standpoint, government has always needed -this force of arms. The king, attempting to control the growing -power of the barons as they wrested one privilege after another from -him, was obliged to use it constantly; the barons later successfully -established themselves in power only to be encroached upon by the -growing strength and capital of the merchant class. These are now, in -turn, calling upon the troops and militia for aid, as they are shorn of -a pittance here and there by the rising power of the proletariat. The -imperial, the feudal, the capitalistic forms of society each created -by revolt against oppression from above, preserved their own forms of -government only by carefully guarding their hardly won charters and -constitutions. But in the very countries where these successive social -forms have developed, full of survivals of the past, some beneficent -and some detrimental, governments are becoming modified more rapidly -than in this democracy where we ostensibly threw off traditional -governmental oppression only to encase ourselves in a theory of -virtuous revolt against oppressive government, which in many instances -has proved more binding than the actual oppression itself. - -Did the founders cling too hard to that which they had won through -persecution, hardship, and finally through a war of revolution? Did -these doctrines seem so precious to them that they were determined to -tie men up to them as long as possible, and allow them no chance to go -on to new devices of government, lest they slight these that had been -so hardly won? Did they estimate, not too highly, but by too exclusive -a valuation, that which they had secured through the shedding of blood? - -Man has ever overestimated the spoils of war, and tended to lose his -sense of proportion in regard to their value. He has ever surrounded -them with a glamour beyond their deserts. This is quite harmless -when the booty is an enemy’s sword hung over a household fire, or a -battered flag decorating a city hall, but when the spoil of war is -an idea which is bound on the forehead of the victor until it cramps -his growth, a theory which he cherishes in his bosom until it grows so -large and near that it afflicts its possessor with a sort of disease of -responsibility for its preservation, it may easily overshadow the very -people for whose cause the warrior issued forth. - -Was this overestimation of the founders the cause of our subsequent -failures? or rather did not the fault lie with their successors, and -does it not now rest with us, that we have wrapped our inheritance -in a napkin and refused to add thereto? The founders fearlessly took -the noblest word of their century and incorporated it into a public -document. They ventured their fortunes and the future of their children -upon its truth. We, with the belief of a progressive, developing human -life, apparently accomplish less than they with their insistence upon -rights and liberties which they so vigorously opposed to mediaeval -restrictions and obligations. We are in that first period of conversion -when we hold a creed which forecasts newer and larger possibilities -for governmental development, without in the least understanding its -spiritual implications. Although we have scrupulously extended the -franchise to the varied immigrants among us, we have not yet admitted -them into real political fellowship. - -It is easy to demonstrate that we consider our social and political -problems almost wholly in the light of one wise group whom we call -native Americans, legislating for the members of humbler groups whom -we call immigrants. The first embodies the attitude of contempt or, at -best, the patronage of the successful towards those who have as yet -failed to succeed. We may consider the so-called immigration situation -as an illustration of our failure to treat our growing Republic in the -spirit of a progressive and developing democracy. - -The statement is made many times that we, as a nation, are rapidly -reaching the limit of our powers of assimilation, that we receive -further masses of immigrants at the risk of blurring those traits -and characteristics which we are pleased to call American, with -its corollary that the national standard of living is in danger -of permanent debasement. Were we not in the midst of a certain -intellectual dearth and apathy, of a skepticism in regard to the ideals -of self-government which have ceased to charm men, we would see that -we are testing our national life by a tradition too provincial and -limited to meet its present motley and cosmopolitan character; that we -lack mental energy, adequate knowledge, and a sense of the youth of -the earth. The constant cry that American institutions are in danger -betrays a spiritual waste, not due to our infidelity to national -ideals, but arising from the fact that we fail to enlarge those ideals -in accord with our faithful experience of life. Our political machinery -devised for quite other conditions, has not been readjusted and adapted -to the successive changes resulting from our development. The clamor -for the town meeting, for the colonial and early century ideals of -government is in itself significant, for we are apt to cling to the -past through a very paucity of ideas. - -In a sense the enormous and unprecedented moving about over the face -of the earth on the part of all nations is in itself the result of -philosophic dogma of the eighteenth century--of the creed of individual -liberty. The modern system of industry and commerce presupposes freedom -of occupation, of travel, and residence; even more, it unhappily rests -in a large measure upon the assumption of a body of the unemployed and -the unskilled, ready to be absorbed or dropped according to the demands -of production: but back of that, or certainly preceding its later -developments, lies “the natural rights” doctrine of the eighteenth -century. Even so late as 1892 an official treaty of the United States -referred to the “inalienable rights of man to change his residence -and religion.” This dogma of the schoolmen, dramatized in France and -penetrating under a thousand forms into the most backward European -States, is still operating as an obscure force in sending emigrants -to America and in our receiving them here. But in the second century -of its existence it has become too barren and chilly to induce any -really zealous or beneficent activity on behalf of the immigrants after -they arrive. On the other hand those things which we do believe--the -convictions which might be formulated to the immeasurable benefit of -the immigrants, and to the everlasting good of our national life, -have not yet been satisfactorily stated, nor apparently apprehended -by us, in relation to this field. We have no method by which to -discover men, to spiritualize, to understand, to hold intercourse with -aliens and to receive of what they bring. A century-old abstraction -breaks down before this vigorous test of concrete cases and their -demand for sympathetic interpretation. When we are confronted by the -Italian lazzaroni, the peasants from the Carpathian foothills, and the -proscribed traders from Galatia, we have no national ideality founded -upon realism and tested by our growing experience with which to meet -them, but only the platitudes of our crudest youth. The philosophers -and statesmen of the eighteenth century believed that the universal -franchise would cure all ills; that liberty and equality rested only -upon constitutional rights and privileges; that to obtain these two -and to throw off all governmental oppression constituted the full -duty of the progressive patriot. We still keep to this formalization -because the philosophers of this generation give us nothing newer. We -ignore the fact that world-wide problems can no longer be solved by -a political constitution assuring us against opposition, but that we -must frankly face the proposition that the whole situation is more -industrial than political. Did we apprehend this, we might then realize -that the officers of the Government who are dealing with naturalization -papers and testing the knowledge of the immigrants concerning the -Constitution of the United States, are only playing with counters -representing the beliefs of a century ago, while the real issues are -being settled by the great industrial and commercial interests which -are at once the products and the masters of our contemporary life. -As children who are allowed to amuse themselves with poker chips -pay no attention to the real game which their elders play with the -genuine cards in their hands, so we shut our eyes to the exploitation -and industrial debasement of the immigrant, and say, with placid -contentment, that he has been given the rights of an American citizen, -and that, therefore, all our obligations have been fulfilled. It is as -if we should undertake to cure the contemporary political corruption -founded upon a disregard of the Inter-State Commerce Acts, by requiring -the recreant citizens to repeat the Constitution of the United States. - -As yet no vigorous effort is made to discover how far our present -system of naturalization, largely resting upon laws enacted in 1802, is -inadequate, although it may have met the requirements of “the fathers.” -These processes were devised to test new citizens who had immigrated to -the United States from political rather than from economic pressure, -although these two have always been in a certain sense coextensive. -Yet the early Irish came to America to seek an opportunity for -self-government, denied them at home; the Germans and Italians started -to come in largest numbers after the absorption of their smaller -States into the larger nations; and the immigrants from Russia are the -conquered Poles, Lithuanians, Finns, and Jews. On some such obscure -notion the processes of naturalization were worked out, and, with a -certain degree of logic, the first immigrants were presented with the -Constitution of the United States as a type and epitome of that which -they had come to seek. So far as they now come in search of political -liberty, as many of them do every day, the test is still valid, but, -in the meantime, we cannot ignore those significant figures which show -emigration to rise with periods of depression in given countries, and -immigration to be checked by periods of depression in America, and we -refuse to see how largely the question has become an economic one. - -At the present moment, as we know, the actual importing of immigrants -is left largely to the energy of steamship companies and to those -agents for contract labor who are keen enough to avoid the restrictive -laws. The business man is here again in the saddle, as he so largely -is in American affairs. From the time that the immigrants first make -the acquaintance of the steamship agent in their own villages, at -least until a grandchild is born on the new soil, they are subjected -to various processes of exploitation from purely commercial and -self-seeking interests. It begins with the representatives of the -transatlantic lines and their allies, who convert the peasant holdings -into money, and provide the prospective emigrants with needless -supplies, such as cartridge belts and bowie knives. The brokers, in -manufactured passports, send their clients by successive stages for -a thousand miles to a port suiting their purposes. On the way the -emigrants’ eyes are treated that they may pass the physical test; they -are taught to read sufficiently well to meet the literacy test; they -are lent enough money to escape the pauper test, and by the time they -have reached America, they are so hopelessly in debt that it requires -months of work to repay all they have received. During this time they -are completely under the control of the last broker in the line, who -has his dingy office in an American city. The exploitation continues -under the employment agency whose operations verge into those of the -politician, through the naturalization henchman, the petty lawyers who -foment their quarrels and grievances by the statement that in a free -country everybody “goes to law,” by the liquor dealers who stimulate a -lively trade among them, and, finally, by the lodging-house keepers and -the landlords who are not obliged to give them the housing which the -American tenant demands. It is a long dreary road, and the immigrant -is successfully exploited at each turn. At moments one looking on is -driven to quote the Titanic plaint of Walt Whitman: - -“As I stand aloof and look, there is to me something profoundly -affecting in large masses of men following the lead of those who do -not believe in men.” - -The sinister aspect of this exploitation lies in the fact that it is -carried on by agents whose stock in trade are the counters and terms -of citizenship. It is said that at the present moment there are more -of these agents in Palermo than perhaps in any other European port, -and that those politicians who have found it impossible to stay even -in that corrupt city are engaged in the brokerage of naturalization -papers in the United States. Certainly one effect of the stringent -contract labor laws has been to make the padrones more powerful -because “smuggled alien labor” has become more valuable to American -corporations, and also to make simpler the delivery of immigrant -votes according to the dictates of commercial interests. It becomes a -veritable system of poisoning the notions of decent government; but -because the entire process is carried on in political terms, because -the poker chips are colored red, white, and blue, we are childishly -indifferent to it. An elaborate avoidance of restrictions quickly -adapts itself to changes either in legislation here or at the points -of departure, because none of the legislation is founded upon a real -analysis of the situation. For instance, a new type of broker in Russia -during the Russian-Japanese War made use of the situation in the -interests of young Russian Jews. If one of these men leaves the country -ordinarily, his family is obliged to pay three hundred rubles to the -Government, but if he first joins the army, his family is free from -this obligation for he has passed into the keeping of his sergeant. Out -of four hundred Russian Jews who, during three months, were drafted -into the army at a given recruiting station, only ten reported, -the rest having escaped through immigration. Of course the entire -undertaking is much more hazardous, because the man is a deserter from -the army in addition to his other disabilities; but the brokers merely -put up the price of their services and continue their undertakings. - -All these evasions of immigration laws and regulations are simply -possible because the governmental tests do not belong to the current -situation, and because our political ideas are inherited from -governmental conditions not our own. In our refusal to face the -situation, we have persistently ignored the political ideals of the -Celtic, Germanic, Latin, and Slavic immigrants who have successively -come to us; and in our overwhelming ambition to remain Anglo-Saxon, we -have fallen into the Anglo-Saxon temptation of governing all peoples -by one standard. We have failed to work out a democratic government -which should include the experiences and hopes of all the varied -peoples among us. We justify the situation by some such process as that -employed by each English elector who casts a vote for seventy-five -subjects besides himself. He indirectly determines--although he may be -a narrow-minded tradesman or a country squire interested only in his -hounds and horses--the colonial policy, which shall in turn control -the destinies of the Egyptian child toiling in the cotton factory in -Alexandria, and of the half-starved Parsee working the opium fields of -North India. Yet he cannot, in the nature of the case, be informed of -the needs of these far-away people and he would venture to attempt it -only in regard to people whom he considered “inferior.” - -Pending a recent election, a Chicago reformer begged his hearers to -throw away all selfish thoughts of themselves when they went to the -polls and to vote in behalf of the poor and ignorant foreigners of the -city. It would be difficult to suggest anything which would result -in a more serious confusion than to have each man, without personal -knowledge and experiences, consider the interests of the newly arrived -immigrant. The voter would have to give himself over to a veritable -debauch of altruism in order to persuade himself that his vote would be -of the least value to those men of whom he knew so little, and whom -he considered so remote and alien to himself. In truth the attitude of -the advising reformer was in reality so contemptuous that he had never -considered the immigrants really partakers and molders of the political -life of his country. - -This attitude of contempt, of provincialism, this survival of -the spirit of the conqueror toward an inferior people, has many -manifestations, but none so harmful as when it becomes absorbed and -imitated and is finally evinced by the children of the foreigners -toward their own parents. - -We are constantly told of the increase of criminals in the second -generation of immigrants, and, day after day, one sees lads of twelve -and fourteen throwing off the restraint of family life and striking -out for themselves. The break has come thus early, partly from the -forced development of the child under city conditions, partly because -the parents have had no chance of following, even remotely, this -development, but largely because the Americanized child has copied the -contemptuous attitude towards the foreigner which he sees all about -him. The revolt has in it something of the city impatience of country -standards, but much more of America against Poland or Italy. It is all -wretchedly sordid with bitterness on the part of the parents, and -hardhearted indifference and recklessness on the part of the boy. Only -occasionally can the latter be appealed to by filial affection after -the first break has once been thoroughly made; and yet, sometimes, -even these lads see the pathos of the situation. A probation officer -from Hull-House one day surprised three truants who were sitting by -a bonfire which they had built near the river. Sheltered by an empty -freight car, the officer was able to listen to their conversation. The -Pole, the Italian, and the Bohemian boys who had broken the law by -staying away from school, by building a fire in dangerous proximity to -freight cars, and by “swiping” the potatoes which they were roasting, -seemed to have settled down into an almost halcyon moment of gentleness -and reminiscence. The Italian boy commiserated his parents because they -hated the cold and the snow and “couldn’t seem to get used to it;” the -Pole said that his father missed seeing folks that he knew and was -“sore on this country;” the Bohemian lad really grew quite tender about -his old grandmother and the “stacks of relations” who came to see her -every Sunday in the old country, where, in contrast to her loneliness -here, she evidently had been a person of consequence. All of them felt -the pathos of the situation, but the predominant note was the cheap -contempt of the new American for foreigners, even though they are of -his own blood. The weakening of the tie which connects one generation -with another may be called the domestic results of the contemptuous -attitude. But the social results of the contemptuous attitude are even -more serious and nowhere so grave as in the modern city. - -Men are there brought together by multitudes in response to the -concentration of industry and commerce without bringing with them -the natural social and family ties or the guild relationships which -distinguished the mediaeval cities and held even so late as the -eighteenth century, when the country people came to town in response -to the normal and slowly formed ties of domestic service, family -affection, and apprenticeship. Men who come to a modern city by -immigration break all these older ties and the national bond in -addition. There is all the more necessity to develop that cosmopolitan -bond which forms their substitute. The immigrants will be ready to -adapt themselves to a new and vigorous civic life founded upon the -recognition of their needs if the Government which is at present -administered in our cities, will only admit that these needs are -germane to its functions. The framers of the carefully prepared -charters, upon which the cities are founded, did not foresee that -after the universal franchise had once been granted, social needs -and ideals were bound to enter in as legitimate objects of political -action. Neither did these framers realize, on the other hand, that the -only people in a democracy who can legitimately become the objects -of repressive government, are those people who are too undeveloped -to use their liberty or those who have forfeited their right to full -citizenship. We have, therefore, a municipal administration in America -which concerns itself only grudgingly with the social needs of the -people, and is largely reduced to the administration of restrictive -measures. The people who come most directly in contact with the -executive officials, who are the legitimate objects of their control, -are the vicious, who need to be repressed; and the semi-dependent -poor, who appeal to them in their dire need; or, for quite the reverse -reason, those who are trying to avoid an undue taxation, resenting the -fact that they should be made to support a government which, from the -nature of the case, is too barren to excite their real enthusiasm. - -The instinctive protest against this mechanical method of civic -control, with the lack of adjustment between the natural democratic -impulse and the fixed external condition, inevitably produces the -indifferent citizen, and the so-called “professional politician.” The -first, because he is not vicious, feels that the real processes of -government do not concern him and wishes only to be let alone. The -latter easily adapts himself to an illegal avoidance of the external -fixed conditions by assuming that these conditions have been settled -by doctrinaires who did not in the least understand the people, -while he, the politician, makes his appeal beyond the conditions to -the real desires of the people themselves. He is thus not only “the -people’s friend,” but their interpreter. It is interesting to note -how often simple people refer to “them,” meaning the good and great -who govern but do not understand, and to “him,” meaning the alderman, -who represents them in these incomprehensible halls of State, as an -ambassador to a foreign country to whose borders they themselves could -not possibly penetrate, and whose language they do not speak. - -In addition to this difficulty inherent in the difference between the -traditional and actual situation, there is another, which constantly -arises on the purely administrative side. The traditional governments -which the founders had copied, in proceeding by fixed standards to -separate the vicious from the good, and then to legislate against the -vicious, had enforced these restrictive measures by trained officials, -usually with a military background. In a democracy, however, -the officers entrusted with the enforcement of this restrictive -legislation, if not actually elected by the people themselves, are -still the appointments of those thus elected and are, therefore, -good-natured men who have made friends by their kindness and social -qualities. This is only decreasingly true even in those cities where -appointments are made by civil service examinations. The carrying out -of repressive legislation, the remnant of a military state of society, -in a democracy is at last put into the hands of men who have attained -office because of political pull. The repressive measures must be -enforced by those sympathizing with the people and belonging to those -against whom the measures operate. This anomalous situation produces -almost inevitably one result: that the police authorities themselves -are turned into allies of vice and crime. This may be illustrated -from almost any of the large American cities in the relation existing -between the police force and the gambling and other illicit life. The -officers are often flatly told that the enforcement of an ordinance -which the better element of the city has insisted upon passing, is -impossible; that they are expected to control only the robbery and -crime that so often associate themselves with vice. As Mr. Wilcox[5] -has recently pointed out, public sentiment itself assumes a certain -hypocrisy, and in the end we have “the abnormal conditions which are -created when vice is protected by the authorities,” and in the very -worst cases there develops a sort of municipal blackmail in which -the administration itself profits by the violation of law. The very -governmental agencies which were designed to protect the citizen -from vice, foster and protect him in its pursuance because everybody -involved is thoroughly confused by the human element in the situation. -Further than this, the officer’s very kindness and human understanding -is that which leads to his downfall, for he is forced to uphold the -remnant of a military discipline in a self-governing community. It is -not remarkable, perhaps, that the police department, the most vigorous -survival of militarism to be found in American cities, has always -been responsible for the most exaggerated types of civic corruption. -It is sad, however, that this corruption has largely been due to the -kindliness of the officers and to their lack of military training. -There is no doubt that the reasonableness of keeping the saloons in -lower New York open on Sunday was apparent to the policemen of the East -Side force long before it dawned upon the reform administration; and -yet, that the policemen allowed themselves to connive at law-breaking, -was the beginning of their disgraceful downfall. Because kindness to an -enemy may mean death or the annihilation of the army which he guards, -all kindness is illicit on the part of the military sentinel on duty; -but to bring that code over bodily into a peaceful social state is to -break down the morals of both sides, of the enforcer of the ill-adapted -law, as well as of those against whom it is so maladroitly directed. - -In order to meet this situation, there is almost inevitably developed -a politician of the corrupt type so familiar in American cities, the -politician who has become successful because he has made friends -with the vicious. The semi-criminal, who are constantly brought in -contact with administrative government are naturally much interested -in its operations. Having much at stake, as a matter of course, they -attend the primaries and all the other election processes which so -quickly tire the good citizens whose interest in the government is a -self-imposed duty. To illustrate: it is a matter of much moment to a -gambler whether there is to be a “wide-open town” or not; it means the -success or failure of his business; it involves, not only the pleasure, -but the livelihood, of all his friends. He naturally attends to the -election of the alderman, to the appointment and retention of the -policeman. He is found at the caucus “every time,” and would be much -amused if he were praised for the performance of his civic duty; but, -because he and the others who are concerned in semi-illicit business do -attend the primaries, the corrupt politician is nominated over and over -again. - -As this type of politician is successful from his alliance with crime, -there also inevitably arises from time to time a so-called reformer -who is shocked to discover the state of affairs, the easy partnership -between vice and administrative government. He dramatically uncovers -the situation and arouses great indignation against it on the part of -good citizens. If this indignation is enough, he creates a political -fervor which is translated into a claim upon public gratitude. In -portraying the evil he is fighting, he does not recognize, or at least -does not make clear, all the human kindness upon which it has grown. -In his speeches he inevitably offends a popular audience, who know -that the evil of corruption exists in all degrees and forms of human -weakness, but who also know that these evils are by no means always -hideous, and sometimes even are lovable. They resent his over-drawn -pictures of vice and of the life of the vicious; their sense of -fair play, their deep-rooted desire for charity and justice, are all -outraged. - -To illustrate from a personal experience: Some years ago a famous New -York reformer came to Chicago to tell us of his phenomenal success, -his trenchant methods of dealing with the city “gambling-hells,” as -he chose to call them. He proceeded to describe the criminals of -lower New York in terms and phrases which struck at least one of his -auditors as sheer blasphemy against our common human nature. I thought -of the criminals whom I knew, of the gambler for whom each Saturday -I regularly collected his weekly wage of $24.00, keeping $18.00 for -his wife and children and giving him $6.00 on Monday morning. His -despairing statement, “the thing is growing on me, and I can never give -it up,” was certainly not the cry of a man living in hell, but of him -who, through much tribulation had at least kept the loyal intention. -I remembered the three girls who had come to me with a paltry sum of -money collected from the pawn and sale of their tawdry finery in order -that one of their number might be spared a death in the almshouse and -that she might have the wretched comfort during the closing weeks of -her life of knowing that, although she was an outcast, she was not a -pauper. I recalled the first murderer whom I had ever known, a young -man who was singing his baby to sleep and stopped to lay it in its -cradle before he rushed downstairs into his father’s saloon to scatter -the gang of boys who were teasing the old man by giving him English -orders. The old man could not understand English and the boys were -refusing to pay for the drinks they had consumed, but technically had -not ordered. - -For one short moment I saw the situation from the point of view of -humbler people, who sin often through weakness and passion, but seldom -through hardness of heart, and I felt that in a democratic community -such sweeping condemnations and conclusions as the speaker was pouring -forth could never be accounted for righteousness. - -As the policeman who makes terms with vice, and almost inevitably -slides into making gain from vice, merely represents the type of -politician who is living off the weakness of his fellows, so the -over-zealous reformer who exaggerates vice until the public is scared -and awestruck, represents the type of politician who is living off the -timidity of his fellows. With the lack of civic machinery for simple -democratic expression, for a direct dealing with human nature as it is, -we seem doomed to one type or the other--corruptionists or anti-crime -committees. - -And one sort or the other we will continue to have so long as we -distrust the very energy of existence, the craving for enjoyment, -the pushing of vital forces, the very right of every citizen to be -what he is without pretense or assumption of virtue. Too often he -does not really admire these virtues, but he imagines them somewhere -as a standard adopted by the virtuous whom he does not know. That -old Frankenstein, the ideal man of the eighteenth century, is still -haunting us, although he never existed save in the brain of the -doctrinaire. - -This dramatic and feverish triumph of the self-seeker, see-sawing -with that of the interested reformer, does more than anything else, -perhaps, to keep the American citizen away from the ideals of genuine -evolutionary democracy. Whereas repressive government, from the -nature of the case, has to do with the wicked who are happily always -in a minority in the community, a normal democratic government would -naturally have to do with the great majority of the population in their -normal relations to each other. - -After all, the so-called “slum politician” ventures his success upon an -appeal to human sentiment and generosity. This venture often results in -an alliance between the popular politician and the humblest citizens, -quite as naturally as the reformer who stands for honest business -administration usually becomes allied with the type of business man -whose chief concern it is to guard his treasure and to prevent a rise -in taxation. The community is again insensibly divided into two camps, -the repressed, who is dimly conscious that he has no adequate outlet -for his normal life and the repressive, represented by the cautious, -careful citizen holding fast to his own,--once more the conqueror and -his humble people. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[4] “The Spirit of Modern Philosophy,” Josiah Royce, page 275. - -[5] The American City, Dr. Delos F. Wilcox, page 200. - - - - - CHAPTER III - - FAILURE TO UTILIZE IMMIGRANTS IN CITY GOVERNMENT - - -We do much loose talking in regard to American immigration; we use -the phrase, “the scum of Europe,” and other unwarranted words without -realizing that the unsuccessful man, the undeveloped peasant, may be -much more valuable to us here than the more highly developed, but -also more highly specialized, town dweller, who may much less readily -acquire the characteristics which the new environment demands. - -If successful struggle ends in the survival of the few, in blatant and -tangible success for the few only, government will have to reckon most -largely with the men who have been beaten in the struggle, with the -effect upon them of the contest and the defeat; for, after all, the -unsuccessful will always represent the majority of the citizens, and it -is with the large majority that self-government must eventually deal -whatever course of action other governments may legitimately determine -for themselves. - -To demand to be protected from the many unsuccessful among us, who are -supposed to issue forth from the shallows of our city life and seize -upon the treasure of the citizens as the barbarians of old came from -outside the city walls, is of course not to have read the first lesson -of self-government in the light of evolutionary science. It is to -forget that a revival in self-government, an awakening of its original -motive power and _raison d’être_, can come only from a genuine desire -to increase its scope, and to adapt it to new and strenuous conditions. -In this way science revived and leaped forward under the pressure of -the enlarged demand of manufacture and commerce put upon it during the -industrial decades just passed. - -We would ask the moralists and statesmen of this dawning century, -equipped as they are, with the historic method, to save our -contemporaries from skepticism in regard to self-government by -revealing to them its adaptability to the needs of the humblest man -who is so sorely pressed in this industrial age. The statesman who -would fill his countrymen with enthusiasm for democratic government -must not only possess a genuine understanding of the needs of the -simplest citizens, but he must know how to reveal their capacities -and powers. He must needs go man-hunting into those curious groups -we call newly arrived immigrants, and do for them what the scholar -has done in pointing out to us the sweetness and charm which inhere -in primitive domestic customs and in showing us the curious pivot -these customs make for religious and tribal beliefs. The scholar who -has surrounded the simplest action of women grinding millet or corn -with a penetrating reminiscence, sweeter than the chant they sing, -may reveal something of the same reminiscence and charm among many -of the immigrants. In the midst of crowded city streets one stumbles -upon an old Italian peasant with her distaff against her withered face -and her pathetic hands patiently “holding the thread,” as has been -done by myriads of women since children needed to be clad; or one -sees an old German potter, misshapen by years, his sensitive hands -nevertheless fairly alive with skill and delicacy, and his life at -least illumined with the artist’s prerogative of direct creation. -Could we take these primitive habits as they are to be found every day -in American cities and give them their significance and place, they -would be a wonderful factor for poetry in cities frankly given over -to industrialism and absorbed in its activities. As a McAndrews’ hymn -expresses the frantic rush of the industrial river, so these primitive -customs could give us something of the mysticism and charm of the -industrial springs, a suggestion of source, a touch of the refinement -which adheres to simple things. This study of origins, of survivals, -of paths of least resistance--refining an industrial age through the -people and experiences which really belong to it and do not need to -be brought in from the outside--would surely result in a revived -enthusiasm for human life and its possibilities which would in turn -react upon the ideals of government. The present lack of understanding -of simple people and the dearth of the illumination which knowledge of -them would give, can be traced not only in the social and political -maladjustment of the immigrant in municipal centres, but is felt in -so-called “practical affairs” of national magnitude. Regret is many -times expressed that, notwithstanding the fact that nine out of every -ten immigrants are of rural birth and are fitted to undertake that -painstaking method of cultivating the soil which American farmers -despise, they nevertheless all tend to congregate in cities where -their inherited and elaborate knowledge of agricultural processes is -unutilized. But it is characteristic of American complacency when any -assisted removal to agricultural regions is contemplated, that we -utterly ignore the past experiences of the immigrant and always assume -that each family will be content to live in the middle of its own piece -of ground, although there are few peoples on the face of the earth who -have ever tried isolating a family on one hundred and sixty acres or on -eighty, or even on forty. But this is the American way--a survival of -our pioneer days--and we refuse to modify it, even in regard to South -Italians, although from the day of mediaeval incursions they have lived -in compact villages with an intense and elaborated social life, so -much of it out of doors and interdependent that it has affected almost -every domestic habit. Italian women knead their own bread, but depend -on the village oven for its baking, and the men would rather walk for -miles to their fields each day than to face an evening of companionship -limited to the family. Nothing could afford a better check to the -constant removal to the cities of the farming population all over the -United States than the possibility of combining community life with -agricultural occupation. This combination would afford that development -of civilization which, curiously enough, density alone brings and -for which even a free system of rural delivery is not an adequate -substitute. Much of the significance and charm of rural life in South -Italy lies in its village companionship, quite as the dreariness of the -American farm life inheres in its unnecessary solitude. But we totally -disregard the solution which the old agricultural community offers, -and our utter lack of adaptability has something to do with the fact -that the South Italian remains in the city where he soon forgets his -cunning in regard to silk worms and olive trees, but continues his old -social habits to the extent of filling an entire tenement house with -the people from one village. - -We also exhibit all the Anglo-Saxon distrust of any experiment with -land tenure or method of taxation, although our single-tax advocates do -not fail to tell us daily of the stupidity of the present arrangement. -It might, indeed, be well to make a few experiments upon an historic -basis before their enthusiasm converts us all. For centuries in -Russia the Slavic village, the mir system of land occupation, has -been in successful operation, training men within its narrow limits -to community administration. Yet when a persecuted sect from Russia -wishes to find refuge in America, we insist that seven thousand -people shall give up all at once a system of land ownership in which -they are experts. Americans declare the system to be impracticable, -although it is singularly like that in vogue in Palestine during the -period of its highest prosperity. We cannot receive them in the United -States, because our laws have no way of dealing with such cases. -And in Canada, where they are finally settled, the unimaginative -Dominion officials are driven to the verge of distraction concerning -registration of deeds and the collection of taxes from men who do not -claim acres in their own names, but in the name of the village. The -official distraction is reflected and intensified among the people -themselves, to the point of driving them into the mediaeval “marching -mania,” in the hope of finding a land in the south where they may carry -out their inoffensive “mir” system. The entire situation might prove -that an unbending theory of individualism may become as fixed as status -itself, although there are certainly other factors in the Doukhobor -situation--religious bigotry, and the self-seeking of leadership. -In spite of the fact that the Canadian officials have in other -matters exhibited much of the adaptability which distinguishes the -British colonial policy, they are completely stranded on the rock of -Anglo-Saxon individualistic ownership, and assume that any other system -of land tenure is subversive of government, forgetting that Russia -manages to exert a fair amount of governmental control over thousands -of acres held under the system which they so detest. - -In our eagerness to reproach the immigrants for not going upon the -land we almost overlook the contributions to city life which those -of them, who were adapted to it in Europe, are making to our cities -here. From dingy little eating-houses in lower New York, performing a -function somewhat between the eighteenth-century coffee-house and the -Parisian café, is issuing at the present moment perhaps the sturdiest -realistic drama that is being produced on American soil. Late into the -night speculation is carried forward--not on the nice questions of -the Talmud and on quibbles of logic; but minds long trained on these -seriously discuss the need of a readjustment of the industrial machine -in order that the primitive sense of justice and righteousness may -secure larger play in our social organization. And yet a Russian in -Chicago who used to believe that Americans cared first and foremost -for political liberty and that they would certainly admire those who -had suffered in its cause, finds no one interested in his story of six -years’ banishment beyond the Antarctic circle. He is really listened to -only when he tells the tale to a sportsman of the fish he had caught -during the six weeks of summer when the rivers were open. “Lively work -then, but plenty of time to eat them dried or frozen through the rest -of the year,” is the most sympathetic comment he has yet received upon -an experience which, at least to him, held the bittersweet of martyrdom. - -Among the colonies of the most recently immigrated Jews, who still -carry out their orthodox customs and a ritual preserved through -centuries in the Ghetto, one constantly feels during a season of -religious observance, a refreshing insistence upon the reality of the -inner life, and upon the dignity of its expression in inherited form. -Perhaps the most striking reproach to the materialism of Chicago is the -sight on a solemn Jewish holiday of a Chicago River bridge lined with -men and women oblivious of the noisy traffic and sordid surroundings, -casting their sins upon the waters that they may be carried far away. -The scene is a clear statement that, after all, life does not consist -in wealth, in learning, in enterprise, in energy, in success, not even -in that modern fetich, culture, but in an inner equilibrium, in “the -agreement of soul.” It is a relief to see even this exaggerated and -grotesque presentation of spiritual values. - -But the statesman shuts himself away from the possibility of using -these great reservoirs of human ability and motive power because he -considers it patriotic to hold to governmental lines and ideals laid -down a century and a quarter ago. Because of a military inheritance, -we as a nation stoutly contend that all this varied and suggestive -life has nothing to do with government nor patriotism, and that we -perform the full duty of American citizens when the provisions of the -statutes on naturalization are carried out. In the meantime, in the -interests of our theory that commercial and governmental powers should -have no connection with each other, we carefully ignore the one million -false naturalization papers in the United States issued and concealed -by commercialized politics. Although we have an uneasy knowledge that -these powers are curiously allied, we profess that the latter has no -connection with the former and no control over it. We steadily refuse -to recognize the fact that our age is swayed by industrial forces. - -Fortunately, life is much bigger and finer than our theories about -it, and, among all the immigrants in the great cities, there is -slowly developing the beginnings of self-government on the lines of -their daily experiences. The man who really knows immigrants and -undertakes to naturalize them, makes no pretense of the lack of -connection between their desire to earn their daily bread and their -citizenship. The petty and often corrupt politician who is first kind -to immigrants, realizes perfectly well that the force pushing them to -this country has been industrial need and that recognition of this -need is legitimate. He follows the natural course of events when he -promises to get the immigrant “a job,” for that is undoubtedly what -the immigrant most needs in all the world. If the politician nearest -to him were really interested in the immigrant and were to work out -a scheme of naturalization fitted to the situation, the immigrant -would proceed from the street-cleaning and sewer-digging in which he -first engages, to an understanding of the relation of these simple -offices to city government. Through them he would understand the -obligation of his alderman to secure cleanliness for the streets -in which his children play and for the tenement in which he lives. -The notion of representative government could be made quite clear -and concrete to him. He could demand his rights and use his vote in -order to secure them. His very naïve demands might easily become a -restraint, a purifying check upon the alderman, instead of a source of -constant corruption and exploitation. But when the politician attempts -to naturalize the bewildered immigrant, he must perforce accept -the doctrinaire standard imposed by men who held a theory totally -unattached to experience, and he must, therefore, begin with the remote -Constitution of the United States. At the Cook County Court-House only -a short time ago a candidate for naturalization, who was asked the -usual question as to what the Constitution of the United States was, -replied: “The Illinois Central.” His mind naturally turned to his -work, to the one bit of contribution he had genuinely made to the new -country, and his reply might well offer a valuable suggestion to the -student of educational method. Some of our most advanced schools are -even now making industrial construction and evolution a natural basis -for all future acquisition of knowledge, and they claim that anything -less vital and creative is inadequate. - -It is surprising how a simple experience, if it be but genuine, gives -an opening into citizenship altogether lacking to the more grandiose -attempts. A Greek-American, slaughtering sheep in a tenement-house -yard, reminiscent of the Homeric tradition, can be made to see the -effect of the improvised shambles on his neighbor’s health and the -right of the city to prohibit the slaughtering, only as he perceives -the development of city government upon its most modern basis. - -The enforcement of adequate child labor laws offers unending -opportunity to better citizenship founded, not upon theory but on -action, as does the compulsory education law, which makes clear that -education is a matter of vital importance to the American city and to -the State which has enacted definite, well-considered legislation in -regard to it. Some of the most enthusiastic supporters of child-labor -legislation and of compulsory education laws are those parents who -sacrifice old-world tradition, as well as the much-needed earnings of -their young children, because of loyalty to the laws of their adopted -country. Certainly genuine sacrifice for the nation’s law is a good -foundation for patriotism, and as this again is not a doctrinaire -question, women are not debarred, and mothers who wash and scrub for -the meagre support of their children say, sturdily, sometimes: “It will -be a year before he can go to work without breaking the law, but we -came to this country to give the young ones a chance, and we are not -going to begin by having them do what’s not right.” - -Upon some such basis as this the Hebrew Alliance and the Charity -Organization of New York, which are putting forth desperate energy in -the enormous task of ministering to the suffering which immigration -entails, are developing understanding and respect for the alien through -their mutual efforts to secure more adequate tenement-house regulation -and to control the spread of tuberculosis; both these undertakings -being perfectly hopeless without the intelligent co-operation of -the immigrants themselves. Through such humble doors, perchance, -the immigrant will at last enter into his heritage in a new nation. -Democratic government has ever been the result of spiritual travail -and moral effort. Apparently, even here, the immigrant must pay the -old cost, and he seems to represent the group and type which is making -the most genuine contribution to the present growth in governmental -functions, with its constant demand for increasing adaptations. - -In the induction of the adult immigrant into practical citizenship, -we constantly ignore his daily experience. We also assume in our -formal attempts to teach patriotism to him and to his children, that -experience and traditions have no value, and that a new sentiment -must be put into aliens by some external process. Some years ago, a -public-spirited organization engaged a number of speakers to go to -the various city schools in order to instruct the children in the -significance of Decoration Day and to foster patriotism among the -foreign born, by descriptions of the Civil War. In one of the schools, -filled with Italian children, an old soldier, a veteran in years and -experience, gave a description of a battle in Tennessee, and of his -personal adventures in using a pile of brush as an ambuscade and a -fortification. Coming from the schoolhouse, an eager young Italian -broke out, with characteristic vividness, into a description of his -father’s campaigning under the leadership of Garibaldi, possibly -from some obscure notion that that, too, was a civil war fought from -principle, but more likely because the description of one battle -had roused in his mind the memory of another such description. The -lecturer, whose sympathies happened to be on the other side of the -Garibaldian conflict, somewhat sharply told him that he must forget -all that; that he was no longer an Italian, but an American. The -natural growth of patriotism based upon respect for the achievements -of one’s fathers, the bringing together of the past with the present, -the significance of the almost world-wide effort at a higher standard -of political freedom which swept over all Europe and America between -1848 and 1872 could, of course, have no place in the boy’s mind because -it had none in the mind of the instructor whose patriotism apparently -tried to purify itself by the American process of elimination. - -How far a certain cosmopolitan humanitarianism ignoring national -differences, is either possible or desirable, it is difficult to -state; but certain it is that the old type of patriotism, founded -upon a common national history and land occupation, becomes to many -of the immigrants who bring it with them a veritable stumbling-block -and impediment. Many Greeks whom I know are fairly besotted with a -consciousness of their national importance, and the achievements -of their glorious past. Among them the usual effort to found a new -patriotism upon American history is often an absurd undertaking; for -instance, on the night of one Thanksgiving Day, I spent some time and -zeal in a description of the Pilgrim Fathers, and the motives which -had driven them across the sea, while the experiences of the Plymouth -colony were illustrated by stereopticon slides and little dramatic -scenes. The audience of Greeks listened respectfully, although I -was uneasily conscious of the somewhat feeble attempt to boast of -Anglo-Saxon achievement in hardihood and privation, to men whose powers -of admiration were absorbed in their Greek background of philosophy and -beauty. At any rate, after the lecture was over, one of the Greeks said -to me, quite simply, “I wish I could describe my ancestors to you; they -were very different from yours.” His further remarks were translated -by a little Irish boy of eleven, who speaks modern Greek with facility -and turns many an honest penny by translating, into the somewhat pert -statement: “He says if _that_ is what your ancestors are like, that his -could beat them out.” It is a good illustration of our faculty for -ignoring the past, and of our failure to understand the immigrant’s -estimation of ourselves. This lack of a more cosmopolitan standard, of -a consciousness of kind founded upon creative imagination and historic -knowledge is apparent in many directions, and cruelly widens the gulf -between immigrant fathers and their children who are “Americans in -process.” - -A hideous story comes from New York of a young Russian Jewess who was -employed as a stenographer in a down-town office, where she became -engaged to be married to a young man of Jewish-American parentage. -She felt keenly the difference between him and her newly immigrated -parents, and on the night when he was to be presented to them she -went home early to make every possible preparation for his coming. -Her efforts to make the _ménage_ presentable were so discouraging, -the whole situation filled her with such chagrin, that an hour before -his expected arrival, she ended her life. Although the father was a -Talmud scholar of standing in his native Russian town, and the lover -was a clerk of very superficial attainments, she possessed no standard -by which to judge the two men. This lack of standard must be charged -to the entire community; for why should we expect an untrained girl -to be able to do for herself what the community so pitifully fails to -accomplish? - -All the members of the community are equally stupid in throwing away -the immigrant revelation of social customs and inherited energy. -We continually allow this valuable human experience to go to waste -although we have reached the stage of humanitarianism when no infant -may be wantonly allowed to die, no man be permitted to freeze or -starve, if the State can prevent it. We may truthfully boast that the -primitive, wasteful struggle of physical existence is practically over, -but no such statement can be made in regard to spiritual life. Students -of social conditions recognize the fact that modern charity constantly -grows more democratic and constructive, and daily more concerned for -preventive measures, but to admit frankly similar aims as matters for -municipal government as yet seems impossible. - -In this country it seems to be only the politician at the bottom, -the man nearest the people, who understands that there is a growing -disinterestedness taking hold of men’s hopes and imaginations in every -direction. He often plays upon it and betrays it; but he at least knows -it is there. - -The two points at which government is developing most rapidly at the -present moment are naturally the two where it of necessity exercises -functions of nurture and protection: first, in relation to the young -criminal, second, in relation to the poor and dependent. One of the -latest developments is the Juvenile Courts which the large cities are -inaugurating. Only fifteen years ago when I first went to live in an -industrial district of Chicago, if a boy was arrested on some trifling -charge--and dozens of them were thus arrested each month--the only -possible way to secure another chance for him by restoring him to his -home with an opportunity to become a law-abiding citizen, was through -the alderman of the ward. Upon the request of a distracted relative -or the precinct captain, the alderman would “speak to the judge” -and secure the release of the boy. The kindness of the alderman was -genuine, as was the gratitude of all concerned; but the inevitable -impression remained that government was harsh, and naturally dealt out -policemen and prisons, and that the political friend alone stood for -kindness. That this kindness was in a measure illicit and mysterious in -its workings made it all the more impressive. - -But so much advance has been made in so short a time as fifteen years, -toward incorporating kindly concern for the young and a desire to keep -them in the path of rectitude within the process of government itself, -that in Chicago alone twenty-four probation officers, as they are -called, are paid from the public funds. The wayward boy is committed -to one of these for another chance as a part of the procedure of the -court. He is not merely released by an act of clemency so magnificent -and irrelevant as to dazzle him with a sense of the aldermanic power, -but he is put under the actual care of a probation officer that he may -do better. He is assisted to keep permanently away from the police -courts and their allied penal institutions. - -In one of the most successful of these courts, that of Denver, the -Judge who can point to a remarkable record with the bad boys of the -city, plays a veritable game with them against the police force, he -and the boys undertaking to be good without the help of repression, -and in spite of the machinations of the police. For instance, if the -boys who have been sentenced to the State Reform School at Golden, -deliver themselves without the aid of the Sheriff whose duty it is to -take them there, they not only vindicate their manliness and readiness -“to take their medicine,” but they beat the sheriff who belongs to the -penal machinery out of his five-dollar fee. Over this fact they openly -triumph--a simple example, perhaps, but significant of the attitude of -the well-intentioned toward repressive government. - -The Juvenile Courts are beginning to take a really parental attitude -towards all dependent children, although for years only those orphans -who had inherited at least a meagre property were handed over to a -public guardian. Those whose parents had left them absolutely nothing -were allowed to care for themselves--as if the whole body of doctrine -contained in the phrase, “there is no wealth but life,” had never -entered into the mind of man. Because these courts are dealing with -the children in their social and everyday relations they have made the -astounding discovery that even a penniless child needs the care and -defense of the State. - -The schools for Reform are those which are inaugurating the most -advanced education in agriculture and manual arts. A bewildered foreign -parent comes from time to time to Hull-House, asking that his boy be -sent to a school to learn farming, basing his request upon the fact -that his neighbor’s boy has been sent to “a nice green, country-place.” -It is carefully explained that the neighbor’s boy was bad, and was -arrested and sent away because of his badness. After much conversation, -the disappointed parent sometimes understands, but he often goes away -shaking his head, and some such words as these issue: “I have been -in this country for five years, and have never gotten anything yet.” -At other times it is successfully explained to the man that the city -assumes that he is looking out for himself and taking care of his own -boy, but it ought to be possible to make him to see that if he feels -that his son needs the education of a farm school, that it lies with -him to agitate the subject and to vote for the man who will secure such -schools. He might well look amazed, were this advice tendered him, for -these questions have never been presented to him to vote upon. Because -he does not eagerly discuss the tariff or other remote subjects which -the political parties present to him from time to time we assume that -he is not to be trusted to vote on the education of his child, although -there is no doubt that the one thing his ancestors decided upon, from -the days of bows and arrows, was the sort of training each one should -give his son. - -The fine education that is given to a juvenile offender may indicate -a certain compunction on the part of the State. Quite as men formerly -gloried in warfare and now apologize for it, as they formerly went -out to spoil their enemies and now go to civilize them, so civil -governments, while continuing to maintain prisons, have become more -or less ashamed of them, and are already experimenting in better -ways to elevate and reform criminals than by the way of violence and -imprisonment. We have already said in America that neither a gallows -nor an unmitigated prison shall ever exist for a child. - -In the matter of public charities, also, we are not timid as to -extending the function of the government. We build enormous city -hospitals and almhouses; we care with tenderness for the defective and -the dependent; but for that great mass of people just beyond the line, -from whom they are constantly recruited, we do practically nothing. -It has been said that if a workingman in New York falls a victim to -pneumonia, he is taken to a hospital and given skilled treatment; if it -leaves him tubercular the city will have a care over him, and valiantly -will stand by, putting him into a public sanatorium, providing him -with nutritious food and fresh air until his recovery. But if he is -turned away from the hospital without tuberculosis, merely too depleted -and wretched to go back to his regular employment, then the city can -do nothing for him unless he be ready to call himself an out-and-out -pauper. We are afraid of the notion of governmental function which -would minister to the primitive needs of the mass of the people, -although we are quite ready to care for him whom misfortune or disease -has made the exception. It is really the rank and file, the average -citizen, who is ignored by the government, while he works out his real -problems through other agencies, although he is scolded for staying at -home on election day, and for refusing to be interested in issues which -really do not concern him. - -It is comparatively easy to understand the punitive point of view which -seeks to suppress, or the philanthropic which seeks to palliate; but -it is much more difficult to formulate that city government which is -adapted to our present normal living. As over against the survivals -of the first two, excellent and necessary as they are, we have but -the few public parks and baths, the few band concerts and recreation -piers--always excepting, of course, the public schools and the social -activities slowly centering around them; for public education has long -been a passion in America, and we seem to have been willing to make -that an exception to our general theory of government. - -While governmental functions have shown this remarkable adaptation -and growth in relation to the youth, whether he be in the public -schools, in the Juvenile Court or in the reformatory, we hesitate -to assume toward the adult this temper of the educator who humbly -follows and at the same confidently leads the little child. While the -State spends millions of dollars and employs thousands of servants to -nurture and heal the sick and defective, it steadfastly refuses to -extend its kindliness to the normal working man. The Socialists alone -constantly appeal for this extension. They refuse, however, to deal -with the present State and constantly take refuge in the formulae of -a new scholasticism. Their orators are busily engaged in establishing -two substitutes for human nature which they call “proletarian” and -“capitalist.” They ignore the fact that varying, imperfect human nature -is incalculable, and that to eliminate its varied and constantly -changing elements is to face all the mistakes and miscalculations which -gathered around the “fallen man,” or the “economic man,” or any other -of the fixed norms which have from time to time been substituted for -expanding and developing human life. In time “the proletarian” and “the -capitalist” will become the impedimenta which it will be necessary to -clear away in order to make room for the mass of living and breathing -citizens with whom self-government must eventually deal. - -There is no doubt that the existence of the mass, the mere size of the -modern city, increases the difficulty of the situation. Charles Booth’s -maps portraying the standard of living for the people of London afford -almost the only attempt at a general social survey of a modern city, at -least so far as it may be predetermined from the standard of income. -From his accompanying twelve volumes may be deduced the occupations of -the people with their real wages, their family budget and their culture -level, and, to a certain extent, their recreations and spiritual life. -If one gives one’s self over to a moment of musing on this mass of -information, so huge and so accurate, one is almost instinctively aware -that any radical changes, so much needed in the blackest districts, -must largely come from forces outside the life of the people. An -enlarged mental life must come from the educationalist, increased -wages from the business interests, alleviation of suffering from the -philanthropists. What vehicle of correction is provided for the people -themselves, what device has been invented for loosing that kindliness -and mutual aid which is the marvel of all charity visitors? What broad -basis has been laid down for a modification of their most genuine and -pressing needs through their own initiative? The traditional Government -expresses its activity in keeping the streets clean and the district -lighted and policed. It is only during the last quarter of a century -that the London County Council has erected decent houses, public -baths, and many other devices for the purer social life of the people. -American cities have gone no further, although they presumably started -at workingmen’s representation a hundred years ago, so completely were -the founders misled by the name of government, and the temptation to -substitute the form of political democracy for real self-government -dealing with advancing social ideals. Even now London has twenty-eight -Borough Councils, in addition to the London County Council itself, -fifteen hundred direct representatives of the people, as over against -seventy in Chicago although the latter city has a population one-half -as large. Paris has twenty Mayors, with corresponding machinery for -local government, as over against the New York concentration in one -huge City Hall, too often corrupt. - -In Germany, perhaps more than anywhere else, the government has -come to concern itself with the primitive essential needs of its -working-people. In their behalf, the Government has forced industry, -in the person of the large manufacturers, to make an alliance with -it. The manufacturers are taxed for accident insurance of workingmen, -for old-age pensions and sick benefits; and a project is being formed -in which they shall bear the large share of insurance against -non-employment when it has been made clear that non-employment -is the result of an economic crisis brought about through the -maladministration of finance. - -Germany proposes to regulate the maximum amount of rent which -landlords of certain types of houses may be permitted to require, -quite as the usury laws limit the maximum amount of interest which -may be demanded. And yet industry in Germany has flourished, and -this control on behalf of the normal workingman as he faces life in -his daily vocation has apparently not checked its systematic growth, -nor limited its place in the world’s market. As a result of this -constant supervision of industry, the German police although a part of -a military government, are constantly employed in the regulation of -social affairs; and in these branches of government it is remarked that -they are dropping their military tone and assuming toward the people -the attitude of helpers and protectors. The police force in Germany is -the lowest executive organ of the interior government and there are, -therefore, as many kinds of police departments as there are different -departments in this interior government. They follow the Government -inspectors of the forest, the railways, the fields and roads, to see -that their instructions are obeyed. In the Department of Public -Health it is the police officers who finally enforce instructions in -regard to vaccination, meat inspection, sale of food-stuffs, and the -transportation of animals; in the department of factory inspection -the police not only enforce the provisions of the factory laws, but -they are responsible for the books in which the wages paid to minors -are recorded; and it is from the police stations that the cards of -the Government insurance for working-people are issued. Any special -investigation ordered by the legislature is, as a matter of course, -undertaken by the police. These varied activities, of course, require -men of education and ability, and the very extension of function has -broken down the military ideal in the country where that ideal is most -firmly intrenched. But in a Republic founded upon a revulsion from -oppressive government we still keep the police close to their negative -rôle of preserving order and arresting the criminal. The varied -functions they perform in Germany would be impossible in America, -because it would be hotly resented by the American business man who -will not brook any governmental interference in industrial affairs. -The inherited instinct that government is naturally oppressive, and -that its inroads must be checked, has made it a matter of principle and -patriotism to keep the functions of government more restricted and -more military than has become true in military countries. - -Almost every Sunday in the Italian quarter in which I live various -mutual benefit societies march with fife and drum and with a brave -showing of banners, celebrating their achievement in having surrounded -themselves by at least a thin wall of protection against disaster, -upon having set up their mutual good will against the day of -misfortune. These parades have all the emblems of patriotism; indeed, -the associations present the primitive core of patriotism, brothers -standing by each other against hostile forces from without. I assure -you that no Fourth of July celebration, no rejoicing over the birth -of an heir to the Italian throne, equals in heartiness and sincerity -these simple celebrations. Again one longs to pour into the government -of their adopted country all this affection and zeal, this real -patriotism. A system of State insurance would be a very simple device -and secure a large return. - -Are we in America retaining eighteenth-century traditions, while -Germany is gradually evolving into a Government logically fitted to -cope with the industrial situation of the twentieth century? Do we -so fail to apprehend what democracy is, that we are really afraid to -extend the functions of municipal administration? Have we lost that -most conservative of all beliefs--the belief in the average man, and -thereby forfeited Aristotle’s ideal of a city “where men live a common -life for noble ends”? - - - - - CHAPTER IV - - MILITARISM AND INDUSTRIAL LEGISLATION - - -American cities have been slow to consider industrial questions as -germane to government, and the Federal authorities have persistently -treated the millions of immigrants who arrive every year upon a -political theory and method adopted a century ago, because both of -them ignore the fact that the organization of industry has completed -a revolution during that period. The gigantic task of standardizing -the successive nations of immigrants throughout the country has fallen -upon workmen because they alone cannot ignore the actual industrial -situation. To thousands of workmen the immigration problem is a -question of holding a job against a constantly lowering standard of -living, and to withstand this stream of “raw labor” means to them the -maintenance of industrial efficiency and of life itself. Workingmen -are engaged in a desperate struggle to maintain a standard of wages -against the constant arrival of unskilled immigrants at the rate of -three-quarters of a million a year, at the very period when the -elaboration of machinery permits the largest use of unskilled men. - -It may be owing to the fact that the workingman is brought into direct -contact with the situation as a desperate problem of a living wage -against starvation; it may be that wisdom is at her old trick of -residing in the hearts of the simple, or that this new idealism, which -is that of a reasonable life and labor, must, from the very nature of -things, proceed from those who labor; or possibly it may be because -amelioration arises whence it is so sorely needed; but certainly it is -true, that, while the rest of the country talks of assimilation as if -it were a huge digestive apparatus, the man with whom the immigrant -has come most sharply into competition, has been forced into fraternal -relations with him. - -Curiously enough, however, as soon as the immigrant situation is -frankly regarded as an industrial one, as these men must regard it, -the political aspects of the industrial situation is revealed in the -fact that trade organizations which openly concern themselves with -the immigration problem on its industrial side, quickly take on the -paraphernalia and machinery which have hitherto associated themselves -only with governmental life and control. The trades unions have worked -out all over again local autonomy, with central councils and national -representative bodies and the use of the referendum vote; and they also -exhibit many of the features of political corruption and manipulation. - -The first real lesson in self-government to many immigrants has come -through the organization of labor unions, and it could come in no -other way, for the union alone has appealed to their necessities. One -sees the first indication of an idealism arising out of these primal -necessities, and at moments one dares to hope that it may be sturdy -enough and sufficiently founded upon experience to make some impression -upon the tremendous immigration situation. - -The movements embodying a new idealism have traditionally sought refuge -with those who are near to starvation. Although the spiritual struggle -is associated with the solitary garret of the impassioned dreamer, -it may be that the idealism fitted to our industrial democracy will -be evolved in crowded sewer ditches and in noisy factories. It may -be contended that this remarkable coming together of the workingman -and the immigrant has been the result of an economic pressure, and is -without merit or idealism, and that the trades union record on Chinese -exclusion and negro discrimination has been damaging. Be that as it -may, this assimilation between the immigrant and the workingman has -exhibited amazing strength, which may be illustrated from two careful -studies made in two different parts of the country. - -To quote first from a study made from the University of Wisconsin -of the stock yards strike which took place in Chicago in 1904[6]: -“Perhaps the fact of the greatest social significance is that this -was not merely a strike of skilled labor for the unskilled, but was -a strike of Americanized Irish, Germans, and Bohemians, in behalf of -Slovaks, Poles, and Lithuanians.... This substitution of races in the -stock yards has been a continuing process for twenty years. The older -nationalities have already disappeared from the unskilled occupations, -and the substitution of races has evidently run along the line of -lower standard of living. The latest arrivals, the Lithuanians and -Slovaks, are probably the most oppressed of the peasants of Europe.” -The visitors who attended the crowded meetings of the strikers during -the summer of 1904 and heard the same address successively translated -by interpreters into six or eight languages, who saw the respect -shown to the most uncouth of the speakers by the skilled American men -representing a distinctly superior standard of life and thought, could -never doubt the power of the labor organizations for amalgamation, -whatever opinion they might hold concerning their other values. This -may be said in spite of the fact that great industrial disturbances -have arisen from the under-cutting of wages by the lowering of racial -standard. Certainly the most notable of these have taken place in those -industries and at those places in which the importation of immigrants -has been deliberately fostered as a wage-lowering weapon; and even in -those disturbances and under the shock and strain of a long strike, -disintegration did not come along the line of race cleavage. - -The other study was made in the anthracite coal fields, and was -undertaken from the University of Pennsylvania[7]: “The United -Mine Workers of America is taking men of a score of nationalities, -English-speaking and Slav, men of widely different creeds, languages, -and customs, and of varying powers of industrial competition, and is -welding them into an industrial brotherhood, each part of which can -at least understand of the others that they are working for one great -and common end. This bond of unionism is stronger than one can readily -imagine who has not seen its mysterious workings or who has not been -a victim of its members’ newly found enthusiasm. It is to-day the -strongest tie that can bind together 147,000 mine workers and the -thousands dependent upon them. It is more than religion, more than the -social ties which hold together members of the same community.” - -It was during a remarkable struggle on the part of this amalgamation -of men from all countries, that the United States government, in spite -of itself, was driven to take a hand in an industrial situation, -owing to the long strain and the intolerable suffering entailed upon -the whole country. Even then, however, the Government endeavored to -confine its investigation to the mere commercial questions of tonnage -and freight rates with their political implications, and it was only -when an aroused and moralized public opinion insisted upon it that -the national commission was driven to consider the human aspects of -the case. Because of this public opinion, columns of newspapers and -days of investigation were given to the discussion of the deeds of -violence, discussions having nothing to do with the original demands -of the strikers and entering only into the value set upon human life -by each of the contesting parties. Did the union encourage violence -against non-union men, or did it really do everything to suppress -violence? Did it live up to its creed which was to maintain a standard -of living that families might be properly housed and protected from -debilitating toil and disease, and that children might be nurtured into -American citizenship? Did the operators protect their men as far as -possible from mine damp, from length of hours proven by experience to -be exhausting? Did they pay a wage to the mine laborer sufficient to -allow him to send his children to school? Questions such as these, a -study of the human problem, invaded the commission day after day during -the sitting. One felt for the moment the first wave of a rising tide -of humanitarianism, until the normal ideals of the laborer to secure -food and shelter for his family, a security for his own old age, and -a larger opportunity for his children became the ideals of democratic -government. - -Let us imagine the result if, during the long anthracite strike, the -humane instinct had so over-mastered the minds of the strikers, and so -exalted their passions that they had lifted a hand against no man, even -though he seemed to be endangering their cause before their eyes. Such -a result might have come about, partly because the destruction of life -had become abhorrent and impossible to them engaged as they were in -the endeavor to raise life in the coal regions to a higher level, and -partly because they would have scorned to destroy an enemy in order -to achieve a mere negative result when the power lay within themselves -to convert him into an ally, when they might have made him a source -of help and power, a comrade of the same undertaking. If the element -of battle, of mere self-seeking, could be eliminated from strikes, -if they could remain a sheer uprising of the oppressed and underpaid -to a self-conscious recognition of their condition, so unified, so -irresistible as to sweep all the needy within its flood, we should have -a tide rising, not to destruction, but to beneficence. Let us imagine -the state of public feeling if there had been absolutely no act of -violence traceable, directly or indirectly, to the union miners; if -during the long months of the strike the great body of miners could -have added the sanction of sustained conduct to their creed. Public -sympathy would have led to an understanding of the need these miners -were trying to meet, and the American nation itself might have been -ready to ask for legislation concerning the minimum wage, and for -protection to life and limb, equal to the legislation of New Zealand -or Germany. But because the element of warfare unhappily did exist, -government got back to its old business of repression. - -To preserve law and order is obviously the function of government -everywhere; and yet in our complicated modern society, especially as -thousands of varied peoples are crowded into cities, it is not always -easy to see just where real social order lies. The officials themselves -are sometimes perplexed, and at other times deliberately use the -devices of government for their own ends. We may take once more in -illustration the great strike in the Chicago stock-yards. The immediate -object of the strike was the protection of the wages of the unskilled -men from a cut of one cent per hour, although, of course, the unions -of skilled men felt that this first invasion of the wages increased -through the efforts of the union, would be but the entering wedge of an -attempt to cut wages in all the trades represented in the stock-yards. -Owing to the refusal on the part of the unions to accept arbitration -offered by the packers at an embarrassing moment, and because of the -failure of the unions to carry out the terms of a contract, the strike -in its early stages completely lost the sympathy of that large part of -the public dominated by ideals of business honor and fair dealing. It -lost, too, the sympathy of that growing body of organized labor which -is steadily advancing in a regard for the validity of the contract, and -is faithfully cherishing the hope that in time the trades unions may -universally attain an accredited business standing. - -The leaders after the first ten days were, therefore, forced to -make the most of the purely human appeal which lay in the situation -itself, that 30,000 men, including the allied trades, were losing -weeks of wages, with a possible chance of the destruction of their -unions on behalf of the unskilled who were the newly arrived Poles -and Lithuanians, unable as yet to look out for themselves. Owing -to the irregular and limited hours of work--a condition quite like -that prevailing on the London docks before the great strike of the -dockers--the weekly wage of these unskilled men was exceptionally low, -and the plea of the strikers was based upon the duty of the strong -to the weak. A chivalric call was issued that the standard of life -might be raised to that designated as American, and that this mass of -unskilled men might secure an education for their children. Of course -no appeal could have been so strong as this purely human one which -united for weeks thousands of men of a score of nationalities into that -solidarity which only comes through a self-sacrificing devotion to an -absorbing cause. - -The strike involved much suffering and many unforeseen complications. -At the end of eight weeks the union leaders made the best terms -possible. Through these terms the skilled workers were guaranteed -against a reduction in wages, but no provision was made for the -unskilled in whose behalf the strike had at first been undertaken. -Although the hard-pressed leaders were willing to make this concession, -the politicians in the meanwhile had seen the great value of the human -sentiment which bases its appeal on the need of the under dog and which -had successfully united this mass of workingmen into a new comradeship -with the immigrants. The appeal was infinitely more valuable than any -merely political cry, and the fact that the final terms of settlement -were submitted to a referendum vote at once gave the local politicians -a chance to avail themselves of this big, loosely defined sympathy. -They did avail themselves of this in so dramatic a manner that they -almost succeeded, solely upon that appeal, in taking the strike out of -the hands of the legitimate officers and placing it in their own hands -for their own political ends. - -The situation was a typical one, exemplifying the real aim of popular -government with its concern for primitive needs, forced to seek -expression outside of the organized channels of government. If the -militia could have been called in, government would have been placed -even more dramatically in the position of the oppressor of popular -self-government. The phenomenal good order, the comparative lack of -violence on the part of the striking workmen, gave no chance for the -bringing in of the militia. The city politician was of course very much -disappointed, for it would have afforded him an opening to put the -odium of this traditional opposition of government, an opposition which -has always been most dramatically embodied in the soldier, upon the -political party dominating the State but not the city. It would have -given the city politician an excellent opportunity to show the concern -of himself and his party for the real people, as over against the -attitude of the party dominating the State. But because the militia was -not called, his scheme failed, and the legitimate strike leaders who, -although they passed through much tribulation because of this political -interference, did not eventually lose control. - -The situation in the Chicago stock-yards also afforded an excellent -epitome of the fact that government so often finds itself, not only in -opposition to the expressed will of the people making the demand at the -moment, but apparently against the best instincts of the mass of the -citizens as a whole. - -For years the city administration had so protected the property -interests invested in the stock-yards, that none of the sanitary -ordinances had ever been properly enforced. The sickening stench and -the scum on the branch of the river known as Bubbly Creek at times -made that section of the city unendurable. The smoke ordinances were -openly ignored, nor did the meat inspector ever seriously interfere -with business, being quite willing to have meat sold in Chicago which -had not passed the inspection for foreign markets. The water steals, -too, for which the stock-yards were at one time notorious, must have -been more or less known to certain officials. But all this merely -corrupted a limited number of inspectors, and although their corruption -was complete and involved entire administrations, it did not actually -touch large numbers of persons. During the strike of 1904, however, -1,200 policemen, actual men possessed of human sensibilities, were -called upon to patrol the yards inside and out. There is no doubt -that the police inspector of the district thoroughly represented the -alliance of the City Hall with the business interests, that he did -not mean to discover anything which was derogatory to the packers nor -to embarrass them in any way during the conduct of the strike. Had -these 1,200 men, more than a regiment in numbers, been a regiment in -training and tradition, they, too, would have seen nothing, and would -have been content at heart, as they were obliged to be in conduct, to -have arrested the strikers on the slightest provocation, and to have -protected the strike-breakers. - -But they were, in point of fact, called upon to face a very peculiar -situation, because of the type of men and women who formed the bulk -of the strike-breakers, and because, during the first weeks of the -strike, these men and women were kept constantly inside the yards, -day and night. In order to hold them at all, discipline outside of -working hours was thoroughly relaxed, and the policemen in charge -of the yards, while there ostensibly to enforce law and order, were -obliged every night to connive at prize-fighting, at open gambling, and -at prostitution. They were there, not to enforce law and order as it -defines itself in the minds of the bulk of healthy-minded citizens, but -only to keep the strikers from molesting the non-union workers. This -was certainly commendable, but, after all, only part of their real duty. - -Because they were normal men living in the midst of normal life and -not in barracks, they were shocked by the law-breaking which they were -ordered to protect, and much drawn in sympathy to the strikers whom -they were supposed to regard as public enemies. An investigator who -interviewed one hundred policemen found only one who did not frankly -extol the virtues of the strikers as over against the shocking vices of -the imported men. This, of course, was an extreme case brought about by -the unusual and peculiar type of the imported strike-breakers. There -is, however, trustworthy evidence incorporated in affidavits which were -at the time submitted to the Mayor of Chicago, concerning the unlawful -conduct of the men who were under the protection of the city police. - -It was hard for a patriot not to feel jealous of the union and of the -enthusiasm of those newly emigrated citizens. They poured out their -gratitude and affection upon this first big friendly force which had -offered them help in their desperate struggle in the New World. This -devotion, this comradeship, and this fine _esprit de corps_ should have -been won by the Government itself from these newly arrived, scared, -and untrained citizens. The union was that which had concerned itself -with the real struggle for life, shelter, a chance to work, and bread -for their children. It had come to them in a language they could -understand, through men with interests akin to their own, and it gave -them both their first chance to express themselves through a democratic -vote, and an opportunity to register by a ballot their real opinion -upon a very important matter. - -They used the referendum votes, the latest and perhaps the most clever -device of democratic government, and yet they used it to decide a -question which the government supposed to be quite outside its realm. -When they left the old country, the government of America held their -deepest hopes, and represented that which they believed would obtain -for them the fullness of life denied them in the lands of oppressive -governments. It is a curious commentary on the fact that we have not -yet attained self-government when the real and legitimate objects of -men’s desires must still be incorporated in those voluntary groups for -which the government, when it does its best, can only afford protection -from interference. As the religious revivalist looks with longing upon -the fervor of a single-tax meeting, as the orthodox Jew sees his son -stay away from Yom Kippur service in order to pour all his religious -fervor, his precious zeal for righteousness which has been gathered -through the centuries, into the Socialist Labor Party--so a patriot -finds himself exclaiming to the immigrant, like another Andrea del -Sarto to his wife, “Oh, but what do they--what do they to please you -more?” - -The stock-yards strike afforded an example of the national appeal -subordinated to an appeal made in the name of labor. During the early -stages of the strike it was discovered that newly arrived Macedonians -were taking many of the places vacated by the strikers. One of the -most touching scenes during the strike was the groups of Macedonians -who would sit together in the twilight playing on primitive pipes -singularly like the one which is associated with the great god Pan. The -slender song would carry amazingly in the smoke-bedimmed air, affecting -the spectator with a curious sense of incongruity. - -When the organized labor of Chicago discovered that the strikers’ -places were taken by Greeks, the unions threatened, unless the Greeks -were “called off,” to boycott the Greek fruit-dealers all over the -city, who with their street stands are singularly dependent upon -the patronage of workingmen. The fact that the strike-breakers were -Macedonians, as it happened, was an additional advantage at the -moment; for the Greeks have been much concerned to make it clear that -Macedonia belongs to Greece, and have hotly resented the efforts of -Bulgaria to establish a protectorate over the country. They therefore -responded at once to this acknowledgment of their claim, and, partly to -show that the Macedonians and Greeks were countrymen, partly because -they resented the implication that a Greek could act a cowardly part -in any situation, and also, doubtless, because they were merchants -threatened with loss of trade, they made superhuman efforts to clear -the yards of Macedonians. This they accomplished in a remarkably short -time. So reckless were they in the methods they used that it was -common gossip throughout the Greek colony that strike-breakers would -be refused the comforts of religion by the Greek priests in the city, -although doubtless this rumor was unfounded. This utter recklessness -of method, this determination to deter strike-breaking at any cost, -is, of course, a revelation of the war element which is an essential -part of any strike. The appeal to “loyalty” is the nearest approach to -a moral appeal which can be safely made in the midst of a war of any -sort. During a long strike one result of the non-moral appeal is to -confuse the situation so that it becomes utterly impossible to tell how -many men refuse to become strike-breakers because they are terrorized -and how many stay away from conviction. The non-moral appeal not only -sins against the principles advocated by trades unionists, but it -contradicts itself and brings great confusion into the situation, as -war ideals always do when thrust into a peaceful society. It was, for -instance, quite impossible to tell whether the lowering in the type -of man who was willing to take a striker’s place, so that at last -only very ignorant men from the southern plantations could be induced -to work, was due to a species of class consciousness, a response to -the demand felt so strongly by labor men--“Thou shalt not take thy -neighbor’s job”--or whether workingmen are becoming so afraid to take -striker’s places that these places must at last be given to men who -have come from such remote parts of the country that “they do not know -enough to be afraid.” The unions themselves could take no accounting of -their real strength because of the terrorism which had become thrust -into the situation. And yet all that the stock-yards workers were -demanding through this long and disastrous strike, was the minimum -wage which has been guaranteed by conservative governments elsewhere, -and is recognized even in the United States in much governmental work -under the contracts of civil or Federal authorities. So timid are -American cities, however, in dealing with this perfectly reasonable -subject of wages in its relation to municipal employees, that when they -do prescribe a minimum wage for city contract work, they allow it to -fall into the hands of the petty politician and to become part of a -political game, making no effort to give it a dignified treatment in -relation to the cost of living and to the margin of leisure. In this -the English cities have anticipated us, both as to time and legitimate -procedure. Have Americans formed a sort of “imperialism of virtue,” -holding on to preconceived ideals of government and insisting that -they must fit all the people who come to our shores, even though they -crush the most promising bits of self-expression in the process? Is the -American attitude toward self-government like that of the Anglo-Saxon -towards civilization, save that he goes forth to rule all the nations -of the earth by one pattern, while we remain at home and bid them to -rule themselves by one pattern? We firmly decline not only to consider -matters of industry and commerce as germane to government, but we also -decline to bring men together upon that most natural and inevitable of -all foundations, their industrial needs. - -The government which refuses to consider matters of this sort, or at -least waits until their neglect becomes a scandal before it consents to -deal with them, as a result of this caution forces the most patriotic -citizens to ignore the Government and to embody their scruples and -hopes of progress in voluntary organizations. To be afraid to extend -the functions of government may be to lose what we have. A government -has always received feeble support from its constituents as soon as -its demands appeared childish or remote. Citizens inevitably neglect -or abandon civic duty, when their government no longer embodies their -genuine desires. It is useless to hypnotize ourselves by unreal talk of -colonial ideas, and of our patriotic duty towards immigrants as though -the situation was one demanding the passage of a set of resolutions -when we fail to realize that the nation can be saved only by patriots -who are possessed of a contemporaneous knowledge. - -As industrial relations imply peaceful relations, under a certain -rough reorganization and reconstruction of governmental functions -which the association of labor presents, it is inevitable that in -its international aspects the association should formally advocate -universal peace. Workmen have always realized, however feebly and -vaguely they may have expressed it, that it is they who in all ages -have borne the heaviest burden of privation and suffering imposed on -the world by the military spirit. - -The first international organization founded, not to promote a -colorless peace, but to advance and develop the common life of all -nations, was founded in London in 1864 by workingmen, and was called -simply “The International Association of Workingmen.” They recognized -that a supreme interest raised all workingmen above the prejudice of -race, and united them by wider and deeper principles than those by -which they were separated into nations. They hoped that as religion, -science, art, had become international, so now at last labor might take -its place as an international interest. A few years later, at its third -congress in Brussels they recommended that in case of war a universal -strike be declared. - -There is a growing conviction among workingmen of all countries -that, whatever may be accomplished by a national war, however moral -the supposed aim of such a war, there is one inevitable result--an -increased standing army, the soldiers of which are non-producers, and -must be fed by the workers. - -The surprising growth of Socialism, at the moment, is due largely to -the fact that it is the only political party upon an international -basis, and also that it frankly ventures its future upon a better -industrial organization. These two aspects have had much more to do -with its hold in industrial neighborhoods than have its philosophic -tenets or the impassioned appeal of its propagandists. The Socialists -are making almost the sole attempt to preach a morality sufficiently -all-embracing and international to keep pace with even that material -internationalism which has standarized the threads of screws and the -size of bolts, so that machines may become interchangeable from one -country to another. It is the same sort of internationalism which -Mazzini preached when distracted Italy was making her desperate -struggle for a unified and national life. He issued his remarkable -address to her workingmen and solemnly told them that the life of the -nation could not be made secure until her patriots were ready to die -for human issues. He saw, earlier than most men, that the desire to -be at unity with all human beings, to claim the sense of a universal -affection is a force not to be ignored. He believed that it might -even then be strong enough to devour the flimsy stuff called national -honor, glory, and prestige, which incite to war and induce workingmen -to trample over each other’s fields and to destroy the results of each -other’s labor. - -Workingmen dream of an industrialism which shall be the handmaid of -a commerce ministering to an increased power of consumption among -the producers of the world, binding them together in a genuine -internationalism. Existing commerce has long ago reached its -international stage, but it has been the result of business aggression -and constantly appeals for military defense and for the forcing of new -markets. In so far as commerce has rested upon the successful capture -of the resources of the workers, it has been a relic of the mediaeval -baron issuing forth to seize the merchants’ boats as they passed his -castle on the Rhine. It has logically lent itself to warfare, and is, -indeed, the modern representative of conquest. As its prototype rested -upon slavery and vassalage, so this commerce is founded upon a contempt -for the worker and believes that he can live on low wages. It assumes -that his legitimate wants are the animal ones comprising merely food -and shelter and the cost of replacement. The industrialism of which -this commerce is a part, exhibits this same contemptuous attitude, but -it is more easily extended to immigrants than to any other sort of -workmen because they seem further away from a common standard of life. -This attitude toward the immigrant simply illustrates once more that it -is around the deeply significant idea of the standard of life that our -industrial problems of to-day centre. The desire for a higher standard -of living in reality forms the base of all the forward movements of -the working class. “The significance of the standard of life lies not -so much in the fact that for each of us it is different, as that for -all of us it is progressive,”[8] constantly invading new realms. To -imagine that for immigrants it is merely a question of tin cups and -plates stored in a bunk _versus_ a white cloth and a cottage table, -and that all goes well if sewing-machines and cottage-organs reach -the first generation of immigrants, and fashionable dressmakers and -pianos the second, is of course a most untutored interpretation. Until -the standard of life is apprehended in its real significance and made -the crux of the immigrant situation, as recent economists are making -the power of consumption the test of a nation’s prosperity, we shall -continue to ignore the most obvious and natural basis for understanding -and mutual citizenship. - -Because workmen have been forced to consider this standard of living -in regard to immigrants as well as themselves, they have made genuine -efforts toward amalgamation. This is perhaps easily explained, for, -after all, the man in this country who realizes human equality is not -he who repeats the formula of the eighteenth century, but he who has -learned that the “idea of equality is an outgrowth of man’s primary -relations with nature. Birth, growth, nutrition, reproduction, death, -are the great levelers that remind us of the essential equality of -human life. It is with the guarantee of equal opportunities to play -our parts well in these primary processes that government is chiefly -concerned”[9] and not merely with the repression of the vicious, nor -with guarding the rights of property. All that devotion of the trades -union for the real issues and trials of life could, of course, easily -be turned into a passion for self-government and for the development -of the national life if we were really democratic from the modern -evolutionary standpoint, and held our town-meetings upon the topics of -vital concern. - -So long, however, as the Government declines to concern itself with -these deeper issues involved in the standard of life and the industrial -status of thousands of its citizens, we must lose it. - -If progress were inaugurated by those members of the community who -possess the widest knowledge and superior moral insight, then social -amelioration might be brought about without the bungling and mistakes -which so distress us all. But, over and over again, salutary changes -are projected and carried through by men of even less than the average -ethical development, because their positions in life have brought them -in contact with the ills of existing arrangements. To quote from John -Morley: “In matters of social improvement, the most common reason -why one hits upon a point of progress and not another, is that one -happens to be more directly touched than the other by the unimproved -practice.”[10] Perhaps this is a sufficient explanation of the fact -that untrained workmen are entrusted with the difficult task of -industrial amelioration and adjustment, while the rest of the community -often seems ignorant of the truth that institutions which do not march -with the extension of human needs and relationships are dead, and may -easily become a deterrent to social progress. Unless we subordinate -class interests and class feeling to a broader conception of social -progress, unless we take pains to come in contact with the surging and -diverse peoples who make up the nation, we cannot hope to attain a sane -social development. We need rigid enforcement of the existing laws, -while at the same time, we frankly admit the inadequacy of these laws, -and work without stint for progressive regulations better fitted to -the newer issues among which our lot is cast; for, unless the growing -conscience is successfully embodied in legal enactment, men lose the -habit of turning to the law for guidance and redress. - -I recall, in illustration of this, an instance which took place fifteen -years ago. I had newly come to Chicago, fresh from the country, and had -little idea of the social and industrial conditions in which I found -myself on Halsted Street, when a dozen girls came from a neighboring -factory with a grievance in regard to their wages. The affair could -hardly have been called a labor difficulty. The girls had never heard -of a trades union, and were totally unaccustomed to acting together. -It was more in the nature of a “scrap” between themselves and their -foreman. In the effort toward adjustment, there remains vividly in my -memory a conversation I had with a leading judge who arbitrated the -difficulty. He expressed his belief in the capacity of the common law -to meet all legitimate labor difficulties as they arise. He trusted -its remarkable adaptability to changing conditions under the decisions -of wise and progressive judges. He contended, however, that, in order -to adjust it to our industrial affairs, it must be interpreted, not so -much in relation to precedents established under a judicial order which -belongs to the past, but in reference to that newer sense of justice -which this generation is seeking to embody in industrial relations. He -foresaw something of the stress and storm of the industrial conflicts -which have occurred in Chicago since then, and he expressed the hope -that the Bench of Cook County might seize the opportunity, in this -new and difficult situation, of dealing with labor difficulties in a -judicial spirit. - -What a difference it would have made in the history of Chicago during -the last fifteen years if more men had been possessed of this temper -and wisdom, and had refused to countenance the use of force. If more -men had been able to see the situation through a fresher medium; to -apprehend that the old legal enactments were too individualistic and -narrow; that a difference in degree may make a difference in kind; -if they had realized that they were the first generation of American -jurists who had to deal with a situation made novel by the fact that -it was brought about by the coming together of two millions of people -largely on an industrial basis! - -Our constitutions were constructed by the advanced men of the -eighteenth century, who had studied the works of the most radical -thinkers of that century. Radicalism then meant a more democratic -political organization, and in its defence, they fearlessly quoted the -Greek city and the Roman Forum. But we have come to admit that our -present difficulties are connected with our industrial organization -and with the lack of connection between that organization and our -inherited democratic form of government. If self-government were -to be inaugurated by the advanced men of the present moment, they -would make a most careful research into those early organizations of -village communities, folk-motes, and mirs, those primary cells of -both industrial and political organizations, where the people knew -no difference between the two, but, quite simply, met to consider in -common discussion all that concerned their common life. They would -investigate the crafts, guilds, and artels, which combine government -with daily occupations, as did the self-governing university and free -town. They would seek for the connection between the liberty-loving -mediaeval city and its free creative architecture, that art which -combines the greatest variety of artists and artisans. They would -not altogether ignore the “compulsion of origins” and the fact that -our present civilization is most emphatically an industrial one. In -Germany, when the Social Democratic party first vigorously asserted the -economic basis of society and laid the emphasis upon its industrial -aspect, the Government itself, in a series of legislative measures, -designated “the Socialism of Bismarck,” found itself dealing directly -with industry, through a sheer effort to give itself a touch of -reality. The Government of Russia, in the first year of the Japanese -War, made an effort to relieve the needs of the people. The bureaucracy -itself organized the workmen into a species of trades unions through -which the Russian Government promised to protect the proletarian from -the aggressions of capital. The entire incident was suggestive of the -protection afforded by the central State to the slowly emancipated -serfs of central Europe when the barons, reluctant to give up their -rights and privileges, so unjustly oppressed them. - -Shall a democracy be slower than these old Powers to protect its -humblest citizen, and shall it see them slowly deteriorating because, -according to democratic theory, they do not need protection? - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[6] Trade Unionism and Labor Problems, by John R. Commons, page 248. - -[7] “The Slav Invasion,” by F. J. Warne, pages 118, 119. - -[8] The Standard of Life, by Mrs. Bernard Bosanquet, page 4. - -[9] The American City. Delos F. Wilcox, page 200. - -[10] Compromise, John Morley, page 213. - - - - - CHAPTER V - - GROUP MORALITY IN THE LABOR MOVEMENT - - -This generation is constantly confronted by radical industrial changes, -from which the community as a whole profits, but which must inevitably -bring difficulty of adjustment and disaster to men of certain trades. -In all fairness, these difficulties should be distributed and should -not be allowed to fall completely upon the group of working-people -whose labor is displaced as a result of the changes and who are obliged -to learn anew their method of work and mode of life. - -If the great industrial changes could be considered as belonging -to the community as a whole and could be reasonably dealt with, -the situation would then be difficult enough, but it is enormously -complicated by the fact that society has become divided into camps in -relation to the industrial system and that many times the factions -break out into active hostility. These two camps inevitably develop -group morality--the employers tending toward the legal and contractual -development of morality, the workingmen toward the sympathetic -and human. Among our contemporaries, these two are typified by the -employers associations and the trades unions. - -It is always difficult to judge a contemporaneous movement with any -degree of fairness, and it is perennially perplexing to distinguish -what is merely adventitious and temporary from that which represents -essential and permanent tendencies. This discrimination is made much -more difficult when a movement exhibits various stages of development -contemporaneously, when a dozen historic phases are going on at the -same time. Yet every historic movement towards democracy, which -constantly gathers to itself large bodies of raw recruits while the -older groups are moving on, presents this peculiar difficulty. In the -case of trades unions, certain groups are marked by lawlessness and -disorder, others by most decorous business methods, and still others -are fairly decadent in their desire for monopolistic control. It is a -long cry from the Chartists of 1839, burning hayricks, to John Burns of -1902, pleading in the House of Commons with well-reasoned eloquence for -an extension of the workingmen’s franchise. Nevertheless they are both -manifestations of the same movement towards universal suffrage and show -no greater difference than that between the Chicago teamsters, who -were blocking commerce and almost barricading the streets in 1902 when -at the same moment John Mitchell made his well-considered statement -that he would rather lose the coal strike, with all that that loss -implied, than gain it at the cost of violence. Students of industrial -history will point out the sequence and development of the political -movement from the Chartist to the Independent Labor party. They will -tell us that the same desire burned in the hearts of the ignorant -farmers which fired the distinguished parliamentarian, but they give -no help to our bewildered minds when we would fain discover some order -and sequence between the widely separated events of the contemporaneous -labor movement. - -We must first get down to the question, In what does “the inevitably -destined rise of the men of labor” consist? What are we trying to -solve in this “most hazardous problem of the age”? Is progress in the -labor movement to come, as we are told progress comes in the non-moral -world, by the blind, brute struggle of individual interests; or is it -to come, as its earlier leaders believed, through the operation of the -human will? Is it a question of morals which must depend upon educators -and apostles; or is it merely a conflict of opposing rights which may -legitimately use coercion? The question, from the very nature of the -case, is confusing; for, of necessity, the labor movement has perfectly -legitimate economic and business aspects, which loom large and easily -overshadow the ethical. We would all agree that only when men have -education, a margin of leisure, and a decent home can they find room to -develop the moral life. Before that, there are too many chances that -it will be crushed out by ignorance, by grinding weariness, and by -indecency. But the danger lies in the conviction that these advantages -are to be secured by any means, moral or non-moral, and in holding them -paramount to the inner life which they are supposed to nourish. The -labor movement is confronted by that inevitable problem which confronts -every movement and every individual. How far shall the compromise be -made between the inner concept and the outer act? How may we concede -what it is necessary to concede, without conceding all? - -We constantly forget that, in the last analysis, the spiritual growth -of one social group is conditioned by the reaction of other social -groups upon it. We ignore the fact that the worship of success, so long -dominant in America, has taught the majority of our citizens to count -only accomplishment and to make little inquiry concerning methods. -Success has become the sole standard in regard to business enterprises -and political parties, but it is evident that the public intends to -call a halt before it is willing to apply the same standard to labor -organizations. - -It is clear that the present moment is one of unusual crisis--that many -of the trades unions of America have reached a transitional period, -when they can no longer be mere propagandists, but are called upon to -deal with concrete and difficult situations. When they were small and -persecuted, they held to the faith and its implication of idealism. As -they become larger and more powerful, they make terms with the life -about them, and compromise as best they may with actual conditions. - -The older unions, which have reached the second stage that may be -described as that of business dealing, are constantly hampered and -harassed by the actions of the younger unions which are still in the -enthusiastic stage. This embarrassment is especially notable just -now, for, during this last period of prosperity, trades unions have -increased enormously in numbers; the State Federation of Minnesota, -for instance, reported an increase of six hundred per cent. in one -year. Nearly all the well-established unions have been flooded by new -members who are not yet assimilated and disciplined. - -During this period of extraordinary growth, the labor movement has -naturally attracted to itself hundreds of organizations which are yet -in their infancy and exhibit all the weakness of “group morality.” This -doubtless tends to a conception of moral life which is as primitive as -that which controlled the beginnings of patriotism, when the members -of the newly conscious nation considered all those who were outside -as possible oppressors and enemies, and were loyal only towards those -whom their imagination included as belonging to the national life. They -gave much, and demanded much, in the name of blood brothers, but were -merciless to the rest of the world. In addition to its belligerent -youth and its primitive morality, the newer union is prone to declare -a strike, simply because the members have long suffered what they -consider to be grievances, and the accumulated sense of unredressed -wrong makes them eager for a chance to “fight for their rights.” At -the same time, the employer always attempts his most vigorous attack -upon a new union, both because he does not wish organized labor to -obtain a foothold in his factory, and because his chances for success -are greater before his employees are well disciplined in unionism. -Nevertheless in actual conflict a young union will often make a more -reckless fight than an older one, like the rough rider in contrast -with the disciplined soldier. The members of a newly organized group -naturally respond first to a sense of loyalty to each other as against -their employers, and then to the wider consciousness of organized -labor as against capital. This stage of trades unionism is full of -war phraseology, with its “pickets” and “battle-grounds,” and is -responsible for the most serious mistakes of the movement. - -The sense of group loyalty holds trades unionists longer than is normal -to other groups, doubtless because of the constant accessions of those -who are newly conscious of its claims. - -Those Chicago strikes, which, during the last few years, have -been most notably characterized by disorder and the necessity for -police interference, have almost universally been inaugurated by -the newly organized unions. They have called to their aid the older -organizations, and the latter have entered into the struggle many times -under protest and most obviously against their best interests. - -The Chicago Federation of Labor has often given its official -indorsement to hot-headed strikes on the part of “baby unions” because -the delegates from the newly organized or freshly recruited unions had -the larger vote, and the appeal to loyalty and to fraternity carried -the meeting against the judgment of the delegates from the older unions. - -The members of newly organized unions more readily respond to the -appeal to strike, in that it stirs memory of their “organization -night,” when they were admitted after solemn ceremonies into the -American Federation of Labor. At the same time, the organizers -themselves often hold out too large promises, on the sordid side, of -what organization will be able to accomplish. They tell the newly -initiated what other unions have done, without telling at the same time -how long they have been organized and how steadily they have paid dues. -Several years ago, when there seemed to be a veritable “strike fever” -in Chicago among the younger trades unions, it was suggested in the -Federation of Labor that no union be authorized to declare a strike -until it had been organized for at least two years. The regulation -was backed by some of the strongest and wisest trades unionists, -but it failed to pass because the organizers were convinced that it -would cripple them in forming new unions. They would be obliged to -point to many months of patient payment of dues and humdrum meetings -before any real gain could be secured. The organizers, in fact, are -in the position of a recruiting officer who is obliged to tell his -raw material of all the glories of war, but at the same time bid them -remember that warfare is always inexpedient. He must advise them to -take a long and tedious training in the arts of diplomacy and in the -most advanced methods of averting war before any action can possibly be -considered. - -In point of fact the organizers do not do this, and many men join -unions expecting that a strike will be speedily declared which will -settle all the difficulties of modern industrialism. It is, therefore, -not so remarkable that strikes should occur often and should exhibit -warlike features. What is remarkable is the attitude of the public -which has certainly eliminated the tactics of war in other civil -relations. - -A tacit admission that a strike is war and that all the methods of -warfare are permissible was made in Chicago during the teamsters’ -strike of 1905, when there was little protest against the war method -of conducting a struggle between two private organizations, one of -employer and one of employed. Why should the principles of legal -adjustment have been thus complacently flung to the winds by the two -millions of citizens who had no direct interest in this struggle, but -whose pursuits in business were interfered with, whose safety on the -streets was imperiled, and whose moral sensibilities were outraged? - -How did the public become hypnotized into a passive endurance of a -street warfare in which two associations were engaged, like feudal -chiefs with their recalcitrant retainers? In those similar cases, when -blood grew too hot on both sides, the mediaeval emperor intervened and -compelled peace. General public opinion is our hard-won substitute for -the emperor’s personal will. Public opinion, however, did not assert -itself and interfere--on the contrary, the entire town acquiesced in -the statement of the contestants that this method of warfare was the -only one possible, and thereupon yielded to a tendency to overvalue -physical force and to ignore the subtler and less obvious conditions on -which the public welfare rests. At that time all methods of arbitration -and legal redress were completely set aside. - -There is no doubt but that ideas and words which at one time fill a -community with enthusiasm may, after a few years, cease to be a moving -force, apparently from no other reason than that they are spent and -no longer fit into the temper of the hour. Such a fate has evidently -befallen the word “arbitration,” at least in Chicago, as it is applied -to industrial struggles. Almost immediately following the labor -disturbances of 1894 in Chicago, the agitation was begun for a State -Board of Arbitration, resulting in legislation and the appointment of -the Illinois Board. At that time the public believed that arbitration -would go far towards securing industrial peace, or at least that it -would provide the device through which labor troubles could be speedily -adjusted, and during that period there was much talk concerning -compulsory arbitration with reference to the successful attempts in New -Zealand. - -During the industrial struggles of later years, however, not only -are the services of the State Board rejected, but voluntary bodies -constantly find their efforts less satisfactory. Employers contend -that arbitration implies the yielding of points on both sides. -Since, however, most boards of arbitration provide that grievances -must be submitted to them before the strike occurs, and the men are -thus kept at work while the grievances are being considered, the men -therefore have virtually nothing to lose by declaring a strike. They -are subjected to a temptation to constantly formulate new demands, -because, without losing time or pay, they are almost certain to secure -some concession, however small, in their favor. The employers in the -teamsters’ strike thus explained their position when they declared -that there was nothing which could be submitted to arbitration. These -employers also contended that the ordinary court has no precedent -for dealing with questions of hours and wages, of shop rules, and -many other causes of trade-union disputes, because all these matters -are new as questions of law and can be satisfactorily adjusted only -through industrial courts in which tradition and precedent bearing -upon modern industrial conditions have been accumulated. The rise and -fall of wages affect not one firm only, but a national industry, and -even the currents of international trade, so that it is impossible to -treat of them as matters in equity. With this explanation, the Chicago -public rested content during the long weeks of the teamsters’ strike, -for no one pointed out that these arguments did not apply to this -particular situation, so accustomed have we grown in Chicago to warfare -as a method of settling labor disputes. The charges of the Employers’ -Association against the teamsters did not involve any points demanding -adjustment through industrial courts. The charges the Employers’ -Association made were those of broken contracts, of blackmail, and of -conspiracy, all of them points which are constantly adjudicated in Cook -County courts. - -It was constantly asserted that officers of the Teamsters’ Union -demanded money from employers in the height of the busy season in order -to avert threatened strikes; that there was a disgraceful alliance -between certain members of the Team Owners’ Association and officers of -the Teamsters’ Union. - -It would, of course, have been impossible to prove blackmail and -the charges of “graft,” unless the employers themselves or their -representatives had borne testimony, which would inevitably have -implicated themselves. During the first weeks of the strike, these -charges were freely made, definite sums were named, and dates were -given. There was also an offer on the part of various managers to make -affidavits, but later they shrank from the publicity, and refused to -give them, preferring apparently to throw the whole town into disorder -rather than to “stand up” to the consequences of their own acts and to -acknowledge the bribery to which they claim they were forced to resort. -They demonstrated once more that a show of manliness and an appeal to -arms may many times hide cowardice. - -To throw affairs into a state of warfare is to put them where the moral -aspect will not be scrutinized and where the mere interest of the game -and a desire to watch it will be paramount. - -The vicious combination represented by certain men in the Team Owners’ -Association and in the Teamsters’ Union, “the labor and capital hunting -together” kind, is a public menace which can be abolished only by a -combined effort on the part of the best employers and the best labor -men. The “better element” certainly were in a majority, for the most -dangerous members of this sinister combination were at last reduced -to fifteen or twenty men. These very men, however, after a prolonged -strike, became either victors or martyrs, and in either case were -firmly established in power and influence for the succeeding two -years. Why should an entire city of two million people have been put -to such an amazing amount of inconvenience and financial loss, with -their characters brutalized as well, in order to accomplish this? The -traditional burning of the house in order to roast the pig is quite -outdone by this overturning of a city in order to catch a “score of -rascals,” for in the end the rascals are not caught, and it is as if -the house were burned and the pig had escaped. Was it not the result -of acting under military fervor? Over and over again it has been found -that organizations based upon a mutual sense of grievance or of outrage -have always been militant, for while men cannot be formed permanently -into associations whose chief bond is a sense of exasperation and -wrong dealing, during the time they are thus held together they are -committed to aggressive action. - -Moral rights and duties formed upon the relations of man to man are -applicable to all situations, and to deny this applicability to a -difficult case, is to beg the entire question. The consequences do not -stop there, for we all know that to deny the validity of the moral -principle in one relation is to sap its strength in all relations. - -Employers often resent being obliged to have business relations -with workingmen, although they no longer say that they will refuse -to deal with them, as a woman still permits herself to say that she -“will not argue with a servant.” They nevertheless contend that the -men are unreasonable, and that because it is impossible to establish -contractual relations with them, they must be coerced. This contention -goes far toward legitimatizing terrorism. It therefore seems to them -defensible to refuse to go into the courts and to insist upon war -because they do it from a consciousness of rectitude, although this -insensibly slips into a consciousness of power, as self-righteousness -is so prone to do. But these are all the traits of militant youth, -which in the teamsters’ strike was indeed borne out by the facts in the -case. - -The Employers’ Association of Chicago was largely composed of merchants -whose experience with trades unionism was almost limited to the -Teamsters’ Union which has been in existence for only five years and, -from the first, has been truculent and difficult. Had the employers -involved been manufacturers instead of merchants, they would have had -years of experience with unions of skilled men, and they would have -more nearly learned to adjust their personal and business relations -to trades unionism. When an entire class in a community confess that -without an appeal to arms they cannot deal with trades unions, who, -after all, represent a national and international movement a hundred -years old, they practically admit that they cannot manage their -business under the existing conditions of modern life. To a very -great extent it is a confession of weakness, to a very great extent a -confession of frailty of temper. To make the adjustment to the peculiar -problems of one’s own surroundings is the crux of life’s difficulties. -“New organizations” and “new experiments in living” would not arise if -there were not a certain inadequateness in existing organizations and -ways of living. The new organizations and experiments may not point -to the right mode of meeting the situation, but they do point to the -existence of inadequateness and the need of readjustment. Changes in -business methods have been multiform during the past fifteen years, -and Chicago business men who have made those other adjustments would -certainly be able to deal with labor in its present organized form if -they were not inhibited by certain concepts of their “group morality.” - -In the meantime the public, which has been powerless to interfere, can -only point to the consequences of grave social import which are sure to -result from a prolonged period of disturbance. - -First, there is the sharp division of the community into classes, with -its inevitable hostility and misunderstanding. Capital lines up on one -side, and labor on the other, until the “fair-minded public” disappears -and Chicago loses her democratic spirit which has always been her most -precious possession. In its place is substituted loyalty to the side to -which each man belongs, irrespective of the merits of the case--the “my -country right or wrong” sentiment which we call patriotism only in war -times, the blind adherence by which a man is attached against his will, -as it were, to the blunders of “his own kind.” - -During the first week of the strike, I talked with labor men who were -willing to admit that there were grounds for indictment against at -least two of the officers in the teamsters’ locals. During the third -week of the strike all that was swept aside, and one heard only that -the situation must be taken quite by itself, with no references to -the first causes, that it was a strike of organized capital against -organized labor, and that we could have no peace in Chicago until it -was “fought to a finish.” - -Second, there is an enormous increase in the feeling of race animosity, -beginning with the imported negro strike-breakers, and easily extending -to “Dagoes” and all other distinct nationalities. The principle of -racial and class equality is at the basis of American political life, -and to wantonly destroy it is one of the gravest outrages against the -Republic. - -Chicago is preëminently a city of mixed nationalities. It is our -problem to learn to live together in forbearance and understanding -and to fuse all the nations of men into the newest and, perhaps, -the highest type of citizenship. To accept this responsibility may -constitute our finest contribution to the problems of American life, -but we may also wantonly and easily throw away such an opportunity -by the stirring up of race and national animosity which is so easily -aroused and so reluctantly subsides. - -Third, there is the spirit of materialism which controls the city and -confirms the belief that, after all, brute force, a trial of physical -strength, is all that counts and the only thing worthy of admiration. -Any check on the moral consciousness is paralyzed when the belief -is once established that success is its own justification. When the -stream of this belief joins the current of class interest, the spirit -of the prize fighters’ ring which cheers the best round and worships -the winner, becomes paramount. It is exactly that which appeals to -the so-called “hoodlum,” and his sudden appearance upon the street -at such times and in such surprising numbers demonstrates that he -realizes that he has come to his own. At the moment we all forget that -the determination to sacrifice all higher considerations to business -efficiency, to make the machine move smoothly at any cost, “to stick -at nothing,” may easily make a breach in the ethical constitution of -society which can be made good only by years of painful reparation. - -Fourth, there is the effect upon the children and the youth of the -entire city, for the furrow of class prejudice, which is so easily run -through a plastic mind, often leaves a life-long mark. Each morning -during the long weeks of the strike, thousands of children at the more -comfortable breakfast tables learned to regard labor unions as the -inciters of riot and the instruments of evil, thousands of children -at the less comfortable breakfast tables shared the impotent rage -of their parents that “law is always on the side of capital,” and -both sets of children added to the horrors of Manchuria and Warsaw, -which were then taking place, the pleasurable excitement that war -had become domesticated upon their own streets. We may well believe -that these impressions and emotions will be kept by these children -as part of their equipment in life and that their moral conceptions -will permanently tend toward group moralities and will be cast into a -coarser mold. - -In illustration of this point I may, perhaps, cite my experience during -the Spanish War. - -For ten years I had lived in a neighborhood which is by no means -criminal, and yet during October and November of 1898 we were startled -by seven murders within a radius of ten blocks. A little investigation -of details and motives, the accident of a personal acquaintance with -two of the criminals, made it not in the least difficult to trace -the murders back to the influence of the war. Simple people who -read of carnage and bloodshed easily receive suggestions. Habits of -self-control which have been but slowly and imperfectly acquired -quickly break down when such a stress is put upon them. - -Psychologists intimate that action is determined by the selection -of the subject upon which the attention is habitually fixed. The -newspapers, the theatrical posters, the street conversations for weeks, -had to do with war and bloodshed. Day after day, the little children on -the street played at war and at killing Spaniards. The humane instinct, -which keeps in abeyance the tendency to cruelty, as well as the growing -belief that the life of each human being, however hopeless or degraded, -is still sacred, gives way, and the more primitive instinct asserts -itself. - -There is much the same social result during a strike, in addition -to the fact that the effect of the prolonged warfare upon the labor -movement itself is most disastrous. The unions at such times easily -raise into power the unscrupulous “leader,” so-called. In times of -tumult, the aggressive man, the one who is of bellicose temper, and -is reckless in his statements, is the one who becomes a leader. It is -a vicious circle--the more warlike the times, the more reckless the -leader who is demanded, and his reckless course prolongs the struggle. -Such men make their appeal to loyalty for the union, to hatred and to -contempt for the “non-union” man. Mutual hate towards a non-unionist -may have in it the mere beginnings of fellowship, the protoplasm of -tribal fealty, but no more. When it is carried over into civilized -life it becomes a social deterrent and an actual menace to social -relations. - -In a sense it is fair to hold every institution responsible for the -type of man whom it tends to bring to the front, and the type of -organization which clings to war methods must, of course, consider -it nobler to yield to force than to justice. The earlier struggle of -democracy was for its recognition as a possible form of government -and the struggle is now on to prove democracy an efficient form of -government. So the earlier struggles of trades unions were for mere -existence, and the struggle has now passed into one for a recognition -of contractual relations and collective bargaining which will make -trades unions an effective industrial instrument. It is much less -justifiable of course in the later effort than it was in the earlier to -carry on the methods of primitive warfare. - -This new effort, however, from the very nature of things, is bringing -another type of union man into office and is modifying the entire -situation. The old-time agitator is no longer useful and a cooler man -is needed for collective bargaining. At the same time the employers -must put forth a more democratic and a more reasonable type of man if -they would bear their side of this new bargaining, so that it has come -about quite recently that the first attempts have been made in Chicago -towards controlling in the interests of business itself this natural -tendency of group morality. - -It may offer another example of business and commerce, affording us -a larger morality than that which the moralists themselves teach. -Certain it is that the industrial problems engendered by the industrial -revolutions of the last century, and flung upon this century for -solution, can never be solved by class warfare nor yet by ignoring -their existence in the optimism of ignorance. - -America is only beginning to realize, and has not yet formulated, all -the implications of the factory system and of the conditions of living -which this well-established system imposes upon the workers. As we -feel it closing down upon us, moments of restlessness and resentment -seize us all. The protest against John Mitchell’s statement[11] that -the American workingman has recognized that he is destined to remain -a workingman, is a case in point. In their attempt to formulate and -correct various industrial ills, trades unions are often blamed for -what is inherent in the factory system itself and for those evils which -can be cured only through a modification of that system. For instance, -factory workers in general have for years exhibited a tendency to -regulate the output of each worker to a certain amount which they -consider a fair day’s work, although to many a worker such a restricted -output may prove to be less than a fair day’s work. The result is, of -course, disastrous to the workers themselves as well as to the factory -management, for it doubtless is quite as injurious to a man’s nervous -system to retard his natural pace as it is to unduly accelerate it. -The real trouble, which this “limitation” is an awkward attempt to -correct, is involved in the fact that the intricate subdivision of -factory work, and the lack of understanding on the part of employees -of the finished product, has made an unnatural situation, in which the -worker has no normal interest in his work and no direct relation to it. -In the various makeshifts on the part of the manufacturer to supply -motives which shall take the place of the natural ones so obviously -missing, many devices have been resorted to, such as “speeding up” -machinery, “setting the pace,” and substituting “piece work” for day -work. The manufacturers may justly say that they have been driven to -these various expedients, not only by the factory conditions, but by -the natural laziness of men. Nevertheless reaction from such a course -is inevitably an uncompromising attempt on the part of the workers -to protect themselves from overexertion and to regulate the output. -The worst cases I have ever known have occurred in unorganized shops -and have been unregulated and unaided by any trades union. The “pace -setter” in such a shop is often driven out and treated with the same -animosity which the “scab” receives in a union shop. - -In the same spirit we blame trades unionists for that disgraceful -attitude which they have from time to time taken against the -introduction of improved machinery--a small group blindly attempting -to defend what they consider their only chance to work. The economists -have done surprisingly little to shed light upon this difficulty; -indeed, they are somewhat responsible for its exaggeration. Their old -theory of a “wage fund” which did not reach the rank and file of trades -unionists until at least in its first form it had been abandoned by the -leading economists, has been responsible both for much disorder along -this line, and for the other mistaken attempt “to make work for more -men.” - -A society which made some effort to secure an equitable distribution of -the leisure and increased ease which new inventions imply would remove -the temptations as well as the odium of such action from the men who -are blinded by what they consider an infringement of their rights. - -If the wonderful inventions of machinery, as they came along during -the last century, could have been regarded as in some sense social -possessions, the worst evils attending the factory system of -production--starvation wages, exhausting hours, unnecessary monotony, -child labor, and all the rest of the wretched list--might have been -avoided in the interest of society itself. All this would have come -about had human welfare been earlier regarded as a legitimate object of -social interest. - -But no such ethics had been developed in the beginning of this century. -Society regarded machinery as the absolute possession of the man who -owned it at the moment it became a finished product, quite irrespective -of the long line of inventors and workmen who represented its gradual -growth and development. Society was, therefore, destined to all the -maladjustment which this century has encountered. Is it the militant -spirit once more as over against the newer humanitarianism? The -possessor of the machine, like the possessor of arms who preceded him, -regards it as a legitimate weapon for exploitation, as the former held -his sword. - -One of the exhibits in the Paris Exposition of 1900 presented a -contrast between a mediaeval drawing of a castle towering above the -hamlets of its protected serfs, and a modern photograph of the same -hill covered with a huge factory which overlooked the villages of -its dependent workmen. The two pictures of the same hill and of the -same plain bore more than a geographic resemblance. This suggestion -of modern exploitation would be impossible had we learned the first -lessons which an enlarged industrialism might teach us. Class and -group divisions with their divergent moralities become most dangerous -when their members believe that the inferior group or class cannot -be appealed to by reason and fair dealing, but must be treated upon -a lower plane. Terrorism is considered necessary and legitimate that -they may be inhibited by fear from committing certain acts. So far -as employers exhibit this spirit toward workmen, or trades unionists -toward non-unionists, they inevitably revert to the use of brute -force--to the methods of warfare. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[11] Organized Labor, John Mitchell. Preface. - - - - - CHAPTER VI - - PROTECTION OF CHILDREN FOR INDUSTRIAL EFFICIENCY - - -In the previous chapters it was stated that the United States, compared -to the most advanced European nations, is deficient in protective -legislation. This, as has been said, is the result of the emphasis -placed upon personal liberty at the date of the first constitutional -conventions and of the inherited belief in America that government is -of necessity oppressive, and its functions not to be lightly extended. - -It is also possible that this protection of the humblest citizen has -been pushed forward in those countries of a homogeneous population -more rapidly than in America, because of that unconscious attitude of -contempt which the nationality at the moment representing economic -success always takes toward the weaker and less capable. There is no -doubt that we all despise our immigrants a little because of their -economic standing. The newly arrived immigrant goes very largely into -unskilled work; he builds the railroads, digs the sewers, he does -the sort of labor the English-speaking American soon gets rid of; -and then, because he is in this lowest economic class, he falls into -need, and we complain that in America the immigrant makes the largest -claim upon charitable funds. Yet in England, where immigration has -counted for very little; in Germany, where it has counted almost not -at all, we find the same claim made upon the public funds by people -who do the same unskilled work, who are paid the same irregular and -low wages. In Germany, where this matter is approached, not from the -charitable, but from the patriotic side, there is a tremendous code -of legislation for the protection of the men who hold to life by the -most uncertain economic tenure. In England there exists an elaborated -code of labor laws, protecting the laborer at all times from accidents, -in ways unknown in America. Here we have only the beginning of all -that legislation, partly because we have not yet broken through the -belief that the man who does this casual work is not yet quite one -of ourselves. We do not consider him entitled to the protective -legislation which is secured for him in other countries where he is -quite simply a fellow-citizen, humble it may be, but still bound to the -governing class by ties of blood and homogeneity. - -Our moral attitude toward one group in the community is a determining -factor of our moral attitude toward other groups, and this relation of -kindly contempt, of charitable rather than democratic obligation, may -lend some explanation to the fact that the United States, as a nation, -is sadly in arrears in the legislation designed for the protection of -children. In the Southern States, where a contemptuous attitude towards -a weaker people has had the most marked effect upon public feeling, -we have not only the largest number of unprotected working children, -but the largest number of illiterate children as well. There are, in -the United States, according to the latest census[12] 580,000 children -between the ages of ten and fourteen years, who cannot read nor write. -They are not the immigrant children. They are our own native-born -children. Of these 570,000 are in the Southern States and ten thousand -of them are scattered over the rest of the Republic. - -The same thing is true of our children at work. We have two millions -of them, according to the census of 1900--children under the age of -sixteen years who are earning their own livings. - -Legislation of the States south of Maryland for the children is like -the legislation of England in 1844. We are sixty-two years behind -England in caring for the children of the textile industries. - -May we not also trace some of this national indifference to the -disposition of the past century to love children without really knowing -them? We refuse to recognize them as the great national asset and -are content to surround them with a glamour of innocence and charm. -We put them prematurely to work, ignorant of the havoc it brings, -because no really careful study has been made of their capacities -and possibilities--that is, no study really fitted to the industrial -conditions in which they live. - -Each age has, of course, its own temptations and above all its own -peculiar industrial temptations and needs to see them not only in the -light of the increased sensibility and higher ethical standards of -its contemporaries, but also in relation to its peculiar industrial -development. When we ask why it is that child-labor has been given -to us to discuss and to rectify, rather than to the people who -lived before us, we need only to remember that, for the first -time in industrial history, the labor of the little child has in -many industries become as valuable as that of a man or woman. The -old-fashioned weaver was obliged to possess skill and strength to pull -his beam back and forth. It is only through the elaborated inventions -of our own age that skill as well as strength has been so largely -eliminated that, for example, a little child may “tend the thread” in -a textile mill almost as well as an adult. This is true of so many -industries that the temptation to exploit premature labor has become -peculiar to this industrial epoch and we are tempted as never before to -use the labor of little children. - -What, then, are we going to do about it? How deeply are we concerned -that this labor shall not result to the detriment of the child, and -what excuses are we making to ourselves for thus prematurely using up -the strength which really belongs to the next generation? Of course, -it is always difficult to see the wrong in a familiar thing; it is -almost a test of moral insight to be able to see that an affair of -familiar intercourse and daily living may also be wrong. I have taken a -Chicago street-car on a night in December at ten o’clock, when dozens -of little girls who had worked in the department stores all day were -also boarding the cars. I know, as many others do, that these children -will not get into their beds before midnight, and that they will have -to be up again early in the morning to go to their daily work. And yet -because I have seen it many times I take my car almost placidly--I am -happy to say, not quite placidly. Almost every day at six o’clock I see -certain factories pouring out a stream of men and women and boys and -girls. The boys and girls have a peculiar hue--a color so distinctive -that one meeting them on the street, even on Sunday when they are in -their best clothes and mingled with other children who go to school and -play out of doors, can distinguish them in an instant, and there is on -their faces a premature anxiety and sense of responsibility, which we -should declare pathetic if we were not used to it. - -How far are we responsible when we allow custom to blind our eyes -to the things that are wrong? In spite of the enormous growth in -charitable and correctional agencies designed for children, are we -really so lacking in moral insight and vigor that we fail even to -perceive the real temptation of our age and totally fail to grapple -with it? An enlightened State which regarded the industrial situation -seriously would wish to conserve the ability of its youth, to give them -valuable training in relation to industry, quite as the old-fashioned -State carefully calculated the years which were the most valuable for -military training. The latter, looking only toward the preservation of -the State, took infinite pains, while we are careless in regard to the -much greater task which has to do with its upbuilding and extension. We -conscientiously ignore industry in relation to government and because -we assume that its regulation is unnecessary, so we conclude that the -protection of the young from premature participation in its mighty -operations is not the concern of the Government. - -The municipal lodging-house in Chicago in addition to housing vagrants, -makes an intelligent effort to put them into regular industry. A -physician in attendance makes a careful examination of each man who -comes to the lodging-house, and one winter we tried to see what -connection could be genuinely established between premature labor and -worn-out men. It is surprising to find how many of them are tired to -death of monotonous labor, and begin to tramp in order to get away -from it--as a business man goes to the woods because he is worn out -with the stress of business life. This inordinate desire to get away -from work seems to be connected with the fact that the men started to -work very early, before they had the physique to stand up to it, or -the mental vigor with which to overcome its difficulties, or the moral -stamina which makes a man stick to his work whether he likes it or -not. But we cannot demand any of these things from the growing boy. -They are all traits of the adult. A boy is naturally restless, his -determination easily breaks down, and he runs away. At least this seems -to be true of many of the men who come to the lodging-house. I recall -a man who had begun to work in a textile mill quite below the present -legal age in New England, and who had worked hard for sixteen years. -He told his tale with all simplicity; and, as he made a motion with -his hand, he said, “I done that for sixteen years.” I give the words -as he gave them. “At last I was sick in bed for two or three weeks -with a fever, and when I crawled out, I made up my mind that I would -rather go to hell than to go back to that mill.” Whether he considered -Chicago as equivalent to that, I do not know; but he certainly tramped -to Chicago, and has been tramping for four years. He does not steal. -He works in a lumber camp occasionally, and wanders about the rest of -the time getting odd jobs when he can; but the suggestion of a factory -throws him into a panic, and causes him quickly to disappear from the -lodging-house. The physician has made a diagnosis of general debility. -The man is not fit for steady work. He has been whipped in the battle -of life, and is spent prematurely because he began prematurely. - -Yet the state makes no careful study as to the effect upon children -of the subdivided labor which many of them perform in factories. -A child who remains year after year in a spinning room gets no -instruction--merely a dull distaste for work. Often he cannot stand up -to the grind of factory life, and he breaks down under it. - -What does this mean? That we have no right to increase the list -of paupers--of those who must be cared for by municipal and State -agencies because when they were still immature and undeveloped, they -were subjected to a tremendous pressure. I recall one family of five -children which, upon the death of the energetic mother who had provided -for it by means of a little dress-making establishment, was left to the -care of a feeble old grandmother. The father was a drunkard who had -never supported his family, and at this time he definitely disappeared. -The oldest boy was almost twelve years old--a fine, manly little -fellow, who felt keenly his obligation to care for the family. - -We found him a place as cash-boy in a department store for two dollars -a week. He held it for three years, although his enthusiasm failed -somewhat as the months went by, and he gradually discovered how little -help his wages were to the family exchequer after his carfare, decent -clothes and unending pairs of shoes were paid for. Before the end of -the third year he had become listless and indifferent to his work, in -spite of the increase of fifty cents a week. In the hope that a change -would be good for him, a place as elevator-boy was secured. This -he was unable to keep, and then one situation after another slipped -through his grasp, until a typhoid fever which he developed at the age -of fifteen, seemed to explain his apathy. - -After a long illness and a poor recovery, he worked less well. -Finally, at the age of sixteen, when he should have been able really -to help the little family and perhaps be its main support, he had -become a professional tramp, and eventually dropped completely from -our knowledge. It was through such bitter lessons as these we learned -that good intentions and the charitable impulse do not always work -for righteousness; that to force the moral nature of a child and to -put tasks upon him beyond his normal growth, is quite as cruel and -disastrous as to expect his undeveloped muscle to lift huge weights. - -Adolescence is filled with strange pauses of listlessness and -dreaminess. At that period the human will is perhaps further away from -the desire of definite achievement than it ever is again. To work ten -hours a day for six days in a week in order to buy himself a pair of -stout boots, that he may be properly shod to go to work some more, -is the very last thing which really appeals to a boy of thirteen or -fourteen. If he is forced to such a course too often, his cheated -nature later re-asserts itself in all sorts of decadent and abnormal -ways. - -An enlightened state would also concern itself with the effect of -child labor upon the parents. We have in Chicago a great many European -immigrants, people who have come from country life in Bohemia or the -south of Italy, hoping that their children will have a better chance -here than at home. In the old country these immigrants worked on farms -which provided a very normal activity for a young boy or girl. When -they come to Chicago, they see no reason why their children should not -go to work, because they see no difference between the normal activity -of their own youth and the grinding life, to which they subject their -children. It is difficult for a man who has grown up in outdoor life -to adapt himself to the factory. The same experience is found in the -South with the men who come to the textile towns from the little farms. -They resent monotonous petty work, and get away from it; they will -in preference take more poorly paid work, care of horses or janitor -service--work which has some similarity to that to which they have -been accustomed. So the parents drop out, and the children, making the -adaptation, remain, and the curious result ensues of the head of the -household becoming dependent upon the earnings of the child. You will -hear a child say, “My mother can’t say nothing to me. I pay the rent;” -or, “I can do what I please, because I bring home the biggest wages.” -All this tends to break down the normal relation between parents and -children. The Italian men who work on the railroads in the summer find -it a great temptation to settle down in the winter upon the wages -of their children. A young man from the south of Italy was mourning -the death of his little girl of twelve; in his grief he said, quite -simply, “She was my oldest kid. In two years she could have supported -me, and now I shall have to work five or six years longer until the -next one can do it.” He expected to retire permanently at thirty-four. -That breaking down of the normal relation of parent and child, and the -tendency to demoralize the parent, is something we have no right to -subject him to. We ought to hold the parent up to the obligation which -he would have fulfilled had he remained in his early environment. - -A modern state might rightly concern itself with the effect of child -labor upon industry itself. There has been for many years an increasing -criticism of the modern factory system, not only from the point of view -of the worker, but from the point of view of the product itself. It -has been said many times that we can not secure good workmanship nor -turn out a satisfactory product unless men and women have some sort -of interest in their work, and some way of expressing that interest -in relation to it. The system which makes no demand upon originality, -upon invention, upon self-direction, works automatically, as it were, -towards an unintelligent producer and towards an uninteresting product. -This was said at first only by such artists and social reformers as -Morris and Ruskin; but it is being gradually admitted by men of affairs -and may at last incorporate itself into actual factory management, in -which case the factory itself will favor child labor legislation or -any other measure which increases the free and full development of the -individual, because he thereby becomes a more valuable producer. We may -gradually discover that in the interests of this industrial society -of ours it becomes a distinct loss to put large numbers of producers -prematurely at work, not only because the community inevitably loses -their mature working power, but also because their “free labor -quality,” which is so valuable, is permanently destroyed. - -Exercise of the instinct of workmanship not only affords great -satisfaction to the producer, but also to the consumer, if he be -possessed of any critical faculty, or have developed genuine powers of -appreciation. Added to the conscience which protests against the social -waste of child labor, we have the taste that revolts against a product -totally without the charm which pleasure in work creates. We may at -last discover that we are imperiling our civilization at the moment of -its marked materialism, by wantonly sacrificing to that materialism the -eternal spirit of youth, the power of variation, which alone is able to -prevent it from degenerating into a mere mechanism. - -It would be easy to produce many illustrations to demonstrate that in -the leading industrial countries a belief is slowly developing that the -workman himself is the chief asset, and that the intelligent interest -of skilled men, the power of self-direction and co-operation which is -only possible among the free-born and educated, is exactly the only -thing which will hold out in the markets of the world. As the foremen -of factories testify again and again, factory discipline is valuable -only up to a certain point, after which something else must be depended -on if the best results are to be achieved. - -Monopoly of both the raw material and the newly-opened markets is -certainly a valuable factor in a nation’s industrial prosperity; but -while we spend blood and treasure to protect one and secure the other, -we wantonly destroy the most valuable factor of all, intelligent labor. -Nothing can help us here save the rising tide of humanitarianism, which -is not only emotional enough to regret the pitiless and stupid waste -of this power but also intelligent enough to perceive what might be -accomplished by its utilization. - -We are told that the German products hold a foremost place in the -markets of the world because of Germany’s fine educational system, -which includes training in trade-schools for so many young men. We -know, too, that there is at the present moment a strong party in -Germany opposing militarism, not from the “peace society” point of -view, but because it withdraws all the young men from the industrial -life for the best part of three years during which their activity is -merely disciplinary, with no relation to the industrial life of the -nation. This anti-military party insists that the loss of the three -years is a serious matter, and that one nation cannot successfully hold -its advance position if it must compete with other nations which are -also establishing trade-schools but which do not thus withdraw their -youth from continuous training at the period of their greatest docility -and aptitude. - -England is discovering that the cheap markets afforded by semi-savage -peoples, which she has thrown open to her manufacturers, are now -reacting in the debasement of her products and her factory workers. -The manufacturer produces the cheap and inferior articles which he -imagines the new commerce will demand. The result upon the workers in -the factories producing these unworthy goods, is that they are robbed -of the skill which would be demanded if they were ministering to an -increasing demand of taste and if they were supplying the market of a -civilized people. It would be a curious result of misapplied energy -if those very markets which the Briton has so eagerly sought, would -finally so debase the English producers that all the increased wealth -the markets have brought to the nation would be consumed in efforts to -redeem the debased working population. - -We have made public education our great concern in America, and perhaps -the public-school system is our most distinctive achievement; but -there is a certain lack of consistency in the relation of the State -to the child after he leaves the public school. At great expense the -State has provided school buildings and equipment, and other buildings -in which to prepare professional teachers. It has spared no pains to -make the system complete, and yet as rapidly as the children leave the -schoolroom, the State seems to lose all interest and responsibility in -their welfare and has, until quite recently, turned them over to the -employer with no restrictions. - -At no point does the community say to the employer, We are allowing -you to profit by the labor of these children whom we have educated at -great cost, and we demand that they do not work so many hours that they -shall be exhausted. Nor shall they be allowed to undertake the sort of -labor which is beyond their strength, nor shall they spend their time -at work that is absolutely devoid of educational value. The preliminary -education which they have received in school is but one step in the -process of making them valuable and normal citizens, and we cannot -afford to have that intention thwarted, even though the community as -well as yourself may profit by the business activity which your factory -affords. - -Such a position seems perfectly reasonable, yet the same citizens who -willingly pay taxes to support an elaborate public-school system, -strenuously oppose the most moderate attempts to guard the children -from needless and useless exploitation after they have left school and -have entered industry. - -We are forced to believe that child labor is a national problem, even -as public education is a national duty. The children of Alabama, Rhode -Island, and Pennsylvania belong to the nation quite as much as they -belong to each State, and the nation has an interest in the children -at least in relation to their industrial efficiency, quite as it has -an interest in enacting protective tariffs for the preservation of -American industries. - -Uniform compulsory education laws in connection with uniform child -labor legislation are the important factors in securing educated -producers for the nation. Fortunately, a new education is arising which -endeavors to widen and organize the child’s experience with reference -to the world in which he lives.[13] The new pedagogy holds that it is -a child’s instinct and pleasure to exercise all his faculties and to -make discoveries in the world around him. It is the chief business of -the teacher merely to direct his activity and to feed his insatiable -curiosity. In order to accomplish this, he is forced to relate the -child to the surroundings in which he lives; and the most advanced -schools are, perforce, using modern industry for this purpose. The -educators have ceased to mourn industrial conditions of the past -generation, when children were taught agricultural and industrial -arts by the natural co-operation with their parents, and they are -endeavoring to supply this inadequacy by manual arts in the school, -by courses in industrial history, and by miniature reproductions of -industrial processes, thus constantly coming into better relations with -the present factory system. These educators recognize the significance -and power of contemporary industrialism, and hold it an obligation to -protect children from premature participation in our industrial life, -only that the children may secure the training and fibre which will -later make this participation effective, and that their minds may -finally take possession of the machines which they will guide and feed. - -But there is another side to the benefits of child-labor legislation -represented by the time element, the leisure which is secured to -the child for the pursuit of his own affairs, quite aside from the -opportunity afforded him to attend school. Helplessness in childhood, -the scientists tell us, is the guarantee of adult intellect, but they -also assert that play in youth is the guarantee of adult culture. It -is the most valuable instrument the race possesses to keep life from -becoming mechanical. - -The child who cannot live life is prone to dramatize it, and the very -process is a constant compromise between imitation and imagination, as -the over-mastering impulse itself which drives him to incessant play is -both reminiscent and anticipatory. In proportion as the child in later -life is to be subjected to a mechanical and one-sided activity, and as -a highly subdivided labor is to be demanded from him, it is therefore -most important that he should have his full period of childhood and -youth for this play expression in order that he may cultivate within -himself the root of a culture which alone can give his later activity a -meaning.[14] This is true whether or not we accept the theory that the -aesthetic feelings originate in the play impulse, with its corollary -that the constant experimentation found in the commonest forms of -play are to be looked upon as “the principal source of all kinds of -art.” At this moment, when industrial forces are concentrated and -unified as never before, unusual care must be taken to secure to the -children their normal play period, that the art instinct may have some -chance, and that the producer himself may have enough individuality of -character to avoid becoming a mere cog in the vast industrial machine. - -Quite aside also from the problem of individual development and -from the fact that play, in which the power of choice is constantly -presented and constructive imagination required, is the best corrective -of the future disciplinary life of the factory, there is another reason -why the children who are to become producers under the present system -should be given their full child-life period. - -The entire population of the factory town and of those enormous -districts in every large city in which the children live who most need -the protection of child-labor legislation, consists of people who have -come together in response to the demands of modern industry. They are -held together by the purely impersonal tie of working in one large -factory, in which they not only do not know each other, but in which -no one person nor even group of persons knows everybody. They are -utterly without the natural and minute acquaintance and inter-family -relationships that rural and village life afford, and are therefore -much more dependent upon the social sympathy and power of effective -association which is becoming its urban substitute. - -This substitute can be most easily elaborated among groups of -children. Somewhere they must learn to carry on an orderly daily -life--that life of mutual trust, forbearance, and help which is the -only real life of civilized man. Play is the great social stimulus, -and it is the prime motive which unites children and draws them into -comradeship. A true democratic relation and ease of acquaintance is -found among the children in a typical factory community because they -more readily overcome differences of language, tradition, and religion -than do the adults. “It is in play that nature reveals her anxious -care to discover men to each other,” and this happy and important -task, children unconsciously carry forward day by day with all the -excitement and joy of co-ordinate activity. They accomplish that which -their elders could not possibly do, and they render a most important -service to the community. We have not as yet utilized this joy of -association in relation to the system of factory production which is -so preëminently one of large bodies of men working together for hours -at a time. But there is no doubt that it would bring a new power into -modern industry if the factory could avail itself of that _esprit de -corps_, that triumphant buoyancy which the child experiences when he -feels his complete identification with a social group; that sense of -security which comes upon him sitting in a theatre or “at a party,” -when he issues forth from himself and is lost in a fairyland which -has been evoked not only by his own imagination, but by that of his -companions as well. This power of association, of assimilation, which -children possess in such a high degree, is easily carried over into -the affairs of youth if it but be given opportunity and freedom for -action, as it is in the college life of more favored young people. -The _esprit de corps_ of an athletic team, that astonishing force -of co-operation, is, however, never consciously carried over into -industry, but is persistently disregarded. It is, indeed, lost before -it is discovered--if I may be permitted an Irish bull--in the case of -children who are put to work before they have had time to develop the -power beyond its most childish and haphazard manifestations. - -Factory life depends upon groups of people working together, and yet -it is content with the morphology of the group, as it were, paying -no attention to its psychology, to the interaction of its members. -By regarding each producer as a solitary unit, a tremendous power is -totally unutilized. In the case of children who are prematurely put to -work under such conditions, an unwarranted nervous strain is added as -they make their effort to stand up to the individual duties of life -while still in the stage of group and family dependence. - -We naturally associate a factory with orderly productive action; but -similarity of action, without identical thought and co-operative -intelligence, is coercion, and not order. The present factory -discipline needs to be redeemed as the old school discipline has been -redeemed. In the latter the system of prizes and punishments has been -largely given up, not only because they were difficult to administer, -but because they utterly failed to free the powers of the child. - -“The fear of starvation,” of which the old economists made so much, is, -after all, but a poor incentive to work; and the appeal to cupidity -by which a man is induced to “speed up” in all the various devices of -piece-work is very little better. Yet the factory still depends upon -these as incentives to the ordinary workers. Certainly one would wish -to protect children from them as long as possible. In a soap factory -in Chicago little girls wrap bars of soap in two covers at the minimum -rate of 3,000 bars a week; their only ambition is to wrap as fast as -possible and well enough to pass the foreman’s inspection. The girl -whose earnings are the largest at the end of the week is filled with -pride--praiseworthy, certainly, but totally without educational value. - -Let us realize before it is too late that in this age of iron, of -machine-tending, and of subdivided labor, we need as never before -the untrammeled and inspired activity of youth. To cut it off from -thousands of working children is a most perilous undertaking, and -endangers the very industry to which they have been sacrificed. - -Only of late years has an effort been made by the city authorities, -by the municipality itself, to conserve the play instinct and to -utilize it, if not for the correction of industry, at least for the -nurture of citizenship. It has been discovered that the city which is -too careless to provide playgrounds, gymnasiums, and athletic fields -where the boys legitimately belong and which the policeman is bound to -respect, simply puts a premium on lawlessness. Without these places -of their own, groups of boys come to look upon the policeman as an -enemy, and he regards them as the most lawless of all the citizens. -This is partly due to the fact that because of our military survivals -the officer is not brought in contact with the educational forces of -the city, but only with its vices and crime. He might have quite as -great an opportunity for influencing the morals of youth as the school -teacher has. At least one American city spends twenty per cent. more in -provision for the conviction of youths than for their education, for -the city which fails to utilize this promising material of youthful -adventure does not truly get rid of it, and finds it more expensive to -care for as waste material than as educative material. At a certain -age a boy is possessed by a restless determination to do something -dangerous and exciting--a “difficult stunt,” as it were--by which he -may prove that he is master of his fate and thus express his growing -self-assertion. He prefers to demonstrate in feats requiring both -courage and adroitness, and it may be said that tradition is with him -in his choice. That this impulse is mixed with an absurd desire on the -part of the boy to “show off,” to impress his companions with the fact -that he is great and brave and generally to be admired, does not in -the least affect its genuineness. The city which fails to provide an -opportunity for this inevitable and normal desire on the part of the -young citizens makes a grave mistake and invites irregular expression -of it. The thwarted spirit of adventure finds an outlet in infinite -varieties of gambling; craps, cards, the tossing of discarded union -buttons, the betting on odd or even automobile numbers, on the number -of newspapers under a boy’s arm. Another end which can be accomplished, -if the city recognizes play as legitimate and provides playgrounds -and athletic fields, is the development of that self-government and -self-discipline among groups of boys, which forms the most natural -basis for democratic political life later. - -The boy in a tenement-house region who does not belong to the gang is -not only an exception, but a very rare exception. This earliest form -of social life is almost tribal in its organization, and the leader -too often holds his place because he is a successful bully. The gang -meets first upon the street, but later it may possess a club room in -a stable, in a billiard room, in an empty house, under the viaduct, -in a candy store, in a saloon or even in an empty lot. The spirit of -association, the fellowship and loyalty which the group inspires, -carry them into many dangers; but there is no doubt that it is through -these experiences that the city boy learns his political lessons. -The training for political life is given in these gangs, and also an -opportunity to develop that wonderful power of adaptation which is the -city’s contribution, even to the poorest of her children. A clever -man once told me that he doubted whether an alderman could be elected -in a tenement-house district unless he had had gang experience, and -had become an adept in the interminable discussion which every detail -of the gang’s activity receives. This alone affords a training in -democratic government, for it is the prerogative of democracy to invest -political discussion with the dignity of deeds, and to provide adequate -motives for discussion. In these social folk-motes, so to speak, the -young citizen learns to act upon his own determination. The great pity -is that it so often results in a group morality untouched by a concern -for the larger morality of the community. Normal groups reacting upon -each other would tend to an equilibrium of a certain liberty to all, -but this cannot be accomplished in the life of the street where the -weaker boy or the weaker gang is continually getting the worst of -it. And it is only on the protected playground that the gangs can be -merged into baseball nines and similar organizations, governed by -well-recognized rules. - -We have already democratized education in the interests of the entire -community; but recreation and constructive play, which afford the best -soil for establishing genuine and democratic social relations, we have -left untouched, although they are so valuable in emotional and dynamic -power. Further than that, the city that refrains from educating the -play motive is obliged to suppress it. In Chicago gangs of boys between -fourteen and sixteen years of age, who, possessing work-certificates -are outside of the jurisdiction of the truant officer, are continually -being arrested by the police, since they have no orderly opportunity -for recreation. An enlightened city government would regard these -groups of boys as the natural soil in which to sow the seeds of -self-government. As every European city has its parade-ground, where -the mimics of war are faithfully rehearsed, in order that the country -may be saved in times of danger, so, if modern government were as -really concerned in developing its citizens as it is in defending them, -we would look upon every playing-field as the training-place and -parade-ground of mature citizenship. - -Frederick the Great discovered and applied the use of the rhythmic -step for the marching of soldiers. For generations men had gone -forth to war, using martial music as they had used the battle-cry, -merely to incite their courage and war spirit; but the music had had -nothing to do with their actual marching. The use of it as a practical -measure enormously increased the endurance of the soldiers and raised -the records of forced marches. Industry at the present moment, as -represented by masses of men in the large factories, is quite as -chaotic as the early armies were. We have failed to apply our education -to the real life of the average factory producer. He works without any -inner coherence or sense of comradeship. Our public education has done -little as yet to release his powers or to cheer him with the knowledge -of his significance to the State. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[12] For further analysis of the census figures relating to children, -consult “Some Ethical Gains Through Legislation.” Mrs. Florence Kelley. - -[13] School and Society, by John Dewey. - -[14] The Play of Man, Groos, page 394. - - - - - CHAPTER VII - - UTILIZATION OF WOMEN IN CITY GOVERNMENT - - -We are told many times that the industrial city is a new thing upon the -face of the earth, and that everywhere its growth has been phenomenal, -whether we look at Moscow, Berlin, Paris, New York, or Chicago. With or -without the mediaeval foundation, modern cities are merely resultants -of the vast crowds of people who have collected at certain points which -have become manufacturing and distributing centres. - -For all political purposes, however, the industrial origin of the city -is entirely ignored, and political life is organized exclusively in -relation to its earlier foundations. - -As the city itself originated for the common protection of the people -and was built about a suitable centre of defense which formed a -citadel, such as the Acropolis at Athens or the Kremlin at Moscow, -so we can trace the beginning of the municipal franchise to the time -when the problems of municipal government were still largely those of -protecting the city against rebellion from within and against invasion -from without. A voice in city government, as it was extended from the -nobles, who alone bore arms, was naturally given solely to those who -were valuable to the military system. There was a certain logic in -giving the franchise only to grown men when the existence and stability -of the city depended upon their defence, and when the ultimate value -of the elector could be reduced to his ability to perform military -duty. It was fair that only those who were liable to a sudden call to -arms should be selected to decide as to the relations which the city -should bear to rival cities, and that the vote for war should be cast -by the same men who would bear the brunt of battle and the burden of -protection. We are told by historians that the citizens were first -called together in those assemblages which were the beginning of -popular government, only if a war was to be declared or an expedition -to be undertaken. - -But rival cities have long since ceased to settle their claims by force -of arms, and we shall have to admit, I think, that this early test of -the elector is no longer fitted to the modern city, whatever may be -true, in the last analysis, of the basis for the Federal Government. - -It has been well said that the modern city is a stronghold of -industrialism, quite as the feudal city was a stronghold of militarism, -but the modern city fears no enemies, and rivals from without and -its problems of government are solely internal. Affairs for the most -part are going badly in these great new centres in which the quickly -congregated population has not yet learned to arrange its affairs -satisfactorily. Insanitary housing, poisonous sewage, contaminated -water, infant mortality, the spread of contagion, adulterated food, -impure milk, smoke-laden air, ill-ventilated factories, dangerous -occupations, juvenile crime, unwholesome crowding, prostitution, -and drunkenness are the enemies which the modern city must face and -overcome would it survive. Logically, its electorate should be made up -of those who can bear a valiant part in this arduous contest, of those -who in the past have at least attempted to care for children, to clean -houses, to prepare foods, to isolate the family from moral dangers, of -those who have traditionally taken care of that side of life which, as -soon as the population is congested, inevitably becomes the subject of -municipal consideration and control. - -To test the elector’s fitness to deal with this situation by his -ability to bear arms, is absurd. A city is in many respects a -great business corporation, but in other respects it is enlarged -housekeeping. If American cities have failed in the first, partly -because office holders have carried with them the predatory instinct -learned in competitive business, and cannot help “working a good thing” -when they have an opportunity, may we not say that city housekeeping -has failed partly because women, the traditional housekeepers, have -not been consulted as to its multiform activities? The men of the city -have been carelessly indifferent to much of this civic housekeeping, as -they have always been indifferent to the details of the household. They -have totally disregarded a candidate’s capacity to keep the streets -clean, preferring to consider him in relation to the national tariff or -to the necessity for increasing the national navy, in a pure spirit of -reversion to the traditional type of government which had to do only -with enemies and outsiders. - -It is difficult to see what military prowess has to do with the -multiform duties, which, in a modern city, include the care of parks -and libraries, superintendence of markets, sewers, and bridges, -the inspection of provisions and boilers, and the proper disposal -of garbage. Military prowess has nothing to do with the building -department which the city maintains to see to it that the basements be -dry, that the bedrooms be large enough to afford the required cubic -feet of air, that the plumbing be sanitary, that the gas-pipes do not -leak, that the tenement-house court be large enough to afford light -and ventilation, and that the stairways be fireproof. The ability to -carry arms has nothing to do with the health department maintained by -the city, which provides that children be vaccinated, that contagious -diseases be isolated and placarded, that the spread of tuberculosis be -curbed, and that the water be free from typhoid infection. Certainly -the military conception of society is remote from the functions of the -school boards, whose concern it is that children be educated, that they -be supplied with kindergartens and be given a decent place in which to -play. The very multifariousness and complexity of a city government -demands the help of minds accustomed to detail and variety of work, to -a sense of obligation for the health and welfare of young children, and -to a responsibility for the cleanliness and comfort of others. - -Because all these things have traditionally been in the hands of -women, if they take no part in them now, they are not only missing the -education which the natural participation in civic life would bring to -them, but they are losing what they have always had. From the beginning -of tribal life women have been held responsible for the health of -the community, a function which is now represented by the health -department; from the days of the cave dwellers, so far as the home -was clean and wholesome, it was due to their efforts, which are now -represented by the bureau of tenement-house inspection; from the period -of the primitive village, the only public sweeping performed was what -they undertook in their own dooryards, that which is now represented by -the bureau of street cleaning. Most of the departments in a modern city -can be traced to woman’s traditional activity, but in spite of this, -so soon as these old affairs were turned over to the care of the city, -they slipped from woman’s hands, apparently because they then became -matters for collective action and implied the use of the franchise. -Because the franchise had in the first instance been given to the man -who could fight, because in the beginning he alone could vote who could -carry a weapon, the franchise was considered an improper thing for a -woman to possess. - -Is it quite public spirited for women to say, “We will take care of -these affairs so long as they stay in our own houses, but if they go -outside and concern so many people that they cannot be carried on -without the mechanism of the vote, we will drop them. It is true that -these activities which women have always had, are not at present being -carried on very well by the men in most of the great American cities, -but because we do not consider it ‘ladylike’ to vote shall we ignore -their failure”? - -Because women consider the government men’s affair and something -which concerns itself with elections and alarms, they have become so -confused in regard to their traditional business in life, the rearing -of children, that they hear with complacency a statement made by the -Nestor of sanitary reformers, that one-half of the tiny lives which -make up the city’s death rate each year might be saved by a more -thorough application of sanitary science. Because it implies the use of -the suffrage, they do not consider it women’s business to save these -lives. Are we going to lose ourselves in the old circle of convention -and add to that sum of wrong-doing which is continually committed -in the world because we do not look at things as they really are? -Old-fashioned ways which no longer apply to changed conditions are a -snare in which the feet of women have always become readily entangled. -It is so easy to believe that things that used to exist still go -on long after they are passed; it is so easy to commit irreparable -blunders because we fail to correct our theories by our changing -experience. So many of the stumbling-blocks against which we fall are -the opportunities to which we have not adjusted ourselves. Because it -shocks an obsolete ideal, we keep hold of a convention which no longer -squares with our genuine insight, and we are slow to follow a clue -which might enable us to solace and improve the life about us. - -Why is it that women do not vote upon the matters which concern them -so intimately? Why do they not follow these vital affairs and feel -responsible for their proper administration, even though they have -become municipalized? What would the result have been could women -have regarded the suffrage, not as a right or a privilege, but as a -mere piece of governmental machinery without which they could not -perform their traditional functions under the changed conditions of -city life? Could we view the whole situation as a matter of obligation -and of normal development, it would be much simplified. We are at the -beginning of a prolonged effort to incorporate a progressive developing -life founded upon a response to the needs of all the people, into the -requisite legal enactments and civic institutions. To be in any measure -successful, this effort will require all the intelligent powers of -observation, all the sympathy, all the common sense which may be gained -from the whole adult population. - -The statement is sometimes made that the franchise for women would be -valuable only so far as the educated women exercised it. This statement -totally disregards the fact that those matters in which woman’s -judgment is most needed are far too primitive and basic to be largely -influenced by what we call education. The sanitary condition of all -the factories and workshops, for instance, in which the industrial -processes are at present carried on in great cities, intimately affect -the health and lives of thousands of workingwomen. - -It is questionable whether women to-day, in spite of the fact that -there are myriads of them in factories and shops, are doing their -full share of the world’s work in the lines of production which have -always been theirs. Even two centuries ago they did practically all -the spinning, dyeing, weaving, and sewing. They carried on much of the -brewing and baking and thousands of operations which have been pushed -out of the domestic system into the factory system. But simply to keep -on doing the work which their grandmothers did, was to find themselves -surrounded by conditions over which they have no control. - -Sometimes when I see dozens of young girls going into the factories of -a certain biscuit company on the West Side of Chicago, they appear for -the moment as a mere cross-section in the long procession of women who -have furnished the breadstuffs from time immemorial, from the savage -woman who ground the meal and baked a flat cake, through innumerable -cottage hearths, kitchens, and bake ovens, to this huge concern in -which they are still carrying on their traditional business. But always -before, during the ages of this unending procession, women themselves -were able to dictate concerning the hours and the immediate conditions -of their work; even grinding the meal and baking the cake in the ashes -was diversified by many other activities. But suddenly, since the -application of steam to the processes of kneading bread and of turning -the spindle, which really means only a different motor power and not -in the least an essential change in her work, she has been denied the -privilege of regulating the conditions which immediately surround her. - -In the census of 1900, the section on “Occupations” shows very clearly -in what direction the employment of women has been tending during the -last twenty years. Two striking facts stand out vividly: first, the -increase in the percentage of workingwomen over the percentage of men, -and second, the large percentage of young women between sixteen and -twenty years old in the total number of workingwomen as compared with -the small percentage of young men of the same ages in the total number -of workingmen. Practically one-half of the workingwomen in the United -States are girls--young women under the age of twenty-five years. This -increase in the number of young girls in industry is the more striking -when taken in connection with the fact that industries of to-day differ -most markedly from those of the past in the relentless speed which -they require. This increase in speed is as marked in the depths of -sweat-shop labor as in the most advanced New England mills, where the -eight looms operated by each worker have increased to twelve, fourteen, -and even sixteen looms. This speed, of course, brings a new strain into -industry and tends inevitably to nervous exhaustion. Machines may be -revolved more and more swiftly, but the girl workers have no increase -in vitality responding to the heightened pressure. An ampler and more -far-reaching protection than now exists, is needed in order to care -for the health and safety of women in industry. Their youth, their -helplessness, their increasing numbers, the conditions under which -they are employed, all call for uniform and enforceable statutes. The -elaborate regulations of dangerous trades, enacted in England and on -the Continent for both adults and children, find no parallel in the -United States. The injurious effects of employments involving the use -of poisons, acids, gases, atmospheric extremes, or other dangerous -processes, still await adequate investigation and legislation in this -country. How shall this take place, save by the concerted efforts of -the women themselves, those who are employed, and those other women who -are intelligent as to the worker’s needs and who possess a conscience -in regard to industrial affairs? - -It is legitimate and necessary that women should make a study of -certain trades and occupations. The production of sweated goods, -from the human point of view, is not production at all, but waste. -If the employer takes from the workers week by week more than his -wages restore to them, he gradually reduces them to the state of -industrial parasites. The wages of the sweated worker are either being -supplemented by the wages of relatives and the gifts of charitable -associations, or else her standard of living is so low that she is -continually losing her vitality and tending to become a charge upon the -community in a hospital or a poorhouse.[15] - -Yet even the sweat-shops, in which woman carries on her old business -of making clothing, had to be redeemed, so far as they have been -redeemed, by the votes of men who passed an anti-sweat-shop law; by -the city fathers, who, after much pleading, were induced to order -an inspection of sweat-shops that they might be made to comply with -sanitary regulations. Women directly controlled the surroundings of -their work as long as their arrangements were domestic, but they -cannot do this now unless they have the franchise, as yet the only -mechanism devised by which a city selects its representative and by -which a number of persons are able to embody their collective will in -legislation. For a hundred years England has been legislating upon -the subject of insanitary workshops, long and exhausting hours of -work, night work for women, occupations in which pregnant women may -be employed, and hundreds of other restrictions which we are only -beginning to consider objects of legislation here. - -So far as women have been able, in Chicago at least, to help the -poorest workers in the sweat-shops, it has been accomplished by women -organized into trades unions. The organization of Special Order Tailors -found that it was comparatively simple for an employer to give the -skilled operatives in a clothing factory more money by taking it away -from the wages of the seam-sewer and button-holer. The fact that it -resulted in one set of workers being helped at the expense of another -set did not appeal to him, so long as he was satisfying the demand of -the union without increasing the total cost of production. But the -Special Order Tailors, at the sacrifice of their own wages and growth, -made a determined effort to include even the sweat-shop workers in the -benefits they had slowly secured for themselves. By means of the use -of the label they were finally able to insist that no goods should be -given out for home-finishing save to women presenting union cards, and -they raised the wages from nine and eleven cents a dozen for finishing -garments, to the minimum wage of fifteen cents. They also made a -protest against the excessive subdivision of the labor upon garments, a -practice which enables the manufacturer to use children and the least -skilled adults. Thirty-two persons are commonly employed upon a single -coat, and it is the purpose of the Special Order Tailors to have all -the machine work performed by one worker, thus reducing the number -working on one coat to twelve or fourteen. As this change will at the -same time demand more skill on the part of the operator, and will -increase the variety and interest in his work, these garment-makers -are sacrificing both time and money for the defence of Ruskinian -principles--one of the few actual attempts to recover the “joy of -work.” Although the attempt was, of course, mixed with a desire to -preserve a trade from the invasion of the unskilled, and a consequent -lowering of wages, it also represented a genuine effort to preserve to -the poorest worker some interest and value in the work itself. It is -most unfair, however, to put this task upon the trades unionists and to -so confuse it with their other efforts that it, too, becomes a cause -of warfare. The poorest women are often but uncomprehending victims of -this labor movement of which they understand so little, and which has -become so much a matter of battle that helpless individuals are lost in -the conflict. - -A complicated situation occurs to me in illustration. A woman from -the Hull-House Day Nursery came to me two years ago asking to borrow -twenty-five dollars, a sum her union had imposed as a fine. She gave -such an incoherent account of her plight that it was evident that -she did not in the least understand what it was all about. A little -investigation disclosed the following facts: The “Nursery Mother,” -as I here call her for purposes of identification, had worked for a -long time in an unorganized overall factory, where the proprietor, -dealing as he did in goods purchased exclusively by workingmen, found -it increasingly difficult to sell his overalls because they did not -bear the union label. He finally made a request to the union that the -employees in his factory be organized. This was done, he was given the -use of the label, and upon this basis he prospered for several months. - -Whether the organizer was “fixed” or not, the investigation did -not make clear; for, although the “Nursery Mother,” with her -fellow-workers, had paid their union dues regularly, the employer was -not compelled to pay the union scale of wages, but continued to pay -the same wages as before. At the end of three months his employees -discovered that they were not being paid the union scale, and demanded -that their wages be raised to that amount. The employer, in the -meantime having extensively advertised his use of the label, concluded -that his purpose had been served, and that he no longer needed the -union. He refused, therefore, to pay the union scale, and a strike -ensued. The “Nursery Mother” went out with the rest, and within a few -days found work in another shop, a union shop doing a lower grade of -manufacturing. At that time there was no uniform scale in the garment -trades, and although a trade unionist working for union wages, she -received lower wages than she had under the non-union conditions in -the overall factory. She was naturally much confused and, following -her instinct to get the best wages possible, she went back to her -old place. Affairs ran smoothly for a few weeks, until the employer -discovered that he was again losing trade because his goods lacked -the label, whereupon he once more applied to have his shop unionized. -The organizer, coming back, promptly discovered the recreant “Nursery -Mother,” and, much to her bewilderment, she was fined twenty-five -dollars. She understood nothing clearly, nor could she, indeed, be made -to understand so long as she was in the midst of this petty warfare. -Her labor was a mere method of earning money quite detached from her -European experience, and failed to make for her the remotest connection -with the community whose genuine needs she was supplying. No effort -had been made to show her the cultural aspect of her work, to give her -even the feeblest understanding of the fact that she was supplying a -genuine need of the community, and that she was entitled to respect -and a legitimate industrial position. It would have been necessary to -make such an effort from the historic standpoint, and this could be -undertaken only by the community as a whole and not by any one class in -it. Protective legislation would be but the first step toward making -her a more valuable producer and a more intelligent citizen. The whole -effort would imply a closer connection between industry and government, -and could be accomplished intelligently only if women were permitted to -exercise the franchise. - -A certain healing and correction would doubtless ensue could we but -secure for the protection and education of industrial workers that -nurture of health and morals which women have so long reserved for -their own families and which has never been utilized as a directing -force in industrial affairs. - -When the family constituted the industrial organism of the day, the -daughters of the household were carefully taught in reference to the -place they would take in that organism, but as the household arts have -gone outside the home, almost nothing has been done to connect the -young women with the present great industrial system. This neglect has -been equally true in regard to the technical and cultural sides of that -system. - -The failure to fit the education of women to the actual industrial -life which is carried on about them has had disastrous results in two -directions. First, industry itself has lacked the modification which -women might have brought to it had they committed the entire movement -to that growing concern for a larger and more satisfying life for each -member of the community, a concern which we have come to regard as -legitimate. Second, the more prosperous women would have been able to -understand and adjust their own difficulties of household management in -relation to the producer of factory products, as they are now utterly -unable to do. - -As the census of 1900 showed that more than half of the women -employed in “gainful occupations” in the United States are engaged -in households, certainly their conditions of labor lie largely in -the hands of women employers. At a conference held at Lake Placid by -employers of household labor, it was contended that future historical -review may show that the girls who are to-day in domestic service -are the really progressive women of the age; that they are those -who are fighting conditions which limit their freedom, and although -they are doing it blindly, at least they are demanding avenues of -self-expression outside their work; and that this struggle from -conditions detrimental to their highest life is the ever-recurring -story of the emancipation of first one class and then another. It was -further contended that in this effort to become sufficiently educated -to be able to understand the needs of an educated employer from an -independent standpoint, they are really doing the community a great -service, and did they but receive co-operation instead of opposition, -domestic service would lose its social ostracism and attract a more -intelligent class of women. And yet this effort, perfectly reasonable -from the standpoint of historic development and democratic tradition, -receives little help from the employing housekeepers, because they know -nothing of industrial development. - -The situation could be understood only by viewing it, first, in the -relation to recent immigration and, second, in connection with the -factory system at the present stage of development in America. A review -of the history of domestic service in a fairly prosperous American -family begins with the colonial period, when the daughters of the -neighboring farmers came in to “help” during the busy season. This was -followed by the Irish immigrant, when almost every kitchen had its Nora -or Bridget, while the mistress of the household retained the sweeping -and dusting and the Saturday baking. Then came the halcyon days of -German “second girls” and cooks, followed by the Swedes. The successive -waves of immigration supply the demand for domestic service, gradually -obliterating the fact that as the women became more familiar with -American customs, they as well as their men folk, entered into more -skilled and lucrative positions. - -In these last years immigration consists in ever-increasing numbers -of South Italians and of Russian, Polish, and Rumanian Jews, none of -whom have to any appreciable extent entered into domestic service. The -Italian girls are married between the ages of fifteen and eighteen, and -to live in any house in town other than that of her father seems to an -Italian girl quite incomprehensible. The strength of the family tie, -the need for “kosher” foods, the celebration of religious festivities, -the readiness with which she takes up the sewing trades in which her -father and brother are already largely engaged, makes domestic service -a rare occupation for the daughters of the recent Jewish immigrants. -Moreover, these two classes of immigrants have been quickly absorbed, -as, indeed, all working people are, by the increasing demand for the -labor of young girls and children in factory and workshops. The paucity -of the material for domestic service is therefore revealed at last, and -we are obliged to consider the material for domestic service which a -democracy supplies, and also to realize that the administration of the -household has suffered because it has become unnaturally isolated from -the rest of the community. - -The problems of food and shelter for the family, at any given -moment, must be considered in relation to all the other mechanical -and industrial life of that moment, quite as the intellectual life -of the family finally depends for its vitality upon its relation to -the intellectual resources of the rest of the community. When the -administrator of the household deliberately refuses to avail herself -of the wonderful inventions going on all about her, she soon comes -to the point of priding herself upon the fact that her household is -administered according to traditional lines and of believing that the -moral life of the family is so enwrapped in these old customs as to -be endangered by any radical change. Because of this attitude on the -part of contemporary housekeepers, the household has firmly withstood -the beneficent changes and healing innovations which applied science -and economics would long ago have brought about could they have worked -naturally and unimpeded. - -These moral and economic difficulties, whether connected with the -isolation of the home or with the partial and unsatisfactory efforts -of trades unions, could be avoided only if society would frankly -recognize the industrial situation as that which concerns us all, -and would seriously prepare all classes of the community for their -relation to the situation. A technical preparation would, of course, -not be feasible, but a cultural one would be possible, so that all -parts of the community might be intelligent in regard to the industrial -developments and transitions going on about them. If American women -could but obtain a liberating knowledge of that history of industry -and commerce which is so similar in every country of the globe, the -fact that so much factory labor is performed by immigrants would -help to bring them nearer to the immigrant woman. Equipped with “the -informing mind” on the one hand and with experience on the other, we -could then walk together through the marvelous streets of the human -city, no longer conscious whether we are natives or aliens, because -we have become absorbed in a fraternal relation arising from a common -experience. - -And this attitude of understanding and respect for the worker is -necessary, not only to appreciate what he produces, but to preserve -his power of production, again showing the necessity for making that -substitute for war--human labor--more aggressive and democratic. We -are told that the conquered races everywhere, in their helplessness, -are giving up the genuine practise of their own arts. In India, for -instance, where their arts have been the blossom of many years of -labor, the conquered races are casting them aside as of no value in -order that they may conform to the inferior art, or rather, lack of -art, of their conquerors. Morris constantly lamented that in some parts -of India the native arts were quite destroyed, and in many others -nearly so; that in all parts they had more or less begun to sicken. -This lack of respect and understanding of the primitive arts found -among colonies of immigrants in a modern cosmopolitan city, produces -a like result in that the arts languish and disappear. We have made -an effort at Hull-House to recover something of the early industries -from an immigrant neighborhood, and in a little exhibit called a -labor museum, we have placed in historic sequence and order methods -of spinning and weaving from a dozen nationalities in Asia Minor and -Europe. The result has been a striking exhibition of the unity and -similarity of the earlier industrial processes. Within the narrow -confines of one room, the Syrian, the Greek, the Italian, the Russian, -the Norwegian, the Dutch, and the Irish find that the differences in -their spinning have been merely putting the distaff upon a frame or -placing the old hand-spindle in a horizontal position. A group of women -representing vast differences in religion, in language, in tradition, -and in nationality, exhibit practically no difference in the daily -arts by which, for a thousand generations, they have clothed their -families. When American women come to visit them, the quickest method, -in fact almost the only one, of establishing a genuine companionship -with them, is through this same industry, unless we except that -still older occupation, the care of little children. Perhaps this -experiment may claim to have made a genuine effort to find the basic -experiences upon which a cosmopolitan community may unite at least on -the industrial side. The recent date of the industrial revolution and -our nearness to a primitive industry are shown by the fact that Italian -mothers are more willing to have their daughters work in factories -producing textile and food stuffs than in those which produce wood and -metal. They interpret the entire situation so simply that it appears -to them just what it is--a mere continuation of woman’s traditional -work under changed conditions. Another example of our nearness to early -methods is shown by the fact that many women from South Italy and from -the remoter parts of Russia have never seen a spinning-wheel, and -look upon it as a new and marvelous invention. But these very people, -who are habitually at such a disadvantage because they lack certain -superficial qualities which are too highly prized, have an opportunity -in the labor museum, at least for the moment, to assert a position in -the community to which their previous life and training entitles them, -and they are judged with something of a historic background. Their very -apparent remoteness gives industrial processes a picturesque content -and charm. - -Can we learn our first lesson in modern industry from these humble -peasant women who have never shirked the primitive labors upon which -all civilized life is founded, even as we must obtain our first -lessons in social morality from those who are bearing the brunt of -the overcrowded and cosmopolitan city which is the direct result of -modern industrial conditions? If we contend that the franchise should -be extended to women on the ground that less emphasis is continually -placed upon the military order and more upon the industrial order of -society, we should have to insist that, if she would secure her old -place in industry, the modern woman must needs fit her labors to the -present industrial organization as the simpler woman fitted hers to the -more simple industrial order. It has been pointed out that woman lost -her earlier place when man usurped the industrial pursuits and created -wealth on a scale unknown before. Since that time women have been -reduced more and more to a state of dependency, until we see only among -the European peasant women as they work in the fields, “the heavy, -strong, enduring, patient, economically functional representative of -what the women of our day used to be.” - -Cultural education as it is at present carried on in the most advanced -schools, is to some extent correcting the present detached relation -of women to industry but a sense of responsibility in relation to the -development of industry would accomplish much more. As men earned -their citizenship through their readiness and ability to defend their -city, so perhaps woman, if she takes a citizen’s place in the modern -industrial city, will have to earn it by devotion and self-abnegation -in the service of its complex needs. - -The old social problems were too often made a cause of war in the -belief that all difficulties could be settled by an appeal to arms. But -certainly these subtler problems which confront the modern cosmopolitan -city, the problems of race antagonisms and economic adjustments, must -be settled by a more searching and genuine method than mere prowess -can possibly afford. The first step toward their real solution must -be made upon a past experience common to the citizens as a whole and -connected with their daily living. As moral problems become more and -more associated with our civic and industrial organizations, the -demand for enlarged activity is more exigent. If one could connect the -old maternal anxieties, which are really the basis of family and tribal -life, with the candidates who are seeking offices, it would never be -necessary to look about for other motive powers, and if to this we -could add maternal concern for the safety and defence of the industrial -worker, we should have an increasing code of protective legislation. - -We certainly may hope for two results if women enter formally into -municipal life. First, the opportunity to fulfill their old duties and -obligations with the safeguard and the consideration which the ballot -alone can secure for them under the changed conditions, and, second, -the education which participation in actual affairs always brings. -As we believe that woman has no right to allow what really belongs -to her to drop away from her, so we contend that ability to perform -an obligation comes very largely in proportion as that obligation is -conscientiously assumed. - -Out of the mediaeval city founded upon militarism there arose in the -thirteenth century a new order, the middle class, whose importance -rested, not upon birth or arms, but upon wealth, intelligence, and -organization. This middle class achieved a sterling success in the -succeeding six centuries of industrialism because it was essential to -the existence and development of the industrial era. Perhaps we can -forecast the career of woman, the citizen, if she is permitted to bear -an elector’s part in the coming period of humanitarianism in which -government must concern itself with human welfare. She will bear her -share of civic responsibility because she is essential to the normal -development of the city of the future, and because the definition -of the loyal citizen as one who is ready to shed his blood for his -country, has become inadequate and obsolete. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[15] A Case for the Factory Acts. Mrs. Sidney Webb. - - - - - CHAPTER VIII - - PASSING OF THE WAR VIRTUES - - -Of all the winged words which Tolstoy wrote during the war between -Russia and Japan, perhaps none are more significant than these: -“The great strife of our time is not that now taking place between -the Japanese and the Russians, nor that which may blaze up between -the white and the yellow races, nor that strife which is carried -on by mines, bombs, and bullets, but that spiritual strife which, -without ceasing, has gone on and is going on between the enlightened -consciousness of mankind now awaiting for manifestation and that -darkness and that burden which surrounds and oppresses mankind.” In -the curious period of accommodation in which we live, it is possible -for old habits and new compunctions to be equally powerful, and it is -almost a matter of pride with us that we neither break with the old nor -yield to the new. We call this attitude tolerance, whereas it is often -mere confusion of mind. Such mental confusion is strikingly illustrated -by our tendency to substitute a statement of the historic evolution of -an ideal of conduct in place of the ideal itself. This almost always -occurs when the ideal no longer accords with our faithful experience -of life and when its implications are not justified by our latest -information. In this way we spare ourselves the necessity of pressing -forward to newer ideals of conduct. - -We quote the convictions and achievements of the past as an excuse for -ourselves when we lack the energy either to throw off old moral codes -which have become burdens or to attain a morality proportionate to our -present sphere of activity. - -At the present moment the war spirit attempts to justify its noisy -demonstrations by quoting its great achievements in the past and by -drawing attention to the courageous life which it has evoked and -fostered. It is, however, perhaps significant that the adherents of war -are more and more justifying it by its past record and reminding us of -its ancient origin. They tell us that it is interwoven with every fibre -of human growth and is at the root of all that is noble and courageous -in human life, that struggle is the basis of all progress, that it is -now extended from individuals and tribes to nations and races. - -We may admire much that is admirable in this past life of courageous -warfare, while at the same time we accord it no right to dominate -the present, which has traveled out of its reach into a land of new -desires. We may admit that the experiences of war have equipped the men -of the present with pluck and energy, but to insist upon the selfsame -expression for that pluck and energy would be as stupid a mistake as if -we would relegate the full-grown citizen, responding to many claims and -demands upon his powers, to the school-yard fights of his boyhood, or -to the college contests of his cruder youth. The little lad who stoutly -defends himself on the school-ground may be worthy of much admiration, -but if we find him, a dozen years later, the bullying leader of a -street-gang who bases his prestige on the fact that “no one can whip -him,” our admiration cools amazingly, and we say that the carrying over -of those puerile instincts into manhood shows arrested development -which is mainly responsible for filling our prisons. - -This confusion between the contemporaneous stage of development and the -historic rôle of certain qualities, is intensified by our custom of -referring to social evolution as if it were a force and not a process. -We assume that social ends may be obtained without the application of -social energies, although we know in our hearts that the best results -of civilization have come about only through human will and effort. -To point to the achievement of the past as a guarantee for continuing -what has since become shocking to us is stupid business; it is to -forget that progress itself depends upon adaptation, upon a nice -balance between continuity and change. Let us by all means acknowledge -and preserve that which has been good in warfare and in the spirit of -warfare; let us gather it together and incorporate it in our national -fibre. Let us, however, not be guilty for a moment of shutting our -eyes to that which for many centuries must have been disquieting to -the moral sense, but which is gradually becoming impossible, not only -because of our increasing sensibilities, but because great constructive -plans and humanized interests have captured our hopes and we are -finding that war is an implement too clumsy and barbaric to subserve -our purpose. We have come to realize that the great task of pushing -forward social justice could be enormously accelerated if primitive -methods as well as primitive weapons were once for all abolished. - -The past may have been involved in war and suffering in order to bring -forth a new and beneficent courage, an invincible ardor for conserving -and healing human life, for understanding and elaborating it. To obtain -this courage is to distinguish between a social order founded upon -law enforced by authority and that other social order which includes -liberty of individual action and complexity of group development. The -latter social order would not suppress the least germ of promise, of -growth and variety, but would nurture all into a full and varied life. -It is not an easy undertaking to obtain it and it cannot be carried -forward without conscious and well-defined effort. The task that is -really before us is first to see to it, that the old virtues bequeathed -by war are not retained after they have become a social deterrent and -that social progress is not checked by a certain contempt for human -nature which is but the inherited result of conquest. Second, we must -act upon the assumption that spontaneous and fraternal action as virile -and widespread as war itself is the only method by which substitutes -for the war virtues may be discovered. - -It was contended in the first chapter of this book that social morality -is developed through sentiment and action. In this particular age we -can live the truth which has been apprehended by our contemporaries, -that truth which is especially our own, only by establishing nobler and -wiser social relations and by discovering social bonds better fitted -to our requirements. Warfare in the past has done much to bring men -together. A sense of common danger and the stirring appeal to action -for a common purpose, easily open the channels of sympathy through -which we partake of the life about us. But there are certainly other -methods of opening those channels. A social life to be healthy must be -consciously and fully adjusted to the march of social needs, and as we -may easily make a mistake by forgetting that enlarged opportunities are -ever demanding an enlarged morality, so we will fail in the task of -substitution if we do not demand social sympathy in a larger measure -and of a quality better adapted to the contemporaneous situation. - -Perhaps the one point at which this undertaking is most needed is in -regard to our conception of patriotism, which, although as genuine -as ever before, is too much dressed in the trappings of the past and -continually carries us back to its beginnings in military prowess and -defence. To have been able to trace the origin and development of -patriotism and then to rest content with that, and to fail to insist -that it shall respond to the stimulus of a larger and more varied -environment with which we are now confronted, is a confession of -weakness; it exhibits lack of moral enterprise and of national vigor. - -We have all seen the breakdown of village standards of morality when -the conditions of a great city are encountered. To do “the good lying -next at hand” may be a sufficient formula when the village idler -and his needy children live but a few doors down the street, but -the same dictum may be totally misleading when the villager becomes -a city resident and finds his next-door neighbors prosperous and -comfortable, while the poor and overburdened live many blocks away -where he would never see them at all, unless he were stirred by a -spirit of social enterprise to go forth and find them in the midst -of their meagre living and their larger needs. The spirit of village -gossip, penetrating and keen as it is, may be depended upon to bring to -the notice of the kind-hearted villager all cases of suffering--that -someone is needed “to sit up all night” with a sick neighbor, or that -the village loafer has been drunk again and beaten his wife; but in -a city divided so curiously into the regions of the well-to-do and -the congested quarters of the immigrant, the conscientious person -can no longer rely upon gossip. There is no intercourse, not even a -scattered one, between the two, save what the daily paper brings, with -its invincible propensity to report the gossip of poverty and crime, -perhaps a healthier tendency than we imagine. The man who has moved -from the village to the cosmopolitan city and who would continue even -his former share of beneficent activity must bestir himself to keep -informed as to social needs and to make new channels through which his -sympathy may flow. Without some such conscious effort, his sympathy -will finally become stratified along the line of his social intercourse -and he will be unable really to care for any people but his “own kind.” -American conceptions of patriotism have moved, so to speak, from the -New England village into huge cosmopolitan cities. They find themselves -bewildered by the change and have not only failed to make the -adjustment, but the very effort in that direction is looked upon with -deep suspicion by their old village neighbors. Unless our conception of -patriotism is progressive, it cannot hope to embody the real affection -and the real interest of the nation. We know full well that the -patriotism of common descent is the mere patriotism of the clan--the -early patriotism of the tribe--and that, while the possession of a -like territory is an advance upon that first conception, both of them -are unworthy to be the patriotism of a great cosmopolitan nation. We -shall not have made any genuine advance until we have grown impatient -of a patriotism founded upon military prowess and defence, because this -really gets in the way and prevents the growth of that beneficent and -progressive patriotism which we need for the understanding and healing -of our current national difficulties. - -To seek our patriotism in some age other than our own is to accept a -code that is totally inadequate to help us through the problems which -current life develops. We continue to found our patriotism upon war -and to contrast conquest with nurture, militarism with industrialism, -calling the latter passive and inert and the former active and -aggressive, without really facing the situation as it exists. We -tremble before our own convictions, and are afraid to find newer -manifestations of courage and daring lest we thereby lose the virtues -bequeathed to us by war. It is a pitiful acknowledgment that we have -lost them already and that we shall have to give up the ways of war, if -for no other reason than to preserve the finer spirit of courage and -detachment which it has engendered and developed. - -We come at last to the practical question as to how these substitutes -for the war virtues may be found. How may we, the children of an -industrial and commercial age, find the courage and sacrifice which -belong to our industrialism. We may begin with August Comte’s assertion -that man seeks to improve his position in two different ways, by -the destruction of obstacles and by the construction of means, or, -designated by their most obvious social results, if his contention is -correct, by military action and by industrial action, and that the two -must long continue side by side. Then we find ourselves asking what -may be done to make more picturesque those lives which are spent in a -monotonous and wearing toil, compared to which the camp is exciting and -the barracks comfortable. How shall it be made to seem as magnificent -patiently to correct the wrongs of industrialism as to do battle for -the rights of the nation? This transition ought not to be so difficult -in America, for to begin with, our national life in America has been -largely founded upon our success in invention and engineering, in -manufacturing and commerce. Our prosperity has rested upon constructive -labor and material progress, both of them in striking contrast to -warfare. There is an element of almost grim humor in the nation’s -reverting at last to the outworn methods of battle-ships and defended -harbors. We may admit that idle men need war to keep alive their -courage and endurance, but we have few idle men in a nation engaged -in industrialism. We constantly see subordination of sensation to -sentiment in hundreds of careers which are not military; the thousands -of miners in Pennsylvania doubtless endure every year more bodily pain -and peril than the same number of men in European barracks. - -Industrial life affords ample opportunity for endurance, discipline, -and a sense of detachment, if the struggle is really put upon the -highest level of industrial efficiency. But because our industrial life -is not on this level, we constantly tend to drop the newer and less -developed ideals for the older ones of warfare, we ignore the fact that -war so readily throws back the ideals which the young are nourishing -into the mold of those which the old should be outgrowing. It lures -young men not to develop, but to exploit; it turns them from the -courage and toil of industry to the bravery and endurance of war, and -leads them to forget that civilization is the substitution of law for -war. It incites their ambitions, not to irrigate, to make fertile and -sanitary, the barren plain of the savage, but to fill it with military -posts and tax-gatherers, to cease from pushing forward industrial -action into new fields and to fall back upon military action. - -We may illustrate this by the most beneficent acts of war, when -the military spirit claiming to carry forward civilization invades -a country for the purpose of bringing it into the zone of the -civilized world. Militarism enforces law and order and insists upon -obedience and discipline, assuming that it will ultimately establish -righteousness and foster progress. In order to carry out this good -intention, it first of all clears the decks of impedimenta, although -in the process it may extinguish the most precious beginnings of -self-government and the nucleus of self-help, which the wise of the -native community have long been anxiously hoarding. - -It is the military idea, resting content as it does with the passive -results of order and discipline, which confesses a totally inadequate -conception of the value and power of human life. The charge of -obtaining negative results could with great candor be brought against -militarism, while the strenuous task, the vigorous and difficult -undertaking, involving the use of the most highly developed human -powers, can be claimed for industrialism. - -It is really human constructive labor which must give the newly invaded -country a sense of its place in the life of the civilized world, some -idea of the effective occupations which it may perform. In order to -accomplish this its energy must be freed and its resources developed. -Militarism undertakes to set in order, to suppress and to govern, if -necessary to destroy, while industrialism undertakes to liberate latent -forces, to reconcile them to new conditions, to demonstrate that their -aroused activities can no longer follow caprice, but must fit into a -larger order of life. To call this latter undertaking, demanding ever -new powers of insight, patience, and fortitude, less difficult, less -manly, less strenuous, than the first, is on the face of it absurd. -It is the soldier who is inadequate to the difficult task, who strews -his ways with blunders and lost opportunities, who cannot justify his -vocation by the results, and who is obliged to plead guilty to a lack -of rational method. - -Of British government in the Empire, an Englishman has recently -written, “We are obliged in practise to make a choice between good -order and justice administered autocratically in accordance with -British standards on the one hand, and delicate, costly, doubtful, -and disorderly experiments in self-government on British lines upon -the other, and we have practically everywhere decided upon the former -alternative. It is, of course, less difficult.”[16] Had our American -ideals of patriotism and morality in international relations kept -pace with our experience, had we followed up our wide commercial -relations with an adequate ethical code, we can imagine a body of -young Americans, “the flower of our youth,” as we like to say, -proudly declining commercial advantages founded upon forced military -occupation and informing their well-meaning government that they -declined to accept openings on any such terms as these, that their -ideals of patriotism and of genuine government demanded the play of -their moral prowess and their constructive intelligence. Certainly in -America we have a chance to employ something more active and virile, -more inventive, more in line with our temperament and tradition, than -the mere desire to increase commercial relations by armed occupation -as other governments have done. A different conduct is required -from a democracy than from the mere order-keeping, bridge-building, -tax-gathering Roman, or from the conscientious Briton carrying the -blessings of an established government and enlarged commerce to all -quarters of the globe. - -It has been the time-honored custom to attribute unjust wars to the -selfish ambition of rulers who remorselessly sacrifice their subjects -to satisfy their greed. But, as Lecky has recently pointed out, it -remains to be seen whether or not democratic rule will diminish war. -Immoderate and uncontrolled desires are at the root of most national -as well as of most individual crimes, and a large number of persons -may be moved by unworthy ambitions quite as easily as a few. If the -electorate of a democracy accustom themselves to take the commercial -view of life, to consider the extension of trade as the test of a -national prosperity, it becomes comparatively easy for mere extension -of commercial opportunity to assume a moral aspect and to receive the -moral sanction. Unrestricted commercialism is an excellent preparation -for governmental aggression. The nation which is accustomed to condone -the questionable business methods of a rich man because of his success, -will find no difficulty in obscuring the moral issues involved in any -undertaking that is successful. It becomes easy to deny the moral basis -of self-government and to substitute militarism. The soldier formerly -looked down upon the merchant whom he now obeys, as he still looks down -upon the laborer as a man who is engaged in a business inferior to -his own, as someone who is dull and passive and ineffective. When our -public education succeeds in freeing the creative energy and developing -the skill which the advance of industry demands, this attitude must -disappear, and a spectacle such as that recently seen in London among -the idle men returned from service in South Africa, who refused to work -through a contemptuous attitude towards the “slow life” of the laborer, -will become impossible. We have as yet failed to uncover the relative -difficulty and requisite training for the two methods of life. - -It is difficult to illustrate on a national scale the substitution of -the ideals of labor for those of warfare. - -At the risk of being absurd, and with the certainty of pushing an -illustration beyond its legitimate limits, I am venturing to typify -this substitution by the one man whom the civilized world has most -closely associated with military ideals, the present Emperor of -Germany. We may certainly believe that the German Emperor is a -conscientious man, who means to do his duty to all his subjects; that -he regards himself, not only as general and chief of the army, but also -as the fostering father of the humble people. Let us imagine the quite -impossible thing that for ten years he does not review any troops, does -not attend any parades, does not wear a uniform, nor hear the clang of -the sword as he walks, but that during these ten years he lives with -the peasants “who drive the painful plow,” that he constantly converses -with them, and subjects himself to their alternating hopes and fears -as to the result of the harvest, at best so inadequate for supplying -their wants and for paying their taxes. Let us imagine that the German -Emperor during these halcyon years, in addition to the companionship -of the humble, reads only the folk-lore, the minor poetry and the -plaintive songs in which German literature is so rich, until he comes -to see each man of the field as he daily goes forth to his toil “with a -soldier tied to his back,” exhausted by the double strain of his burden -and his work. - -Let us imagine this Emperor going through some such profound moral -change as befell Count Tolstoy when he quitted his military service -in the Caucasus and lived with the peasants on his estate, with this -difference that, instead of feeling directly responsible for a village -of humble folk, he should come to feel responsible for all the toilers -of the “Fatherland” and for the international results of the German -army. Let us imagine that in his self-surrender to the humblest of his -people, there would gradually grow up in his subconsciousness, forces -more ideal than any which had possessed him before; that his interests -and thoughts would gradually shift from war and the manœuvres and -extensions of the army, to the unceasing toil, the permanent patience, -which lie at the bottom of all national existence; that the life of -the common people, which is so infinite in its moral suggestiveness, -would open up to him new moral regions, would stir new energies within -him, until there would take place one of those strange alterations in -personality of which hundreds of examples are recorded. Under a glow -of generous indignation, magnanimity, loyalty to his people, a passion -of self-surrender to his new ideals, we can imagine that the imperial -temperament would waste no time in pinings and regret, but that, his -energies being enlisted in an overmastering desire to free the people -from the burden of the army, he would drive vigorously in the direction -of his new ideals. It is impossible to imagine him “passive” under this -conversion to the newer ideals of peace. He would no more be passive -than St. Paul was after his conversion. He would regard the four -million men in Europe shut up in barracks, fed in idleness by toiling -peasants, as an actual wrong and oppression. They would all have to -be freed and returned to normal life and occupation--not through the -comparatively easy method of storming garrisons, in which he has had -training, but through conviction on the part of rulers and people of -the wrong and folly of barrack idleness and military glitter. The -freeing of the Christians from the oppressions of the Turks, of the -Spaniards from the Moslems, could offer no more strenuous task--always, -however, with the added difficulty and complication that the change -in the people must be a moral change analogous to the one which had -already taken place within himself; that he must be debarred from -the use of weapons, to which his earlier life had made him familiar; -that his high task, while enormous in its proportion, was still most -delicate in its character, and must be undertaken without the guarantee -of precedent, and without any surety of success. “Smitten with the -great vision of social righteousness,” as so many of his contemporaries -have been, he could not permit himself to be blinded or to take refuge -in glittering generalities, but, even as St. Paul arose from his vision -and went on his way in a new determination never again changed, so he -would have to go forth to a mission, imperial indeed in its magnitude, -but “over-imperial” in the sweep of its consequences and in the -difficulty of its accomplishment. - -Certainly counting all the hours of the Emperor’s life spent in camp -and court dominated by military pomp and ambition, he has given more -than ten years to military environment and much less than ten years -to the bulk of his people, and it would not be impossible to imagine -such a conversion due to the reaction of environment and interest. -Such a change having taken place, should we hold him royal in temper -or worthy of the traditions of knight-errantry, if he were held back -by commercial considerations, if he hesitated because the Krupp -Company could sell no more guns and would be thrown out of business? -We should say to this Emperor whom our imaginations have evoked, -Were your enthusiasms genuine enough, were your insights absolutely -true, you would see of how little consequence these things really -are, and how easily adjusted. Let the Krupp factories, with their -tremendous resources in machinery and men, proceed to manufacture -dredging machines for the reclaiming of the waste land in Posen; let -them make new inventions to relieve the drudgery of the peasant, -agricultural implements adequate to Germany’s agricultural resources -and possibilities. They will find need for all the power of invention -which they can command, all the manufacturing and commercial ability -which they now employ. It is part of your new vocation to adjust the -industries now tributary to the standing armies and organization -of warfare, to useful and beneficent occupations; to transform and -readjust all their dependent industries, from the manufacturing of -cannon and war-ships to that of gold braid and epaulets. It is your -mission to revive and increase agriculture, industry, and commerce, -by diverting all the energy which is now directed to the feeding, -clothing, and arming of the idle, into the legitimate and normal -channels of life. - -It is certainly not more difficult to imagine such a change occurring -to an entire people than in the mind and purpose of one man--in fact, -such changes are going on all about us. - -The advance of constructive labor and the subsidence and disappearance -of destructive warfare is a genuine line of progression. One sees much -of protection and something of construction in the office of war, as -the Roman bridges survived throughout Europe long after the legions -which built them and crossed them for new conquests had passed out of -mind. Also, in the rising tide of labor there is a large admixture of -warfare, of the purely militant spirit which is sometimes so dominant -that it throws the entire movement into confusion and leads the laborer -to renounce his birthright; but nevertheless the desire for battle is -becoming constantly more restricted in area. It still sways in regions -where men of untamed blood are dwelling, and among men who, because -they regard themselves as a superior race, imagine that they are free -from the ordinary moral restraints; but its territory constantly -grows smaller and its manifestations more guarded. Doubtless war will -exist for many generations among semi-savage tribes, and it will also -break out in those nations which may be roused and dominated by the -unrestricted commercial spirit; but the ordinary life of man will go -on without it, as it becomes transmitted into a desire for normal human -relationship. - -It is difficult to predict at what moment the conviction that war is -foolish or wasteful or unjustifiable may descend upon the earth, and -it is also impossible to estimate among how many groups of people this -conviction has already become established. - -The Doukhobors are a religious sect in Russia whose creed emphasizes -the teaching of non-resistance. A story is told of one of their young -men who, because of his refusal to enter the Russian army, was brought -for trial before a judge, who reasoned with him concerning the folly -of his course and in return received a homily upon the teachings of -Jesus. “Quite right you are,” answered the judge, “from the point of -abstract virtue, but the time has not yet come to put into practise the -literal sayings of Christ.” “The time may not have come for you, your -Honor,” was the reply, “but the time has come for us.” Who can tell at -what hour vast numbers of Russian peasants upon those Russian steppes -will decide that the time has come for them to renounce warfare, even -as their prototype, the mujik, Count Tolstoy, has already decided that -it has come for him? Conscious as the peasants are of religious motive, -they will meet a cheerful martyrdom for their convictions, as so many -of the Doukhobors have done. It may, however, be easy to overestimate -this changed temper because of the simple yet dramatic formulation -given by Tolstoy to the non-resisting spirit. How far Tolstoy is really -the mouthpiece of a great moral change going on in the life of the -Russian peasant and how far he speaks merely for himself, it is, of -course, impossible to state. If only a few peasants are experiencing -this change, his genius has certainly done much to make their position -definite. The man who assumes that a new degree of virtue is possible, -thereby makes it real and tangible to those who long to possess it but -lack courage. Tolstoy at least is ready to predict that in the great -affairs of national disarmament, it may easily be true that the Russian -peasants will take the first steps. - -Their armed rebellion may easily be overcome by armed troops, but what -can be done with their permanent patience, their insatiable hunger -for holiness? All idealism has its prudential aspects, and, as has -been pointed out by Mr. Perris,[17] no other form of revolution is so -fitted to an agricultural people as this continued outburst of passive -resistance among whole communities, not in theory, but in practise. -This peasant movement goes on in spite of persecution, perfectly -spontaneous, self-reliant, colossal in the silent confidence and power -of endurance. In this day of Maxim guns and high explosives, the old -method of revolt would be impossible to an agricultural people, but -the non-resistant strike against military service lies directly in -line with the temperament and capacity of the Russian people. That -“the government cannot put the whole population in prison, and, if it -could, it would still be without material for an army, and without -money for its support,” is an almost irrefutable argument. We see here, -at least, the beginnings of a sentiment that shall, if sufficiently -developed, make war impossible to an entire people, a conviction of sin -manifesting itself throughout a nation. - -Whatever may have been true of the revolutionist of the past when -his spike was on a certain level of equality with the bayonet of -the regular soldier, and his enthusiasm and daring could, in large -measure, overcome the difference, it is certainly true now that -such simple arms as a revolutionist could command, would be utterly -futile against the equipment of the regular soldier. To continue the -use of armed force means, under these circumstances, that we must -refer the possibilities of all social and industrial advance to the -consent of the owners of the Maxim guns. We must deny to the humble -the possibility of the initiation of progressive movements employing -revolution or, at least, we must defer all advance until the humble -many can persuade the powerful few of the righteousness of their cause, -and we must throw out the working class from participation in the -beginnings of social revolutions. Tolstoy would make non-resistance -aggressive. He would carry over into the reservoirs of moral influence -all the strength which is now spent in coercion and resistance. It -is an experiment which in its fullness has never been tried in human -history, and it is worthy of a genius. As moral influence has ever a -larger place in individual relationship and as physical force becomes -daily more restricted in area, so Tolstoy would “speed up” the process -in collective relationships and reset the whole of international life -upon the basis of good will and intelligent understanding. It does not -matter that he has entered these new moral fields through the narrow -gateway of personal experience; that he sets forth his convictions with -the limitations of the Russian governmental environment; that he is -regarded at this moment by the Russian revolutionists as a quietist and -reactionary. He has nevertheless reached down into the moral life of -the humble people and formulated for them as for us the secret of their -long patience and unremitting labor. Therefore, in the teachings of -Tolstoy, as in the life of the peasants, coextensive with the doctrine -of non-resistance, stress is laid upon productive labor. The peasant -Bandereff, from whom Tolstoy claims to have learned much, has not only -proclaimed himself as against war, but has written a marvelous book -entitled “Bread Labor,” expressing once more the striking antithesis, -the eternal contrast between war and labor, and between those who abhor -the one and ever advocate the other. - -War on the one hand--plain destruction, Von Moltke called -it--represents the life of the garrison and the tax-gatherer, the Roman -emperor and his degenerate people, living upon the fruits of their -conquest. Labor, on the other hand, represents productive effort, -holding carefully what has been garnered by the output of brain and -muscle, guarding the harvest jealously because it is the precious bread -men live by. - -It is quite possible that we have committed the time-honored folly of -looking for a sudden change in men’s attitude toward war, even as the -poor alchemists wasted their lives in searching for a magic fluid and -did nothing to discover the great laws governing chemical changes and -reactions, the knowledge of which would have developed untold wealth -beyond their crude dreams of transmuted gold. - -The final moral reaction may at last come, accompanied by deep remorse, -too tardy to reclaim all the human life which has been spent and the -treasure which has been wasted, or it may come with a great sense of -joy that all voluntary destruction of human life, all the deliberate -wasting of the fruits of labor, have become a thing of the past, and -that whatever the future contains for us, it will at least be free -from war. We may at last comprehend the truth of that which Ruskin has -stated so many times, that we worship the soldier, not because he goes -forth to slay, but to be slain. - -That this world peace movement should be arising from the humblest -without the sanction and in some cases with the explicit indifference, -of the church founded by the Prince of Peace, is simply another example -of the strange paths of moral evolution. - -To some of us it seems clear that marked manifestations of this -movement are found in the immigrant quarters of American cities. The -previous survey of the immigrant situation would indicate that all the -peoples of the world have become part of the American tribunal, and -that their sense of pity, their clamor for personal kindness, their -insistence upon the right to join in our progress, can no longer be -disregarded. The burdens and sorrows of men have unexpectedly become -intelligent and urgent to this nation, and it is only by accepting -them with some magnanimity that we can develop the larger sense of -justice which is becoming world-wide and is lying in ambush, as it -were, to manifest itself in governmental relations. Men of all nations -are determining upon the abolition of degrading poverty, disease, and -intellectual weakness, with their resulting industrial inefficiency, -and are making a determined effort to conserve even the feeblest -citizen to the State. To join in this determined effort is to break -through national bonds and to unlock the latent fellowship between man -and man. In a political campaign men will go through every possible -hardship in response to certain political loyalties; in a moment of -national danger men will sacrifice every personal advantage. It is but -necessary to make this fellowship wider, to extend its scope without -lowering its intensity. Those emotions which stir the spirit to deeds -of self-surrender and to high enthusiasm, are among the world’s most -precious assets. That this emotion has so often become associated with -war, by no means proves that it cannot be used for other ends. There -is something active and tangible in this new internationalism, although -it is difficult to make it clear, and in our striving for a new word -with which to express this new and important sentiment, we are driven -to the rather absurd phrase of “cosmic patriotism.” Whatever it may -be called, it may yet be strong enough to move masses of men out of -their narrow national considerations and cautions into new reaches of -human effort and affection. Religion has long ago taught that only -as the individual can establish a sense of union with a power for -righteousness not himself, can he experience peace; and it may be -possible that the nations will be called to a similar experience. - -The International Peace Conference held in Boston in 1904 was opened -by a huge meeting in which men of influence and modern thought from -four continents, gave reasons for their belief in the passing of -war. But none was so modern, so fundamental and so trenchant, as the -address which was read from the prophet Isaiah. He founded the cause -of peace upon the cause of righteousness, not only as expressed in -political relations, but also in industrial relations. He contended -that peace could be secured only as men abstained from the gains of -oppression and responded to the cause of the poor; that swords would -finally be beaten into plowshares and pruning-hooks, not because men -resolved to be peaceful, but because all the metal of the earth would -be turned to its proper use when the poor and their children should be -abundantly fed. It was as if the ancient prophet foresaw that under -an enlightened industrialism peace would no longer be an absence of -war, but the unfolding of world-wide processes making for the nurture -of human life. He predicted the moment which has come to us now that -peace is no longer an abstract dogma but has become a rising tide of -moral enthusiasm slowly engulfing all pride of conquest and making war -impossible. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[16] Imperialism, by John A. Hobson. Page 128. - -[17] The Grand Mujik, G. H. Perris. - - - - - INDEX - - - Altruism, manifestations of, 17; - in politics, 48. - - Anglo-Saxon, temptation to govern all peoples alike, 47; - distrust of experiment, 67; - individualistic, 68; - attitude towards self-government, 112. - - Arbitration, change in attitude toward, 133; - in New Zealand, 134. - - Aristotle’s ideal of a city, 92. - - Assimilation, limit to United States power of, 39; - workingman’s attitude toward, 94, 117. - - - Bandereff, 234. - - Bentham, 23. - - Bloch, Jean de, 4. - - Booth, Charles, maps of London, 86. - - Bosanquet, Mrs. Bernard, 116. - - Buckle, 23. - - Burns, John, 125. - - - Charity, organization of in New York, 74; - modern, democratic and constructive, 79; - extension of, 84; - and unskilled labor, 152. - - Chicago Municipal Lodging House, 157. - - Chicago Federation of Labor, 130, 131. - - Chicago Stock Yards Strike, power of unions for amalgamation shown in, - 96; - object of, 101, 111; - use of referendum vote in, 103, 108; - good order of, 104; - paradoxes shown by, 104; - example of national appeal subordinated to union, 106; - strike-breaker in, 106; - Greek in, 109. - - Child Labor, social waste of, 28; - a national problem, 107; - industrial value of, 154; - responsibility of State, 156; - effect of sub-divided, 158; - effect of premature, 159; - effect on parents, 161; - effect on product, 162. - - Child Labor Legislation, makes for better citizens, 73; - immigrant parents and, 74; - uniform, 168; - leisure gained for play, 169. - - Commerce, international, 115; - modern representative of conquest, 116. - - Comte, Augustus, 217. - - Constitution of the U. S., and the immigrant, 42, 43, 72, 73. - - Contempt, social results of, 51; - in industrialism, 116; - for immigrant, 151; - for primitive arts, 202. - - Cosmopolitan city, beginnings of newer ideals of peace found in, 11, - 13, 18; - centers of radicalism, 16; - bond of union in, 17, 204; - difficulties due to size of, 86, 216; - subtle problems of, 206. - - Cosmopolitan standard, lack of, 78. - - - Dante, 21. - - Democratic government, causes of failure of, 47; - arousing enthusiasm for, 63; - result of moral effort, 75; - inherited form of, 121. - - Democracy, modified slowly, 37; - repressive legislation in, 52; - lack of civic expression for, 59; - failure to apprehend, 91; - effects of commercialism on, 222. - - Denver Juvenile Court, 81. - - Doctrinaire method, weakness of, 31; - conditions settled by, 53; - unattached to experience, 72; - not fitted to modern patriotism, 74. - - Domestic service, 51; - a review of the history of, 199. - - Doukhobors, situation in Canada, 67; - emphasize non-resistance, 230; - meet martyrdom, 231. - - - Education, related to industrial efficiency, 16; - belief in, as social remedy, 21; - of vital importance to city, 73; - compulsory, 74; - advanced and reform schools, 82; - passion in America, 85; - distinctive achievement in America, 166; - for factory children, 167; - less expensive than repression, 175; - already democratized, 178. - - Educators, recognizing industrialism, 169. - - Eighteenth-century philosophy, abandonment of, required, 28; - inadequacy of, 31; - responsible for immigration, 40; - belief in universal franchise, 42; - ideal man of, 60; - ideals still influence statesman, 70; - retained in America, 91; - formula of equality, 117; - radicalism of, 121. - - Employer, prone to attack new union, 129; - charges against unions, 135; - attitude toward business relations with unions, 138; - traditions in household, 201. - - England, labor laws of, 152; - debasement of products of, 166. - - - Franchise, 38; - universal panacea, 42; - universal franchise, 52; - beginnings of municipal, 180; - military test absurd, 182; - why women should have, 192. - - Factory system, 163; - worst evils of, 149; - uneducational, 173. - - - Gang, almost tribal in organization, 176; - political training in, 177. - - German Emperor, 224. - - Germany, government deals with needs of workingman, 88; - police socialized in, 89; - not afraid to extend municipal functions, 91; - economic protection in, 122, 152; - opposition to militarism in, 165. - - Golden, State Reform State School, 81. - - Government, newer manifestations of, 15; - away from the life of the people, 35; - oppressive, dependent on the sword, 36; - opposition to, formerly patriotism, 42; - dealing with naturalization, 42; - test not current, 47; - concern for the young incorporated in, 80; - fear of extending functions, 84; - traditional activities meagre, 87; - non-interference in industry, 90; - functions of, 101; - patriotic citizens forced to ignore, 112. - - - Hague tribunal, 5. - - Hebrew alliance, 74. - - Heroism, new, 25, 218. - - Historic method, 31, 63. - - Hobhouse, L. T., 6. - - Hobson, John A., 221. - - Household labor, conference at Lake Placid, 198; - history of, in America, 199; - causes of paucity of, 200. - - Hull-House, experiences, 50, 58, 77, 82, 91, 119, 143, 159, 194, 203, - 204. - - Humanitarianism, in immigrant quarters, 15; - aggressive, 26; - scientific method applied to, 28; - cosmopolitan, 76; - present stage of, 79, 99; - its relation to labor power, 165. - - - Idealism, provincial aspects of, 231. - - Immigrants, emotional sentiment among, 13; - unusual power of association among, 14; - franchise extended to, 38; - philosophy in regard to, 41; - exploitation of, 42, 45; - evasion of immigration laws by, 47; - contempt for, 49; - charm and historical association among, 64, 70; - ignoring past experience of, 65; - beginnings of self-government among, 71; - relations of politician to, 72; - attempts to teach patriotism to, 75; - revelation of social customs among, 79; - standardizing by workmen, 93; - difficulties largely industrial, 94; - as wage lowering weapon, 97; - standard of living for, 102, 116; - claim on charitable funds, 152; - present contrasted with youthful condition of, 161; - early industries among, 203; - historic backgrounds of, 205; - manifestations of peace movement among, 235. - - Immigration, decreased by industrial depression, 44; - of recent years, 200. - - Industrialism, 15; - versus militarism, 28, 220; - significance of primitive arts in relation to, 64; - idealism in, 95; - as basis for legislation, 121. - - Industrial interests, in contemporary life, 42; - and the immigrant, 71; - germane to government, 122; - and international peace, 113. - - Industrial development, changes in, 124. - - Illiterate children in the U. S., 163. - - Internationalism, 23; - socialism based on, 114; - Mazzini’s address on, 115; - active and tangible, 237. - - International Peace Conference in Boston, 237. - - Interparliamentary union for international arbitration, 6. - - Institute of International Law, 6. - - - James, William, 24. - - Jefferson, Thomas, 31. - - Justice, the larger, 236. - - Juvenile Courts, 80; - Denver, 81; - parental attitude of, 82. - - - Kant, 23. - - Kelley, Mrs. Florence, 153. - - - Lecky, 222. - - London, Charles Booth, maps of, 87; - government of, 88. - - - Machinery and the industrial situation, 149. - - Mazzini, 29, 115. - - Militarism, versus industrialism, 28; - police department a survival of, 55; - mediaeval city founded on, 207; - negative results of, 220. - - Mitchell, John, 126, 146. - - Morality, class, 27; - group, 124, 145; - antiquated codes of, 210; - village standards of, 215. - - Morley, John, 118. - - Morris, William, 203. - - Municipal government, admitted failure of, 31; - full of survivals, 34; - two points of rapid development in, 79; - ignores interests of average citizen, 85; - failure to provide playgrounds, 176; - indifference of citizens to, 183; - woman’s traditional activities in, 184. - - - Naturalization, 42; - rests on laws of 1802, 43; - brokerage in papers of, 46, 71; - test not contemporaneous, 42. - - Non-resistance, a misleading word, 8; - non-resistance strike, 232; - aggressive, 233. - - - Patriotism, belief that war engenders, 18; - a newer, arising, 19; - founded on sacrifice, 74; - taught too formally, 75; - primitive core of, 91; - founded on war, 140, 217; - bound in trappings of the past, 214. - - Peace, dynamic versus dogmatic, 7; - predicted by Isaiah, 237. - - Perris, G. H., 231. - - Play, a social stimulus, 171; - develops self-government and discipline, 173; - attitude of enlightened city government to, 178. - - Politician, professional, produced by mechanical government, 52; - friend of the vicious, 56; - appeals to human sentiment, 59; - first friend of immigrant, 72; - understands people’s hopes, 79; - attempts to control strike, 103. - - Protective legislation, aggressive aspect of the newer - humanitarianism, 28; - U. S. deficient in, 152. - - - Reformer, contemptuous attitude of, 49; - sweeping condemnations of, 57; - alliance with business interests of, 61. - - Revolutionary War, 36, 37. - - Revolutionist, 232. - - Repressive legislation, 54; - human element in, 55. - - Royce, Josiah, 32. - - Ruskin, 235. - - Russia, 68; - the mir, 67; - attitude toward workmen, 122; - the army of, 230. - - - Self-government, difficulties and blunders of, 32; - crux of local, 35; - skepticism for ideals of, 39; - must deal with unsuccessful, 62; - scope of, 63; - forms of democracy for, 88; - immigrants’ first lesson in, 95; - clearly not yet attained, 108; - popular government oppressor of, 104; - might profit by industrial experience, 121. - - Shakespeare, 9. - - Social, evolution, 211; - morality in, 213. - - Socialism, based on internationalism and industrialism, 114. - - Socialist’s attitude to present government, 86. - - St. Francis, 21. - - - Teamsters’ strike, war element in, 132; - employers’ position as to arbitration in, 134; - alliance between employers’ and unionists’ offices in, 135; - inexperience of merchant employers in, 136; - social results of, 141. - - Tolstoy, 3, 4, 209, 225, 230, 231, 233, 234. - - Tribal law, 11. - - Tribal Morality, 18. - - Trades unions imitate city government, 94; - teach immigrants self-government, 95; - power for amalgamation of, 97; - attitude toward violence, 98; - causes for loss of sympathy for, in Stock Yards Strike, 101; - human appeal in, 102; - gratitude of immigrant toward, 107; - devotion to, might be turned to national life, 118; - organized by Russian government, 122; - contemporaneous movement difficult to judge, 125; - success not sole standard of, 128; - present a time of crisis for, 129; - attitude toward strike, 130; - social result of strike on, 144; - struggle for recognition, 145; - attitude toward improved machinery, 148; - uncomprehending victim of, 195. - - - War, defence of, 26; - prophecy of subsidence of, 23; - moral equivalent for, 24; - ideals in peace confusing, 110; - phraseology of new union, 130; - crime traceable to Spanish, 143; - new social problems not to be settled, 206; - attempts to justify by past records, 210; - substitutes for virtues of, 217; - contrast between labor and, 234. - - Warfare, cost of, 4; - customary method of settling labor disputes, 135; - recognition of good in, 212; - civilization substitutes law for, 219; - ideals of labor substituted for those of, 224; - disappearance of, 229. - - Webb, Mrs. Sidney, 191. - - Whitman, Walt, 45. - - Wilcox, Dr. Charles F., 54. - - Wilcox, Delos F., 117. - - Women, duty toward municipal government, 28, 185, 208; - conventions a snare to, 186; - franchise only for educated, 188; - effect of machinery on work of, 190; - increasing employment of, 189; - necessity for protection of working, 191, 196; - necessity for franchise for, 191, 197; - relation to clothing manufacture, 192; - lack in education of, 197, 202, 206. - - - Verestchagin, 3, 4. - - Von Moltke, 234. - - - - - _BY THE SAME AUTHOR_ - - DEMOCRACY AND SOCIAL ETHICS - - =By JANE ADDAMS=, Hull-House, Chicago. 9 + 281 pages, 12 mo., cloth, - leather back, $1.25 net. Citizen’s Library. - - -“Miss Addams is clear. She has not been precipitate in the preparation -of her book. She has reconsidered, corrected, and recorrected it, -spoken with temperance and courtesy.... As gentle, as patient, as -sincere, and as astute as Jane Addams herself is the philosophy set -forth in these pages.... The processes of Miss Addams’ thought are -interesting to thousands. The sense that none of us is living up to -the best idea of democracy is upon each of us.... Miss Addams is -bound to receive a respectful hearing. As a leader who ever prays to -lead aright, a sociologist who is willing to test her theories in a -practical and personal way, a theorist who is not ashamed to own when -she has been mistaken, a friend who will remain true to her friend no -matter what may arise, and a person of leisure and power, who has the -civic interest at heart, she has come to be prized as one of the chief -of citizens.”--_Chicago Tribune._ - -“Its pages are remarkably--we were about to say refreshingly--free -from the customary academic limitations.... In fact, are the result -of actual experience in hand to hand contact with social problems.... -No more truthful description, for example, of the political ‘boss’ as -he thrives to-day in our great cities has ever been written than is -contained in Miss Addams’ chapter on ‘Political Reform.’ The whole -chapter will be accepted as a realistic picture of conditions as they -are to-day in the city of Chicago. The same thing may be said of the -other chapters of the book in regard to their presentation of social -and economic facts.”--_Review of Reviews._ - -“Too much emphasis cannot be laid upon the efficiency and inspiration -afforded by these essays. ‘Charitable Effort,’ ‘Filial Affections,’ -‘Household Adjustment,’ ‘Industrial Amelioration,’ ‘Educational -Methods,’ ‘Political Reform,’ are the topics treated in a masterly and -revolutionary style. Miss Addams shatters some of our most cherished -illusions upon the relations which should exist between the helper and -the helped, between parent and child, mistress and maid, the members -of a family, between the ‘boss’ and the community. She takes the -subject entirely out of the realms of sentimentality, puts it upon -a solid moral basis, and by a close and logical train of reasoning -brings her conclusions home to the conscience and common sense of every -member of the social structure. The book is startling, stimulating and -intelligent.”--_Philadelphia Ledger._ - - - The Arbiter in Council - -A discussion of peace and war, in which take part, each from his own -viewpoint, a lawyer “with a conscience,” a stock broker, a learned -professor of history, a journalist, a retired admiral, an army officer, -and two clergymen of widely differing forms of church government. The -Arbiter is a veteran student of politics, a disciple of John Bright. - - “As a summary of all that is to be said on the subject, thrown into - readable form, the book is well done; ... almost no topic is left - untouched.”--_Nation._ - - “What strikes one in reading this book even more than its - readableness, is the wide range of its information.... The points of - view offered are many and diversified.... No argument worth using is - left unused.”--_The Evening Mail._ - - “The subjects discussed include the causes and consequences of war; - modern warfare; private war and the duel; perpetual peace or the - federation of the world; arbitration, the political economy of war, - and Christianity and war. It is a notable book, or will become one as - it is widely read.”--Editorial in _The Boston Herald_. - - “The Arbiter’s friends are drawn from several ranks in life, and - they bring to the symposium wide reading in the literature of the - subject, logical powers and a persuasive manner of speaking. ‘The - Arbiter in Council’ may be regarded as a conspectus of the best - thought on warfare, especially in relation to the topic of universal - peace.”--_Philadelphia Press._ - - - 6 + 567 pages, 8’vo., cloth, $2.50 net. - - -On many of the subjects touched upon in Miss Addams’s “The Newer Ideals -of Peace” interesting material may be found in the volumes named -below:-- - - - ON CITY GOVERNMENT - - The American City - - By DELOS F. WILCOX, Ph. D. - - “In the ‘American City’ Dr. Wilcox ... has written a book that every - thoughtful citizen should read. The problems of the street, the - tenement, public utilities, civic education, the three deadly vices, - municipal revenue and municipal debt, with all their related and - subsidiary problems, are clearly and fully considered.”--_Pittsburgh - Gazette._ - - =6 + 423 pages, 12 mo., cloth, leather back, $1.25 net.= _Citizen’s - Library._ - - - ON THE LABOR PROBLEM - - Labor Problems - -By THOMAS SEWALL ADAMS, Ph. D., Assistant Professor of Political -Economy, and HELEN L. SUMNER, Honorary Fellow in Political Economy, -University of Wisconsin. - - “A volume which has a labor-saving value for any library.... Here - one finds upon each of the problems treated--woman and child labor, - immigration, strikes and boycotts, labor organizations and employers’ - associations, the agencies of industrial peace, profit-sharing, - co-operation, industrial education, labor laws, and the material - progress of the wage-earning classes--the principal facts and comments - of all the chief authorities ... with helpful bibliographical lists - and references to volumes and chapters.”--_The Commons_, Chicago. - - =15 + 579 pages, cr. 8 vo., cloth, $1.60 net.= - - - ON INDUSTRIAL LEGISLATION - - Some Ethical Gains Through Legislation - - By MRS. FLORENCE KELLEY. - -The book has grown out of the author’s experience as Chief Inspector of -Factories in Illinois from 1893 to 1897, as Secretary of the National -Consumers’ League from 1899 till now, and chiefly as a resident at -Hull-House, and later at the Nurses’ Settlement, New York. - - “Mrs. Kelley’s primary aim is to set forth the results achieved by - the agitation and education of the past decade or so in certain - social directions--in the recognition of the children’s right to - childhood and to instruction and to opportunity, of the adult’s right - to leisure, of woman’s right to the ballot, and of the purchaser’s - right to genuine honest products. Her secondary aim is to show how - much remains to be achieved, and what obstacles the friends of - anti-child-labor legislation, eight-hour laws, pure food and correct - label laws, woman suffrage and so on, have to surmount.”--_The - Record-Herald_, Chicago. - -=Cloth, leather back, 341 pp., 12 mo., $1.25 net.= _Citizen’s Library._ - - - ON SOME CONDITIONS OF CHILD LIFE - - The Bitter Cry of the Children - -By JOHN SPARGO, Author of “Socialism.” - - “‘There have been many books written about the children of the poor, - but none of them gives us so impressive a statement as is contained - here of the most important and powerful cause of poverty.’ This - prefatory judgment of Robert Hunter will be handed on by everyone who - reads.... The book will live and set hundreds of teachers and social - workers and philanthropists to work.... 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If you -are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the -country where you are located before using this eBook. -</div> - -<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Title: Newer ideals of peace</p> -<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Author: Jane Addams</p> -<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Release Date: January 26, 2023 [eBook #69879]</p> -<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Language: English</p> - <p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em; text-align:left'>Produced by: Emmanuel Ackerman and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive)</p> -<div style='margin-top:2em; margin-bottom:4em'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK NEWER IDEALS OF PEACE ***</div> - - -<p class="center big"> -THE CITIZEN’S LIBRARY<br> -<br> -<span class="small">OF</span><br><br>ECONOMICS, POLITICS, AND -SOCIOLOGY</p> - -<p class="center p2">EDITED BY</p> - -<p class="center big">RICHARD T. ELY, <span class="smcap">Ph.D.</span>, LL.D.</p> - -<p class="center small">PROFESSOR OF POLITICAL ECONOMY, -UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN</p> -<hr class="r5"> -<p class="center big">NEWER IDEALS OF -PEACE -</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="THE_CITIZENS_LIBRARY_OF_ECONOMICS_POLITICS_AND_SOCIOLOGY">THE CITIZEN’S LIBRARY OF ECONOMICS, POLITICS, AND SOCIOLOGY</h2> -</div> - -<p class="center"> -<i>12mo.</i>      <i>Half Leather</i>      <i>$1.25 net, each</i><br> -</p> -<hr class="tb"> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p><b>MONOPOLIES AND TRUSTS.</b> By <span class="smcap">Richard T. Ely, Ph.D.</span>, LL.D.</p> - -<p><b>THE ECONOMICS OF DISTRIBUTION.</b> By <span class="smcap">John A. Hobson</span>.</p> - -<p><b>WORLD POLITICS.</b> By <span class="smcap">Paul S. Reinsch, Ph.D.</span>, LL.B.</p> - -<p><b>ECONOMIC CRISES.</b> By <span class="smcap">Edward D. Jones, Ph.D.</span></p> - -<p><b>OUTLINES OF ECONOMICS.</b> By <span class="smcap">Richard T. Ely</span>.</p> - -<p><b>GOVERNMENT IN SWITZERLAND.</b> <span class="smcap">By John Martin Vincent, -Ph.D.</span></p> - -<p><b>ESSAYS ON THE MONETARY HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.</b> By -<span class="smcap">Charles J. Bullock, Ph.D.</span></p> - -<p><b>SOCIAL CONTROL.</b> By <span class="smcap">Edward A. Ross, Ph.D.</span></p> - -<p><b>HISTORY OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN THE UNITED STATES.</b> By <span class="smcap">Jesse -Macy</span>, LL.D.</p> - -<p><b>MUNICIPAL ENGINEERING AND SANITATION.</b> By <span class="smcap">M. N. Baker, -Ph.B.</span></p> - -<p><b>DEMOCRACY AND SOCIAL ETHICS.</b> By <span class="smcap">Jane Addams</span>, LL.D.</p> - -<p><b>COLONIAL GOVERNMENT.</b> By <span class="smcap">Paul S. Reinsch, Ph.D.</span>, LL.B.</p> - -<p><b>AMERICAN MUNICIPAL PROGRESS.</b> By <span class="smcap">Charles Zueblin</span>, B.D.</p> - -<p><b>IRRIGATION INSTITUTIONS.</b> By <span class="smcap">Elwood Mead</span>, C.E., M.S.</p> - -<p><b>RAILWAY LEGISLATION IN THE UNITED STATES.</b> By <span class="smcap">Balthasar H. -Meyer, Ph.D.</span></p> - -<p><b>STUDIES IN THE EVOLUTION OF INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY.</b> By <span class="smcap">Richard -T. Ely, Ph.D.</span>, LL.D.</p> - -<p><b>THE AMERICAN CITY.</b> By <span class="smcap">Delos F. Wilcox, Ph.D.</span></p> - -<p><b>MONEY.</b> By <span class="smcap">David Kinley, Ph.D.</span></p> - -<p><b>THE FOUNDATIONS OF SOCIOLOGY.</b> By <span class="smcap">Edward A. Ross</span>.</p> - -<p><b>THE ELEMENTS OF SOCIOLOGY.</b> By <span class="smcap">Frank W. Blackmar, Ph.D.</span></p> - -<p><b>COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION.</b> By <span class="smcap">Paul S. Reinsch, Ph.D.</span>, -LL.B.</p> - -<p><b>AN INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF AGRICULTURAL ECONOMICS.</b> By -<span class="smcap">Henry C. Taylor, M.S.Agr., Ph.D.</span></p> - -<p><b>SOME ETHICAL GAINS THROUGH LEGISLATION.</b> By <span class="smcap">Florence -Kelley</span>.</p> - -<p><b>INTRODUCTION TO BUSINESS ORGANIZATION.</b> By <span class="smcap">Samuel E. -Sparling, Ph.D.</span></p> - -<p><b>THE NEWER IDEALS OF PEACE.</b> By <span class="smcap">Jane Addams</span>, LL.D.</p> -</div> - -<hr class="tb"> -<p class="center"> -<span class="big">THE MACMILLAN COMPANY</span><br> -64-66 FIFTH AVENUE<br> -NEW YORK<br> -</p> - - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="center big"> -<i>THE CITIZEN’S LIBRARY</i></p> -<hr class="r5"> -<h1>Newer Ideals of Peace</h1> -<p class="center p2"> -BY<br> -<span class="big">JANE ADDAMS</span><br> -<br> -<span class="smcap">Hull-House, Chicago, Author of “Democracy and Social Ethics,” etc.</span><br> -</p> -<p class="center p4"> -New York<br> -<span class="big">THE MACMILLAN COMPANY</span><br> -LONDON: MACMILLAN & CO., LTD.<br> -1906<br> -<span class="small"><i>All rights reserved</i></span><br> -</p> - - - -</div> -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> - -<div class="chapter"> - - -<p class="center"> -Copyrighted 1906<br> -By THE MACMILLAN COMPANY<br> -</p><hr class="r5"> -<p class="center small"> -Set up, electrotyped. Printed December, 1906<br> -</p> -<p class="center p4"> -THE MASON-HENRY PRESS<br> -<span class="smcap">Syracuse, New York</span><br> -</p> - - - -</div> -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="center"> -TO<br> -<span class="big">Hull-House</span><br> -AND<br> -<span class="big">its Neighbors</span><br> -</p></div> -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_vii">[Pg vii]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="PREFATORY_NOTE">PREFATORY NOTE</h2> -</div> - - -<p>These studies in the gradual development of the moral substitutes for -war have been made in the industrial quarter of a cosmopolitan city -where the morality exhibits marked social and international aspects.</p> - -<p>Parts of two chapters have been published before in the form of -addresses, and two others as articles in the <i>North American -Review</i> and in the <i>American Journal of Sociology</i>. All of -them however are held together by a conviction that has been maturing -through many years.</p> - -<p class="right"> -Hull-House,<br> -<span style="margin-right: 1.5em;">Chicago.</span><br> -</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_viii">[Pg viii]</span></p> -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_ix">[Pg ix]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CONTENTS">CONTENTS</h2> -</div> - - -<table class="autotable"> -<tr><td colspan="2" class="tdc"><a href="#CHAPTER_I">CHAPTER I</a></td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="2" class="tdc"><span class="smcap">Introduction</span></td></tr> -<tr><td>Newer ideals of peace are dynamic; if made operative - will do away with war as a natural process </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_3">3</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Of the older ideals the appeal to pity is dogmatic </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_4">4</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>The appeal to the sense of prudence also dogmatic - and at this moment seems impotent </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_5">5</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Outlook for universal peace by international arbitration </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_6">6</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Primitive and profound impulses operate against impulse - to war </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_8">8</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Appeal to pity and prudence unnecessary if the cosmopolitan - interest in human affairs is utilized </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_9">9</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Social morality originates in social affections </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_11">11</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Emotion determines social relations in the poorer - quarters of a cosmopolitan city </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_13">13</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>New immigrants develop phenomenal powers of association </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_14">14</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Their ideal of government includes kindliness as - well as protection </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_15">15</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Crowded city quarters the focal point of governmental - progress </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_16">16</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Life at these points must shape itself with reference - to the demands of social justice </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_17">17</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Simple foundations laid there for an international - order </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_18">18</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Ideals formed “in the depth of anonymous life” make - for realization </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_20">20</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Impulses toward compassionate conduct imperative </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_21">21</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>The internationalism of good will foreseen by the - philosopher </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_23">23</a><span class="pagenum" id="Page_x">[Pg x]</span></td></tr> -<tr><td>A quickening concern for human welfare; international - aspects illustrated by world-wide efforts - to eradicate tuberculosis, first signs of the substitution - of nurture for warfare </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_25">25</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>This substitution will be a natural process </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_26">26</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Our very hope for it, a surrender to the ideals of the - humble </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_27">27</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Accounting must be taken between survivals of militarism - and manifestations of newer humanitarianism </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_28">28</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Tendency to idealization marked eighteenth-century - humanitarian </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_29">29</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Newer ideals of this century sustained only by - knowledge and companionship </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_30">30</a></td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="2" class="tdc"><a href="#CHAPTER_II">CHAPTER II</a></td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="2" class="tdc"><span class="smcap">Survivals of Militarism in City Government</span></td></tr> -<tr><td>American Republic founded under the influence of - doctrinaire eighteenth-century ideals. Failure in - municipal administration largely due to their inadequacy </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_31">31</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Modern substitutes of the evolutionary conception of - progress for eighteenth-century idealism </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_32">32</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Failure of adjustment between the old form of government - and present condition results in reversion - to military and legal type </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_34">34</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>National governmental machinery provides no vehicle - for organized expression of popular will </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_35">35</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Historic governments dependent upon force of arms </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_36">36</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Founders placed too exclusive a value upon the - principles defended by the War of the Revolution. - Example of the overestimation of the - spoils of war </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_37">37</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Immigration problem an illustration of the failure - to treat our growing Republic in a spirit of progressive - and developing democracy </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_39">39</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Present immigration due partly to the philosophic - dogmas of the eighteenth-century. Theory of - naturalization still rests upon those dogmas </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_40">40</a><span class="pagenum" id="Page_xi">[Pg xi]</span></td></tr> -<tr><td>No adequate formulization of newer philosophy although - immigration situation has become much - more industrial than political </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_42">42</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Exploitation of immigrants carried on under guise of - preparation for citizenship </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_46">46</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Failure to develop a government fitted to varied - peoples </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_48">48</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Attitude of contempt for immigrant survival of a - spirit of conqueror toward inferior people </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_49">49</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Contempt reflected by children toward immigrant - parents </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_50">50</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Universal franchise implies a recognition of social - needs and ideals </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_52">52</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Difficulties of administering repressive government in - a democracy </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_54">54</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>The attempt inevitably develops the corrupt politician - as a friend of the vicious </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_56">56</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>He must be followed by successive reformers who - represent the righteous and protect tax interests </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_57">57</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Illustration from the point of view of humble people </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_58">58</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Dramatic see-saw must continue until we attain the - ideals of an evolutionary democracy </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_59">59</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Community divided into repressive and repressed, - representing conqueror and conquered </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_60">60</a></td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="2" class="tdc"><a href="#CHAPTER_III">CHAPTER III</a></td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="2" class="tdc"><span class="smcap">Failure to Utilize Immigrants in City Government</span></td></tr> -<tr><td>Democratic governments must reckon with the unsuccessful - if only because they represent majority - of citizens </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_62">62</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>To demand protection from unsuccessful is to fail - in self-government </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_63">63</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Study of immigrants might develop result in revived - enthusiasm for human possibilities reacting upon - ideals of government </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_64">64</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Social resources of immigrants wasted through want - of recognition of old habits </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_65">65</a><span class="pagenum" id="Page_xii">[Pg xii]</span></td></tr> -<tr><td>Illustrated by South Italians’ ability to combine community - life with agricultural occupations, which - is disregarded </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_66">66</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Anglo-Saxon distrust of experiments with land tenure - and taxation illustrated by Doukhobors </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_67">67</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Immigrant’s contribution to city life </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_69">69</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Military ideals blind statesmen to connection between - social life and government </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_70">70</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Corrupt politician who sees the connection often first - friend of immigrant </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_71">71</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Real statesmen would work out scheme of naturalization - founded upon social needs </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_72">72</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Intelligent co-operation of immigrants necessary for - advancing social legislation </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_74">74</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Daily experience of immigrants not to be ignored as - basis of patriotism </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_75">75</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Lack of cosmopolitan standard widens gulf between - immigrant parents and children </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_78">78</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Government is developing most rapidly in its relation - to the young criminal and to the poor and dependent </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_79">79</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Denver Juvenile Court is significant in its attitude - toward repressive government </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_81">81</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Good education in reform schools indicates compunction - on the part of the State </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_83">83</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Government functions extended to care of defectives - and dependents </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_84">84</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Ignores normal needs of every citizen </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_85">85</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Socialists would meet the needs of workingmen by - socialized legislation, but refuse to deal with the - present state </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_86">86</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>At present radical changes must come from forces - outside life of the people </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_87">87</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Imperial governments are now concerning themselves - with primitive essential needs of workingmen </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_88">88</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Republics restrict functions of the government </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_90">90</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Is America, in clinging to eighteenth-century traditions, - losing its belief in the average man? </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_91">91</a><span class="pagenum" id="Page_xiii">[Pg xiii]</span></td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="2" class="tdc"><a href="#CHAPTER_IV">CHAPTER IV</a></td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="2" class="tdc"><span class="smcap">Militarism and Industrial Legislation</span></td></tr> -<tr><td>American cities slow to consider immigration in relation - to industry </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_93">93</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Workingmen alone must regard them in relation - to industrial situations </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_94">94</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Assimilation of immigrants by workingman due both - to economic pressure and to idealism </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_95">95</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Illustrated by Stock Yards Strike </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_96">96</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>And by the strike in Anthracite Coal Fields </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_97">97</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>In the latter aroused public opinion forced Federal - Government to deal with industrial conditions </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_98">98</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>In complicated modern society not always easy to - see where social order lies </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_101">101</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Chicago Stock Yards Strike illustrates such a situation </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_104">104</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Government should have gained the enthusiasm immigrants - gave to union </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_107">107</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>War element an essential part of strike </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_109">109</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Appeal to loyalty the nearest approach to a moral - appeal </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_110">110</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Reluctance of United States Government to recognize - matters of industry as germane to government </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_112">112</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Resulting neglect of civic duty </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_113">113</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>The workingman’s attitude toward war as expressed - by his international organization </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_114">114</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Commerce the modern representative of conquest </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_116">116</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Standard of life should be the test of a nation’s prosperity, - so recognized by workingmen </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_117">117</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Social amelioration undertaken by those in closest - contact with social maladjustments </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_118">118</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Present difficulties in social reform will continue - until class interests are subordinated to a broader - conception of social progress </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_119">119</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>If self-government were inaugurated by advanced - thinkers now, they would make research into - early forms of industrial governments </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_121">121</a><span class="pagenum" id="Page_xiv">[Pg xiv]</span></td></tr> -<tr><td>Autocratic European governments have recognized - workingman’s need of protection </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_122">122</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Has Democracy a right to refuse this protection? </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_123">123</a></td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="2" class="tdc"><a href="#CHAPTER_V">CHAPTER V</a></td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="2" class="tdc"><span class="smcap">Group Morality in the Labor Movement</span></td></tr> -<tr><td>Industrial changes which belong to the community - as a whole have unfortunately divided it into - two camps </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_124">124</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>These are typified by Employers’ Associations and - Trades Unions each developing a group morality </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_125">125</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Trade Unions at present illustrate the eternal compromise - between the inner concept and the outer - act </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_127">127</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Present moment one of crisis in Trades Union development </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_128">128</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Newly organized unions in war state of development - responsible for serious mistakes </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_130">130</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Tacit admission that a strike is war made during the - Teamsters’ Strike in Chicago in 1905 </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_132">132</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Temporary loss of belief in industrial arbitration </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_134">134</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Teamsters’ Strike not adjudicated in court threw the - entire city into state of warfare </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_136">136</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>New organizations of employers exhibit traits - of militant youth </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_138">138</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Public although powerless to intervene, sees grave - social consequences </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_140">140</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Division of community into classes; increase of race - animosity; spirit of materialism </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_141">141</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Class prejudice created among children still another - social consequence </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_142">142</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Disastrous effect of prolonged warfare upon the - labor movement itself </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_144">144</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Real effort of trades unions at present is for recognition - of the principle of collective bargaining </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_145">145</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Trades unions are forced to correct industrial ills - inherent in the factory system itself </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_146">146</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Illustration from limitation of output </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_147">147</a><span class="pagenum" id="Page_xv">[Pg xv]</span></td></tr> -<tr><td>Illustration from attitude towards improved machinery </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_148">148</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Disregard of the machine as a social product makes - for group morality on the part of the owner and - employees </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_149">149</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Contempt resulting from group morality justifies - method of warfare </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_150">150</a></td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="2" class="tdc"><a href="#CHAPTER_VI">CHAPTER VI</a></td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="2" class="tdc"><span class="smcap">Protection of Children for Industrial Efficiency</span></td></tr> -<tr><td>Deficiency in protective legislation </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_151">151</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Contempt for immigrant because of his economic - standing </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_152">152</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>National indifference to condition of working children </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_154">154</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Temptation to use child labor peculiar to this industrial - epoch </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_155">155</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Our sensibilities deadened by familiarity </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_155">155</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Protection of the young the concern of government </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_156">156</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Effect of premature labor on the child </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_158">158</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Effect of child labor on the family </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_161">161</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Effect on the industrial product </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_162">162</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Effect on civilization </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_163">163</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Intelligent labor the most valuable asset of our industrial - prosperity </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_164">164</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Results of England’s foreign commercial policy </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_165">165</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Lack of consistency in the relation of the state to the - child in the United States </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_166">166</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Failure of public school system to connect with - present industrial development </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_167">167</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Correlation of new education with industrial situation </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_168">168</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Child labor legislation will secure to child its proper - play period </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_169">169</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Power of association developed through play </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_171">171</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Co-operation, not coercion, the ideal factory discipline </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_173">173</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Actual factory system divorced from the instinct of - workmanship </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_174">174</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>The activity of youth should be valuable assets for - citizenship as well as industry </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_175">175<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xvi">[Pg xvi]</span></a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Military survivals in city government destroys this - asset </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_176">176</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>The gang a training school for group morality </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_177">177</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Concern of modern government in the development - of its citizens </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_179">179</a></td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="2" class="tdc"><a href="#CHAPTER_VII">CHAPTER VII</a></td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="2" class="tdc"><span class="smcap">Utilization of Women in City Government</span></td></tr> -<tr><td>The modern city founded upon military ideals </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_180">180</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Early franchise justly given to grown men on basis - of military duty </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_181">181</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>This early test no longer fitted to the modern city - whose problems are internal </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_182">182</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Women’s experience in household details valuable to - civic housekeeping. No method of making it - available </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_184">184</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Municipal suffrage to be regarded not as a right or a - privilege, but as a piece of governmental machinery </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_187">187</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Franchise not only valuable as exercised by educated - women, matters to be decided upon too basic - to be influenced by modern education </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_188">188</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Census of 1900 shows greater increase of workingwomen - than of men and increasing youth of - working women </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_189">189</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Concerted action of women necessary to bring about - industrial protection </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_191">191</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Women can control surroundings of their work only - by means of franchise </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_192">192</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Unfair to put task of industrial protection upon - women’s trades unions as it often confuses issues </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_194">194</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Closer connection between industry and government - would result if working women were enfranchised </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_196">196</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Failure to educate women to industrial life disastrous - to industry itself and to women as employers </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_197">197</a></td></tr> -<tr><td>Situation must be viewed in relation to recent immigration - and in connection with present stage - of factory system in America </td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_199">199</a></td></tr> -</table><p> -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_1">[Pg 1]</span><span class="pagenum" id="Page_2">[Pg 2]</span> -</p> -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="NEWER_IDEALS_OF_PEACE">NEWER IDEALS OF PEACE</h2> -</div> -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_3">[Pg 3]</span> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_I">CHAPTER I<br><span class="small">INTRODUCTION</span></h2></div> - - -<p>The following pages present the claims of the newer, more aggressive -ideals of peace, as over against the older dovelike ideal. These newer -ideals are active and dynamic, and it is believed that if their forces -were made really operative upon society, they would, in the end, quite -as a natural process, do away with war. The older ideals have required -fostering and recruiting, and have been held and promulgated on the -basis of a creed. Their propaganda has been carried forward during the -last century in nearly all civilized countries by a small body of men -who have never ceased to cry out against war and its iniquities and who -have preached the doctrines of peace along two great lines. The first -has been the appeal to the higher imaginative pity, as it is found in -the modern, moralized man. This line has been most effectively followed -by two Russians, Count Tolstoy in his earlier writings and Verestchagin -in his paintings. With his relentless power of reducing all life to -personal<span class="pagenum" id="Page_4">[Pg 4]</span> experience Count Tolstoy drags us through the campaign of -the common soldier in its sordidness and meanness and constant sense -of perplexity. We see nothing of the glories we have associated with -warfare, but learn of it as it appears to the untutored peasant who -goes forth at the mandate of his superior to suffer hunger, cold, and -death for issues which he does not understand, which, indeed, can have -no moral significance to him. Verestchagin covers his canvas with -thousands of wretched wounded and neglected dead, with the waste, -cruelty, and squalor of war, until he forces us to question whether a -moral issue can ever be subserved by such brutal methods.</p> - -<p>High and searching as is the preaching of these two great Russians who -hold their art of no account save as it serves moral ends, it is still -the appeal of dogma, and may be reduced to a command to cease from -evil. And when this same line of appeal is presented by less gifted -men, it often results in mere sentimentality, totally unenforced by a -call to righteousness.</p> - -<p>The second line followed by the advocates of peace in all countries has -been the appeal to the sense of prudence, and this again has found its -ablest exponent in a Russian subject, the economist and banker, Jean de -Bloch. He sets forth the cost of warfare with pitiless accuracy, and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_5">[Pg 5]</span> -demonstrates that even the present armed peace is so costly that the -burdens of it threaten social revolution in almost every country in -Europe. Long before the reader comes to the end of de Bloch’s elaborate -computation he is ready to cry out on the inanity of the proposition -that the only way to secure eternal peace is to waste so much valuable -energy and treasure in preparing for war that war becomes impossible. -Certainly no theory could be devised which is more cumbersome, more -roundabout, more extravagant, than the <i>reductio ad absurdum</i> of -the peace-secured-by-the-preparation-for-war theory. This appeal to -prudence was constantly emphasized at the first Hague Conference and -was shortly afterward demonstrated by Great Britain when she went to -war in South Africa, where she was fined one hundred million pounds -and lost ten thousand lives. The fact that Russia also, and the very -Czar who invited the Conference, disregarded the conclusions of the -Hague Tribunal makes this line of appeal at least for the moment seem -impotent to influence empires which command enormous resources and -which lodge the power of expenditure in officials who have nothing to -do with accumulating the treasure they vote to expend.</p> - -<p>It would, however, be the height of folly for<span class="pagenum" id="Page_6">[Pg 6]</span> responsible statesmen -to ignore the sane methods of international discussion and concession -which have been evolved largely as a result of these appeals. The -Interparliamentary Union for International Arbitration and the -Institute of International Law represent the untiring efforts of the -advocates of peace through many years. Nevertheless universal peace, -viewed from the point of the World’s Sovereignty or of the Counsel of -Nations, is discouraging even when stated by the most ardent promoters -of the peace society. Here it is quite possible that the mistake is -being repeated which the old annalists of history made when they -never failed to chronicle the wars and calamities which harassed -their contemporaries, although, while the few indulged in fighting, -the mass of them peacefully prosecuted their daily toil and followed -their own conceptions of kindliness and equity. An English writer<a id="FNanchor_1" href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> -has recently bidden us to look at the actual state of affairs existing -at the present moment. He says, “Universal and permanent peace may be -a vision; but the gradual change whereby war, as a normal state of -international relations, has given place to peace as the normal state, -is no vision, but an actual process of history palpably forwarded in -our own day by the development of international<span class="pagenum" id="Page_7">[Pg 7]</span> law and of morals, -and voluntary arbitration based thereon.” He insists that it is the -function of international lawyers merely to give coherent expression -to the best principles which the common moral sense of civilized -Governments recognizes; in other words, that international law should -be like primitive law within the nation, a formal expression of custom -resting on the sense of a reciprocal restraint which has been found to -be necessary for the common good.</p> - -<p>Assuming that the two lines of appeal—the one to sensibility and the -other to prudence—will persist, and that the international lawyers, in -spite of the fact that they have no court before which to plead and no -executive to enforce their findings, will continue to formulate into -codes the growing moral sense of the nations, the following pages hope -not only to make clear the contention that these forces within society -are so dynamic and vigorous that the impulses to war seem by comparison -cumbersome and mechanical, but also to point out the development of -those newer social forces which it is believed will at last prove a -“sovereign intervention” by extinguishing the possibility of battle at -its very source.</p> - -<p>It is difficult to formulate the newer dynamic peace, embodying the -later humanism, as over against the old dogmatic peace. The word<span class="pagenum" id="Page_8">[Pg 8]</span> -“non-resistance” is misleading, because it is much too feeble and -inadequate. It suggests passivity, the goody-goody attitude of -ineffectiveness. The words “overcoming,” “substituting,” “re-creating,” -“readjusting moral values,” “forming new centres of spiritual energy” -carry much more of the meaning implied. For it is not merely the desire -for a conscience at rest, for a sense of justice no longer outraged, -that would pull us into new paths where there would be no more war nor -preparations for war. There are still more strenuous forces at work -reaching down to impulses and experiences as primitive and profound -as are those of struggle itself. That “ancient kindliness which sat -beside the cradle of the race,” and which is ever ready to assert -itself against ambition and greed and the desire for achievement, is -manifesting itself now with unusual force, and for the first time -presents international aspects.</p> - -<p>Moralists agree that it is not so much by the teaching of moral -theorems that virtue is to be promoted as by the direct expression of -social sentiments and by the cultivation of practical habits; that in -the progress of society sentiments and opinions have come first, then -habits of action and lastly moral codes and institutions. Little is -gained by creating the latter prematurely, but much may be accomplished -to the utilization of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_9">[Pg 9]</span> human interests and affections. The Advocates -of Peace would find the appeal both to Pity and Prudence totally -unnecessary, could they utilize the cosmopolitan interest in human -affairs with the resultant social sympathy that at the present moment -is developing among all the nations of the earth.</p> - -<p>By way of illustration, I may be permitted to cite the London showman -who used to exhibit two skulls of Shakespeare—one when he was a youth -and went poaching, another when he was a man and wrote plays. There -was such a striking difference between the roystering boy indulging in -illicit sport and the mature man who peopled the London stage with all -the world, that the showman grew confused and considered two separate -acts of creation less improbable than that such an amazing change -should have taken place. We can easily imagine the gifted youth in the -little group of rustics at Stratford-on-Avon finding no adequate outlet -for his powers save in a series of break-neck adventures. His only -alternative was to sit by the fire with the village cronies, drinking -ale so long as his shillings held out. But if we follow him up to -London, through all the charm and wonder of the stage which represented -his unfolding mind, if we can imagine his delight as he gradually -gained the freedom, not<span class="pagenum" id="Page_10">[Pg 10]</span> only of that big town, but of the human city -as well, we can easily see that illicit sport could no longer attract -him. To have told the great dramatist the night Hamlet first stepped -upon the boards that it was a wicked thing to poach, to have cautioned -him that he must consider the cost of preserving the forest and of -raising the deer, or to have made an appeal to his pity on behalf of -the wounded creatures, would have been the height of folly, because -totally unnecessary. All desire, almost all memory of those days, had -dropped from him, through his absorption in the great and exciting -drama of life. His effort to understand it, to portray it, had utilized -and drained his every power. It is equally true of our contemporaries, -as it was of the great play-wright, that the attainment of this -all-absorbing passion for multiform life, with the desire to understand -its mysteries and to free its capacities, is gradually displacing the -juvenile propensities to warfare.</p> - -<p>From this standpoint the advocates of the newer Ideals of Peace would -have little to do but to insist that the social point of view be kept -paramount, realizing at the same time that the social sentiments are as -blind as the egoistic sentiments and must be enlightened, disciplined -and directed by the fullest knowledge. The modern students<span class="pagenum" id="Page_11">[Pg 11]</span> of human -morality have told us that primitive man, by the very necessities of -his hard struggle for life, came at last to identify his own existence -with that of his tribe. Tribal life then made room within itself for -the development of that compassion which is the first step towards -sensibility and higher moral sentiment. If we accept this statement -then we must assume that the new social morality, which we so sadly -need, will of necessity have its origin in the social affections—we -must search in the dim borderland between compassion and morality for -the beginnings of that cosmopolitan affection, as it is prematurely -called.</p> - -<p>The life of the tribal man inevitably divided into two sets of actions, -which appeared under two different ethical aspects: the relation within -the tribe and the relation with outsiders, the double conception of -morality maintaining itself until now. But the tribal law differed no -more widely from inter-tribal law than our common law does from our -international law. Until society manages to combine the two we shall -make no headway toward the Newer Ideals of Peace.</p> - -<p>If we would institute an intelligent search for the social conditions -which make possible this combination we should naturally seek for -them in the poorer quarters of a cosmopolitan city where<span class="pagenum" id="Page_12">[Pg 12]</span> we have, as -nowhere else, the conditions for breaking into this double development; -for making a fresh start, as it were, toward a synthesis upon a higher -moral line which shall include both. There is every opportunity and -necessity for compassion and kindliness such as the tribe itself -afforded, and there is in addition, because of the many nationalities -which are gathered there from all parts of the world, the opportunity -and necessity for breaking through the tribal bond. Early associations -and affections were not based so much on ties of blood as upon that -necessity for defense against the hostile world outside which made the -life of every man in a tribe valuable to every other man. The fact -of blood was, so to speak, an accident. The moral code grew out of -solidarity of emotion and action essential to the life of all.</p> - -<p>In the midst of the modern city which, at moments, seems to stand -only for the triumph of the strongest, the successful exploitation -of the weak, the ruthlessness and hidden crime which follow in the -wake of the struggle for existence on its lowest terms, there come -daily—at least to American cities—accretions of simple people, who -carry in their hearts a desire for mere goodness. They regularly -deplete their scanty livelihood in response to a primitive pity, and, -independent of the religions they have professed,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_13">[Pg 13]</span> of the wrongs they -have suffered, and of the fixed morality they have been taught, have -an unquenchable desire that charity and simple justice shall regulate -men’s relations. It seems sometimes, to one who knows them, as if they -continually sought for an outlet for more kindliness, and that they are -not only willing and eager to do a favor for a friend, but that their -kindheartedness lies in ambush, as it were, for a chance to incorporate -itself in our larger relations, that they persistently expect that -it shall be given some form of governmental expression. This is -doubtless due partly to the fact that emotional pity and kindness are -always found in greatest degree among the unsuccessful. We are told -that unsuccessful struggle breeds emotion, not strength; that the -hard-pressed races are the emotional races; and that wherever struggle -has long prevailed emotion becomes the dominant force in fixing social -relations. Is it surprising, therefore, that among this huge mass of -the unsuccessful, to be found in certain quarters of the modern city, -we should have the “medium,” in which the first growth of the new -compassion is taking place?</p> - -<p>In addition to this compassion always found among the unsuccessful, -emotional sentiment runs high among the newly arrived immigrants -as a result of the emotional experiences of parting<span class="pagenum" id="Page_14">[Pg 14]</span> from home and -kindred, to which he has been so recently subjected. An unusual mental -alertness and power of perception also results from the upheaval. The -multitudes of immigrants flooding the American cities have many times -sundered social habits cherished through a hundred generations, and -have renounced customs that may be traced to the habits of primitive -man. These old habits and customs have a much more powerful hold than -have mere racial or national ties. In seeking companionship in the new -world, all the immigrants are reduced to the fundamental equalities and -universal necessities of human life itself, and they inevitably develop -the power of association which comes from daily contact with those who -are unlike each other in all save the universal characteristics of man.</p> - -<p>When looked at too closely, this nascent morality disappears, and one -can count over only a thousand kindly acts and neighborly offices. But -when meditated upon in the whole, there at once emerge again those vast -and dominant suggestions of a new peace and holiness. It would seem as -if our final help and healing were about to issue forth from broken -human nature itself, out of the pathetic striving of ordinary men, who -make up the common substance of life: from those who have been driven -by economic pressure or<span class="pagenum" id="Page_15">[Pg 15]</span> governmental oppression out of a score of -nations.</p> - -<p>These various peoples who are gathered together in the immigrant -quarters of a cosmopolitan city worship goodness for its own value, -and do not associate it with success any more than they associate -success with themselves; they literally “serve God for nought.” -If we would adduce evidence that we are emerging from a period of -industrialism into a period of humanitarianism, it is to such quarters -that we must betake ourselves. These are the places in which it is -easiest to study the newer manifestations of government, in which -personal welfare is considered a legitimate object; for a new history -of government begins with an attempt to make life possible and human -in large cities, in those crowded quarters which exhibit such an -undoubted tendency to barbarism and degeneracy when the better human -qualities are not nourished. Public baths and gymnasiums, parks and -libraries, are provided first for those who are without the security -for bare subsistence, and it does not seem strange to them that it -should be so. Such a community is made up of men who will continue to -dream of Utopian Governments until the democratic government about -them expresses kindliness with protection. Such men will continue to -rely upon neighborly friendliness until organized<span class="pagenum" id="Page_16">[Pg 16]</span> charity is able -to identify impulsive pity with well-considered relief. They will -naïvely long for an education for their children that will fit them to -earn money until public education shall come to consider industrial -efficiency. As their hopes and dreams are a prophecy of the future -development in city government, in charity, in education, so their -daily lives are a forecast of coming international relations. Our -attention has lately been drawn to the fact that it is logical that -the most vigorous efforts in governmental reform, as well as the most -generous experiments in ministering to social needs, have come from the -larger cities and that it is inevitable that they should be to-day “the -centers of radicalism,” as they have been traditionally the “cradles of -liberty.”<a id="FNanchor_2" href="#Footnote_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a></p> - -<p>If we once admit the human dynamic character of progress, then it is -easy to understand why the crowded city quarters become focal points of -that progress.</p> - -<p>A deeper and more thorough-going unity is required in a community -made up of highly differentiated peoples than in a more settled and -stratified one, and it may be logical that we should find in this -commingling of many peoples a certain<span class="pagenum" id="Page_17">[Pg 17]</span> balance and concord of opposing -and contending forces; a gravitation toward the universal. Because of -their difference in all external matters, in all of the non-essentials -of life, the people in a cosmopolitan city are forced to found their -community of interests upon the basic and essential likenesses of their -common human nature; for, after all, the things that make men alike -are stronger and more primitive than the things that separate them. It -is natural that this synthesis of the varying nations should be made -first at the points of the greatest congestion, quite as we find that -selfishness is first curbed and social feeling created at the points -where the conflict of individual interests is sharpest. One dares not -grow too certain as to the wells of moral healing which lie under the -surface of the sullen work-driven life which the industrial quarters -of the modern city present. They fascinate us by their mere size and -diversity, as does the city itself; but certain it is, that these -quarters continually confound us by their manifestations of altruism. -It may be that we are surprised simply because we fail to comprehend -that the individual, under such pressure, must shape his life with -some reference to the demands of social justice, not only to avoid -crushing the little folk about him, but in order to save himself from -death by<span class="pagenum" id="Page_18">[Pg 18]</span> crushing. It is an instance of the irresistible coalescing -of the altruistic and egoistic impulse which is the strength of social -morality. We are often told that men under this pressure of life become -calloused and cynical, whereas anyone who lives with them knows that -they are sentimental and compassionate.</p> - -<p>It is possible that we shall be saved from warfare by the “fighting -rabble” itself, by the “quarrelsome mob” turned into kindly citizens -of the world through the pressure of a cosmopolitan neighborhood. It -is not that they are shouting for peace—on the contrary, if they -shout at all, they will continue to shout for war—but that they are -really attaining cosmopolitan relations through daily experience. -They will probably believe for a long time that war is noble and -necessary both to engender and cherish patriotism; and yet all of the -time, below their shouting, they are living in the kingdom of human -kindness. They are laying the simple and inevitable foundations for an -international order as the foundations of tribal and national morality -have already been laid. They are developing the only sort of patriotism -consistent with the intermingling of the nations; for the citizens of a -cosmopolitan quarter find an insuperable difficulty when they attempt -to hem in their conception of patriotism either to the “old<span class="pagenum" id="Page_19">[Pg 19]</span> country” -or to their adopted one. There arises the hope that when this newer -patriotism becomes large enough, it will overcome arbitrary boundaries -and soak up the notion of nationalism. We may then give up war, because -we shall find it as difficult to make war upon a nation at the other -side of the globe as upon our next-door neighbor.</p> - -<p>These humble harbingers of the Newer Ideals of Peace, venturing -themselves upon a larger relationship, are most touching; and while -the success of their efforts can never be guaranteed or spoken of too -confidently, they stir us with a strange hope, as if new vistas of life -were opening before us—vistas not illuminated with the glare of war, -but with a mellowed glow of their own. These paths are seen distinctly -only as we ascend to a more enveloping point of view and obtain a -larger and bulkier sense of the growing sentiment which rejects the old -and negative bonds of discipline and coercion and insists upon vital -and fraternal relationship, subordinating the lower to the higher. -To make this hope valid and intelligible, is indeed the task before -these humble brethren of ours and of those who would help them. They -encourage us to hope for the discovery of a new vital relation—that -of the individual to the race—which may lay the foundation<span class="pagenum" id="Page_20">[Pg 20]</span> for a new -religious bond adequate to the modern situation; and we almost come -to believe that such a foundation is, in fact, being laid now—not in -speculation, but in action.</p> - -<p>That which secured for the early Hebrew shepherd his health, his peace -of mind, and his sense of connection with the Unseen, became the -basis for the most wonderful and widespread religion the world has -ever known. Perhaps, at this moment, we need to find that which will -secure the health, the peace of mind, and the opportunity for normal -occupation and spiritual growth to the humblest industrial worker, as -the foundation for a rational conduct of life adapted to an industrial -and cosmopolitan era.</p> - -<p>Even now we only dimly comprehend the strength and irresistible power -of those “universal and imperious ideals which are formed in the -depths of anonymous life,” and which the people insist shall come to -realization, not because they have been tested by logic or history, -but because the mass of men are eager that they should be tried as -a living experience. According to our different methods of viewing -society, we express this newer ideal which is after all so old as to -have been engendered in the tribe itself. He who makes the study of -society a mere corollary of biology, speaks of the “theory of the -unspecialized,”<span class="pagenum" id="Page_21">[Pg 21]</span> that the simple cell develops much more rapidly when -new tissue is needed than the more highly developed one; he who views -society from the economic standpoint and finds hope only in a changed -industrial order, talks of the “man at the bottom of society,” of the -proletarian who shall eventually come into his own; he who believes -that a wiser and a saner education will cure our social ill, speaks -ever and again of “the wisdom of the little child” and of the necessity -to reveal and explore his capacity; while he who keeps close to the -historic deductions upon which the study of society is chiefly founded, -uses the old religious phrase, “the counsel of imperfection,” and bids -us concern ourselves with “the least of these.”</p> - -<p>The French have a phrase <i>l’imperieuse bonté</i> by which they -designate those impulses towards compassionate conduct which will -not be denied, because they are as imperative in their demand for -expression as is the impulse to make music or to soften life by poesy -and decoration. According to this definition, St. Francis was a genius -in exactly the same sense as was Dante or Raphael, and he revealed -quite as they did, possibilities and reaches of the human soul hitherto -unsuspected. This genius for goodness has in the past largely expressed -itself through individuals<span class="pagenum" id="Page_22">[Pg 22]</span> and groups, but it may be that we are -approaching a period which shall give it collective expression, and -shall unite into one all those private and parochial efforts. It would -be no more strange than was that marvelous coming together of the -artists and the people in the thirteenth century which resulted in the -building of the Gothic cathedrals. We may be waiting for a religious -enthusiasm, for a divine fire to fuse together the partial and feeble -efforts at “doing good” into a transfigured whole which shall take on -international proportions as naturally as the cathedrals towered into -unheard-of heights. The Gothic cathedrals were glorious beyond the -dreams of artists, notwithstanding that they were built by unknown men, -or rather by so many men that it was a matter of indifference to record -their names. Could we compare the present humanitarian efforts to the -building of a spiritual cathedral, it would seem that the gargoyles -had been made first, that the ground is now strewn with efforts to “do -good” which have developed a diabolical capacity for doing harm. But -even these may fall into place. The old cathedral-builders fearlessly -portrayed all of life, its inveterate tendency to deride as well as -to bless; its trickery as well as its beauty. Their art was catholic -enough to portray all, and the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_23">[Pg 23]</span> cathedral was huge enough to mellow all -they portrayed into a flowing and inspired whole.</p> - -<p>At the present moment it requires the philosopher to unify these -spiritual efforts of the common man into the internationalism of good -will, as in the past it was natural that the philosophers, the men -who looked at life as a whole, should have been the first to sigh for -negative peace which they declared would be “eternal.”</p> - -<p>Speculative writers, such as Kant, Bentham, and Buckle, long ago -pointed out that the subsidence of war was inevitable as society -progressed. They contended that every stage of human progress is marked -by a further curtailment of brute force, a limitation of the area in -which it is permitted. At the bottom is the small savage community in -a perpetual state of warfare; at the top an orderly society stimulated -and controlled by recognized ideals of social justice. In proportion -as the savage society comes under the dominion of a common moral -consciousness, it moves up, and in proportion as the civilized society -reverts to the use of brute force, it goes down. Reversion to that -brute struggle may at any moment cost the destruction of the painfully -acquired bonds of equity, the ties of mutual principle, which are -wrought with such effort and loosed with such ease. But these earlier<span class="pagenum" id="Page_24">[Pg 24]</span> -philosophers could not possibly have foreseen the tremendous growth -of industry and commerce with their inevitable cosmopolitanism which -has so recently taken place, nor without knowledge of this could they -possibly have prognosticated the leap forward and the aggressive -character which the concern for human welfare has latterly evinced. -The speculative writers among our contemporaries are naturally the -only ones who formulate this new development, or rather bid us heed -its presence among us. An American philosopher<a id="FNanchor_3" href="#Footnote_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> has lately reminded -us of the need to “discover in the social realm the moral equivalent -for war—something heroic that will speak to men as universally as war -has done, and yet will be as compatible with their spiritual natures -as war has proved itself to be incompatible.” It may be true that we -are even now discovering these moral substitutes, although we find -it so difficult to formulate them. Perhaps our very hope that these -substitutes may be discovered has become the custodian of a secret -change that is going on all about us. We care less each day for the -heroism connected with warfare and destruction, and constantly admire -more that which pertains to labor and the nourishing of human life. -The new<span class="pagenum" id="Page_25">[Pg 25]</span> heroism manifests itself at the present moment in a universal -determination to abolish poverty and disease, a manifestation so -widespread that it may justly be called international.</p> - -<p>In illustration of this new determination one immediately thinks of -the international effort to rid the face of the earth of tuberculosis, -in which Germany, Italy, France, England and America are engaged with -such enthusiasm. This movement has its international congresses, -its discoverers and veterans, also its decorations and rewards for -bravery. Its discipline is severe; it requires self-control, endurance, -self-sacrifice and constant watchfulness. Its leaders devote hours to -careful teaching and demonstration, they reclaim acres of bad houses, -and make over the food supply of huge cities. One could instance -the determination to do away with neglected old age, which finds -expression in the Old Age Pension Acts of Germany and Australia, in the -State Savings Banks of Belgium and France, in the enormous number of -Mutual Benefit Societies in England and America. In such undertakings -as these, with their spontaneous and universal manifestations, are -we beginning to see the first timid forward reach of one of those -instinctive movements which carry onward the progressive goodness of -the race.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_26">[Pg 26]</span></p> - -<p>It is possible that this substitution of nurture for warfare is -analogous to that world-wide effort to put a limit to revenge which -one nation after another essayed as each reached a certain stage of -development. To compel the avenger to accept blood-money in lieu of -the blood of his enemy may have been but a short step in morals, -but at least it destroyed the stimulus to further shedding of blood -which each avenged death had afforded, and it laid the foundations -for court adjudications. The newer humanitarianism is more aggressive -and substitutes emotional stimuli as well as codes of conduct. We may -predict that each nation quite as a natural process will reach the -moment when virile good-will will be substituted for the spirit of -warfare. The process of extinguishing war, however, compared to the -limiting of revenge, will be amazingly accelerated. Owing to the modern -conditions of intercourse, each nation will respond, not to an isolated -impulse, but will be caught in the current of a world-wide process.</p> - -<p>We are much too timid and apologetic in regard to this newer -humanitarianism, and do not yet realize what it may do for us in -the way of courage and endurance. We continue to defend war on the -ground that it stirs the nobler blood and the higher imagination of -the nation, and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_27">[Pg 27]</span> thus frees it from moral stagnation and the bonds -of commercialism. We do not see that this is to borrow our virtues -from a former age and to fail to utilize our own. We find ourselves -in this plight because our modern morality has lacked fibre, because -our humanitarianism has been much too soft and literary, and has given -itself over to unreal and high-sounding phrases. It appears that our -only hope for a genuine adjustment of our morality and courage to our -present social and industrial developments, lies in a patient effort -to work it out by daily experience. We must be willing to surrender -ourselves to those ideals of the humble, which all religious teachers -unite in declaring to be the foundations of a sincere moral life.</p> - -<p>The following pages attempt to uncover these newer ideals as we may -daily experience them in the modern city. It may be found that certain -survivals of militarism in municipal government are responsible for -much of the failure in the working of democratic institutions. We may -discover that the survivals of warfare in the labor movement and all -the other dangers of class morality rest largely upon an appeal to -loyalties which are essentially a survival of the virtues of a warlike -period. The more aggressive aspects of the newer humanitarianism may be -traced in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_28">[Pg 28]</span> the movement for social amelioration and in the protective -legislation which regards the weakest citizen as a valuable asset. -The same spirit which protests against the social waste of child -labor also demands that the traditional activity of woman shall be -utilized in civic life. When the State protects its civic resources, -as it formerly defended its citizens in time of war, industrialism -versus militarism comes to be nurture versus conquest. In order to -trace the displacement of the military ideals of patriotism by those -of a rising concern for human welfare, we must take an accounting -between those forms of governmental machinery and social organization -which are the historic outgrowth of conquest and repression and the -newer forms arising in their midst which embody the social energy -instantly recognizable as contemporaneous with our sincerest moral -life. To follow this newer humanitarianism even through its obvious -manifestations requires at the very outset a definite abandonment of -the eighteenth-century philosophy upon which so much of our present -democratic theory and philanthropic activity depends. It is necessary -from the very beginning to substitute the scientific method of research -for the a priori method of the school men if we would deal with real -people and obtain a sense of participation with our fellows. The<span class="pagenum" id="Page_29">[Pg 29]</span> -eighteenth-century humanitarian hotly insisted upon “the rights of -man,” but he loved the people without really knowing them, which is -by no means an impossible achievement. “The love of those whom a man -does not know is quite as elemental a sentiment as the love of those -whom a man does know,” but with this difference, that he shuts himself -away from the opportunity of being caught and carried forward in the -stream of their hopes and aspirations, a bigger and warmer current -than he dreams of. The eighteenth-century humanitarian substituted his -enthusiastic concept of “the natural man” for the warmth which this -stream might have given him, and so long as he dealt with political -concepts it answered his purpose. Mazzini made a most significant -step between the eighteenth-century morality and our own by appealing -beyond “the rights of man” to the “duties to humanity;” but although an -impassioned democrat, he was still a moralist of the earlier type. He -realized with them that the appeal to humanity would evoke a finer and -deeper response than that to patriotism or to any sectional morality; -but he shared the eighteenth-century tendency to idealization. It -remained for the moralist of this generation to dissolve “humanity” -into its component parts of men, women, and children and to serve their -humblest needs with an enthusiasm<span class="pagenum" id="Page_30">[Pg 30]</span> which, so far from being dependent -upon glamour, can be sustained only by daily knowledge and constant -companionship.</p> - -<p>It is no easy task to detect and to follow the tiny paths of progress -which the unencumbered proletarian with nothing but his life and -capacity for labor, is pointing out for us. These paths lead to a type -of government founded upon peace and fellowship as contrasted with -restraint and defence. They can never be discovered with the eyes of -the doctrinaire. From the nature of the case, he who would walk these -paths must walk with the poor and oppressed, and can only approach them -through affection and understanding. The ideals of militarism would -forever shut him out from this new fellowship.</p> - - -<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1" href="#FNanchor_1" class="label">[1]</a> L. T. Hobhouse, Democracy and Reaction, page 197.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_2" href="#FNanchor_2" class="label">[2]</a> The Growth of Cities in the Nineteenth Century. A. T. -Weber, page 432.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_3" href="#FNanchor_3" class="label">[3]</a> William James, Professor of Philosophy at Harvard -University.</p> - -</div> -</div> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_31">[Pg 31]</span></p> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_II">CHAPTER II<br><span class="small">SURVIVALS OF MILITARISM IN CIVIL GOVERNMENT</span></h2></div> - - -<p>We are accustomed to say that the machinery of government incorporated -in the charters of the early American cities, as in the Federal and -State constitutions, was worked out by men who were strongly under the -influence of the historians and doctrinaires of the eighteenth century. -The most significant representative of these men is Thomas Jefferson, -and their most telling phrase, the familiar opening that “all men are -created free and equal.”</p> - -<p>We are only now beginning to suspect that the present admitted failure -in municipal administration, the so-called “shame of American cities,” -may be largely due to the inadequacy of those eighteenth-century -ideals, with the breakdown of the machinery which they provided. We -recognize the weakness inherent in the historic and doctrinaire method -when it attempts to deal with growing and human institutions. While -these men were strongly under the influence of peace<span class="pagenum" id="Page_32">[Pg 32]</span> ideals which were -earnestly advocated, both in France and in America, even in the midst -of their revolutionary periods, and while they read the burning poets -and philosophers of their remarkable century, their idealism, after -all, was largely founded upon theories concerning “the natural man,” a -creature of their sympathetic imaginations.</p> - -<p>Because their idealism was of the type that is afraid of experience, -these founders refused to look at the difficulties and blunders which -a self-governing people were sure to encounter, and insisted that, -if only the people had freedom, they would walk continuously in the -paths of justice and righteousness. It was inevitable, therefore, that -they should have remained quite untouched by that worldly wisdom which -counsels us to know life as it is, and by that very modern belief that -if the world is ever to go right at all, it must go right in its own -way.</p> - -<p>A man of this generation easily discerns the crudeness of “that -eighteenth-century conception of essentially unprogressive human -nature in all the empty dignity of its ‘inborn rights.’”<a id="FNanchor_4" href="#Footnote_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> Because -he has grown familiar with a more passionate human creed, with the -modern evolutionary conception of the slowly advancing race whose<span class="pagenum" id="Page_33">[Pg 33]</span> -rights are not “inalienable,” but hard-won in the tragic processes of -experience, he realizes that these painfully acquired rights must be -carefully cherished or they may at any moment slip out of our hands. -We know better in America than anywhere else that civilization is -not a broad road, with mile-stones indicating how far each nation -has proceeded upon it, but a complex struggle forward, each race and -nation contributing its quota; that the variety and continuity of this -commingled life afford its charm and value. We would not, if we could, -conform them to one standard. But this modern attitude, which may -even now easily subside into negative tolerance, did not exist among -the founders of the Republic, who, with all their fine talk of the -“natural man” and what he would accomplish when he obtained freedom and -equality, did not really trust the people after all.</p> - -<p>They timidly took the English law as their prototype, “whose very root -is in the relation between sovereign and subject, between lawmaker -and those whom the law restrains,” which has traditionally concerned -itself more with the guarding of prerogative and with the rights of -property than with the spontaneous life of the people. They serenely -incorporated laws and survivals which registered the successful -struggle<span class="pagenum" id="Page_34">[Pg 34]</span> of the barons against the aggressions of the sovereign, -although the new country lacked both nobles and kings. Misled by the -name of government, they founded their new government by an involuntary -reference to a lower social state than that which they actually saw -about them. They depended upon penalties, coercion, compulsion, -remnants of military codes, to hold the community together; and it -may be possible to trace much of the maladministration of our cities -to these survivals, to the fact that our early democracy was a moral -romanticism, rather than a well-grounded belief in social capacity and -in the efficiency of the popular will.</p> - -<p>It has further happened that as the machinery, groaning under the -pressure of new social demands put upon it, has broken down that from -time to time, we have mended it by giving more power to administrative -officers, because we still distrusted the will of the people. We are -willing to cut off the dislocated part or to tighten the gearing, but -are afraid to substitute a machine of newer invention and greater -capacity. In the hour of danger we revert to the military and legal -type although they become less and less appropriate to city life in -proportion as the city grows more complex, more varied in resource and -more highly<span class="pagenum" id="Page_35">[Pg 35]</span> organized, and is, therefore, in greater need of a more -diffused local autonomy.</p> - -<p>A little examination will easily show that in spite of the fine phrases -of the founders, the Government became an entity by itself away from -the daily life of the people. There was no intention to ignore them -nor to oppress them. But simply because its machinery was so largely -copied from the traditional European Governments which did distrust -the people, the founders failed to provide the vehicle for a vital -and genuinely organized expression of the popular will. The founders -carefully defined what was germane to government and what was quite -outside its realm, whereas the very crux of local self-government, as -has been well said, is involved in the “right to locally determine the -scope of the local government,” in response to the needs as they arise.</p> - -<p>They were anxious to keep the reins of government in the hands of the -good and professedly public-spirited, because, having staked so much -upon the people whom they really knew so little, they became eager -that they should appear well, and should not be given enough power to -enable them really to betray their weaknesses. This was done in the -same spirit in which a kind lady permits herself to give a tramp five -cents, believing<span class="pagenum" id="Page_36">[Pg 36]</span> that, although he may spend it for drink, he cannot -get very drunk upon so small a sum. In spite of a vague desire to -trust the people, the founders meant to fall back in every crisis upon -the old restraints which government has traditionally enlisted in its -behalf, and were, perhaps, inevitably influenced by the experiences of -the Revolutionary War. Having looked to the sword for independence from -oppressive governmental control, they came to regard the sword as an -essential part of the government they had succeeded in establishing.</p> - -<p>Regarded from the traditional standpoint, government has always needed -this force of arms. The king, attempting to control the growing -power of the barons as they wrested one privilege after another from -him, was obliged to use it constantly; the barons later successfully -established themselves in power only to be encroached upon by the -growing strength and capital of the merchant class. These are now, in -turn, calling upon the troops and militia for aid, as they are shorn of -a pittance here and there by the rising power of the proletariat. The -imperial, the feudal, the capitalistic forms of society each created -by revolt against oppression from above, preserved their own forms of -government only by carefully guarding their hardly won charters<span class="pagenum" id="Page_37">[Pg 37]</span> and -constitutions. But in the very countries where these successive social -forms have developed, full of survivals of the past, some beneficent -and some detrimental, governments are becoming modified more rapidly -than in this democracy where we ostensibly threw off traditional -governmental oppression only to encase ourselves in a theory of -virtuous revolt against oppressive government, which in many instances -has proved more binding than the actual oppression itself.</p> - -<p>Did the founders cling too hard to that which they had won through -persecution, hardship, and finally through a war of revolution? Did -these doctrines seem so precious to them that they were determined to -tie men up to them as long as possible, and allow them no chance to go -on to new devices of government, lest they slight these that had been -so hardly won? Did they estimate, not too highly, but by too exclusive -a valuation, that which they had secured through the shedding of blood?</p> - -<p>Man has ever overestimated the spoils of war, and tended to lose his -sense of proportion in regard to their value. He has ever surrounded -them with a glamour beyond their deserts. This is quite harmless -when the booty is an enemy’s sword hung over a household fire, or a -battered<span class="pagenum" id="Page_38">[Pg 38]</span> flag decorating a city hall, but when the spoil of war is -an idea which is bound on the forehead of the victor until it cramps -his growth, a theory which he cherishes in his bosom until it grows so -large and near that it afflicts its possessor with a sort of disease of -responsibility for its preservation, it may easily overshadow the very -people for whose cause the warrior issued forth.</p> - -<p>Was this overestimation of the founders the cause of our subsequent -failures? or rather did not the fault lie with their successors, and -does it not now rest with us, that we have wrapped our inheritance -in a napkin and refused to add thereto? The founders fearlessly took -the noblest word of their century and incorporated it into a public -document. They ventured their fortunes and the future of their children -upon its truth. We, with the belief of a progressive, developing human -life, apparently accomplish less than they with their insistence upon -rights and liberties which they so vigorously opposed to mediaeval -restrictions and obligations. We are in that first period of conversion -when we hold a creed which forecasts newer and larger possibilities -for governmental development, without in the least understanding its -spiritual implications. Although we have scrupulously extended the -franchise to the varied immigrants among us, we have not<span class="pagenum" id="Page_39">[Pg 39]</span> yet admitted -them into real political fellowship.</p> - -<p>It is easy to demonstrate that we consider our social and political -problems almost wholly in the light of one wise group whom we call -native Americans, legislating for the members of humbler groups whom -we call immigrants. The first embodies the attitude of contempt or, at -best, the patronage of the successful towards those who have as yet -failed to succeed. We may consider the so-called immigration situation -as an illustration of our failure to treat our growing Republic in the -spirit of a progressive and developing democracy.</p> - -<p>The statement is made many times that we, as a nation, are rapidly -reaching the limit of our powers of assimilation, that we receive -further masses of immigrants at the risk of blurring those traits -and characteristics which we are pleased to call American, with -its corollary that the national standard of living is in danger -of permanent debasement. Were we not in the midst of a certain -intellectual dearth and apathy, of a skepticism in regard to the ideals -of self-government which have ceased to charm men, we would see that -we are testing our national life by a tradition too provincial and -limited to meet its present motley and cosmopolitan character; that we -lack mental energy, adequate knowledge, and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_40">[Pg 40]</span> a sense of the youth of -the earth. The constant cry that American institutions are in danger -betrays a spiritual waste, not due to our infidelity to national -ideals, but arising from the fact that we fail to enlarge those ideals -in accord with our faithful experience of life. Our political machinery -devised for quite other conditions, has not been readjusted and adapted -to the successive changes resulting from our development. The clamor -for the town meeting, for the colonial and early century ideals of -government is in itself significant, for we are apt to cling to the -past through a very paucity of ideas.</p> - -<p>In a sense the enormous and unprecedented moving about over the face -of the earth on the part of all nations is in itself the result of -philosophic dogma of the eighteenth century—of the creed of individual -liberty. The modern system of industry and commerce presupposes freedom -of occupation, of travel, and residence; even more, it unhappily rests -in a large measure upon the assumption of a body of the unemployed and -the unskilled, ready to be absorbed or dropped according to the demands -of production: but back of that, or certainly preceding its later -developments, lies “the natural rights” doctrine of the eighteenth -century. Even so late as 1892 an official treaty of the United States -referred to the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_41">[Pg 41]</span> “inalienable rights of man to change his residence -and religion.” This dogma of the schoolmen, dramatized in France and -penetrating under a thousand forms into the most backward European -States, is still operating as an obscure force in sending emigrants -to America and in our receiving them here. But in the second century -of its existence it has become too barren and chilly to induce any -really zealous or beneficent activity on behalf of the immigrants after -they arrive. On the other hand those things which we do believe—the -convictions which might be formulated to the immeasurable benefit of -the immigrants, and to the everlasting good of our national life, -have not yet been satisfactorily stated, nor apparently apprehended -by us, in relation to this field. We have no method by which to -discover men, to spiritualize, to understand, to hold intercourse with -aliens and to receive of what they bring. A century-old abstraction -breaks down before this vigorous test of concrete cases and their -demand for sympathetic interpretation. When we are confronted by the -Italian lazzaroni, the peasants from the Carpathian foothills, and the -proscribed traders from Galatia, we have no national ideality founded -upon realism and tested by our growing experience with which to meet -them, but only the platitudes of our crudest youth.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_42">[Pg 42]</span> The philosophers -and statesmen of the eighteenth century believed that the universal -franchise would cure all ills; that liberty and equality rested only -upon constitutional rights and privileges; that to obtain these two -and to throw off all governmental oppression constituted the full -duty of the progressive patriot. We still keep to this formalization -because the philosophers of this generation give us nothing newer. We -ignore the fact that world-wide problems can no longer be solved by -a political constitution assuring us against opposition, but that we -must frankly face the proposition that the whole situation is more -industrial than political. Did we apprehend this, we might then realize -that the officers of the Government who are dealing with naturalization -papers and testing the knowledge of the immigrants concerning the -Constitution of the United States, are only playing with counters -representing the beliefs of a century ago, while the real issues are -being settled by the great industrial and commercial interests which -are at once the products and the masters of our contemporary life. -As children who are allowed to amuse themselves with poker chips -pay no attention to the real game which their elders play with the -genuine cards in their hands, so we shut our eyes to the exploitation -and industrial debasement of the immigrant, and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_43">[Pg 43]</span> say, with placid -contentment, that he has been given the rights of an American citizen, -and that, therefore, all our obligations have been fulfilled. It is as -if we should undertake to cure the contemporary political corruption -founded upon a disregard of the Inter-State Commerce Acts, by requiring -the recreant citizens to repeat the Constitution of the United States.</p> - -<p>As yet no vigorous effort is made to discover how far our present -system of naturalization, largely resting upon laws enacted in 1802, is -inadequate, although it may have met the requirements of “the fathers.” -These processes were devised to test new citizens who had immigrated to -the United States from political rather than from economic pressure, -although these two have always been in a certain sense coextensive. -Yet the early Irish came to America to seek an opportunity for -self-government, denied them at home; the Germans and Italians started -to come in largest numbers after the absorption of their smaller -States into the larger nations; and the immigrants from Russia are the -conquered Poles, Lithuanians, Finns, and Jews. On some such obscure -notion the processes of naturalization were worked out, and, with a -certain degree of logic, the first immigrants were presented with the -Constitution of the United States as a type<span class="pagenum" id="Page_44">[Pg 44]</span> and epitome of that which -they had come to seek. So far as they now come in search of political -liberty, as many of them do every day, the test is still valid, but, -in the meantime, we cannot ignore those significant figures which show -emigration to rise with periods of depression in given countries, and -immigration to be checked by periods of depression in America, and we -refuse to see how largely the question has become an economic one.</p> - -<p>At the present moment, as we know, the actual importing of immigrants -is left largely to the energy of steamship companies and to those -agents for contract labor who are keen enough to avoid the restrictive -laws. The business man is here again in the saddle, as he so largely -is in American affairs. From the time that the immigrants first make -the acquaintance of the steamship agent in their own villages, at -least until a grandchild is born on the new soil, they are subjected -to various processes of exploitation from purely commercial and -self-seeking interests. It begins with the representatives of the -transatlantic lines and their allies, who convert the peasant holdings -into money, and provide the prospective emigrants with needless -supplies, such as cartridge belts and bowie knives. The brokers, in -manufactured passports, send their clients<span class="pagenum" id="Page_45">[Pg 45]</span> by successive stages for -a thousand miles to a port suiting their purposes. On the way the -emigrants’ eyes are treated that they may pass the physical test; they -are taught to read sufficiently well to meet the literacy test; they -are lent enough money to escape the pauper test, and by the time they -have reached America, they are so hopelessly in debt that it requires -months of work to repay all they have received. During this time they -are completely under the control of the last broker in the line, who -has his dingy office in an American city. The exploitation continues -under the employment agency whose operations verge into those of the -politician, through the naturalization henchman, the petty lawyers who -foment their quarrels and grievances by the statement that in a free -country everybody “goes to law,” by the liquor dealers who stimulate a -lively trade among them, and, finally, by the lodging-house keepers and -the landlords who are not obliged to give them the housing which the -American tenant demands. It is a long dreary road, and the immigrant -is successfully exploited at each turn. At moments one looking on is -driven to quote the Titanic plaint of Walt Whitman:</p> - -<p>“As I stand aloof and look, there is to me something profoundly -affecting in large masses<span class="pagenum" id="Page_46">[Pg 46]</span> of men following the lead of those who do -not believe in men.”</p> - -<p>The sinister aspect of this exploitation lies in the fact that it is -carried on by agents whose stock in trade are the counters and terms -of citizenship. It is said that at the present moment there are more -of these agents in Palermo than perhaps in any other European port, -and that those politicians who have found it impossible to stay even -in that corrupt city are engaged in the brokerage of naturalization -papers in the United States. Certainly one effect of the stringent -contract labor laws has been to make the padrones more powerful -because “smuggled alien labor” has become more valuable to American -corporations, and also to make simpler the delivery of immigrant -votes according to the dictates of commercial interests. It becomes a -veritable system of poisoning the notions of decent government; but -because the entire process is carried on in political terms, because -the poker chips are colored red, white, and blue, we are childishly -indifferent to it. An elaborate avoidance of restrictions quickly -adapts itself to changes either in legislation here or at the points -of departure, because none of the legislation is founded upon a real -analysis of the situation. For instance, a new type of broker in Russia -during the Russian-Japanese War made<span class="pagenum" id="Page_47">[Pg 47]</span> use of the situation in the -interests of young Russian Jews. If one of these men leaves the country -ordinarily, his family is obliged to pay three hundred rubles to the -Government, but if he first joins the army, his family is free from -this obligation for he has passed into the keeping of his sergeant. Out -of four hundred Russian Jews who, during three months, were drafted -into the army at a given recruiting station, only ten reported, -the rest having escaped through immigration. Of course the entire -undertaking is much more hazardous, because the man is a deserter from -the army in addition to his other disabilities; but the brokers merely -put up the price of their services and continue their undertakings.</p> - -<p>All these evasions of immigration laws and regulations are simply -possible because the governmental tests do not belong to the current -situation, and because our political ideas are inherited from -governmental conditions not our own. In our refusal to face the -situation, we have persistently ignored the political ideals of the -Celtic, Germanic, Latin, and Slavic immigrants who have successively -come to us; and in our overwhelming ambition to remain Anglo-Saxon, we -have fallen into the Anglo-Saxon temptation of governing all peoples -by one standard. We have failed to work out a democratic government -which<span class="pagenum" id="Page_48">[Pg 48]</span> should include the experiences and hopes of all the varied -peoples among us. We justify the situation by some such process as that -employed by each English elector who casts a vote for seventy-five -subjects besides himself. He indirectly determines—although he may be -a narrow-minded tradesman or a country squire interested only in his -hounds and horses—the colonial policy, which shall in turn control -the destinies of the Egyptian child toiling in the cotton factory in -Alexandria, and of the half-starved Parsee working the opium fields of -North India. Yet he cannot, in the nature of the case, be informed of -the needs of these far-away people and he would venture to attempt it -only in regard to people whom he considered “inferior.”</p> - -<p>Pending a recent election, a Chicago reformer begged his hearers to -throw away all selfish thoughts of themselves when they went to the -polls and to vote in behalf of the poor and ignorant foreigners of the -city. It would be difficult to suggest anything which would result -in a more serious confusion than to have each man, without personal -knowledge and experiences, consider the interests of the newly arrived -immigrant. The voter would have to give himself over to a veritable -debauch of altruism in order to persuade himself that his vote would be -of the least value to those<span class="pagenum" id="Page_49">[Pg 49]</span> men of whom he knew so little, and whom -he considered so remote and alien to himself. In truth the attitude of -the advising reformer was in reality so contemptuous that he had never -considered the immigrants really partakers and molders of the political -life of his country.</p> - -<p>This attitude of contempt, of provincialism, this survival of -the spirit of the conqueror toward an inferior people, has many -manifestations, but none so harmful as when it becomes absorbed and -imitated and is finally evinced by the children of the foreigners -toward their own parents.</p> - -<p>We are constantly told of the increase of criminals in the second -generation of immigrants, and, day after day, one sees lads of twelve -and fourteen throwing off the restraint of family life and striking -out for themselves. The break has come thus early, partly from the -forced development of the child under city conditions, partly because -the parents have had no chance of following, even remotely, this -development, but largely because the Americanized child has copied the -contemptuous attitude towards the foreigner which he sees all about -him. The revolt has in it something of the city impatience of country -standards, but much more of America against Poland or Italy. It is all -wretchedly sordid with bitterness on the part of the parents, and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_50">[Pg 50]</span> -hardhearted indifference and recklessness on the part of the boy. Only -occasionally can the latter be appealed to by filial affection after -the first break has once been thoroughly made; and yet, sometimes, -even these lads see the pathos of the situation. A probation officer -from Hull-House one day surprised three truants who were sitting by -a bonfire which they had built near the river. Sheltered by an empty -freight car, the officer was able to listen to their conversation. The -Pole, the Italian, and the Bohemian boys who had broken the law by -staying away from school, by building a fire in dangerous proximity to -freight cars, and by “swiping” the potatoes which they were roasting, -seemed to have settled down into an almost halcyon moment of gentleness -and reminiscence. The Italian boy commiserated his parents because they -hated the cold and the snow and “couldn’t seem to get used to it;” the -Pole said that his father missed seeing folks that he knew and was -“sore on this country;” the Bohemian lad really grew quite tender about -his old grandmother and the “stacks of relations” who came to see her -every Sunday in the old country, where, in contrast to her loneliness -here, she evidently had been a person of consequence. All of them felt -the pathos of the situation, but the predominant note was the cheap -contempt of the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_51">[Pg 51]</span> new American for foreigners, even though they are of -his own blood. The weakening of the tie which connects one generation -with another may be called the domestic results of the contemptuous -attitude. But the social results of the contemptuous attitude are even -more serious and nowhere so grave as in the modern city.</p> - -<p>Men are there brought together by multitudes in response to the -concentration of industry and commerce without bringing with them -the natural social and family ties or the guild relationships which -distinguished the mediaeval cities and held even so late as the -eighteenth century, when the country people came to town in response -to the normal and slowly formed ties of domestic service, family -affection, and apprenticeship. Men who come to a modern city by -immigration break all these older ties and the national bond in -addition. There is all the more necessity to develop that cosmopolitan -bond which forms their substitute. The immigrants will be ready to -adapt themselves to a new and vigorous civic life founded upon the -recognition of their needs if the Government which is at present -administered in our cities, will only admit that these needs are -germane to its functions. The framers of the carefully prepared -charters, upon which the cities are founded, did not foresee that -after the universal<span class="pagenum" id="Page_52">[Pg 52]</span> franchise had once been granted, social needs -and ideals were bound to enter in as legitimate objects of political -action. Neither did these framers realize, on the other hand, that the -only people in a democracy who can legitimately become the objects -of repressive government, are those people who are too undeveloped -to use their liberty or those who have forfeited their right to full -citizenship. We have, therefore, a municipal administration in America -which concerns itself only grudgingly with the social needs of the -people, and is largely reduced to the administration of restrictive -measures. The people who come most directly in contact with the -executive officials, who are the legitimate objects of their control, -are the vicious, who need to be repressed; and the semi-dependent -poor, who appeal to them in their dire need; or, for quite the reverse -reason, those who are trying to avoid an undue taxation, resenting the -fact that they should be made to support a government which, from the -nature of the case, is too barren to excite their real enthusiasm.</p> - -<p>The instinctive protest against this mechanical method of civic -control, with the lack of adjustment between the natural democratic -impulse and the fixed external condition, inevitably produces the -indifferent citizen, and the so-called “professional politician.” The -first, because<span class="pagenum" id="Page_53">[Pg 53]</span> he is not vicious, feels that the real processes of -government do not concern him and wishes only to be let alone. The -latter easily adapts himself to an illegal avoidance of the external -fixed conditions by assuming that these conditions have been settled -by doctrinaires who did not in the least understand the people, -while he, the politician, makes his appeal beyond the conditions to -the real desires of the people themselves. He is thus not only “the -people’s friend,” but their interpreter. It is interesting to note -how often simple people refer to “them,” meaning the good and great -who govern but do not understand, and to “him,” meaning the alderman, -who represents them in these incomprehensible halls of State, as an -ambassador to a foreign country to whose borders they themselves could -not possibly penetrate, and whose language they do not speak.</p> - -<p>In addition to this difficulty inherent in the difference between the -traditional and actual situation, there is another, which constantly -arises on the purely administrative side. The traditional governments -which the founders had copied, in proceeding by fixed standards to -separate the vicious from the good, and then to legislate against the -vicious, had enforced these restrictive measures by trained officials, -usually with a military background. In a democracy, however,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_54">[Pg 54]</span> -the officers entrusted with the enforcement of this restrictive -legislation, if not actually elected by the people themselves, are -still the appointments of those thus elected and are, therefore, -good-natured men who have made friends by their kindness and social -qualities. This is only decreasingly true even in those cities where -appointments are made by civil service examinations. The carrying out -of repressive legislation, the remnant of a military state of society, -in a democracy is at last put into the hands of men who have attained -office because of political pull. The repressive measures must be -enforced by those sympathizing with the people and belonging to those -against whom the measures operate. This anomalous situation produces -almost inevitably one result: that the police authorities themselves -are turned into allies of vice and crime. This may be illustrated -from almost any of the large American cities in the relation existing -between the police force and the gambling and other illicit life. The -officers are often flatly told that the enforcement of an ordinance -which the better element of the city has insisted upon passing, is -impossible; that they are expected to control only the robbery and -crime that so often associate themselves with vice. As Mr. Wilcox<a id="FNanchor_5" href="#Footnote_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> -has recently<span class="pagenum" id="Page_55">[Pg 55]</span> pointed out, public sentiment itself assumes a certain -hypocrisy, and in the end we have “the abnormal conditions which are -created when vice is protected by the authorities,” and in the very -worst cases there develops a sort of municipal blackmail in which -the administration itself profits by the violation of law. The very -governmental agencies which were designed to protect the citizen -from vice, foster and protect him in its pursuance because everybody -involved is thoroughly confused by the human element in the situation. -Further than this, the officer’s very kindness and human understanding -is that which leads to his downfall, for he is forced to uphold the -remnant of a military discipline in a self-governing community. It is -not remarkable, perhaps, that the police department, the most vigorous -survival of militarism to be found in American cities, has always -been responsible for the most exaggerated types of civic corruption. -It is sad, however, that this corruption has largely been due to the -kindliness of the officers and to their lack of military training. -There is no doubt that the reasonableness of keeping the saloons in -lower New York open on Sunday was apparent to the policemen of the East -Side force long before it dawned upon the reform administration; and -yet, that the policemen allowed<span class="pagenum" id="Page_56">[Pg 56]</span> themselves to connive at law-breaking, -was the beginning of their disgraceful downfall. Because kindness to an -enemy may mean death or the annihilation of the army which he guards, -all kindness is illicit on the part of the military sentinel on duty; -but to bring that code over bodily into a peaceful social state is to -break down the morals of both sides, of the enforcer of the ill-adapted -law, as well as of those against whom it is so maladroitly directed.</p> - -<p>In order to meet this situation, there is almost inevitably developed -a politician of the corrupt type so familiar in American cities, the -politician who has become successful because he has made friends -with the vicious. The semi-criminal, who are constantly brought in -contact with administrative government are naturally much interested -in its operations. Having much at stake, as a matter of course, they -attend the primaries and all the other election processes which so -quickly tire the good citizens whose interest in the government is a -self-imposed duty. To illustrate: it is a matter of much moment to a -gambler whether there is to be a “wide-open town” or not; it means the -success or failure of his business; it involves, not only the pleasure, -but the livelihood, of all his friends. He naturally attends to the -election of the alderman, to the appointment and retention<span class="pagenum" id="Page_57">[Pg 57]</span> of the -policeman. He is found at the caucus “every time,” and would be much -amused if he were praised for the performance of his civic duty; but, -because he and the others who are concerned in semi-illicit business do -attend the primaries, the corrupt politician is nominated over and over -again.</p> - -<p>As this type of politician is successful from his alliance with crime, -there also inevitably arises from time to time a so-called reformer -who is shocked to discover the state of affairs, the easy partnership -between vice and administrative government. He dramatically uncovers -the situation and arouses great indignation against it on the part of -good citizens. If this indignation is enough, he creates a political -fervor which is translated into a claim upon public gratitude. In -portraying the evil he is fighting, he does not recognize, or at least -does not make clear, all the human kindness upon which it has grown. -In his speeches he inevitably offends a popular audience, who know -that the evil of corruption exists in all degrees and forms of human -weakness, but who also know that these evils are by no means always -hideous, and sometimes even are lovable. They resent his over-drawn -pictures of vice and of the life of the vicious; their sense of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_58">[Pg 58]</span> -fair play, their deep-rooted desire for charity and justice, are all -outraged.</p> - -<p>To illustrate from a personal experience: Some years ago a famous New -York reformer came to Chicago to tell us of his phenomenal success, -his trenchant methods of dealing with the city “gambling-hells,” as -he chose to call them. He proceeded to describe the criminals of -lower New York in terms and phrases which struck at least one of his -auditors as sheer blasphemy against our common human nature. I thought -of the criminals whom I knew, of the gambler for whom each Saturday -I regularly collected his weekly wage of $24.00, keeping $18.00 for -his wife and children and giving him $6.00 on Monday morning. His -despairing statement, “the thing is growing on me, and I can never give -it up,” was certainly not the cry of a man living in hell, but of him -who, through much tribulation had at least kept the loyal intention. -I remembered the three girls who had come to me with a paltry sum of -money collected from the pawn and sale of their tawdry finery in order -that one of their number might be spared a death in the almshouse and -that she might have the wretched comfort during the closing weeks of -her life of knowing that, although she was an outcast, she was not a -pauper. I recalled the first murderer<span class="pagenum" id="Page_59">[Pg 59]</span> whom I had ever known, a young -man who was singing his baby to sleep and stopped to lay it in its -cradle before he rushed downstairs into his father’s saloon to scatter -the gang of boys who were teasing the old man by giving him English -orders. The old man could not understand English and the boys were -refusing to pay for the drinks they had consumed, but technically had -not ordered.</p> - -<p>For one short moment I saw the situation from the point of view of -humbler people, who sin often through weakness and passion, but seldom -through hardness of heart, and I felt that in a democratic community -such sweeping condemnations and conclusions as the speaker was pouring -forth could never be accounted for righteousness.</p> - -<p>As the policeman who makes terms with vice, and almost inevitably -slides into making gain from vice, merely represents the type of -politician who is living off the weakness of his fellows, so the -over-zealous reformer who exaggerates vice until the public is scared -and awestruck, represents the type of politician who is living off the -timidity of his fellows. With the lack of civic machinery for simple -democratic expression, for a direct dealing with human nature as it is, -we seem doomed to one type or the other—corruptionists or anti-crime -committees.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_60">[Pg 60]</span></p> - -<p>And one sort or the other we will continue to have so long as we -distrust the very energy of existence, the craving for enjoyment, -the pushing of vital forces, the very right of every citizen to be -what he is without pretense or assumption of virtue. Too often he -does not really admire these virtues, but he imagines them somewhere -as a standard adopted by the virtuous whom he does not know. That -old Frankenstein, the ideal man of the eighteenth century, is still -haunting us, although he never existed save in the brain of the -doctrinaire.</p> - -<p>This dramatic and feverish triumph of the self-seeker, see-sawing -with that of the interested reformer, does more than anything else, -perhaps, to keep the American citizen away from the ideals of genuine -evolutionary democracy. Whereas repressive government, from the -nature of the case, has to do with the wicked who are happily always -in a minority in the community, a normal democratic government would -naturally have to do with the great majority of the population in their -normal relations to each other.</p> - -<p>After all, the so-called “slum politician” ventures his success upon an -appeal to human sentiment and generosity. This venture often results in -an alliance between the popular politician and the humblest citizens, -quite as naturally as the reformer<span class="pagenum" id="Page_61">[Pg 61]</span> who stands for honest business -administration usually becomes allied with the type of business man -whose chief concern it is to guard his treasure and to prevent a rise -in taxation. The community is again insensibly divided into two camps, -the repressed, who is dimly conscious that he has no adequate outlet -for his normal life and the repressive, represented by the cautious, -careful citizen holding fast to his own,—once more the conqueror and -his humble people.</p> - - -<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_4" href="#FNanchor_4" class="label">[4]</a> “The Spirit of Modern Philosophy,” Josiah Royce, page 275.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_5" href="#FNanchor_5" class="label">[5]</a> The American City, Dr. Delos F. Wilcox, page 200.</p> - -</div> -</div> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_62">[Pg 62]</span></p> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_III">CHAPTER III<br><span class="small">FAILURE TO UTILIZE IMMIGRANTS IN CITY GOVERNMENT</span></h2></div> - - -<p>We do much loose talking in regard to American immigration; we use -the phrase, “the scum of Europe,” and other unwarranted words without -realizing that the unsuccessful man, the undeveloped peasant, may be -much more valuable to us here than the more highly developed, but -also more highly specialized, town dweller, who may much less readily -acquire the characteristics which the new environment demands.</p> - -<p>If successful struggle ends in the survival of the few, in blatant and -tangible success for the few only, government will have to reckon most -largely with the men who have been beaten in the struggle, with the -effect upon them of the contest and the defeat; for, after all, the -unsuccessful will always represent the majority of the citizens, and it -is with the large majority that self-government must eventually deal -whatever course of action other governments may legitimately determine -for themselves.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_63">[Pg 63]</span></p> - -<p>To demand to be protected from the many unsuccessful among us, who are -supposed to issue forth from the shallows of our city life and seize -upon the treasure of the citizens as the barbarians of old came from -outside the city walls, is of course not to have read the first lesson -of self-government in the light of evolutionary science. It is to -forget that a revival in self-government, an awakening of its original -motive power and <i>raison d’être</i>, can come only from a genuine -desire to increase its scope, and to adapt it to new and strenuous -conditions. In this way science revived and leaped forward under the -pressure of the enlarged demand of manufacture and commerce put upon it -during the industrial decades just passed.</p> - -<p>We would ask the moralists and statesmen of this dawning century, -equipped as they are, with the historic method, to save our -contemporaries from skepticism in regard to self-government by -revealing to them its adaptability to the needs of the humblest man -who is so sorely pressed in this industrial age. The statesman who -would fill his countrymen with enthusiasm for democratic government -must not only possess a genuine understanding of the needs of the -simplest citizens, but he must know how to reveal their capacities -and powers. He must needs go<span class="pagenum" id="Page_64">[Pg 64]</span> man-hunting into those curious groups -we call newly arrived immigrants, and do for them what the scholar -has done in pointing out to us the sweetness and charm which inhere -in primitive domestic customs and in showing us the curious pivot -these customs make for religious and tribal beliefs. The scholar who -has surrounded the simplest action of women grinding millet or corn -with a penetrating reminiscence, sweeter than the chant they sing, -may reveal something of the same reminiscence and charm among many -of the immigrants. In the midst of crowded city streets one stumbles -upon an old Italian peasant with her distaff against her withered face -and her pathetic hands patiently “holding the thread,” as has been -done by myriads of women since children needed to be clad; or one -sees an old German potter, misshapen by years, his sensitive hands -nevertheless fairly alive with skill and delicacy, and his life at -least illumined with the artist’s prerogative of direct creation. -Could we take these primitive habits as they are to be found every day -in American cities and give them their significance and place, they -would be a wonderful factor for poetry in cities frankly given over -to industrialism and absorbed in its activities. As a McAndrews’ hymn -expresses the frantic rush of the industrial river, so these primitive -customs could give us<span class="pagenum" id="Page_65">[Pg 65]</span> something of the mysticism and charm of the -industrial springs, a suggestion of source, a touch of the refinement -which adheres to simple things. This study of origins, of survivals, -of paths of least resistance—refining an industrial age through the -people and experiences which really belong to it and do not need to -be brought in from the outside—would surely result in a revived -enthusiasm for human life and its possibilities which would in turn -react upon the ideals of government. The present lack of understanding -of simple people and the dearth of the illumination which knowledge of -them would give, can be traced not only in the social and political -maladjustment of the immigrant in municipal centres, but is felt in -so-called “practical affairs” of national magnitude. Regret is many -times expressed that, notwithstanding the fact that nine out of every -ten immigrants are of rural birth and are fitted to undertake that -painstaking method of cultivating the soil which American farmers -despise, they nevertheless all tend to congregate in cities where -their inherited and elaborate knowledge of agricultural processes is -unutilized. But it is characteristic of American complacency when any -assisted removal to agricultural regions is contemplated, that we -utterly ignore the past experiences of the immigrant and always assume<span class="pagenum" id="Page_66">[Pg 66]</span> -that each family will be content to live in the middle of its own piece -of ground, although there are few peoples on the face of the earth who -have ever tried isolating a family on one hundred and sixty acres or on -eighty, or even on forty. But this is the American way—a survival of -our pioneer days—and we refuse to modify it, even in regard to South -Italians, although from the day of mediaeval incursions they have lived -in compact villages with an intense and elaborated social life, so -much of it out of doors and interdependent that it has affected almost -every domestic habit. Italian women knead their own bread, but depend -on the village oven for its baking, and the men would rather walk for -miles to their fields each day than to face an evening of companionship -limited to the family. Nothing could afford a better check to the -constant removal to the cities of the farming population all over the -United States than the possibility of combining community life with -agricultural occupation. This combination would afford that development -of civilization which, curiously enough, density alone brings and -for which even a free system of rural delivery is not an adequate -substitute. Much of the significance and charm of rural life in South -Italy lies in its village companionship, quite as the dreariness of the -American farm life inheres in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_67">[Pg 67]</span> its unnecessary solitude. But we totally -disregard the solution which the old agricultural community offers, -and our utter lack of adaptability has something to do with the fact -that the South Italian remains in the city where he soon forgets his -cunning in regard to silk worms and olive trees, but continues his old -social habits to the extent of filling an entire tenement house with -the people from one village.</p> - -<p>We also exhibit all the Anglo-Saxon distrust of any experiment with -land tenure or method of taxation, although our single-tax advocates do -not fail to tell us daily of the stupidity of the present arrangement. -It might, indeed, be well to make a few experiments upon an historic -basis before their enthusiasm converts us all. For centuries in -Russia the Slavic village, the mir system of land occupation, has -been in successful operation, training men within its narrow limits -to community administration. Yet when a persecuted sect from Russia -wishes to find refuge in America, we insist that seven thousand -people shall give up all at once a system of land ownership in which -they are experts. Americans declare the system to be impracticable, -although it is singularly like that in vogue in Palestine during the -period of its highest prosperity. We cannot receive them in the United -States, because<span class="pagenum" id="Page_68">[Pg 68]</span> our laws have no way of dealing with such cases. -And in Canada, where they are finally settled, the unimaginative -Dominion officials are driven to the verge of distraction concerning -registration of deeds and the collection of taxes from men who do not -claim acres in their own names, but in the name of the village. The -official distraction is reflected and intensified among the people -themselves, to the point of driving them into the mediaeval “marching -mania,” in the hope of finding a land in the south where they may carry -out their inoffensive “mir” system. The entire situation might prove -that an unbending theory of individualism may become as fixed as status -itself, although there are certainly other factors in the Doukhobor -situation—religious bigotry, and the self-seeking of leadership. -In spite of the fact that the Canadian officials have in other -matters exhibited much of the adaptability which distinguishes the -British colonial policy, they are completely stranded on the rock of -Anglo-Saxon individualistic ownership, and assume that any other system -of land tenure is subversive of government, forgetting that Russia -manages to exert a fair amount of governmental control over thousands -of acres held under the system which they so detest.</p> - -<p>In our eagerness to reproach the immigrants for<span class="pagenum" id="Page_69">[Pg 69]</span> not going upon the -land we almost overlook the contributions to city life which those -of them, who were adapted to it in Europe, are making to our cities -here. From dingy little eating-houses in lower New York, performing a -function somewhat between the eighteenth-century coffee-house and the -Parisian café, is issuing at the present moment perhaps the sturdiest -realistic drama that is being produced on American soil. Late into the -night speculation is carried forward—not on the nice questions of -the Talmud and on quibbles of logic; but minds long trained on these -seriously discuss the need of a readjustment of the industrial machine -in order that the primitive sense of justice and righteousness may -secure larger play in our social organization. And yet a Russian in -Chicago who used to believe that Americans cared first and foremost -for political liberty and that they would certainly admire those who -had suffered in its cause, finds no one interested in his story of six -years’ banishment beyond the Antarctic circle. He is really listened to -only when he tells the tale to a sportsman of the fish he had caught -during the six weeks of summer when the rivers were open. “Lively work -then, but plenty of time to eat them dried or frozen through the rest -of the year,” is the most sympathetic comment he has yet received<span class="pagenum" id="Page_70">[Pg 70]</span> upon -an experience which, at least to him, held the bittersweet of martyrdom.</p> - -<p>Among the colonies of the most recently immigrated Jews, who still -carry out their orthodox customs and a ritual preserved through -centuries in the Ghetto, one constantly feels during a season of -religious observance, a refreshing insistence upon the reality of the -inner life, and upon the dignity of its expression in inherited form. -Perhaps the most striking reproach to the materialism of Chicago is the -sight on a solemn Jewish holiday of a Chicago River bridge lined with -men and women oblivious of the noisy traffic and sordid surroundings, -casting their sins upon the waters that they may be carried far away. -The scene is a clear statement that, after all, life does not consist -in wealth, in learning, in enterprise, in energy, in success, not even -in that modern fetich, culture, but in an inner equilibrium, in “the -agreement of soul.” It is a relief to see even this exaggerated and -grotesque presentation of spiritual values.</p> - -<p>But the statesman shuts himself away from the possibility of using -these great reservoirs of human ability and motive power because he -considers it patriotic to hold to governmental lines and ideals laid -down a century and a quarter ago. Because of a military inheritance, -we as a nation stoutly<span class="pagenum" id="Page_71">[Pg 71]</span> contend that all this varied and suggestive -life has nothing to do with government nor patriotism, and that we -perform the full duty of American citizens when the provisions of the -statutes on naturalization are carried out. In the meantime, in the -interests of our theory that commercial and governmental powers should -have no connection with each other, we carefully ignore the one million -false naturalization papers in the United States issued and concealed -by commercialized politics. Although we have an uneasy knowledge that -these powers are curiously allied, we profess that the latter has no -connection with the former and no control over it. We steadily refuse -to recognize the fact that our age is swayed by industrial forces.</p> - -<p>Fortunately, life is much bigger and finer than our theories about -it, and, among all the immigrants in the great cities, there is -slowly developing the beginnings of self-government on the lines of -their daily experiences. The man who really knows immigrants and -undertakes to naturalize them, makes no pretense of the lack of -connection between their desire to earn their daily bread and their -citizenship. The petty and often corrupt politician who is first kind -to immigrants, realizes perfectly well that the force pushing them to -this country has been industrial need and that<span class="pagenum" id="Page_72">[Pg 72]</span> recognition of this -need is legitimate. He follows the natural course of events when he -promises to get the immigrant “a job,” for that is undoubtedly what -the immigrant most needs in all the world. If the politician nearest -to him were really interested in the immigrant and were to work out -a scheme of naturalization fitted to the situation, the immigrant -would proceed from the street-cleaning and sewer-digging in which he -first engages, to an understanding of the relation of these simple -offices to city government. Through them he would understand the -obligation of his alderman to secure cleanliness for the streets -in which his children play and for the tenement in which he lives. -The notion of representative government could be made quite clear -and concrete to him. He could demand his rights and use his vote in -order to secure them. His very naïve demands might easily become a -restraint, a purifying check upon the alderman, instead of a source of -constant corruption and exploitation. But when the politician attempts -to naturalize the bewildered immigrant, he must perforce accept -the doctrinaire standard imposed by men who held a theory totally -unattached to experience, and he must, therefore, begin with the remote -Constitution of the United States. At the Cook County Court-House only -a short time ago a candidate<span class="pagenum" id="Page_73">[Pg 73]</span> for naturalization, who was asked the -usual question as to what the Constitution of the United States was, -replied: “The Illinois Central.” His mind naturally turned to his -work, to the one bit of contribution he had genuinely made to the new -country, and his reply might well offer a valuable suggestion to the -student of educational method. Some of our most advanced schools are -even now making industrial construction and evolution a natural basis -for all future acquisition of knowledge, and they claim that anything -less vital and creative is inadequate.</p> - -<p>It is surprising how a simple experience, if it be but genuine, gives -an opening into citizenship altogether lacking to the more grandiose -attempts. A Greek-American, slaughtering sheep in a tenement-house -yard, reminiscent of the Homeric tradition, can be made to see the -effect of the improvised shambles on his neighbor’s health and the -right of the city to prohibit the slaughtering, only as he perceives -the development of city government upon its most modern basis.</p> - -<p>The enforcement of adequate child labor laws offers unending -opportunity to better citizenship founded, not upon theory but on -action, as does the compulsory education law, which makes clear that -education is a matter of vital importance to the American city and to -the State which has<span class="pagenum" id="Page_74">[Pg 74]</span> enacted definite, well-considered legislation in -regard to it. Some of the most enthusiastic supporters of child-labor -legislation and of compulsory education laws are those parents who -sacrifice old-world tradition, as well as the much-needed earnings of -their young children, because of loyalty to the laws of their adopted -country. Certainly genuine sacrifice for the nation’s law is a good -foundation for patriotism, and as this again is not a doctrinaire -question, women are not debarred, and mothers who wash and scrub for -the meagre support of their children say, sturdily, sometimes: “It will -be a year before he can go to work without breaking the law, but we -came to this country to give the young ones a chance, and we are not -going to begin by having them do what’s not right.”</p> - -<p>Upon some such basis as this the Hebrew Alliance and the Charity -Organization of New York, which are putting forth desperate energy in -the enormous task of ministering to the suffering which immigration -entails, are developing understanding and respect for the alien through -their mutual efforts to secure more adequate tenement-house regulation -and to control the spread of tuberculosis; both these undertakings -being perfectly hopeless without the intelligent co-operation of -the immigrants themselves.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_75">[Pg 75]</span> Through such humble doors, perchance, -the immigrant will at last enter into his heritage in a new nation. -Democratic government has ever been the result of spiritual travail -and moral effort. Apparently, even here, the immigrant must pay the -old cost, and he seems to represent the group and type which is making -the most genuine contribution to the present growth in governmental -functions, with its constant demand for increasing adaptations.</p> - -<p>In the induction of the adult immigrant into practical citizenship, -we constantly ignore his daily experience. We also assume in our -formal attempts to teach patriotism to him and to his children, that -experience and traditions have no value, and that a new sentiment -must be put into aliens by some external process. Some years ago, a -public-spirited organization engaged a number of speakers to go to -the various city schools in order to instruct the children in the -significance of Decoration Day and to foster patriotism among the -foreign born, by descriptions of the Civil War. In one of the schools, -filled with Italian children, an old soldier, a veteran in years and -experience, gave a description of a battle in Tennessee, and of his -personal adventures in using a pile of brush as an ambuscade and a -fortification. Coming from the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_76">[Pg 76]</span> schoolhouse, an eager young Italian -broke out, with characteristic vividness, into a description of his -father’s campaigning under the leadership of Garibaldi, possibly -from some obscure notion that that, too, was a civil war fought from -principle, but more likely because the description of one battle -had roused in his mind the memory of another such description. The -lecturer, whose sympathies happened to be on the other side of the -Garibaldian conflict, somewhat sharply told him that he must forget -all that; that he was no longer an Italian, but an American. The -natural growth of patriotism based upon respect for the achievements -of one’s fathers, the bringing together of the past with the present, -the significance of the almost world-wide effort at a higher standard -of political freedom which swept over all Europe and America between -1848 and 1872 could, of course, have no place in the boy’s mind because -it had none in the mind of the instructor whose patriotism apparently -tried to purify itself by the American process of elimination.</p> - -<p>How far a certain cosmopolitan humanitarianism ignoring national -differences, is either possible or desirable, it is difficult to -state; but certain it is that the old type of patriotism, founded -upon a common national history and land occupation, becomes to many -of the immigrants who<span class="pagenum" id="Page_77">[Pg 77]</span> bring it with them a veritable stumbling-block -and impediment. Many Greeks whom I know are fairly besotted with a -consciousness of their national importance, and the achievements -of their glorious past. Among them the usual effort to found a new -patriotism upon American history is often an absurd undertaking; for -instance, on the night of one Thanksgiving Day, I spent some time and -zeal in a description of the Pilgrim Fathers, and the motives which -had driven them across the sea, while the experiences of the Plymouth -colony were illustrated by stereopticon slides and little dramatic -scenes. The audience of Greeks listened respectfully, although I -was uneasily conscious of the somewhat feeble attempt to boast of -Anglo-Saxon achievement in hardihood and privation, to men whose powers -of admiration were absorbed in their Greek background of philosophy -and beauty. At any rate, after the lecture was over, one of the Greeks -said to me, quite simply, “I wish I could describe my ancestors to -you; they were very different from yours.” His further remarks were -translated by a little Irish boy of eleven, who speaks modern Greek -with facility and turns many an honest penny by translating, into the -somewhat pert statement: “He says if <i>that</i> is what your ancestors -are like, that his could beat them out.”<span class="pagenum" id="Page_78">[Pg 78]</span> It is a good illustration of -our faculty for ignoring the past, and of our failure to understand the -immigrant’s estimation of ourselves. This lack of a more cosmopolitan -standard, of a consciousness of kind founded upon creative imagination -and historic knowledge is apparent in many directions, and cruelly -widens the gulf between immigrant fathers and their children who are -“Americans in process.”</p> - -<p>A hideous story comes from New York of a young Russian Jewess who was -employed as a stenographer in a down-town office, where she became -engaged to be married to a young man of Jewish-American parentage. -She felt keenly the difference between him and her newly immigrated -parents, and on the night when he was to be presented to them she went -home early to make every possible preparation for his coming. Her -efforts to make the <i>ménage</i> presentable were so discouraging, -the whole situation filled her with such chagrin, that an hour before -his expected arrival, she ended her life. Although the father was a -Talmud scholar of standing in his native Russian town, and the lover -was a clerk of very superficial attainments, she possessed no standard -by which to judge the two men. This lack of standard must be charged -to the entire community; for why should we expect an<span class="pagenum" id="Page_79">[Pg 79]</span> untrained girl -to be able to do for herself what the community so pitifully fails to -accomplish?</p> - -<p>All the members of the community are equally stupid in throwing away -the immigrant revelation of social customs and inherited energy. -We continually allow this valuable human experience to go to waste -although we have reached the stage of humanitarianism when no infant -may be wantonly allowed to die, no man be permitted to freeze or -starve, if the State can prevent it. We may truthfully boast that the -primitive, wasteful struggle of physical existence is practically over, -but no such statement can be made in regard to spiritual life. Students -of social conditions recognize the fact that modern charity constantly -grows more democratic and constructive, and daily more concerned for -preventive measures, but to admit frankly similar aims as matters for -municipal government as yet seems impossible.</p> - -<p>In this country it seems to be only the politician at the bottom, -the man nearest the people, who understands that there is a growing -disinterestedness taking hold of men’s hopes and imaginations in every -direction. He often plays upon it and betrays it; but he at least knows -it is there.</p> - -<p>The two points at which government is developing most rapidly at the -present moment are naturally the two where it of necessity exercises<span class="pagenum" id="Page_80">[Pg 80]</span> -functions of nurture and protection: first, in relation to the young -criminal, second, in relation to the poor and dependent. One of the -latest developments is the Juvenile Courts which the large cities are -inaugurating. Only fifteen years ago when I first went to live in an -industrial district of Chicago, if a boy was arrested on some trifling -charge—and dozens of them were thus arrested each month—the only -possible way to secure another chance for him by restoring him to his -home with an opportunity to become a law-abiding citizen, was through -the alderman of the ward. Upon the request of a distracted relative -or the precinct captain, the alderman would “speak to the judge” -and secure the release of the boy. The kindness of the alderman was -genuine, as was the gratitude of all concerned; but the inevitable -impression remained that government was harsh, and naturally dealt out -policemen and prisons, and that the political friend alone stood for -kindness. That this kindness was in a measure illicit and mysterious in -its workings made it all the more impressive.</p> - -<p>But so much advance has been made in so short a time as fifteen years, -toward incorporating kindly concern for the young and a desire to keep -them in the path of rectitude within the process of government itself, -that in Chicago alone<span class="pagenum" id="Page_81">[Pg 81]</span> twenty-four probation officers, as they are -called, are paid from the public funds. The wayward boy is committed -to one of these for another chance as a part of the procedure of the -court. He is not merely released by an act of clemency so magnificent -and irrelevant as to dazzle him with a sense of the aldermanic power, -but he is put under the actual care of a probation officer that he may -do better. He is assisted to keep permanently away from the police -courts and their allied penal institutions.</p> - -<p>In one of the most successful of these courts, that of Denver, the -Judge who can point to a remarkable record with the bad boys of the -city, plays a veritable game with them against the police force, he -and the boys undertaking to be good without the help of repression, -and in spite of the machinations of the police. For instance, if the -boys who have been sentenced to the State Reform School at Golden, -deliver themselves without the aid of the Sheriff whose duty it is to -take them there, they not only vindicate their manliness and readiness -“to take their medicine,” but they beat the sheriff who belongs to the -penal machinery out of his five-dollar fee. Over this fact they openly -triumph—a simple example, perhaps, but significant of the attitude<span class="pagenum" id="Page_82">[Pg 82]</span> of -the well-intentioned toward repressive government.</p> - -<p>The Juvenile Courts are beginning to take a really parental attitude -towards all dependent children, although for years only those orphans -who had inherited at least a meagre property were handed over to a -public guardian. Those whose parents had left them absolutely nothing -were allowed to care for themselves—as if the whole body of doctrine -contained in the phrase, “there is no wealth but life,” had never -entered into the mind of man. Because these courts are dealing with -the children in their social and everyday relations they have made the -astounding discovery that even a penniless child needs the care and -defense of the State.</p> - -<p>The schools for Reform are those which are inaugurating the most -advanced education in agriculture and manual arts. A bewildered foreign -parent comes from time to time to Hull-House, asking that his boy be -sent to a school to learn farming, basing his request upon the fact -that his neighbor’s boy has been sent to “a nice green, country-place.” -It is carefully explained that the neighbor’s boy was bad, and was -arrested and sent away because of his badness. After much conversation, -the disappointed parent sometimes understands, but he often goes away<span class="pagenum" id="Page_83">[Pg 83]</span> -shaking his head, and some such words as these issue: “I have been -in this country for five years, and have never gotten anything yet.” -At other times it is successfully explained to the man that the city -assumes that he is looking out for himself and taking care of his own -boy, but it ought to be possible to make him to see that if he feels -that his son needs the education of a farm school, that it lies with -him to agitate the subject and to vote for the man who will secure such -schools. He might well look amazed, were this advice tendered him, for -these questions have never been presented to him to vote upon. Because -he does not eagerly discuss the tariff or other remote subjects which -the political parties present to him from time to time we assume that -he is not to be trusted to vote on the education of his child, although -there is no doubt that the one thing his ancestors decided upon, from -the days of bows and arrows, was the sort of training each one should -give his son.</p> - -<p>The fine education that is given to a juvenile offender may indicate -a certain compunction on the part of the State. Quite as men formerly -gloried in warfare and now apologize for it, as they formerly went -out to spoil their enemies and now go to civilize them, so civil -governments, while continuing to maintain prisons, have become<span class="pagenum" id="Page_84">[Pg 84]</span> more -or less ashamed of them, and are already experimenting in better -ways to elevate and reform criminals than by the way of violence and -imprisonment. We have already said in America that neither a gallows -nor an unmitigated prison shall ever exist for a child.</p> - -<p>In the matter of public charities, also, we are not timid as to -extending the function of the government. We build enormous city -hospitals and almhouses; we care with tenderness for the defective and -the dependent; but for that great mass of people just beyond the line, -from whom they are constantly recruited, we do practically nothing. -It has been said that if a workingman in New York falls a victim to -pneumonia, he is taken to a hospital and given skilled treatment; if it -leaves him tubercular the city will have a care over him, and valiantly -will stand by, putting him into a public sanatorium, providing him -with nutritious food and fresh air until his recovery. But if he is -turned away from the hospital without tuberculosis, merely too depleted -and wretched to go back to his regular employment, then the city can -do nothing for him unless he be ready to call himself an out-and-out -pauper. We are afraid of the notion of governmental function which -would minister to the primitive needs of the mass of the people, -although we are<span class="pagenum" id="Page_85">[Pg 85]</span> quite ready to care for him whom misfortune or disease -has made the exception. It is really the rank and file, the average -citizen, who is ignored by the government, while he works out his real -problems through other agencies, although he is scolded for staying at -home on election day, and for refusing to be interested in issues which -really do not concern him.</p> - -<p>It is comparatively easy to understand the punitive point of view which -seeks to suppress, or the philanthropic which seeks to palliate; but -it is much more difficult to formulate that city government which is -adapted to our present normal living. As over against the survivals -of the first two, excellent and necessary as they are, we have but -the few public parks and baths, the few band concerts and recreation -piers—always excepting, of course, the public schools and the social -activities slowly centering around them; for public education has long -been a passion in America, and we seem to have been willing to make -that an exception to our general theory of government.</p> - -<p>While governmental functions have shown this remarkable adaptation -and growth in relation to the youth, whether he be in the public -schools, in the Juvenile Court or in the reformatory, we hesitate -to assume toward the adult this temper of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_86">[Pg 86]</span> the educator who humbly -follows and at the same confidently leads the little child. While the -State spends millions of dollars and employs thousands of servants to -nurture and heal the sick and defective, it steadfastly refuses to -extend its kindliness to the normal working man. The Socialists alone -constantly appeal for this extension. They refuse, however, to deal -with the present State and constantly take refuge in the formulae of -a new scholasticism. Their orators are busily engaged in establishing -two substitutes for human nature which they call “proletarian” and -“capitalist.” They ignore the fact that varying, imperfect human nature -is incalculable, and that to eliminate its varied and constantly -changing elements is to face all the mistakes and miscalculations which -gathered around the “fallen man,” or the “economic man,” or any other -of the fixed norms which have from time to time been substituted for -expanding and developing human life. In time “the proletarian” and “the -capitalist” will become the impedimenta which it will be necessary to -clear away in order to make room for the mass of living and breathing -citizens with whom self-government must eventually deal.</p> - -<p>There is no doubt that the existence of the mass, the mere size of the -modern city, increases the difficulty of the situation. Charles Booth’s -maps<span class="pagenum" id="Page_87">[Pg 87]</span> portraying the standard of living for the people of London afford -almost the only attempt at a general social survey of a modern city, at -least so far as it may be predetermined from the standard of income. -From his accompanying twelve volumes may be deduced the occupations of -the people with their real wages, their family budget and their culture -level, and, to a certain extent, their recreations and spiritual life. -If one gives one’s self over to a moment of musing on this mass of -information, so huge and so accurate, one is almost instinctively aware -that any radical changes, so much needed in the blackest districts, -must largely come from forces outside the life of the people. An -enlarged mental life must come from the educationalist, increased -wages from the business interests, alleviation of suffering from the -philanthropists. What vehicle of correction is provided for the people -themselves, what device has been invented for loosing that kindliness -and mutual aid which is the marvel of all charity visitors? What broad -basis has been laid down for a modification of their most genuine and -pressing needs through their own initiative? The traditional Government -expresses its activity in keeping the streets clean and the district -lighted and policed. It is only during the last quarter of a century -that the London County Council has<span class="pagenum" id="Page_88">[Pg 88]</span> erected decent houses, public -baths, and many other devices for the purer social life of the people. -American cities have gone no further, although they presumably started -at workingmen’s representation a hundred years ago, so completely were -the founders misled by the name of government, and the temptation to -substitute the form of political democracy for real self-government -dealing with advancing social ideals. Even now London has twenty-eight -Borough Councils, in addition to the London County Council itself, -fifteen hundred direct representatives of the people, as over against -seventy in Chicago although the latter city has a population one-half -as large. Paris has twenty Mayors, with corresponding machinery for -local government, as over against the New York concentration in one -huge City Hall, too often corrupt.</p> - -<p>In Germany, perhaps more than anywhere else, the government has -come to concern itself with the primitive essential needs of its -working-people. In their behalf, the Government has forced industry, -in the person of the large manufacturers, to make an alliance with -it. The manufacturers are taxed for accident insurance of workingmen, -for old-age pensions and sick benefits; and a project is being formed -in which they shall bear the large share of insurance against<span class="pagenum" id="Page_89">[Pg 89]</span> -non-employment when it has been made clear that non-employment -is the result of an economic crisis brought about through the -maladministration of finance.</p> - -<p>Germany proposes to regulate the maximum amount of rent which -landlords of certain types of houses may be permitted to require, -quite as the usury laws limit the maximum amount of interest which -may be demanded. And yet industry in Germany has flourished, and -this control on behalf of the normal workingman as he faces life in -his daily vocation has apparently not checked its systematic growth, -nor limited its place in the world’s market. As a result of this -constant supervision of industry, the German police although a part of -a military government, are constantly employed in the regulation of -social affairs; and in these branches of government it is remarked that -they are dropping their military tone and assuming toward the people -the attitude of helpers and protectors. The police force in Germany is -the lowest executive organ of the interior government and there are, -therefore, as many kinds of police departments as there are different -departments in this interior government. They follow the Government -inspectors of the forest, the railways, the fields and roads, to see -that their instructions are obeyed. In the Department<span class="pagenum" id="Page_90">[Pg 90]</span> of Public -Health it is the police officers who finally enforce instructions in -regard to vaccination, meat inspection, sale of food-stuffs, and the -transportation of animals; in the department of factory inspection -the police not only enforce the provisions of the factory laws, but -they are responsible for the books in which the wages paid to minors -are recorded; and it is from the police stations that the cards of -the Government insurance for working-people are issued. Any special -investigation ordered by the legislature is, as a matter of course, -undertaken by the police. These varied activities, of course, require -men of education and ability, and the very extension of function has -broken down the military ideal in the country where that ideal is most -firmly intrenched. But in a Republic founded upon a revulsion from -oppressive government we still keep the police close to their negative -rôle of preserving order and arresting the criminal. The varied -functions they perform in Germany would be impossible in America, -because it would be hotly resented by the American business man who -will not brook any governmental interference in industrial affairs. -The inherited instinct that government is naturally oppressive, and -that its inroads must be checked, has made it a matter of principle and -patriotism to keep the functions of government<span class="pagenum" id="Page_91">[Pg 91]</span> more restricted and -more military than has become true in military countries.</p> - -<p>Almost every Sunday in the Italian quarter in which I live various -mutual benefit societies march with fife and drum and with a brave -showing of banners, celebrating their achievement in having surrounded -themselves by at least a thin wall of protection against disaster, -upon having set up their mutual good will against the day of -misfortune. These parades have all the emblems of patriotism; indeed, -the associations present the primitive core of patriotism, brothers -standing by each other against hostile forces from without. I assure -you that no Fourth of July celebration, no rejoicing over the birth -of an heir to the Italian throne, equals in heartiness and sincerity -these simple celebrations. Again one longs to pour into the government -of their adopted country all this affection and zeal, this real -patriotism. A system of State insurance would be a very simple device -and secure a large return.</p> - -<p>Are we in America retaining eighteenth-century traditions, while -Germany is gradually evolving into a Government logically fitted to -cope with the industrial situation of the twentieth century? Do we -so fail to apprehend what democracy is, that we are really afraid to -extend the functions of municipal administration? Have we lost that<span class="pagenum" id="Page_92">[Pg 92]</span> -most conservative of all beliefs—the belief in the average man, and -thereby forfeited Aristotle’s ideal of a city “where men live a common -life for noble ends”?</p> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_93">[Pg 93]</span></p> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_IV">CHAPTER IV<br><span class="small">MILITARISM AND INDUSTRIAL LEGISLATION</span></h2></div> - - -<p>American cities have been slow to consider industrial questions as -germane to government, and the Federal authorities have persistently -treated the millions of immigrants who arrive every year upon a -political theory and method adopted a century ago, because both of -them ignore the fact that the organization of industry has completed -a revolution during that period. The gigantic task of standardizing -the successive nations of immigrants throughout the country has fallen -upon workmen because they alone cannot ignore the actual industrial -situation. To thousands of workmen the immigration problem is a -question of holding a job against a constantly lowering standard of -living, and to withstand this stream of “raw labor” means to them the -maintenance of industrial efficiency and of life itself. Workingmen -are engaged in a desperate struggle to maintain a standard of wages -against the constant arrival of unskilled immigrants at the rate of -three-quarters of a million a year, at the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_94">[Pg 94]</span> very period when the -elaboration of machinery permits the largest use of unskilled men.</p> - -<p>It may be owing to the fact that the workingman is brought into direct -contact with the situation as a desperate problem of a living wage -against starvation; it may be that wisdom is at her old trick of -residing in the hearts of the simple, or that this new idealism, which -is that of a reasonable life and labor, must, from the very nature of -things, proceed from those who labor; or possibly it may be because -amelioration arises whence it is so sorely needed; but certainly it is -true, that, while the rest of the country talks of assimilation as if -it were a huge digestive apparatus, the man with whom the immigrant -has come most sharply into competition, has been forced into fraternal -relations with him.</p> - -<p>Curiously enough, however, as soon as the immigrant situation is -frankly regarded as an industrial one, as these men must regard it, -the political aspects of the industrial situation is revealed in the -fact that trade organizations which openly concern themselves with -the immigration problem on its industrial side, quickly take on the -paraphernalia and machinery which have hitherto associated themselves -only with governmental life and control. The trades unions have worked -out all over again local autonomy, with central<span class="pagenum" id="Page_95">[Pg 95]</span> councils and national -representative bodies and the use of the referendum vote; and they also -exhibit many of the features of political corruption and manipulation.</p> - -<p>The first real lesson in self-government to many immigrants has come -through the organization of labor unions, and it could come in no -other way, for the union alone has appealed to their necessities. One -sees the first indication of an idealism arising out of these primal -necessities, and at moments one dares to hope that it may be sturdy -enough and sufficiently founded upon experience to make some impression -upon the tremendous immigration situation.</p> - -<p>The movements embodying a new idealism have traditionally sought refuge -with those who are near to starvation. Although the spiritual struggle -is associated with the solitary garret of the impassioned dreamer, -it may be that the idealism fitted to our industrial democracy will -be evolved in crowded sewer ditches and in noisy factories. It may -be contended that this remarkable coming together of the workingman -and the immigrant has been the result of an economic pressure, and is -without merit or idealism, and that the trades union record on Chinese -exclusion and negro discrimination has been damaging. Be that as it -may, this assimilation between the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_96">[Pg 96]</span> immigrant and the workingman has -exhibited amazing strength, which may be illustrated from two careful -studies made in two different parts of the country.</p> - -<p>To quote first from a study made from the University of Wisconsin -of the stock yards strike which took place in Chicago in 1904<a id="FNanchor_6" href="#Footnote_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a>: -“Perhaps the fact of the greatest social significance is that this -was not merely a strike of skilled labor for the unskilled, but was -a strike of Americanized Irish, Germans, and Bohemians, in behalf of -Slovaks, Poles, and Lithuanians.... This substitution of races in the -stock yards has been a continuing process for twenty years. The older -nationalities have already disappeared from the unskilled occupations, -and the substitution of races has evidently run along the line of -lower standard of living. The latest arrivals, the Lithuanians and -Slovaks, are probably the most oppressed of the peasants of Europe.” -The visitors who attended the crowded meetings of the strikers during -the summer of 1904 and heard the same address successively translated -by interpreters into six or eight languages, who saw the respect -shown to the most uncouth of the speakers by the skilled American men -representing<span class="pagenum" id="Page_97">[Pg 97]</span> a distinctly superior standard of life and thought, could -never doubt the power of the labor organizations for amalgamation, -whatever opinion they might hold concerning their other values. This -may be said in spite of the fact that great industrial disturbances -have arisen from the under-cutting of wages by the lowering of racial -standard. Certainly the most notable of these have taken place in those -industries and at those places in which the importation of immigrants -has been deliberately fostered as a wage-lowering weapon; and even in -those disturbances and under the shock and strain of a long strike, -disintegration did not come along the line of race cleavage.</p> - -<p>The other study was made in the anthracite coal fields, and was -undertaken from the University of Pennsylvania<a id="FNanchor_7" href="#Footnote_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a>: “The United -Mine Workers of America is taking men of a score of nationalities, -English-speaking and Slav, men of widely different creeds, languages, -and customs, and of varying powers of industrial competition, and is -welding them into an industrial brotherhood, each part of which can -at least understand of the others that they are working for one great -and common end. This bond of unionism is stronger than one can readily -imagine who has not seen its mysterious workings or who has not<span class="pagenum" id="Page_98">[Pg 98]</span> been -a victim of its members’ newly found enthusiasm. It is to-day the -strongest tie that can bind together 147,000 mine workers and the -thousands dependent upon them. It is more than religion, more than the -social ties which hold together members of the same community.”</p> - -<p>It was during a remarkable struggle on the part of this amalgamation -of men from all countries, that the United States government, in spite -of itself, was driven to take a hand in an industrial situation, -owing to the long strain and the intolerable suffering entailed upon -the whole country. Even then, however, the Government endeavored to -confine its investigation to the mere commercial questions of tonnage -and freight rates with their political implications, and it was only -when an aroused and moralized public opinion insisted upon it that -the national commission was driven to consider the human aspects of -the case. Because of this public opinion, columns of newspapers and -days of investigation were given to the discussion of the deeds of -violence, discussions having nothing to do with the original demands -of the strikers and entering only into the value set upon human life -by each of the contesting parties. Did the union encourage violence -against non-union men, or did it really do everything to suppress -violence? Did it live up to its creed<span class="pagenum" id="Page_99">[Pg 99]</span> which was to maintain a standard -of living that families might be properly housed and protected from -debilitating toil and disease, and that children might be nurtured into -American citizenship? Did the operators protect their men as far as -possible from mine damp, from length of hours proven by experience to -be exhausting? Did they pay a wage to the mine laborer sufficient to -allow him to send his children to school? Questions such as these, a -study of the human problem, invaded the commission day after day during -the sitting. One felt for the moment the first wave of a rising tide -of humanitarianism, until the normal ideals of the laborer to secure -food and shelter for his family, a security for his own old age, and -a larger opportunity for his children became the ideals of democratic -government.</p> - -<p>Let us imagine the result if, during the long anthracite strike, the -humane instinct had so over-mastered the minds of the strikers, and so -exalted their passions that they had lifted a hand against no man, even -though he seemed to be endangering their cause before their eyes. Such -a result might have come about, partly because the destruction of life -had become abhorrent and impossible to them engaged as they were in -the endeavor to raise life in the coal regions to a higher level, and -partly because they would have<span class="pagenum" id="Page_100">[Pg 100]</span> scorned to destroy an enemy in order -to achieve a mere negative result when the power lay within themselves -to convert him into an ally, when they might have made him a source -of help and power, a comrade of the same undertaking. If the element -of battle, of mere self-seeking, could be eliminated from strikes, -if they could remain a sheer uprising of the oppressed and underpaid -to a self-conscious recognition of their condition, so unified, so -irresistible as to sweep all the needy within its flood, we should have -a tide rising, not to destruction, but to beneficence. Let us imagine -the state of public feeling if there had been absolutely no act of -violence traceable, directly or indirectly, to the union miners; if -during the long months of the strike the great body of miners could -have added the sanction of sustained conduct to their creed. Public -sympathy would have led to an understanding of the need these miners -were trying to meet, and the American nation itself might have been -ready to ask for legislation concerning the minimum wage, and for -protection to life and limb, equal to the legislation of New Zealand -or Germany. But because the element of warfare unhappily did exist, -government got back to its old business of repression.</p> - -<p>To preserve law and order is obviously the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_101">[Pg 101]</span> function of government -everywhere; and yet in our complicated modern society, especially as -thousands of varied peoples are crowded into cities, it is not always -easy to see just where real social order lies. The officials themselves -are sometimes perplexed, and at other times deliberately use the -devices of government for their own ends. We may take once more in -illustration the great strike in the Chicago stock-yards. The immediate -object of the strike was the protection of the wages of the unskilled -men from a cut of one cent per hour, although, of course, the unions -of skilled men felt that this first invasion of the wages increased -through the efforts of the union, would be but the entering wedge of an -attempt to cut wages in all the trades represented in the stock-yards. -Owing to the refusal on the part of the unions to accept arbitration -offered by the packers at an embarrassing moment, and because of the -failure of the unions to carry out the terms of a contract, the strike -in its early stages completely lost the sympathy of that large part of -the public dominated by ideals of business honor and fair dealing. It -lost, too, the sympathy of that growing body of organized labor which -is steadily advancing in a regard for the validity of the contract, and -is faithfully cherishing the hope that in time the trades unions<span class="pagenum" id="Page_102">[Pg 102]</span> may -universally attain an accredited business standing.</p> - -<p>The leaders after the first ten days were, therefore, forced to -make the most of the purely human appeal which lay in the situation -itself, that 30,000 men, including the allied trades, were losing -weeks of wages, with a possible chance of the destruction of their -unions on behalf of the unskilled who were the newly arrived Poles -and Lithuanians, unable as yet to look out for themselves. Owing -to the irregular and limited hours of work—a condition quite like -that prevailing on the London docks before the great strike of the -dockers—the weekly wage of these unskilled men was exceptionally low, -and the plea of the strikers was based upon the duty of the strong -to the weak. A chivalric call was issued that the standard of life -might be raised to that designated as American, and that this mass of -unskilled men might secure an education for their children. Of course -no appeal could have been so strong as this purely human one which -united for weeks thousands of men of a score of nationalities into that -solidarity which only comes through a self-sacrificing devotion to an -absorbing cause.</p> - -<p>The strike involved much suffering and many unforeseen complications. -At the end of eight<span class="pagenum" id="Page_103">[Pg 103]</span> weeks the union leaders made the best terms -possible. Through these terms the skilled workers were guaranteed -against a reduction in wages, but no provision was made for the -unskilled in whose behalf the strike had at first been undertaken. -Although the hard-pressed leaders were willing to make this concession, -the politicians in the meanwhile had seen the great value of the human -sentiment which bases its appeal on the need of the under dog and which -had successfully united this mass of workingmen into a new comradeship -with the immigrants. The appeal was infinitely more valuable than any -merely political cry, and the fact that the final terms of settlement -were submitted to a referendum vote at once gave the local politicians -a chance to avail themselves of this big, loosely defined sympathy. -They did avail themselves of this in so dramatic a manner that they -almost succeeded, solely upon that appeal, in taking the strike out of -the hands of the legitimate officers and placing it in their own hands -for their own political ends.</p> - -<p>The situation was a typical one, exemplifying the real aim of popular -government with its concern for primitive needs, forced to seek -expression outside of the organized channels of government. If the -militia could have been called in, government would have been placed -even more<span class="pagenum" id="Page_104">[Pg 104]</span> dramatically in the position of the oppressor of popular -self-government. The phenomenal good order, the comparative lack of -violence on the part of the striking workmen, gave no chance for the -bringing in of the militia. The city politician was of course very much -disappointed, for it would have afforded him an opening to put the -odium of this traditional opposition of government, an opposition which -has always been most dramatically embodied in the soldier, upon the -political party dominating the State but not the city. It would have -given the city politician an excellent opportunity to show the concern -of himself and his party for the real people, as over against the -attitude of the party dominating the State. But because the militia was -not called, his scheme failed, and the legitimate strike leaders who, -although they passed through much tribulation because of this political -interference, did not eventually lose control.</p> - -<p>The situation in the Chicago stock-yards also afforded an excellent -epitome of the fact that government so often finds itself, not only in -opposition to the expressed will of the people making the demand at the -moment, but apparently against the best instincts of the mass of the -citizens as a whole.</p> - -<p>For years the city administration had so protected<span class="pagenum" id="Page_105">[Pg 105]</span> the property -interests invested in the stock-yards, that none of the sanitary -ordinances had ever been properly enforced. The sickening stench and -the scum on the branch of the river known as Bubbly Creek at times -made that section of the city unendurable. The smoke ordinances were -openly ignored, nor did the meat inspector ever seriously interfere -with business, being quite willing to have meat sold in Chicago which -had not passed the inspection for foreign markets. The water steals, -too, for which the stock-yards were at one time notorious, must have -been more or less known to certain officials. But all this merely -corrupted a limited number of inspectors, and although their corruption -was complete and involved entire administrations, it did not actually -touch large numbers of persons. During the strike of 1904, however, -1,200 policemen, actual men possessed of human sensibilities, were -called upon to patrol the yards inside and out. There is no doubt -that the police inspector of the district thoroughly represented the -alliance of the City Hall with the business interests, that he did -not mean to discover anything which was derogatory to the packers nor -to embarrass them in any way during the conduct of the strike. Had -these 1,200 men, more than a regiment in numbers, been a regiment in -training and tradition, they,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_106">[Pg 106]</span> too, would have seen nothing, and would -have been content at heart, as they were obliged to be in conduct, to -have arrested the strikers on the slightest provocation, and to have -protected the strike-breakers.</p> - -<p>But they were, in point of fact, called upon to face a very peculiar -situation, because of the type of men and women who formed the bulk -of the strike-breakers, and because, during the first weeks of the -strike, these men and women were kept constantly inside the yards, -day and night. In order to hold them at all, discipline outside of -working hours was thoroughly relaxed, and the policemen in charge -of the yards, while there ostensibly to enforce law and order, were -obliged every night to connive at prize-fighting, at open gambling, and -at prostitution. They were there, not to enforce law and order as it -defines itself in the minds of the bulk of healthy-minded citizens, but -only to keep the strikers from molesting the non-union workers. This -was certainly commendable, but, after all, only part of their real duty.</p> - -<p>Because they were normal men living in the midst of normal life and -not in barracks, they were shocked by the law-breaking which they were -ordered to protect, and much drawn in sympathy to the strikers whom -they were supposed<span class="pagenum" id="Page_107">[Pg 107]</span> to regard as public enemies. An investigator who -interviewed one hundred policemen found only one who did not frankly -extol the virtues of the strikers as over against the shocking vices of -the imported men. This, of course, was an extreme case brought about by -the unusual and peculiar type of the imported strike-breakers. There -is, however, trustworthy evidence incorporated in affidavits which were -at the time submitted to the Mayor of Chicago, concerning the unlawful -conduct of the men who were under the protection of the city police.</p> - -<p>It was hard for a patriot not to feel jealous of the union and of the -enthusiasm of those newly emigrated citizens. They poured out their -gratitude and affection upon this first big friendly force which had -offered them help in their desperate struggle in the New World. This -devotion, this comradeship, and this fine <i>esprit de corps</i> should -have been won by the Government itself from these newly arrived, -scared, and untrained citizens. The union was that which had concerned -itself with the real struggle for life, shelter, a chance to work, and -bread for their children. It had come to them in a language they could -understand, through men with interests akin to their own, and it gave -them both their first chance to express themselves through a democratic -vote,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_108">[Pg 108]</span> and an opportunity to register by a ballot their real opinion -upon a very important matter.</p> - -<p>They used the referendum votes, the latest and perhaps the most clever -device of democratic government, and yet they used it to decide a -question which the government supposed to be quite outside its realm. -When they left the old country, the government of America held their -deepest hopes, and represented that which they believed would obtain -for them the fullness of life denied them in the lands of oppressive -governments. It is a curious commentary on the fact that we have not -yet attained self-government when the real and legitimate objects of -men’s desires must still be incorporated in those voluntary groups for -which the government, when it does its best, can only afford protection -from interference. As the religious revivalist looks with longing upon -the fervor of a single-tax meeting, as the orthodox Jew sees his son -stay away from Yom Kippur service in order to pour all his religious -fervor, his precious zeal for righteousness which has been gathered -through the centuries, into the Socialist Labor Party—so a patriot -finds himself exclaiming to the immigrant, like another Andrea del -Sarto to his wife, “Oh, but what do they—what do they to please you -more?”</p> - -<p>The stock-yards strike afforded an example of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_109">[Pg 109]</span> the national appeal -subordinated to an appeal made in the name of labor. During the early -stages of the strike it was discovered that newly arrived Macedonians -were taking many of the places vacated by the strikers. One of the -most touching scenes during the strike was the groups of Macedonians -who would sit together in the twilight playing on primitive pipes -singularly like the one which is associated with the great god Pan. The -slender song would carry amazingly in the smoke-bedimmed air, affecting -the spectator with a curious sense of incongruity.</p> - -<p>When the organized labor of Chicago discovered that the strikers’ -places were taken by Greeks, the unions threatened, unless the Greeks -were “called off,” to boycott the Greek fruit-dealers all over the -city, who with their street stands are singularly dependent upon -the patronage of workingmen. The fact that the strike-breakers were -Macedonians, as it happened, was an additional advantage at the -moment; for the Greeks have been much concerned to make it clear that -Macedonia belongs to Greece, and have hotly resented the efforts of -Bulgaria to establish a protectorate over the country. They therefore -responded at once to this acknowledgment of their claim, and, partly to -show that the Macedonians and Greeks were countrymen, partly because -they resented<span class="pagenum" id="Page_110">[Pg 110]</span> the implication that a Greek could act a cowardly part -in any situation, and also, doubtless, because they were merchants -threatened with loss of trade, they made superhuman efforts to clear -the yards of Macedonians. This they accomplished in a remarkably short -time. So reckless were they in the methods they used that it was -common gossip throughout the Greek colony that strike-breakers would -be refused the comforts of religion by the Greek priests in the city, -although doubtless this rumor was unfounded. This utter recklessness -of method, this determination to deter strike-breaking at any cost, -is, of course, a revelation of the war element which is an essential -part of any strike. The appeal to “loyalty” is the nearest approach to -a moral appeal which can be safely made in the midst of a war of any -sort. During a long strike one result of the non-moral appeal is to -confuse the situation so that it becomes utterly impossible to tell how -many men refuse to become strike-breakers because they are terrorized -and how many stay away from conviction. The non-moral appeal not only -sins against the principles advocated by trades unionists, but it -contradicts itself and brings great confusion into the situation, as -war ideals always do when thrust into a peaceful society. It was, for -instance, quite impossible to tell whether the lowering in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_111">[Pg 111]</span> the type -of man who was willing to take a striker’s place, so that at last -only very ignorant men from the southern plantations could be induced -to work, was due to a species of class consciousness, a response to -the demand felt so strongly by labor men—“Thou shalt not take thy -neighbor’s job”—or whether workingmen are becoming so afraid to take -striker’s places that these places must at last be given to men who -have come from such remote parts of the country that “they do not know -enough to be afraid.” The unions themselves could take no accounting of -their real strength because of the terrorism which had become thrust -into the situation. And yet all that the stock-yards workers were -demanding through this long and disastrous strike, was the minimum -wage which has been guaranteed by conservative governments elsewhere, -and is recognized even in the United States in much governmental work -under the contracts of civil or Federal authorities. So timid are -American cities, however, in dealing with this perfectly reasonable -subject of wages in its relation to municipal employees, that when they -do prescribe a minimum wage for city contract work, they allow it to -fall into the hands of the petty politician and to become part of a -political game, making no effort to give it a dignified treatment in -relation to the cost of living<span class="pagenum" id="Page_112">[Pg 112]</span> and to the margin of leisure. In this -the English cities have anticipated us, both as to time and legitimate -procedure. Have Americans formed a sort of “imperialism of virtue,” -holding on to preconceived ideals of government and insisting that -they must fit all the people who come to our shores, even though they -crush the most promising bits of self-expression in the process? Is the -American attitude toward self-government like that of the Anglo-Saxon -towards civilization, save that he goes forth to rule all the nations -of the earth by one pattern, while we remain at home and bid them to -rule themselves by one pattern? We firmly decline not only to consider -matters of industry and commerce as germane to government, but we also -decline to bring men together upon that most natural and inevitable of -all foundations, their industrial needs.</p> - -<p>The government which refuses to consider matters of this sort, or at -least waits until their neglect becomes a scandal before it consents to -deal with them, as a result of this caution forces the most patriotic -citizens to ignore the Government and to embody their scruples and -hopes of progress in voluntary organizations. To be afraid to extend -the functions of government may be to lose what we have. A government -has always received feeble support from its constituents as soon as -its<span class="pagenum" id="Page_113">[Pg 113]</span> demands appeared childish or remote. Citizens inevitably neglect -or abandon civic duty, when their government no longer embodies their -genuine desires. It is useless to hypnotize ourselves by unreal talk of -colonial ideas, and of our patriotic duty towards immigrants as though -the situation was one demanding the passage of a set of resolutions -when we fail to realize that the nation can be saved only by patriots -who are possessed of a contemporaneous knowledge.</p> - -<p>As industrial relations imply peaceful relations, under a certain -rough reorganization and reconstruction of governmental functions -which the association of labor presents, it is inevitable that in -its international aspects the association should formally advocate -universal peace. Workmen have always realized, however feebly and -vaguely they may have expressed it, that it is they who in all ages -have borne the heaviest burden of privation and suffering imposed on -the world by the military spirit.</p> - -<p>The first international organization founded, not to promote a -colorless peace, but to advance and develop the common life of all -nations, was founded in London in 1864 by workingmen, and was called -simply “The International Association of Workingmen.” They recognized -that a supreme interest raised all workingmen above the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_114">[Pg 114]</span> prejudice of -race, and united them by wider and deeper principles than those by -which they were separated into nations. They hoped that as religion, -science, art, had become international, so now at last labor might take -its place as an international interest. A few years later, at its third -congress in Brussels they recommended that in case of war a universal -strike be declared.</p> - -<p>There is a growing conviction among workingmen of all countries -that, whatever may be accomplished by a national war, however moral -the supposed aim of such a war, there is one inevitable result—an -increased standing army, the soldiers of which are non-producers, and -must be fed by the workers.</p> - -<p>The surprising growth of Socialism, at the moment, is due largely to -the fact that it is the only political party upon an international -basis, and also that it frankly ventures its future upon a better -industrial organization. These two aspects have had much more to do -with its hold in industrial neighborhoods than have its philosophic -tenets or the impassioned appeal of its propagandists. The Socialists -are making almost the sole attempt to preach a morality sufficiently -all-embracing and international to keep pace with even that material -internationalism which has standarized the threads of screws and the -size of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_115">[Pg 115]</span> bolts, so that machines may become interchangeable from one -country to another. It is the same sort of internationalism which -Mazzini preached when distracted Italy was making her desperate -struggle for a unified and national life. He issued his remarkable -address to her workingmen and solemnly told them that the life of the -nation could not be made secure until her patriots were ready to die -for human issues. He saw, earlier than most men, that the desire to -be at unity with all human beings, to claim the sense of a universal -affection is a force not to be ignored. He believed that it might -even then be strong enough to devour the flimsy stuff called national -honor, glory, and prestige, which incite to war and induce workingmen -to trample over each other’s fields and to destroy the results of each -other’s labor.</p> - -<p>Workingmen dream of an industrialism which shall be the handmaid of -a commerce ministering to an increased power of consumption among -the producers of the world, binding them together in a genuine -internationalism. Existing commerce has long ago reached its -international stage, but it has been the result of business aggression -and constantly appeals for military defense and for the forcing of new -markets. In so far as commerce has rested upon the successful capture -of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_116">[Pg 116]</span> the resources of the workers, it has been a relic of the mediaeval -baron issuing forth to seize the merchants’ boats as they passed his -castle on the Rhine. It has logically lent itself to warfare, and is, -indeed, the modern representative of conquest. As its prototype rested -upon slavery and vassalage, so this commerce is founded upon a contempt -for the worker and believes that he can live on low wages. It assumes -that his legitimate wants are the animal ones comprising merely food -and shelter and the cost of replacement. The industrialism of which -this commerce is a part, exhibits this same contemptuous attitude, but -it is more easily extended to immigrants than to any other sort of -workmen because they seem further away from a common standard of life. -This attitude toward the immigrant simply illustrates once more that it -is around the deeply significant idea of the standard of life that our -industrial problems of to-day centre. The desire for a higher standard -of living in reality forms the base of all the forward movements of the -working class. “The significance of the standard of life lies not so -much in the fact that for each of us it is different, as that for all -of us it is progressive,”<a id="FNanchor_8" href="#Footnote_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> constantly invading new realms. To imagine -that for immigrants it is merely a question<span class="pagenum" id="Page_117">[Pg 117]</span> of tin cups and plates -stored in a bunk <i>versus</i> a white cloth and a cottage table, and -that all goes well if sewing-machines and cottage-organs reach the -first generation of immigrants, and fashionable dressmakers and pianos -the second, is of course a most untutored interpretation. Until the -standard of life is apprehended in its real significance and made -the crux of the immigrant situation, as recent economists are making -the power of consumption the test of a nation’s prosperity, we shall -continue to ignore the most obvious and natural basis for understanding -and mutual citizenship.</p> - -<p>Because workmen have been forced to consider this standard of living -in regard to immigrants as well as themselves, they have made genuine -efforts toward amalgamation. This is perhaps easily explained, for, -after all, the man in this country who realizes human equality is not -he who repeats the formula of the eighteenth century, but he who has -learned that the “idea of equality is an outgrowth of man’s primary -relations with nature. Birth, growth, nutrition, reproduction, death, -are the great levelers that remind us of the essential equality of -human life. It is with the guarantee of equal opportunities to play -our parts well in these primary processes that government is chiefly -concerned”<a id="FNanchor_9" href="#Footnote_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> and not merely with the repression<span class="pagenum" id="Page_118">[Pg 118]</span> of the vicious, nor -with guarding the rights of property. All that devotion of the trades -union for the real issues and trials of life could, of course, easily -be turned into a passion for self-government and for the development -of the national life if we were really democratic from the modern -evolutionary standpoint, and held our town-meetings upon the topics of -vital concern.</p> - -<p>So long, however, as the Government declines to concern itself with -these deeper issues involved in the standard of life and the industrial -status of thousands of its citizens, we must lose it.</p> - -<p>If progress were inaugurated by those members of the community who -possess the widest knowledge and superior moral insight, then social -amelioration might be brought about without the bungling and mistakes -which so distress us all. But, over and over again, salutary changes -are projected and carried through by men of even less than the average -ethical development, because their positions in life have brought them -in contact with the ills of existing arrangements. To quote from John -Morley: “In matters of social improvement, the most common reason -why one hits upon a point of progress and not another, is that one -happens to be more directly touched than the other by the unimproved -practice.”<span class="pagenum" id="Page_119">[Pg 119]</span><a id="FNanchor_10" href="#Footnote_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> Perhaps this is a sufficient explanation of the fact -that untrained workmen are entrusted with the difficult task of -industrial amelioration and adjustment, while the rest of the community -often seems ignorant of the truth that institutions which do not march -with the extension of human needs and relationships are dead, and may -easily become a deterrent to social progress. Unless we subordinate -class interests and class feeling to a broader conception of social -progress, unless we take pains to come in contact with the surging and -diverse peoples who make up the nation, we cannot hope to attain a sane -social development. We need rigid enforcement of the existing laws, -while at the same time, we frankly admit the inadequacy of these laws, -and work without stint for progressive regulations better fitted to -the newer issues among which our lot is cast; for, unless the growing -conscience is successfully embodied in legal enactment, men lose the -habit of turning to the law for guidance and redress.</p> - -<p>I recall, in illustration of this, an instance which took place fifteen -years ago. I had newly come to Chicago, fresh from the country, and had -little idea of the social and industrial conditions in which I found -myself on Halsted Street, when a dozen girls came from a neighboring -factory with a grievance in regard to their wages. The<span class="pagenum" id="Page_120">[Pg 120]</span> affair could -hardly have been called a labor difficulty. The girls had never heard -of a trades union, and were totally unaccustomed to acting together. -It was more in the nature of a “scrap” between themselves and their -foreman. In the effort toward adjustment, there remains vividly in my -memory a conversation I had with a leading judge who arbitrated the -difficulty. He expressed his belief in the capacity of the common law -to meet all legitimate labor difficulties as they arise. He trusted -its remarkable adaptability to changing conditions under the decisions -of wise and progressive judges. He contended, however, that, in order -to adjust it to our industrial affairs, it must be interpreted, not so -much in relation to precedents established under a judicial order which -belongs to the past, but in reference to that newer sense of justice -which this generation is seeking to embody in industrial relations. He -foresaw something of the stress and storm of the industrial conflicts -which have occurred in Chicago since then, and he expressed the hope -that the Bench of Cook County might seize the opportunity, in this -new and difficult situation, of dealing with labor difficulties in a -judicial spirit.</p> - -<p>What a difference it would have made in the history of Chicago during -the last fifteen years if more men had been possessed of this temper -and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_121">[Pg 121]</span> wisdom, and had refused to countenance the use of force. If more -men had been able to see the situation through a fresher medium; to -apprehend that the old legal enactments were too individualistic and -narrow; that a difference in degree may make a difference in kind; -if they had realized that they were the first generation of American -jurists who had to deal with a situation made novel by the fact that -it was brought about by the coming together of two millions of people -largely on an industrial basis!</p> - -<p>Our constitutions were constructed by the advanced men of the -eighteenth century, who had studied the works of the most radical -thinkers of that century. Radicalism then meant a more democratic -political organization, and in its defence, they fearlessly quoted the -Greek city and the Roman Forum. But we have come to admit that our -present difficulties are connected with our industrial organization -and with the lack of connection between that organization and our -inherited democratic form of government. If self-government were -to be inaugurated by the advanced men of the present moment, they -would make a most careful research into those early organizations of -village communities, folk-motes, and mirs, those primary cells of -both industrial and political organizations, where the people<span class="pagenum" id="Page_122">[Pg 122]</span> knew -no difference between the two, but, quite simply, met to consider in -common discussion all that concerned their common life. They would -investigate the crafts, guilds, and artels, which combine government -with daily occupations, as did the self-governing university and free -town. They would seek for the connection between the liberty-loving -mediaeval city and its free creative architecture, that art which -combines the greatest variety of artists and artisans. They would -not altogether ignore the “compulsion of origins” and the fact that -our present civilization is most emphatically an industrial one. In -Germany, when the Social Democratic party first vigorously asserted the -economic basis of society and laid the emphasis upon its industrial -aspect, the Government itself, in a series of legislative measures, -designated “the Socialism of Bismarck,” found itself dealing directly -with industry, through a sheer effort to give itself a touch of -reality. The Government of Russia, in the first year of the Japanese -War, made an effort to relieve the needs of the people. The bureaucracy -itself organized the workmen into a species of trades unions through -which the Russian Government promised to protect the proletarian from -the aggressions of capital. The entire incident was suggestive of the -protection<span class="pagenum" id="Page_123">[Pg 123]</span> afforded by the central State to the slowly emancipated -serfs of central Europe when the barons, reluctant to give up their -rights and privileges, so unjustly oppressed them.</p> - -<p>Shall a democracy be slower than these old Powers to protect its -humblest citizen, and shall it see them slowly deteriorating because, -according to democratic theory, they do not need protection?</p> - - -<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_6" href="#FNanchor_6" class="label">[6]</a> Trade Unionism and Labor Problems, by John R. Commons, -page 248.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_7" href="#FNanchor_7" class="label">[7]</a> “The Slav Invasion,” by F. J. Warne, pages 118, 119.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_8" href="#FNanchor_8" class="label">[8]</a> The Standard of Life, by Mrs. Bernard Bosanquet, page 4.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_9" href="#FNanchor_9" class="label">[9]</a> The American City. Delos F. Wilcox, page 200.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_10" href="#FNanchor_10" class="label">[10]</a> Compromise, John Morley, page 213.</p> - -</div> -</div> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_124">[Pg 124]</span></p> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_V">CHAPTER V<br><span class="small">GROUP MORALITY IN THE LABOR MOVEMENT</span></h2></div> - - -<p>This generation is constantly confronted by radical industrial changes, -from which the community as a whole profits, but which must inevitably -bring difficulty of adjustment and disaster to men of certain trades. -In all fairness, these difficulties should be distributed and should -not be allowed to fall completely upon the group of working-people -whose labor is displaced as a result of the changes and who are obliged -to learn anew their method of work and mode of life.</p> - -<p>If the great industrial changes could be considered as belonging -to the community as a whole and could be reasonably dealt with, -the situation would then be difficult enough, but it is enormously -complicated by the fact that society has become divided into camps in -relation to the industrial system and that many times the factions -break out into active hostility. These two camps inevitably develop -group morality—the employers tending toward the legal and contractual -development of morality, the workingmen toward the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_125">[Pg 125]</span> sympathetic -and human. Among our contemporaries, these two are typified by the -employers associations and the trades unions.</p> - -<p>It is always difficult to judge a contemporaneous movement with any -degree of fairness, and it is perennially perplexing to distinguish -what is merely adventitious and temporary from that which represents -essential and permanent tendencies. This discrimination is made much -more difficult when a movement exhibits various stages of development -contemporaneously, when a dozen historic phases are going on at the -same time. Yet every historic movement towards democracy, which -constantly gathers to itself large bodies of raw recruits while the -older groups are moving on, presents this peculiar difficulty. In the -case of trades unions, certain groups are marked by lawlessness and -disorder, others by most decorous business methods, and still others -are fairly decadent in their desire for monopolistic control. It is a -long cry from the Chartists of 1839, burning hayricks, to John Burns of -1902, pleading in the House of Commons with well-reasoned eloquence for -an extension of the workingmen’s franchise. Nevertheless they are both -manifestations of the same movement towards universal suffrage and show -no greater difference than that between the Chicago<span class="pagenum" id="Page_126">[Pg 126]</span> teamsters, who -were blocking commerce and almost barricading the streets in 1902 when -at the same moment John Mitchell made his well-considered statement -that he would rather lose the coal strike, with all that that loss -implied, than gain it at the cost of violence. Students of industrial -history will point out the sequence and development of the political -movement from the Chartist to the Independent Labor party. They will -tell us that the same desire burned in the hearts of the ignorant -farmers which fired the distinguished parliamentarian, but they give -no help to our bewildered minds when we would fain discover some order -and sequence between the widely separated events of the contemporaneous -labor movement.</p> - -<p>We must first get down to the question, In what does “the inevitably -destined rise of the men of labor” consist? What are we trying to -solve in this “most hazardous problem of the age”? Is progress in the -labor movement to come, as we are told progress comes in the non-moral -world, by the blind, brute struggle of individual interests; or is it -to come, as its earlier leaders believed, through the operation of the -human will? Is it a question of morals which must depend upon educators -and apostles; or is it merely a conflict of opposing rights which may<span class="pagenum" id="Page_127">[Pg 127]</span> -legitimately use coercion? The question, from the very nature of the -case, is confusing; for, of necessity, the labor movement has perfectly -legitimate economic and business aspects, which loom large and easily -overshadow the ethical. We would all agree that only when men have -education, a margin of leisure, and a decent home can they find room to -develop the moral life. Before that, there are too many chances that -it will be crushed out by ignorance, by grinding weariness, and by -indecency. But the danger lies in the conviction that these advantages -are to be secured by any means, moral or non-moral, and in holding them -paramount to the inner life which they are supposed to nourish. The -labor movement is confronted by that inevitable problem which confronts -every movement and every individual. How far shall the compromise be -made between the inner concept and the outer act? How may we concede -what it is necessary to concede, without conceding all?</p> - -<p>We constantly forget that, in the last analysis, the spiritual growth -of one social group is conditioned by the reaction of other social -groups upon it. We ignore the fact that the worship of success, so long -dominant in America, has taught the majority of our citizens to count -only accomplishment and to make little inquiry concerning<span class="pagenum" id="Page_128">[Pg 128]</span> methods. -Success has become the sole standard in regard to business enterprises -and political parties, but it is evident that the public intends to -call a halt before it is willing to apply the same standard to labor -organizations.</p> - -<p>It is clear that the present moment is one of unusual crisis—that many -of the trades unions of America have reached a transitional period, -when they can no longer be mere propagandists, but are called upon to -deal with concrete and difficult situations. When they were small and -persecuted, they held to the faith and its implication of idealism. As -they become larger and more powerful, they make terms with the life -about them, and compromise as best they may with actual conditions.</p> - -<p>The older unions, which have reached the second stage that may be -described as that of business dealing, are constantly hampered and -harassed by the actions of the younger unions which are still in the -enthusiastic stage. This embarrassment is especially notable just -now, for, during this last period of prosperity, trades unions have -increased enormously in numbers; the State Federation of Minnesota, -for instance, reported an increase of six hundred per cent. in one -year. Nearly all the well-established unions<span class="pagenum" id="Page_129">[Pg 129]</span> have been flooded by new -members who are not yet assimilated and disciplined.</p> - -<p>During this period of extraordinary growth, the labor movement has -naturally attracted to itself hundreds of organizations which are yet -in their infancy and exhibit all the weakness of “group morality.” This -doubtless tends to a conception of moral life which is as primitive as -that which controlled the beginnings of patriotism, when the members -of the newly conscious nation considered all those who were outside -as possible oppressors and enemies, and were loyal only towards those -whom their imagination included as belonging to the national life. They -gave much, and demanded much, in the name of blood brothers, but were -merciless to the rest of the world. In addition to its belligerent -youth and its primitive morality, the newer union is prone to declare -a strike, simply because the members have long suffered what they -consider to be grievances, and the accumulated sense of unredressed -wrong makes them eager for a chance to “fight for their rights.” At -the same time, the employer always attempts his most vigorous attack -upon a new union, both because he does not wish organized labor to -obtain a foothold in his factory, and because his chances for success -are greater before his employees are well disciplined<span class="pagenum" id="Page_130">[Pg 130]</span> in unionism. -Nevertheless in actual conflict a young union will often make a more -reckless fight than an older one, like the rough rider in contrast -with the disciplined soldier. The members of a newly organized group -naturally respond first to a sense of loyalty to each other as against -their employers, and then to the wider consciousness of organized -labor as against capital. This stage of trades unionism is full of -war phraseology, with its “pickets” and “battle-grounds,” and is -responsible for the most serious mistakes of the movement.</p> - -<p>The sense of group loyalty holds trades unionists longer than is normal -to other groups, doubtless because of the constant accessions of those -who are newly conscious of its claims.</p> - -<p>Those Chicago strikes, which, during the last few years, have -been most notably characterized by disorder and the necessity for -police interference, have almost universally been inaugurated by -the newly organized unions. They have called to their aid the older -organizations, and the latter have entered into the struggle many times -under protest and most obviously against their best interests.</p> - -<p>The Chicago Federation of Labor has often given its official -indorsement to hot-headed strikes on the part of “baby unions” because -the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_131">[Pg 131]</span> delegates from the newly organized or freshly recruited unions had -the larger vote, and the appeal to loyalty and to fraternity carried -the meeting against the judgment of the delegates from the older unions.</p> - -<p>The members of newly organized unions more readily respond to the -appeal to strike, in that it stirs memory of their “organization -night,” when they were admitted after solemn ceremonies into the -American Federation of Labor. At the same time, the organizers -themselves often hold out too large promises, on the sordid side, of -what organization will be able to accomplish. They tell the newly -initiated what other unions have done, without telling at the same time -how long they have been organized and how steadily they have paid dues. -Several years ago, when there seemed to be a veritable “strike fever” -in Chicago among the younger trades unions, it was suggested in the -Federation of Labor that no union be authorized to declare a strike -until it had been organized for at least two years. The regulation -was backed by some of the strongest and wisest trades unionists, -but it failed to pass because the organizers were convinced that it -would cripple them in forming new unions. They would be obliged to -point to many months of patient payment of dues and humdrum meetings -before any<span class="pagenum" id="Page_132">[Pg 132]</span> real gain could be secured. The organizers, in fact, are -in the position of a recruiting officer who is obliged to tell his -raw material of all the glories of war, but at the same time bid them -remember that warfare is always inexpedient. He must advise them to -take a long and tedious training in the arts of diplomacy and in the -most advanced methods of averting war before any action can possibly be -considered.</p> - -<p>In point of fact the organizers do not do this, and many men join -unions expecting that a strike will be speedily declared which will -settle all the difficulties of modern industrialism. It is, therefore, -not so remarkable that strikes should occur often and should exhibit -warlike features. What is remarkable is the attitude of the public -which has certainly eliminated the tactics of war in other civil -relations.</p> - -<p>A tacit admission that a strike is war and that all the methods of -warfare are permissible was made in Chicago during the teamsters’ -strike of 1905, when there was little protest against the war method -of conducting a struggle between two private organizations, one of -employer and one of employed. Why should the principles of legal -adjustment have been thus complacently flung to the winds by the two -millions of citizens who had no direct interest in this struggle, but<span class="pagenum" id="Page_133">[Pg 133]</span> -whose pursuits in business were interfered with, whose safety on the -streets was imperiled, and whose moral sensibilities were outraged?</p> - -<p>How did the public become hypnotized into a passive endurance of a -street warfare in which two associations were engaged, like feudal -chiefs with their recalcitrant retainers? In those similar cases, when -blood grew too hot on both sides, the mediaeval emperor intervened and -compelled peace. General public opinion is our hard-won substitute for -the emperor’s personal will. Public opinion, however, did not assert -itself and interfere—on the contrary, the entire town acquiesced in -the statement of the contestants that this method of warfare was the -only one possible, and thereupon yielded to a tendency to overvalue -physical force and to ignore the subtler and less obvious conditions on -which the public welfare rests. At that time all methods of arbitration -and legal redress were completely set aside.</p> - -<p>There is no doubt but that ideas and words which at one time fill a -community with enthusiasm may, after a few years, cease to be a moving -force, apparently from no other reason than that they are spent and -no longer fit into the temper of the hour. Such a fate has evidently -befallen the word “arbitration,” at least in Chicago, as it is applied -to industrial struggles.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_134">[Pg 134]</span> Almost immediately following the labor -disturbances of 1894 in Chicago, the agitation was begun for a State -Board of Arbitration, resulting in legislation and the appointment of -the Illinois Board. At that time the public believed that arbitration -would go far towards securing industrial peace, or at least that it -would provide the device through which labor troubles could be speedily -adjusted, and during that period there was much talk concerning -compulsory arbitration with reference to the successful attempts in New -Zealand.</p> - -<p>During the industrial struggles of later years, however, not only -are the services of the State Board rejected, but voluntary bodies -constantly find their efforts less satisfactory. Employers contend -that arbitration implies the yielding of points on both sides. -Since, however, most boards of arbitration provide that grievances -must be submitted to them before the strike occurs, and the men are -thus kept at work while the grievances are being considered, the men -therefore have virtually nothing to lose by declaring a strike. They -are subjected to a temptation to constantly formulate new demands, -because, without losing time or pay, they are almost certain to secure -some concession, however small, in their favor. The employers in the -teamsters’ strike thus explained their position when they declared<span class="pagenum" id="Page_135">[Pg 135]</span> -that there was nothing which could be submitted to arbitration. These -employers also contended that the ordinary court has no precedent -for dealing with questions of hours and wages, of shop rules, and -many other causes of trade-union disputes, because all these matters -are new as questions of law and can be satisfactorily adjusted only -through industrial courts in which tradition and precedent bearing -upon modern industrial conditions have been accumulated. The rise and -fall of wages affect not one firm only, but a national industry, and -even the currents of international trade, so that it is impossible to -treat of them as matters in equity. With this explanation, the Chicago -public rested content during the long weeks of the teamsters’ strike, -for no one pointed out that these arguments did not apply to this -particular situation, so accustomed have we grown in Chicago to warfare -as a method of settling labor disputes. The charges of the Employers’ -Association against the teamsters did not involve any points demanding -adjustment through industrial courts. The charges the Employers’ -Association made were those of broken contracts, of blackmail, and of -conspiracy, all of them points which are constantly adjudicated in Cook -County courts.</p> - -<p>It was constantly asserted that officers of the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_136">[Pg 136]</span> Teamsters’ Union -demanded money from employers in the height of the busy season in order -to avert threatened strikes; that there was a disgraceful alliance -between certain members of the Team Owners’ Association and officers of -the Teamsters’ Union.</p> - -<p>It would, of course, have been impossible to prove blackmail and -the charges of “graft,” unless the employers themselves or their -representatives had borne testimony, which would inevitably have -implicated themselves. During the first weeks of the strike, these -charges were freely made, definite sums were named, and dates were -given. There was also an offer on the part of various managers to make -affidavits, but later they shrank from the publicity, and refused to -give them, preferring apparently to throw the whole town into disorder -rather than to “stand up” to the consequences of their own acts and to -acknowledge the bribery to which they claim they were forced to resort. -They demonstrated once more that a show of manliness and an appeal to -arms may many times hide cowardice.</p> - -<p>To throw affairs into a state of warfare is to put them where the moral -aspect will not be scrutinized and where the mere interest of the game -and a desire to watch it will be paramount.</p> - -<p>The vicious combination represented by certain<span class="pagenum" id="Page_137">[Pg 137]</span> men in the Team Owners’ -Association and in the Teamsters’ Union, “the labor and capital hunting -together” kind, is a public menace which can be abolished only by a -combined effort on the part of the best employers and the best labor -men. The “better element” certainly were in a majority, for the most -dangerous members of this sinister combination were at last reduced -to fifteen or twenty men. These very men, however, after a prolonged -strike, became either victors or martyrs, and in either case were -firmly established in power and influence for the succeeding two -years. Why should an entire city of two million people have been put -to such an amazing amount of inconvenience and financial loss, with -their characters brutalized as well, in order to accomplish this? The -traditional burning of the house in order to roast the pig is quite -outdone by this overturning of a city in order to catch a “score of -rascals,” for in the end the rascals are not caught, and it is as if -the house were burned and the pig had escaped. Was it not the result -of acting under military fervor? Over and over again it has been found -that organizations based upon a mutual sense of grievance or of outrage -have always been militant, for while men cannot be formed permanently -into associations whose chief bond is a sense of exasperation and -wrong dealing,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_138">[Pg 138]</span> during the time they are thus held together they are -committed to aggressive action.</p> - -<p>Moral rights and duties formed upon the relations of man to man are -applicable to all situations, and to deny this applicability to a -difficult case, is to beg the entire question. The consequences do not -stop there, for we all know that to deny the validity of the moral -principle in one relation is to sap its strength in all relations.</p> - -<p>Employers often resent being obliged to have business relations -with workingmen, although they no longer say that they will refuse -to deal with them, as a woman still permits herself to say that she -“will not argue with a servant.” They nevertheless contend that the -men are unreasonable, and that because it is impossible to establish -contractual relations with them, they must be coerced. This contention -goes far toward legitimatizing terrorism. It therefore seems to them -defensible to refuse to go into the courts and to insist upon war -because they do it from a consciousness of rectitude, although this -insensibly slips into a consciousness of power, as self-righteousness -is so prone to do. But these are all the traits of militant youth, -which in the teamsters’ strike was indeed borne out by the facts in the -case.</p> - -<p>The Employers’ Association of Chicago was largely composed of merchants -whose experience<span class="pagenum" id="Page_139">[Pg 139]</span> with trades unionism was almost limited to the -Teamsters’ Union which has been in existence for only five years and, -from the first, has been truculent and difficult. Had the employers -involved been manufacturers instead of merchants, they would have had -years of experience with unions of skilled men, and they would have -more nearly learned to adjust their personal and business relations -to trades unionism. When an entire class in a community confess that -without an appeal to arms they cannot deal with trades unions, who, -after all, represent a national and international movement a hundred -years old, they practically admit that they cannot manage their -business under the existing conditions of modern life. To a very -great extent it is a confession of weakness, to a very great extent a -confession of frailty of temper. To make the adjustment to the peculiar -problems of one’s own surroundings is the crux of life’s difficulties. -“New organizations” and “new experiments in living” would not arise if -there were not a certain inadequateness in existing organizations and -ways of living. The new organizations and experiments may not point -to the right mode of meeting the situation, but they do point to the -existence of inadequateness and the need of readjustment. Changes in -business methods have<span class="pagenum" id="Page_140">[Pg 140]</span> been multiform during the past fifteen years, -and Chicago business men who have made those other adjustments would -certainly be able to deal with labor in its present organized form if -they were not inhibited by certain concepts of their “group morality.”</p> - -<p>In the meantime the public, which has been powerless to interfere, can -only point to the consequences of grave social import which are sure to -result from a prolonged period of disturbance.</p> - -<p>First, there is the sharp division of the community into classes, with -its inevitable hostility and misunderstanding. Capital lines up on one -side, and labor on the other, until the “fair-minded public” disappears -and Chicago loses her democratic spirit which has always been her most -precious possession. In its place is substituted loyalty to the side to -which each man belongs, irrespective of the merits of the case—the “my -country right or wrong” sentiment which we call patriotism only in war -times, the blind adherence by which a man is attached against his will, -as it were, to the blunders of “his own kind.”</p> - -<p>During the first week of the strike, I talked with labor men who were -willing to admit that there were grounds for indictment against at -least two of the officers in the teamsters’ locals.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_141">[Pg 141]</span> During the third -week of the strike all that was swept aside, and one heard only that -the situation must be taken quite by itself, with no references to -the first causes, that it was a strike of organized capital against -organized labor, and that we could have no peace in Chicago until it -was “fought to a finish.”</p> - -<p>Second, there is an enormous increase in the feeling of race animosity, -beginning with the imported negro strike-breakers, and easily extending -to “Dagoes” and all other distinct nationalities. The principle of -racial and class equality is at the basis of American political life, -and to wantonly destroy it is one of the gravest outrages against the -Republic.</p> - -<p>Chicago is preëminently a city of mixed nationalities. It is our -problem to learn to live together in forbearance and understanding -and to fuse all the nations of men into the newest and, perhaps, -the highest type of citizenship. To accept this responsibility may -constitute our finest contribution to the problems of American life, -but we may also wantonly and easily throw away such an opportunity -by the stirring up of race and national animosity which is so easily -aroused and so reluctantly subsides.</p> - -<p>Third, there is the spirit of materialism which controls the city and -confirms the belief that, after<span class="pagenum" id="Page_142">[Pg 142]</span> all, brute force, a trial of physical -strength, is all that counts and the only thing worthy of admiration. -Any check on the moral consciousness is paralyzed when the belief -is once established that success is its own justification. When the -stream of this belief joins the current of class interest, the spirit -of the prize fighters’ ring which cheers the best round and worships -the winner, becomes paramount. It is exactly that which appeals to -the so-called “hoodlum,” and his sudden appearance upon the street -at such times and in such surprising numbers demonstrates that he -realizes that he has come to his own. At the moment we all forget that -the determination to sacrifice all higher considerations to business -efficiency, to make the machine move smoothly at any cost, “to stick -at nothing,” may easily make a breach in the ethical constitution of -society which can be made good only by years of painful reparation.</p> - -<p>Fourth, there is the effect upon the children and the youth of the -entire city, for the furrow of class prejudice, which is so easily run -through a plastic mind, often leaves a life-long mark. Each morning -during the long weeks of the strike, thousands of children at the more -comfortable breakfast tables learned to regard labor unions as the -inciters of riot and the instruments of evil, thousands of children -at the less comfortable<span class="pagenum" id="Page_143">[Pg 143]</span> breakfast tables shared the impotent rage -of their parents that “law is always on the side of capital,” and -both sets of children added to the horrors of Manchuria and Warsaw, -which were then taking place, the pleasurable excitement that war -had become domesticated upon their own streets. We may well believe -that these impressions and emotions will be kept by these children -as part of their equipment in life and that their moral conceptions -will permanently tend toward group moralities and will be cast into a -coarser mold.</p> - -<p>In illustration of this point I may, perhaps, cite my experience during -the Spanish War.</p> - -<p>For ten years I had lived in a neighborhood which is by no means -criminal, and yet during October and November of 1898 we were startled -by seven murders within a radius of ten blocks. A little investigation -of details and motives, the accident of a personal acquaintance with -two of the criminals, made it not in the least difficult to trace -the murders back to the influence of the war. Simple people who -read of carnage and bloodshed easily receive suggestions. Habits of -self-control which have been but slowly and imperfectly acquired -quickly break down when such a stress is put upon them.</p> - -<p>Psychologists intimate that action is determined by the selection -of the subject upon which<span class="pagenum" id="Page_144">[Pg 144]</span> the attention is habitually fixed. The -newspapers, the theatrical posters, the street conversations for weeks, -had to do with war and bloodshed. Day after day, the little children on -the street played at war and at killing Spaniards. The humane instinct, -which keeps in abeyance the tendency to cruelty, as well as the growing -belief that the life of each human being, however hopeless or degraded, -is still sacred, gives way, and the more primitive instinct asserts -itself.</p> - -<p>There is much the same social result during a strike, in addition -to the fact that the effect of the prolonged warfare upon the labor -movement itself is most disastrous. The unions at such times easily -raise into power the unscrupulous “leader,” so-called. In times of -tumult, the aggressive man, the one who is of bellicose temper, and -is reckless in his statements, is the one who becomes a leader. It is -a vicious circle—the more warlike the times, the more reckless the -leader who is demanded, and his reckless course prolongs the struggle. -Such men make their appeal to loyalty for the union, to hatred and to -contempt for the “non-union” man. Mutual hate towards a non-unionist -may have in it the mere beginnings of fellowship, the protoplasm of -tribal fealty, but no more. When it is carried over into civilized<span class="pagenum" id="Page_145">[Pg 145]</span> -life it becomes a social deterrent and an actual menace to social -relations.</p> - -<p>In a sense it is fair to hold every institution responsible for the -type of man whom it tends to bring to the front, and the type of -organization which clings to war methods must, of course, consider -it nobler to yield to force than to justice. The earlier struggle of -democracy was for its recognition as a possible form of government -and the struggle is now on to prove democracy an efficient form of -government. So the earlier struggles of trades unions were for mere -existence, and the struggle has now passed into one for a recognition -of contractual relations and collective bargaining which will make -trades unions an effective industrial instrument. It is much less -justifiable of course in the later effort than it was in the earlier to -carry on the methods of primitive warfare.</p> - -<p>This new effort, however, from the very nature of things, is bringing -another type of union man into office and is modifying the entire -situation. The old-time agitator is no longer useful and a cooler man -is needed for collective bargaining. At the same time the employers -must put forth a more democratic and a more reasonable type of man if -they would bear their side of this new bargaining, so that it has come -about quite<span class="pagenum" id="Page_146">[Pg 146]</span> recently that the first attempts have been made in Chicago -towards controlling in the interests of business itself this natural -tendency of group morality.</p> - -<p>It may offer another example of business and commerce, affording us -a larger morality than that which the moralists themselves teach. -Certain it is that the industrial problems engendered by the industrial -revolutions of the last century, and flung upon this century for -solution, can never be solved by class warfare nor yet by ignoring -their existence in the optimism of ignorance.</p> - -<p>America is only beginning to realize, and has not yet formulated, all -the implications of the factory system and of the conditions of living -which this well-established system imposes upon the workers. As we -feel it closing down upon us, moments of restlessness and resentment -seize us all. The protest against John Mitchell’s statement<a id="FNanchor_11" href="#Footnote_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> that -the American workingman has recognized that he is destined to remain -a workingman, is a case in point. In their attempt to formulate and -correct various industrial ills, trades unions are often blamed for -what is inherent in the factory system itself and for those evils which -can be cured only through a modification of that system. For instance, -factory workers in general<span class="pagenum" id="Page_147">[Pg 147]</span> have for years exhibited a tendency to -regulate the output of each worker to a certain amount which they -consider a fair day’s work, although to many a worker such a restricted -output may prove to be less than a fair day’s work. The result is, of -course, disastrous to the workers themselves as well as to the factory -management, for it doubtless is quite as injurious to a man’s nervous -system to retard his natural pace as it is to unduly accelerate it. -The real trouble, which this “limitation” is an awkward attempt to -correct, is involved in the fact that the intricate subdivision of -factory work, and the lack of understanding on the part of employees -of the finished product, has made an unnatural situation, in which the -worker has no normal interest in his work and no direct relation to it. -In the various makeshifts on the part of the manufacturer to supply -motives which shall take the place of the natural ones so obviously -missing, many devices have been resorted to, such as “speeding up” -machinery, “setting the pace,” and substituting “piece work” for day -work. The manufacturers may justly say that they have been driven to -these various expedients, not only by the factory conditions, but by -the natural laziness of men. Nevertheless reaction from such a course -is inevitably an uncompromising attempt on the part of the workers<span class="pagenum" id="Page_148">[Pg 148]</span> -to protect themselves from overexertion and to regulate the output. -The worst cases I have ever known have occurred in unorganized shops -and have been unregulated and unaided by any trades union. The “pace -setter” in such a shop is often driven out and treated with the same -animosity which the “scab” receives in a union shop.</p> - -<p>In the same spirit we blame trades unionists for that disgraceful -attitude which they have from time to time taken against the -introduction of improved machinery—a small group blindly attempting -to defend what they consider their only chance to work. The economists -have done surprisingly little to shed light upon this difficulty; -indeed, they are somewhat responsible for its exaggeration. Their old -theory of a “wage fund” which did not reach the rank and file of trades -unionists until at least in its first form it had been abandoned by the -leading economists, has been responsible both for much disorder along -this line, and for the other mistaken attempt “to make work for more -men.”</p> - -<p>A society which made some effort to secure an equitable distribution of -the leisure and increased ease which new inventions imply would remove -the temptations as well as the odium of such action from the men who -are blinded by<span class="pagenum" id="Page_149">[Pg 149]</span> what they consider an infringement of their rights.</p> - -<p>If the wonderful inventions of machinery, as they came along during -the last century, could have been regarded as in some sense social -possessions, the worst evils attending the factory system of -production—starvation wages, exhausting hours, unnecessary monotony, -child labor, and all the rest of the wretched list—might have been -avoided in the interest of society itself. All this would have come -about had human welfare been earlier regarded as a legitimate object of -social interest.</p> - -<p>But no such ethics had been developed in the beginning of this century. -Society regarded machinery as the absolute possession of the man who -owned it at the moment it became a finished product, quite irrespective -of the long line of inventors and workmen who represented its gradual -growth and development. Society was, therefore, destined to all the -maladjustment which this century has encountered. Is it the militant -spirit once more as over against the newer humanitarianism? The -possessor of the machine, like the possessor of arms who preceded him, -regards it as a legitimate weapon for exploitation, as the former held -his sword.</p> - -<p>One of the exhibits in the Paris Exposition of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_150">[Pg 150]</span> 1900 presented a -contrast between a mediaeval drawing of a castle towering above the -hamlets of its protected serfs, and a modern photograph of the same -hill covered with a huge factory which overlooked the villages of -its dependent workmen. The two pictures of the same hill and of the -same plain bore more than a geographic resemblance. This suggestion -of modern exploitation would be impossible had we learned the first -lessons which an enlarged industrialism might teach us. Class and -group divisions with their divergent moralities become most dangerous -when their members believe that the inferior group or class cannot -be appealed to by reason and fair dealing, but must be treated upon -a lower plane. Terrorism is considered necessary and legitimate that -they may be inhibited by fear from committing certain acts. So far -as employers exhibit this spirit toward workmen, or trades unionists -toward non-unionists, they inevitably revert to the use of brute -force—to the methods of warfare.</p> - - -<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_11" href="#FNanchor_11" class="label">[11]</a> Organized Labor, John Mitchell. Preface.</p> - -</div> -</div> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_151">[Pg 151]</span></p> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_VI">CHAPTER VI<br><span class="small">PROTECTION OF CHILDREN FOR INDUSTRIAL EFFICIENCY</span></h2></div> - - -<p>In the previous chapters it was stated that the United States, compared -to the most advanced European nations, is deficient in protective -legislation. This, as has been said, is the result of the emphasis -placed upon personal liberty at the date of the first constitutional -conventions and of the inherited belief in America that government is -of necessity oppressive, and its functions not to be lightly extended.</p> - -<p>It is also possible that this protection of the humblest citizen has -been pushed forward in those countries of a homogeneous population -more rapidly than in America, because of that unconscious attitude of -contempt which the nationality at the moment representing economic -success always takes toward the weaker and less capable. There is no -doubt that we all despise our immigrants a little because of their -economic standing. The newly arrived immigrant goes very largely into -unskilled work; he builds the railroads, digs the sewers, he does -the sort of labor the English-speaking<span class="pagenum" id="Page_152">[Pg 152]</span> American soon gets rid of; -and then, because he is in this lowest economic class, he falls into -need, and we complain that in America the immigrant makes the largest -claim upon charitable funds. Yet in England, where immigration has -counted for very little; in Germany, where it has counted almost not -at all, we find the same claim made upon the public funds by people -who do the same unskilled work, who are paid the same irregular and -low wages. In Germany, where this matter is approached, not from the -charitable, but from the patriotic side, there is a tremendous code -of legislation for the protection of the men who hold to life by the -most uncertain economic tenure. In England there exists an elaborated -code of labor laws, protecting the laborer at all times from accidents, -in ways unknown in America. Here we have only the beginning of all -that legislation, partly because we have not yet broken through the -belief that the man who does this casual work is not yet quite one -of ourselves. We do not consider him entitled to the protective -legislation which is secured for him in other countries where he is -quite simply a fellow-citizen, humble it may be, but still bound to the -governing class by ties of blood and homogeneity.</p> - -<p>Our moral attitude toward one group in the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_153">[Pg 153]</span> community is a determining -factor of our moral attitude toward other groups, and this relation of -kindly contempt, of charitable rather than democratic obligation, may -lend some explanation to the fact that the United States, as a nation, -is sadly in arrears in the legislation designed for the protection of -children. In the Southern States, where a contemptuous attitude towards -a weaker people has had the most marked effect upon public feeling, -we have not only the largest number of unprotected working children, -but the largest number of illiterate children as well. There are, in -the United States, according to the latest census<a id="FNanchor_12" href="#Footnote_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> 580,000 children -between the ages of ten and fourteen years, who cannot read nor write. -They are not the immigrant children. They are our own native-born -children. Of these 570,000 are in the Southern States and ten thousand -of them are scattered over the rest of the Republic.</p> - -<p>The same thing is true of our children at work. We have two millions -of them, according to the census of 1900—children under the age of -sixteen years who are earning their own livings.</p> - -<p>Legislation of the States south of Maryland for the children is like -the legislation of England in 1844. We are sixty-two years behind -England<span class="pagenum" id="Page_154">[Pg 154]</span> in caring for the children of the textile industries.</p> - -<p>May we not also trace some of this national indifference to the -disposition of the past century to love children without really knowing -them? We refuse to recognize them as the great national asset and -are content to surround them with a glamour of innocence and charm. -We put them prematurely to work, ignorant of the havoc it brings, -because no really careful study has been made of their capacities -and possibilities—that is, no study really fitted to the industrial -conditions in which they live.</p> - -<p>Each age has, of course, its own temptations and above all its own -peculiar industrial temptations and needs to see them not only in the -light of the increased sensibility and higher ethical standards of -its contemporaries, but also in relation to its peculiar industrial -development. When we ask why it is that child-labor has been given -to us to discuss and to rectify, rather than to the people who -lived before us, we need only to remember that, for the first -time in industrial history, the labor of the little child has in -many industries become as valuable as that of a man or woman. The -old-fashioned weaver was obliged to possess skill and strength to pull -his beam back and forth. It is only through the elaborated inventions -of our own age that skill as well as<span class="pagenum" id="Page_155">[Pg 155]</span> strength has been so largely -eliminated that, for example, a little child may “tend the thread” in -a textile mill almost as well as an adult. This is true of so many -industries that the temptation to exploit premature labor has become -peculiar to this industrial epoch and we are tempted as never before to -use the labor of little children.</p> - -<p>What, then, are we going to do about it? How deeply are we concerned -that this labor shall not result to the detriment of the child, and -what excuses are we making to ourselves for thus prematurely using up -the strength which really belongs to the next generation? Of course, -it is always difficult to see the wrong in a familiar thing; it is -almost a test of moral insight to be able to see that an affair of -familiar intercourse and daily living may also be wrong. I have taken a -Chicago street-car on a night in December at ten o’clock, when dozens -of little girls who had worked in the department stores all day were -also boarding the cars. I know, as many others do, that these children -will not get into their beds before midnight, and that they will have -to be up again early in the morning to go to their daily work. And yet -because I have seen it many times I take my car almost placidly—I am -happy to say, not quite placidly. Almost every day at six o’clock I see -certain factories pouring out<span class="pagenum" id="Page_156">[Pg 156]</span> a stream of men and women and boys and -girls. The boys and girls have a peculiar hue—a color so distinctive -that one meeting them on the street, even on Sunday when they are in -their best clothes and mingled with other children who go to school and -play out of doors, can distinguish them in an instant, and there is on -their faces a premature anxiety and sense of responsibility, which we -should declare pathetic if we were not used to it.</p> - -<p>How far are we responsible when we allow custom to blind our eyes -to the things that are wrong? In spite of the enormous growth in -charitable and correctional agencies designed for children, are we -really so lacking in moral insight and vigor that we fail even to -perceive the real temptation of our age and totally fail to grapple -with it? An enlightened State which regarded the industrial situation -seriously would wish to conserve the ability of its youth, to give them -valuable training in relation to industry, quite as the old-fashioned -State carefully calculated the years which were the most valuable for -military training. The latter, looking only toward the preservation of -the State, took infinite pains, while we are careless in regard to the -much greater task which has to do with its upbuilding and extension. We -conscientiously ignore industry in relation to government and because -we assume that its regulation<span class="pagenum" id="Page_157">[Pg 157]</span> is unnecessary, so we conclude that the -protection of the young from premature participation in its mighty -operations is not the concern of the Government.</p> - -<p>The municipal lodging-house in Chicago in addition to housing vagrants, -makes an intelligent effort to put them into regular industry. A -physician in attendance makes a careful examination of each man who -comes to the lodging-house, and one winter we tried to see what -connection could be genuinely established between premature labor and -worn-out men. It is surprising to find how many of them are tired to -death of monotonous labor, and begin to tramp in order to get away -from it—as a business man goes to the woods because he is worn out -with the stress of business life. This inordinate desire to get away -from work seems to be connected with the fact that the men started to -work very early, before they had the physique to stand up to it, or -the mental vigor with which to overcome its difficulties, or the moral -stamina which makes a man stick to his work whether he likes it or -not. But we cannot demand any of these things from the growing boy. -They are all traits of the adult. A boy is naturally restless, his -determination easily breaks down, and he runs away. At least this seems -to be true of many of the men who come to the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_158">[Pg 158]</span> lodging-house. I recall -a man who had begun to work in a textile mill quite below the present -legal age in New England, and who had worked hard for sixteen years. -He told his tale with all simplicity; and, as he made a motion with -his hand, he said, “I done that for sixteen years.” I give the words -as he gave them. “At last I was sick in bed for two or three weeks -with a fever, and when I crawled out, I made up my mind that I would -rather go to hell than to go back to that mill.” Whether he considered -Chicago as equivalent to that, I do not know; but he certainly tramped -to Chicago, and has been tramping for four years. He does not steal. -He works in a lumber camp occasionally, and wanders about the rest of -the time getting odd jobs when he can; but the suggestion of a factory -throws him into a panic, and causes him quickly to disappear from the -lodging-house. The physician has made a diagnosis of general debility. -The man is not fit for steady work. He has been whipped in the battle -of life, and is spent prematurely because he began prematurely.</p> - -<p>Yet the state makes no careful study as to the effect upon children -of the subdivided labor which many of them perform in factories. -A child who remains year after year in a spinning room gets no -instruction—merely a dull distaste for work.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_159">[Pg 159]</span> Often he cannot stand up -to the grind of factory life, and he breaks down under it.</p> - -<p>What does this mean? That we have no right to increase the list -of paupers—of those who must be cared for by municipal and State -agencies because when they were still immature and undeveloped, they -were subjected to a tremendous pressure. I recall one family of five -children which, upon the death of the energetic mother who had provided -for it by means of a little dress-making establishment, was left to the -care of a feeble old grandmother. The father was a drunkard who had -never supported his family, and at this time he definitely disappeared. -The oldest boy was almost twelve years old—a fine, manly little -fellow, who felt keenly his obligation to care for the family.</p> - -<p>We found him a place as cash-boy in a department store for two dollars -a week. He held it for three years, although his enthusiasm failed -somewhat as the months went by, and he gradually discovered how little -help his wages were to the family exchequer after his carfare, decent -clothes and unending pairs of shoes were paid for. Before the end of -the third year he had become listless and indifferent to his work, in -spite of the increase of fifty cents a week. In the hope that a change -would be good for him, a place as elevator-boy<span class="pagenum" id="Page_160">[Pg 160]</span> was secured. This -he was unable to keep, and then one situation after another slipped -through his grasp, until a typhoid fever which he developed at the age -of fifteen, seemed to explain his apathy.</p> - -<p>After a long illness and a poor recovery, he worked less well. -Finally, at the age of sixteen, when he should have been able really -to help the little family and perhaps be its main support, he had -become a professional tramp, and eventually dropped completely from -our knowledge. It was through such bitter lessons as these we learned -that good intentions and the charitable impulse do not always work -for righteousness; that to force the moral nature of a child and to -put tasks upon him beyond his normal growth, is quite as cruel and -disastrous as to expect his undeveloped muscle to lift huge weights.</p> - -<p>Adolescence is filled with strange pauses of listlessness and -dreaminess. At that period the human will is perhaps further away from -the desire of definite achievement than it ever is again. To work ten -hours a day for six days in a week in order to buy himself a pair of -stout boots, that he may be properly shod to go to work some more, -is the very last thing which really appeals to a boy of thirteen or -fourteen. If he is forced to such a course too often, his cheated -nature later re-asserts<span class="pagenum" id="Page_161">[Pg 161]</span> itself in all sorts of decadent and abnormal -ways.</p> - -<p>An enlightened state would also concern itself with the effect of -child labor upon the parents. We have in Chicago a great many European -immigrants, people who have come from country life in Bohemia or the -south of Italy, hoping that their children will have a better chance -here than at home. In the old country these immigrants worked on farms -which provided a very normal activity for a young boy or girl. When -they come to Chicago, they see no reason why their children should not -go to work, because they see no difference between the normal activity -of their own youth and the grinding life, to which they subject their -children. It is difficult for a man who has grown up in outdoor life -to adapt himself to the factory. The same experience is found in the -South with the men who come to the textile towns from the little farms. -They resent monotonous petty work, and get away from it; they will -in preference take more poorly paid work, care of horses or janitor -service—work which has some similarity to that to which they have -been accustomed. So the parents drop out, and the children, making the -adaptation, remain, and the curious result ensues of the head of the -household becoming dependent<span class="pagenum" id="Page_162">[Pg 162]</span> upon the earnings of the child. You will -hear a child say, “My mother can’t say nothing to me. I pay the rent;” -or, “I can do what I please, because I bring home the biggest wages.” -All this tends to break down the normal relation between parents and -children. The Italian men who work on the railroads in the summer find -it a great temptation to settle down in the winter upon the wages -of their children. A young man from the south of Italy was mourning -the death of his little girl of twelve; in his grief he said, quite -simply, “She was my oldest kid. In two years she could have supported -me, and now I shall have to work five or six years longer until the -next one can do it.” He expected to retire permanently at thirty-four. -That breaking down of the normal relation of parent and child, and the -tendency to demoralize the parent, is something we have no right to -subject him to. We ought to hold the parent up to the obligation which -he would have fulfilled had he remained in his early environment.</p> - -<p>A modern state might rightly concern itself with the effect of child -labor upon industry itself. There has been for many years an increasing -criticism of the modern factory system, not only from the point of view -of the worker, but from the point of view of the product itself. It -has<span class="pagenum" id="Page_163">[Pg 163]</span> been said many times that we can not secure good workmanship nor -turn out a satisfactory product unless men and women have some sort -of interest in their work, and some way of expressing that interest -in relation to it. The system which makes no demand upon originality, -upon invention, upon self-direction, works automatically, as it were, -towards an unintelligent producer and towards an uninteresting product. -This was said at first only by such artists and social reformers as -Morris and Ruskin; but it is being gradually admitted by men of affairs -and may at last incorporate itself into actual factory management, in -which case the factory itself will favor child labor legislation or -any other measure which increases the free and full development of the -individual, because he thereby becomes a more valuable producer. We may -gradually discover that in the interests of this industrial society -of ours it becomes a distinct loss to put large numbers of producers -prematurely at work, not only because the community inevitably loses -their mature working power, but also because their “free labor -quality,” which is so valuable, is permanently destroyed.</p> - -<p>Exercise of the instinct of workmanship not only affords great -satisfaction to the producer, but also to the consumer, if he be -possessed of any<span class="pagenum" id="Page_164">[Pg 164]</span> critical faculty, or have developed genuine powers of -appreciation. Added to the conscience which protests against the social -waste of child labor, we have the taste that revolts against a product -totally without the charm which pleasure in work creates. We may at -last discover that we are imperiling our civilization at the moment of -its marked materialism, by wantonly sacrificing to that materialism the -eternal spirit of youth, the power of variation, which alone is able to -prevent it from degenerating into a mere mechanism.</p> - -<p>It would be easy to produce many illustrations to demonstrate that in -the leading industrial countries a belief is slowly developing that the -workman himself is the chief asset, and that the intelligent interest -of skilled men, the power of self-direction and co-operation which is -only possible among the free-born and educated, is exactly the only -thing which will hold out in the markets of the world. As the foremen -of factories testify again and again, factory discipline is valuable -only up to a certain point, after which something else must be depended -on if the best results are to be achieved.</p> - -<p>Monopoly of both the raw material and the newly-opened markets is -certainly a valuable factor in a nation’s industrial prosperity; but -while we spend blood and treasure to protect one and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_165">[Pg 165]</span> secure the other, -we wantonly destroy the most valuable factor of all, intelligent labor. -Nothing can help us here save the rising tide of humanitarianism, which -is not only emotional enough to regret the pitiless and stupid waste -of this power but also intelligent enough to perceive what might be -accomplished by its utilization.</p> - -<p>We are told that the German products hold a foremost place in the -markets of the world because of Germany’s fine educational system, -which includes training in trade-schools for so many young men. We -know, too, that there is at the present moment a strong party in -Germany opposing militarism, not from the “peace society” point of -view, but because it withdraws all the young men from the industrial -life for the best part of three years during which their activity is -merely disciplinary, with no relation to the industrial life of the -nation. This anti-military party insists that the loss of the three -years is a serious matter, and that one nation cannot successfully hold -its advance position if it must compete with other nations which are -also establishing trade-schools but which do not thus withdraw their -youth from continuous training at the period of their greatest docility -and aptitude.</p> - -<p>England is discovering that the cheap markets afforded by semi-savage -peoples, which she has<span class="pagenum" id="Page_166">[Pg 166]</span> thrown open to her manufacturers, are now -reacting in the debasement of her products and her factory workers. -The manufacturer produces the cheap and inferior articles which he -imagines the new commerce will demand. The result upon the workers in -the factories producing these unworthy goods, is that they are robbed -of the skill which would be demanded if they were ministering to an -increasing demand of taste and if they were supplying the market of a -civilized people. It would be a curious result of misapplied energy -if those very markets which the Briton has so eagerly sought, would -finally so debase the English producers that all the increased wealth -the markets have brought to the nation would be consumed in efforts to -redeem the debased working population.</p> - -<p>We have made public education our great concern in America, and perhaps -the public-school system is our most distinctive achievement; but -there is a certain lack of consistency in the relation of the State -to the child after he leaves the public school. At great expense the -State has provided school buildings and equipment, and other buildings -in which to prepare professional teachers. It has spared no pains to -make the system complete, and yet as rapidly as the children leave the -schoolroom, the State seems to lose<span class="pagenum" id="Page_167">[Pg 167]</span> all interest and responsibility in -their welfare and has, until quite recently, turned them over to the -employer with no restrictions.</p> - -<p>At no point does the community say to the employer, We are allowing -you to profit by the labor of these children whom we have educated at -great cost, and we demand that they do not work so many hours that they -shall be exhausted. Nor shall they be allowed to undertake the sort of -labor which is beyond their strength, nor shall they spend their time -at work that is absolutely devoid of educational value. The preliminary -education which they have received in school is but one step in the -process of making them valuable and normal citizens, and we cannot -afford to have that intention thwarted, even though the community as -well as yourself may profit by the business activity which your factory -affords.</p> - -<p>Such a position seems perfectly reasonable, yet the same citizens who -willingly pay taxes to support an elaborate public-school system, -strenuously oppose the most moderate attempts to guard the children -from needless and useless exploitation after they have left school and -have entered industry.</p> - -<p>We are forced to believe that child labor is a national problem, even -as public education is a national duty. The children of Alabama, Rhode<span class="pagenum" id="Page_168">[Pg 168]</span> -Island, and Pennsylvania belong to the nation quite as much as they -belong to each State, and the nation has an interest in the children -at least in relation to their industrial efficiency, quite as it has -an interest in enacting protective tariffs for the preservation of -American industries.</p> - -<p>Uniform compulsory education laws in connection with uniform child -labor legislation are the important factors in securing educated -producers for the nation. Fortunately, a new education is arising which -endeavors to widen and organize the child’s experience with reference -to the world in which he lives.<a id="FNanchor_13" href="#Footnote_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> The new pedagogy holds that it is -a child’s instinct and pleasure to exercise all his faculties and to -make discoveries in the world around him. It is the chief business of -the teacher merely to direct his activity and to feed his insatiable -curiosity. In order to accomplish this, he is forced to relate the -child to the surroundings in which he lives; and the most advanced -schools are, perforce, using modern industry for this purpose. The -educators have ceased to mourn industrial conditions of the past -generation, when children were taught agricultural and industrial -arts by the natural co-operation with their parents, and they are -endeavoring to supply this inadequacy by manual arts in the school, -by courses in industrial history,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_169">[Pg 169]</span> and by miniature reproductions of -industrial processes, thus constantly coming into better relations with -the present factory system. These educators recognize the significance -and power of contemporary industrialism, and hold it an obligation to -protect children from premature participation in our industrial life, -only that the children may secure the training and fibre which will -later make this participation effective, and that their minds may -finally take possession of the machines which they will guide and feed.</p> - -<p>But there is another side to the benefits of child-labor legislation -represented by the time element, the leisure which is secured to -the child for the pursuit of his own affairs, quite aside from the -opportunity afforded him to attend school. Helplessness in childhood, -the scientists tell us, is the guarantee of adult intellect, but they -also assert that play in youth is the guarantee of adult culture. It -is the most valuable instrument the race possesses to keep life from -becoming mechanical.</p> - -<p>The child who cannot live life is prone to dramatize it, and the very -process is a constant compromise between imitation and imagination, as -the over-mastering impulse itself which drives him to incessant play is -both reminiscent and anticipatory. In proportion as the child in later -life is to be subjected to a mechanical and one-sided<span class="pagenum" id="Page_170">[Pg 170]</span> activity, and as -a highly subdivided labor is to be demanded from him, it is therefore -most important that he should have his full period of childhood and -youth for this play expression in order that he may cultivate within -himself the root of a culture which alone can give his later activity a -meaning.<a id="FNanchor_14" href="#Footnote_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> This is true whether or not we accept the theory that the -aesthetic feelings originate in the play impulse, with its corollary -that the constant experimentation found in the commonest forms of -play are to be looked upon as “the principal source of all kinds of -art.” At this moment, when industrial forces are concentrated and -unified as never before, unusual care must be taken to secure to the -children their normal play period, that the art instinct may have some -chance, and that the producer himself may have enough individuality of -character to avoid becoming a mere cog in the vast industrial machine.</p> - -<p>Quite aside also from the problem of individual development and -from the fact that play, in which the power of choice is constantly -presented and constructive imagination required, is the best corrective -of the future disciplinary life of the factory, there is another reason -why the children who are to become producers under the present system -should be given their full child-life period.</p> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_171">[Pg 171]</span></p> -<p>The entire population of the factory town and of those enormous -districts in every large city in which the children live who most need -the protection of child-labor legislation, consists of people who have -come together in response to the demands of modern industry. They are -held together by the purely impersonal tie of working in one large -factory, in which they not only do not know each other, but in which -no one person nor even group of persons knows everybody. They are -utterly without the natural and minute acquaintance and inter-family -relationships that rural and village life afford, and are therefore -much more dependent upon the social sympathy and power of effective -association which is becoming its urban substitute.</p> - -<p>This substitute can be most easily elaborated among groups of -children. Somewhere they must learn to carry on an orderly daily -life—that life of mutual trust, forbearance, and help which is the -only real life of civilized man. Play is the great social stimulus, -and it is the prime motive which unites children and draws them into -comradeship. A true democratic relation and ease of acquaintance is -found among the children in a typical factory community because they -more readily overcome differences of language, tradition, and religion -than do the adults. “It is in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_172">[Pg 172]</span> play that nature reveals her anxious -care to discover men to each other,” and this happy and important -task, children unconsciously carry forward day by day with all the -excitement and joy of co-ordinate activity. They accomplish that which -their elders could not possibly do, and they render a most important -service to the community. We have not as yet utilized this joy of -association in relation to the system of factory production which is -so preëminently one of large bodies of men working together for hours -at a time. But there is no doubt that it would bring a new power into -modern industry if the factory could avail itself of that <i>esprit -de corps</i>, that triumphant buoyancy which the child experiences -when he feels his complete identification with a social group; that -sense of security which comes upon him sitting in a theatre or “at a -party,” when he issues forth from himself and is lost in a fairyland -which has been evoked not only by his own imagination, but by that of -his companions as well. This power of association, of assimilation, -which children possess in such a high degree, is easily carried over -into the affairs of youth if it but be given opportunity and freedom -for action, as it is in the college life of more favored young people. -The <i>esprit de corps</i> of an athletic team, that astonishing force -of co-operation, is, however,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_173">[Pg 173]</span> never consciously carried over into -industry, but is persistently disregarded. It is, indeed, lost before -it is discovered—if I may be permitted an Irish bull—in the case of -children who are put to work before they have had time to develop the -power beyond its most childish and haphazard manifestations.</p> - -<p>Factory life depends upon groups of people working together, and yet -it is content with the morphology of the group, as it were, paying -no attention to its psychology, to the interaction of its members. -By regarding each producer as a solitary unit, a tremendous power is -totally unutilized. In the case of children who are prematurely put to -work under such conditions, an unwarranted nervous strain is added as -they make their effort to stand up to the individual duties of life -while still in the stage of group and family dependence.</p> - -<p>We naturally associate a factory with orderly productive action; but -similarity of action, without identical thought and co-operative -intelligence, is coercion, and not order. The present factory -discipline needs to be redeemed as the old school discipline has been -redeemed. In the latter the system of prizes and punishments has been -largely given up, not only because they were difficult to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_174">[Pg 174]</span> administer, -but because they utterly failed to free the powers of the child.</p> - -<p>“The fear of starvation,” of which the old economists made so much, is, -after all, but a poor incentive to work; and the appeal to cupidity -by which a man is induced to “speed up” in all the various devices of -piece-work is very little better. Yet the factory still depends upon -these as incentives to the ordinary workers. Certainly one would wish -to protect children from them as long as possible. In a soap factory -in Chicago little girls wrap bars of soap in two covers at the minimum -rate of 3,000 bars a week; their only ambition is to wrap as fast as -possible and well enough to pass the foreman’s inspection. The girl -whose earnings are the largest at the end of the week is filled with -pride—praiseworthy, certainly, but totally without educational value.</p> - -<p>Let us realize before it is too late that in this age of iron, of -machine-tending, and of subdivided labor, we need as never before -the untrammeled and inspired activity of youth. To cut it off from -thousands of working children is a most perilous undertaking, and -endangers the very industry to which they have been sacrificed.</p> - -<p>Only of late years has an effort been made by the city authorities, -by the municipality itself, to conserve the play instinct and to -utilize it, if not<span class="pagenum" id="Page_175">[Pg 175]</span> for the correction of industry, at least for the -nurture of citizenship. It has been discovered that the city which is -too careless to provide playgrounds, gymnasiums, and athletic fields -where the boys legitimately belong and which the policeman is bound to -respect, simply puts a premium on lawlessness. Without these places -of their own, groups of boys come to look upon the policeman as an -enemy, and he regards them as the most lawless of all the citizens. -This is partly due to the fact that because of our military survivals -the officer is not brought in contact with the educational forces of -the city, but only with its vices and crime. He might have quite as -great an opportunity for influencing the morals of youth as the school -teacher has. At least one American city spends twenty per cent. more in -provision for the conviction of youths than for their education, for -the city which fails to utilize this promising material of youthful -adventure does not truly get rid of it, and finds it more expensive to -care for as waste material than as educative material. At a certain -age a boy is possessed by a restless determination to do something -dangerous and exciting—a “difficult stunt,” as it were—by which he -may prove that he is master of his fate and thus express his growing -self-assertion. He prefers to demonstrate<span class="pagenum" id="Page_176">[Pg 176]</span> in feats requiring both -courage and adroitness, and it may be said that tradition is with him -in his choice. That this impulse is mixed with an absurd desire on the -part of the boy to “show off,” to impress his companions with the fact -that he is great and brave and generally to be admired, does not in -the least affect its genuineness. The city which fails to provide an -opportunity for this inevitable and normal desire on the part of the -young citizens makes a grave mistake and invites irregular expression -of it. The thwarted spirit of adventure finds an outlet in infinite -varieties of gambling; craps, cards, the tossing of discarded union -buttons, the betting on odd or even automobile numbers, on the number -of newspapers under a boy’s arm. Another end which can be accomplished, -if the city recognizes play as legitimate and provides playgrounds -and athletic fields, is the development of that self-government and -self-discipline among groups of boys, which forms the most natural -basis for democratic political life later.</p> - -<p>The boy in a tenement-house region who does not belong to the gang is -not only an exception, but a very rare exception. This earliest form -of social life is almost tribal in its organization, and the leader -too often holds his place because he is a successful bully. The gang -meets first upon the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_177">[Pg 177]</span> street, but later it may possess a club room in -a stable, in a billiard room, in an empty house, under the viaduct, -in a candy store, in a saloon or even in an empty lot. The spirit of -association, the fellowship and loyalty which the group inspires, -carry them into many dangers; but there is no doubt that it is through -these experiences that the city boy learns his political lessons. -The training for political life is given in these gangs, and also an -opportunity to develop that wonderful power of adaptation which is the -city’s contribution, even to the poorest of her children. A clever -man once told me that he doubted whether an alderman could be elected -in a tenement-house district unless he had had gang experience, and -had become an adept in the interminable discussion which every detail -of the gang’s activity receives. This alone affords a training in -democratic government, for it is the prerogative of democracy to invest -political discussion with the dignity of deeds, and to provide adequate -motives for discussion. In these social folk-motes, so to speak, the -young citizen learns to act upon his own determination. The great pity -is that it so often results in a group morality untouched by a concern -for the larger morality of the community. Normal groups reacting upon -each other would tend to an equilibrium of a certain liberty to all,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_178">[Pg 178]</span> -but this cannot be accomplished in the life of the street where the -weaker boy or the weaker gang is continually getting the worst of -it. And it is only on the protected playground that the gangs can be -merged into baseball nines and similar organizations, governed by -well-recognized rules.</p> - -<p>We have already democratized education in the interests of the entire -community; but recreation and constructive play, which afford the best -soil for establishing genuine and democratic social relations, we have -left untouched, although they are so valuable in emotional and dynamic -power. Further than that, the city that refrains from educating the -play motive is obliged to suppress it. In Chicago gangs of boys between -fourteen and sixteen years of age, who, possessing work-certificates -are outside of the jurisdiction of the truant officer, are continually -being arrested by the police, since they have no orderly opportunity -for recreation. An enlightened city government would regard these -groups of boys as the natural soil in which to sow the seeds of -self-government. As every European city has its parade-ground, where -the mimics of war are faithfully rehearsed, in order that the country -may be saved in times of danger, so, if modern government were as -really concerned in developing its citizens as it is in defending them, -we would look upon every<span class="pagenum" id="Page_179">[Pg 179]</span> playing-field as the training-place and -parade-ground of mature citizenship.</p> - -<p>Frederick the Great discovered and applied the use of the rhythmic -step for the marching of soldiers. For generations men had gone -forth to war, using martial music as they had used the battle-cry, -merely to incite their courage and war spirit; but the music had had -nothing to do with their actual marching. The use of it as a practical -measure enormously increased the endurance of the soldiers and raised -the records of forced marches. Industry at the present moment, as -represented by masses of men in the large factories, is quite as -chaotic as the early armies were. We have failed to apply our education -to the real life of the average factory producer. He works without any -inner coherence or sense of comradeship. Our public education has done -little as yet to release his powers or to cheer him with the knowledge -of his significance to the State.</p> - - -<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_12" href="#FNanchor_12" class="label">[12]</a> For further analysis of the census figures relating to -children, consult “Some Ethical Gains Through Legislation.” Mrs. -Florence Kelley.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_13" href="#FNanchor_13" class="label">[13]</a> School and Society, by John Dewey.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_14" href="#FNanchor_14" class="label">[14]</a> The Play of Man, Groos, page 394.</p> - -</div> -</div> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_180">[Pg 180]</span></p> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_VII">CHAPTER VII<br><span class="small">UTILIZATION OF WOMEN IN CITY GOVERNMENT</span></h2></div> - - -<p>We are told many times that the industrial city is a new thing upon the -face of the earth, and that everywhere its growth has been phenomenal, -whether we look at Moscow, Berlin, Paris, New York, or Chicago. With or -without the mediaeval foundation, modern cities are merely resultants -of the vast crowds of people who have collected at certain points which -have become manufacturing and distributing centres.</p> - -<p>For all political purposes, however, the industrial origin of the city -is entirely ignored, and political life is organized exclusively in -relation to its earlier foundations.</p> - -<p>As the city itself originated for the common protection of the people -and was built about a suitable centre of defense which formed a -citadel, such as the Acropolis at Athens or the Kremlin at Moscow, -so we can trace the beginning of the municipal franchise to the time -when the problems of municipal government were still largely<span class="pagenum" id="Page_181">[Pg 181]</span> those of -protecting the city against rebellion from within and against invasion -from without. A voice in city government, as it was extended from the -nobles, who alone bore arms, was naturally given solely to those who -were valuable to the military system. There was a certain logic in -giving the franchise only to grown men when the existence and stability -of the city depended upon their defence, and when the ultimate value -of the elector could be reduced to his ability to perform military -duty. It was fair that only those who were liable to a sudden call to -arms should be selected to decide as to the relations which the city -should bear to rival cities, and that the vote for war should be cast -by the same men who would bear the brunt of battle and the burden of -protection. We are told by historians that the citizens were first -called together in those assemblages which were the beginning of -popular government, only if a war was to be declared or an expedition -to be undertaken.</p> - -<p>But rival cities have long since ceased to settle their claims by force -of arms, and we shall have to admit, I think, that this early test of -the elector is no longer fitted to the modern city, whatever may be -true, in the last analysis, of the basis for the Federal Government.</p> - -<p>It has been well said that the modern city is a<span class="pagenum" id="Page_182">[Pg 182]</span> stronghold of -industrialism, quite as the feudal city was a stronghold of militarism, -but the modern city fears no enemies, and rivals from without and -its problems of government are solely internal. Affairs for the most -part are going badly in these great new centres in which the quickly -congregated population has not yet learned to arrange its affairs -satisfactorily. Insanitary housing, poisonous sewage, contaminated -water, infant mortality, the spread of contagion, adulterated food, -impure milk, smoke-laden air, ill-ventilated factories, dangerous -occupations, juvenile crime, unwholesome crowding, prostitution, -and drunkenness are the enemies which the modern city must face and -overcome would it survive. Logically, its electorate should be made up -of those who can bear a valiant part in this arduous contest, of those -who in the past have at least attempted to care for children, to clean -houses, to prepare foods, to isolate the family from moral dangers, of -those who have traditionally taken care of that side of life which, as -soon as the population is congested, inevitably becomes the subject of -municipal consideration and control.</p> - -<p>To test the elector’s fitness to deal with this situation by his -ability to bear arms, is absurd. A city is in many respects a -great business corporation,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_183">[Pg 183]</span> but in other respects it is enlarged -housekeeping. If American cities have failed in the first, partly -because office holders have carried with them the predatory instinct -learned in competitive business, and cannot help “working a good thing” -when they have an opportunity, may we not say that city housekeeping -has failed partly because women, the traditional housekeepers, have -not been consulted as to its multiform activities? The men of the city -have been carelessly indifferent to much of this civic housekeeping, as -they have always been indifferent to the details of the household. They -have totally disregarded a candidate’s capacity to keep the streets -clean, preferring to consider him in relation to the national tariff or -to the necessity for increasing the national navy, in a pure spirit of -reversion to the traditional type of government which had to do only -with enemies and outsiders.</p> - -<p>It is difficult to see what military prowess has to do with the -multiform duties, which, in a modern city, include the care of parks -and libraries, superintendence of markets, sewers, and bridges, -the inspection of provisions and boilers, and the proper disposal -of garbage. Military prowess has nothing to do with the building -department which the city maintains to see to it that the basements be -dry, that the bedrooms be large<span class="pagenum" id="Page_184">[Pg 184]</span> enough to afford the required cubic -feet of air, that the plumbing be sanitary, that the gas-pipes do not -leak, that the tenement-house court be large enough to afford light -and ventilation, and that the stairways be fireproof. The ability to -carry arms has nothing to do with the health department maintained by -the city, which provides that children be vaccinated, that contagious -diseases be isolated and placarded, that the spread of tuberculosis be -curbed, and that the water be free from typhoid infection. Certainly -the military conception of society is remote from the functions of the -school boards, whose concern it is that children be educated, that they -be supplied with kindergartens and be given a decent place in which to -play. The very multifariousness and complexity of a city government -demands the help of minds accustomed to detail and variety of work, to -a sense of obligation for the health and welfare of young children, and -to a responsibility for the cleanliness and comfort of others.</p> - -<p>Because all these things have traditionally been in the hands of -women, if they take no part in them now, they are not only missing the -education which the natural participation in civic life would bring to -them, but they are losing what they have always had. From the beginning -of tribal life women have been held responsible for the health<span class="pagenum" id="Page_185">[Pg 185]</span> of -the community, a function which is now represented by the health -department; from the days of the cave dwellers, so far as the home -was clean and wholesome, it was due to their efforts, which are now -represented by the bureau of tenement-house inspection; from the period -of the primitive village, the only public sweeping performed was what -they undertook in their own dooryards, that which is now represented by -the bureau of street cleaning. Most of the departments in a modern city -can be traced to woman’s traditional activity, but in spite of this, -so soon as these old affairs were turned over to the care of the city, -they slipped from woman’s hands, apparently because they then became -matters for collective action and implied the use of the franchise. -Because the franchise had in the first instance been given to the man -who could fight, because in the beginning he alone could vote who could -carry a weapon, the franchise was considered an improper thing for a -woman to possess.</p> - -<p>Is it quite public spirited for women to say, “We will take care of -these affairs so long as they stay in our own houses, but if they go -outside and concern so many people that they cannot be carried on -without the mechanism of the vote, we will drop them. It is true that -these activities which women have always had, are not at present<span class="pagenum" id="Page_186">[Pg 186]</span> being -carried on very well by the men in most of the great American cities, -but because we do not consider it ‘ladylike’ to vote shall we ignore -their failure”?</p> - -<p>Because women consider the government men’s affair and something -which concerns itself with elections and alarms, they have become so -confused in regard to their traditional business in life, the rearing -of children, that they hear with complacency a statement made by the -Nestor of sanitary reformers, that one-half of the tiny lives which -make up the city’s death rate each year might be saved by a more -thorough application of sanitary science. Because it implies the use of -the suffrage, they do not consider it women’s business to save these -lives. Are we going to lose ourselves in the old circle of convention -and add to that sum of wrong-doing which is continually committed -in the world because we do not look at things as they really are? -Old-fashioned ways which no longer apply to changed conditions are a -snare in which the feet of women have always become readily entangled. -It is so easy to believe that things that used to exist still go -on long after they are passed; it is so easy to commit irreparable -blunders because we fail to correct our theories by our changing -experience. So many of the stumbling-blocks against which<span class="pagenum" id="Page_187">[Pg 187]</span> we fall are -the opportunities to which we have not adjusted ourselves. Because it -shocks an obsolete ideal, we keep hold of a convention which no longer -squares with our genuine insight, and we are slow to follow a clue -which might enable us to solace and improve the life about us.</p> - -<p>Why is it that women do not vote upon the matters which concern them -so intimately? Why do they not follow these vital affairs and feel -responsible for their proper administration, even though they have -become municipalized? What would the result have been could women -have regarded the suffrage, not as a right or a privilege, but as a -mere piece of governmental machinery without which they could not -perform their traditional functions under the changed conditions of -city life? Could we view the whole situation as a matter of obligation -and of normal development, it would be much simplified. We are at the -beginning of a prolonged effort to incorporate a progressive developing -life founded upon a response to the needs of all the people, into the -requisite legal enactments and civic institutions. To be in any measure -successful, this effort will require all the intelligent powers of -observation, all the sympathy, all the common sense which may be gained -from the whole adult population.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_188">[Pg 188]</span></p> - -<p>The statement is sometimes made that the franchise for women would be -valuable only so far as the educated women exercised it. This statement -totally disregards the fact that those matters in which woman’s -judgment is most needed are far too primitive and basic to be largely -influenced by what we call education. The sanitary condition of all -the factories and workshops, for instance, in which the industrial -processes are at present carried on in great cities, intimately affect -the health and lives of thousands of workingwomen.</p> - -<p>It is questionable whether women to-day, in spite of the fact that -there are myriads of them in factories and shops, are doing their -full share of the world’s work in the lines of production which have -always been theirs. Even two centuries ago they did practically all -the spinning, dyeing, weaving, and sewing. They carried on much of the -brewing and baking and thousands of operations which have been pushed -out of the domestic system into the factory system. But simply to keep -on doing the work which their grandmothers did, was to find themselves -surrounded by conditions over which they have no control.</p> - -<p>Sometimes when I see dozens of young girls going into the factories of -a certain biscuit company<span class="pagenum" id="Page_189">[Pg 189]</span> on the West Side of Chicago, they appear for -the moment as a mere cross-section in the long procession of women who -have furnished the breadstuffs from time immemorial, from the savage -woman who ground the meal and baked a flat cake, through innumerable -cottage hearths, kitchens, and bake ovens, to this huge concern in -which they are still carrying on their traditional business. But always -before, during the ages of this unending procession, women themselves -were able to dictate concerning the hours and the immediate conditions -of their work; even grinding the meal and baking the cake in the ashes -was diversified by many other activities. But suddenly, since the -application of steam to the processes of kneading bread and of turning -the spindle, which really means only a different motor power and not -in the least an essential change in her work, she has been denied the -privilege of regulating the conditions which immediately surround her.</p> - -<p>In the census of 1900, the section on “Occupations” shows very clearly -in what direction the employment of women has been tending during the -last twenty years. Two striking facts stand out vividly: first, the -increase in the percentage of workingwomen over the percentage of men, -and second, the large percentage of young women<span class="pagenum" id="Page_190">[Pg 190]</span> between sixteen and -twenty years old in the total number of workingwomen as compared with -the small percentage of young men of the same ages in the total number -of workingmen. Practically one-half of the workingwomen in the United -States are girls—young women under the age of twenty-five years. This -increase in the number of young girls in industry is the more striking -when taken in connection with the fact that industries of to-day differ -most markedly from those of the past in the relentless speed which -they require. This increase in speed is as marked in the depths of -sweat-shop labor as in the most advanced New England mills, where the -eight looms operated by each worker have increased to twelve, fourteen, -and even sixteen looms. This speed, of course, brings a new strain into -industry and tends inevitably to nervous exhaustion. Machines may be -revolved more and more swiftly, but the girl workers have no increase -in vitality responding to the heightened pressure. An ampler and more -far-reaching protection than now exists, is needed in order to care -for the health and safety of women in industry. Their youth, their -helplessness, their increasing numbers, the conditions under which -they are employed, all call for uniform and enforceable statutes. The -elaborate regulations of dangerous<span class="pagenum" id="Page_191">[Pg 191]</span> trades, enacted in England and on -the Continent for both adults and children, find no parallel in the -United States. The injurious effects of employments involving the use -of poisons, acids, gases, atmospheric extremes, or other dangerous -processes, still await adequate investigation and legislation in this -country. How shall this take place, save by the concerted efforts of -the women themselves, those who are employed, and those other women who -are intelligent as to the worker’s needs and who possess a conscience -in regard to industrial affairs?</p> - -<p>It is legitimate and necessary that women should make a study of -certain trades and occupations. The production of sweated goods, -from the human point of view, is not production at all, but waste. -If the employer takes from the workers week by week more than his -wages restore to them, he gradually reduces them to the state of -industrial parasites. The wages of the sweated worker are either being -supplemented by the wages of relatives and the gifts of charitable -associations, or else her standard of living is so low that she is -continually losing her vitality and tending to become a charge upon the -community in a hospital or a poorhouse.<a id="FNanchor_15" href="#Footnote_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a></p> - -<p>Yet even the sweat-shops, in which woman carries<span class="pagenum" id="Page_192">[Pg 192]</span> on her old business -of making clothing, had to be redeemed, so far as they have been -redeemed, by the votes of men who passed an anti-sweat-shop law; by -the city fathers, who, after much pleading, were induced to order -an inspection of sweat-shops that they might be made to comply with -sanitary regulations. Women directly controlled the surroundings of -their work as long as their arrangements were domestic, but they -cannot do this now unless they have the franchise, as yet the only -mechanism devised by which a city selects its representative and by -which a number of persons are able to embody their collective will in -legislation. For a hundred years England has been legislating upon -the subject of insanitary workshops, long and exhausting hours of -work, night work for women, occupations in which pregnant women may -be employed, and hundreds of other restrictions which we are only -beginning to consider objects of legislation here.</p> - -<p>So far as women have been able, in Chicago at least, to help the -poorest workers in the sweat-shops, it has been accomplished by women -organized into trades unions. The organization of Special Order Tailors -found that it was comparatively simple for an employer to give the -skilled operatives in a clothing factory more money by taking it away -from the wages of the seam-sewer<span class="pagenum" id="Page_193">[Pg 193]</span> and button-holer. The fact that it -resulted in one set of workers being helped at the expense of another -set did not appeal to him, so long as he was satisfying the demand of -the union without increasing the total cost of production. But the -Special Order Tailors, at the sacrifice of their own wages and growth, -made a determined effort to include even the sweat-shop workers in the -benefits they had slowly secured for themselves. By means of the use -of the label they were finally able to insist that no goods should be -given out for home-finishing save to women presenting union cards, and -they raised the wages from nine and eleven cents a dozen for finishing -garments, to the minimum wage of fifteen cents. They also made a -protest against the excessive subdivision of the labor upon garments, a -practice which enables the manufacturer to use children and the least -skilled adults. Thirty-two persons are commonly employed upon a single -coat, and it is the purpose of the Special Order Tailors to have all -the machine work performed by one worker, thus reducing the number -working on one coat to twelve or fourteen. As this change will at the -same time demand more skill on the part of the operator, and will -increase the variety and interest in his work, these garment-makers -are sacrificing both time and money for the defence of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_194">[Pg 194]</span> Ruskinian -principles—one of the few actual attempts to recover the “joy of -work.” Although the attempt was, of course, mixed with a desire to -preserve a trade from the invasion of the unskilled, and a consequent -lowering of wages, it also represented a genuine effort to preserve to -the poorest worker some interest and value in the work itself. It is -most unfair, however, to put this task upon the trades unionists and to -so confuse it with their other efforts that it, too, becomes a cause -of warfare. The poorest women are often but uncomprehending victims of -this labor movement of which they understand so little, and which has -become so much a matter of battle that helpless individuals are lost in -the conflict.</p> - -<p>A complicated situation occurs to me in illustration. A woman from -the Hull-House Day Nursery came to me two years ago asking to borrow -twenty-five dollars, a sum her union had imposed as a fine. She gave -such an incoherent account of her plight that it was evident that -she did not in the least understand what it was all about. A little -investigation disclosed the following facts: The “Nursery Mother,” -as I here call her for purposes of identification, had worked for a -long time in an unorganized overall factory, where the proprietor, -dealing as he<span class="pagenum" id="Page_195">[Pg 195]</span> did in goods purchased exclusively by workingmen, found -it increasingly difficult to sell his overalls because they did not -bear the union label. He finally made a request to the union that the -employees in his factory be organized. This was done, he was given the -use of the label, and upon this basis he prospered for several months.</p> - -<p>Whether the organizer was “fixed” or not, the investigation did -not make clear; for, although the “Nursery Mother,” with her -fellow-workers, had paid their union dues regularly, the employer was -not compelled to pay the union scale of wages, but continued to pay -the same wages as before. At the end of three months his employees -discovered that they were not being paid the union scale, and demanded -that their wages be raised to that amount. The employer, in the -meantime having extensively advertised his use of the label, concluded -that his purpose had been served, and that he no longer needed the -union. He refused, therefore, to pay the union scale, and a strike -ensued. The “Nursery Mother” went out with the rest, and within a few -days found work in another shop, a union shop doing a lower grade of -manufacturing. At that time there was no uniform scale in the garment -trades, and although a trade unionist working for union wages, she -received lower wages than she had under<span class="pagenum" id="Page_196">[Pg 196]</span> the non-union conditions in -the overall factory. She was naturally much confused and, following -her instinct to get the best wages possible, she went back to her -old place. Affairs ran smoothly for a few weeks, until the employer -discovered that he was again losing trade because his goods lacked -the label, whereupon he once more applied to have his shop unionized. -The organizer, coming back, promptly discovered the recreant “Nursery -Mother,” and, much to her bewilderment, she was fined twenty-five -dollars. She understood nothing clearly, nor could she, indeed, be made -to understand so long as she was in the midst of this petty warfare. -Her labor was a mere method of earning money quite detached from her -European experience, and failed to make for her the remotest connection -with the community whose genuine needs she was supplying. No effort -had been made to show her the cultural aspect of her work, to give her -even the feeblest understanding of the fact that she was supplying a -genuine need of the community, and that she was entitled to respect -and a legitimate industrial position. It would have been necessary to -make such an effort from the historic standpoint, and this could be -undertaken only by the community as a whole and not by any one class in -it. Protective legislation would be but the first step toward making -her a<span class="pagenum" id="Page_197">[Pg 197]</span> more valuable producer and a more intelligent citizen. The whole -effort would imply a closer connection between industry and government, -and could be accomplished intelligently only if women were permitted to -exercise the franchise.</p> - -<p>A certain healing and correction would doubtless ensue could we but -secure for the protection and education of industrial workers that -nurture of health and morals which women have so long reserved for -their own families and which has never been utilized as a directing -force in industrial affairs.</p> - -<p>When the family constituted the industrial organism of the day, the -daughters of the household were carefully taught in reference to the -place they would take in that organism, but as the household arts have -gone outside the home, almost nothing has been done to connect the -young women with the present great industrial system. This neglect has -been equally true in regard to the technical and cultural sides of that -system.</p> - -<p>The failure to fit the education of women to the actual industrial -life which is carried on about them has had disastrous results in two -directions. First, industry itself has lacked the modification which -women might have brought to it had they committed the entire movement -to that<span class="pagenum" id="Page_198">[Pg 198]</span> growing concern for a larger and more satisfying life for each -member of the community, a concern which we have come to regard as -legitimate. Second, the more prosperous women would have been able to -understand and adjust their own difficulties of household management in -relation to the producer of factory products, as they are now utterly -unable to do.</p> - -<p>As the census of 1900 showed that more than half of the women -employed in “gainful occupations” in the United States are engaged -in households, certainly their conditions of labor lie largely in -the hands of women employers. At a conference held at Lake Placid by -employers of household labor, it was contended that future historical -review may show that the girls who are to-day in domestic service -are the really progressive women of the age; that they are those -who are fighting conditions which limit their freedom, and although -they are doing it blindly, at least they are demanding avenues of -self-expression outside their work; and that this struggle from -conditions detrimental to their highest life is the ever-recurring -story of the emancipation of first one class and then another. It was -further contended that in this effort to become sufficiently educated -to be able to understand the needs of an educated employer from an -independent standpoint,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_199">[Pg 199]</span> they are really doing the community a great -service, and did they but receive co-operation instead of opposition, -domestic service would lose its social ostracism and attract a more -intelligent class of women. And yet this effort, perfectly reasonable -from the standpoint of historic development and democratic tradition, -receives little help from the employing housekeepers, because they know -nothing of industrial development.</p> - -<p>The situation could be understood only by viewing it, first, in the -relation to recent immigration and, second, in connection with the -factory system at the present stage of development in America. A review -of the history of domestic service in a fairly prosperous American -family begins with the colonial period, when the daughters of the -neighboring farmers came in to “help” during the busy season. This was -followed by the Irish immigrant, when almost every kitchen had its Nora -or Bridget, while the mistress of the household retained the sweeping -and dusting and the Saturday baking. Then came the halcyon days of -German “second girls” and cooks, followed by the Swedes. The successive -waves of immigration supply the demand for domestic service, gradually -obliterating the fact that as the women became more familiar with<span class="pagenum" id="Page_200">[Pg 200]</span> -American customs, they as well as their men folk, entered into more -skilled and lucrative positions.</p> - -<p>In these last years immigration consists in ever-increasing numbers -of South Italians and of Russian, Polish, and Rumanian Jews, none of -whom have to any appreciable extent entered into domestic service. The -Italian girls are married between the ages of fifteen and eighteen, and -to live in any house in town other than that of her father seems to an -Italian girl quite incomprehensible. The strength of the family tie, -the need for “kosher” foods, the celebration of religious festivities, -the readiness with which she takes up the sewing trades in which her -father and brother are already largely engaged, makes domestic service -a rare occupation for the daughters of the recent Jewish immigrants. -Moreover, these two classes of immigrants have been quickly absorbed, -as, indeed, all working people are, by the increasing demand for the -labor of young girls and children in factory and workshops. The paucity -of the material for domestic service is therefore revealed at last, and -we are obliged to consider the material for domestic service which a -democracy supplies, and also to realize that the administration of the -household has suffered because it has become unnaturally isolated from -the rest of the community.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_201">[Pg 201]</span></p> - -<p>The problems of food and shelter for the family, at any given -moment, must be considered in relation to all the other mechanical -and industrial life of that moment, quite as the intellectual life -of the family finally depends for its vitality upon its relation to -the intellectual resources of the rest of the community. When the -administrator of the household deliberately refuses to avail herself -of the wonderful inventions going on all about her, she soon comes -to the point of priding herself upon the fact that her household is -administered according to traditional lines and of believing that the -moral life of the family is so enwrapped in these old customs as to -be endangered by any radical change. Because of this attitude on the -part of contemporary housekeepers, the household has firmly withstood -the beneficent changes and healing innovations which applied science -and economics would long ago have brought about could they have worked -naturally and unimpeded.</p> - -<p>These moral and economic difficulties, whether connected with the -isolation of the home or with the partial and unsatisfactory efforts -of trades unions, could be avoided only if society would frankly -recognize the industrial situation as that which concerns us all, -and would seriously prepare all classes of the community for their -relation<span class="pagenum" id="Page_202">[Pg 202]</span> to the situation. A technical preparation would, of course, -not be feasible, but a cultural one would be possible, so that all -parts of the community might be intelligent in regard to the industrial -developments and transitions going on about them. If American women -could but obtain a liberating knowledge of that history of industry -and commerce which is so similar in every country of the globe, the -fact that so much factory labor is performed by immigrants would -help to bring them nearer to the immigrant woman. Equipped with “the -informing mind” on the one hand and with experience on the other, we -could then walk together through the marvelous streets of the human -city, no longer conscious whether we are natives or aliens, because -we have become absorbed in a fraternal relation arising from a common -experience.</p> - -<p>And this attitude of understanding and respect for the worker is -necessary, not only to appreciate what he produces, but to preserve -his power of production, again showing the necessity for making that -substitute for war—human labor—more aggressive and democratic. We -are told that the conquered races everywhere, in their helplessness, -are giving up the genuine practise of their own arts. In India, for -instance, where their arts have been the blossom of many years of -labor,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_203">[Pg 203]</span> the conquered races are casting them aside as of no value in -order that they may conform to the inferior art, or rather, lack of -art, of their conquerors. Morris constantly lamented that in some parts -of India the native arts were quite destroyed, and in many others -nearly so; that in all parts they had more or less begun to sicken. -This lack of respect and understanding of the primitive arts found -among colonies of immigrants in a modern cosmopolitan city, produces -a like result in that the arts languish and disappear. We have made -an effort at Hull-House to recover something of the early industries -from an immigrant neighborhood, and in a little exhibit called a -labor museum, we have placed in historic sequence and order methods -of spinning and weaving from a dozen nationalities in Asia Minor and -Europe. The result has been a striking exhibition of the unity and -similarity of the earlier industrial processes. Within the narrow -confines of one room, the Syrian, the Greek, the Italian, the Russian, -the Norwegian, the Dutch, and the Irish find that the differences in -their spinning have been merely putting the distaff upon a frame or -placing the old hand-spindle in a horizontal position. A group of women -representing vast differences in religion, in language, in tradition, -and in nationality, exhibit practically no difference<span class="pagenum" id="Page_204">[Pg 204]</span> in the daily -arts by which, for a thousand generations, they have clothed their -families. When American women come to visit them, the quickest method, -in fact almost the only one, of establishing a genuine companionship -with them, is through this same industry, unless we except that -still older occupation, the care of little children. Perhaps this -experiment may claim to have made a genuine effort to find the basic -experiences upon which a cosmopolitan community may unite at least on -the industrial side. The recent date of the industrial revolution and -our nearness to a primitive industry are shown by the fact that Italian -mothers are more willing to have their daughters work in factories -producing textile and food stuffs than in those which produce wood and -metal. They interpret the entire situation so simply that it appears -to them just what it is—a mere continuation of woman’s traditional -work under changed conditions. Another example of our nearness to early -methods is shown by the fact that many women from South Italy and from -the remoter parts of Russia have never seen a spinning-wheel, and -look upon it as a new and marvelous invention. But these very people, -who are habitually at such a disadvantage because they lack certain -superficial qualities which are too highly prized, have an opportunity -in the labor museum,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_205">[Pg 205]</span> at least for the moment, to assert a position in -the community to which their previous life and training entitles them, -and they are judged with something of a historic background. Their very -apparent remoteness gives industrial processes a picturesque content -and charm.</p> - -<p>Can we learn our first lesson in modern industry from these humble -peasant women who have never shirked the primitive labors upon which -all civilized life is founded, even as we must obtain our first -lessons in social morality from those who are bearing the brunt of -the overcrowded and cosmopolitan city which is the direct result of -modern industrial conditions? If we contend that the franchise should -be extended to women on the ground that less emphasis is continually -placed upon the military order and more upon the industrial order of -society, we should have to insist that, if she would secure her old -place in industry, the modern woman must needs fit her labors to the -present industrial organization as the simpler woman fitted hers to the -more simple industrial order. It has been pointed out that woman lost -her earlier place when man usurped the industrial pursuits and created -wealth on a scale unknown before. Since that time women have been -reduced more and more to a state of dependency, until we see only among -the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_206">[Pg 206]</span> European peasant women as they work in the fields, “the heavy, -strong, enduring, patient, economically functional representative of -what the women of our day used to be.”</p> - -<p>Cultural education as it is at present carried on in the most advanced -schools, is to some extent correcting the present detached relation -of women to industry but a sense of responsibility in relation to the -development of industry would accomplish much more. As men earned -their citizenship through their readiness and ability to defend their -city, so perhaps woman, if she takes a citizen’s place in the modern -industrial city, will have to earn it by devotion and self-abnegation -in the service of its complex needs.</p> - -<p>The old social problems were too often made a cause of war in the -belief that all difficulties could be settled by an appeal to arms. But -certainly these subtler problems which confront the modern cosmopolitan -city, the problems of race antagonisms and economic adjustments, must -be settled by a more searching and genuine method than mere prowess -can possibly afford. The first step toward their real solution must -be made upon a past experience common to the citizens as a whole and -connected with their daily living. As moral problems become more and -more associated with our civic and industrial organizations,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_207">[Pg 207]</span> the -demand for enlarged activity is more exigent. If one could connect the -old maternal anxieties, which are really the basis of family and tribal -life, with the candidates who are seeking offices, it would never be -necessary to look about for other motive powers, and if to this we -could add maternal concern for the safety and defence of the industrial -worker, we should have an increasing code of protective legislation.</p> - -<p>We certainly may hope for two results if women enter formally into -municipal life. First, the opportunity to fulfill their old duties and -obligations with the safeguard and the consideration which the ballot -alone can secure for them under the changed conditions, and, second, -the education which participation in actual affairs always brings. -As we believe that woman has no right to allow what really belongs -to her to drop away from her, so we contend that ability to perform -an obligation comes very largely in proportion as that obligation is -conscientiously assumed.</p> - -<p>Out of the mediaeval city founded upon militarism there arose in the -thirteenth century a new order, the middle class, whose importance -rested, not upon birth or arms, but upon wealth, intelligence, and -organization. This middle class achieved a sterling success in the -succeeding six centuries of industrialism because it was essential<span class="pagenum" id="Page_208">[Pg 208]</span> to -the existence and development of the industrial era. Perhaps we can -forecast the career of woman, the citizen, if she is permitted to bear -an elector’s part in the coming period of humanitarianism in which -government must concern itself with human welfare. She will bear her -share of civic responsibility because she is essential to the normal -development of the city of the future, and because the definition -of the loyal citizen as one who is ready to shed his blood for his -country, has become inadequate and obsolete.</p> - - -<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_15" href="#FNanchor_15" class="label">[15]</a> A Case for the Factory Acts. Mrs. Sidney Webb.</p> - -</div> -</div> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_209">[Pg 209]</span></p> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_VIII">CHAPTER VIII<br><span class="small">PASSING OF THE WAR VIRTUES</span></h2></div> - - -<p>Of all the winged words which Tolstoy wrote during the war between -Russia and Japan, perhaps none are more significant than these: -“The great strife of our time is not that now taking place between -the Japanese and the Russians, nor that which may blaze up between -the white and the yellow races, nor that strife which is carried -on by mines, bombs, and bullets, but that spiritual strife which, -without ceasing, has gone on and is going on between the enlightened -consciousness of mankind now awaiting for manifestation and that -darkness and that burden which surrounds and oppresses mankind.” In -the curious period of accommodation in which we live, it is possible -for old habits and new compunctions to be equally powerful, and it is -almost a matter of pride with us that we neither break with the old nor -yield to the new. We call this attitude tolerance, whereas it is often -mere confusion of mind. Such mental confusion is strikingly illustrated -by our tendency to substitute a<span class="pagenum" id="Page_210">[Pg 210]</span> statement of the historic evolution of -an ideal of conduct in place of the ideal itself. This almost always -occurs when the ideal no longer accords with our faithful experience -of life and when its implications are not justified by our latest -information. In this way we spare ourselves the necessity of pressing -forward to newer ideals of conduct.</p> - -<p>We quote the convictions and achievements of the past as an excuse for -ourselves when we lack the energy either to throw off old moral codes -which have become burdens or to attain a morality proportionate to our -present sphere of activity.</p> - -<p>At the present moment the war spirit attempts to justify its noisy -demonstrations by quoting its great achievements in the past and by -drawing attention to the courageous life which it has evoked and -fostered. It is, however, perhaps significant that the adherents of war -are more and more justifying it by its past record and reminding us of -its ancient origin. They tell us that it is interwoven with every fibre -of human growth and is at the root of all that is noble and courageous -in human life, that struggle is the basis of all progress, that it is -now extended from individuals and tribes to nations and races.</p> - -<p>We may admire much that is admirable in this past life of courageous -warfare, while at the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_211">[Pg 211]</span> same time we accord it no right to dominate -the present, which has traveled out of its reach into a land of new -desires. We may admit that the experiences of war have equipped the men -of the present with pluck and energy, but to insist upon the selfsame -expression for that pluck and energy would be as stupid a mistake as if -we would relegate the full-grown citizen, responding to many claims and -demands upon his powers, to the school-yard fights of his boyhood, or -to the college contests of his cruder youth. The little lad who stoutly -defends himself on the school-ground may be worthy of much admiration, -but if we find him, a dozen years later, the bullying leader of a -street-gang who bases his prestige on the fact that “no one can whip -him,” our admiration cools amazingly, and we say that the carrying over -of those puerile instincts into manhood shows arrested development -which is mainly responsible for filling our prisons.</p> - -<p>This confusion between the contemporaneous stage of development and the -historic rôle of certain qualities, is intensified by our custom of -referring to social evolution as if it were a force and not a process. -We assume that social ends may be obtained without the application of -social energies, although we know in our hearts that the best results -of civilization have come about<span class="pagenum" id="Page_212">[Pg 212]</span> only through human will and effort. -To point to the achievement of the past as a guarantee for continuing -what has since become shocking to us is stupid business; it is to -forget that progress itself depends upon adaptation, upon a nice -balance between continuity and change. Let us by all means acknowledge -and preserve that which has been good in warfare and in the spirit of -warfare; let us gather it together and incorporate it in our national -fibre. Let us, however, not be guilty for a moment of shutting our -eyes to that which for many centuries must have been disquieting to -the moral sense, but which is gradually becoming impossible, not only -because of our increasing sensibilities, but because great constructive -plans and humanized interests have captured our hopes and we are -finding that war is an implement too clumsy and barbaric to subserve -our purpose. We have come to realize that the great task of pushing -forward social justice could be enormously accelerated if primitive -methods as well as primitive weapons were once for all abolished.</p> - -<p>The past may have been involved in war and suffering in order to bring -forth a new and beneficent courage, an invincible ardor for conserving -and healing human life, for understanding and elaborating it. To obtain -this courage<span class="pagenum" id="Page_213">[Pg 213]</span> is to distinguish between a social order founded upon -law enforced by authority and that other social order which includes -liberty of individual action and complexity of group development. The -latter social order would not suppress the least germ of promise, of -growth and variety, but would nurture all into a full and varied life. -It is not an easy undertaking to obtain it and it cannot be carried -forward without conscious and well-defined effort. The task that is -really before us is first to see to it, that the old virtues bequeathed -by war are not retained after they have become a social deterrent and -that social progress is not checked by a certain contempt for human -nature which is but the inherited result of conquest. Second, we must -act upon the assumption that spontaneous and fraternal action as virile -and widespread as war itself is the only method by which substitutes -for the war virtues may be discovered.</p> - -<p>It was contended in the first chapter of this book that social morality -is developed through sentiment and action. In this particular age we -can live the truth which has been apprehended by our contemporaries, -that truth which is especially our own, only by establishing nobler and -wiser social relations and by discovering social bonds better fitted -to our requirements. Warfare in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_214">[Pg 214]</span> the past has done much to bring men -together. A sense of common danger and the stirring appeal to action -for a common purpose, easily open the channels of sympathy through -which we partake of the life about us. But there are certainly other -methods of opening those channels. A social life to be healthy must be -consciously and fully adjusted to the march of social needs, and as we -may easily make a mistake by forgetting that enlarged opportunities are -ever demanding an enlarged morality, so we will fail in the task of -substitution if we do not demand social sympathy in a larger measure -and of a quality better adapted to the contemporaneous situation.</p> - -<p>Perhaps the one point at which this undertaking is most needed is in -regard to our conception of patriotism, which, although as genuine -as ever before, is too much dressed in the trappings of the past and -continually carries us back to its beginnings in military prowess and -defence. To have been able to trace the origin and development of -patriotism and then to rest content with that, and to fail to insist -that it shall respond to the stimulus of a larger and more varied -environment with which we are now confronted, is a confession of -weakness; it exhibits lack of moral enterprise and of national vigor.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_215">[Pg 215]</span></p> - -<p>We have all seen the breakdown of village standards of morality when -the conditions of a great city are encountered. To do “the good lying -next at hand” may be a sufficient formula when the village idler -and his needy children live but a few doors down the street, but -the same dictum may be totally misleading when the villager becomes -a city resident and finds his next-door neighbors prosperous and -comfortable, while the poor and overburdened live many blocks away -where he would never see them at all, unless he were stirred by a -spirit of social enterprise to go forth and find them in the midst -of their meagre living and their larger needs. The spirit of village -gossip, penetrating and keen as it is, may be depended upon to bring to -the notice of the kind-hearted villager all cases of suffering—that -someone is needed “to sit up all night” with a sick neighbor, or that -the village loafer has been drunk again and beaten his wife; but in -a city divided so curiously into the regions of the well-to-do and -the congested quarters of the immigrant, the conscientious person -can no longer rely upon gossip. There is no intercourse, not even a -scattered one, between the two, save what the daily paper brings, with -its invincible propensity to report the gossip of poverty and crime, -perhaps a healthier tendency than we imagine. The man who has moved -from<span class="pagenum" id="Page_216">[Pg 216]</span> the village to the cosmopolitan city and who would continue even -his former share of beneficent activity must bestir himself to keep -informed as to social needs and to make new channels through which his -sympathy may flow. Without some such conscious effort, his sympathy -will finally become stratified along the line of his social intercourse -and he will be unable really to care for any people but his “own kind.” -American conceptions of patriotism have moved, so to speak, from the -New England village into huge cosmopolitan cities. They find themselves -bewildered by the change and have not only failed to make the -adjustment, but the very effort in that direction is looked upon with -deep suspicion by their old village neighbors. Unless our conception of -patriotism is progressive, it cannot hope to embody the real affection -and the real interest of the nation. We know full well that the -patriotism of common descent is the mere patriotism of the clan—the -early patriotism of the tribe—and that, while the possession of a -like territory is an advance upon that first conception, both of them -are unworthy to be the patriotism of a great cosmopolitan nation. We -shall not have made any genuine advance until we have grown impatient -of a patriotism founded upon military prowess and defence, because this -really gets in the way and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_217">[Pg 217]</span> prevents the growth of that beneficent and -progressive patriotism which we need for the understanding and healing -of our current national difficulties.</p> - -<p>To seek our patriotism in some age other than our own is to accept a -code that is totally inadequate to help us through the problems which -current life develops. We continue to found our patriotism upon war -and to contrast conquest with nurture, militarism with industrialism, -calling the latter passive and inert and the former active and -aggressive, without really facing the situation as it exists. We -tremble before our own convictions, and are afraid to find newer -manifestations of courage and daring lest we thereby lose the virtues -bequeathed to us by war. It is a pitiful acknowledgment that we have -lost them already and that we shall have to give up the ways of war, if -for no other reason than to preserve the finer spirit of courage and -detachment which it has engendered and developed.</p> - -<p>We come at last to the practical question as to how these substitutes -for the war virtues may be found. How may we, the children of an -industrial and commercial age, find the courage and sacrifice which -belong to our industrialism. We may begin with August Comte’s assertion -that man seeks to improve his position in two different<span class="pagenum" id="Page_218">[Pg 218]</span> ways, by -the destruction of obstacles and by the construction of means, or, -designated by their most obvious social results, if his contention is -correct, by military action and by industrial action, and that the two -must long continue side by side. Then we find ourselves asking what -may be done to make more picturesque those lives which are spent in a -monotonous and wearing toil, compared to which the camp is exciting and -the barracks comfortable. How shall it be made to seem as magnificent -patiently to correct the wrongs of industrialism as to do battle for -the rights of the nation? This transition ought not to be so difficult -in America, for to begin with, our national life in America has been -largely founded upon our success in invention and engineering, in -manufacturing and commerce. Our prosperity has rested upon constructive -labor and material progress, both of them in striking contrast to -warfare. There is an element of almost grim humor in the nation’s -reverting at last to the outworn methods of battle-ships and defended -harbors. We may admit that idle men need war to keep alive their -courage and endurance, but we have few idle men in a nation engaged -in industrialism. We constantly see subordination of sensation to -sentiment in hundreds of careers which are not military; the thousands -of miners<span class="pagenum" id="Page_219">[Pg 219]</span> in Pennsylvania doubtless endure every year more bodily pain -and peril than the same number of men in European barracks.</p> - -<p>Industrial life affords ample opportunity for endurance, discipline, -and a sense of detachment, if the struggle is really put upon the -highest level of industrial efficiency. But because our industrial life -is not on this level, we constantly tend to drop the newer and less -developed ideals for the older ones of warfare, we ignore the fact that -war so readily throws back the ideals which the young are nourishing -into the mold of those which the old should be outgrowing. It lures -young men not to develop, but to exploit; it turns them from the -courage and toil of industry to the bravery and endurance of war, and -leads them to forget that civilization is the substitution of law for -war. It incites their ambitions, not to irrigate, to make fertile and -sanitary, the barren plain of the savage, but to fill it with military -posts and tax-gatherers, to cease from pushing forward industrial -action into new fields and to fall back upon military action.</p> - -<p>We may illustrate this by the most beneficent acts of war, when -the military spirit claiming to carry forward civilization invades -a country for the purpose of bringing it into the zone of the -civilized world. Militarism enforces law and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_220">[Pg 220]</span> order and insists upon -obedience and discipline, assuming that it will ultimately establish -righteousness and foster progress. In order to carry out this good -intention, it first of all clears the decks of impedimenta, although -in the process it may extinguish the most precious beginnings of -self-government and the nucleus of self-help, which the wise of the -native community have long been anxiously hoarding.</p> - -<p>It is the military idea, resting content as it does with the passive -results of order and discipline, which confesses a totally inadequate -conception of the value and power of human life. The charge of -obtaining negative results could with great candor be brought against -militarism, while the strenuous task, the vigorous and difficult -undertaking, involving the use of the most highly developed human -powers, can be claimed for industrialism.</p> - -<p>It is really human constructive labor which must give the newly invaded -country a sense of its place in the life of the civilized world, some -idea of the effective occupations which it may perform. In order to -accomplish this its energy must be freed and its resources developed. -Militarism undertakes to set in order, to suppress and to govern, if -necessary to destroy, while industrialism undertakes to liberate latent -forces, to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_221">[Pg 221]</span> reconcile them to new conditions, to demonstrate that their -aroused activities can no longer follow caprice, but must fit into a -larger order of life. To call this latter undertaking, demanding ever -new powers of insight, patience, and fortitude, less difficult, less -manly, less strenuous, than the first, is on the face of it absurd. -It is the soldier who is inadequate to the difficult task, who strews -his ways with blunders and lost opportunities, who cannot justify his -vocation by the results, and who is obliged to plead guilty to a lack -of rational method.</p> - -<p>Of British government in the Empire, an Englishman has recently -written, “We are obliged in practise to make a choice between good -order and justice administered autocratically in accordance with -British standards on the one hand, and delicate, costly, doubtful, -and disorderly experiments in self-government on British lines upon -the other, and we have practically everywhere decided upon the former -alternative. It is, of course, less difficult.”<a id="FNanchor_16" href="#Footnote_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> Had our American -ideals of patriotism and morality in international relations kept -pace with our experience, had we followed up our wide commercial -relations with an adequate ethical code, we can imagine a body of -young Americans, “the flower of our youth,”<span class="pagenum" id="Page_222">[Pg 222]</span> as we like to say, -proudly declining commercial advantages founded upon forced military -occupation and informing their well-meaning government that they -declined to accept openings on any such terms as these, that their -ideals of patriotism and of genuine government demanded the play of -their moral prowess and their constructive intelligence. Certainly in -America we have a chance to employ something more active and virile, -more inventive, more in line with our temperament and tradition, than -the mere desire to increase commercial relations by armed occupation -as other governments have done. A different conduct is required -from a democracy than from the mere order-keeping, bridge-building, -tax-gathering Roman, or from the conscientious Briton carrying the -blessings of an established government and enlarged commerce to all -quarters of the globe.</p> - -<p>It has been the time-honored custom to attribute unjust wars to the -selfish ambition of rulers who remorselessly sacrifice their subjects -to satisfy their greed. But, as Lecky has recently pointed out, it -remains to be seen whether or not democratic rule will diminish war. -Immoderate and uncontrolled desires are at the root of most national -as well as of most individual crimes, and a large number of persons -may be moved by unworthy ambitions quite as easily as a few. If the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_223">[Pg 223]</span> -electorate of a democracy accustom themselves to take the commercial -view of life, to consider the extension of trade as the test of a -national prosperity, it becomes comparatively easy for mere extension -of commercial opportunity to assume a moral aspect and to receive the -moral sanction. Unrestricted commercialism is an excellent preparation -for governmental aggression. The nation which is accustomed to condone -the questionable business methods of a rich man because of his success, -will find no difficulty in obscuring the moral issues involved in any -undertaking that is successful. It becomes easy to deny the moral basis -of self-government and to substitute militarism. The soldier formerly -looked down upon the merchant whom he now obeys, as he still looks down -upon the laborer as a man who is engaged in a business inferior to -his own, as someone who is dull and passive and ineffective. When our -public education succeeds in freeing the creative energy and developing -the skill which the advance of industry demands, this attitude must -disappear, and a spectacle such as that recently seen in London among -the idle men returned from service in South Africa, who refused to work -through a contemptuous attitude towards the “slow life” of the laborer, -will become impossible. We have as yet failed to uncover the relative -difficulty and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_224">[Pg 224]</span> requisite training for the two methods of life.</p> - -<p>It is difficult to illustrate on a national scale the substitution of -the ideals of labor for those of warfare.</p> - -<p>At the risk of being absurd, and with the certainty of pushing an -illustration beyond its legitimate limits, I am venturing to typify -this substitution by the one man whom the civilized world has most -closely associated with military ideals, the present Emperor of -Germany. We may certainly believe that the German Emperor is a -conscientious man, who means to do his duty to all his subjects; that -he regards himself, not only as general and chief of the army, but also -as the fostering father of the humble people. Let us imagine the quite -impossible thing that for ten years he does not review any troops, does -not attend any parades, does not wear a uniform, nor hear the clang of -the sword as he walks, but that during these ten years he lives with -the peasants “who drive the painful plow,” that he constantly converses -with them, and subjects himself to their alternating hopes and fears -as to the result of the harvest, at best so inadequate for supplying -their wants and for paying their taxes. Let us imagine that the German -Emperor during these halcyon years, in addition to the companionship -of the humble, reads only the folk-lore, the minor poetry<span class="pagenum" id="Page_225">[Pg 225]</span> and the -plaintive songs in which German literature is so rich, until he comes -to see each man of the field as he daily goes forth to his toil “with a -soldier tied to his back,” exhausted by the double strain of his burden -and his work.</p> - -<p>Let us imagine this Emperor going through some such profound moral -change as befell Count Tolstoy when he quitted his military service -in the Caucasus and lived with the peasants on his estate, with this -difference that, instead of feeling directly responsible for a village -of humble folk, he should come to feel responsible for all the toilers -of the “Fatherland” and for the international results of the German -army. Let us imagine that in his self-surrender to the humblest of his -people, there would gradually grow up in his subconsciousness, forces -more ideal than any which had possessed him before; that his interests -and thoughts would gradually shift from war and the manœuvres and -extensions of the army, to the unceasing toil, the permanent patience, -which lie at the bottom of all national existence; that the life of -the common people, which is so infinite in its moral suggestiveness, -would open up to him new moral regions, would stir new energies within -him, until there would take place one of those strange alterations in -personality of which hundreds of examples are recorded.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_226">[Pg 226]</span> Under a glow -of generous indignation, magnanimity, loyalty to his people, a passion -of self-surrender to his new ideals, we can imagine that the imperial -temperament would waste no time in pinings and regret, but that, his -energies being enlisted in an overmastering desire to free the people -from the burden of the army, he would drive vigorously in the direction -of his new ideals. It is impossible to imagine him “passive” under this -conversion to the newer ideals of peace. He would no more be passive -than St. Paul was after his conversion. He would regard the four -million men in Europe shut up in barracks, fed in idleness by toiling -peasants, as an actual wrong and oppression. They would all have to -be freed and returned to normal life and occupation—not through the -comparatively easy method of storming garrisons, in which he has had -training, but through conviction on the part of rulers and people of -the wrong and folly of barrack idleness and military glitter. The -freeing of the Christians from the oppressions of the Turks, of the -Spaniards from the Moslems, could offer no more strenuous task—always, -however, with the added difficulty and complication that the change -in the people must be a moral change analogous to the one which had -already taken place within himself; that he must be debarred<span class="pagenum" id="Page_227">[Pg 227]</span> from -the use of weapons, to which his earlier life had made him familiar; -that his high task, while enormous in its proportion, was still most -delicate in its character, and must be undertaken without the guarantee -of precedent, and without any surety of success. “Smitten with the -great vision of social righteousness,” as so many of his contemporaries -have been, he could not permit himself to be blinded or to take refuge -in glittering generalities, but, even as St. Paul arose from his vision -and went on his way in a new determination never again changed, so he -would have to go forth to a mission, imperial indeed in its magnitude, -but “over-imperial” in the sweep of its consequences and in the -difficulty of its accomplishment.</p> - -<p>Certainly counting all the hours of the Emperor’s life spent in camp -and court dominated by military pomp and ambition, he has given more -than ten years to military environment and much less than ten years -to the bulk of his people, and it would not be impossible to imagine -such a conversion due to the reaction of environment and interest. -Such a change having taken place, should we hold him royal in temper -or worthy of the traditions of knight-errantry, if he were held back -by commercial considerations, if he hesitated because the Krupp -Company could sell no more guns and would be thrown out of business? -We should<span class="pagenum" id="Page_228">[Pg 228]</span> say to this Emperor whom our imaginations have evoked, -Were your enthusiasms genuine enough, were your insights absolutely -true, you would see of how little consequence these things really -are, and how easily adjusted. Let the Krupp factories, with their -tremendous resources in machinery and men, proceed to manufacture -dredging machines for the reclaiming of the waste land in Posen; let -them make new inventions to relieve the drudgery of the peasant, -agricultural implements adequate to Germany’s agricultural resources -and possibilities. They will find need for all the power of invention -which they can command, all the manufacturing and commercial ability -which they now employ. It is part of your new vocation to adjust the -industries now tributary to the standing armies and organization -of warfare, to useful and beneficent occupations; to transform and -readjust all their dependent industries, from the manufacturing of -cannon and war-ships to that of gold braid and epaulets. It is your -mission to revive and increase agriculture, industry, and commerce, -by diverting all the energy which is now directed to the feeding, -clothing, and arming of the idle, into the legitimate and normal -channels of life.</p> - -<p>It is certainly not more difficult to imagine such a change occurring -to an entire people than in the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_229">[Pg 229]</span> mind and purpose of one man—in fact, -such changes are going on all about us.</p> - -<p>The advance of constructive labor and the subsidence and disappearance -of destructive warfare is a genuine line of progression. One sees much -of protection and something of construction in the office of war, as -the Roman bridges survived throughout Europe long after the legions -which built them and crossed them for new conquests had passed out of -mind. Also, in the rising tide of labor there is a large admixture of -warfare, of the purely militant spirit which is sometimes so dominant -that it throws the entire movement into confusion and leads the laborer -to renounce his birthright; but nevertheless the desire for battle is -becoming constantly more restricted in area. It still sways in regions -where men of untamed blood are dwelling, and among men who, because -they regard themselves as a superior race, imagine that they are free -from the ordinary moral restraints; but its territory constantly -grows smaller and its manifestations more guarded. Doubtless war will -exist for many generations among semi-savage tribes, and it will also -break out in those nations which may be roused and dominated by the -unrestricted commercial spirit; but the ordinary life of man will go<span class="pagenum" id="Page_230">[Pg 230]</span> -on without it, as it becomes transmitted into a desire for normal human -relationship.</p> - -<p>It is difficult to predict at what moment the conviction that war is -foolish or wasteful or unjustifiable may descend upon the earth, and -it is also impossible to estimate among how many groups of people this -conviction has already become established.</p> - -<p>The Doukhobors are a religious sect in Russia whose creed emphasizes -the teaching of non-resistance. A story is told of one of their young -men who, because of his refusal to enter the Russian army, was brought -for trial before a judge, who reasoned with him concerning the folly -of his course and in return received a homily upon the teachings of -Jesus. “Quite right you are,” answered the judge, “from the point of -abstract virtue, but the time has not yet come to put into practise the -literal sayings of Christ.” “The time may not have come for you, your -Honor,” was the reply, “but the time has come for us.” Who can tell at -what hour vast numbers of Russian peasants upon those Russian steppes -will decide that the time has come for them to renounce warfare, even -as their prototype, the mujik, Count Tolstoy, has already decided that -it has come for him? Conscious as the peasants are of religious motive, -they will<span class="pagenum" id="Page_231">[Pg 231]</span> meet a cheerful martyrdom for their convictions, as so many -of the Doukhobors have done. It may, however, be easy to overestimate -this changed temper because of the simple yet dramatic formulation -given by Tolstoy to the non-resisting spirit. How far Tolstoy is really -the mouthpiece of a great moral change going on in the life of the -Russian peasant and how far he speaks merely for himself, it is, of -course, impossible to state. If only a few peasants are experiencing -this change, his genius has certainly done much to make their position -definite. The man who assumes that a new degree of virtue is possible, -thereby makes it real and tangible to those who long to possess it but -lack courage. Tolstoy at least is ready to predict that in the great -affairs of national disarmament, it may easily be true that the Russian -peasants will take the first steps.</p> - -<p>Their armed rebellion may easily be overcome by armed troops, but what -can be done with their permanent patience, their insatiable hunger -for holiness? All idealism has its prudential aspects, and, as has -been pointed out by Mr. Perris,<a id="FNanchor_17" href="#Footnote_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> no other form of revolution is so -fitted to an agricultural people as this continued outburst of passive -resistance among whole communities, not<span class="pagenum" id="Page_232">[Pg 232]</span> in theory, but in practise. -This peasant movement goes on in spite of persecution, perfectly -spontaneous, self-reliant, colossal in the silent confidence and power -of endurance. In this day of Maxim guns and high explosives, the old -method of revolt would be impossible to an agricultural people, but -the non-resistant strike against military service lies directly in -line with the temperament and capacity of the Russian people. That -“the government cannot put the whole population in prison, and, if it -could, it would still be without material for an army, and without -money for its support,” is an almost irrefutable argument. We see here, -at least, the beginnings of a sentiment that shall, if sufficiently -developed, make war impossible to an entire people, a conviction of sin -manifesting itself throughout a nation.</p> - -<p>Whatever may have been true of the revolutionist of the past when -his spike was on a certain level of equality with the bayonet of -the regular soldier, and his enthusiasm and daring could, in large -measure, overcome the difference, it is certainly true now that -such simple arms as a revolutionist could command, would be utterly -futile against the equipment of the regular soldier. To continue the -use of armed force means, under these circumstances, that we must -refer the possibilities<span class="pagenum" id="Page_233">[Pg 233]</span> of all social and industrial advance to the -consent of the owners of the Maxim guns. We must deny to the humble -the possibility of the initiation of progressive movements employing -revolution or, at least, we must defer all advance until the humble -many can persuade the powerful few of the righteousness of their cause, -and we must throw out the working class from participation in the -beginnings of social revolutions. Tolstoy would make non-resistance -aggressive. He would carry over into the reservoirs of moral influence -all the strength which is now spent in coercion and resistance. It -is an experiment which in its fullness has never been tried in human -history, and it is worthy of a genius. As moral influence has ever a -larger place in individual relationship and as physical force becomes -daily more restricted in area, so Tolstoy would “speed up” the process -in collective relationships and reset the whole of international life -upon the basis of good will and intelligent understanding. It does not -matter that he has entered these new moral fields through the narrow -gateway of personal experience; that he sets forth his convictions with -the limitations of the Russian governmental environment; that he is -regarded at this moment by the Russian revolutionists as a quietist and -reactionary. He has nevertheless reached down<span class="pagenum" id="Page_234">[Pg 234]</span> into the moral life of -the humble people and formulated for them as for us the secret of their -long patience and unremitting labor. Therefore, in the teachings of -Tolstoy, as in the life of the peasants, coextensive with the doctrine -of non-resistance, stress is laid upon productive labor. The peasant -Bandereff, from whom Tolstoy claims to have learned much, has not only -proclaimed himself as against war, but has written a marvelous book -entitled “Bread Labor,” expressing once more the striking antithesis, -the eternal contrast between war and labor, and between those who abhor -the one and ever advocate the other.</p> - -<p>War on the one hand—plain destruction, Von Moltke called -it—represents the life of the garrison and the tax-gatherer, the Roman -emperor and his degenerate people, living upon the fruits of their -conquest. Labor, on the other hand, represents productive effort, -holding carefully what has been garnered by the output of brain and -muscle, guarding the harvest jealously because it is the precious bread -men live by.</p> - -<p>It is quite possible that we have committed the time-honored folly of -looking for a sudden change in men’s attitude toward war, even as the -poor alchemists wasted their lives in searching for a magic fluid and -did nothing to discover the great laws governing chemical changes and -reactions,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_235">[Pg 235]</span> the knowledge of which would have developed untold wealth -beyond their crude dreams of transmuted gold.</p> - -<p>The final moral reaction may at last come, accompanied by deep remorse, -too tardy to reclaim all the human life which has been spent and the -treasure which has been wasted, or it may come with a great sense of -joy that all voluntary destruction of human life, all the deliberate -wasting of the fruits of labor, have become a thing of the past, and -that whatever the future contains for us, it will at least be free -from war. We may at last comprehend the truth of that which Ruskin has -stated so many times, that we worship the soldier, not because he goes -forth to slay, but to be slain.</p> - -<p>That this world peace movement should be arising from the humblest -without the sanction and in some cases with the explicit indifference, -of the church founded by the Prince of Peace, is simply another example -of the strange paths of moral evolution.</p> - -<p>To some of us it seems clear that marked manifestations of this -movement are found in the immigrant quarters of American cities. The -previous survey of the immigrant situation would indicate that all the -peoples of the world have become part of the American tribunal, and -that their<span class="pagenum" id="Page_236">[Pg 236]</span> sense of pity, their clamor for personal kindness, their -insistence upon the right to join in our progress, can no longer be -disregarded. The burdens and sorrows of men have unexpectedly become -intelligent and urgent to this nation, and it is only by accepting -them with some magnanimity that we can develop the larger sense of -justice which is becoming world-wide and is lying in ambush, as it -were, to manifest itself in governmental relations. Men of all nations -are determining upon the abolition of degrading poverty, disease, and -intellectual weakness, with their resulting industrial inefficiency, -and are making a determined effort to conserve even the feeblest -citizen to the State. To join in this determined effort is to break -through national bonds and to unlock the latent fellowship between man -and man. In a political campaign men will go through every possible -hardship in response to certain political loyalties; in a moment of -national danger men will sacrifice every personal advantage. It is but -necessary to make this fellowship wider, to extend its scope without -lowering its intensity. Those emotions which stir the spirit to deeds -of self-surrender and to high enthusiasm, are among the world’s most -precious assets. That this emotion has so often become associated with -war, by no means proves that it cannot be used for other ends.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_237">[Pg 237]</span> There -is something active and tangible in this new internationalism, although -it is difficult to make it clear, and in our striving for a new word -with which to express this new and important sentiment, we are driven -to the rather absurd phrase of “cosmic patriotism.” Whatever it may -be called, it may yet be strong enough to move masses of men out of -their narrow national considerations and cautions into new reaches of -human effort and affection. Religion has long ago taught that only -as the individual can establish a sense of union with a power for -righteousness not himself, can he experience peace; and it may be -possible that the nations will be called to a similar experience.</p> - -<p>The International Peace Conference held in Boston in 1904 was opened -by a huge meeting in which men of influence and modern thought from -four continents, gave reasons for their belief in the passing of -war. But none was so modern, so fundamental and so trenchant, as the -address which was read from the prophet Isaiah. He founded the cause -of peace upon the cause of righteousness, not only as expressed in -political relations, but also in industrial relations. He contended -that peace could be secured only as men abstained from the gains of -oppression and responded to the cause of the poor; that swords<span class="pagenum" id="Page_238">[Pg 238]</span> would -finally be beaten into plowshares and pruning-hooks, not because men -resolved to be peaceful, but because all the metal of the earth would -be turned to its proper use when the poor and their children should be -abundantly fed. It was as if the ancient prophet foresaw that under -an enlightened industrialism peace would no longer be an absence of -war, but the unfolding of world-wide processes making for the nurture -of human life. He predicted the moment which has come to us now that -peace is no longer an abstract dogma but has become a rising tide of -moral enthusiasm slowly engulfing all pride of conquest and making war -impossible.</p> - - -<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_16" href="#FNanchor_16" class="label">[16]</a> Imperialism, by John A. Hobson. Page 128.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_17" href="#FNanchor_17" class="label">[17]</a> The Grand Mujik, G. H. Perris.</p> - -</div> -</div> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="INDEX">INDEX</h2> -</div> - - -<ul class="index"> -<li class="ifrst">Altruism, manifestations of, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">in politics, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Anglo-Saxon, temptation to govern all peoples alike, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">distrust of experiment, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">individualistic, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">attitude towards self-government, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Arbitration, change in attitude toward, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">in New Zealand, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Aristotle’s ideal of a city, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Assimilation, limit to United States power of, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">workingman’s attitude toward, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>.</li> -</ul> -<ul class="index"> -<li class="ifrst">Bandereff, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Bentham, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Bloch, Jean de, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Booth, Charles, maps of London, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Bosanquet, Mrs. Bernard, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Buckle, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Burns, John, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>.</li> -</ul> -<ul class="index"> -<li class="ifrst">Charity, organization of in New York, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">modern, democratic and constructive, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">extension of, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">and unskilled labor, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Chicago Municipal Lodging House, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Chicago Federation of Labor, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Chicago Stock Yards Strike, power of unions for amalgamation shown in, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">object of, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">use of referendum vote in, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">good order of, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">paradoxes shown by, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">example of national appeal subordinated to union, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">strike-breaker in, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">Greek in, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Child Labor, social waste of, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">a national problem, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">industrial value of, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">responsibility of State, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">effect of sub-divided, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">effect of premature, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">effect on parents, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">effect on product, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Child Labor Legislation, makes for better citizens, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">immigrant parents and, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">uniform, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">leisure gained for play, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Commerce, international, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">modern representative of conquest, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Comte, Augustus, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Constitution of the U. S., and the immigrant, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Contempt, social results of, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">in industrialism, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">for immigrant, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">for primitive arts, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Cosmopolitan city, beginnings of newer ideals of peace found in, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">centers of radicalism, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">bond of union in, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">difficulties due to size of, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">subtle problems of, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Cosmopolitan standard, lack of, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>.</li> -</ul> -<ul class="index"> -<li class="ifrst">Dante, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Democratic government, causes of failure of, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">arousing enthusiasm for, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">result of moral effort, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">inherited form of, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Democracy, modified slowly, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">repressive legislation in, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">lack of civic expression for, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">failure to apprehend, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">effects of commercialism on, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Denver Juvenile Court, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Doctrinaire method, weakness of, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">conditions settled by, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">unattached to experience, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">not fitted to modern patriotism, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Domestic service, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">a review of the history of, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Doukhobors, situation in Canada, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">emphasize non-resistance, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">meet martyrdom, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>.</li> -</ul> -<ul class="index"> -<li class="ifrst">Education, related to industrial efficiency, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">belief in, as social remedy, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">of vital importance to city, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">compulsory, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">advanced and reform schools, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">passion in America, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">distinctive achievement in America, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">for factory children, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">less expensive than repression, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">already democratized, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Educators, recognizing industrialism, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Eighteenth-century philosophy, abandonment of, required, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">inadequacy of, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">responsible for immigration, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">belief in universal franchise, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">ideal man of, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">ideals still influence statesman, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">retained in America, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">formula of equality, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">radicalism of, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Employer, prone to attack new union, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">charges against unions, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">attitude toward business relations with unions, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">traditions in household, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">England, labor laws of, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">debasement of products of, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>.</li> -</ul> -<ul class="index"> -<li class="ifrst">Franchise, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">universal panacea, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">universal franchise, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">beginnings of municipal, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">military test absurd, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">why women should have, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Factory system, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">worst evils of, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">uneducational, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>.</li> -</ul> -<ul class="index"> -<li class="ifrst">Gang, almost tribal in organization, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">political training in, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">German Emperor, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Germany, government deals with needs of workingman, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">police socialized in, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">not afraid to extend municipal functions, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">economic protection in, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">opposition to militarism in, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Golden, State Reform State School, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Government, newer manifestations of, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">away from the life of the people, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">oppressive, dependent on the sword, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">opposition to, formerly patriotism, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">dealing with naturalization, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">test not current, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">concern for the young incorporated in, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">fear of extending functions, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">traditional activities meagre, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">non-interference in industry, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">functions of, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">patriotic citizens forced to ignore, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>.</li> -</ul> -<ul class="index"> -<li class="ifrst">Hague tribunal, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Hebrew alliance, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Heroism, new, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Historic method, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Hobhouse, L. T., <a href="#Page_6">6</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Hobson, John A., <a href="#Page_221">221</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Household labor, conference at Lake Placid, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">history of, in America, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">causes of paucity of, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Hull-House, experiences, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Humanitarianism, in immigrant quarters, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">aggressive, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">scientific method applied to, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">cosmopolitan, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">present stage of, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">its relation to labor power, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>.</li> -</ul> -<ul class="index"> -<li class="ifrst">Idealism, provincial aspects of, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Immigrants, emotional sentiment among, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">unusual power of association among, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">franchise extended to, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">philosophy in regard to, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">exploitation of, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">evasion of immigration laws by, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">contempt for, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">charm and historical association among, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">ignoring past experience of, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">beginnings of self-government among, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">relations of politician to, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">attempts to teach patriotism to, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">revelation of social customs among, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">standardizing by workmen, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">difficulties largely industrial, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">as wage lowering weapon, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">standard of living for, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">claim on charitable funds, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">present contrasted with youthful condition of, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">early industries among, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">historic backgrounds of, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">manifestations of peace movement among, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Immigration, decreased by industrial depression, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">of recent years, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Industrialism, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">versus militarism, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">significance of primitive arts in relation to, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">idealism in, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">as basis for legislation, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Industrial interests, in contemporary life, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">and the immigrant, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">germane to government, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">and international peace, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Industrial development, changes in, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Illiterate children in the U. S., <a href="#Page_163">163</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Internationalism, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">socialism based on, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">Mazzini’s address on, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">active and tangible, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">International Peace Conference in Boston, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Interparliamentary union for international arbitration, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Institute of International Law, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>.</li> -</ul> -<ul class="index"> -<li class="ifrst">James, William, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Jefferson, Thomas, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Justice, the larger, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Juvenile Courts, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">Denver, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">parental attitude of, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>.</li> -</ul> -<ul class="index"> -<li class="ifrst">Kant, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Kelley, Mrs. Florence, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>.</li> -</ul> -<ul class="index"> -<li class="ifrst">Lecky, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">London, Charles Booth, maps of, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">government of, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>.</li> -</ul> -<ul class="index"> -<li class="ifrst">Machinery and the industrial situation, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Mazzini, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Militarism, versus industrialism, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">police department a survival of, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">mediaeval city founded on, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">negative results of, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Mitchell, John, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Morality, class, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">group, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">antiquated codes of, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">village standards of, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Morley, John, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Morris, William, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Municipal government, admitted failure of, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">full of survivals, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">two points of rapid development in, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">ignores interests of average citizen, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">failure to provide playgrounds, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">indifference of citizens to, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">woman’s traditional activities in, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>.</li> -</ul> -<ul class="index"> -<li class="ifrst">Naturalization, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">rests on laws of 1802, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">brokerage in papers of, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">test not contemporaneous, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Non-resistance, a misleading word, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">non-resistance strike, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">aggressive, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>.</li> -</ul> -<ul class="index"> -<li class="ifrst">Patriotism, belief that war engenders, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">a newer, arising, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">founded on sacrifice, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">taught too formally, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">primitive core of, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">founded on war, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">bound in trappings of the past, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Peace, dynamic versus dogmatic, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">predicted by Isaiah, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Perris, G. H., <a href="#Page_231">231</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Play, a social stimulus, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">develops self-government and discipline, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">attitude of enlightened city government to, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Politician, professional, produced by mechanical government, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">friend of the vicious, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">appeals to human sentiment, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">first friend of immigrant, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">understands people’s hopes, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">attempts to control strike, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Protective legislation, aggressive aspect of the newer humanitarianism, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">U. S. deficient in, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>.</li> -</ul> -<ul class="index"> -<li class="ifrst">Reformer, contemptuous attitude of, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">sweeping condemnations of, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">alliance with business interests of, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Revolutionary War, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Revolutionist, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Repressive legislation, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">human element in, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Royce, Josiah, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Ruskin, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Russia, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">the mir, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">attitude toward workmen, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">the army of, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>.</li> -</ul> -<ul class="index"> -<li class="ifrst">Self-government, difficulties and blunders of, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">crux of local, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">skepticism for ideals of, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">must deal with unsuccessful, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">scope of, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">forms of democracy for, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">immigrants’ first lesson in, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">clearly not yet attained, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">popular government oppressor of, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">might profit by industrial experience, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Shakespeare, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Social, evolution, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">morality in, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Socialism, based on internationalism and industrialism, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Socialist’s attitude to present government, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">St. Francis, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>.</li> -</ul> -<ul class="index"> -<li class="ifrst">Teamsters’ strike, war element in, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">employers’ position as to arbitration in, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">alliance between employers’ and unionists’ offices in, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">inexperience of merchant employers in, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">social results of, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Tolstoy, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Tribal law, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Tribal Morality, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Trades unions imitate city government, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">teach immigrants self-government, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">power for amalgamation of, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">attitude toward violence, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">causes for loss of sympathy for, in Stock Yards Strike, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">human appeal in, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">gratitude of immigrant toward, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">devotion to, might be turned to national life, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">organized by Russian government, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">contemporaneous movement difficult to judge, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">success not sole standard of, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">present a time of crisis for, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">attitude toward strike, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">social result of strike on, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">struggle for recognition, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">attitude toward improved machinery, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">uncomprehending victim of, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>.</li> -</ul> -<ul class="index"> -<li class="ifrst">War, defence of, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">prophecy of subsidence of, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">moral equivalent for, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">ideals in peace confusing, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">phraseology of new union, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">crime traceable to Spanish, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">new social problems not to be settled, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">attempts to justify by past records, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">substitutes for virtues of, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">contrast between labor and, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Warfare, cost of, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">customary method of settling labor disputes, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">recognition of good in, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">civilization substitutes law for, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">ideals of labor substituted for those of, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">disappearance of, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Webb, Mrs. Sidney, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Whitman, Walt, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Wilcox, Dr. Charles F., <a href="#Page_54">54</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Wilcox, Delos F., <a href="#Page_117">117</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Women, duty toward municipal government, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">conventions a snare to, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">franchise only for educated, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">effect of machinery on work of, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">increasing employment of, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">necessity for protection of working, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">necessity for franchise for, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">relation to clothing manufacture, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>;</li> -<li class="isuba">lack in education of, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>.</li> -</ul> -<ul class="index"> -<li class="ifrst">Verestchagin, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Von Moltke, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>.</li> -</ul> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2><i>BY THE SAME AUTHOR</i></h2> - - -<h3>DEMOCRACY AND SOCIAL ETHICS</h3> -</div> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p><b>By JANE ADDAMS</b>, Hull-House, Chicago. 9 + 281 pages, 12 mo., -cloth, leather back, $1.25 net. Citizen’s Library.</p> -</div> - - -<p>“Miss Addams is clear. She has not been precipitate in the preparation -of her book. She has reconsidered, corrected, and recorrected it, -spoken with temperance and courtesy.... As gentle, as patient, as -sincere, and as astute as Jane Addams herself is the philosophy set -forth in these pages.... The processes of Miss Addams’ thought are -interesting to thousands. The sense that none of us is living up to -the best idea of democracy is upon each of us.... Miss Addams is -bound to receive a respectful hearing. As a leader who ever prays to -lead aright, a sociologist who is willing to test her theories in a -practical and personal way, a theorist who is not ashamed to own when -she has been mistaken, a friend who will remain true to her friend no -matter what may arise, and a person of leisure and power, who has the -civic interest at heart, she has come to be prized as one of the chief -of citizens.”—<i>Chicago Tribune.</i></p> - -<p>“Its pages are remarkably—we were about to say refreshingly—free -from the customary academic limitations.... In fact, are the result -of actual experience in hand to hand contact with social problems.... -No more truthful description, for example, of the political ‘boss’ as -he thrives to-day in our great cities has ever been written than is -contained in Miss Addams’ chapter on ‘Political Reform.’ The whole -chapter will be accepted as a realistic picture of conditions as they -are to-day in the city of Chicago. The same thing may be said of the -other chapters of the book in regard to their presentation of social -and economic facts.”—<i>Review of Reviews.</i></p> - -<p>“Too much emphasis cannot be laid upon the efficiency and inspiration -afforded by these essays. ‘Charitable Effort,’ ‘Filial Affections,’ -‘Household Adjustment,’ ‘Industrial Amelioration,’ ‘Educational -Methods,’ ‘Political Reform,’ are the topics treated in a masterly and -revolutionary style. Miss Addams shatters some of our most cherished -illusions upon the relations which should exist between the helper and -the helped, between parent and child, mistress and maid, the members -of a family, between the ‘boss’ and the community. She takes the -subject entirely out of the realms of sentimentality, puts it upon -a solid moral basis, and by a close and logical train of reasoning -brings her conclusions home to the conscience and common sense of every -member of the social structure. The book is startling, stimulating and -intelligent.”—<i>Philadelphia Ledger.</i></p> - - -<h3>The Arbiter in Council</h3> - -<p>A discussion of peace and war, in which take part, each from his own -viewpoint, a lawyer “with a conscience,” a stock broker, a learned -professor of history, a journalist, a retired admiral, an army officer, -and two clergymen of widely differing forms of church government. The -Arbiter is a veteran student of politics, a disciple of John Bright.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“As a summary of all that is to be said on the subject, thrown into -readable form, the book is well done; ... almost no topic is left -untouched.”—<i>Nation.</i></p> - -<p>“What strikes one in reading this book even more than its -readableness, is the wide range of its information.... The points of -view offered are many and diversified.... 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FLORENCE KELLEY.</p> - -<p>The book has grown out of the author’s experience as Chief Inspector of -Factories in Illinois from 1893 to 1897, as Secretary of the National -Consumers’ League from 1899 till now, and chiefly as a resident at -Hull-House, and later at the Nurses’ Settlement, New York.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“Mrs. Kelley’s primary aim is to set forth the results achieved by -the agitation and education of the past decade or so in certain -social directions—in the recognition of the children’s right to -childhood and to instruction and to opportunity, of the adult’s right -to leisure, of woman’s right to the ballot, and of the purchaser’s -right to genuine honest products. 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