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+This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements,
+metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be
+in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES.
+
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+Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for
+eBook #69508 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/69508)
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-The Project Gutenberg eBook of Sculptured tombs of Hellas, by Percy
-Gardner
-
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
-most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
-whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
-of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
-www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you
-will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before
-using this eBook.
-
-Title: Sculptured tombs of Hellas
-
-Author: Percy Gardner
-
-Release Date: December 9, 2022 [eBook #69508]
-
-Language: English
-
-Produced by: Chuck Greif, deaurider and the Online Distributed
-             Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was
-             produced from images generously made available by The
-             Internet Archive)
-
-*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SCULPTURED TOMBS OF
-HELLAS ***
-
-
-
-
-
-SCULPTURED TOMBS OF HELLAS
-
-[Illustration]
-
-[Illustration:
-
-     PLATE I
-
-     _Frontispiece_
-]
-
-
-
-
-SCULPTURED TOMBS
-OF HELLAS
-
-BY
-PERCY GARDNER, LITT.D.
-
-LINCOLN AND MERTON PROFESSOR OF CLASSICAL ARCHAEOLOGY AND ART
-IN THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD
-
-WITH THIRTY PLATES, AND EIGHTY-SEVEN ENGRAVINGS IN THE TEXT
-
-[Illustration]
-
-London
-MACMILLAN AND CO., LTD.
-NEW YORK: THE MACMILLAN CO.
-1896
-
-[_All rights reserved_]
-
-
-
-
-OXFORD: HORACE HART
-PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY
-
-    Few griefs and many joys my life has held,
-    Out-lengthened to the utmost bounds of eld.
-    My name is Symmachus, in Chios born,
-    Which rich with grapes the branching vines adorn;
-    But when I died, my bones were hidden here,
-    In Attic land, to gods and men most dear.
-              _Athenian Epitaph._
-
-
-
-
-PREFACE
-
-
-The monuments erected to the dead belong in every country, like funeral
-customs generally, to a deeper stratum of the national consciousness
-than do openly expressed beliefs. This is, in fact, a phase of the
-general law that in the history of religion cultus is more venerable and
-more conservative than doctrine. And as, further, the beliefs which find
-an expression in literature are those of the most enlightened and the
-least conservative spirits, it is misleading if one attempts to learn
-from the higher literature of a people how the masses really think and
-feel in regard to death and the life which lies beyond death.
-
-These considerations are certainly applicable in the case of Greece. The
-two great literatures of Greece, the Epic and the Attic, belong each to
-a class, to an aristocracy whether of birth or of talent, and stand high
-above the beliefs of the common people. If we wish to ascertain what the
-ordinary Greek citizen, _l’homme sensuel moyen_, thought and felt in the
-presence of death, whether his own or that of friends, we must
-supplement the study of the poets, the orators, and the philosophers by
-an investigation of ritual, of burial customs, and of the lines of tombs
-which stretched from the gates of many Greek cities on both sides of the
-main roads.
-
-The purpose of the present book may best be accomplished if we proceed
-to consider in succession, first the burial customs of the Greeks, next
-the ideas as to the future life which prevailed among them, and finally
-the monuments of the dead.
-
-It is the last-mentioned memorials which are the principal concern of
-this book. For a long while English-speaking scholars, and even
-tourists, have felt a special interest in the sepulchral monuments which
-form so marked a feature of the great museum at Athens, and in the
-Dipylon cemetery, part of which still survives. I have tried to set
-forth, for scholars and for lovers of art, a concise account of these
-monuments, their periods and classes, their inscriptions and their
-reliefs. And as an introduction and supplement to an account of the
-tombs of Athens, I have added a still slighter account of the tombs of
-the pre-historic age in Greece, of the monuments of Asia Minor, of the
-tombs of Sparta, Boeotia, and other districts, and of the magnificent
-Greek sarcophagi recently discovered at Sidon.
-
-It would occupy much space if I tried here to detail all my obligations
-to previous scholars. The whole success of this work must depend on its
-due illustration; and though the nucleus of my illustrations consists of
-photographs taken for me during a visit to Athens, I have been obliged
-also to borrow from a variety of learned and valuable works. In every
-case in which I asked permission to copy a published engraving that
-permission was courteously granted. If by mischance I have in any case
-copied without permission, I trust that I may be pardoned. References to
-the sources of engravings will be found at the foot of my pages.
-
-Special thanks are due to Dr. Conze and the German Archaeological
-Institute for allowing me to use the plates of their magnificent work,
-_Die Attischen Grabreliefs_, which furnishes representations by
-photography or drawing of almost all important Attic tombs. Where the
-photographs of this work were better than my own, I have in some cases
-used them in preference.
-
-To M. Cavvadias and the Greek Government I am indebted for permission to
-photograph freely in the Athenian Museums; and to the Trustees of the
-British Museum for leave to reproduce two interesting monuments (Figs.
-28 & 35) which are hitherto unpublished.
-
-When I have had occasion to quote from Homer and the poets of the
-_Anthology_, I have usually attempted a rendering in English verse. For
-Greek elegiacs I have used rhymed heroic verse, and for Greek hexameters
-English ballad metre. I have also to thank my colleague, Dr. James
-Williams, of Lincoln College, for allowing me to use several of his
-excellent versions of poems of the _Anthology_.
-
-After careful consideration, I have decided that in a work of this
-kind, which does not attempt completeness, but is methodical in
-arrangement, the best form of Index is a detailed table of contents and
-list of engravings. By the aid of these, anything included in the book
-can be very readily found.
-
-                                                         PERCY GARDNER.
-
-     OXFORD, _August, 1896_.
-
-PS. Most of the abbreviations used in the notes will explain themselves;
-but I should explain the following:--
-
-     _C. A. G._ (‘Corpus of Attic Grave-reliefs’) is _Die Attischen
-     Grabreliefs_, ed. A. Conze.
-
-     Kaibel, is G. Kaibel, _Epigrammata Graeca ex Lapidibus conlecta_.
-
-
-
-
-TABLE OF CONTENTS AND INDEX
-
-
-CHAPTER I.
-
-BURIAL CUSTOMS IN GREECE.
-
-Importance attached to burial, 1. The Prothesis, 2; illustrated by
-vases, 3. Presence of ghosts, 4. The Ecphora, on archaic vases, 5;
-on later monuments, 6. Sleep and Death, 7. Custom of burning, 9.
-Funeral feast and speeches, 11.
-
-
-CHAPTER II.
-
-THE WORSHIP OF THE DEAD.
-
-Primitive beliefs as to needs of dead, 12. Liberality to the dead in
-archaic times, 12. Terra-cotta offerings, 13. Sacrifices at tombs, 14.
-Evidence of excavations, 16. Classes of heroes, 17. Evidence of
-sepulchral lekythi, 18. Presence of the dead in representations, 19.
-
-
-CHAPTER III.
-
-BELIEFS AS TO THE FUTURE LIFE.
-
-Question what became of the dead, 23. Homeric beliefs; Hades, 25;
-visit to Hades of Odysseus, 26; Islands of the Blessed, 27. Influence
-of Orphism, 28. Paintings of Polygnotus at Delphi, 30; Charon, 31;
-Theseus and Peirithous, 32; Orpheus, 33; the Uninitiated, 34; Eurynomus,
-35. Painting on vase of Canusium, 36; Orpheus, 37; Herakles
-and Cerberus, 37; Megara, 38; Initiated, 38. Comparison of Greek and
-Christian Hades, 39. Development of the Eumenides, 40. Conflict
-between ritual and ethics, 42. Hades in the Tragedians, 43. Localization
-of ghosts, 44.
-
-
-CHAPTER IV.
-
-THE PRE-HISTORIC AGE OF GREECE.
-
-So-called treasuries of early Greece, 46; at Mycenae, 47; really
-tombs, 51; various forms, 51. Rock-graves at Mycenae, 52; their tombstones,
-54; subjects and style of art, 57.
-
-
-CHAPTER V.
-
-ASIA MINOR: EARLY.
-
-Early Ionian civilization not yet excavated, 59. Tomb of Tantalus
-on Sipylus, 60. Geometric tombs of Phrygia, 62; Lion-tombs, 64;
-their chronology, 66; relation to Mycenae, 67. Archaic tombs of Lycia,
-67; pre-Ionian art, 68; the Harpy Monument, 69; Sirens, 73; other
-Lycian tombs, 74.
-
-
-CHAPTER VI.
-
-SPARTA.
-
-Relief of Chrysapha, 76; its meaning, 77; other similar tombs, 78.
-Cultus of ancestors at Sparta, 80. Details of reliefs; honour paid to
-women, 81; food of the dead, 82; horse and dog, 83.
-
-
-CHAPTER VII.
-
-HEROIZING RELIEFS.
-
-Distinction of tombs from commemorative tablets, 87. Lines of
-descent from Spartan reliefs, 88. Athenian banqueting reliefs, 88.
-Customs of sitting and reclining, 89. Tegean relief, 90. Presence of
-votaries, 91. Asklepian tablets, 92. Tablets to heroes and to ancestors,
-93. The hero as horseman, 94; accompanied by lady, 98. Votive tablets
-from Tarentum, 100. The hero as foot-soldier, 102; unarmed, 103.
-
-
-CHAPTER VIII.
-
-ATHENS: PERIODS AND FORMS OF MONUMENTS.
-
-Graves of Dipylon style at Athens, 105. Periods of Athenian
-monuments, 106. First period, the mound and stele, 108; the table, 109;
-the pillar, 110. Early Athenian tombs usually of the young, 111. Second
-period; forms of tombs, 112; marble vases, 113. Tombs usually of
-families, 116. The use of painting and metal on marble, 116. Determination
-of dates of tombs, 117. Third period, 118. Preservation of
-part of cemetery at Athens, 118. Architectural decoration of tombs; the
-acanthus, 119; the sphinx, 121; the siren, 126; goats butting, 128; the
-lion, 130; the bull, 131.
-
-
-CHAPTER IX.
-
-ATHENS AND GREECE. PORTRAITS.
-
-Portraits of the dead originate in Ionia, 133. Portraits at Athens, 134;
-their ideal character, 134. Portrait statues, 135; on horseback or on foot,
-136; female figures, 137. The dead as Hermes, 138. Statues of mourning
-women, 139. Portraits on stelae, first period, 140; Aristion, Lyseas, 141;
-stelae of youths, 143. Second period, stelae of citizens, 145; stelae of
-warriors, 146; Dexileos, 147; young athletes, 149; hunters, 152; students,
-153; shipwrecked men, 154; children, 154; matrons, 157; girls, 158;
-priestesses, 160.
-
-
-CHAPTER X.
-
-FAMILY GROUPS.
-
-Pathos and charm of Attic groups, 162. Predominance of women, 163.
-Women and children in later Greece, 163. Stelae with father and
-children, 164; mother and children, 166. Family groups, 167. Series of
-groups representing leave-taking, 168; series representing self-adornment,
-171. Stele of Phaenarete, 173. Stele of Ameinocleia, 176. Dressing for
-a journey or offerings to the dead? 176. Domestic interiors or scenes
-at the tomb? 178. Several stone lekythi on one slab, 178. Occasional
-appearance of Hermes, 180.
-
-
-CHAPTER XI.
-
-MEANING AND STYLE OF THE RELIEFS.
-
-Do the Attic reliefs refer to past or future life? 182. Line of
-connexion with Spartan stelae, 182; the wine-cup, the pomegranate,
-the cock, 183; the dove, the horse, 184; the dog, 185. Reliefs which
-clearly refer to past life, 185. The δεξίωσις, 186. We must distinguish
-between origin and meaning of reliefs, 187. Oblong reliefs refer to
-the future, 188; in them Herakles and Dionysus sometimes present,
-189. Style of archaic reliefs, 190; bear name of sculptor, 191. Lower
-level of style in fifth-century reliefs, 191. Fourth-century reliefs
-connected with the second Attic school of sculpture, 193.
-
-
-CHAPTER XII.
-
-INSCRIPTIONS.
-
-Simplicity of inscriptions on early stelae, 195. Explicatory character
-of inscriptions, 196. Occurrence of χαῖρε, 197. Inscription of Dexileos,
-197. Longer inscriptions after the fourth century, 197. Specimens of
-public epitaphs over warriors, 198; over others, 201. Specimens of later
-inscriptions, 203; sentiments as to life, 204; statements as to the future
-life, 204. Orphism in epitaphs, 206. Threats to violators, 207. Epitaphs
-of the _Palatine Anthology_, 208.
-
-
-CHAPTER XIII.
-
-LATER MONUMENTS OF ASIA MINOR.
-
-Splendour of Asiatic Greek tombs, 214. The Lycian Nereid Monument,
-215; its sculptures, 216; its occasion, 219; its date, 220. Relation to
-Ionian school of historical painting, 221. The heroon of Gyeulbashi, 221;
-subjects of sculpture, 223; relation to painters, 224. The Lion-tomb of
-Cnidus, 225. Greek graves in the Crimea, 226.
-
-
-CHAPTER XIV.
-
-THE MAUSOLEUM.
-
-Interesting problem of reconstruction, 228. Plans of Pullan and
-Oldfield, 230. Testimony of ancient writers, Hyginus, Martial, 232;
-Pliny, 233. Account of excavation by Guichard, 236. Analogy of other
-buildings, 239. The statues of Mausolus and Artemisia, where placed,
-240. Other sculptural remains, 241.
-
-
-CHAPTER XV.
-
-GREEK SARCOPHAGI.
-
-Discovery of sarcophagi at Sidon, 243. Archaic sarcophagi of
-Clazomenae, 243. Sarcophagus of the Satrap at Sidon, 245; its connexion
-with history, 246; and with Ionian art, 247. The Lycian
-sarcophagus, 248; ideal character, 248. The sarcophagus of the Mourning
-Women, 249; variety in expression of grief, 251; likeness to temple, 251;
-perhaps belongs to King Strato, 252. The Alexander sarcophagus, 252;
-dress of Greeks and Persians, 253; subjects of pediments, 253; the lion-hunt,
-255; the battle, 256; perhaps belongs to Abdalonymus, 258; of
-uncertain artistic school, 258. The Amazon sarcophagus of Vienna, 258.
-
-
-
-
-LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
-
-WITH THEIR SOURCES
-
-
-CHAPTER I.
-                                                                    PAGE
-
-FIG. 1. LYING IN STATE. Benndorf, _Griech. u. Sicil. Vasenb._, pl. i.  3
-
-2.             “     “     “            pl. xxxiii.                    4
-
-3. FUNERAL PROCESSION. Rayet, _Monum. de l’Art ant._,
-pl. lxxv.                                                              6
-
-4. ARRIVAL AT THE TOMB.      “      “        pl. lxxv.                 6
-
-5. DEPOSITION AT THE TOMB. Dumont, _Céram. de la Grèce
-propre_, pl. xxvii.                                                    9
-
-6. PYRE OF PATROCLUS. _Mon. dell’ Inst._ IX, xxxii.                   10
-
-
-CHAPTER II.
-
-7. CHILD’S COFFIN. Stackelberg, _Gräber der Hellenen_, pl. viii.      14
-
-8. OFFERINGS AT A TOMB. _Ephemeris Archaiol._ 1886, pl. iv.           18
-
-9. SPIRIT SEATED ON STELE. Pottier, _Lécythes blancs_, pl. iv.        20
-
-10. TOILET SCENE, SEPULCHRAL. Furtwängler, _Coll. Sabouroff_,
-pl. lx.                                                               21
-
-11. GIFTS AT TOMB. _Brit. Mus. Cat. Vases_, IV, pl. iv.               22
-
-
-CHAPTER III.
-
-12. THE BOAT OF CHARON. _Antike Denkmäler_, I, pl. xxiii.             31
-
-13. THE GREEK UNDERWORLD. _Wiener Vorlegeblätter_, Ser. E,
-pl. i.                                                                36
-
-
-CHAPTER IV.
-
-14. SECTIONAL PLAN OF THE SO-CALLED TREASURY OF ATREUS.
-Schuchhardt, _Schliemann’s Ausgrabungen_, p. 176                      47
-
-15. RESTORATION OF INTERIOR OF TREASURY. Perrot et
-Chipiez, _La Grèce Primitive_, p. 638                                 48
-
-16. PLAN AND FAÇADE OF TREASURY. Perrot et Chipiez, _La
-Grèce Primitive_, pl. vi.                                             49
-
-17. CEILING OF TREASURY, ORCHOMENUS. _Journ. Hell.
-Stud._ II, pl. xiii.                                                  50
-
-18. TOMBSTONE, MYCENAE. Schliemann, _Mycenae_, p. 81                  54
-
-19. ”    ”    ”     ”       p. 86                                     55
-
-20. ”    ”     Perrot et Chipiez, _op. cit._, p. 770                  56
-
-
-CHAPTER V.
-
-21. TUMULUS ON SIPYLUS. Texier, _Description de l’Asie M._
-pl. cxxx.                                                             61
-
-22. SECTION OF CHAMBER. Weber, _Le Sipyle_, pl. i.                    61
-
-23. TOMB OF MIDAS. Perrot et Chipiez, _Phrygie_, p. 83                62
-
-24. GEOMETRICAL FAÇADE OF TOMB.     ”     ”    p. 103                 63
-
-25. TOMB FLANKED BY LIONS.     ”     ”    p. 111                      64
-
-26. HEAD OF LION. _Journ. Hell. Stud._ pl. xviii.                     65
-
-27. NORTH AND WEST SIDES OF HARPY TOMB. E. A. Gardner,
-_Handbook of Greek Sculpture_, I, p. 110                              71
-
-28. GABLE OF LYCIAN TOMB. Photograph                                  74
-
-
-CHAPTER VI.
-
-PL. ii. SPARTAN STELE. Photograph                                     76
-
-FIG. 29. HADES AND PERSEPHONE. _Ann. dell’ Inst._ XIX, pl. F          79
-
-30. SEATED HERO. _Journ. Hell. Stud._ V, p. 123                       83
-
-31. STELE, MAN FEEDING SNAKE. Photograph                              85
-
-
-CHAPTER VII.
-
-PL. iii. SEPULCHRAL BANQUET. Photograph                               88
-
-FIG. 32. ASSUR-BANI-PAL AND QUEEN. Perrot et Chipiez, _Chaldée
-et Assyrie_, p. 107                                                   89
-
-33. STELE FROM TEGEA. Photograph                                      90
-
-34. COIN OF BIZYA. _Br. Mus. Cat. Coins, Thrace_, p. 90               92
-
-35. HORSEMAN RELIEF (British Museum). Photograph                      96
-
-36. HORSEMAN RELIEF (Berlin). Furtwängler, _Coll. Sabouroff_,
-pl. xxix.                                                             97
-
-37. VOTIVE TABLET, TARENTUM. _Mon. dell’ Inst._ XI, pl. lv.          101
-
-38. HERO ON FOOT. _Monum. Grecs de l’Assoc. d’Études
-Grecques_, pl. i.                                                    102
-
-39. HERO SEATED. Roscher, _Lexikon_, I, p. 2571                      103
-
-
-CHAPTER VIII.
-
-FIG. 40. ACHILLES AT TOMB OF PATROCLUS. Gerhard, _Auserlesene
-Vasenbilder_, pl. cxcix.                                             108
-
-PL. iv. MARRIAGE-VASE. _Athen. Mittheil._ 1887, pl. ix.              114
-
-v. MARRIAGE-VASE AND LEKYTHI. Photograph                             115
-
-i. VIEW IN CEMETERY OF CERAMEICUS.   ”                               118
-
-FIG. 41. HEAD OF ASSYRIAN STELE. Perrot et Chipiez, _Chaldée et
-Assyrie_, p. 270                                                     120
-
-42. HEAD OF GREEK STELE. Brückner, _Ornament u. Formen
-der Att. Grabstelen_, pl. i.                                         120
-
-43. ANTHEMION OF STELE. Photograph                                   121
-
-43A.  ”  ”  ”                                                        122
-
-43B.  ”  ”  ”                                                        123
-
-44. SPHINX OF SPATA.  ”                                              123
-
-45. TERRA-COTTA: SPHINX AND YOUTH. Stackelberg, _Gräber
-der Hellenen_, pl. lvi.                                              124
-
-46. STELE OF LAMPTRAE, RESTORED. _Athen. Mittheil._ XII,
-p. 105                                                               125
-
-47. SIREN FROM TOMB. Photograph                                      127
-
-48. HEAD OF STELE.      ”                                            128
-
-49.  ”  ”  ”                                                         129
-
-50. STELE OF LEON.      ”                                            130
-
-
-CHAPTER IX.
-
-51. PORTRAIT FROM TOMB, THERA. _Athen. Mittheil._ IV,
-pl. vi.                                                              135
-
-52. HORSEMAN FROM TOMB.  ”  ” pl. iii.                               137
-
-PL. vi. SEATED LADY. Photograph                                      137
-
-vii. HERMES OF ANDROS.  ”                                            138
-
-viii. MOURNING SLAVE. Furtwängler, _Coll. Sabouroff_, pl. xv.        139
-
-ix. STELE OF ARISTION. Photograph                                    140
-
-” STELE OF ALXENOR.  ”                                               141
-
-FIG. 53. SEATED HERO. Michaelis, _Anc. Marbles in Gr. Brit._
-p. 385                                                               142
-
-54. HEAD OF YOUTH HOLDING DISCUS. _C. A. G._ pl. iv.                 143
-
-55. DERMYS AND CITYLUS. _Athen. Mittheil._ III, pl. xiv.             144
-
-PL. x. TYNNIAS SEATED. Photograph                                    145
-
-xi. STELE OF ARISTONAUTES. Photograph                                146
-
-xii. STELE OF DEXILEOS.  ”                                           147
-
-FIG. 56. WARRIOR OF TEGEA. _Bull. de Corresp. hellénique_, IV,
-pl. vii.                                                             148
-
-PL. xiii. YOUTH WITH DOG. Photograph                                 149
-
-FIG. 57. ATHLETE BALANCING STONE. Photograph                         150
-
-58. YOUNG HORSEMAN.      ”                                           151
-
-PL. xiv. STELE FROM AEGINA.      ”                                   151
-
-xv. RELIEF FROM ILISSUS.      ”                                      152
-
-FIG. 59. STELE OF DEMOCLEIDES.      ”                                153
-
-60. HEAD OF OLD MAN.      ”                                          155
-
-61. BOY, FROM STELE.      ”                                          156
-
-PL. xvi. SEATED LADY. _C. A. G._ pl. xv.                             156
-
-FIG. 62. PORTRAIT OF MYNNO. _C. A. G._ pl. xvii.                     157
-
-PL. xvii. STELE OF AMPHOTTO. Photograph                              158
-
-FIG. 63. GIRL WITH DOLL. _Journ. Hell. Stud._ VI, pl. B.             159
-
-64. PRIESTESS OF ISIS. Photograph                                    159
-
-
-CHAPTER X.
-
-PL. xviii. EUEMPOLUS AND CHILDREN. Photograph                        164
-
-FIG. 65. XANTHIPPUS AND CHILDREN. _Museum Marbles_, X, pl. iii.      165
-
-PL. xix. MOTHER AND FAMILY. Photograph                               166
-
-xx. CHAERESTRATA AND LYSANDER. Photograph                            167
-
-xxi. MICA AND DION. Photograph                                       167
-
-xxii. MOTHER AND DAUGHTER. Photograph                                168
-
-xxiii. DAMASISTRATA. Photograph                                      169
-
-xxiv. MOTHER AND NURSE.     ”                                        169
-
-FIG. 66. PLANGON FAINTING. _C. A. G._ p. 70                          170
-
-PL. xxv. HEGESO. Photograph                                          172
-
-xxvi. LADY AND ATTENDANT. Photograph                                 173
-
-xxvii. AMEINICHE. Photograph                                         173
-
-FIG. 67. PHAENARETE. _C. A. G._ pl. xxxix.                           174
-
-PL. xxviii. AMEINOCLEIA. Photograph                                  175
-
-FIG. 68. SCENE AT TOMB. Benndorf, _Griech. u. Sicil. Vasenb._
-pl. xv.                                                              177
-
-69. DOMESTIC SCENE. Heydemann, _Griech. Vasenbilder_, pl. xi.        178
-
-70. FAMILY GROUP. Brückner, _Griech. Grabreliefs_, p. 12             179
-
-71. ”      ”      ”      ”                                           179
-
-72. STELE OF MYRRHINA. _Gazette Archéol._ I, pl. vii.                180
-
-PL. xxix. ORPHEUS AND EURYDICE. Photograph                           181
-
-
-CHAPTER XI.
-
-xxx. STELE OF EUTAMIA. _C. A. G._ pl. xxviii.                        185
-
-FIG. 73. DIONYSUS AS GUEST. Roscher, _Lexikon_, I, p. 2539           190
-
-
-CHAPTER XIII.
-
-FIG. 74. NEREID MONUMENT (Falkener). Overbeck, _Griech.
-Plastik_, II, p. 191                                                 216
-
-75. GABLE OF NEREID MONUMENT. _Ann. dell’ Inst._ 1875,
-pl. DE.                                                              217
-
-76. HEROON OF GYEULBASHI. Benndorf and Niemann,
-_Heroon von Gjölbaschi-Trysa_, pl. i.                                222
-
-77. LION-TOMB, CNIDUS. Newton, _Travels and Discov._ II,
-pl. xxiii.                                                           225
-
-
-CHAPTER XIV.
-
-78. MAUSOLEUM (Mr. Pullan). _Archaeologia_, LIV, p. 281              230
-
-79. ”        (Mr. Oldfield). Drawing of Mr. Oldfield                 231
-
-
-CHAPTER XV.
-
-80. SARCOPHAGUS OF THE SATRAP: END. Hamdy Bey et
-T. Reinach, _Une Nécropole Royale à Sidon_, pl xxi.                  246
-
-81. SPHINXES: LYCIAN SARCOPHAGUS.    ”    ”    pl. xv.               248
-
-82. SARCOPHAGUS OF MOURNERS: END.    ”    ”    pl. vii.              250
-
-83. ALEXANDER SARCOPHAGUS: END.    ”    ”    pl. xxvi.               254
-
-84. ”      ” LION-HUNT.    ”    ”   pl. xxxi.                        255
-
-85. ”      ” A LION.   ”    ”   pl. XX.                              257
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER I
-
-BURIAL CUSTOMS IN GREECE
-
-
-The burial of the dead was a matter as to which the ancient Greeks had
-very strong feelings. When a corpse was not committed to earth or fire,
-the unfortunate spirit to which it had served as a dwelling-place was
-condemned to find no rest either on earth or in the world of shades, but
-to wander unhappily around the spot where it had met its fate, or to
-flutter on the verge of the river of death, which it was not permitted
-to cross. For such reasons, it was the first and most important duty of
-an heir to see that the person whom he succeeded met with due burial. In
-war, as a rule, each side buried its own dead; and so great was the
-horror at neglect of this pious office, that after a drawn battle the
-side which was not in possession of the battle-field would commonly ask
-for a truce for the purpose of burying the slain, though it thereby
-acknowledged defeat. It is well known how bitterly the Athenians accused
-their generals, because their dead were not duly buried after the battle
-of Arginusae. When Admetus, in the _Alcestis_ of Euripides, wishes
-utterly to cast off his filial relation to his father Pheres, he
-threatens that he will not bury him. And when in the _Antigone_ of
-Sophocles, Creon forbids the burial of his slain enemy Polynices, the
-prohibition is represented as an act of barbarous cruelty, bringing with
-it the vengeance of the offended gods. In order to perform the last
-rites to her brother, Antigone incurs death. The plot of the last half
-of the _Ajax_, which seems intolerably tedious to a modern reader, turns
-on the question whether the body of the hero shall receive sepulture or
-not.
-
-It is true that all the more serious evils of want of burial were
-obviated by an inhumation of a merely formal character. The dead man who
-in the ode of Horace[1] begs the passer-by to give him formal or
-ceremonial burial, tells him that it will be quite sufficient if he
-casts over the body three handfuls of dry earth. If the body of a man
-was lost at sea, or otherwise had become undiscoverable, an empty tomb
-or cenotaph was erected, and his spirit laid with ceremonies.
-
-In the case of an ordinary death, there was a regular order of
-ceremonies, which are detailed in Lucian’s _De Luctu_. To the women of
-the house belonged the melancholy duty of washing and anointing the
-corpse, and preparing it for burial. In the mouth was sometimes placed
-an obolus, the fee of Charon. The body was dressed as if for a wedding
-rather than a funeral, in rich and clean clothes; the face was painted,
-and wreaths were placed on head and breast. Then took place what was
-called the πρόθεσις, or exhibition of the corpse, in order that friends
-and relatives might take a last farewell of it. Vase-paintings give us
-many representations of the scene. Father and mother, or brothers and
-sisters, or children, thronged round the bier with expressions of love
-and sorrow, while the dirge of the hired wailing-women resounded through
-the house. A terra-cotta tablet of the sixth century, engraved in the
-text[2] (Fig. I), gives us a quaint and vivid picture of the room of
-death. The dead man, whose face appears, while the rest of the painting
-is broken away, is evidently a youth in the bloom of his days, who lies
-on the bier, clad in an embroidered garment. Close by his head stands
-his mother, ΜΕΤΕΡ, at whose feet is his little sister, ΑΔΕΛΦΕ; a
-somewhat older sister stands at the foot of the bier. To the left is a
-group of men, the father, ΠΑΤΕΡ, a grown-up brother, ΑΔΕΛΦΟΣ, and two
-other men. To the extreme right appears the name, though not the figure,
-of the grandmother, ΘΕΘΕ, between whom and the group of men are two
-other matrons, carefully distinguished as the aunt and the aunt on the
-father’s side, ΘΕΘΙΣ and ΘΕΘΙΣ ΠΡΟΣ ΠΑΤΡ[ΟΣ]. A little child also
-appears by a stool quite at the foot of the couch. The letters ΟΙΜΟΙ in
-the field represent the wailings of the women.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 1. LYING IN STATE.]
-
-A beautiful Attic vase of the fifth century (Fig. 2) gives us a less
-quaint but more graceful representation of the prothesis[3]. In this
-case the corpse is that of a woman, who lies on her bier not merely clad
-in green garments, but decked with a necklace. The friends grouped about
-her are all women, with hair cut short in sign of mourning, clad in
-garments of dark brown, green, or blue. The lady who stands at the foot
-of the bier and her neighbour place their hands on their heads in sign
-of grief; their dress is that of burgher ladies; no doubt they are the
-nearest relatives of the dead. The girl who stands at the head of the
-bier is a slave or hired attendant. She is more simply clad, and carries
-in one hand a flapper or fan to keep off the flies, in the other a
-basket containing fillets or ribbons. A wreath hangs against the wall of
-the room. Three small, naked, winged idola hover in the air. They are
-doubtless spirits of the dead: but the motive for their presence is not
-clear. One might at first be disposed to regard them as merely ready to
-receive the departed spirit; the figure nearest to the mouth of the
-corpse might even be regarded as the soul which has just taken flight.
-But these views scarcely account for the attitude, which is clearly in
-each of the three idola a recognized sign of grief. In fact, the close
-resemblance of gesture between the lady who stands at the foot of the
-bier and the winged figure above her seems to show that they share the
-same feeling, which is one of sorrow. But why should spirits grieve at
-receiving a companion from the land of the living? The question is not
-easy to answer. We may observe that in all scenes of this kind, when
-these little sprites are introduced, they are in the same attitude. The
-lamentations of the living seem always to awake a responsive echo in
-their breasts.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 2. LYING IN STATE.]
-
-After the laying out, πρόθεσις, came the ἐκφορά, or burial. Early in the
-morning the body was taken, decked and clad as it was, and laid on a
-wagon, or on a bier to be carried on the shoulders of friends. A
-procession was formed, including near friends, musicians, hired
-wailing-women, and others who carried the vessels needed for the last
-sad rites. To the modern visitor in Greece none of the existing customs
-is more striking than that of bearing to the grave bodies decked out and
-painted, and looking more like wax images from Tussaud’s than the actual
-relics of humanity.
-
-Several monuments of the early period present us with representations of
-the ἐκφορά so clear that we can judge with certainty even of its
-details. Of these the earliest are vases of the eighth century from the
-Dipylon cemetery. One engraved in the _Monumenti_ of the Roman
-Institute[4] clearly represents the funeral of a distinguished chief.
-The body lies on the top of a lofty bier, supported by four columns,
-which again is carried on a car drawn by two horses. Immediately behind
-the car come the relatives: and it is accompanied by long strings of
-mourners, who are depicted in the childish fashion of the art of the
-time as alike naked. The women are distinguished by the breast merely,
-the men by swords which they carry at the waist. The geese which seem to
-follow the procession are only inserted to fill up vacant spaces in the
-design; since there is nothing to which the early vase-painter objects
-more strongly than leaving any part of the ground without figures. On
-another contemporary vase, published on the same plate, is a scene of
-πρόθεσις; the corpse on its bier is surrounded by mourners, who seem to
-be sprinkling it with lustral water. These glimpses into the daily life
-of pre-historic Athens are very attractive; and the life which they
-reveal differs but little from that of the historic Athens of the
-Persian wars.
-
-An archaic terra-cotta, here engraved (Fig. 3)[5], gives us a vivid
-representation of the appearance of the funeral _cortége_.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 3. FUNERAL PROCESSION.]
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 4. ARRIVAL AT THE TOMB.]
-
-The corpse is placed on a car drawn by two horses. It is accompanied by
-a woman who bears on her head a jar of wine for the funeral libations,
-and by two wailing-women who tear their hair as they walk. Behind, comes
-a bearded flute-player, and two young men, doubtless the next of kin. A
-vase of the sixth century, which also we engrave (Fig. 4), represents a
-comparatively modest funeral[6]. The arrival at the tomb is depicted.
-The dead man, whose face is uncovered, lies on a bier drawn by two
-asses. The procession resembles that of the last representation; the
-flute-player, who wears a long white robe, and the next of kin follow
-the bier; of the wailing-women, two are perched on the funeral wagon,
-other two stand in front of the grave, which appears as a square
-erection to the right. The cock who is to form part of the offerings to
-the dead stands between two trees which mark the graveyard.
-
-Such was the actual prosaic procession to the grave. But the artists who
-painted the white Athenian lekythi, vessels especially made to be placed
-in the tomb[7], preferred in their representations of funerals to take
-refuge in the realm of imagery and fancy. For the actual carriage of the
-body to the place of burial they substitute a poetic fiction. When in
-the battles before Troy, Sarpedon fell beneath the spear of Patroclus,
-we are told in the _Iliad_ that the gods took charge of his body which
-the foeman had despoiled[8].
-
-    To Phoebus then his Father spake
-        Who drives the clouds along,
-    ‘Dear Phoebus go, Sarpedon find
-        Amid the battle throng,
-    From purple gore his body lave;
-        Then bear him far away,
-    And wash him in the flowing stream,
-        And in ambrosia lay;
-    With garments clothe that wax not old,
-        And let the winged pair,
-    The brethren Sleep and Death, from thence
-        His body swiftly bear
-    To wealthy Lycia’s goodly land,
-        Where kinsmen shall be fain
-    To heap the mound and set the stone,
-        The guerdon of the slain.’
-
-It is thoroughly in accord with the spirit of Greek art that it should
-have welcomed and dwelt on the idea thus suggested by the epic poet.
-Greek painters and sculptors, like Greek dramatists and lyric poets,
-loved above all things to escape from the prosaic details of actual life
-into the ideal world of myth and fancy, into the language of which they
-translated the facts of every-day existence. On a very beautiful
-red-figured vase, ascribed to Euphronius, is represented the bearing
-away of Sarpedon’s dead body by Sleep and Death, Sleep being a benign
-daemon with yellow hair, Death a dark-haired being of more forbidding
-aspect[9]. And after the precedent furnished by Sarpedon, Sleep and
-Death have been introduced into scenes on other Greek vases, wherein the
-body is not that of any ancient hero, but of an ordinary citizen. We
-give an example from an Attic white lekythos[10] (Fig. 5). The dead
-body, the eyes of which are not closed in death, is that of a girl, who
-is borne to the resting-place indicated by a sepulchral stele by two
-winged figures, of whom the bearded one is doubtless Death and the
-younger, or beardless, Sleep. The god Hermes, as conductor of souls, is
-present to preside at the deposition at the tomb.
-
-The twin brethren Sleep and Death belong to poetry rather than to real
-belief. And it is the bodies, not the spirits, of the dead which they
-bear to the last resting-place. Other Athenian lekythi represent the
-journey of the soul to the land of shades, under the guidance of Hermes
-or in the boat of Charon. With these pictures I will deal in the third
-chapter, which treats of Greek beliefs as to the future life. Meantime
-we must follow the funeral procession to the cemetery.
-
-In the Homeric age the bodies of fallen chiefs were burned with much
-ceremony, and funeral games celebrated at their tombs. The classical
-instance is the burning of the body of
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 5. DEPOSITION AT THE TOMB.]
-
-Patroclus in the _Iliad_. But even at that time it is doubtful whether
-so expensive a method of disposing of the body was at all universal. In
-historical times, as may be abundantly proved from ancient writers and
-from existing remains, the customs of burning and of burying flourished
-together. Distinguished and wealthy men commonly had their funeral
-pyres, but the bodies of the Kings of Sparta, for example, when they
-died abroad, were embalmed and carried home for burial, instead of being
-burned. In various cemeteries of Greece we find sometimes the one custom
-most prevalent and sometimes the other. It is unnecessary in the present
-place to go beyond this general statement. When the body was buried, it
-was not, save very rarely, placed in a sarcophagus of stone, but far
-more commonly in a hole in the rock; or a grave was dug in the soil and
-a small chamber constructed of slabs of stone or terra-cotta. In case of
-burning, a pyre of wood was erected in or near the cemetery, and after
-the flames had burned themselves out, the human ashes, which are readily
-to be distinguished, were carefully and piously collected and placed in
-a vessel of bronze or of earthenware, which might either be buried or
-preserved in some hallowed spot in the house.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 6. PYRE OF PATROCLUS.]
-
-A late vase of Canusium[11] furnishes us with a representation of the
-pyre of Patroclus, and of the sacrifices which according to Homer were
-performed at it (Fig. 6). In the midst is the pyre of great logs, on
-which is heaped the armour of Patroclus. This detail shows, we may
-observe, how free are even the later vase-painters in their treatment of
-Homeric scenes, for Patroclus’ armour, which Hector had carried off, is
-not mentioned in the _Iliad_ as being placed on his pyre. While
-Agamemnon pours a libation to the soul of the dead hero, Achilles
-plunges his sword into the neck of one of the Trojan captives, while the
-rest sit by, awaiting their fate. The inscription beneath, ΠΑΤΡΟΚΛΟΥ
-ΤΑΦΟΣ makes the identification certain.
-
-It does not appear that among the Greeks there were any regular
-ceremonies as an accompaniment of burial, any ritual of prayer or
-dedication. When a public funeral took place it is true that an oration
-was delivered at the grave; we have record of orations pronounced by
-Pericles and Demosthenes over those who had fallen in battle on various
-occasions. Sometimes also there was a funeral feast at the tomb. But in
-ordinary cases the mourners seem to have returned immediately after the
-burial to partake of the funeral feast at the house of a near relative
-or heir of the deceased, who was himself regarded as the host on the
-occasion. By thus eating and drinking with the dead, the survivors
-entered into a kind of sacred communion with him; speeches were made in
-his honour, and libations poured from the cups of which in ghostly
-fashion he might partake.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER II
-
-THE WORSHIP OF THE DEAD
-
-
-No Greek custom constituted a larger part of religious cultus than did
-the offerings to the dead. And no custom is more frequently portrayed on
-ancient vases. Such offerings did not begin merely with the funeral, but
-even earlier.
-
-According to the beliefs of most barbarous or semi-barbarous races, the
-dead have needs and desires as imperious as those of the living. Indeed,
-the life of the next world is regarded as in the main a ghostly
-continuation of previous existence, a life marked by the same habits and
-requirements as that which men live on earth. But, as the dead man is
-less materialist in his needs, his wants may be supplied at smaller cost
-and in less completeness.
-
-In many primitive countries we find the dead man living in his tomb as
-he had lived in his house, the tomb being often a copy of the house.
-There he treasures the goods which were buried with him, and there he
-receives the constant homage and frequent gifts of his descendants.
-
-In Greece, as far back as we can trace burial customs, it was usual to
-deal liberally with chiefs and warriors when they went to their last
-resting-place. Indeed, the further back we go, the greater seems to have
-been the liberality. The richest graves yet discovered in Greece are
-those of the pre-historic rulers of Mycenae, spoiled by Dr. Schliemann
-in 1877. In these sepulchres were found treasures sufficient to stock a
-great museum--armour and ornaments of gold, swords and arrows,
-drinking-cups and sceptres, every kind of object in which the wealth of
-semi-barbarous chiefs is commonly displayed. In the historic age the
-profusion is less marked, but we yet find abundant proofs of the
-survival of the custom of fully equipping the dead for their existence
-in the world of shades. Mingled with human bones are sometimes those of
-horses and dogs, slain to accompany their master, sometimes those of
-flesh and fowl brought to him for food. Vessels for holding food and
-wine and oil are among the ordinary equipment of the tomb, lamps are
-very common, and jewelry and coins in which the thickness of the gold is
-reduced to that of paper shows the gradual growth of the belief that it
-is safe to cheat the dead. Ladies take with them to their graves their
-mirrors and the vessels which contained rouge and other necessaries of
-the toilet.
-
-In later Greek graves terra-cotta plays a large part. Not only are
-vessels of this cheap material substituted for the golden or bronze
-vases and cups of early graves, but also loaves and animals of
-terra-cotta take the place of more genuine food. And terra-cotta images,
-sometimes of deities but more often apparently of mere human beings, are
-laid up in store by the corpse, each being broken, perhaps to render it
-unfit for the possession of the living. An engraving of a child’s coffin
-with its contents, which I reproduce from Stackelberg[12] (Fig. 7), will
-give some idea of the abundant contents of the richer Greek tombs. The
-symmetrical arrangement of the various vases and of the terra-cotta
-images is noteworthy; and as parts only of a human skeleton are present,
-it seems that in this case the body was not placed complete in the
-coffin, but only the skull, the shin-bones, and other parts of a corpse
-which had been for the most part disposed of in some other way.
-
-I have been present at excavations at Terranova in Sicily, on which site
-the resting-places of the dead are formed of several slabs of
-terra-cotta. Around the skeletons are heaped vases, most commonly of the
-lekythos form, with occasional coins and other antiquities. But it would
-be a long task to give anything like a satisfactory account of the
-contents of tombs in various parts of the Greek world. Every district or
-city follows its own customs in the matter.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 7. CHILD’S COFFIN.]
-
-We turn to the sacrifices brought to the tomb. While the burial was
-taking place, the friends of the deceased threw into the grave
-terra-cotta figures, vases and the like, breaking them as they threw
-them. Such at least is the usage traced by Messrs. Pottier and Reinach
-at Myrina, and they observe that proofs of the existence of a similar
-custom have been found at Tanagra and Kertch[13]. Libations would take
-place at the same time from the vessels carried to the tomb for the
-purpose, as well as afterwards at the funeral feast.
-
-Thenceforward at set seasons sacrifices were offered at the tomb. These
-seasons were, the third day after burial, τρίτα, the ninth day, ἔνατα,
-the thirtieth day, which came at the end of the mourning, besides the
-νεκύσια or general feast of the dead, corresponding to the All Souls’
-Day of the Middle Ages, and the γενέσια or birthday of the deceased[14].
-And such sacrifices were also made at irregular times, when any portent
-or significant dream made the survivors suppose that their ancestors
-were displeased with them. At the beginning of the _Choëphori_ of
-Aeschylus, of the _Electra_ of Sophocles, and of the _Electra_ of
-Euripides, mention is made of sacrifices at the tomb of Agamemnon,
-offered by Clytemnestra in consequence of a dream, which had disturbed
-her mind. In the _Iphigeneia in Tauris_ of Euripides, Iphigeneia
-prepares, also in obedience to a dream, to sacrifice to the spirit of
-her brother Orestes, whom she supposes to be dead.
-
-These passages from the great dramatists exhibit the Athenian custom of
-the fifth century B.C. How late this custom lasted in Greece may be
-shown from the language of Lucian, in the second century A.D. Speaking
-with contempt of the popular beliefs, he writes[15]: ‘People fancy that
-souls rising from below dine as they can, flitting about the smell and
-the steam, and drink the honeyed draught from the trench.’ Again, in
-another place[16], Lucian writes: ‘The shades are nourished by our
-libations, and by the offerings at the tomb; so that those who have no
-friend or relative left on earth, live foodless and famished among the
-rest.’
-
-The offerings brought to the dead were of a simpler and less sumptuous
-character than those dedicated to the gods. Through Greek history they
-tended to become less costly. In the _Iliad_ Achilles sacrifices to the
-spirit of Patroclus not only horses and dogs, oxen and sheep, but also
-twelve Trojan prisoners. At the taking of Troy, according to the legend,
-Polyxena was sacrificed on the tomb of Achilles. Not only did the custom
-of sending slaves to attend a dead chief, and horses for him to ride,
-die out, but the food of the dead became much less solid than beef and
-mutton. The laws of Solon forbade the sacrifice of oxen to the dead[17].
-As late as the sixth century, an inscription of Ceos[18] speaks of
-sacrifice at tombs according to the old ritual; but after that time more
-serious sacrifices were reserved for actual heroes and exceptional
-tombs. A black ox, for example, was annually offered to the heroes of
-Plataea down to the time of Plutarch[19], with wreaths and fillets.
-Ordinary souls had to be content with something much simpler; cakes and
-flowers, with wine, honey, and milk, sometimes a fowl or a few eggs,
-sufficed for their somewhat ethereal needs. But in early, and still more
-in later times, the survivors would sometimes try to show their respect,
-in exceptional cases, by a great display of grief and by costly
-sacrifices.
-
-Excavations sometimes reveal to us traces not merely of presents brought
-to the dead, but of actual sacrifices made to them. For example, when
-the mound which covered the bodies of those who fell at Marathon was
-recently excavated[20], traces were found in broken vessels and animals’
-bones of the feast held by the survivors at the time of the burial, as
-well as a trench cut to receive offerings, and considerable masses of
-ashes, dating no doubt from the yearly sacrifices which in the month of
-Boedromion the people of Athens offered in gratitude to the heroes who
-had first dared to look the Mede in the face.
-
-In historic Greece there were recognized heroes of every grade of
-dignity and importance. A few, such as Amphiaraus and Trophonius,
-rivalled the gods in their functions, in the number of their
-worshippers, and the splendour of their shrines. Others, such as Aeacus
-at Aegina, and Jason at Pherae, were venerated as semi-divine
-progenitors and supernatural defenders of the cities against all
-enemies. Others, such as Pelops at Olympia, and Hyacinthus at Amyclae,
-had tombs in close connexion with some of the most frequented and highly
-appreciated shrines of the Greek world. But beside these more dignified
-members of the clan of heroes there stood many whose influence and whose
-worship belonged only to a locality, to a clan, or a family. The Dorians
-in particular[21], like all conservative races, carried the worship of
-deceased parents and ancestors to the furthest point. But all over
-Greece there were small heroa or chapels belonging to families, the
-cultus of which was merely an extension of the worship which made sacred
-the domestic hearth. In modern cemeteries, and more especially in those
-of France, the tombs are frequently adorned with wreaths of real or
-artificial flowers, with crosses and designs of beadwork or with
-religious pictures. So in Greece it was usual to see in the
-neighbourhood of the tombs of those who had recently passed away, or who
-had left behind them many friends, the traces of libations, wreaths of
-flowers, sashes of various colours, even pieces of armour or other more
-solid gifts which were protected against theft by the sacred character
-of the spot.
-
-Serious sacrifices to the dead are, as we shall see in a future chapter,
-a frequent subject of votive tablets and even of actual sepulchral
-reliefs. The lighter and less solemn offerings to the dead are commonly
-depicted on white Attic lekythi, which were specially made to be placed
-in graves, and which take their subjects from that use.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 8. OFFERINGS AT A TOMB.]
-
-The simplest of these vase-paintings consist merely of representations
-of a gravestone, bound with sashes or with wreaths, on either side of
-which stands a survivor, male or female, holding a basket, wreaths, a
-sash, or the like. In our example (Fig. 8)[22] from a vase of Eretria in
-the Museum of Athens, the stele is truncated by a licence in drawing,
-but the relief on it, a woman seated on a chair and holding out a bunch
-of grapes to a seated boy, is similar to many of the groups in our
-plates. A mirror is represented as hung on the wall: this no doubt
-stands for a part of the marble relief. On one side of the stele stands
-a young man leaning on a staff, who seems to be directing a maiden who
-stands on the other side, where she shall place two wreaths which she
-carries. Our engraving makes no attempt to reproduce the brilliant
-colouring of the original, in which the dresses of the seated lady of
-the relief and the standing girl who ministers at the tomb are bright
-red, the garment of the youth brown, and the hair of all the figures a
-golden brown. In some of these scenes, the stele is hung with more
-serious offerings than flowers: sometimes a lekythos is suspended from
-the top or placed on the steps: in some cases, a sword is slung round it
-by means of a baldric[23]. Sometimes the attendant girls bring elaborate
-toilet-vases and flasks of oil.
-
-By a curious convention, often the dead person is introduced into the
-scene, seated on the steps of the basis which supports the sepulchral
-slab, between the two ministrants. In one case[24] a lady thus seated
-holds on her finger two little birds, perhaps an indication of a
-sacrifice, ‘a pair of turtle-doves or two young pigeons.’ On other vases
-she holds an oil-flask or a toilet-vase. Sometimes, especially if the
-person represented be a man, he holds a lyre[25]. In our example (Fig.
-9) of this curious scheme, a ghost is seen flitting through the air, and
-one of the attendants brings a little bird. The precise meaning of the
-lyre has been doubted. M. Pottier thinks that it represents music played
-before the dead, as part of their cultus. But this, of course, assumes
-the seated person to be a survivor, and we shall presently show this
-view to be untenable. It is, however, well known that to be able to play
-on the lyre as it passed from hand to hand at banquets was part of the
-training of the Athenian gentleman. It may well seem then that the
-musical employment of the dead man is merely an instance of the general
-rule that the Athenians loved to represent their dead in some employment
-which had been a favourite and characteristic one when they lived. And
-this view is confirmed by the occurrence on an early stele of the figure
-in relief of a man carrying a lyre[26].
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 9. SPIRIT SEATED ON STELE.]
-
-That the seated personage who plays the lyre if a man, or who if a woman
-holds a tray of offerings or a lekythos, is not a survivor but a dead
-person, may be readily shown by a comparison of certain vase-paintings.
-For an example we may take two lekythi figured on one plate[27] in the
-_Sabouroff Collection_. On one of these is represented a young man
-seated beside a stele, playing on a lyre which he holds, while an
-attendant girl brings him a sash or fillet. On the other the stele is
-absent, and the scene, which is given in the text
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 10. TOILET SCENE, SEPULCHRAL.]
-
-(Fig. 10), seems one taken from daily life. A lady, fully draped, is
-seated on a chair; in her lap rests a flat box containing sashes; a
-maid-servant comes to her holding a smaller box with open lid, probably
-a casket of jewelry. This last scene is closely like many of the Attic
-sepulchral reliefs[28], and the artist who painted it can scarcely have
-had in his mind any other intention than that of representing a lady who
-had died. The former scene must be of parallel significance; and the
-man seated with the lyre can scarcely be other than the proprietor of
-the stele beside which he sits.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 11. GIFTS AT TOMB.]
-
-We add, from a late vase in the British Museum[29], a very interesting
-sepulchral group (Fig. 11). The tomb is in the form of a pillar with
-acanthus ornament at the base, resting on a flat slab or table[30]. This
-latter is heaped up with vases and sashes, the gifts of survivors. Among
-these gifts stands a female figure in sorrowful attitude, either a
-statue of the deceased, or more probably herself in spiritual presence.
-On one side a man raises his hand in greeting or adoration, on the other
-approaches a girl bearing some offering.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER III
-
-BELIEFS AS TO THE FUTURE LIFE
-
-
-The group of vase-paintings with which we dealt in the last chapter
-raises a curious question. In all, or almost all, of them the locality
-is clearly implied by the presence of a stele in the background. The
-offerings which they represent were made, it seems, at the tomb itself.
-Is it not, however, a strange thing that wealthy and educated Athenians
-should suppose the souls of the dead to have nothing better to do than
-to rest beside the tomb, and there await the offerings of survivors? Did
-they not believe in a region of the dead, a kingdom of Hades, where the
-bad were punished and the good received the recompense of their merits?
-And if so, how could the souls of the departed be at the same time in
-Hades, and in the neighbourhood of the graveyard? In order to find a
-solution for these difficulties we must give some account of the views
-of ordinary Greeks, at different periods of the national history, in
-regard to the life after death, and the condition of the departed.
-
-We must begin our examination of Greek belief as to the future life by
-turning to the Homeric poems. The outlines of the psychical doctrine
-which these contain has been traced with masterly hand by Dr. Erwin
-Rohde[31], whose conclusions agree well with all that we have of late
-learned from history and archaeology as to the Homeric age and
-literature.
-
-It is only superficial theorizing which will find in the Homeric poems
-the ordinary barbaric views as to the nature of the soul and the future
-life. Primitive elements there may be in the Homeric beliefs on these
-subjects; but these primitive elements are mostly of the nature of a
-survival. The Homeric poems belong to a race of singular gifts and
-remarkable intellectual capacity, a small clan or aristocracy which had
-by the force of inborn genius penetrated to views in all matters of
-practical wisdom which must be considered decidedly advanced. Like the
-_Vedas_ of India and the _Zend Avesta_, the _Iliad_ and the _Odyssey_
-are the flowers of special developments of civilization, of the culture
-of pure-blooded clans, which had worked their way forward, amid
-surrounding barbarism, to a comparatively civilized survey of the world
-and of mankind.
-
-The notion which is the common property of barbarous peoples, that the
-dead dwell among the living, and constantly interfere for good and for
-evil in their affairs, that they must be appeased by constant sacrifices
-and receive their share of all increase,--this notion has indeed left
-traces in the Homeric poems, but they are slight. It rather shows
-through the psychology of Homer than regulates or inspires it.
-
-The intellectual aristocracy of Homer has in this matter a strong bias
-towards scepticism. It is really remarkable how nearly the Homeric
-theories of the soul correspond with the facts recorded by that cautious
-and sceptical body of inquirers, the Psychical Society.
-
-The psyche to Homer is not in the least like the Christian soul, but is
-a shadowy double of the man, wanting alike in force and in wisdom. It
-has no midriff, but lives as dreams live; appearing to the living in
-visions, sleeping or waking, but without power. While the body of a dead
-man remains unburnt or unburied, his ghost wanders about the place of
-death: when the body has received due meed of funeral rites, the spirit
-departs to the land of shades, never to return, nor to vex the
-survivors.
-
-The realm of Hades appears in the more antique parts of the poems of
-Homer as a land where shades dwell under the rulership of King Hades and
-august Persephone, living a life which is a sort of reflex and corollary
-of the past. Orion, the mighty hunter, still pursues in that land the
-spectres of wild beasts over the meadows of asphodel. Agamemnon still
-deplores his sad fate, Ajax will not be reconciled to his enemy
-Odysseus, Achilles lives on the memory of his past exploits, and rates
-the life of the greatest heroes in Hades as beneath that of the meanest
-serving-man on earth. Even these shadowy passions do not stir the hearts
-of the dead until they have drunk of the blood of the sacrifice, and
-their vital force is thus in some degree renewed. To Teiresias alone,
-says Circe, has Persephone granted that even after death he shall have
-living sense, while the rest flit like shadows.
-
-It is quite clear that this view, which removes the dead to Hades, and
-deprives them of all sense and power, is not to be reconciled with some
-of the customs of Homeric cultus, especially with the offering of
-victims, animal and human, at the tombs of heroes. This, however, is not
-strange: cultus has infinitely greater power of persistence among men
-than mere speculative beliefs; and among peoples of all religions we
-find a want of harmony between the religious belief and the religious
-custom which needs explanation. Homer does not fear the dead; but the
-burial customs described in his poems must have arisen at a time when
-the dead were greatly feared, and regarded as meddlesome in human
-affairs.
-
-And this marked inconsistency which we find in the Homeric age persists
-throughout Greek history. The customs of the cultus of the dead are, as
-we have seen, persistent among all Greek tribes, though more fully
-appreciated by some than others, and remain in force down to the very
-decline of Paganism. But at the same time speculation as to the world of
-spirits and the condition of the departed went on, on lines almost
-independent of custom and cultus. If the dead were safe in Hades they
-could not also live in their tombs; why then take offerings thither? If
-their life was the life of dreams and of shadows, why did they need
-food, both animal and vegetable, and abundant drink? This is
-sufficiently obvious to us. Yet Greek belief in all ages must have found
-some means of reconciling theory and cultus, and of preventing the
-course of speculation as to the state of the departed from interfering
-with the practical piety of the worship of ancestors.
-
-We are able to follow, at all events in outline, the gradual development
-of the belief in Hades among the Greeks. The voyage of Odysseus to Hades
-in the _Odyssey_, whatever may be its date (a somewhat doubtful point),
-shows us that belief at a very early and incomplete stage. The main
-interest of the author of the _Odyssey_ is evidently to give a glimpse
-at the later fortunes of some of the principal personages of the
-_Iliad_; though with this he includes a curious vision of fair women,
-Tyro, Alcmena, and Leda and the like. He accomplishes his purpose by
-taking the widely wandering Odysseus to Hades under the pretext that he
-will there learn how best he may win back to his native Ithaca. To Homer
-Hades is not, as in later belief, situated beneath our feet. Odysseus
-has to reach it by sailing to the confines of the ocean, to the land of
-the Cimmerians, enveloped in mist and cloud, where the bright rays of
-the sun do not shine. When he reaches the groves of poplar and willow,
-amid which flow the rivers Acheron and Pyriphlegethon and Cocytus, he
-digs a trench, and makes sacrifices to the dead, offering libations and
-barley-cakes, and slaying a ram in honour of Teiresias. No sooner is
-this done than the spirits of the dead begin to flock about him, and
-those whom he permits to drink of the blood of his sacrifice can answer
-his questions and inform him of their fate. The only class of persons
-whom Homer represents as punished in Hades are perjurers, perhaps
-because their punishment on earth was so problematic. But a few noted
-criminals of legend, such as Tityus and Tantalus, are also represented
-as undergoing a chronic punishment.
-
-Hades, however, is by no means the only dwelling-place of souls known to
-the authors of the Homeric poems. Every scholar is familiar with the
-beautiful lines in which Proteus foretells the future destiny of
-Menelaus[32].
-
-    In Argos’ horse-abounding plain
-        To die is not thy fate,
-    O Menelaus, there for thee
-        No mortal chances wait.
-    Thee shall the immortals far away
-        To earth’s remotest end,
-    Where fair-haired Rhadamanthys dwells
-        In Plains Elysian, send.
-    There life flows on in easy course,
-        There never snow nor rain
-    Nor winter tempests vex the land;
-        But Ocean sends amain
-    Fresh Zephyr breezes breathing shrill
-        To cool the untroubled life.
-    There dwell, since thou art kin to Zeus,
-        And Helen is thy wife.
-
-In dealing with the Homeric poems we can never escape the difficulties
-as to chronology and genuineness which at present envelop the whole
-Homeric question, on its literary side, like a thick mist. Dr. Rohde
-thinks that this passage is of later date than that which describes the
-voyage to Hades of Odysseus. The last line has a curious ring. Menelaus
-is to be rescued from the common fate, not for any virtue or merit of
-his own, but because he is the son-in-law of Zeus. We are reminded of
-the still more aristocratic belief of certain existing races of
-barbarians, who think that a happy state in the future life is reserved
-for the chiefs and those of high lineage.
-
-According to the Cyclic Poets, the Islands of the Blessed were destined
-not for Menelaus only, but for others of the heroes who fought at Troy.
-In the _Aethiopis_, Eos (the Dawn) is allowed not merely to bear away
-her dead son Memnon, as Sarpedon had been borne away by Sleep and Death,
-but to awake him again to an immortal life. In the same poem, Thetis is
-represented as carrying off the body of Achilles from the funeral pyre,
-and transporting it over the sea to a new life in the island of Leuce,
-the white island, which popular fancy placed in the Euxine sea. In the
-_Works and Days_ of Hesiod all the godlike heroes who fought at Troy are
-said to dwell still in the Islands of the Blessed. Odysseus after his
-death was said to have been translated to the island of Aeaea. And an
-Athenian drinking-song of about B.C. 500 tells how Harmodius and
-Aristogeiton, who slew the Tyrant and restored liberty to the Athenians,
-are not dead but dwell in the Happy Isles with Diomedes and swift-footed
-Achilles.
-
-It may be doubted how far the Islands of the Blessed, the Elysian
-Fields, and the Realm of Hades are really distinct in Homeric geography.
-All seem to be reached by a voyage across the sea in the direction of
-the setting sun. Subsequent poets, however, gradually determine and map
-out the land of the dead. It is a conjecture, the truth of which is more
-than probable, that the great teacher of the lore of the future world
-was Orphism.
-
-Orphism is one of the most important, but at the same time one of the
-most obscure phases of ancient religion. The original documents of the
-sect have perished, and forgeries have taken their place. It is only by
-putting together a number of occurrences, and collecting phenomena from
-all quarters, that we are able even to conjecture the tenets and
-observances of the Orphists; yet it seems certain that they exercised a
-deep and long-continued influence on the development of religion in
-Greece. We first clearly trace their activity in the sixth century B.C.,
-when Onomacritus, a contemporary of Peisistratus at Athens, committed to
-writing much of their lore, and when Pythagoras attempted to found among
-the Greek cities of Southern Italy something like an Orphic church. Yet
-from what we learn as to Orphism, we see that it must contain elements
-handed down from a barbaric and primitive state of religion. It was
-essentially mystic and ecstatic in character. Zagreus, who was a form of
-Dionysus, was the principal object of Orphic worship,--the young god who
-was torn to pieces by the wicked hands of Titans, but restored to life
-by the favour of Zeus and Athena. By mystic communion with Zagreus, who
-was regarded as the ruler of the dead, the votary escaped from the
-trammels of the flesh, became pure and chaste, and fit for a nobler
-existence hereafter. Of course, in this religion, as in all, mere ritual
-tended to encroach on the religion of conduct; it was supposed by many
-that a mere partaking in mysterious rites would secure for them a
-favourable reception in the world of shades, and a verdict of acquittal
-from the stern judges of the dead.
-
-It is certain, as I have already observed, that this ecstatic form of
-religion contains primitive elements. Anthropology has informed us that
-the wizard or medicine-man among savage tribes commonly acquires and
-retains his influence by means of trances or ecstasies, in which he
-professes to be inspired by the spirits of the dead. This is the
-original germ whence all ecstatic religion takes its rise; though, of
-course, it may reach a high moral level under some circumstances, and
-tend greatly to the help and elevation of mankind. What was the precise
-ethical level of the Orphic religion it is very hard to say.
-
-However, we are at present concerned only with one aspect of
-Orphism--its lore as to the world of spirits. It is believed that this
-lore gradually works its way into current literature and art. After we
-leave the Homeric age, the next important landmark in the history of
-Hades is to be found in the great painting of Polygnotus in the Leschè
-or arcade of Delphi. Of this picture we possess so careful and detailed
-a description from the pen of Pausanias[33] that a skilled
-archaeologist, Professor Robert, has succeeded, with the help of certain
-vase-paintings of Polygnotan style, in restoring, figure for figure, the
-whole composition, with a sureness of hand which may well surprise those
-who do not realize the degree in which the scientific methods of
-archaeology have been developed in recent years.
-
-In the upper part of the picture is a group which is almost a transcript
-from the _Odyssey_: Odysseus sword in hand over his trench, the unburied
-Elpenor behind him in sailor’s dress, and Teiresias and Anticleia
-approaching to hold converse with him. But this group seems somewhat
-apart from the rest of the scene, which is composed of elements mostly
-foreign to the Homeric circle of ideas. On the left is the river
-Acheron, full of reeds and peopled with shadowy fish; on which floats
-the bark of the ferryman Charon, who is taking to their last home the
-spirits of a man and a girl. Pausanias observes that Polygnotus has
-borrowed Charon from the epic poem called the _Minyas_, in which the
-voyage to Hades of Theseus and Peirithous was narrated. Whencesoever
-Charon may have originally come, he certainly held a great place in the
-beliefs of the later Greeks. The obol, his fee, was sometimes placed in
-the mouth of the dead. In later writers, such as Virgil and Lucian, he
-is very prominent. Some of the sepulchral lekythi, of which I have
-spoken already, furnish us with a representation of the River of Death
-and the boat of Charon. One here
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 12. THE BOAT OF CHARON.]
-
-copied (Fig. 12) from a vase at Athens[34], presents a most curious
-scene. Charon, a being of traditional ugliness, clad in sailor’s cap and
-short chiton, drives his boat to the bank by means of a pole. He is
-awaited by a girl who bears in her hands her favourite bird, a goose,
-while a box for the toilet rests on a rock, and near it sits a young
-child. This flitting to the world of shades has quite a domestic aspect:
-it seems that Charon was expected to convey not only passengers, but
-also as baggage the offerings brought to them at the tomb. Sometimes the
-boat of Charon appears in these vase-paintings in close proximity to the
-stele of the grave; and the dead wait for him on the steps of the
-stele[35]. On another vase, Hermes, with herald’s staff, leads the soul
-down to the edge of the river[36].
-
-It is a well-known fact, though one not easy to explain, that Charon,
-under the form Charuns, figures as the messenger of death in several of
-the mural paintings of Etruscan tombs. He is there depicted as a hideous
-monster, with hooked nose, sometimes winged, wielding an axe, and
-entwined with serpents. That the mild and quiet Charon of the Greeks
-should have his counterpart in a fierce and deformed daemon in the more
-monstrous pantheon of Etruria is quite natural; but it is less clear
-whence the Greeks and Etruscans originally borrowed their respective
-divinities.
-
-We must, however, resume our description of the picture of Polygnotus.
-About the entrance of Hades cluster the transgressors whose punishment
-is eternal. They are very few in number: the parricide, the
-temple-robber, and such noted personages of legend as Tityus, who is
-devoured by a vulture after the fashion of Prometheus. Next we reach a
-group of fair women, who must indeed have been delightful creations
-under the hands of the most dignified and majestic of all
-painters--Ariadne and Tyro, Procris and Chloris. For some who had to be
-punished a most gentle meed of punishment is provided. Phaedra in her
-lifetime, as is well known, was inspired with a disastrous passion for
-her stepson Hippolytus, and after his death she went and hanged herself.
-In the painting of Polygnotus, as Pausanias observes, ‘Phaedra is borne
-through the air on a swing, and holds the ropes on each side in her
-hands: this attitude, in spite of the extreme gentleness of the
-allusion, refers to the manner of her death.’ Near the group of women
-Theseus and Peirithous are seated. They had dared, with overweening
-impiety, to make their way into Hades, in order to carry off Persephone,
-Queen of the Shades. But they were made prisoners by the nether powers
-and kept in chains. Such a fate for heroes of the race of the gods
-naturally seemed to Polygnotus too harsh. In his picture they merely
-keep their seats. So Virgil writes, ‘Sedet aeternumque sedebit infelix
-Theseus.’ Pausanias quotes Panyasis, a late Epic poet, to the effect
-that Theseus and Peirithous on their seats did not appear to be
-prisoners, but really the rock grew to their flesh in the place of
-bonds. But Polygnotus was content with a mere hint: in his painting
-nothing indicated either bondage or torture. Near by are Cameiro and
-Clytie, daughters of Pandareus. In the _Odyssey_ Penelope tells how they
-were carried away by the fierce storm-winds and given to the hateful
-Erinnyes. But Polygnotus will know nothing of the Erinnyes. He merely
-represents the girls as crowned with flowers and playing with astragali
-or knuckle-bones. The storm-winds seem to have done them little harm.
-
-Presently we come to the central part of the picture. It is occupied by
-the grove of Persephone, represented in the sparing fashion of Greek
-painting by a single tree, under which sits Orpheus, his lyre in his
-hands. No doubt we have here the key to the picture. Orpheus is the
-central figure of the whole. To Polygnotus he is not merely a departed
-hero, but priest and hierophant. The song which he sings is the mystic
-song of immortality. About him there cluster the heroes who fought at
-Troy: on the one side Agamemnon, Protesilaus, Achilles, Patroclus; on
-the other, Hector, Paris, Memnon, Sarpedon, and Penthesileia, queen of
-the Amazons. Paris makes love to Penthesileia, who looks back at him
-with contempt. The Greek and Trojan heroes may fight again their battles
-in memory; but peace has fallen on them, and they no longer wish to
-wield the lance. We need not dwell on other groups: Palamedes and
-Thersites busy with the dice; Thamyris, who had once challenged the
-Muses, seated in dejection over his broken lyre; the strange apparition
-of Marsyas, who teaches the boy Olympus to play the flute; and many
-others.
-
-Towards the right end of the painting we again find punishments of a
-kind going forward. Sisyphus heaves his rock up the hill. Tantalus
-stands up to the chest in water which he may not drink, and clutches at
-fruit which eludes his grasp. These punishments had already been
-mentioned in the _Odyssey_; Polygnotus adds a rock, which hangs over the
-head of the sufferer, ever threatening to fall, but never falling. There
-appears also a great cask set in the earth, which it is the fate of an
-approaching train ever to try to fill with water from broken
-water-vessels. This was, according to tradition, the allotted task of
-the fifty daughters of Danaus, who had all save one in one night slain
-their husbands. But Polygnotus followed a different account: he calls
-the approaching men and women merely ἀμύητοι, uninitiated. Pausanias
-observes that they must be those who held in contempt the sacred
-mysteries of Eleusis; but this does not seem to be the meaning. They are
-ordinary persons, men and women who did not necessarily sin overtly
-against the Mysteries, but merely neglected to avail themselves of the
-‘means of grace’ offered them by the hierophants of Eleusis, and suffer
-in the next world for their carelessness or obstinacy.
-
-The general tone of the painting of Polygnotus bears a close resemblance
-to that of the sepulchral reliefs which we shall describe in this book.
-This is the less curious, when we consider that the sculptors of the
-reliefs were of that Attic school of sculpture which took so much of its
-character from Polygnotus. In spirit also the painting is like the
-Homeric poems, when they deal with the future life. The cultivated Greek
-mind looked for little bliss in the world to come, except such as could
-come from the reunion of friends and families, and the memory of past
-deeds. Still less did it look for future punishments. These were
-ordinarily reserved for the noted criminals of legend. The only classes
-which Polygnotus seems to have thought in any peril were the parricides,
-the temple-robbers, and the uninitiated. He seems to have thought that
-spirits were of the stuff of which dreams are made, and passed an
-existence of quiet and gentle melancholy, of which the worst feature was
-its exposure to tedium.
-
-There do not appear in the picture of Polygnotus, as in some paintings
-which we must presently consider, any malignant beings to act as the
-police of the under-world. Not even Cerberus appears. The only spirit of
-inauspicious type who is seen is Eurynomus. Pausanias says[37]: ‘The
-interpreters at Delphi say that Eurynomus is one of the spirits that
-dwell in Hades, and that his office is to devour the bodies of the dead,
-leaving only their bones.’ Eurynomus does not appear, adds Pausanias, in
-Homer nor in the Cyclic poets. The daemon shows his teeth, and is seated
-on the skin of a vulture. Probably it was from the facts just mentioned
-that the interpreters at Delphi deduced the function of Eurynomus. But
-their opinion goes for little, and the name Eurynomus has nothing to do
-with the decay of the flesh. In the time of Polygnotus it was usually
-fire rather than decay which made away with the bodies of the dead. This
-daemon, who was possibly an archaic form of Hades himself, remains then
-unexplained. At any rate, we have no right to regard him as a punisher
-of souls. The punishments of Hades, according to Polygnotus, seem to go
-on by some law, without present enforcement.
-
-With the Hades of Polygnotus we must compare that which is depicted on a
-class of large amphorae which come to us from Apulia in Italy. I have
-engraved (Fig. 13) a fair specimen of these vase-paintings, which are
-all closely alike, from a vase of Canusium[38].
-
-Here in the centre we have, in place of the sacred grove of Persephone,
-the palace of Hades and his Queen. He is seated, and holds a long
-sceptre; she carries a torch. The palace has not unnaturally taken the
-form of a chapel of the deities; the wheels hung up in the background
-seem to be votive offerings. The motive of the whole picture is
-curiously twofold. Two visits to Hades, which really took place at quite
-different times, are depicted as going on together, the quest of Orpheus
-for his lost Eurydice, and the attempt of Herakles to carry off the dog
-Cerberus and to rescue his friend Theseus.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 13. THE GREEK UNDER-WORLD.]
-
-Orpheus stands, lyre in hand, before the chapel of the nether deities.
-He is clad in the variegated embroidered robes of the Orientals, with
-sleeves down to the wrists and a Phrygian tiara. In the painting of
-Polygnotus Orpheus was, as Pausanias expressly states, clad in the
-ordinary Greek dress. Later art rejoiced in the picturesque costume of
-the Persians and Phrygians: and the Thracian home of Orpheus allowed
-artists to consider him as belonging to a semi-Greek, Anatolian race.
-Orpheus is evidently using his art to persuade Hades to restore
-Eurydice, and that dread deity seems, from the position of his uplifted
-right hand, to be addressing him; but Eurydice, in this as in most of
-the vase-paintings, is wanting; a curious fact, which may indicate that
-the motive of the quest of Orpheus was originally something different.
-It seems indeed, as will appear clearly later, that the vase-painter
-combines without much skill or purpose groups taken from the works of
-older and more thoughtful artists.
-
-In the lowest line Herakles struggles with Cerberus, around whose three
-necks he has fastened a chain. Hermes, who carries a herald’s staff,
-points out to his brother the road to the upper air, and urges
-departure. A more terrifying figure behind Herakles also gives cause for
-haste. One of the Poenae or Furies, a female servant of Hades, wearing
-hunting-boots and holding over her arm a leopard’s skin, advances with a
-torch to defend the realm of the dead against rash invaders. In the
-upper line, on the right, a similar figure, with drawn sword, guards the
-captives whom Herakles has come to release. Peirithous sits and cannot
-rise, but Theseus is standing; so far as he is concerned, the attempt of
-the invincible Herakles is successful, and he is allowed to return to
-earth.
-
-The other groups which make up the picture have no special connexion
-either with Orpheus or with Herakles, and are introduced merely to
-complete the picture of Hades. On some of these under-world vases the
-names are written over the various persons, so that we can identify them
-with ease and certainty. In the upper line to the left is Megara, the
-wife of Herakles, and the two children of hers whom their father slew in
-a fit of madness. They stand near a spring-house, where water flows from
-a lion’s-head fountain. Drops of blood still stand on their breasts. Why
-they alone should thus bear in Hades the marks of mortal calamity we
-cannot say; nor indeed why they should appear at all as prominent
-inhabitants of the land of shades. One is inclined to fancy that some
-tale or legend may have connected them with the voyage of their father
-to Hades.
-
-Beneath them is a curious domestic group: a young husband who is in the
-act of crowning himself with a wreath, a wife, and their little son, who
-drags behind him a plaything. It is a veritable scene of the
-reconstitution, in the land of shades, of a family endued with perpetual
-youth and leisure. Who these people may be is quite uncertain; but it is
-reasonable to think that they are such as have undergone initiation, and
-whose future life is thus assured. Opposite are the three judges of the
-dead, Minos, Aeacus, and Rhadamanthys, or, as some give the name,
-Triptolemus. Bearded and venerable figures, they carry long sceptres,
-but do not look so stern as one would expect from their terrible
-function.
-
-The other scenes, in the two corners below, are of not much more than
-geographical import. They show the place to be Hades by introducing some
-of the well-known inhabitants of that region. On the left is Sisyphus
-uprearing his rock; and lest he should loiter at the task, one of the
-Poenae with snakes in her hair urges him with a double-thonged whip; in
-her other hand she carries a javelin and leopard’s skin. On the right is
-Tantalus, in the dress of an Oriental prince, and still carrying his
-sceptre. The Homeric pains have ceased to trouble him; he no longer
-stands in water, nor reaches after fruit. But he is still threatened by
-the hanging rock.
-
-On other vases of the class, while the general arrangement is the same,
-the groups are varied. Peleus and Myrtilus, the faithless charioteer who
-arranged his victory at Olympia, sometimes take the place of Theseus and
-Peirithous. In the place of Tantalus we have a group of women ever
-drawing water, whether they be the Danaides or women who died
-uninitiated.
-
-It is likely that all these Apulian vase-paintings go back to some
-original of a great painter which was known throughout the Greek world.
-An original by Polygnotus it cannot be; the composition is quite unlike
-his, and the Oriental garments worn by some of the personages indicate a
-different and a later school than his. We know that Nicias, a
-contemporary of Praxiteles, made a great picture of the under-world; but
-as we know nothing of its details, the inquiry whether this was the
-original copied in Italy has no certain basis.
-
-Singularly instructive and suggestive is the comparison of these
-Hellenic pictures of the under-world with those which our ancestors of
-the Middle Ages painted on the walls and in the windows of their
-churches. There we see the ecstatic bliss of the saved, conducted by
-angels to the abode of God and the saints, and the fearful tortures
-inflicted upon the damned by hosts of hideous and malignant demons, who
-bind, burn, tear, and outrage them with fiendish ingenuity. In the
-Christian paintings there is no mean, everything is extreme. The destiny
-to eternal life or eternal torment seems to hang upon a decision by no
-means easy: angels and devils dispute the possession of souls, and the
-latter are at least as successful as the former in their raids. Our
-ancestors can scarcely have taken these representations as seriously as
-we are disposed to take them, or life shadowed by such a terrific future
-would have been unendurable. But still they embodied the teaching of the
-Church, which few dared dispute, at all events openly. They give us a
-glimpse at the terrible moral pressure necessary in order that the
-realities of the moral and spiritual life should be burned into the
-heart of the European peoples.
-
-In the Greek pictures, on the other hand, nothing is extreme, but
-everything is in moderation. Setting aside the torments of a few
-legendary heroes, like Tityus and Tantalus, which had little relation to
-actual life, there was no torture, as there was certainly no bliss, in
-Hades. Between the punishment of the uninitiated and the reward of the
-initiated there is not very much difference. Whether Megara and her
-children belong to the class of the happy or the wretched we do not
-know. They bear the marks of suffering, but as one of the boys carries
-the oil-flask and strigil of the athlete, he would seem to pass his time
-in Hades as suitably as the little boy of the initiated pair who
-trundles his toy. The only unpleasant feeling which is roused by our
-vase-painting or the more exquisite Hades of Polygnotus is that its
-tenants must suffer from infinite ennui, and the same reproach has been
-brought sometimes against the heaven of the Middle Ages. But probably
-only highly civilized people learn to realize that ennui may become a
-torment.
-
-In particular, we may compare the swarms of black and hideous devils,
-with horn and hoof of the mediaeval pictures, with the Greek Poenae. We
-can trace the genealogy of these latter from early times. The Oriental
-imagination had from very early times delighted in depicting evil
-spirits in the form of monsters and winged beasts, who are overcome and
-slain by the gods in human form. For winged monsters the Greek artists
-of the sixth century had tended to substitute winged human beings of
-hideous aspect, Gorgons and Harpies, Eris and Phobos, and the like. It
-was Aeschylus who, wishing to bring on the stage in bodily form in his
-_Eumenides_ the powers that avenge kindred blood, transformed the
-Erinnyes, who had hitherto been worshipped at Athens as the Eumenides
-or gentle goddesses, in beautiful and dignified form[39]. He took as his
-models the Gorgons and Harpies of earlier art. So he himself tells us in
-the _Eumenides_[40], where his priestess thus describes the sleeping
-visitors: ‘I call them not women, but Gorgons; yet cannot I quite liken
-them to the forms of Gorgons. In a picture once I saw Harpies painted
-bearing off the food of Phineus: these, however, are unwinged in aspect,
-but black and utterly abominable.’
-
-Pausanias too says, when speaking of the shrine of the Eumenides at
-Athens[41]: ‘It was Aeschylus who first wreathed snakes in their hair;
-but in their statues there is nothing terrible, nor in the other statues
-set up in honour of the nether gods.’ In a series of vase-paintings
-which represent the flight to Delphi and the purification of Orestes,
-the Erinnyes appear sometimes in Aeschylean guise as women, unwinged,
-but with snakes in their hair and of terrible aspect. With these the
-Poenae of our vase-painting are almost identical in dress, though the
-ugliness is softened down. And as Polygnotus knows not the Poenae, it
-seems likely that it was in part the influence of Aeschylus which
-introduced them as ministrants of evil in the realm of Hades. But the
-Poenae certainly fill very inefficiently the place of the Christian
-demons. Greek art loved to soften, to generalize, while mediaeval art
-rejoiced, like Dante, in exact detail. Greek art was always ready to
-sacrifice precise meaning to beauty and grace, while mediaeval art had
-little sense of beauty, but tried to work on the emotions of fear and
-horror.
-
-Side by side with the evidence derived from the works of ancient
-painters we must place that derived from ancient poets and other
-writers. The philosophers are outside our scope, except so far as they
-testify to the opinions of ordinary men: to regard the views of Plato
-and Epicurus as ordinary Greek opinions would of course be as absurd as
-to regard John Stuart Mill or Herbert Spencer as representatives of the
-ordinary Englishman.
-
-In ordinary Greek belief, then, we find abundant traces of the eternal
-conflict between the priest and the prophet, between ritual and ethics.
-There was a general feeling that those who died nobly or after a
-well-spent life were sure of a friendly reception in Hades. Xenophon
-says of Agesilaus[42], ‘He ever feared the gods, being of opinion that
-those who lived nobly were not yet happy, but that those who had died
-with good name were at once among the blessed.’ The chorus in the
-_Alcestis_ speak of their mistress immediately after her death as a
-blessed spirit. And a multitude of epitaphs[43] express the conviction
-that those who had lived nobly were sure of a favourable reception from
-Persephone. Beside this ethical view we find the opinion of the
-sacerdotal party that initiation in the Mysteries or attachment to the
-cultus of some deity was necessary for the attainment of future bliss.
-This was especially the view of the Orphists, and as such it is
-ridiculed by Plato in the _Republic_[44]: ‘They persuade not individuals
-merely, but whole cities also, that men may be absolved and purified
-from crimes, both while they are still alive and even after their
-decease, by means of certain sacrifices and pleasureable amusements
-which they call Mysteries: which deliver us from the torments of the
-other world, while the neglect of them is punished by an awful doom.’ We
-have seen that Polygnotus gives some countenance to those who regarded
-the Mysteries as the gate of future happiness. And there was certainly
-in Greece a generally spread conviction, which may be well traced in the
-_Frogs_ of Aristophanes, that initiation was, if not a passport to
-future happiness, at least a safeguard amid the dangers which surround
-the soul from the moment of its departure from the body until its final
-doom is fixed.
-
-In the mentions of Hades to be found in the Tragedians, it appears more
-especially as the place of the reassembling of families. Sophocles’
-Antigone expresses a hope of being well received in Hades by the
-relations to whom at her peril she has performed the rites of burial.
-The Oedipus of Sophocles wants to blind himself in order that in Hades
-he may not see the father and mother whom he has so deeply though
-ignorantly injured. In the _Agamemnon_ of Aeschylus, Clytemnestra
-anticipates the meeting of Agamemnon in Hades with his daughter
-Iphigeneia. Hyperides, in his Funeral Oration, takes a somewhat wider
-view. He imagines the fallen heroes of the Lamian War as received in
-friendly fashion in Hades not merely by their kinsfolk, but by the
-worthies of Troy and of Marathon, and by the tyrannicides Harmodius and
-Aristogeiton.
-
-As regards the imagery and geography of Hades the ordinary Greeks do not
-seem to have greatly troubled themselves. There were the views of poets
-and painters, and there were the more definite and dogmatic views of the
-professors of Orphic lore. These the people received or neglected as
-suited the bent of the mind of each. Hades was a realm of the
-imagination, as to the nature of which each man might innocently indulge
-his own hopes and aspirations.
-
-In the epitaphs of later times we find, as will be shown in a future
-chapter[45], numerous allusions to the realm of Hades and Persephone.
-But they do not strike the reader as embodying strong belief; often they
-are of an epideictic or rhetorical character, like the statements which
-also occur that the soul of the dead has made its way to the Islands of
-the Blest or to the abodes of the gods. The beliefs which confined the
-spirits of the dead to the tomb and its neighbourhood belong to a lower
-and worse-educated stratum of the population, but have more vitality.
-
-Greek religion and tradition knew of many mortals who had gone down
-alive into the earth, and there abode, giving for the most part oracles
-from their hiding-places. Such was Amphiaraus, the Argive hero, who
-after the bootless siege of Thebes went down with chariot and horses
-into the ground, and whose shrine was in later times a great oracular
-seat. Such was Trophonius of Lebadeia, whose cave is described for us by
-Pausanias. Caeneus, when overwhelmed with rocks by the Centaurs,
-vanished alive into the earth, and there lived on. It is, in fact, a
-marked feature of the cultus of heroes that their power is exercised
-only at the place where they disappeared or where their bodies were
-laid. They are intensely local, earth-daemons who possess a piece of
-land, and whose favour must be conciliated by any one who expects that
-land to yield him increase. Pelopidas, in the course of a campaign
-against the Spartans[46], unwittingly slept near the graves of some
-virgins of Leuctra, who had in old time been violated and slain by the
-Spartans. They appeared at night to the Theban general, and promised him
-victory if he made them the sacrifice of a foal. This is but one among a
-hundred instances of the fact that a hero had power only at his spot of
-burial: elsewhere he was helpless.
-
-It is remarkable that this tendency to localization has been in all ages
-a mark of the ghost, and still marks him in the cases investigated by
-the Psychical Society. Yet the local character of ghosts has not become
-an impediment in the way of the acceptance of the Christian doctrines of
-Heaven, Hell, and Purgatory. Among our ancestors, just as among the
-Greeks, beliefs could lie in strata, and inconsistencies between a
-belief of one stratum and a belief of another stratum had little
-disturbing power. When Campbell writes in his noble address to the
-Mariners of England, ‘The spirits of your fathers shall start from every
-wave,’ he can scarcely be supposed to deny that the souls of British
-naval heroes had found a heavenly resting-place.
-
-Sometimes, however, the Greek mind was disturbed by inconsistencies of
-this kind, and evolved a theory for their explanation. Thus a later
-interpolator of the _Odyssey_, being scandalized by the assertion of
-Odysseus that he saw in Hades the mighty Herakles, adds[47], ‘his ghost
-(εἴδωλον) only; since he himself joys amid the delights of the immortal
-gods.’ Others supposed that it was only the spirits of the unburied
-which hovered around their bodies: and it is an ingenious modern theory
-that the custom of burning the bodies of the dead arose out of the
-desire to prevent them from disturbing the living. But in spite of
-everything, the Greek dead retained to the last their right to levy
-tribute on their descendants and friends.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER IV
-
-THE PRE-HISTORIC AGE OF GREECE
-
-
-When we turn from the facts of Greek cult and belief as to a future life
-to the monuments of the dead, and set them in chronological order, the
-first group which commands our attention is that which belongs to the
-pre-historic city of Mycenae. We cannot here speak of the wealth of gold
-and silver, of bronze and ivory, which the fortunate spade of Dr.
-Schliemann brought to light within the sacred circle in the Acropolis of
-the city[48]. We must pass by the contents of the graves of the wealthy
-pre-historic monarchs of Mycenae, and confine our survey to the outward
-and sculptural adornments of their tombs. These fall into two
-well-marked and clearly distinguished classes. First, we have the
-conical so-called treasuries, of which several exist in the
-neighbourhood of Mycenae, as well as at Orchomenus, Menidi and other
-spots of Greece; secondly, we have the carved tombstones which were set
-up over the graves in the Mycenaean Acropolis.
-
-The larger and more elaborate of the so-called treasuries of
-pre-historic Greece, such as the Treasury of Atreus at Mycenae, and the
-Treasury of Minyas at Orchomenus, consist of two chambers, a larger
-outer chamber, which is circular in plan and of conical form, resembling
-in fact the beehive to which it has often been compared, and a cubical
-inner chamber, of much smaller dimensions. The accompanying engraving
-will make this clear (Fig. 14). The architect of the Mycenaean tomb had
-no small skill. The colossal size of the stones, especially of that over
-the door and of some in the dromos or approach, arouses the astonishment
-of the modern visitor, who wonders by what machinery and appliances
-blocks so colossal were transported from the quarries and placed in
-position. The gradual inward slope of the walls, each course of which
-somewhat overlaps the course below, is managed with great skill and
-accuracy. Rows of nails, some remains of which are still to be seen in
-the inner walls, supported, not indeed as some have supposed, a complete
-bronze lining to the conical chamber, but rows of stars or other
-ornaments, on which would glitter the light of the torches (Fig. 15).
-Perhaps the most expressive characteristic of all is the lavish
-expenditure of labour on a building which was entirely buried with
-earth, and on the magnificent approach built of hewn stones, when
-something far simpler and more effective might have been arranged.
-Evidently the builders of these monuments thought no trouble and no
-expense wasted, if only the dead were honoured and gratified.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 14. SECTIONAL PLAN OF THE SO-CALLED TREASURY OF
-ATREUS[49].]
-
-A simpler form of tomb of the same age and style dispensed with the
-square side-chamber, and consisted of a beehive building only. The
-engraving (Fig. 16) gives the plan of such a tomb near the Lion Gate of
-Mycenae.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 15. RESTORATION OF INTERIOR OF TREASURY, BY C.
-CHIPIEZ[50].]
-
-The excavations of recent years have given us abundant information on
-three important points, first as to the architectural decoration of
-these splendid memorials of the dead, second as to their purpose, and
-third as to their date. On each of these subjects I must briefly touch.
-
-There have been for a long time in the British Museum interesting
-fragments from the doorway of the Treasury of
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 16. PLAN AND FAÇADE OF TREASURY[51].]
-
-Atreus, and attempts have been made, on the ground of these fragments
-and others once known which have disappeared, to reconstruct the
-entrance of the building. Such attempt has best succeeded in the hand of
-M. Chipiez[52], who has produced a design at once faithful to the data,
-and of noble architectural effect. A more recent discovery is that of
-the decoration, in relief, of the ceiling of the side-chamber of the
-tomb of Orchomenus, which was excavated by Dr. Schliemann in 1880[53]
-(Fig. 17). The pattern of this ceiling bears a close resemblance to some
-of the Egyptian patterns in use for painted ceilings, thus giving us a
-valuable suggestion as to the origin of the art of the Mycenaean age.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 17. CEILING OF TREASURY, ORCHOMENUS.]
-
-That the conical underground buildings of early Greece were really
-erected as burial-places of the kings and nobles is now certain.
-Pausanias, in whose times less was known as to primitive Greece than is
-now known, calls the beehive tomb at Orchomenus the treasury of Minyas,
-and those at Mycenae the treasuries of Atreus and his sons. And
-doubtless they were in a sense treasuries, since in them were stored all
-the rich spoils which at that time were so freely bestowed on the great
-dead. But primarily they were burial-places, and the use as
-treasure-houses was only a derivative one. A few years ago this was a
-matter of dispute among the learned, K. O. Müller taking one side and
-Welcker the other. But in this case, as in so many others, the spade has
-cut the Gordian knot which the wit of man could not untie. Excavation
-has brought to light within the beehive grave of Menidi, in Attica, six
-skeletons; and at Vaphio, though the bodies which had been buried in the
-conical chamber had passed into dust, yet the disposition of the rich
-booty which was found buried beneath the floor showed that it was
-certainly a sepulchral deposit.
-
-In the case of the more elaborate tombs with two chambers, there can be
-little doubt that the smaller side-chamber was that wherein the corpses
-were laid, while the outer chamber served for the purposes of the cultus
-with which the dead were honoured: thither was brought the tribute of
-sacrifice and offering which the dead demanded from the living. But in
-those cases where there is a single chamber, the dead rested beneath the
-floor of that chamber in the midst of their wealth, their arms and
-ornaments and vessels of silver and gold.
-
-A number of recent discoveries, a full account of which would take us
-too far from our immediate subject, have helped us to determine the date
-of the beehive tombs of early Greece. The earliest date indicated for
-them seems to be about the fifteenth, and the latest the tenth, century
-before our aera. They belong to the age of the eighteenth, nineteenth
-and twentieth dynasties of Egypt, when the land of the Pharaohs was more
-than once exposed to invasion by the powerful chiefs of the islands of
-the north. As the mists of the past are lifting, we gain a clearer and
-clearer view of a somewhat highly developed civilization in Hellenic
-lands at a time long before the Greece which is known to us came into
-being, of kings before Agamemnon, and palaces older and more splendid
-than those described in the Homeric poems. We may venture, though
-perhaps not without some trepidation, to ascribe the tombs of which we
-have spoken to the Achaean heroes whose fame still echoes in the
-earliest poetry of Greece; though it is certain that after their
-erection great changes had taken place in the country before the Homeric
-poems acquired anything like their present form. Our trepidation arises
-from the fact that the last word is certainly not said, nor the last
-theory put forth in this matter. The claims of the Carians and the
-Pelasgi to the remains of the Mycenaean age find adherents. Mr. Helbig,
-in an able recent work[54], has tried to prove that the contents of the
-Mycenaean tombs are almost entirely Phoenician. But the verdict of the
-majority of archaeologists goes in favour of the Achaeans, and the sober
-judgement of M. Perrot has accepted their claims in his great work on
-_La Grèce primitive_.
-
-It is supposed by many archaeologists that the graves which were dug in
-the rock just within the Lion-gate of Mycenae, those tombs the rich
-spoil of which dazzled Europe a few years ago, are of older period than
-the beehive tombs. It is not unusual to recognize in the graves of
-prehistoric Greece two periods, an older period of rock-cut graves, and
-a later of beehive graves. But this distinction rests on no solid proof.
-There is no reason for deciding that the contents of the beehive tomb at
-Vaphio belonged to a later age than the contents of the Mycenaean
-rock-tombs. In the opinion of Professor Petrie, an opinion eminently
-worthy of consideration, they belong to an earlier time. Mr. Evans,
-another excellent authority, has accepted a view, first put forward by
-myself, that the bodies and the treasures found in the rock-graves at
-Mycenae had been moved thither, on some alarm of invasion, from an
-earlier resting-place in the beehive tombs which lie outside the
-acropolis walls of that city. In any case we are justified, in the
-present state of knowledge, in declining to recognize the line of
-division of which we have spoken. And so we may persist in regarding the
-sculptural decorations of the rock-tombs as not earlier than the
-architectural decorations of the beehive tombs. Very probably they may
-be later, but in any case they belong to the same race and the same age.
-
-Over several of the rock-cut fosses in which the wealth of the early
-kings of Mycenae lay mingled with their bones, there was erected, either
-at the time of burial or later, an upright slab to mark the spot. Some
-of these slabs were plain, but others were carved with reliefs, of which
-some account must here be given, as it is desirable to compare them with
-the sepulchral reliefs of later Greece.
-
-These slabs were made of the calcareous stone of the district: with time
-their surface has naturally suffered, but we can still trace on them the
-scenes sculptured by hands evidently quite unaccustomed to dealing with
-such materials. The designs are in many cases mere patterns, such as
-appear with far greater appropriateness on the gold plates used for the
-adornment of the dead. But in a few cases we have transcripts from the
-life of the period. Fig. 18[55] represents part of one tombstone. We
-here see a warrior charging the foe in a chariot, the horse of which
-gallops with an almost preternatural energy. The driver holds with his
-right hand the reins, while the left hand grasps the hilt of a sword
-slung to his side by a sword-belt. In front of him flies an enemy who
-brandishes a leaf-shaped sword. The whole field is occupied by spiral
-designs. Fig. 19[56] presents
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 18. TOMBSTONE, MYCENAE.]
-
-a scene still ruder in execution, but similar in design, save that the
-enemy is still defiant, instead of in flight, though
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 19. TOMBSTONE, MYCENAE.]
-
-the lance of the charioteer has already pierced him. A third stele (Fig.
-20[57]) represents a mixed scene of war and the chase. In the background
-a warrior charges in his chariot as before; the enemy has fallen before
-him, and lies under the horse’s feet, endeavouring vainly to shelter
-himself under his huge shield. In the foreground a lion pursues a stag.
-Here it may be doubted whether the lion stands in a close relation to
-the charioteer or not. When Rameses II, on the monuments of Egypt,
-charges his foes, a lion gallops beside him, and shares in the fray.
-Have we some such scene here in imitation of Egyptian art? Or is the
-lion merely seeking his own prey? Or is he, as is not impossible, only a
-dog?
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 20. TOMBSTONE, MYCENAE.]
-
-All three of these scenes come from slabs erected over one grave at
-Mycenae, the fifth. The other slabs with reliefs are in too fragmentary
-a condition to be studied to much purpose; and in fact it is to be
-feared that the reader may accuse us of somewhat straining evidence in
-interpreting these more complete scenes, though in reality none of our
-statements is open to much doubt.
-
-We need but carry our thoughts for a minute to the sculptures which
-adorned the walls of the palaces of the kings of Assyria, which are full
-of the triumphs of those powerful monarchs alike over human foes and the
-beasts of the field, in order fully to recognize the meaning of the
-Mycenaean reliefs. Here also we doubtless have a court chronicle, though
-material and style will not bear for a moment any comparison with the
-magnificent records of Nimroud. Here also we may discern the king, in
-whose honour the slab was set up, slaying and pursuing his enemies. And
-although at Mycenae we are in a time of comparative barbarism, yet at
-least for the choice of subject we may find parallels in the later age
-of Greece. Dexileos riding down his foe on horseback on the splendid
-monument of the Cerameicus (Pl. XII) may be considered a parallel to the
-nameless chief of Mycenae who pursues his enemy in the chariot of an
-earlier age. But a still closer resemblance of subject is to be found in
-monuments of Asia Minor, in the paintings of the sarcophagi of
-Clazomenae, which date from the sixth century[58]. On these we have
-frequent battle scenes, and chiefs riding in two-horse chariots occur.
-The graves of Lycia and the sarcophagi of Sidon also preserve in their
-reliefs extracts from the lives of the chiefs buried in them, of their
-military expeditions, hunting exploits and domestic enjoyments.
-
-The extraordinary inferiority of the sculpture of Mycenae in comparison
-either with the architecture of walls and gates, or with the working of
-the gold and silver cups and ornaments found in the tombs, may at first
-surprise us. But in spite of this inferiority, there are touches of
-similarity between the representations on the stone and those in the
-metal plates which show them to belong to one age. We may account best
-for the curious discrepancy by reflecting how very closely art is
-dependent on material. The artists of Mycenae were evidently used to
-gold and metal work. They had learned to adapt their devices perfectly
-to a material which could be engraved and hammered. But to making
-reliefs in stone they were clearly quite unaccustomed. No mason who
-thought as a mason would attempt so absurd a task as the working out on
-stone of these spiral and interlaced patterns. They are taken straight
-from metal to limestone. And complete ignorance of the art of working in
-relief is shown also in the way in which the scenes are executed, each
-figure being quite flat, and the outlines only made clear against the
-ground of the relief. A distant report of reliefs in stone to be found
-in the lands of the far east and the south seems to have reached the
-workmen of Mycenae, and set them to work, when they naturally carried
-with them into the new branch of art the style of the _repoussé_
-metalwork which was familiar to them. Even the Lion Gate of Mycenae,
-though a work of a character very superior to that of the tombstones, is
-very weak on the side of technique.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER V
-
-ASIA MINOR: EARLY
-
-
-After the heroic or Achaean age we find in all branches of Greek history
-a marked break. Some great cataclysm in Greece, in all likelihood the
-Dorian conquest of Peloponnesus in the eleventh and tenth centuries,
-separates the age which is called Mycenaean from historic times. The
-young tree of Hellenic civilization had produced a few flowers, but a
-long period of comparative barbarism had to pass before it obeyed a
-second time the call of the season and brought forth mature fruit. This
-course of events is clearly mirrored in the graves of Greece Proper. The
-tombs of the later Mycenaean age, which have been discovered in great
-abundance, especially at Mycenae itself, are far less rich than those of
-the earlier period. And not only are their contents less plentiful and
-less interesting, but they present us with no external adornment which
-should justify us in here dwelling upon them. As our subject is the
-outsides rather than the insides of sepulchral monuments in Greece, we
-must pass almost in silence over a long period of time, and begin again,
-amid quite different surroundings, on the threshold of the Olympiads,
-and of Greek history as opened to us by Herodotus.
-
-There can be little doubt that if excavations were carried out on a
-large scale on the coast of Asia Minor, amid the early Aeolic and Ionic
-settlements, we should be able to bridge the gap now existing between
-pre-historic and historic Greece. Doubtless by degrees the lacuna in
-our knowledge will be filled up. But at present it remains a lacuna.
-
-Before however we proceed to an account of the cemeteries of the great
-cities of Greece Proper, of Sparta and Athens and Thebes, we must glance
-at the tombs erected in semi-Greek districts of Asia, such as Phrygia
-and Lycia, in honour of the wealthy kings who there bore sway. Greek
-history may, in a sense, be said to begin with the Mermnadae of Lydia,
-and all our histories of Greek art contain a chapter on the archaic
-monuments of Lycia.
-
-A great part of the interior of Asia Minor is full of rock-sculptures,
-carved partly in the service of religion, partly as a record of the
-dead. Much of this sculpture is of great but unknown antiquity, and less
-closely related to any Hellenic work than to that of the races of Syria
-and Mesopotamia. The best general account of these remains will be found
-in the fifth volume of Perrot and Chipiez’ _Histoire de l’Art dans
-l’Antiquité_. It is only necessary in the present work to mention a few
-groups of monuments of a later time, which may be advantageously
-compared with early Greek monuments.
-
-Pausanias, who was well acquainted with the Ionian coast, tells us that
-he had seen[59] on Mount Sipylus a notable tomb ascribed by tradition to
-Tantalus, son of Zeus and Pluto (Πλούτω), and father of Pelops, who gave
-his name to the Peloponnesus. This monument has been identified[60] in a
-tumulus of which the remains still stand on a spur of Sipylus. It was
-excavated, and partly destroyed, by M. Texier, whose drawings, which are
-here repeated, give us a notion of its original form and disposition
-(Fig. 21).
-
-Save for the fact that it was not covered with earth, but stood free,
-this tumulus bears a striking resemblance to the tombs at Mycenae and
-Orchomenus. And the chamber within
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 21. TUMULUS ON SIPYLUS.]
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 22. SECTION OF CHAMBER[61].]
-
-(Fig. 22) in many points of construction recalls the chamber of the
-beehive tombs, though its ground plan is not circular like theirs, but
-oblong. It is certainly remarkable to find, in the very district whence,
-according to the legends, Pelops came, a tomb so closely resembling
-those said to have been erected in Greece by his sons and grandsons.
-This however leads us to historical questions into which we must not at
-present enter.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 23. TOMB OF MIDAS.]
-
-The inner lands of Phrygia also furnish monuments parallel to those of
-Mycenae. In the neighbourhood of Kumbet, Leake found a large necropolis
-containing many tombs of ancient Phrygian kings and notables, some of
-which are remarkable for their architecture, and some for their
-sculpture. And here we are not dependent upon mere tradition, for the
-most notable tomb of the group bears an inscription in Phrygian, stating
-that it was set up by Atys in honour of Midas the king (Fig. 23). M.
-Perrot has allowed me to reproduce here a drawing of this tomb, made by
-M. Tomaszkievicz from a photograph taken by Mr. Blunt[62].
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 24. GEOMETRICAL FAÇADE OF TOMB.]
-
-Several other façades adorned with patterns of a similar character have
-been found in the same district by recent travellers, especially Mr. W.
-M. Ramsay. These also in most cases adorned tombs, though perhaps in
-some cases the tombs were but cenotaphs and did not contain actual
-remains. We repeat an engraving (Fig. 24) of a carved front, which seems
-of a somewhat later date than the Midas Tomb[63].
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 25. TOMB FLANKED BY LIONS.]
-
-If the geometric decorations of these early Phrygian monuments remind us
-of the carving of pillar and lintel at Mycenae, a still closer parallel
-to the Gate of the Lions is furnished by
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 26. HEAD OF LION.]
-
-other Phrygian tombs of which Mr. Ramsay was the fortunate discoverer.
-At Ayazinn he found a tomb entrance surmounted by a tall column on
-either side of which ramped a colossal lion (Fig. 25), rudely executed
-it is true, but by no means wanting in vigour. Under each of the lions
-is a small cub. We reproduce the drawing of this monument made by M. St.
-Elme Gautier[64]. Fragments also of colossal lions of a far nobler type,
-which had in like heraldic pose served to decorate a tomb, were found
-in the same district: an engraving of a fragment of one of these (Fig.
-26)[65] will give us, so to speak, the high-water mark of Phrygian art,
-and we must confess that it is a level which the Greeks themselves
-scarcely reached before the end of the sixth century.
-
-For the sake of completeness I have reproduced some of the most clearly
-marked types of Phrygian tombs. But it is impossible here to enter into
-the historic questions which they suggest, and which have given rise to
-much discussion[66]. Almost the only fact which we know as to the
-history of Phrygia is that recorded by Strabo[67], who tells of a
-Phrygian king Midas, who, when his kingdom was devastated about B.C. 680
-by an invasion of the Cimmerians, committed suicide by drinking bull’s
-blood. After the Cimmerians had retired, the kingdom of the Lydians
-arose to a great height of power and splendour, but that of the
-Phrygians did not fully recover, remaining a dependency of Lydia.
-
-The Midas of the Midas Tomb can scarcely be the monarch who fell in the
-darkest hour of his country’s history. Are we to suppose that the king
-Midas of the tomb was a predecessor of Strabo’s monarch, or a successor?
-Or are we to suppose with M. Perrot that he was no historic monarch, but
-a deity, and that the supposed tomb is really rather a shrine? That the
-monument was really a tomb Mr. Ramsay argues with great force. But its
-date is more problematic, and we cannot venture in this matter to
-express an opinion.
-
-According to Mr. Ramsay the tombs guarded by lions are more ancient than
-those with geometric façades, and go back to quite a remote antiquity.
-But the opposite opinion, that the geometrical tombs are the older, has
-found advocates. Between them, the two classes of monuments seem to
-occupy the period between the eighth century, or earlier, and the age of
-Croesus and Cyrus.
-
-That there was some not distant relation between the sepulchral art of
-Phrygia and that of Mycenae cannot be denied. It would however be a
-mistake hence to leap to the conclusion that the art of Mycenae was of
-Phrygian origin. It appears that the remains which come to us from
-Mycenae are earlier by several centuries than those which we find in
-Phrygia. It might even be suggested that the stream of art flowed rather
-in the opposite direction, from Mycenae to Phrygia. A more reasonable
-view, however, is that the art of Phrygia and that of Mycenae were not
-mother and daughter, but rather cousins, derived alike from some stem of
-Asiatic art which has yet to be traced out.
-
-More interesting, because more full of human meaning, are the sculptural
-adornments of the early tombs of the district of Lycia in southern Asia
-Minor. Early Greek tradition shows a close relation subsisting between
-Lycia and Peloponnesus. There is a well-known Homeric story which tells
-how Bellerophon, the descendant of Aeolus, was sent to Lycia by Proetus,
-who desired that he should there be slain at the hands of the Lycian
-king, his father-in-law; and how nevertheless Bellerophon prospered in
-Lycia in all that he undertook, slaying the Chimaera, and overcoming the
-hosts of Solymi and Amazons. Glaucus, the grandson of Bellerophon, and
-Diomedes of Argos meet under the walls of Ilium as cousins. And
-tradition connected the name of the Lycian Cyclopes with the mighty
-walls of Tiryns and of Mycenae. The genealogies of the legends are no
-doubt quite untrustworthy, yet they are often confirmed as indications
-of race by other evidence. And there is, as we shall see, so near an
-analogy between the monuments of Lycia and those of Peloponnesus that we
-are obliged to assume between the two countries also some connexion.
-
-When we consider the series of Lycian tombs, which may be studied better
-in the British Museum than in any other museum of Europe, we find a most
-interesting blending of Oriental and Greek elements[68]. Their
-architecture is local; the main feature of it being that it renders
-directly, in stone and in rock, forms which are clearly in origin
-wooden. Everywhere we see the square beam as it were petrified. In the
-roof of the ordinary Greek temple we see that the forms were thought out
-while the building material was still wood, and only modified when stone
-took the place of beams. In the Lycian tombs this feature is still more
-notable, because the Lycian architects lacked the nimbleness of the
-Greek intellect, and were more conservative of settled forms. The
-sculptures which adorn these curious constructions have also local
-elements, but in this field the art of Ionia comes in as a controlling
-force in the sixth century, rendering the native customs and beliefs in
-forms to which the student of Greek art is accustomed. It may be that
-our familiarity with the forms and style of the sculpture in some degree
-misleads us. When we know the words of a language we sometimes too
-hastily think that we are masters of its thought. The religion and the
-customs of Lycia may resemble those of Greece less closely than the
-monuments would lead us to think. But in ancient times art influenced
-custom as well as custom art. In the present state of our knowledge we
-cannot regard the early monuments of Lycia as outside the pale of Greek
-art.
-
-There are indeed, as M. Perrot has well shown, among Lycian archaic
-monuments a few which seem to precede the Ionic influence. Such is the
-square chest of the British Museum[69], on one side of which is a lion
-strangling an ox, on another side a lioness with her cubs, on the third
-a man slaying a lion, and on the fourth a group of horsemen and
-warriors on foot. The lion-slayer in particular takes our thoughts not
-to Greece but to Egypt and Assyria. Many of the tombs which do show
-Ionic influence are not suggestive in the present connexion. Their
-sculptural adornment is such as we might expect to find as soon on a
-temple as on a tomb; satyrs, animals, sphinxes and the like. We will
-here consider only a few monuments, the sculpture of which seems to be
-really sepulchral in character.
-
-Incomparably the most interesting of the archaic grave-monuments of the
-Xanthus valley is the beautiful tomb called the Harpy Monument, the
-reliefs of which now adorn the British Museum, having been brought
-thither by Sir Charles Fellows. When complete the tomb was in the form
-of a square tower of masonry about twenty feet high, which was
-surmounted by a small chamber, wherein doubtless in ancient times lay
-the bodies of those to whose honour the whole was erected, together with
-the riches heaped around their biers. This chamber reminds us of the
-tomb of Cyrus, as described by Arrian[70]. ‘Below,’ writes Arrian, ‘it
-was built of squared masonry in the form of a four-sided tower, on which
-was a chamber roofed with stone, having a narrow door to it, through
-which a man of no great stature could with pain and difficulty pass. In
-the chamber stood a golden coffin wherein was buried the body of Cyrus,
-and beside the coffin a couch with feet of beaten gold, whereon was laid
-a coverlet of Babylonian carpets, and below purple rugs. On these was
-placed a candys and other garments of Babylonian workmanship: also
-Median trousers and robes of hyacinth dye, some of purple, some of other
-colours; and torques and swords, and gold earrings set with stones.’
-
-Similar, though no doubt less splendid, may have been the contents of
-the Harpy Tomb; and it is noteworthy that in it also there is a small
-opening at the side, intended not for the entrance of men, but either
-for admission of dues of food and drink, or more probably to give free
-ingress and egress to the ghosts of the dead. The Persians and the
-Lycians must have been of kindred stocks; and we may well suppose that
-their burial customs would be similar.
-
-The reliefs which decorate the outer faces of the Harpy Tomb are among
-the most charming memorials of antiquity. In spite of a certain crudity
-and poverty in design, which is discovered on a close inspection, the
-style in its elegant and graceful conventionality is very attractive.
-And the difficulty which exists in the identification of the figures of
-the reliefs, and the determination of their meaning, adds an
-intellectual fascination to that which is aesthetic. (See Fig. 27.)
-
-On the side which faces the west we find the door already mentioned,
-over which is a figure of a cow suckling her calf. At the two ends sit,
-face to face, two dignified female figures. They are clad alike in the
-Ionian dress with long sleeves, but in attributes they differ. The
-figure to the left holds a vessel of offerings; a sphinx supports the
-arm of her chair; she is severe in type and solitary. The figure to the
-right holds in her two hands flower and fruit; the bar of her chair ends
-in a ram’s head. Three votaries approach her, whereof the first is busy
-with her drapery, the second carries flower and fruit, the third bears
-an egg. It is clear that the lady on the right is more approachable; her
-flower and fruit, and the ram’s head, all symbolize the genial abundance
-of life in nature. The libation-vessel of the lady to the left, and her
-sphinx, seem to belong to the grave rather than to life.
-
-Let us pass to the other three sides of the tomb. The central group of
-each of them represents a seated male figure receiving offerings from a
-votary, also male. But the motive of the groups and the age of the
-votaries varies. On the east, a young boy brings an egg and a cock to
-an elderly man who holds a flower and a sceptre: a Triton supports the
-arm of his chair. On the south, a youth carries a dove to a clumsy
-figure who holds fruits. On the north, a warrior brings armour to a
-bearded personage, beneath whose throne is a bear. The flanking figures
-on the east side are merely more votaries with offerings. But on the
-north and south sides we find the remarkable beings from whom the tomb
-takes its name, strange monsters having the head, arms, and breasts of
-women, but the tails and feet of birds, who carry each in her arms a
-young girl clad in long drapery. In the corner of the north side is a
-woman, who sits in an attitude of grief.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 27. NORTH AND WEST SIDES OF HARPY TOMB.]
-
-Such are the details of reliefs, the precise import of which will
-probably never be recovered, unless a new light dawns on Lycian customs
-and religion. Earlier explanations saw in the winged figures the Harpies
-or storm-winds bearing away the daughters of Pandareus, according to a
-well-known tale of the _Odyssey_[71]. But an objection to this
-interpretation at once arises from the fact that the girls who are being
-borne away cling lovingly to their captors, and show neither dread nor
-anger. Hence it has appeared more reasonable to find in them souls of
-women gently carried by guardian spirits to the land of the future. In
-the seated male and female figures, it has been proposed to find the
-deities of the Lycian race, though who these were is not clear. If the
-seated ladies be goddesses, it seems clear that they must preside
-respectively over life and death. Yet it would be very bold so far to
-Hellenize them as to call them Demeter, the impersonation of the
-fruitful earth, and Persephone, queen of the shades below.
-
-The most recent explanation of the reliefs, first propounded by
-Milchhoefer, regards them as memorials of the worship, not of the gods,
-but of the heroized dead. Certainly they in some points nearly resemble
-the Spartan reliefs, of which we shall treat in the next chapter, and
-which do beyond doubt belong to the hero-worship of Lacedaemonian
-families. The offerings, too, in the hands of the votaries, the flower,
-the fruit, the egg, and the cock, are such as were brought in Greece to
-the tomb, and such as are figured in the Spartan monuments. No offering
-could be more appropriately offered to a deceased ancestor, in an
-artistic representation, than the armour which was sometimes in early
-days placed, in Greek and Asiatic graves, on the head and the breast of
-him who had worn it during his life; and in later days was sometimes
-attached to his tomb. And however we interpret the winged figures, we
-can hardly make them other than the ministers of death, a fact which
-seems to strike a keynote with which all the rest of the explanation
-must harmonize.
-
-Yet when we try to explain the sculptures as memorials of Lycian
-ancestor-worship we soon come to difficulties. On the stelae of Sparta
-we find a pair, ancestor and ancestress, or the ancestor alone. On Attic
-tombs we do not find more than a family group. But here, on the monument
-of Xanthus, there are five detached seated figures, three men and two
-women. What kind of a group of ancestors will these form, and why are
-they separate? In the little seated lady of the north side one is
-tempted, on the analogy of mediaeval paintings, to see the dedicator of
-the whole tomb. But this again is uncertain. In the whole matter we walk
-like the Mystae at Eleusis in the dark, seeing only vague forms and
-hearing words which we cannot interpret.
-
-To the winged figures with their prey we may certainly find an analogy
-in the Sirens of the Athenian monuments (see below, Chap. VIII). The
-Siren was with the Greeks a sepulchral figure, and signified a death
-gentle rather than violent. The small beings in their arms on the
-Xanthian monument are almost certainly souls, which Greek art often
-represents as of very small size.
-
-The Siren, in her ordinary Greek form, is found on another Lycian
-monument, which has not hitherto been engraved. In the British
-Museum[72] only the gable end of this tomb is preserved. In the midst of
-it is a column of Ionic type, though not of the ordinary form, on which
-stands the Siren of whom we speak. She is clad in a short chiton, girt
-at the waist, with loose sleeves. Though the wings and legs are those of
-a bird, she has human arms, outstretched. On either side of the column
-sits a figure: on the left a beardless elderly man, on the right a
-bearded man; each holds a staff, and extends the unoccupied hand. These
-two dignified men appear to be the heroes to whom the tomb belongs; and
-the Siren represents the mourning of the survivors. Here, even more than
-in the Harpy Tomb, we seem within the range of Greek conceptions and
-Ionic art.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 28. GABLE OF LYCIAN TOMB.]
-
-Another monument[73], probably not much later than 500 B.C., was adorned
-with what appears to be a funeral procession--old men in chariots, young
-horsemen, and armed men marching. One of the venerable figures in the
-chariots holds in one hand a flower, in the other apparently a cup,
-symbols which we shall presently see to have a decidedly sepulchral
-signification. Another fragment of archaic Lycian work in the British
-Museum[74] represents a woman standing at the foot of a couch, whereon
-it appears that a man reclined, for one of his feet is visible; but
-whether alive or dead we cannot be sure. But we must not linger over
-these fragments, though they might repay a more careful and detailed
-study. The threads which we are now obliged to drop, we shall regather
-when we treat of the tombs of Athens, and of the monuments erected by
-Attic artists on the coast of Asia Minor.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER VI
-
-SPARTA
-
-
-The group of grave reliefs which constitutes our record of the customs
-and beliefs of the Lacedaemonians in regard to the tomb, a group which
-is inferior to few sets of ancient monuments in historical interest, has
-not very long been known to the world. Attention was first called to it
-in 1877 by Drs. Dressel and Milchhoefer, and it has since then found a
-place in all the histories of sculpture.
-
-Of these reliefs the most important and the best preserved is now in the
-Museum of Berlin. It was found at Chrysapha near Sparta. It is
-represented in one of our plates (II), from which representation it is
-possible to gain some notion of the fashion of its carving, which is
-remarkable, and has been generally considered to indicate a hand or a
-school more versed in the carving of wood than in the sculpturing of
-marble. As in the carving of an onyx, we find several distinct planes
-one behind the other, on which are respectively projected the different
-parts of the relief, the outlines of each part being slightly rounded,
-and the inner markings graven in shallow lines with a tool. The face and
-arm of the nearest figure project most from the background; next, his
-body; and so on, layer beyond layer, to the ground of the relief. The
-style is rude, hard, and vigorous; though the capacity of the artist is
-narrowly limited, he moves within his limits with
-
-[Illustration:
-
-     PLATE II
-
-     _Page 76_
-]
-
-firm steps. The date of the work is probably the latter part of the
-sixth century.
-
-Perhaps even more striking than the style of the relief is its subject.
-Seated side by side, no doubt on two chairs, though one only can be made
-out, are a pair, a bearded man who faces outwards and who holds in his
-right hand a winecup, and a woman, who bears a pomegranate in her right
-hand, while with the left she draws forward her veil. Both figures are
-fully clad. Behind the pair is erect a bearded snake; before their knees
-we see advancing two smaller figures, male and female, bringing as
-offerings a cock and an egg, a flower, and a fruit.
-
-In the same volume of the Athenian _Mittheilungen_ (ii), in which this
-relief was originally published, may be found photographs of other
-reliefs which closely resemble it in character, but show small
-differences in period and detail. On Plate 24 is a relief wherein the
-snake is wholly wanting: on Plate 23 the snake is transposed, being
-erect in front of the wine-cup, and the style of the work is decidedly
-more advanced: on Plate 22 a dog appears beside the seated pair.
-
-These four reliefs then make up a strongly defined group; and before we
-turn to other reliefs of the Spartan class, it may be well to determine
-what meaning may be assigned to the representations which they exhibit.
-
-We may begin by rejecting without hesitation some of the theories on the
-subject which might naturally be suggested by a first impression. The
-wine-cup in the hands of the male figure might dispose one to think of
-Dionysus and his consort Ariadne; but this explanation would leave the
-serpent and other features unexplained, nor have we reason to think that
-the cultus of Dionysus had struck deep roots at Sparta in early times.
-Again, the serpent might suggest Asklepius with his daughter Hygieia,
-since the healing deity commonly carries a staff round which a serpent
-twines. But to this explanation the winecup offers difficulties; and,
-again, the evidence for a local cult at Sparta is insufficient.
-
-Far nearer to the mark is the view which Dr. Milchhoefer accepted, that
-in the dignified seated pair we have embodied the deities of the world
-of shades. The wine-cup would in that case refer to the frequent
-offerings of wine made to the shades below; and the serpent is the
-well-known companion and friend of the dead. We are not well informed as
-to the names borne at Sparta by the king and queen of the world of the
-dead. At Argos they were not so well known by the Homeric names of Hades
-and Persephone, which they commonly bore in Greece, as by the names of
-Klymenos and Chthonia. But in fact the pair were known by many names in
-various places.
-
-An interesting terra-cotta (Fig. 29) from Locri in Italy[75] presents a
-group at first sight nearly resembling the seated pair of Sparta. We
-find on it Hades and his Queen seated side by side: he is wreathed and
-holds flowers; she carries a cock and ears of corn. This is valuable
-evidence, and shows that in southern Italy monuments of the class we are
-considering might well belong to the worship of the recognized deities
-of the nether world. But a closer consideration shows that at Sparta the
-worship took another and a less generalized form, natural to a race
-among whom ancestors were held in special and unusual honour.
-
-Though Hades and his Queen are frequently mentioned in sepulchral
-inscriptions, they are but rarely figured together in sculpture. A
-comparison of two or three other stelae of Sparta will suggest at all
-events a modification of the view that the seated pair of the reliefs
-already mentioned are merely the rulers of the world below. In the
-fourth volume of the Athenian _Mittheilungen_ are published two reliefs
-which beat
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 29. HADES AND PERSEPHONE.]
-
-important inscriptions. On one is represented a man wrapped in a cloak
-seated: in his left hand is a pomegranate; in his right a wine-cup, out
-of which a coiled serpent drinks. The stone bears the name ΤΙΜΟΚΛΗϹ. If
-this inscription were of the same date as the relief it would of course
-at once prove that the stone is a memorial of an individual, and not a
-dedication to Hades. But in the opinion at least of Prof. Furtwängler
-the inscription is decidedly the later; it cannot therefore be regarded
-as conclusive evidence. But such evidence is afforded us by the next
-monument. Here we have a bearded man seated, in a decidedly later and
-more finished style of art, holding in his right hand a wine-cup, from
-which a serpent feeds. The inscription here is ΑΡΙΣΤΟΚΛΗϹ Ο ΚΑΙ ΖΗΘΟϹ;
-and it seems not merely to show that the memorial belongs to a man,
-Aristocles, but also that this Aristocles received a second name after
-his death in the quality of hero or demi-god. We learn from other
-sources of several such heroic names bestowed on distinguished men after
-their death. The rarity of names on the Spartan tombs may be readily
-accounted for by the existence of a stern law of Lycurgus[76], that
-names were not to be recorded on the tombs except in the case of
-priestesses, or of warriors who had fallen in battle. Another regulation
-of the great lawgiver ordained that bodies might be buried within the
-city, and memorials of the dead set up in the neighbourhood of the
-temples. Such monuments were not always gravestones, but sometimes
-memorials of those who were buried in a different place, or had fallen
-on foreign service.
-
-In view of such facts as these we cannot hesitate to see in the
-sepulchral reliefs of Sparta reference to individuals, the ancestor, or
-the ancestor and his wife. They are the shrines of the family worship of
-the Laconians. But yet in a sense the dead man is identical with Hades.
-In Egypt each of the virtuous dead became part of Osiris. According to
-Herodotus the Getae thought that their dead returned to their deity
-Zalmoxis. In Greece, by dying, men put away the individual accidents of
-the flesh and became in a sense united with Hades. This no doubt is one
-reason why down to the second century B.C. we scarcely ever find
-individual portraits on tombs, a fact to which we shall hereafter
-return.
-
-The cultus of ancestors was closely parallel to that of the gods. To
-both, sacrifices of food and of drink were constantly brought. To the
-temple of the gods corresponded the family heroum or shrine. To the
-statues of the gods corresponded the representation of the human dead in
-an ideal or heroized form. And gods and ancestors alike partook with
-their votaries of food at stated times, becoming the guest-friends of
-the worshipper.
-
-Regarding the relation of the Spartan stelae to the cultus of ancestors
-as certain, we may proceed to consider in the light of that connexion
-the meaning of various details of the reliefs. The thing that is perhaps
-of the highest interest in them is the high honour paid to women.
-Ancestor and ancestress sit in state side by side, and are approached by
-their descendants, the smallness of whose figures is intended to portray
-the humility of their approach to their heroic progenitors. That
-ancestor-worship should find a special home at Sparta need not surprise
-us. We know that respect for elders and for parents was almost as
-strongly rooted among the conservative Laconians as it is in our days
-among the Chinese and Japanese. An exhortation to be worthy of their
-predecessors was the appeal which most readily stirred the hearts of the
-Spartan spearmen. They lived under the shadow of the past to an extent
-which we can hardly realize. But it is scarcely so familiar a fact that
-Sparta was the city in all Greece where women were held in highest
-honour. The Athenians inherited something of the Ionian desire for the
-seclusion of women, and to the contemporaries and countrymen of
-Thucydides it seemed high praise of a woman to say that she was never
-talked of. At Sparta, on the other hand, in some of the great crises of
-history, women are prominent in the foreground, from the days when
-little Gorgo saved her father Cleomenes from being bribed, to the days
-when Agiatis stirred up a later Cleomenes to his projects of political
-reform. The Spartan education, which seemed to regard women as only of
-use for bearing children to uphold the State, can scarcely have aimed at
-a high intellectual ideal. Modern German writers are fully convinced
-that sharing the exercises and games of the men must have rendered
-Laconian women coarse and masculine. Yet the Spartan ladies had a great
-share in the ownership of land; Spartan nurses were sought for in all
-Greece for the rearing of boys; and we learn from Plutarch that in all
-matters the Spartans were ready to take the advice of their women, and
-looked on their approval as the highest of rewards. On this regard for
-women among the Laconians, the treatment of women in their sepulchral
-reliefs is an excellent commentary.
-
-The offerings brought to the seated pair in the relief first cited are
-such as belonged in a special way to the dead. The pomegranate was the
-food of the Shades, which, when Persephone had tasted in the palace of
-Hades, she belonged to him beyond recall. The cock and the egg are the
-simplest meat-offerings which were brought to the dead and enjoyed by
-the living. Flowers in all countries and in all ages have been laid on
-the tomb; and the Greeks who loved to deck their banquets with them were
-not an exception to the general rule. The winecup in the hand of the
-seated hero may be characterized as a very broad hint to his descendants
-that at the tomb were due the libations which were grateful alike to the
-gods and to the spirits of the dead. The serpent who is sometimes
-represented as drinking from the cup is either the companion of the dead
-or even his spirit in another form. The way in which a serpent
-disappears into the ground marks him out as essentially a chthonic
-being.
-
-A few more characteristic specimens of this class of monuments must be
-cited. On a stele from Chrysapha (Fig. 30) we see a man, depicted in an
-archaic style of art, seated, holding winecup and pomegranate; at his
-feet leaps a dog, while a horse is depicted in relief in the background.
-In discussing this relief Dr. Furtwängler[77] advocates the view that
-horse and dog have a symbolical reference, the horse being
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 30. SEATED HERO.]
-
-nearly connected with Hades and the dog with Hecate, both mythologic
-beings closely connected with the dead. I have proposed[78] a somewhat
-bolder view, that these animals sculptured on the stone bear the same
-relation to the mortal horse and dog which had belonged to the hero that
-the portrait bears to himself, and that they are really a survival of an
-ancient custom, whereof we find traces in the graves of Greece and
-Italy, by which the horse and dog of a deceased warrior were slain and
-buried in the same place with him. Whether their bones were mingled with
-their master’s, or whether they are merely figured on his gravestone,
-the meaning is much the same, that wherever the lord is, there are his
-faithful attendants: ‘Admitted to that equal sky, his faithful dog shall
-bear him company,’ as Pope says. In any case, horse and dog on a tomb
-are certainly a mark of knightly rank.
-
-Among many proofs that the animal companions of the hero had reference
-rather to his occupations and necessities than to any symbolism, the
-evidence afforded by a grave at Tanagra[79] seems worth citing. Although
-that grave is of a period later than Alexander the Great, it seems to
-preserve early Greek ways of looking at death and what lies beyond. The
-interior of this grave contained paintings of the head and neck of a
-horse, a sword and a loom, besides a house and various articles of
-furniture. Here the paintings seem closely to represent what might at an
-earlier time have been the contents of the grave. The horse and the
-sword belong to the husband, the loom to the wife, whether we are to
-consider these as reflections of the past life of the pair or as an
-accompaniment of their ghostly existence. The furniture and the house
-are provision for their spiritual need of a domicile, just as in the
-graves of Egypt we find paintings of the life of the house and farm,
-there placed to break the shock of death, and provide for the shadow of
-a departed landlord a shadow of his past employments[80].
-
-We pass to the representations which serve to bridge the gap between the
-grave-monuments of Sparta and those of other districts. Among the
-Spartan reliefs published by Milchhoefer, the following occupy one
-plate[81]:--
-
-A female figure, seen from the waist upwards, clad in a chiton, holding
-in her left hand a tall flower.
-
-A youth, standing, clad in a chlamys; he holds a staff in one hand, in
-the other a cake or fruit; before him a snake erect.
-
-Both of these are of quite early style: with the latter of them we may
-compare the following in the Museum at Athens[82]:--
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 31. STELE, MAN FEEDING SNAKE.]
-
-Man standing wrapped in a mantle; in his left hand a pomegranate, in the
-right a winecup, out of which feeds a serpent coiled and erect.
-
-In these instances we approach the ordinary representation of the dead
-as standing, so common on the tombs alike of Athens and of Northern
-Greece, numerous instances of which will be found in the ninth chapter.
-Yet the snake, the flower, the pomegranate, all belong to the special
-cultus of the dead; and there is not in these cases a reference to the
-past life, as is probably the case with the great majority of Attic
-stelae.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER VII
-
-HEROIZING RELIEFS
-
-
-Before we proceed further, one distinction of importance has to be made.
-It will be found that all the sepulchral monuments of Greece belong to
-one of two classes:--
-
-1. Actual tombs, whether temples, or tables, or slabs hewn to be let
-into the ground.
-
-2. Commemorative tablets. These may readily be distinguished in form,
-because their width is greater than their height, whereas in the true
-grave-stele, the height is greater than the width. They were made
-usually not to be fixed into the ground of the cemetery, but to be set
-up in chapels or mounted on walls in its neighbourhood. An example will
-be found in Pl. III. These slabs have a closer relation to actual cultus
-than have the gravestones. Their likeness in shape and in composition to
-tablets dedicated to the deities is obvious. In fact they belonged to
-the chapels and shrines sacred to the worship of heroes and exalted
-ancestors, rather than to the ordinary dead.
-
-When we proceed to trace down the lines of descent of the memorials of
-ancestor-worship from Sparta in various districts of Greece, we shall
-find that some of these lines lead us to groups of actual tombstones,
-but more usually they lead to dedicatory reliefs, closely connected with
-the cultus of the dead, but not usually coming from actual cemeteries.
-
-One line takes us to the so-called sepulchral banquets of Athens. The
-best specimen of these reliefs, found at the Piraeus, and dating from
-the end of the fifth century, is represented in our plates (Pl. III). It
-has passed by the absurd name, The Death of Socrates. On a couch,
-supported by cushions, reclines a bearded citizen, holding in his hand a
-cup, and apparently pouring the libation with which the Greeks preluded
-their feasts. At his feet sits his wife, occupied, like many of the
-ladies represented on Athenian tombs, in admiring a necklace, which she
-holds in both hands, or possibly a wreath, for the object itself, having
-been represented in colour and not in the marble, has disappeared. A
-young slave as cup-bearer is occupied in fetching wine in a jug from the
-huge _crater_ or mixing bowl which appears on the left of the relief;
-beneath the couch a dog is occupied with a bone. On the right of the
-scene there enters a bearded man, of smaller stature than the reclining
-hero, who raises his hand out of the folds of his himation in a fashion
-which to the Greeks implied adoration.
-
-At the first glance there seems but small likeness between this scene of
-domestic feasting and the stiff Spartan reliefs. Yet when we compare the
-two in detail, we find that the differences between them lie in the
-different customs of varying ages, and in the artistic rendering, rather
-than in the signification. Let us make the comparison.
-
-In the Spartan relief the hero is seated, in the Athenian reclining.
-Here we have an illustration of the well-known fact that during the
-historic age the Greeks changed their custom from sitting at meals, as
-do the Homeric heroes, for a reclining posture. The habit of lying at
-meals, awkward as it seems to us, was a result of growing luxury. It had
-long, as we know from the reliefs of the Assyrian palaces, been
-customary in the East. Fig. 32[83] shows King Assur-bani-pal and his
-Queen
-
-[Illustration:
-
-     PLATE III
-
-     _Page 88_
-]
-
-feasting in their palace, in the seventh century B.C. From the East, the
-custom spread to the Ionians of Asia Minor, and thence to Greece itself,
-with other traits of Ionian luxury.
-
-An archaic relief from Tegea (Fig. 33)[84] seems to mark the point of
-transition in Hellas from the seated to the reclining position. Although
-only the feet of the hero are seen, yet these feet sufficiently prove
-that he was extended on a couch. His wife draws forward her veil;
-between husband and wife is a youth holding a wreath, in regard to whom
-it is not easy to say whether he is the child of the pair, or merely a
-cup-bearer, or an adorer.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 32. ASSUR-BANI-PAL AND QUEEN.]
-
-It is a consequence of the assumption of a reclining position by the man
-in the reliefs, that the woman must be separated from him. In the
-somewhat unrestrained vase-paintings of Euphronius and his
-contemporaries we frequently find women reclining at table with men and
-sharing their cups. But these, as the disorder of the scenes clearly
-shows, were hetaerae, slaves of abandoned character. No wife, and no
-self-respecting concubine would even be present at a Greek banquet. When
-a husband dined at home, his wife might be present, but would probably
-not take a share in the repast. She would sit opposite her husband, to
-cheer him with her talk. But for a Greek wife to sit like the Queen of
-Assur-bani-pal drinking wine, and pledging her lord in a cup, would be
-an impossibility. Alike on the Tegean and the Athenian relief she is
-wholly occupied with her dress, like a true daughter of Greece. The
-Spartan wife had more in common with her husband.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 33. STELE FROM TEGEA.]
-
-Another marked divergence between the Spartan and the Athenian relief
-lies, so to speak, in its tense. In the former, the past is set aside,
-and we find allusion only to the life beyond the grave. The snake, the
-pomegranate, the offerings, all have reference to the status of the dead
-as hero and as an associate of the nether gods. But the Athenian relief
-might at first sight be supposed to be an excerpt out of daily domestic
-life. There is no symbolism, no exaltation. Husband, wife, and slave may
-have met thus a hundred times in their ordinary life on earth. In this
-we find the influence of the ordinary spirit of grave-reliefs at Athens,
-which, as we shall see in a future chapter, dwells on and draws from the
-past daily life rather than the more ghostly life of the future.
-
-Yet a clear indication which unites the two classes of representation is
-furnished by the votaries who appear in both alike. They are in the
-Spartan relief very small in stature; a naive way of indicating how far
-below the hero they rank. The votary of the Athenian relief is scarcely
-smaller than his ancestral hero. Yet his presence is an undoubted proof
-of the connexion of the monument with actual worship. On many of the
-later representations of banquets, this is further emphasized by the
-introduction of the well-known symbolism of ancestor-worship. In some a
-snake is depicted in the foreground. In others a horse’s head appears in
-the background. In others the superhuman character of the hero is
-indicated by the lofty crown, which belongs to the god of the lower
-world, Hades or Sarapis, and which appears on the head of the reclining
-hero[85].
-
-The Spartan monuments were probably in many cases set up as tombstones
-over the actual graves of ancestors. But the Athenian banqueting reliefs
-were not usually on tombstones, more often on memorial tablets preserved
-in chapels devoted to the cultus of the dead. This their shape clearly
-indicates. All tombstones are almost of necessity higher than they are
-broad, usually tall and narrow. But the banqueting reliefs are oblong in
-the opposite direction, broader than they are high. This difference
-indicates a different use and destination. In fact they come rather into
-line with the reliefs which belong to the worship of civic or local
-heroes, or those set up by grateful votaries in the shrines of Asklepius
-and other healing deities, than with the immediate memorials of the
-dead.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 34. COIN OF BIZYA.]
-
-The likeness between some of the votive monuments of Asklepius and the
-ordinary sepulchral banquets is so close as to have caused considerable
-confusion. The Asklepian reliefs appear to borrow of set purpose much of
-the symbolism which belongs to ancestor-worship. As an instance we
-engrave (Fig. 34) a coin of Bizya, a Greek city of Thrace[86], struck in
-the reign of Philip the Arab. On the reverse of the coin we see
-Asklepius reclining on a couch, against which rests his serpent-twined
-rod. His daughter or wife Hygieia is seated beside him; a human
-attendant brings in a wine-jar. The accessories, a coat of mail hung on
-a tree, a shield suspended from the wall, a horse who trots in from the
-right, are among the ordinary features of sepulchral banqueting reliefs,
-and seem inappropriate to a peaceful and non-equestrian deity like
-Asklepius. Such contamination of one class of monuments by another, such
-transfer of symbols from one artistic field to another, is among the
-common phenomena offered by Greek art.
-
-We have now reached phenomena which require careful consideration. We
-have found that there is no clear line of distinction to be drawn
-between banqueting reliefs which were set up in honour of dead persons
-and reliefs which belong to the cultus of heroes, and even of deities
-who partake of the nature of heroes, such as Asklepius. It is always
-difficult in dealing with ancient monuments to separate the particular
-class of which we propose to treat from other classes which are akin to
-it in origin and in meaning. It is always necessary at last to draw a
-somewhat arbitrary line, and to adhere to it for the sake of order and
-method.
-
-In Greek cultus and belief there is no broad distinction to be made
-between the veneration paid to the more noteworthy of those who were
-recently dead, and the worship accorded to local and national heroes,
-Theseus and Orestes, the Dioscuri and Asklepius. In a sense, all the
-dead were heroes, and any of them might become a worthy object of
-periodic sacrifice, proprietor of a sacred domain, and lord of a
-priesthood. I have already (Chap. II) dwelt on these facts from the
-point of view of custom and cultus; it remains to show their working in
-the field of art.
-
-In dealing, not with actual gravestones, but with the oblong reliefs
-which had a closer relation to cultus, and were dedicated only to the
-more distinguished of the dead, it is quite impossible to distinguish
-clearly those which were set up in honour of recognized mythic heroes,
-from those which belonged strictly to the cult of ancestors. Sometimes
-the inscription may help us to a decision, or sometimes we may find
-direction in the place where the relief is found. Apart from these
-external indications, those offered by the relief itself are usually
-ambiguous.
-
-That some of the banqueting reliefs were set up in honour of persons
-recently dead may be proved[87]. Indeed, in later times, such scenes not
-unfrequently decorate actual tombstones. This being the case, it is
-reasonable to assume that the great majority of them belong to tribal
-and family worship. They were set up, not usually at the tomb, but in
-shrines and heroa in the neighbourhood of the cemetery, or in the
-chapels of deities or heroes; sometimes, perhaps, in private houses, to
-be a constant reminder to the survivors.
-
-In an early and interesting sepulchral relief in the British Museum[88]
-we have an unusual group. On a couch there recline an old man and a
-young, doubtless father and son, while a second son leads in a horse.
-This relief may serve as a transition to another class of oblong
-cultus-reliefs. The cult of heroized ancestors does not find its only
-memorials in Greece in the reliefs in which they are represented as
-seated or reclining. There is another group of monuments in which they
-appear as horsemen, or as leading horses.
-
-The connexion of the horse with the heroic dead, whencesoever the notion
-may have arisen, was certainly in some districts of Greece very close.
-Milchhoefer has shown[89] how the sculptural evidence indicates that
-this connexion was closest in Thrace and Northern Greece. And this is
-but natural. The aristocracies of Thessaly, of Boeotia, and other
-northern parts of Greece were essentially equestrian; whereas in
-Peloponnesus the horse, being unsuited to the rugged mountain paths, was
-comparatively rare. The strength of a Thessalian army lay in its
-cavalry; the strength of a Spartan army in its array of spearmen. To a
-horse-loving race it was natural to think of the mighty dead as
-horsemen. Even at Sparta the national heroes, the sons of Zeus, Castor
-and Pollux, were essentially riders; and on monuments they seldom appear
-without their steeds. Still more close is the connexion between heroes
-of Northern Greece and their horses.
-
-A great deal of learning has been expended by a variety of
-archaeologists to prove that the horse, when he appears in the
-sepulchral banquets and the present class of reliefs, is of chthonic
-signification; that he belongs mythologically to the gods of the world
-below, and to mortals assimilated to them[90]. It may be doubted whether
-they have proved their case. Hades is in Homer κλυτόπωλος, in allusion
-to the dread chariot in which he bore away Persephone[91]; but he does
-not appear as a rider. The wild rider or hunting ghost is familiar in
-northern lands, but not in ancient Greece. It seems preferable to take
-the simpler explanation, that a chief accustomed all his life to riding
-would scarcely be supposed to lack a horse in the fields of Hades. We
-have ancient evidence that the presence of a sculptured horse beside a
-sculptured man showed his knightly rank in the _Athenian Constitution_
-of Aristotle[92], where we are told that a statue of one Diphilas on the
-Athenian Acropolis, which was set up to mark his rise to the knightly
-rank, had a horse standing beside it.
-
-Several extant monuments show how the god-like heroes of Northern Hellas
-came as horsemen to receive the tribute of the living. And this kind of
-monument spread from the north into other parts of the Greek world.
-
-One of the earliest and most typical of these reliefs is in the British
-Museum[93] (Fig. 35). It comes from Rhodes, and may be dated about 400
-B.C. In it we have a combination in three figures of the three elements
-which in this class of monuments are almost universally mingled. First,
-there is the hero himself on horseback. Next, there is a female figure
-of stature equal to or greater than his own[94], who meets him and pours
-him a cup of wine. Thirdly, there is a worshipper on a somewhat smaller
-scale, who does homage.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 35. HORSEMAN RELIEF, BRITISH MUSEUM.]
-
-Another relief of about the same period, from Tanagra, (Fig. 36), shows
-us a varied group[95]. Beside his horse the hero stands, clad in chiton
-and mantle, holding out a flat cup or patera, which a lady standing in
-front of him fills from a wine-jug. A square altar stands between the
-two, towards which, in attitude of adoration, approaches a man,
-represented on a smaller scale, with his wife and two children. The
-inscription above is Καλλιτέλης Ἀλεξιμάχῳ ἀνέθηκεν. Dedicated by
-Calliteles to Aleximachus. Whether Aleximachus was a recognized local
-hero, or only an ordinary dead man raised by Calliteles to heroic rank,
-cannot be decided with certainty.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 36. HORSEMAN RELIEF, BERLIN.]
-
-Another very similar relief is figured in the fourth volume of the
-Athenian _Mittheilungen_[96]. It is from Thebes. The hero stands,
-holding a lance in one hand, and in the other the usual flat cup, the
-patera. From the right seven figures approach. The first is the lady who
-pours wine, and behind her are six worshippers, who bring in a pig and a
-fowl for sacrifice. The sepulchral character of the relief is emphasized
-by placing a tumulus just in front of the horse, and in fact under his
-forefoot.
-
-Another relief, in the Museum of Berlin[97], is similar in most
-respects; but the lady of tall stature here stands behind the horseman,
-and instead of paying him homage, seems to receive it in common with him
-from a train of approaching votaries. A large serpent erect in the
-background is the friend and companion of the hero.
-
-There can be no question as to the association of these reliefs with
-worship, since the preparations for sacrifice are actually represented
-on them. But in many directions they offer us a series of interesting
-problems.
-
-Firstly, is the hero who is thus honoured merely an ordinary dead person
-raised at death to heroic rank, or is he one of the local heroes who
-were everywhere in Greece held in honour, mythic founders of cities or
-ancestors of tribes, or healing and oracular demigods like Amphiaraus
-and Trophonius? No doubt, in many instances, the heroic horseman of the
-reliefs is of this latter class. Yet that a man recently deceased is
-sometimes the recipient of honour is proved by the inscriptions in some
-cases, and may be almost with certainty inferred from the presence of
-the tumulus on the relief last described. On the monuments the hero is
-represented in the bloom of early manhood; but of course it does not
-follow that he died young: immortal bloom belongs to the hero after
-death, however worn and wrinkled age may have left him.
-
-Secondly, who and what is the lady who on the reliefs pours wine? Her
-stature, which is equal to that of the hero himself, and far greater
-than that of the worshippers, shows at once that she is no living mortal
-or descendant, but a person of equal rank with the horseman. As a matter
-of artistic tradition we can trace her genesis quite clearly, as has
-been well shown by Furtwängler[98]. On the Spartan stelae we found
-ancestor and ancestress seated side by side. When the reclining position
-supersedes that of sitting, the wife necessarily moves from her
-husband’s side and sits opposite to him. It is a variety of the same
-motive when the husband sits or stands and the wife pours him wine, a
-group found on several stelae[99], one as early as the Persian wars, and
-very commonly in the paintings of Greek vases, from quite an early
-period. The motive of wine-pouring being thus thoroughly established in
-Greek art, could easily be transferred from one kind of group to
-another. It may have been that in some cases the hero had no wife, or he
-may have had several successively: that would make no great difference,
-as the idea of the group is fixed. As Furtwängler expresses it: ‘Il
-importe d’insister sur le fait que nous sommes ici en face d’une forme
-artistique, qui avait pour objet d’exprimer une conception de ces
-puissances souterraines dérivée d’un des principaux usages de leur
-culte.’ This is a far more reasonable explanation than that of some
-writers, who fancy that the wine-pouring lady is a kind of Houri, or
-nymph of Paradise, who awaits the hero in the next world to recompense
-him with her embraces for the pains which he has in this world undergone
-for the good of mankind.
-
-Thirdly, what is the relation between these heroic reliefs and the
-numerous reliefs and paintings on Attic stelae in which the deceased is
-represented as riding on a horse? Several of these we cite below in
-Chapter IX. Some points of difference between the two classes of
-monuments are obvious. The heroic reliefs are broad, shaped like votive
-tablets: the Attic reliefs are tombstones of upright shape. In the
-votive reliefs the wine-pouring consort is seldom absent, and votaries
-are usually present. In the Attic reliefs the horse is merely one of the
-adjuncts of daily life, and the rider is represented in the guise of his
-ordinary existence. In fact, as we shall see when we reach the ordinary
-Attic reliefs, the figure of the horseman, when it occurs on them, is
-merely a characteristic portrait of a man who in his life had been fond
-of horses, and perhaps won victories with them at the great sacred
-festivals.
-
-Nevertheless, it would be very rash to say that the heroic and the
-ordinary horseman reliefs had no influence on one another. For example,
-a relief at Tanagra[100] seems to fall exactly between the two classes.
-On it a horseman in armour rides, followed by an attendant who holds the
-tail of the horse, as was the way of Greek body-servants. A female
-figure meets the pair with wine-jug and cup. Here, if the relief belongs
-to the one class, the servant is out of place; if to the other class,
-the pourer of wine. Probably, being oblong in form, it is really of the
-heroic class, but contaminated by the influence of the other. On an
-ordinary sepulchral slab in the British Museum[101], the horseman and
-servant recur, but the lady is absent.
-
-In recent years an immense quantity of votive terra-cottas has been
-discovered on the site of the Dorian colony of Tarentum. These
-illustrate in a striking fashion the monuments of the Spartan
-mother-city. They consist mainly of two groups.
-
-In the first group we see a man, bearded or beardless, wearing a tall
-crown, reclining on a couch, often holding a wine-cup. Beside him is
-seated a woman, sometimes bearing in her arms a child, who stretches out
-his arms towards the man. We engrave (Fig. 37) a specimen of the
-class[102], in which, however, the child does not appear, but instead,
-in the background, a horse, who seems to be drinking from the flat cup.
-And this horse connects the first group with the second, which consists
-of figures of riding horsemen.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 37. VOTIVE TABLET, TARENTUM.]
-
-Mr. Arthur Evans, who has had the advantage of studying these
-terracottas at Tarentum[103], is disposed to maintain that the group
-represents, not deceased persons, but rather the deities of the lower
-world, Dionysus, Cora, and Iacchus. ‘The terracotta representations here
-found must be rather regarded as primarily connected with the cult of
-chthonic deities and national heroes, than with that of departed human
-spirits,’ though ‘the starting-point may be regarded as purely
-sepulchral.’ Dr. Wolters, on the other hand[104], connects the
-representations far more closely with the worship of the dead. But after
-all, the opposition between these two opinions is not fundamental.
-Probably at Tarentum, as at Sparta, the dead ancestor and ancestress
-were regarded as scarcely distinguishable from the king and queen of the
-world of shades, into whose being they passed at death. Thus the last
-note struck in the monuments of Dorian hero-worship is in complete
-harmony with the first.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 38. HERO ON FOOT.]
-
-There are also reliefs in which the heroic character of the deceased is
-indicated, not by the horse, but by the presence of armour and arms. In
-some states wealthy and well-born citizens were content to fight on
-foot, and the position which had seemed to them dignified during life
-was preserved by them in the unseen world. A good example from Attica
-(Fig. 38) is given in the text[105]. The hero stands on the right,
-helmeted; his shield rests against the wall. A dignified lady of the
-same stature as the hero pours him wine; between the two is an altar: on
-the left is a votary of small size. These groups may serve to remind us
-how often in Greece, in the hour of stress and danger, ancestral and
-local heroes appeared amid the ranks of the fighting men, and turned the
-tide of battle in favour of their descendants or townsfolk.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 39. HERO SEATED.]
-
-Finally, the hero may even appear in the reliefs unarmed, as an ordinary
-citizen. On a relief from Patras[106] (Fig. 39) he is seated on a throne
-almost with the dignity of Zeus, a sceptre in his raised hand, a shield
-hung on the wall above him. His consort stands behind the seat, while
-from the left there advances a train, men, women, and children, making
-the well-known gesture with the raised hand which implies adoration, and
-bringing a ram for sacrifice. A horse’s head appears above through a
-square opening, the part standing, as so often in these monuments, for
-the whole. This relief bears a very close likeness to those found in the
-sanctuary of Asklepius on the side of the Acropolis hill at Athens;
-indeed, if the hero had held a staff entwined by a serpent we should not
-have hesitated to identify him as Asklepius. But in the absence of that
-attribute we are probably justified in considering him to be some local
-hero of Patras, either mythical or historical.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER VIII
-
-ATHENS: PERIODS AND FORMS OF MONUMENTS
-
-
-In regard to the laws which regulated the erection of monuments of the
-dead, and the forms which those monuments assumed in successive ages,
-under the influence of custom and belief, our information does not reach
-far beyond Athens. At Athens alone have we been so fortunate as to find,
-beneath the soil, a considerable part of an ancient burying-ground,
-where not the graves only, but also the monuments erected over them, are
-untouched by the spoiler, and almost as fresh as they were when Athens
-was a powerful city. It will therefore be well worth our while to
-consider the history of the Athenian monumental customs, which have been
-carefully studied on the spot by several able archaeologists.
-
-Graves of the Mycenaean age have been discovered in Attica, at Sparta,
-and at Menidi. Of such graves we have already spoken. At an uncertain
-period, probably about the eighth century, there succeeded, in place of
-these, the graves found in such numbers just outside the Dipylon gate of
-Athens, and so called Dipylon graves. The pottery found in these
-burying-places is very interesting, although the devices are rude,
-because there are painted upon it representations from the contemporary
-life of Greece, the prehistoric Greece of the age of Homer and of
-Hesiod. The most ordinary pictures are sea-fights, or else the burial
-of the dead. Of the representations of Greek obsequies which these
-vases bear we have had occasion to speak above[107]. The reason for the
-selection of the subject belongs to the present connexion.
-
-The time appears to have been one of poverty and of depression in art.
-The rich treasures and the admirable talent for decoration which
-belonged to the Mycenaean age lay buried in the past. The Greece which
-we know, the historic Greece of art and poetry, of philosophy and
-history, had not yet come into being. The moon had set and the sun had
-not risen, and men moved in the dimmest twilight. Thus it can scarcely
-surprise us that the graves of the Dipylon class, with their poor and
-scanty contents, were surmounted by no sculptured monuments. In place of
-a column or a slab, there stood on the graves one of the large amphorae
-of the period, enriched with adornment of geometric patterns and lines
-of stiff animals. Into these vessels were poured, almost beyond doubt,
-the offerings of food and drink brought by survivors and descendants.
-The choice of a sepulchral subject for the vases is thus readily
-accounted for. The vessel rested probably on a mound of earth, such as
-the χῶμα, of which we shall presently speak, or on a simple pedestal of
-stone.
-
-As we approach the historic age of Athens, the stone monument with its
-painting and reliefs makes its appearance. It is not difficult to divide
-into periods the history of the production at Athens of monuments of the
-dead. It falls quite naturally into three sections:--
-
-    (1) The time before the Persian wars, 550-480.
-    (2) The time of perfected art, 480-300.
-    (3) The Hellenistic and Roman age.
-
-The epic custom of Greece was to erect over the dead a τύμβος or mound,
-with a στήλη or gravestone[108] placed upon or beside it. Such a custom
-was continued in later Greece in the case of great graves made after a
-battle to contain the bodies of the slain. The tumulus at Marathon is
-well known to visitors to Greece, and the lion set up to crown the mound
-at Chaeroneia, where the Theban sacred band was cut to pieces by the
-phalanx of Philip, still exists in fragmentary condition. But for the
-graves of private persons the lavish customs of the heroic age in Greece
-gave place to more modest ways.
-
-A passage in Cicero’s _De Legibus_[109] gives us some interesting
-information in regard to Athenian customs. Solon, Cicero tells us,
-legislated only against the violation of tombs, not against their
-sumptuousness. But some time after, in consequence of the growth of
-splendid tombs in the Cerameicus, a law was passed, forbidding tombs
-more elaborate than could be made by ten men in three days. Nor were
-they to be decorated with plaster[110], nor were Hermae to be set on
-them. Notwithstanding, after a time, the luxury of tombs again
-increased; until Demetrius Phalereus (B.C. 317-307) carried a law that
-no monument should be erected save a column not more than three cubits
-in height, or a flat slab, or a water-vessel[111]. A magistrate was
-appointed to see that the decree was complied with.
-
-The legislation of Demetrius does appear, as we shall presently see, to
-have been successful. If the earlier legislation mentioned by Cicero was
-effectual, it must be placed in the days of the democracy which
-succeeded the expulsion of the Tyrants or in the stirring times of the
-Persian wars. For there is a decided dearth of sepulchral monuments at
-Athens in the first half of the fifth century. In the latter half of the
-sixth, and again in the latter half of the fifth century, they are
-numerous and elaborate. Whether Cicero’s words, ‘aliquanto post
-Solonem,’ can be stretched to cover a period of nearly a century may,
-however, be doubted.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 40. ACHILLES AT TOMB OF PATROCLUS.]
-
-We have evidence that during the latter part of the sixth century, the
-τύμβος the στήλη, the mound and the slab, persisted side by side. Often
-a grave would be marked by both; sometimes one or the other would be
-wanting. In the course of time the mound has usually disappeared, while
-the slab often remains. But it is easy to prove that the mound was
-common to early periods. Not only do we find mention of it in a variety
-of authors[112], Herodotus, Plato, Lucian, Pausanias, but its form is
-depicted upon black-figured vases. We give an instance (Fig. 40) in
-which Achilles is represented as dragging the body of Hector tied to his
-chariot beside the mound which represents the grave of Patroclus[113]:
-a serpent and the shade of Patroclus appear. Here the tomb is a white
-mound of oval form, whence it may be judged that in place of a mere
-mound of earth sometimes an artificial structure was built, and a recent
-discovery at Athens fully confirms this view. In the Piraeus street were
-found in 1891[114] remains of an erection about two yards in diameter,
-which consisted of a framework of tiles overlaid with fine stucco, and
-which seemed originally to have been in the shape of the upper half of
-an egg. This was clearly just such a tomb as is figured in the
-vase-painting: and doubtless in antiquity such mounds were common, but
-they perished easily, or might very commonly be destroyed by careless
-workers in the course of excavation. At Myrina Messrs. Pottier and
-Reinach found the contents of tombs in many cases lying on the surface
-of the ancient soil; a fact for which they account by saying that these
-objects must originally have been covered by a mound.
-
-On the mound would in some cases be set the commemorative stone. In
-other cases in this period also, as we learn from vase-paintings[115],
-an earthenware vessel was set on it to receive offerings. Sometimes we
-find in the representations mound and stele set side by side. And
-sometimes there is a third feature of the tomb, a τράπεζα, or table,
-that is, a horizontal stone. In one remarkable vase-painting[116] we see
-clearly mound, stele, and table. More commonly we find the stele and the
-table only; the latter being used as a seat by the dead person, or
-sometimes serving as a place of deposit for baskets of wreaths and other
-offerings. See, for example, Fig. 11, p. 22.
-
-The ordinary stele was in shape a tall and tapering slab, surmounted by
-an acanthus pattern. On the face of it were commonly the names of those
-buried, and, as a rule, two rosettes. In our frontispiece, which
-represents a part of the cemetery of the Cerameicus in its present form,
-may be seen several stelae; and one is figured in the text (below, Fig.
-43) as an example. The rosettes seem to represent the two breasts, and
-we may here see a hint that the stele takes the place of a
-portrait-figure, just as does the turban which commonly surmounts modern
-Turkish tombs.
-
-In the sixth century the stele is commonly adorned with a portrait of
-the deceased in low relief; but sometimes a painted portrait takes the
-place of one in relief.
-
-Not all stelae, however, were of tall and narrow form, nor was the
-device on them always limited to a single figure: groups sometimes make
-their appearance, and to accommodate them the stele has to be made
-broader. This development we will trace in the next period. Meantime we
-must say a few words as to the pillar (κίων) which is frequently
-mentioned as well as the stele in ancient epigrams. The small round
-pillar, carved with a simple inscription, which is so abundant at
-Athens, belongs to the later age of the city. But in early times pillars
-were frequently set up on graves, and surmounted with a portrait or
-figure of some kind. As examples we may cite the supposed grave of
-Orpheus in Pieria, which was marked, according to Pausanias[117], by a
-pillar surmounted by a hydria; and the grave attributed to the sons of
-Oedipus, Eteocles and Polynices, on which stood a pillar supporting a
-shield[118]. On the grave of Aristomenes at Messene also was a pillar to
-which the ox, annually destined to be sacrificed to the hero, was
-tied[119]. At a later time the grave of Epaminondas was marked, like
-that of the sons of Oedipus, by a pillar supporting a shield, and that
-of Isocrates by the figure of a siren, standing on a pillar 30 cubits
-high. The oldest existing specimen of a sepulchral pillar is from the
-tomb of Xenares in Corfu.
-
-The terms σῆμα and μνῆμα, which are frequently applied to the tomb both
-in existing epitaphs and in the epigrams of the _Anthology_, do not seem
-to refer to any special form of monument, but rather to the purpose of
-the tomb as a significant monument (σῆμα) or as a memorial (μνῆμα).
-
-Every one who examines the early graves of Attica must be struck with
-the fact that whereas it would seem natural that tombs should be set up
-by children for their parents, at Athens the opposite rule seems to
-prevail. Commonly tombs profess to be erected for those who died young
-by their sorrowing relatives. Not only were young men who fell in battle
-honoured with fine monuments, but young men who died of disease, and
-unmarried girls. A large proportion of the women whose tombs we find
-seem either to have died unmarried or else to have perished in
-childbirth. It would seem that ordinary citizens, who died in the course
-of nature, were buried in great family vaults; but that separate tombs
-with fine sculptural decoration were erected in special cases, when a
-father lost a promising and beloved boy or girl, or a young husband lost
-at one blow his wife and his hope of a progeny to carry on his name and
-tend his old age. The erection of a tomb to relative or friend was no
-matter of course, but an exceptional proceeding, adopted when feeling
-ran strongly, and required some satisfaction in outward act. The stern
-law of Sparta allowed only the names of men who fell in battle or women
-who were priestesses to be publicly set up. At Athens feeling took the
-place of law; and while those who died for their country were sure of
-honourable burial, ornate tombs were the gifts of special affection. We
-are told that the effeminate people of Agrigentum erected special tombs
-to their horses and pet birds. Here, as in so many cases, the Athenians
-maintained the human mean, between harsh rigour on the one hand, and
-luxurious effusiveness on the other.
-
-To the second period, B.C. 480-300, belongs the great mass of the fine
-sepulchral monuments of Athens. In the age of Pheidias, the custom comes
-in of flanking the sculptural group of stelae with a pair of pilasters
-supporting a small gable, as seen in several of our plates, and by
-degrees the ground between the pilasters recedes, and a deep interior is
-seen, as in Plates XI, XXVI, &c. By this recessing is produced the
-monument in the form of a small and shallow temple, within which we see
-in very high relief some scene from the daily and domestic life of
-Athens. These are the most splendid of the Athenian tombs, in date
-almost confined to the fourth century. They are the monuments of which
-Cicero writes; ‘amplitudines sepulcrorum quas nunc in Ceramico videmus’:
-even in Cicero’s time they were evidently one of the great sights of
-Greece; how much more notable are they now, when we have but a wreck of
-the artistic wealth and splendour of Greece with which to compare them!
-
-It has been sometimes supposed that the temple-like form of these tombs,
-whence they are called ναἰσκοι, indicates special veneration for those
-to whom they are erected. If houses in form like those of the gods are
-given to mortals, surely, it may be said, the mortals are raised almost
-to the rank of the gods. This view, however, is mistaken. The
-architectural forms which we associate with Greek temples are not
-originally peculiar to them. It is only because the temples of Greece
-have survived the secular buildings that we are disposed to look on
-pillars and gables as belonging specially to the gods. We have, however,
-still a few secular Greek buildings, such as the Propylaea of Athens;
-and we see them to be constructed on similar architectural principles
-to the temples. The Ionic and Doric styles of architecture were no more
-exclusively religious in use or origin than was Gothic architecture in
-England. The ναἰσκοι were not temples, but merely a framing for a
-domestic interior, such as is often represented on vases. They are rooms
-of the women’s apartments in Greek houses. A dead lady in the
-_Anthology_ calls her tomb οἰκία λάϊνα[120].
-
-About contemporary with the introduction of the ναἰσκοι was the custom
-of shaping the tomb after the fashion of a vase. These stone vases are
-extremely common in the Museum of Athens. Perhaps the earliest of them
-is one published by Köhler[121]. In the relief of it we see two men hand
-in hand, and it bears an inscription which Köhler on epigraphic grounds
-assigns to the period B.C. 450-430. It is painted like a real Greek vase
-with palmettes and maeander patterns. It was probably at the time when
-the custom of placing terra-cotta vases on the tombs was dying out, that
-it occurred to the sculptors to replace them by making the stele itself
-in the form of a vase, adorned like the ordinary stelae with inscription
-and relief. The marble vases were of two kinds. First, we have the
-lekythos or unguent vase, of the same shape as the red-figured and white
-ground vases very commonly placed in Athenian graves. These latter are
-mentioned by Aristophanes[122] as the work of the inferior artist: ὃς
-τοῖς νεκροῖσι ζωγραφεῖ τὰς ληκύθους, and in another passage he speaks of
-them as sometimes let into the tomb and fastened there with lead[123].
-To imitate them in marble was therefore natural. For an instance of the
-lekythos tomb see figures 70 to 72, below. In the case of those who died
-unmarried, a vase of another form was used as the model. Here again we
-have only an imitation in stone of a terra-cotta vase often placed on
-the tomb. At Athens it was a custom, when a marriage was about to take
-place, for a girl to bring to the bride a vessel of water from the
-spring Callirrhoe for a bridal bath. The water was fetched in a
-two-handled vessel of peculiar form, the λουτροφόρος, such as seems not
-to have been used on any other occasion. The Athenian Museum contains
-several imitations in terra-cotta of the marriage vase; and in every
-case the scenes painted on these vases are taken either from the
-ceremonies of marriage or those of mourning. When a girl was married the
-marriage vase was used in the pomp and jollity of the wedding: when she
-died unwedded, it was placed on her tomb as a memorial. As Athenian
-epitaphs put it, in that case she was wedded to Hades. On the tombs also
-of youths who died before the marriage-day, the λουτροφόρος of
-terra-cotta was regarded as an appropriate decoration. A well-known
-passage of Demosthenes[124] gives us explicit authority for this usage.
-‘What is the proof,’ he asks, ‘that Archiades died unmarried? A marriage
-vase is set up on his tomb.’ Sometimes the marriage vase thus set on the
-tomb was an ordinary vessel of terra-cotta. Sometimes it was represented
-in relief on the stele. And sometimes the stele itself was fashioned in
-the form of a marriage vase.
-
-The usage is well illustrated by a stele from Kalyvia, now at
-Athens[125], of which we give an engraving (Pl. IV). The whole field of
-the stele is occupied by a great marriage vase in relief. On the top of
-it, on a basis, stands a Siren, tearing her hair and beating her breast
-in sign of sympathy with the mourners. On the body of the vase is
-depicted a scene from the funeral rites. A marriage vase stands erect in
-the midst of three mourners, all apparently women, one of whom is tying
-to the handle of the vase (this vase has but one handle)
-
-[Illustration:
-
-     PLATE IV
-
-     _Page 114_
-]
-
-a wreath. Twice over, on this curious stele, we have the symbolism of
-the vase employed to indicate the unmarried condition of the defunct.
-
-On another stele (Pl. V) three vases are represented in relief, a
-marriage vase and two sepulchral lekythi[126]. The central vase bears a
-relief, a young horseman armed, standing beside his horse, and giving
-his hand to an elderly man who is wrapped in a cloak. The relief on the
-vase to left shows us a boy, of somewhat manly form, running with a
-hoop. It is likely that in the grave to which this monument belonged a
-father had buried three sons, one of military age and almost
-marriageable, the other two still young.
-
-No sentiment is more often expressed in epitaphs, none more strongly
-affected the Greek heart, than the sadness of the fate of those young
-men and women to whom death came in the place of that marriage which was
-regarded as the consummation of earthly happiness. When the marriage
-vase was used for funeral libations, then indeed the bitterness of fate
-was felt by every bystander. The poets have embodied this feeling in
-many an epigram; one of these by the poet Meleager[127] I must
-endeavour, though the task is a hard one, to reproduce in English:--
-
-    When Clearista doffed her virgin tire,
-    No bridal but a tomb did she require.
-    The flutes before her door but yesternight
-    To merry household clatter answered bright;
-    The morrow found them wailing, and the lay
-    Of Hymen in lament died sad away.
-    And torches bright that in her bower did glow
-    Illume the passage to the realm below.[128]
-
-It is not, however, most usual to find the tombs of the later fifth and
-the fourth centuries thus adapted to the circumstances of a special
-tenant. Some of the stelae of this period, such as those of Tynnias (Pl.
-X), Aristonautes (Pl. XI), and Amphotto (Pl. XVII) belong especially to
-individuals; but the great majority of the graves between B.C. 450 and
-300 are of eminently domestic character. The reliefs which they bear
-represent not one person but many, and the inscriptions contain several
-names. The simple burial customs of the Athenians made great vaults
-unnecessary; a handful of ashes could be easily disposed of.
-
-In looking at the sculpture of Attic tombs, we must not forget this
-domestic and family destination. And there is another point, one of
-technique, which we must also bear in mind. All decorative reliefs in
-Greece, whether they belonged to the temple, the public building, or the
-tomb, depended in a great degree for effect on the colour which was
-freely used to help out the sculpture. Few traces of colouring now
-remain on the sepulchral reliefs, but there can be no doubt that
-originally they were coloured, not perhaps all over, but in many parts.
-The background would be filled in with blue or other strong colour. The
-hair of the persons sculptured would be, according to the almost
-universal custom of Greek sculpture, red. Eyes and eyebrows would be
-indicated with the brush as well as with the chisel. The garments would
-commonly be at all events tinted, and in some cases they would bear
-designs painted to represent embroidery, as is the case with the votive
-archaic female figures recently discovered at Athens[129]. On our plate,
-which represents the stele of Aristion (Pl. IX), considerable traces of
-colour may be observed. And besides colour, metal accessories were in
-many cases added. In the stele of Dexileos (Pl. XII), reins, sword, and
-lance were added in metal.
-
-[Illustration:
-
-     PLATE V
-
-     _Page 116_
-]
-
-Thus when we see on our reliefs a lady holding out empty hands (cf. Pl.
-XXVI), we may be sure that originally those hands had borne a necklace
-or other jewelry, added in colour. The handles of the marriage vase on
-Pl. IV must have been marked with colour. The ornaments of the helmet of
-Aristonautes (Pl. XI) were added in metal, and so on in other cases. To
-the modern eye the pure white of Greek reliefs as they now are, seems
-classical and appropriate. And we may be right. Greek life has passed
-away, and looks upon us as if from another world in the ghostly
-reflection of Greek art. We see it not in a realistic but in a softened
-and ideal light. But the Greeks themselves loved strong colour, and in
-any purely artistic question their eyes are far more to be trusted than
-ours, which are perverted by the ugly surroundings of our daily life.
-
-The date of Greek sepulchral monuments may be determined by a variety of
-considerations. The inscriptions which they bear may help us in some
-cases. We know that the old Attic alphabet, which did not distinguish
-short from long vowels, confusing O with Ω, and E with H, and which used
-the form [**shape] for Λ and Λ for Γ, was officially superseded by the
-alphabet of Asia Minor in the archonship of Euclides 403 B.C. But long
-before this date the Ionian letters had been in frequent use for private
-documents. Thus any tomb bearing an inscription in the Ionian character
-can scarcely be later than 400 B.C.; but may be considerably earlier.
-The evidence of date furnished by inscriptions being thus rather vague,
-we return to the evidence offered by the forms of the stelae and the
-style of the reliefs.
-
-A certain roughness and want of elaboration in the acroteria, the
-architectural adornments of the tops of the stelae, indicates
-fifth-century work. For example, the stelae of Lysander (Pl. XX) and of
-Mica (Pl. XXI), with their somewhat clumsy ending above, are typical of
-the fifth century, while a somewhat more elegant top, as in the stele of
-Damasistrata (Pl. XXIII), is usually an indication of the more
-luxurious fourth century. But style of sculpture is a safer criterion.
-Those who are familiar with the style of the Parthenon frieze, and with
-that of Praxitelean art, will find little difficulty in determining to
-which of these two very different styles that of any given relief most
-closely approximates. To the question of the relation of sepulchral
-reliefs to the works of the great Athenian artists we will return in a
-later chapter (XI).
-
-The effects of the sumptuary laws of Demetrius Phalereus are clearly
-visible in the Athenian cemeteries. After 300 B.C. we find no more lofty
-stelae, no more temple-like tombs of great size and beauty. As might be
-expected from the statement of Cicero above cited, henceforward we find
-only small and mean monuments, the low stele with reliefs, the stone
-lekythos, the short pillar, inscribed only with a name. Such tombs are
-found in extraordinary abundance in the neighbourhood of Athens; but
-their interest, whether from the point of view of the historian or the
-artist, is but slight, and we shall be but little concerned with them in
-these pages.
-
-We must imagine most of the roads leading to great cities as flanked on
-both sides by the sculptured memorials of the dead. Those who have
-visited Rome and Pompeii will be familiar with this custom, which seems
-to us rather depressing. But we must remember that the tombs of the
-Greeks and Romans had not that air of uniform melancholy which tombs
-bear among us. The frontispiece shows a part of the great Athenian
-cemetery of the Cerameicus, which lay just outside the Dipylon Gate. It
-shows us the line of tombs of various ages and of many forms, which
-flanked the sacred way leading to Eleusis, the line of which is visible
-in the foreground. On the left is the relief of Dexileos, which belonged
-to a sort of shrine, of which the foundations still exist. Close to it
-is a table or τράπεζα; below it, a tall stele with rosettes on the face
-of it, and surmounted by an acanthus. Then come more tables and a flat
-stele adorned with reliefs. Further are two shrines, ναΐσκοι, and a
-lofty basis supporting a bull. One or two short pillars of the later age
-are visible in the background. In some cases stone lekythi, such as that
-lying broken at the foot of the pedestal of the bull, were inserted,
-sometimes one and sometimes two, in the flat upper surface of the
-tables.
-
-To what events this section of the cemetery owes its remarkable
-preservation is a matter of conjecture. Francis Lenormant suggested that
-it was covered by the earthen _agger_ set up against the walls of Athens
-by Sulla when he attacked the city from this side, and so preserved from
-the ruin which time brings. Dr. Brückner, however, rejects this view,
-thinking that the spot was buried with earth by the Athenians themselves
-on some occasion[130]. Whatever explanation be accepted, it is certainly
-a great gain to us thus to find preserved, like a fly in amber, a
-section of a great cemetery of Greece.
-
-The architectural features and decoration of the tombs of Athens may
-best be spoken of in this place.
-
-First, of the acanthus. The gradual growth of this ornament in
-complication and variety may be traced in the stelae of successive
-periods[131]. The general form is always two Ionic volutes, surmounted
-by a palmette. To this is commonly added, after the fifth century B.C.,
-some kind of pattern derived from the leaf of the acanthus, which
-Callimachus, the inventor or improver of the Corinthian column, at the
-same period introduced into temple architecture.
-
-The acanthus is said by some to be introduced into tomb decoration
-because it grew on the rocky spurs which the Greeks generally used as
-burying-places. And in favour of this view may be cited the curious fact
-that in the vase-paintings we often see on the top of a tomb, in place
-of a sculptured acanthus,
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 41.
-
-HEAD OF ASSYRIAN STELE.]
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 42. HEAD OF GREEK STELE.]
-
-one growing naturally. But there is, on the other side, a piece of
-evidence the value of which must be acknowledged. At Khorsabad in
-Assyria[132], M. Place discovered a tall square stele, fluted on all
-four sides, and surmounted by a device which is really a palmette, but
-which bears a strong resemblance to the so-called acanthus pattern of
-Greek art. The meaning and purpose of this pillar are obscure; but
-whatever they may be, it is scarcely open to doubt that in an artistic
-sense it lies in the line of descent of the Hellenic stele. And it
-naturally suggests the question whether the finial ornament of Greek
-gravestones was originally meant for an acanthus at all, or whether it
-is only a variety of the Ionic scroll and the Assyrian palmette. We
-engrave side by side the top of this column (Fig. 41), and for
-comparison with it, an archaic anthemion from a Greek stele[133] (Fig.
-42).
-
-After the archaic period the anthemion on the top of the Attic stele
-goes on developing in complexity as well as in beauty. We give three
-characteristic treatments of the fourth century, which may be compared
-with the example already figured. Of these monuments, one (43)[134] is
-adorned with rosettes only; the second (43 A)[135] with a group of three
-persons, father, mother, and daughter; the third (43 B)[136] with a
-marriage vase.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 43. ANTHEMION OF STELE.]
-
-The acanthus is not the only ornament used as a finial for Greek stelae:
-other devices sometimes appear in the same place; and their meaning is a
-matter worthy of consideration.
-
-On some of the early monuments of Attica there stood a sphinx. The
-instance figured (44) is from an early tomb at Spata, near Athens[137].
-The monster is archaic in form: her hair falls in long formal curls, her
-breast is covered with
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 43 A. ANTHEMION.]
-
-feathers: on her head is a round crown. The history of the sphinx has
-been traced by Milchhoefer[138] and other writers. Its origin is
-certainly to be sought in Egypt, in which country sphinxes were set up
-in lines as guardians of the temples. The Egyptian sphinx is unwinged
-and male, as the beard which it commonly wears clearly shows; but when
-the people of Asia Minor and Syria imitated the form, they added wings.
-The significance of the monster was in Egypt quite vague; and it was
-probably even more vague in Asia. Thus when the Greeks adopted the
-strange form, it cannot have brought with it much meaning. They had to
-give it a meaning of their own. In fact, it was quite characteristic in
-the Greeks that they
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 43 B. ANTHEMION.]
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 44. SPHINX OF SPATA.]
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 45. TERRA-COTTA: SPHINX AND YOUTH.]
-
-borrowed forms and gave to them their own meaning. They took the forms
-and sounds of the letters of the alphabet from the Phoenicians, but used
-those letters to express their own thoughts, and the same thing took
-place when they received from the East an established pattern or form in
-art. To the Greeks, then, the sphinx is a monster, sometimes fierce and
-hostile, sometimes more kindly and gentle, who brings men and women to
-an early death; a spiritual force, like the Siren, which bears away
-souls. On a terra-cotta (Fig. 45) published by Stackelberg[139], a
-sphinx, this time with human arms, is represented as standing on the
-body of a dead youth. Some such group must have been before the mind of
-Aeschylus when he describes the shield of Parthenopaeus as adorned with
-a sphinx bearing in her claws a man of Thebes[140]. But in the sphinx
-of our engraving there is no sign of fierceness or ravening.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 46. STELE OF LAMPTRAE, RESTORED.]
-
-A sphinx probably stood on the top of one of the most interesting of
-early Athenian monuments, the stele of Lamptrae, of which I give a
-restoration (Fig. 46) by Dr. Winter[141]. It consisted of a thick slab
-with elegantly adorned cornice. On the top is a deep cutting, made to
-hold either the sphinx of the engraving, or, possibly, a portrait. Three
-sides of the slab bear low reliefs which are much injured, but the
-subjects of which are of interest. On the front is a young horseman,
-evidently the denizen of the tomb, who rides to the right on a horse,
-holding spear and shield: a second horse is represented by a mere
-doubling of the outlines. On one of the narrower sides stands the father
-of the horseman, in an attitude of grief: on the other side are two
-mourning women, no doubt his near relatives. To these mourning relatives
-we may find abundant parallels among the vases which represent the lying
-in state of the corpse and its removal to the place of burial[142].
-
-It will be observed that the sphinx of the terra-cotta has human arms.
-This, and her female sex, bring her into close connexion with other
-female monsters, who also are winged and have the arms of women, the
-Harpies and the Sirens. Harpy and Siren are, in fact, not clearly
-distinguished in art; both are human-headed birds. And both are daemons
-destructive to human life, since, according to the legends, the Harpies
-were notable for foul and ravenous habits, the Sirens for a passion for
-the blood of the sailors whom they drew to them by the sweetness of
-their singing. As sphinx and Siren were thus both alike the ministers of
-early or untimely death, it will not greatly surprise us to find that on
-later monuments Sirens appear in the place of sphinxes. An instance from
-the museum at Athens is figured (Fig. 47)[143]; the woman-bird is human
-from head to waist, and is occupied with playing on her lyre. The tomb
-on which she stood perhaps belonged to some young girl or boy who
-perished by an untimely death.
-
-Yet this is by no means certain. For the Siren of Attic tombs has
-greatly modified her nature under the kindly influence of Attic poetry
-and art. She came from the East, almost certainly as a malicious and
-devouring daemon. But in the ordinary custom of Attic tombs of the fifth
-and fourth centuries she becomes friendly and sympathetic. Sometimes, as
-in our example, she plays on a musical instrument. Sometimes she seems
-to express grief by the movements of her arms, beating her breast, or
-tearing her hair (see Pl. IV). A passage in the _Helena_[144] of
-Euripides represents the Sirens quite in the same sympathetic light.
-Helen, when wailing over the calamities at Troy calls on the Sirens,
-winged maidens, daughters of the earth, to come and join to her
-lamentations the music in which they were skilled.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 47. SIREN, FROM TOMB.]
-
-The sphinx and the Siren may have originally found their place on tombs
-as ἀποτρόπαια, stone images of daemons to drive away the real daemons.
-But they retain their place on the tombs of a more refined age to
-express sympathy with the mourners, and to add a gentle touch of sorrow
-to the delightful domestic scenes which usually occupy the front of the
-monuments. Sophocles calls the Sirens the daughters of Phorcys, who sing
-the ways of Hades; it cannot therefore seem inappropriate that the tomb
-of Sophocles himself was adorned with the figure of one of these
-spirits.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 48. HEAD OF STELE.]
-
-More obscure devices are sometimes mingled with the acanthus over the
-tomb. In a few cases (Fig. 48) we find a pair of goats butting one
-another over a drinking-cup[145]. The cup seems to show that there must
-be here some Dionysiac reference or meaning, though what it is we
-cannot say. In one case a female figure (Fig. 49), the import of which
-is hard to determine[146], stands over a tomb, with the acanthus-leaves
-for a background.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 49. HEAD OF STELE.]
-
-It is not rare in most periods of Greek art to place on a tomb, instead
-of a portrait, the image of an animal, or some other device, the meaning
-of which has to be discovered by the spectator. Sometimes it contains
-an allusion, usually to his name. We engrave (Fig. 50) a stele on which
-is represented a lion in relief[147], and as the name of the person whom
-the tomb commemorates is Leon, the allusion is clear. We may compare an
-epigram of Simonides[148], written for a tomb, which runs thus:--
-
-    Most brave of beasts am I; of men most brave
-    He whom I guard, reclining on his grave.
-    Leon his name, yet save he had possessed
-    The lion nature, here I should not rest.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 50. STELE OF LEON.]
-
-The traditional character of the lion, which was known to the Greeks
-rather from the _Iliad_ than from personal experience, made his figure
-a fitting adornment for the tombs of those who had died in battle for
-their country. Two gigantic lions still survive which adorned Greek
-tombs of historical celebrity. One stood over the remains of the Theban
-band which fell at Chaeroneia. The other, brought by Sir Charles Newton
-from Cnidus, probably marked the burial-place of the Athenians who fell
-in the battle of Cnidus, 394 B.C. The lioness on tombs seems to have
-scarcely had such dignified associations. On the tomb of Lais at Corinth
-stood a lioness, holding in her paws a ram[149], a symbol of the
-destructive force of the charms of the courtezan. A lioness without a
-tongue is said also to have stood on the tomb of Leaena, the Athenian
-courtezan who was a friend of Harmodius and Aristogeiton, and refused to
-betray the conspirators against the Tyrants.
-
-A bull or cow sometimes also stood on a grave. In the British Museum is
-a bull of this class[150]. A heifer is said to have stood on the tomb of
-Boidion, concubine of Chares, who followed him in his expedition against
-Philip of Macedon[151]. On the grave of Diogenes of Sinope was a dog, to
-mark his cynic nature. But the dog which appears on the summit of a tomb
-in the Athenian cemetery need not have anything to do with cynicism. He
-may have his place as a trusty watcher and guardian; or he may be
-connected with the cultus of the dead, as we have already suggested. On
-the grave of Philager his teacher, Metellus Nepos, set a raven, which
-Cicero declared to be most appropriate to a master who taught how to fly
-better than how to speak[152]. Of course the raven, as the bird sacred
-to Apollo, was very appropriate on the tombs of learned men. In an
-epitaph in the _Anthology_[153] it is said that the grave of the poet
-Sophocles was surmounted by a satyr, holding in his hand a female mask.
-As, however, we are told by other authorities that a Siren stood on his
-tomb, we must suppose the satyr to have surmounted a cenotaph erected to
-the poet by his admirers in some other city than Athens. From another
-epigram[154] we learn that on the grave of Plato an eagle was
-sculptured: here we are clearly in the realm of poetic symbolism.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER IX
-
-ATHENS AND GREECE. PORTRAITS
-
-
-In the Spartan group of sepulchral monuments we found one of the two
-fountain-heads of Greek sepulchral reliefs, springing directly out of
-the ancestor-worship of the Dorian race. For the other main source,
-which is much less religious and more artistic in origin, we turn to
-Athens and to Ionia. It arises out of the custom of setting up portraits
-of the dead.
-
-The earliest sepulchral monuments which reach us from Attica, setting
-aside the merely decorative or symbolical sphinx, are portraits of the
-dead. In these portraits there is something of artistic and something of
-religious purpose. As we shall presently see, no hard and fast line can
-be drawn between the image used in ancestor-worship and the portrait
-which is merely a memorial. In fact we may see two lines of tendency
-taking their rise in the mere image of the dead. The one tendency is to
-bring it nearer to the images of the gods; to identify the departed
-ancestor or friend with Hades, the ruler of the world of shades. The
-other tendency is to render the portrait a characteristic memorial of
-the life which is past. In almost all existing sculptural remains we may
-see something of both tendencies, and it is by no means easy to
-determine what features in them properly belong to the past life, and
-what features to the life which begins with death. At Sparta, as we have
-seen, there is almost no reference to the past. In Lycia, past and
-future are closely blended. At Athens, and in several districts of
-Greece, the past has a tendency to eclipse the future. Yet at least in
-the earlier stelae the religious, the human, and the artistic are all
-actively working elements.
-
-From the middle of the sixth century onwards the custom prevailed of
-placing upon the tomb a portrait of the occupant, who is represented in
-characteristic attitude and employment[155]. A man in middle life is
-commonly represented in arms; a youth appears as an athlete holding
-strigil or discus. A married woman appears with the basket of wool,
-which signifies her most usual employment to be spinning; a young girl
-carries a doll, or plays with a pet bird or dog. Sometimes this portrait
-is sculptured in the round; sometimes it appears in relief, on a larger
-or a smaller scale.
-
-But no one at all well acquainted with the religious feelings and
-artistic tendencies of the Greeks will expect that portraits thus
-erected will be portraits in any modern or naturalistic sense, at all
-events until after the fourth century. When an honorary statue was
-erected in the neighbourhood of a temple or set up in a market-place in
-the likeness of some statesman or poet or athlete, it would represent
-the actual features of the person so commemorated, in the manner in
-which the sculptors of the time understood the art of portraiture.
-Greater vagueness and generality always in Greece characterized the
-sepulchral portrait. It was a radical feeling of the Greek mind that he
-who died put away the accidents of his personal individuality, and
-became in some degree a mere phase of the deity of the lower world.
-Thus, though he would not lose what was most essential in his
-personality, sex, youth or age, warlike or peaceful character, and the
-like, he would become typical of a class rather than individual, _the_
-warrior, the athlete, or the girl, rather than a particular man or
-woman. Besides this deep-seated tendency, it must often have happened
-that the sculptor who made the effigy had scarcely seen the person to
-be represented, and was quite incapable of making from memory a
-life-like portrait, whereas taking a mould from the dead face was a
-process invented, we are told[156], by Lysistratus, brother of Lysippus,
-the contemporary of Alexander the Great, and unknown at an earlier
-period.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 51. PORTRAIT FROM TOMB, THERA[157].]
-
-We find in Greece proper as early as the sixth century portrait statues
-from tombs. Male figures stand naked, female figures are closely wrapped
-in archaic drapery. It is very probable that some of the stiff archaic
-statues of men which figure in the earlier chapters of the histories of
-Greek sculpture really come from tombs. They commonly pass under the
-name of Apollo, as the Apollo of Thera, of Orchomenus, of Tenea, and so
-forth. But at the very early stage of Greek art to which they belong,
-the figures of gods and men were distinguished one from the other rather
-by circumstance and attribute than by any marked feature of the statues
-themselves. And thus some writers[158] have maintained that these
-so-called Apollos are really portraits of athletes. In regard to one of
-them, the Apollo of Thera, Professor Loeschcke has argued from its
-find-spot, in the neighbourhood of the rocky cemetery of that island,
-that it probably stood on a tomb. To bring before the eyes of the reader
-the character of these early portrait-statues I have given an engraving
-of the head of this statue (Fig. 51). The long locks fall over the
-shoulders, and the hair over the forehead is close curled in the
-decorative Ionian fashion. The upturned corners of the mouth, and the
-almost Chinese obliquity of the eyes, are well-known features of the
-most primitive art of Greece.
-
-In the same paper Professor Loeschcke publishes[159] a fragment of an
-archaic equestrian statue (Fig. 52), which comes from the graveyard of
-Vari in Attica, and was probably a memorial of a cavalier buried there.
-The equestrian figure on Greek tombs had, as we have found in an earlier
-chapter, usually a special meaning; but here it seems to be a mere
-portrait of one who had served in the cavalry, or perhaps had won a
-victory at the great games of Greece with a racehorse. Noteworthy are
-the long rigidly cut figure of the horse, and the seat of the rider,
-whose legs stretch along the flanks of the horse. This may result from
-the greater sculptural difficulty of carving the legs in a detached
-attitude.
-
-We possess also certain seated female figures of the same
-
-[Illustration:
-
-     PLATE VI
-
-     _Page 136_
-]
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 52. HORSEMAN FROM TOMB.]
-
-early age which appear to have adorned tombs. A fragment of one of these
-was found built into the wall which Themistocles constructed round
-Athens soon after the battle of Salamis, a wall erected, as
-Thucydides[160] tells us, in such haste that men spared neither public
-nor private edifice in its construction. But the best evidence as to the
-character of the early sepulchral portraits of Athenian ladies reaches
-us by a less direct route. Many people are familiar with the charming
-seated figure in the Vatican which goes by the name of Penelope, a
-veiled woman seated in pensive attitude, with her head resting on one
-hand, while the other hand lies on the rock on which she sits (Pl. VI).
-This rock, however, is a restoration[161], and replicas prove that in
-place of it we must suppose a chair, under which stood a large
-work-basket, to have supported the lady. She is, in all likelihood, no
-mythic heroine, but an ordinary Greek mistress of the house, resting for
-a while from the active toils of the loom in an attitude which gives the
-impression that the thought of approaching death has come over her with
-saddening power. Both the attitude and the basket of work recur
-frequently in the reliefs of early stelae[162], and there is good reason
-to suppose that the so-called Penelope is an excerpt from some Greek
-cemetery, though the statue itself dates only from the Roman age. The
-original from which it is copied would date from the early part of the
-fifth century.
-
-Before going on to speak of the stelae with reliefs, which are our main
-business, it may be well to follow down to a later time the lines which
-start with figures like the ‘Apollo’ of Tenea and the ‘Penelope’ of the
-Vatican.
-
-It is by no means unlikely that in later days tombs in Greece may
-sometimes have been adorned with life-like portraits of their occupants,
-executed by some of the great sculptors of the day, such as the noble
-figures of Mausolus and Artemisia, which stood in the Mausoleum at
-Halicarnassus. But certainly this was not the only, probably not the
-usual, line followed in memorial statues. The idea of generalization and
-of deification of the dead, of which I have already spoken, was by no
-means inoperative in this province.
-
-Pl. VII represents one of two figures found in the island of Andros, and
-now placed in the museum at Athens[163]. This male figure obviously
-appears in the guise of Hermes, and indeed bears a resemblance which is
-more than superficial to the celebrated Olympian Hermes of Praxiteles.
-Very probably it may have grasped the herald’s staff of Hermes. But the
-snake which twines round the tree-trunk, which is a necessary support to
-the marble statue, has no connexion with Hermes, but seems to indicate
-rather a connexion with
-
-[Illustration:
-
-     PLATE VII
-
-     _Page 138_
-]
-
-[Illustration:
-
-     PLATE VIII
-
-     _Page 138_
-]
-
-the grave, that in fact the statue is rather of a mortal in the
-similitude of Hermes than of the god himself. And this suspicion becomes
-a certainty when we consider other facts. Close to it was found its
-companion, a female figure, which does not seem to stand for a goddess,
-but for an ordinary woman[164]; and as male and female were thus found
-together, they had probably both stood on one tomb. There are other
-pairs of figures, of later and ruder work, at Athens, which in general
-character resemble the pair from Andros. Thus we seem to be on the track
-of a clear and defined sepulchral custom prevailing from the fourth
-century onwards. The successors of Alexander in Egypt, Syria, and
-Macedon appear on their coins in the guise of various deities, Hermes,
-Apollo, and Dionysus particularly; and it can scarcely surprise us that
-a distinguished private person should by the ennobling touch of death be
-raised to the same level, and take the form of Hermes, the messenger of
-the world of shades. We find that in Thessaly tombstones quite usually
-are inscribed, not only with the name of the occupant of the grave, but
-also with a formula dedicating them to Hermes Chthonius[165].
-
-The Museum of Berlin has acquired, from the Sabouroff Collection, two
-interesting statues of women, seated in an attitude of grief, which
-almost certainly belong to tombs, and challenge comparison with the
-‘Penelope.’ One is figured in Pl. VIII. Their date is probably the
-fourth century; but they certainly do not come from the hands of the
-great sculptors of that century; the work of them is poor, and their
-style has been well termed that of domestic art. Their dress is not that
-of the Athenian lady, but that of the maidservants who so often appear
-on the stelae in attendance on their mistress[166], a dress of coarse
-material with long sleeves reaching to the wrist. They are clearly
-mourning slave-girls, who were placed on the grave of their mistress to
-commemorate her wealth and her kindness to her dependants.
-
-We next approach the rich series of sepulchral reliefs, in which, as we
-have already shown, three periods are to be distinguished: first, that
-before the Persian War; second, the fifth and fourth centuries; and
-third, the later age. In this chapter we deal with the representations
-which are primarily portraits, leaving more complicated scenes for the
-next chapter.
-
-Among the best-known of the works of early Athenian art is the stele of
-Aristion, which was found in 1838 in the midst of a tumulus at
-Velanideza in Attica. Simple and in details clumsy, the figure of the
-warrior (Pl. IX A) on that stele is singularly pleasing as a whole, and
-the unrivalled eye of Brunn saw in it, at a time when very little was
-known as to the early art of Athens, the whole promise of the Attic art
-of the future, more especially in the way in which it occupied the field
-of the relief, and was wrought into a composition which showed in all
-its _naïveté_ a fine sense of proportion and of the relation of the part
-to the whole. As if on a parade, the soldier stands in helmet and
-cuirass, grasping his spear, and waiting the word of command. The hair
-and the right hand especially show the limitations imposed on the artist
-by the undeveloped character of his technique. Yet the relief is justly
-a favourite with lovers of art. One of its charms our plate imperfectly
-reproduces, the delicate remains of colouring, which may still be traced
-on the marble, and which are repeated on the casts in our cast
-collections.
-
-From the same cemetery as this work of the sculptor Aristocles comes
-another stele adorned, not with relief, but
-
-[Illustration:
-
-     PLATE IX
-
-     _Page 140_
-]
-
-with painting[167], and bearing the inscription, Λυσὲᾳ ἐνθάδε σῆμα πατὴρ
-Σήμων ἐπέθηκεν. The colour has indeed disappeared with time, but the
-patience of Mr. Thiersch and of Dr. Loeschcke has succeeded in proving
-its former presence from the variety of preservation of the surface of
-the marble, the parts of it which were protected by colour having
-retained the original surface, while those which were not so protected
-suffered from corrosion. We can clearly trace the outlines of the figure
-of Lyseas, a bearded man, who stands, holding in one hand a winecup, in
-the other a bough for lustration. Below is a jockey, seated on a
-galloping horse, doubtless a memorial of some victory won in the great
-games.
-
-Lyseas is clad in civic dress, and in this respect he resembles another
-person of distinction whose stele reaches us from Boeotia, and was
-executed by the artist Alxenor of Naxos (Pl. IX B). This delightful
-monument represents a worthy Greek citizen in one of his lighter moods.
-Standing in a position of ease, he rests his weight on a staff which
-supports his shoulder, and holds out in sport a grasshopper to a
-favourite dog, who leaps up in an attitude somewhat constrained, and
-clearly resulting from the narrow limits of the monument. The
-inscription added by the artist is as delightfully simple as the
-representation itself: ‘Alxenor of Naxos fashioned me: only look!’
-
-Alxenor was a native of Naxos, Aristocles probably of a Parian family;
-these are facts, among others, which confirm the view put forth by
-Loeschcke and Furtwängler, that the stele with portrait is of Ionian
-origin, and imported into Greece together with the marble of the islands
-of the Asiatic coast, and with the sculptors who came to exercise their
-hereditary skill in carving that marble. It is difficult to prove to
-demonstration any assertion in regard to the art of Ionia, as the
-remains which will finally establish or condemn such assertions still
-lie beneath the soil of Miletus, Ephesus, Phocaea, and the other great
-Ionian settlements of the coast. But we can assert with reasonable
-confidence, that as Greece owed conservatism and ancestor-worship to the
-rigid Dorians, so she owed progress in art and all the delights of life
-to the joyous Ionian strain; and portraiture has in it the human and
-individual character which belongs especially to the Ionians.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 53. SEATED HERO.]
-
-Another relief, now preserved at Ince Blundell Hall[168] (Fig. 53), sets
-before us a typical Greek citizen, seated in dignified fashion. From the
-artistic point of view it is interesting to see how completely, even in
-the archaic period, the sculptor has attained the art of displaying
-rather than concealing the bodily forms by means of the drapery. Whence
-this relief may have come we know not. But it is of Parian marble, and
-the comparison of other reliefs indicates for it an Ionian origin,
-perhaps on one of the islands of the Aegean. We miss the attributes
-which in the stelae of Sparta refer to the cultus of ancestors. It is,
-however, impossible to be sure that they were originally wanting. For it
-seems clear that on the right hand, which lies palm upwards, some
-attribute rested which was indicated in colour, perhaps a flat cup,
-while the raised left hand may have held a flower.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 54. HEAD OF YOUTH HOLDING DISCUS.]
-
-The stelae of youths are in the early age more common than those of
-grown men. As we might expect, the portraits of young men, even from
-their tombs, are marked by an athletic tinge. In the wall of
-Themistocles, already mentioned, near the Dipylon gate of Athens, was
-found the head of a young man, who had probably been a winner in the
-pentathlon, a combination of five contests--hurling the spear, throwing
-the discus, leaping, running, and wrestling[169]. The victors in this
-complicated sport appear in their statues holding either spear or discus
-or the weights (άλτῆρες) used in leaping. In the present case it is the
-discus which has the preference (Fig. 54). Held up in the left hand, the
-discus forms a sort of background or frame to the remarkable head, with
-its long arched nose, its wide-open archaic eye, and the long mass of
-its hair falling down the neck.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 55. DERMYS AND CITYLUS.]
-
-To this work, which is, for the time, of finished style and execution, a
-strong contrast is presented by an extraordinary monument of Boeotia
-(Fig. 55), from the tomb of two brothers,
-
-[Illustration:
-
-     PLATE X
-
-     _Page 144_
-]
-
-Dermys and Citylus[170]. The artist certainly meant rightly, and he has
-succeeded in conveying to future times the impression of the mutual
-affection of the pair, who stand with the arm of each thrown round the
-other’s neck, in a fashion peculiar to lovers and schoolboys. But
-unfortunately his ambition was beyond his skill, and the extraordinary
-rigidity and helplessness of the group are even more conspicuous than
-its good motive. It is hard to see whence the arms come and whither they
-go; and it is quite clear that unless the sculptor had added the name of
-each brother in the marble, their best friends would have been unable to
-discern which was which. The inscription further records the name of the
-person who erected the tomb: ‘Set up by Amphalces in memory of Dermys
-and Citylus.’
-
-Coming down to a somewhat later time, we are compelled by the abundance
-of the material to select a few portraits of men as typical, and to pass
-over the great majority of them in silence.
-
-A thoroughly typical portrait of an Athenian citizen of the fifth
-century is found in the stele of Tynnias, the son of Tynnon (Pl. X).
-Tynnias is seated holding a long staff, his garment thrown loosely over
-his shoulders but leaving his breast bare. The work is not very careful,
-yet it would not be easy to find in art a figure of greater grace and
-dignity. This mere mortal would sit undisgraced among the seated gods of
-the frieze of the Parthenon. He might almost stand for Zeus, the father
-of gods and men, instead of for the father of ordinary Athenian girls
-and boys. Only in one point does his humanity come out clearly. The
-chair on which he is seated is not such a square high-backed throne as
-would suit a deity, or such as commonly appears on tombs, but a
-thoroughly domestic chair, such as we see in the domestic interiors of
-vases (see Figs. 10 and 69). The back slopes at a comfortable angle,
-and the legs diverge so far apart that it could only with great
-difficulty be overturned. Since the Chippendale reaction we have
-accepted the notion that chairs with bent legs are not artistic, but it
-is clear that some skilful Greek sculptors were of another opinion. The
-boots of Tynnias also are not the sandals of ordinary Greek art, but
-leather boots not unlike ours.
-
-The simple form of this monument with its shallow pediment contrasts
-with the more highly developed and elegant stelae of the fourth century;
-the rough surface below shows where it was let into a socket. It is in
-fact an ordinary roadside tomb; can we wonder that the nation which had
-such perfect taste in common things attained so perfect a sense of
-beauty in form and dignity in deportment?
-
-To the peaceful Tynnias a striking contrast is offered by the figures of
-citizens who fell in battle, and whose graves are a memorial of their
-warlike prowess. We give three examples.
-
-First, the tomb of Aristonautes, son of Archenautes (Pl. XI). This is
-almost the only example which has come down to us of a complete ναῗδιον
-or temple. The letters of the inscription indicate the earlier part of
-the fourth century. Aristonautes is represented in the act of charging
-the enemy; he wears a conical helmet adorned with ornaments of
-gilt-bronze[171], and a cuirass; in his hands were sword or spear and
-shield. The relief is so high that the figure is almost in the round, to
-which circumstance we must attribute the loss of the left leg, which is
-now replaced in plaster. A chlamys lies on the left shoulder. The ground
-on which the hero charges is the rocky soil of some battlefield; the
-background was painted blue to bring out strongly the manly lines of the
-form. This monument comes from the Cerameicus at Athens.
-
-[Illustration:
-
-     PLATE XI
-
-     _Page 146_
-]
-
-It would not be easy to imagine a more vigorous and lifelike image of a
-fallen warrior than this. Drapery and bodily forms alike are of the
-noblest. The face, with its square form, overhanging eyebrows, and
-parted lips, breathes the very spirit of military ardour. Such as every
-friend of Aristonautes would wish him to look when he sprang forward in
-his last fatal rush upon the foe, such he stands in imperishable marble.
-A grave in Westminster Abbey is supposed to recompense the English
-soldier for pain and untimely death, but surely the idea of living in
-marble under the eyes of all his fellow-citizens might furnish at least
-as strong an impulse to valiant deeds as the thought of a modern
-cathedral with its tasteless monuments and inanimate likenesses. It
-would, however, be a mistake to suppose that this figure, for all its
-lifelikeness, is an individual portrait. It is too strongly marked by
-the style of one of the noblest of Attic sculptors, Scopas, to allow us
-to doubt that there is in it a strong ideal element.
-
-Another monument of the same school is the well-known relief (Pl. XII)
-in which we see Dexileos of the Athenian cavalry riding down and
-transfixing an overthrown foe, who vainly tries to strike back[172]. The
-inscription beneath this relief, which comes from a small chapel near
-the Dipylon gate of Athens, proves that it was executed in memory of a
-horseman who fell in the Corinthian War of 394 B.C. History records that
-in the battle the Athenians were defeated, and one is tempted to pause
-for a moment to consider how a modern sculptor would have represented
-Dexileos. An artist such as those who have modelled the tombs of St.
-Paul’s and Westminster would probably have sculptured him smitten to
-death, falling back in the arms of a grateful country; perhaps would
-have added above an angel crowning him with a wreath of celestial
-reward. But the Greek artists of the good period could not find in
-defeat and death any elements worthy of their art: they must represent
-those whom they portrayed in the moment of success and victory, not in
-that of overthrow. The difference is very suggestive. Infinitely
-inferior to Greek art in charm, in simplicity and dignity, modern art
-introduces higher elements than were usually taken into account in
-Hellas. From the artistic point of view the ancients were right; but
-from the ethical point of view there may be more to be said for the
-moderns.
-
-[Illustration: FIG 56. WARRIOR OF TEGEA.]
-
-A more modest memorial of a warrior comes from Tegea[173] (Fig. 56). In
-the relief we see a man named Lisas in the
-
-[Illustration:
-
-     PLATE XII
-
-     _Page 148_
-]
-
-guise not of a hoplite but of a peltast or auxiliary. His defensive
-armour consists only of a conical helmet and a shield. His chiton is
-girt only on the left shoulder, so as to leave the right arm perfectly
-free. What he carried in the right hand we cannot be sure. It was filled
-in in colour, and has disappeared. The attitude makes us at first think
-of a sling. But it is more likely that the weapon was a light javelin
-for throwing. Lisas is evidently advancing over rocky ground to the
-attack.
-
-From monuments of warriors we pass to those of young athletes; and in
-Greece almost every man who died before coming to full maturity appears
-on his tomb in athletic guise. The exercises of the palaestra were not
-reserved, as among us, for a certain number of the most robust young
-men, but were, like the military service with which they were nearly
-connected, a part of the life of every man not given up to sloth and
-luxury. On Pl. XIII is a noble figure of an athletic ephebus. He stands
-solidly on flat feet, naked but for a chlamys which he holds with the
-right hand, while the left grasps strigil and oil-flask, the necessaries
-of the life of the athlete. The bare body is treated with utmost
-simplicity and without a trace of self-consciousness. A dog sits at his
-master’s feet with nose upturned. This monument is from Thespiae in
-Boeotia, and must date from the middle of the fifth century: the letters
-over the head, Ἀγαθόκλη χαῖρε, are, it need scarcely be said, of much
-later times, proving that this stele, like so many at Athens, was used
-again in Roman times to mark a fresh tomb.
-
-Of somewhat later date is the relief on an Attic lekythos (Fig. 57), in
-which we find an athlete exercising himself[174]. Stark naked, according
-to the invariable custom of the Greek palaestra, he rests his weight on
-one leg, while on the other he balances a heavy stone ball, such a ball
-as was actually found in the gymnasium of Pompeii. This was doubtless
-an exercise of the class used for training special muscles and producing
-a perfect physical development. In front of the athlete stands a
-slave-boy, holding his oil-flask, and behind him is a pillar on which is
-his garment.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 57. ATHLETE BALANCING STONE.]
-
-A stele from Thespiae, of the middle of the fifth century[175] (Fig.
-58), presents us with the figure of a young horseman, seated on a
-galloping horse. He wears the chiton and the Thessalian horseman’s
-cloak, the chlamys. The reins were filled in in bronze; the holes for
-fixing the metal being still visible in the horse’s mouth and neck. The
-easy and masterly
-
-[Illustration:
-
-     PLATE XIII
-
-     _Page 150_
-]
-
-seat of the rider, and the noble forms of the horse, place this relief
-among the most pleasing which we possess.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 58. YOUNG HORSEMAN.]
-
-A fine monument of the age and style of Pheidias comes from Aegina (Pl.
-XIV). Carved on it is the beautiful figure of a young man clad in a
-mantle, who holds in his left hand a bird, and extends the right without
-obvious purpose[176]. By this hand is a bird-cage; under it is a
-sepulchral monument, against which a boy leans, and on the top of which
-is a sculptured cat. The cat was well known in Egypt in antiquity, but
-the Greeks were unfamiliar with it, and its presence in this connexion
-is curious. The young man reminds us by the form of his head and his
-garment of the youths of the Parthenon frieze, who are his
-contemporaries and may come from the same chisel. The beautiful
-ornament which surmounts the group forms in its extreme gracefulness a
-fitting boundary to it.
-
-Another striking group (Pl. XV) comes from the bed of the Ilissus. It is
-nearly a century later in date than the last-mentioned. We see in it a
-youth of magnificent proportions, half sitting on and half leaning
-against a sepulchral column. In the left hand he grasps a short staff,
-which rests on his knee. At his feet is a dog scenting the quarry; on
-the steps of the stele is seated in an attitude of dejection a young
-boy, while an old man, no doubt the father of him to whom the tomb
-belongs, gazes earnestly into his face. No doubt this vigorous young man
-was a hunter of hares, the short staff being such as hunters used to
-throw at the prey. Nothing but the view of the original of this
-wonderful relief, or at least of a cast of it, suffices to make one
-appreciate quite adequately its beauty.
-
-With these reliefs we may compare an epitaph[177], written by an
-anonymous author to be placed on the tomb of a young man named Pericles.
-From the description of the relief which the tomb bore it is clear that
-the implements of the chase were represented in it in detail; this would
-be quite natural in the Hellenistic age, as we may see by comparing
-several examples in the Museum at Athens[178]:--
-
-    A marble tomb I stand for Archias’ son,
-    Young Pericles, and speak his hunting done.
-    The horse, the spear, in my relief are set,
-    The dogs, the stakes, and on the stakes the net.
-    Yet all are stone. The beasts their pleasure take
-    Around; thy wakeless sleep they cannot break.
-
-In the last two cases a stele has been present in the background, and a
-boy shows by his attitude and expression traces of grief. By such gentle
-hints does the sculptor of
-
-[Illustration:
-
-     PLATE XIV
-
-     _Page 152_
-]
-
-[Illustration:
-
-     PLATE XV
-
-     _Page 152_
-]
-
-Greece shadow forth rather than express his meaning. The deceased
-himself is in both cases represented in the perfection of health and
-vigour; it is only the minor characters of the groups who give a
-suggestion of the mortality of such perfection.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 59. STELE OF DEMOCLEIDES.]
-
-But the young men of Athens were not all notable for warlike prowess or
-skill in the palaestra. Another relief[179] represents a youth seated
-reading from a scroll. He was either an author or an ardent student of
-letters. The work is of the fourth century. In our chapter on epitaphs
-may be found several destined for the tombs of those who excelled rather
-in intellectual pursuits than those of the gymnasium.
-
-In some cases the reference to the past life of the deceased and the
-manner of his death is clearer and more explicit. For example, one
-Democleides (Fig. 59) is represented on his tomb as seated in an
-attitude of dejection on the deck of a galley[180]. His head rests on
-his hand; behind him lie his shield and helmet. No doubt he was a
-soldier who perished at sea, whether in a naval engagement or by
-shipwreck. An epigram in the _Anthology_[181], by an unknown writer, was
-evidently written to be placed under some such representation as this:--
-
-    A vessel’s oars and prow I here behold.
-    O cease! why paint them o’er the ashes cold?
-    Nay! let the shipwrecked sailor underground
-    Forget the fate which ’mid the waves he found.
-
-It has been pointed out that, in the reliefs of tombs, the persons
-represented usually merge their individual peculiarities, and appear as
-types. But few rules are without exceptions: and, as an exception, I
-engrave (Fig. 60) a highly characteristic portrait of an elderly man,
-who appears in the background of a group of the fourth century[182]. It
-is not what we should call a classical type, but full of character and
-energy, and quite individual in character.
-
-The early art of Greece is seldom very successful in dealing with
-children. Children did not, in the great age of Hellas, interest the
-Greeks as they do us; they were valued rather for what they would become
-than for what they were. Thus the representations of them are made too
-much in the light of the future, and boys and girls on the monuments are
-figured as little men and women. This was the more natural
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 60. ELDERLY MAN, FROM STELE.]
-
-as children had no childish dress, but wore clothes like those of
-adults. One has only to compare, in the celebrated group of Praxiteles,
-the figure of the child Dionysus with that of Hermes, who carries him,
-to realize fully the lacuna thus produced in ancient art. An early
-Athenian stele (Fig. 61) bears in relief the figure of a young boy named
-Callis[tratus?], who holds in one hand a bird, while a dog leaps up to
-greet him. The name being incomplete, some have regarded the child as a
-girl, and in fact the decision as to the sex is not easy.
-
-Turning from men to women, we may cite a few instances of the
-characteristic portrait, though, generally speaking, the tombs of women
-are decorated with such groups as we shall deal with in the next
-chapter.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 61. BOY, FROM STELE.]
-
-First we may take a stone (Pl. XVI), the very form of which, with the
-rough surface of the lower half, sufficiently proves that it was placed
-directly in the ground or the mound of earth which covered the
-grave[183]. The device is simple, a veiled matron seated, holding in her
-hands attributes the nature of which is not easily determined, but which
-may be
-
-[Illustration:
-
-     PLATE XVI
-
-     _Page 156_
-]
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 62. PORTRAIT OF MYNNO.]
-
-a cake and a bird, and in any case must be regarded as gifts of the
-survivors. The work is archaic, even earlier in character than the
-Persian Wars, according to the editors of the _Corpus_. In another early
-relief (Fig. 62), which bears the name of Mynno[184], we may see under
-the seat of the lady a work basket, such as we have already observed
-placed under the so-called Penelope’s seat. With both hands Mynno twists
-her thread on a distaff, which is visible immediately under her left
-arm. The form of the stele indicates the fifth century; and it is
-noteworthy that the art of the time had not yet mastered the problem of
-presenting the breast in true profile: while Mynno’s face is turned to
-the right, her bosom appears to be turned rather towards the spectator,
-and even the further knee is represented with some clumsiness.
-
-Beside these simple and characteristic portraits of seated women we must
-place a standing figure. The stele bears the name of Amphotto, and comes
-from Thebes (Pl. XVII). There is here, as in many Boeotian monuments, a
-pleasing absence of convention. The dress of Amphotto is arranged in an
-unusual manner; her hair streams down her back. She seems at first sight
-quite an ordinary mortal; yet there are features in the representation
-which belong to another sphere. On the girl’s head is a tall circular
-crown, of the kind called by archaeologists the _polus_, which is a
-distinguishing mark of goddesses in early art. In her hands also are
-perhaps a flower (represented in painting and so lost) and a fruit,
-which are the characteristic offerings to the dead, and remind us of the
-Lycian and Spartan monuments of the cultus of heroes.
-
-The Amphotto stele belongs to the middle of the fifth century. Of the
-same age is an interesting slab at the British Museum[185], on which is
-depicted a woman seated, also wearing the polus. She holds in one hand a
-leaf-shaped fan, of the same kind which the statuettes of Tanagra
-commonly hold; and in the other hand a cup from which a serpent feeds.
-The serpent here takes us still nearer to the ideas which gave rise to
-the Spartan stelae.
-
-A class of reliefs must not be omitted which represents
-
-[Illustration:
-
-     PLATE XVII
-
-     _Page 158_
-]
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 63. GIRL WITH DOLL.]
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 64. PRIESTESS OF ISIS.]
-
-young girls holding dolls. The specimen engraved (Fig. 63) is from the
-tomb of one Aristomache[186]. Aristomache is about thirteen or fourteen
-years old; the undeveloped breast shows her not to have attained full
-womanhood. Her head, gently bent, is turned towards a little figure, no
-doubt intended for a terra-cotta statuette, which she holds in her right
-hand. This statuette might perhaps represent a deity; but the comparison
-of other reliefs[187], where a doll is certainly represented, makes us
-disposed to see one here also. Greek girls were allowed dolls until they
-married, when they often dedicated them, with balls and other girlish
-toys, to some female deity[188]. The presence of the doll, then, shows
-that Aristomache has not yet taken a husband and laid aside infants of
-terra-cotta for those of flesh.
-
-Finally, we engrave (Fig. 64) a characteristic figure of a priestess of
-Isis[189], from a tomb on which she appears, probably in company of her
-parents, but they have been broken away. In the stiff and formal dress
-of her calling she advances, bearing in her hands the sistrum and vase
-of the goddess who, of all the deities, was most closely associated with
-the future life. To her patronage and protection her priestess trusts
-for a prosperous voyage past the dangers of the last voyage, and a happy
-resting-place in Hades. The letters of the name, Alexandra, show that
-the monument belongs to the Roman age, though it is by no means wanting
-in charm.
-
-This figure is characteristic of the late age of Attic reliefs, but
-parallels to it at an earlier period are not wanting. For example, an
-Athenian tomb of the fourth century[190] shows us a lady seated, to whom
-a young girl brings a tympanum or drum, the special instrument of the
-Phrygian Goddess Cybele. And a metrical inscription, which accompanies
-the design, tells us that the deceased lady was a priestess of Cybele.
-Cybele, at an earlier time, filled in some respects nearly the same
-place in the religion of the Athenians which Isis took in Hellenistic
-days. The paths of the dead were under her guardianship, and she might
-be trusted to ensure to her votaries a place in the world below.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER X
-
-FAMILY GROUPS
-
-
-We next reach the ordinary family groups, a class of representations
-usual in the most beautiful and distinctive of the Athenian stelae. It
-is these which have captivated a long series of travellers and artists
-from Goethe onwards; and it is these which naturally rise before the
-imagination when the cemeteries of Athens are spoken of. Goethe has
-observed that the wind which blows from the tombs of the ancients comes
-with gentle breath as over a hill of roses. And there is no other series
-of monuments which seems to take us so readily into the daily life of
-the Greeks and to make us feel that they were men and women of like
-nature with ourselves, no longer cold and classic, but full of the warm
-blood and the gentle affections of ordinary humanity.
-
-It is the natural pathos and the artistic charm of the family groups
-which adorn the majority of the tombs of ancient Athens, which strongly
-impress all visitors to that beautiful city, even visitors to whom most
-of the works of Greek sculpture do not convey any strong emotion. There
-is scarcely any one, however hardened by Puritanic training or the
-ubiquitous ugliness of modern surroundings against what is simple and
-true and lovely in art, who does not feel, through the hard shell of
-Philistinism, some touchings of sympathy and delight, if he spends a
-morning in the Cerameicus, or an afternoon in the sepulchral rooms of
-the National Museum. The influence of ancient Athens has made the
-cemetery of modern Athens, in spite of many incongruities, one of the
-most beautiful in the world. If, with the remembrance of Athens still
-fresh, we visit the great cemeteries of London, it is impossible to
-express the feeling of ugliness and bad taste, of jejuneness in design
-and poverty of execution with which they oppress the spirits. Religious
-hope and consolation are among us, a chill resignation was the natural
-attitude of the Greeks in the presence of death; and yet we
-counterbalance the superiority of our religion by the inferiority of our
-taste and perceptions.
-
-It is very notable how complete in all these representations is the
-predominance of women, and how domestic is their tone. This fact can
-only be explained when we consider that these monuments belong, in the
-great majority of cases, to the time after the political greatness of
-Athens had been shattered at the battle of Aegospotami. In ancient
-Greece generally, and more especially at Athens, men gave to their wives
-and families only such time and care as they could spare from more
-engrossing occupations. By nature the Athenians were intensely
-political. And while Athens was a ruling power, and every citizen had a
-part in the game of politics played on a great scale, it was to public
-life that their thoughts and energies were directed, and the life of the
-home remained very much in the background. Every scholar is familiar
-with the contemptuous language applied by Aristophanes and Euripides to
-women; and Xenophon in his _Oeconomics_ regards that girl as best bred
-who had seen and heard the least, and had but the virtue of modesty.
-Secluded homes like these were not likely to claim very much of the life
-of the man whose whole soul was bent on the extension of the Athenian
-Empire. The fact is that all noble deeds in the world are bought at a
-price, and part of the price paid for the unrivalled burst of public
-splendour at Athens in the fifth century was the seclusion of women and
-the institution of slavery.
-
-But even in the _Oeconomics_ of Xenophon we have the picture of a worthy
-citizen who gives much time and care to his home and his wife. And as
-public life decayed in the fourth century, and as manners became less
-severe, women became a more important element in the life of the
-community. The wife was no longer looked on as merely necessary for the
-production of citizens, while the courtesan accumulated vast wealth, and
-sometimes built temples or gave away cities. It is in the fourth century
-that a growing sympathy for child-life makes the children in Attic
-sculpture cease to be little men and women, and become real children.
-And it is the art of the fourth century which gives for the first time a
-noble and ideal expression of the life of the family, and the mutual
-love of its members.
-
-The best plan will be, first to set before the reader several
-characteristic specimens of family groups, and afterwards to discuss the
-questions, many and not easily answered, which they suggest.
-
-On Pl. XVIII will be found a somewhat exceptional subject, father and
-children only. Seated on a chair of the convenient domestic shape,
-Euempolus, as he is styled in the inscription, holds in one hand a bird,
-and extends a finger of the other hand to the children in front of him,
-of whom the nearer, clad in an over-garment only, seems to be a boy; the
-further, who wears also a tunic, is apparently a girl. Both have their
-long hair done up in a roll, and both have the stiff air which is usual
-in case of children of the fifth century. Another work of the same early
-period is the stele of Xanthippus in the British Museum (Fig. 65)[191].
-The object in the hand of Xanthippus has been a puzzle to
-archaeologists. The prevailing view takes it for a shoe-maker’s last,
-and supposes that Xanthippus, far from being ashamed of his trade,
-glories in it even on his
-
-[Illustration:
-
-     PLATE XVIII
-
-     _Page 164_
-]
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 65. XANTHIPPUS AND CHILDREN.]
-
-tomb. But an objection to this view is that trades were certainly not
-held in high honour among freemen anywhere in Greece. The name
-Xanthippus too, which belonged to the family of Pericles, was one of the
-noblest at Athens, and it seems impossible that it can have been borne
-by a mere cobbler. It seems more likely therefore that what Xanthippus
-really holds is a votive offering; perhaps some memorial of a cure
-wrought on one of his feet by Asklepius. The other hand of the hero
-rests on the neck of his little daughter, while an older girl or
-perhaps his wife holds a bird. The work is almost contemporary with the
-Parthenon frieze; the monument most dignified and charming.
-
-The earliest and one of the most interesting of the groups which
-represent a mother and her children is the so-called Leucothea relief in
-the Villa Albani (Pl. XIX). A mother, clad in a sleeved Ionic tunic and
-an over-dress, is seated dandling on her knee her youngest infant, a
-little girl who stretches out to her a loving hand. Under the seat is
-the matronly work-basket. In front two elder girls approach their
-mother, and behind them a maid-servant, also clad in the Ionian dress,
-brings a wreath.
-
-Before the consideration of this delightful group begins, we must
-observe that the clumsy right hand of the infant and the head of the
-nurse are modern restorations. The rest of the design, though of archaic
-stiffness, and dating from a time not later than the Persian wars, shows
-the greatest promise. The arm of the mother as seen through the sleeve,
-and the forms of the infant’s body, are rendered with care and delicacy.
-It is only necessary to compare the details with those of the figures on
-the Harpy Tomb of Xanthus (Fig. 27) in order to recognize how vastly
-superior the artists of Greece proper at the time were to those of
-Lycia, especially in the sense of the proportions of the body, and the
-art of so arranging drapery as to display rather than to conceal them.
-
-In most respects we clearly have here an ordinary scene from the life of
-the women’s apartments. The mother has risen and breakfasted, and the
-nurse brings her the children. And yet there are in the scene certain
-details which probably have a special meaning. The position and attitude
-of the two elder children remind us oddly of the little worshippers who
-appear in the corner of the Spartan relief. And the wreath, though no
-doubt flowers and ribbons were continually used by both men and women in
-Greece for the adornment
-
-[Illustration:
-
-     PLATE XIX
-
-     _Page 166_
-]
-
-of their persons, is yet one of the most usual and characteristic
-decorations of the tomb. It appears that here, as in almost all the
-designs with which we are to deal, there is some allusion to death, as
-well as to mere domestic happiness. This, however, is denied by some
-very competent archaeologists; and we must postpone further discussion
-of the subject until we have passed under review a certain number of
-characteristic examples of the class.
-
-A very simple and noble specimen of fifth-century work represents a
-mother and son, Chaerestrata and Lysander[192] (Pl. XX). The mother is
-handing to the son by the wings a little bird. The son, a dignified
-youth, wrapped in his himation ‘like an image of modesty’ as
-Aristophanes puts it, stretches out one hand to receive the gift. On the
-Lycian Harpy Tomb, a youth presents in similar fashion to a seated male
-figure a dove held by the wings; and this bird, as the smallest and
-least expensive of animal offerings, was a very usual gift to the dead.
-Lysanias is almost beyond doubt the person in whose honour the tomb was
-set up, and his mother’s gift can scarcely have failed to convey to the
-mind of a Greek spectator some sepulchral significance.
-
-A group of a very different kind appears in our next example[193] (Pl.
-XXI). A young man named Dion is giving his hand to a very beautiful
-seated woman, Mica, whose drapery is quite a model of arrangement. Her
-attention is divided between her companion and the mirror which she
-holds up in her left hand. The pair are probably husband and wife, and
-one may conjecture, though it is by no means certain, that it is the
-wife who died, and to whom her young husband has set up this beautiful
-monument[194]. A similar relief, though of a later period, found at
-Naples[195], bears a simple and graceful epitaph:--
-
-    This pledge of love for Aste Daphnis made,
-    Who loved her living, and desires her dead.
-
-The name Mica, _Little-one_, is fanciful, and quite unlike the rather
-stately names usual at Athens. We might be tempted to see in the seated
-lady a courtesan; but this view falls to the ground when we compare
-other stelae. On one tomb a Mica is in company of a Philtate, _Dearest_;
-in another she gives her hand to an Ariste, _Best_[196]. In another
-beautiful relief of the fifth century another Mica takes leave of her
-husband Amphidemus, who is represented as a warrior setting out for
-war[197]. It would seem then that there were certain families at Athens
-in the fifth and fourth centuries which chose to give fanciful names to
-their daughters. Generally speaking, the names both of men and women
-were assigned for sober family reasons, and not in mere caprice.
-
-Before we consider the meaning of the sepulchral family groups, and
-compare them one with another, it will be well to bring before the
-reader a variety of typical examples, which we will briefly describe in
-turn, passing, whenever possible, from the simpler to the more complex,
-and from the less expressive to the more expressive.
-
-First, we have a series of groups in which the main idea is
-leave-taking.
-
-Pl. XXII. A lady clad in the sleeved Ionian chiton and over-dress,
-seated, gives her hand to another who stands before her. Between the
-two, in the background, stands a bearded man whose head rests on his
-hand[198]. The imperfect perspective of the group, which may be observed
-specially in the breast of the seated lady and in the footstool, seems
-to indicate the fifth
-
-[Illustration:
-
-     PLATE XX
-
-     _Page 168_
-]
-
-[Illustration:
-
-     PLATE XXI
-
-     _Page 168_
-]
-
-[Illustration:
-
-     PLATE XXII
-
-     _Page 168_
-]
-
-century as date. Nothing, except the somewhat pensive attitude of the
-man, indicates that we have here anything but an excerpt from the
-ordinary daily life of the women’s apartments.
-
-Pl. XXIII. A seated lady, represented in somewhat better perspective,
-gives her hand to a bearded man who wears only the himation or cloak,
-and seems to hold in the left hand a strigil. Between the two, in the
-background, stands a second lady in the accustomed pensive attitude.
-Behind the mistress’s seat stands a young slave-girl, clad in the
-long-sleeved chiton usually worn by maid-servants, her hair wrapped in a
-kerchief. In the face of the seated figure is a certain eagerness or
-intensity of expression, which lifts the group somewhat above the level
-of everyday life; besides which, the symbolism of the sphinx, which is
-used as a support to the arm of the chair, has a sepulchral meaning.
-Above the seated figure is inscribed her name, Damasistrata, daughter of
-Polycleides.
-
-Pl. XXIV[199]. A lady, seated in the same fashion as in the last two
-reliefs, stretches both her hands towards a matron who stands before
-her, and who lightly touches her face with the right hand. Behind the
-seated figure stands a young girl; beneath the seat is a dove feeding.
-Here the expression of the two principal persons, leaning one towards
-the other and tenderly embracing one another, has an obvious
-significance. It is no embrace of daily life, but one which goes before
-a long parting. The frame in which this relief stands is a modern
-restoration.
-
-Fig. 66[200]. A young woman, identified by the inscription as Plangon,
-daughter of Tolmides, falls back, evidently fainting with illness, on a
-couch. She is supported by a maid-servant, whose rank is indicated by
-the kerchief which binds her hair, and by her mother, whose extended
-arms signify sympathy and grief. The father, Tolmides, stands on the
-left in an attitude of
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 66. DYING WOMAN, FROM STELE.]
-
-grief. This is an almost unique representation of the moment of death.
-Nearly always the Attic artist, whose invariable feeling is ‘nothing in
-extremes,’ avoids thus clearly portraying the last struggle, and
-contents himself with some gentle hint of death. Here, by a very
-instructive variation, he is more explicit. And his fortunate freedom
-from convention throws back a light on the other scenes which we have
-passed in review. One of the epitaphs in the _Anthology_[201] describes
-
-[Illustration:
-
-     PLATE XXIII
-
-     _Page 170_
-]
-
-[Illustration:
-
-     PLATE XXIV
-
-     _Page 170_
-]
-
-a painted scene of a similar character, depicted on the tomb of a lady
-named Neotima, who was represented lying back in the exhaustion of
-death, brought about by childbirth, while her mother Mnasylla hung over
-her, and her father Aristoteles stood by, resting his head on his hand,
-in the usual attitude of grief. Curiously enough, the presence of the
-husband is not mentioned, nor even his name. Perhaps the commonness of
-death in childbirth at Athens needs a word of explanation. It may be
-accounted for partly perhaps by the sedentary life of Athenian women,
-but more especially by the fact that help in the crisis was not usually
-afforded by physicians, but by midwives, who had had no training save
-that which is gained by practice. The resort to male accoucheurs was
-condemned by the instinctive delicacy of the Attic women.
-
-We must cite one more relief of this class, though it is of interest not
-for the representation which it bears, which is quite ordinary, but for
-the inscription[202]. A seated woman, veiled, gives her hand to a
-standing veiled figure, a bearded man standing in the background. Over
-the head of the seated figure is inscribed, Χοιρίνη τίτθη. Choerine then
-is a wet-nurse, and the lady to whom she gives her hand is probably her
-foster-child whom she has brought up, and who, even after marriage,
-retains affection for her old nurse, and erects a monument in honour of
-her fidelity. This monument stands by no means alone; it is one of many
-set up both by men and women in memory of their nurses. Such facts show
-that in Greece, though the nurse would commonly be a slave, natural
-affection and gratitude often triumphed over social convention, and she
-was regarded as a friend rather than as a dependant.
-
-Another group of reliefs is even more thoroughly feminine. It is
-dominated by the idea of adornment. The well-born ladies of Athens
-took, as we know, great pains to enhance by art the charms which nature
-had liberally bestowed upon them. The rouge-pot was a well-known part of
-their arsenal, and is sometimes found in their graves. They were not,
-like modern women, the humble slaves of a fashion which constantly
-changes. The form and disposition of their garments varies but little
-from century to century. But they were very particular as to pattern and
-texture, and very careful that each garment should fall in the most
-graceful and becoming folds. For jewelry they seem to have had a strong
-liking, and it may be urged as a palliation of so frivolous a taste that
-the Greek jewelry which has come down to us is in very good taste. The
-custom of adorning oneself with huge diamonds and rubies, as a proof of
-wealth, would have been considered barbaric in Greece. Jewelry was
-mainly of gold, or even gilt bronze, of little material value, but
-wrought by cunning workmen, in complete disregard of time, with
-exquisite care and subtilty[203], so as to be in itself a thing of art
-as well as a mere decoration. If stones were inserted in the metal, they
-were quite common stones, sards and onyxes and the like, not cut in
-facets, but carved in the form of scarabs, or engraved with beautifully
-cut designs in intaglio. Like the dress, the pottery, and the coins of
-the Greeks, and all the other surroundings of their life, their jewels
-exhibited on a smaller scale the same unrivalled artistic taste which is
-shown on a larger scale by their temples and their sculpture.
-
-Pl. XXV. Hegeso, daughter of Proxenus, is seated to left on a chair
-which is admirably shaped alike for comfort and steadiness. Her hair is
-bound with a beautifully arranged kerchief; she wears the fine Ionic
-chiton with sleeves and an over-dress. She is looking at a necklace
-which she has drawn from a box held by a serving-girl, and which she
-holds in both
-
-[Illustration:
-
-     PLATE XXV
-
-     _Page 172_
-]
-
-hands. This necklace must have been represented either by help of colour
-or metal. The slave-girl’s more simple dress contrasts with the elegance
-of that of her mistress. The work seems to belong to the early part of
-the fourth century. This monument is not in the Museum of Athens, but
-remains in its place in the Cemetery by the Gate.
-
-Pl. XXVI. We have once more a group of lady and jewel-box. But here the
-attendant who brings the box seems from her dress to be no slave, but a
-sister or relative. And the seated lady is not here attracted by the
-jewels, but sits in pensive attitude; it may be, however, that her right
-hand, which is near her neck, is holding a necklace already adjusted. In
-some of the details in this relief there is clumsiness, for example in
-the right arm of the standing figure; nevertheless the design is very
-graceful.
-
-Pl. XXVII. Here is a further variation. The standing sister or friend,
-Demostrate, is evidently trying to tempt the taste of the seated
-Ameiniche by offering her jewels, but cannot even attract her attention.
-With one hand resting on the seat of the squarely made chair, Ameiniche
-looks pensively outwards. The artist seems to imply that when personal
-adornment ceases to interest a woman, the shadow of fate is not far
-away.
-
-A relief published in the _Corpus_[204], on which is depicted a lady and
-her attendant, the former fastening a bracelet, bears an inscription
-which at once interests us (Fig. 67). The seated lady is named
-Phaenarete, a name borne by the mother of Socrates. It would be a
-strange freak of fortune if it had preserved to us the tomb of the
-mother of Socrates, engaged in an occupation scarcely in harmony with
-the character of her son. It is curious that there is something to be
-said in favour of this view, and no decisive argument against it. The
-date of
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 67. STELE OF PHAENARETE.]
-
-[Illustration:
-
-     PLATE XXVI
-
-     _Page 174_
-]
-
-[Illustration:
-
-     PLATE XXVII
-
-     _Page 174_
-]
-
-the relief is given by Furtwängler[205] as the Pheidian age; most
-archaeologists would probably place it rather later, but still well
-within the fifth century. Phaenarete gave birth to Socrates about B.C.
-470; but when she died we know not: there is certainly no reason why she
-should not have died at about the date of execution of this relief.
-Whether she was old or young at the time of her death would make no
-serious difference; on her tomb an ideal figure would appear and no true
-portrait.
-
-But it may be said that the parents of Socrates were poor; his father
-Sophroniscus was a second-rate sculptor, his mother was a midwife[206]:
-is it likely that such people could afford so expensive a tomb? To which
-it may be replied that Socrates certainly inherited a small fortune. And
-it appears that the fine tombs at Athens did not belong by any means
-exclusively to the wealthy class. Again, Sophroniscus was a sculptor; a
-tomb of somewhat sumptuous style would therefore cost him far less than
-the usual price. And the profession of a midwife, in a city where such
-duties were undertaken ordinarily by women, might be fairly lucrative.
-
-On the other hand, the name Phaenarete does not appear to have been at
-all rare at Athens. It occurs on three or four existing stelae, some of
-which belong to the fifth century[207]. Much therefore as we should
-desire to find in our stele a record of the mother of Socrates executed
-either by Sophroniscus, or even by Socrates himself, who in his youth
-followed his father’s craft, we cannot do so with any confidence. Such
-an attribution remains a bare possibility, and we have no means of
-testing it.
-
-Pl. XXVIII. Here there are obviously preparations for a journey. The
-principal figure is Ameinocleia, daughter of Andromenes. She is clad in
-a long chiton and an over-dress which serves also as a veil. A slave is
-putting on her sandal, during which process she steadies herself by
-resting a hand on the girl’s head. In front is a friend who bears a box
-of jewelry. The fair Ameinocleia is evidently setting out on a journey.
-And it seems evident that there is an allusion to a solemn departure on
-a journey whence none returns, although in the details of the
-representation we find no clear suggestion of death. That is unnecessary
-when the whole group is itself an allusion to it.
-
-Some writers have doubted whether in the scenes of hand-taking and of
-adornment there be anything beyond an ordinary scene of daily life, a
-domestic interior. The stele of Ameinocleia furnishes reasons for
-declining to agree with them. As we have seen, in the hand-taking scenes
-more emotion is commonly visible than an ordinary family scene would
-warrant. And reflection soon shows that even in scenes of adornment the
-notion of parting is in place. The Greek lady especially adorned herself
-when she was preparing to go abroad, to take part, maybe, in some
-procession in honour of the gods or some marriage festivity. Thus the
-notions of adornment and of leaving home are naturally connected.
-
-No doubt in these scenes there may be traced another element, one
-derived from the custom of placing ornaments in the tomb and bringing
-offerings to the dead. We can trace this influence by means of the
-paintings of the white lekythi of which we have spoken in Chapter II. On
-these vases are depicted innumerable scenes from the cult of the dead,
-among which we often find ladies seated and attendants bringing
-offerings. We engrave an example[208] (Fig. 68). Here the lady who is
-seated on the steps of the tomb seems to be the person for whom that
-tomb was made. She holds on her knees a box of jewelry; on either side
-of the tomb stands a maid-servant. In other instances[209] the maids
-bring unguent-vases, fans, and
-
-[Illustration:
-
-     PLATE XXVIII
-
-     _Page 176_
-]
-
-[Illustration: FIG 68. SCENE AT TOMB.]
-
-other articles of the toilet. These groups, however, are but
-translations into the realm of death of scenes of daily life, such as
-are common on Attic vases of the fifth and fourth centuries. These vases
-often show us the interior of the women’s apartments, with ladies
-dressing or engaged in domestic occupation. As an example we may take a
-pyxis published by Dumont[210], on which are depicted a lady with her
-hair down, to whom one maid brings a necklace, and another a vessel of
-ointment, and another lady whose shoe is being laced by a slave-girl.
-Another vase, published by Heydemann[211] (Fig. 69), shows us a seated
-woman to whom an attendant brings a box of jewelry, and a family group
-of father, mother, and child. The likeness of these groups to those of
-the sepulchral reliefs is striking.
-
-The question which is the original in art, the domestic interior or the
-offering at the tomb, is not an easy one. The former class of scenes is
-Ionic, the latter Doric in character. Both make their appearance on
-Attic works at about the same time. It is a case like that of the
-meeting of two streams, when it is impossible to say which is the main
-river and which the tributary.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 69. DOMESTIC SCENE.]
-
-We have already observed (Chap. VIII) that a not unfrequent form of
-monument at Athens in the later period was a flat slab (τράπεζα), in
-which were inserted one or more stone lekythi adorned with reliefs. The
-reliefs are in such cases ordinarily family groups; and the
-juxtaposition of several of these lekythi in museums has demonstrated
-some facts not without interest. It appears that sometimes when a family
-grave was acquired, and covered with a slab, a pair of marble vases were
-inserted in it, the reliefs of both of which comprise
-
-[Illustration: FIGS. 70 AND 71. FAMILY GROUPS.]
-
-the same set of persons in a somewhat varied arrangement. An instance is
-engraved (Figs. 70, 71). On these lekythi[212] Callistomache appears
-seated, Aristion and Timagora standing; the main difference is that in
-one case the seated lady faces the right, in the other case the left. On
-another pair of lekythi we see two husbands, Mys and Meles, with their
-wives, Metrodora and Philia. On one vase the two husbands have joined
-hands, while the women stand behind them; on the other vase the wives
-have joined hands, while the men stand in the background[213]. Sometimes
-on the lekythi which stood together, either on the same slab or on slabs
-closely adjacent, we can trace the successive generations of Athenian
-citizens, their names recurring commonly in alternate generations.
-
-In a very few instances a deity makes his appearance in the ordinary
-family groups. The deity who thus intervenes is always Hermes, the guide
-of souls (Psychopompus), who leads them down the dangerous road to the
-world of spirits.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 72. STELE OF MYRRHINA.]
-
-Most noteworthy among the stelae on which Hermes appears is that shaped
-in the form of a lekythus, and bearing the name Myrrhina[214] (Fig. 72).
-In the relief we see the graceful figure of the lady, closely wrapped up
-and veiled, giving her hand to Hermes, who leads her forth, looking back
-at her the while. An old man and youths, probably the father and
-brothers of Myrrhina, stand, the former with raised hand in the attitude
-appropriate to adoration[215].
-
-This is doubtless a real tombstone; but the same can scarcely be said of
-the beautiful relief which represents the final parting of Orpheus and
-Eurydice (Pl. XXIX). Orpheus has dared the perils of the world below and
-surmounted them. He has led the recovered Eurydice to the very confines
-of the world of shades; and at that moment his disobedience to the law
-of Hades, which forbade him to look back, has once more deprived him of
-his bride. Hermes claims her back, and the lovers must part
-finally[216]. That this beautiful relief, the date of the original of
-which is about 400 B.C., has some connexion with the grave seems clear;
-the subject is sepulchral, and the sentiment of the group, gentle and
-subdued, is closely like that of Athenian tombs. At the same time the
-form of the relief, low and broad, proves that it is not part of an
-ordinary monument: rather it was meant to be inserted in a wall. It may
-be a sort of ‘elegant extract,’ like so many of the copies of the Roman
-age. The subject and treatment of some celebrated sepulchral monument
-may have been copied in marble for a Roman amateur, and taken out of its
-original connexion.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XI
-
-MEANING AND STYLE OF THE RELIEFS
-
-
-For the interpretation and full appreciation of the Attic reliefs, it is
-important to discuss somewhat carefully a fundamental question, which
-may be set forth in several ways. Is their allusion primarily to the
-life of the past or the life of the future? Is the scene of them Athens
-or Hades? Is the hand-taking a sign of parting or of re-union in a world
-of spirits? In a word, do they point backward or forward?
-
-In this controversy the names of eminent archaeologists appear on both
-sides. But to the English reader it will be more satisfactory to find a
-brief statement of the arguments cited on this side and on that, than to
-learn what line has been taken by the various authorities[217].
-
-The view which makes the future the time, and the spiritworld the scene
-of the sculptured reliefs has in its favour many analogies, and will
-naturally commend itself to those who are attracted by the
-investigations of comparative religion. There can be little doubt that
-the seated pair of the Spartan monuments are regarded as holding their
-court as heroized dead. And a number of intermediate links connect these
-clearly marked memorials of ancestor-worship with the usual Attic groups
-in an almost uninterrupted series, so that to draw
-
-[Illustration:
-
-     PLATE XXIX
-
-     _Page 182_
-]
-
-a line of division at any point between backward-looking and
-forward-looking representations is by no means easy. Let us follow a few
-of these series.
-
-In the Spartan relief (Pl. II) the heroic pair hold in their hands the
-winecup and the pomegranate, drink and food of spirits. The hero of Fig.
-30 holds both. Both may be found repeatedly also on the stelae of Athens
-and the rest of Greece.
-
-1. The winecup. On the beautiful archaic stele of Lyseas at Athens[218],
-the hero is represented not in relief, but painted on the marble; he
-stands erect, holding in one hand a winecup, in the other a lustral
-branch. Not very much later in date is the stele[219] on which appears
-in relief a veiled lady seated, who holds in one hand the flat patera
-(Pl. XVI). Here the patera seems to stand in the place of the winecup,
-and clearly has the same reference to the receipt of libations.
-
-2. The pomegranate. On an archaic tombstone of Aegina[220], a seated
-lady gives her hand to a male figure standing before her: in the other
-hand she holds a pomegranate. Again, on a stele of the early part of the
-fifth century, which comes from Larissa in Thessaly[221], a lady called
-Polyxena stands, drawing forward with one hand her veil, and in the
-other holding a pomegranate.
-
-Nor is it only the attributes held by the Spartan heroes which appear in
-Attic and other reliefs, but also the offerings brought to them by
-worshippers. We will take the cock and the dove, which are prominent at
-Sparta or on the Lycian Harpy Tomb, which so closely resembles in its
-symbolism the Spartan monuments.
-
-3. The cock. From Larissa comes a fifth-century stele[222], on which is
-a relief representing a young Thessalian, clad in a chlamys, who holds
-in one hand a spear, in the other a cock His name is Vekedamus. A cock
-is also painted on a tomb at Athens which bears the name of
-Antiphanes[223].
-
-4. The dove. An Athenian tomb of the middle of the fifth century[224]
-(Pl. XXX) bears the seated figure of a lady, Eutamia; before her stands
-an attendant of small stature, who brings her a dove and a toilet-box.
-Here the dove has the appearance of an offering. But on a number of
-Athenian stelae the dove appears evidently as a common household pet. It
-is sufficient to refer to our Plate XVIII and Fig. 61; though perhaps a
-more pleasing instance than either of these is offered by a charming
-relief at Brocklesby Park[225], in which we see a young girl fondling
-two doves, which at once takes our thoughts to the offering of two doves
-at the temple of Jerusalem after childbirth[226], though doubtless the
-correspondence is accidental.
-
-The horse and the dog also, which figure so prominently on the Spartan
-tomb (Fig. 30), are of frequent occurrence at Athens.
-
-5. The horse. We have already spoken of the many votive and sepulchral
-reliefs on which the dead appear as horsemen. And the horse is also of
-frequent occurrence on portrait-stelae. Of this we have cited instances
-above, Chap. IX. The horse on the base of the Lyseas monument seems to
-be a memorial of some victory in the racecourse. But on another very
-early tomb, from Lamprika in Attica[227], we find, sculptured on the
-face of it, a young knight on horseback fully armed. Another armed
-horseman carved beneath the feet of a standing man occurs on an Attic
-tombstone of somewhat later date[228]. On the lekythus-stelae of the
-fourth and third centuries, in the scenes of leave-taking, the husband
-who gives his hand to his wife is often accompanied by a horse[229],
-and sometimes also by a youth who bears his armour.
-
-6. The dog. On the stele by Alxenor (Pl. IX) we have a dog as companion
-of the dead; also in Pl. XIII and on the Ilissus relief (Pl. XV). This
-addition to sepulchral groups is so common, and so natural, the Greeks
-being as fond of dogs as we are, that it requires no comment.
-
-The stele of Eutamia (Pl. XXX) seems to lie very nearly on the boundary
-between the heroizing stelae and ordinary Attic reliefs. At first glance
-it does not present any marked deviation from the usual Athenian types.
-Yet when one examines it in detail many links are evident connecting it
-with Sparta and ancestor-worship. The difference in scale between the
-seated lady and her attendant makes the latter seem rather a worshipper
-than a mere handmaid. And the offerings which she brings, more
-especially the dove, belong to the cultus of the dead. The dog too,
-sculptured in relief above, offers an exact parallel to the horse in
-relief of the stele Fig. 30. Our first point then, that there is an
-unbroken line of connexion between stelae of the Spartan and those of
-the Athenian class, is made out to demonstration.
-
-But another point may be made out with equal clearness, that at all
-events a large part of the Attic reliefs have reference exclusively to
-the past. Several groups of them may be cited in proof.
-
-1. Reliefs in which an actual death-scene is portrayed. Such a scene is
-represented in our Fig. 66. It is clear that here nothing can be
-referred to except what has occurred in the past; and this is equally
-clear in the case of--
-
-2. Reliefs in which is represented some notable scene in the life of the
-deceased. A good example is offered by the monument on which Dexileos
-appears striking down his enemies (Pl. XII), or that of Democleides,
-Fig. 59.
-
-3. Reliefs in which the profession of the deceased is indicated, as in
-the case of the physicians[230]: and as in the stele of Mynno (Fig. 62).
-
-It has been said that the reference to the past in such cases may be
-explained from the Greek notion that the future life was a continuation
-of the past on the same lines but in a ghostly fashion. But this
-statement will not bear a closer examination. An earthly hunter may hunt
-in Elysium: possibly a warrior may be imagined as finding new and
-ghostly enemies to overthrow. But could it be for a moment supposed that
-a woman would spend her time in Hades in repetitions of sickness and
-death, or that a physician would find there need for the exercise of his
-old craft? It is thus abundantly clear that in some at least of the
-Attic reliefs the backward look prevails.
-
-The class of reliefs from which we may best illustrate the two different
-fashions of interpretation is the very large class in which is
-represented hand-giving, the Greek δεξίωσις. Sometimes one of the pair
-who are hand in hand is standing and one seated: sometimes both are
-standing. There are three ways in which the attitude of the pair may be
-interpreted. First it may be taken to mark a mere family group, an Attic
-interior scene, a portrait of husband and wife or father and son in a
-connexion which marks their unity of feeling and mutual affection.
-Second, we may combine with this idea that of parting. To this view I
-have inclined in a previous chapter. Third, we may take the hand-giving
-as indicating the reception in Hades by those who have gone before of
-their kindred who follow them. In the funeral oration of Hyperides there
-is a passage[231] which is cited in favour of this view, in which the
-orator speaks of the heroes of old in Hades
-
-[Illustration:
-
-     PLATE XXX
-
-     _Page 186_
-]
-
-greeting, with a δεξίωσις their descendants who follow them in the way
-of virtue and honour. So in the poets also, as we have above seen, there
-are frequent references to the life of the re-united family in Hades.
-And in fact a hope of such re-union seems to have existed among all
-peoples in which family life was highly developed.
-
-We can scarcely venture to rule any of these views out of court. We can
-indeed venture to say that in the Athenian reliefs as they reach us, the
-setting is full of allusions to the life of the past, while all that
-suggests Hades is conspicuously absent. At the same time, while this is
-the clear result of artistic analysis, it is quite impossible to say
-that the hopes and longings of survivors may not have sometimes found in
-the mere grouping of a family scene some earnest of re-united family
-life under other conditions than those of earth. Artistic groups, like
-strains of music, may be interpreted by the emotions rather than by the
-intellect, and suggest many things to many people.
-
-We can best solve the questions we have raised by drawing clearly a line
-of distinction between the origin of the Attic sepulchral groups and
-their meaning. They undoubtedly derive much both from the
-ancestor-worship of early Hellas, and from the monuments in which that
-worship found expression. But it is very unlikely that to the Attic mind
-of the fifth and fourth centuries they usually conveyed much of
-religious meaning. The bright genius of Attic art had little sympathy
-with the mystic side of man’s nature. Its tendency was not towards
-ethical religion, but towards beauty and enjoyment and social life.
-Thus, in the memorials of the dead, the Athenians and those who took
-their tone from Attic art sought to produce a pleasing and not too vivid
-memorial of the dead, rather than a record of hope in the future life.
-They did not disbelieve in the future world, nor did they practically
-neglect the simple and pleasing ritual of the cultus of the dead. But
-their minds turned more naturally to thoughts less severe and gloomy,
-thoughts of the present, of the beauteous land they dwelt in and the
-charm of their social surroundings.
-
-But on the other hand it must be allowed that in the case of the
-cultus-reliefs of the oblong class (Chapter VII), the reference is to
-the future and not to the past. The worship of the dead could not begin
-until they were canonized, so to speak; and to this canonization all the
-details of the reliefs refer. If the question be asked whether the scene
-in which the august hero sits on his throne or leads his horse is Hades
-or the tomb itself, the answer is not easy. There seems to have existed
-in this matter a confusion of mind. The earliest beliefs of the human
-race seem to regard the dead as continuing in the grave an existence
-which is a ghostly echo of the past life, and there receiving the
-constantly presented offerings of their descendants. But the Greeks, as
-we know them in history, had risen to a higher level of thought. They
-thought that the soul travelled away from the resting-place of the body
-until it reached the shadowy realm of Hades and Persephone, there to
-receive from divine justice the reward or the punishment which it had
-earned in its earthly life[232]. Such was the view of the priest and the
-poet, and of educated people generally. But it is a familiar fact in the
-history of religion that custom and cultus move far more slowly than
-doctrine; and that to this body of usage is attached a survival of the
-earlier or more primitive belief. So it came to pass in Greece, in spite
-of the philosopher who spoke of the soul as mounting to its native
-aether, and of the poet who sang of the realm of Hades and dread
-Persephone. Still through the centuries offerings were brought to the
-tomb, and the dead were supposed there to enjoy them. Still the stele
-remained a sort of shrine of the family cultus, and ancestors were
-regarded as there present in the same supernatural fashion in which
-deities were present in their temples and their images. We can scarcely
-upbraid the Greeks; for we too, while commonly believing in heaven, if
-not in hell, still think of our dead as present in some sense at the
-tomb in which we have laid their bodies. And modern scientific research
-even indicates some justification of this deep-seated prejudice, which
-mere reason disowns. For there is everywhere a deep-seated belief that
-apparitions haunt the places where the persons whose shadows they are
-lived their lives or underwent some overpowering emotion.
-
-Thus it seems quite natural to regard the scene of the cultus reliefs as
-the actual graveyard where they were set up. And this interpretation is
-in most cases satisfactory. But some of them have a clear reference to
-the land of spirits. In one instance, on an Attic votive tablet, we see
-a deceased mortal feasting with Herakles and the Muses[233] and there is
-a whole class of monuments which represent deceased heroes supping with
-Dionysus. We engrave one of the most characteristic examples[234] (Fig.
-73). An elderly man reclines on a couch, beside which is a table spread
-with fruits, and a slave pouring wine. A serpent twined round the table
-has clearly a sepulchral reference. The wife of the hero is seated at
-his feet: both turn with surprise and delight to the left of the relief,
-where the young Dionysus, bearing a thyrsus, and supporting his reeling
-body on the shoulder of a young satyr, advances towards the couch. The
-dead man had doubtless been a votary of Dionysus, perhaps attached to
-the Orphic mysteries; and the god to whom in his earthly life he had
-devoted himself comes to sup with him in the world of shades. In this
-case certainly the banquet must be regarded as held, not at the tomb,
-but in some nobler scene.
-
-Next to the meaning of the sepulchral reliefs of Greece, the style of
-art in which they are executed requires some attention.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 73. DIONYSUS AS GUEST.]
-
-The reliefs of the sixth century, and down to about B.C. 460, are
-excellent examples of the art of their time, in no way inferior to other
-contemporary works of sculpture. The relief of Pl. II introduces us to a
-school of artists of whom we have no other knowledge, a school localized
-in Peloponnesus, and trying to work out an independent line of art. The
-early reliefs of Athens and the Islands stand, however, on a much higher
-level. We have already seen that Professor Brunn, an admirable judge,
-had early discerned in the qualities of the Aristion relief (Pl. IX) the
-promise of the excellence of later Athenian art. The other stele of Pl.
-IX, that of Alxenor, shows similar merits, and a somewhat more advanced
-style. The group of mother and children (Pl. XIX) is a work of the
-greatest delicacy and charm: the forms of mother and infant, showing
-through the orderly folds of the Ionian dress, indicate genuine love of
-nature and appreciation of form; and the group is full of the same
-sentiment which charms us in the tombs of a later age.
-
-The reliefs of the sixth century were usually executed in honour of
-distinguished persons; they frequently bore the name of the sculptor,
-and that sculptor would usually be one whose fame was great. This shows
-that early sculptors were proud of executing tombs: at a later time
-tombs almost never bear an artist’s name.
-
-As we approach the middle of the fifth century, the art of the sculptor
-in Greece is taking constantly a higher and a wider range. Great temples
-are rising on all sides, especially at Athens, and offering to great
-artists noble opportunities of distinction to be won either by designing
-the great cultus-statues of the gods, or by fitly adorning the outsides
-of their temples. The sculpture of athletes also had, in the hands of
-Pythagoras of Myron and of Polycleitus, reached a perfection hitherto
-undreamed of. And at the same period the sumptuary laws of Athens, which
-were only gradually falling into neglect, closely limited the sum of
-money to be spent on tombs. Under these circumstances we cannot be
-surprised that the sepulchral monuments of the middle of the fifth
-century, of the age of the Parthenon and the Temple of Nike, are mostly
-of somewhat small size and poor execution. In their style they show
-something of the contemporary grand style, but it is only a distant
-cousinship to it which they display. They are not the work of great
-artists, but of workers scarcely above the level of the skilled
-stonemason.
-
-Several of the groups figured in our plates belong to this age. As
-examples, we may take Pl. XVII, the stele of Amphotto, which is a work
-of the earlier half of the fifth century, and Plates X, XIII, XVIII, XX,
-XXI, XXVI, all of which were probably executed in the latter half of
-that century. The form of these stelae is simple, even clumsy, the gable
-above usually surmounted by three acroteria, on which an acanthus
-pattern was probably painted. The subjects consist of few figures in
-simple groups. The perspective is by no means perfect; for instance, the
-breasts of Tynnias (Pl. X) and of Mica (Pl. XXI) are too fully turned to
-the spectator. Nevertheless these reliefs have an extraordinary nobility
-and dignity. Tynnias might almost have sat for a model of the Zeus at
-Olympia: Lysander (Pl. XX) is the model of a modest and well-bred
-Athenian boy: Mica (Pl. XXI), in spite of her fanciful name, has not a
-touch of levity. Like the maidens of the Parthenon frieze, all these
-human beings behave as if in the immediate presence of the gods. They
-embody nobility and repose.
-
-In the fourth century, the conditions of sculpture at Athens again
-underwent a great change. No new and splendid temples rose from the
-ground. No great public buildings offered a wide field to the architect,
-the painter, and the sculptor. Art worked mainly in the service of
-individuals. And, at the same time, the sepulchral monuments of Athens
-became far more sumptuous. It is therefore quite natural that they
-should have been sometimes undertaken by artists of renown.
-
-We have the testimony of Pausanias to the fact that Praxiteles himself
-sometimes made the sculptural adornment of the great Attic sepulchres.
-Outside the Peiraeus gate, among other noteworthy tombs, Pausanias[235]
-found one which he thus describes: ‘Not far from the gates is a tomb,
-whereon stands a soldier standing by his horse: who he was I know not,
-but it was Praxiteles who made both man and horse.’ The contemporary
-painter Nicias also undertook tombs. Pausanias[236] tells us that
-outside the gates of Triteia in Achaia was ‘a tomb of white marble
-worthy of note in all respects, but particularly remarkable for the
-paintings on the marble, the work of Nicias. There is a throne of ivory,
-and seated on it a young and beauteous woman, behind whom stands a
-maid-servant holding a sunshade. Also a young man standing, not bearded
-as yet, clad in a chiton with a purple chlamys over it: beside him is an
-attendant carrying hunting-spears and leading dogs of hunting breed.
-
-Praxiteles and Nicias were closely associated in art; Praxiteles is even
-said to have declared that his sculpture owed much of its charm to the
-colouring applied to it by Nicias. We may judge then that the beautiful
-sepulchral monuments of the fourth century, whether set up at Athens or
-elsewhere, owed their excellence to the second Athenian school, to
-Praxiteles and Scopas and their contemporaries. An examination of the
-monuments themselves fully confirms this view. More than one
-archaeologist has been struck with the strong likeness to be traced
-between the heads recently recovered from the pediments of the temple of
-Athena at Tegea[237], which are our best evidence for recovering the
-style of Scopas, and some of the Attic sepulchral reliefs, especially
-that of Dexileos (Pl. XII) and that from the Ilissus (Pl. XV). These
-works are certainly of the age of Scopas. The tomb of Dexileos was set
-up immediately after 394 B.C., and in the same year the old temple of
-Athena at Tegea was burned, affording to young Scopas the task of its
-reconstruction. It is quite possible that some of the existing tombs of
-the fourth century may be the actual work of sculptors of the second
-Attic school. In the moderation, the gentleness, the pleasing sentiment
-of these Athenian tombs we see precisely the qualities for which
-Praxiteles was celebrated. But, generally speaking, sepulchral monuments
-are of the class of work which a great sculptor would leave to pupils
-and assistants, just as they left the decorative sculpture of the bases
-of their great statues.
-
-The tombs of this age are larger and more sumptuous, and the groups at
-once more complicated and more expressive. There is less repose than in
-the stelae of the fifth century, and more sentiment. Characteristic
-figures of warriors of this age are those of Dexileos (Pl. XII) and
-Aristonautes (Pl. XI): and among family groups we may notice the Ilissus
-relief (Pl. XV), the stele of Damasistrate (Pl. XXIII), and the group of
-Pl. XXIV.
-
-Our plates scarcely come down to a later time than the fourth century,
-but among the most interesting figures found on tombs of the later age
-is the figure of the girl devoted to the service of Isis in Fig. 64.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XII
-
-INSCRIPTIONS
-
-
-After thus entering into the question of the meaning of the Attic
-sepulchral reliefs, and discussing their relation to the Greek beliefs
-as to the future world, it is necessary to give some account of the
-inscriptions which accompany the reliefs.
-
-By far the most usual inscription on an Attic tomb consists of a proper
-name, to which is added commonly a patronymic. In addition to this
-simple record, archaic tombs sometimes bear the name of the artist who
-executed them. Towards the end of the fifth century the custom comes in
-of adding also the place to which the deceased belonged. The reliefs of
-the best age are not signed by an artist, and in fact anything beyond
-names and demes is, in the fifth and fourth centuries, quite unusual.
-The strict canons of developed Greek art seem to have rejected any long
-or metrical epitaph as out of place or in bad taste. Later, in the third
-and second centuries, longer inscriptions, often written in elegiac
-metre, are far commoner.
-
-Our plates and engravings furnish specimens of the ordinary kinds of
-inscriptions. The two archaic reliefs of Pl. IX bear the artists’ names,
-in one case Ἔργον Ἀριστοκλέοσ[238], in the other Ἀλχσήνορ ἐποίησεν ὁ
-Νάχσιος: to the latter signature is added a delightfully naïve comment,
-ἀλλʹ ἐσίδεσθε, Just look! implying that in the artist’s own opinion his
-work is well worth looking at. The inscription on the tomb of Dermys
-and Citylus (Fig. 55) records the name of the dedicator, Ἀμφάλκης ἔστασ’
-ἐπὶ Κιτύλοι ἠὃ ἐπὶ Δέρμυι.
-
-After the archaic age, the inscriptions are simpler, as Ἀμφοττό (Pl.
-XVII), Εὐέμπολος (Pl. XVIII), Δημοκλείδης Δημητρίο (Fig. 59), Τυννίας
-Τύννωνος Tρικορύσιος (Pl. X), Κρατιστὼ Ὀλυνθία Ἄγρωνος θνγάτηρ Γλαυκίου
-δὲ γυνή, and so forth.
-
-When the tomb belongs to one person these inscriptions are simple, and
-there can be no ambiguity in their interpretation, nor is there any
-doubt to which of the persons represented in the relief the identifying
-inscription belongs. But when the inscription contains several names the
-matter is not so simple. Dr. Furtwängler lays down the rule that the
-names are the names of the dead; in that case, as the dead and the
-living appear together in the reliefs, there would be no necessary
-correspondence between relief and inscription. I find however, in the
-great majority of cases, that not only do the inscriptions agree with
-the reliefs, but that the names are placed over the figures in order to
-identify them. The analogy of Greek vases here helps us. On vases it is
-an ordinary custom to place over each of the persons of the design his
-or her name, merely for purposes of identification. It appears that the
-same custom prevails in sepulchral reliefs. Confirmation of this view
-will be found in abundance by any one who examines the _Corpus of Attic
-Reliefs_. And further confirmation is afforded by the epigrams of the
-_Anthology_. One records[239] not only the name of the person to whom
-the tomb belongs, and who appears in its relief, but also the names of
-the dog, the horse, and the slave who form his _cortége_. Another
-reads[240], ‘This is Timocleia, this Philo, this Aristo, and this
-Timaetho; all daughters of Aristodicus.’ In fact, to this general rule
-of the explicatory character of the inscriptions only a few doubtful
-exceptions make their appearance. One of these exceptions appears on
-our Pl. XXVII. The group consists of two ladies, whereas the names above
-are Μικίων Αἰαντοδώρου Ἀναγυράσιος, Ἀμεινίχη Μικίωνος Θριασίου,
-Δημοστράτη Αἴσχρωνος Ἁλαὲως--the names of one man and two women. But it
-appears that in this case a name was originally placed only over the
-seated lady: this was erased, and the three names which we find were
-inserted at a later period. We may safely therefore assert that at all
-events in the great majority of cases the names placed on the tombs
-identify the persons of the reliefs, and do not by any means necessarily
-give us a clue to the occupants of the grave.
-
-It is pointed out by Dr. Weisshäupl, in an excellent paper on Greek
-epitaphs[241], which has been of great service to me in this chapter,
-that the term χαῖρε, Farewell, which is common in late Greek epitaphs,
-does not occur on the graves of Athenian citizens. The age of the
-deceased, in modern epitaphs one of the most indispensable features, is
-seldom stated on Greek tombs: a curious exception being found in the
-case of Dexileos.
-
-Among the tombs which we engrave, only this of Dexileos (Pl. XII) bears
-a long or a detailed inscription. The record here tells us that the hero
-was born in the archonship of Teisander, and died in that of Eubulides,
-and was one of the five horsemen at Corinth. The last phrase is curious,
-nor is its meaning certain. Usually it is explained as meaning that
-Dexileos took part in some noted feat of arms with four other horsemen
-in the Corinthian war. But recently[242], Dr. Brückner has tried to
-prove that the πέντε ἱππεῖς were the adjutants of the Hipparchi, and
-persons of definite rank in the army.
-
-After the age of Demetrius of Phalerum, when the sepulchral monuments of
-Athens become poorer and smaller, the inscriptions as a rule remain very
-brief. But on exceptional tombs of this age, and a larger number of the
-Roman period, we find long inscriptions in prose or in verse, giving
-the history of the occupant or moralizing on life and death. Already in
-another work[243] I have given a brief account of the general character
-of Athenian epitaphs. I therefore in this place prefer to take my
-examples not from Athens, but from other parts of Greece. There is, at
-all events in later ages, no great difference in character between the
-sepulchral inscriptions of Athens and those of other cities, if we
-except those districts of Asia Minor which were partly under the
-influence of Asiatic religions and ways of thinking. Where the epitaph
-has some pretension to literary style I give a rendering in heroic
-verse, in other cases a prose translation may suffice.
-
-We may begin with the inscription of a public tomb. At all times these
-tombs bore epigrams of a nobler type than those of private persons.
-Commonly they were set up in some public place and were the scene of
-heroic honours. The epigram which they bore would be composed by some
-noted poet. Every one knows of the noble lines written by Simonides for
-the Spartans who fell at Thermopylae:--
-
-    Go, stranger, and at Lacedaemon tell
-    That here obedient to her laws we fell.
-
-Another public epitaph, also belonging to some of the heroes of the
-Persian wars, has been found at Megara[244]. It is not, however, the
-original record, but a copy made of that record when it had almost
-perished with age in the fourth or fifth century of our aera by one
-Helladius, who attributes to Simonides the verses which run thus:--
-
-    Eager we strove that freedom’s day might rise
-    For Greece and home; but death is all our prize.
-    Some fell beside Euboea’s sacred strand,
-    Where Artemis, chaste huntress, holds the land:
-    Some died at Mycale; some the warlike show
-    Of Tyrian fleets at Salamis laid low:
-    Some in Boeotian plains, in daring mood,
-    The charging Median chivalry withstood.
-    Here in full market[245], ’mid the thronging crowd,
-    Our townsmen have our honoured grave allowed.
-
-This epitaph was evidently placed on the public grave of the Megarian
-citizens who fell in the various battles against the Persians. It was no
-doubt a cenotaph. Pausanias mentions it, and states that the Megarians
-set the graves of their distinguished dead in the senate-house, so that
-all future generations might consult in presence of the heroes:
-Helladius adds, ‘even in my day a bull is sacrificed by the city.’ An
-epitaph in the market-place and the annual sacrifice of a bull for a
-thousand years might well supply to the Greek soldier an incentive as
-great as among us the hope of a monument in Westminster Abbey.
-
-A similar monument in honour of the Athenians who fell at Potidaea, in
-the Peloponnesian War, is preserved at the British Museum[246]. We may
-also consider as public a tomb erected at Corfu by Amphilochian soldiers
-to one of their comrades who had fallen in a skirmish on the opposite
-coast[247]. It dates from about the third century B.C.:--
-
-    For thee a bitter fate thy friends behold
-    Of Amphilochian land the warriors bold,
-    When by Illyrian horse in battle slain
-    Within an island tomb thy bones remain.
-    They left thee not, when thou wast lying low,
-    Thy comrades brave well-skilled the dart to throw;
-    From deadly battle-press thy corpse they save,
-    And mourning kinsmen bear thee to the grave.
-
-Public epitaphs such as these are in the highest degree objective. They
-recount the deeds of a hero and deplore his death, but they seldom
-indulge in moral reflection, or speak of any future life. This is in
-fact the character of all early epitaphs, whether from private or public
-graves. I will cite a few of the sixth century to begin with.
-
-The tomb of Menecrates at Corfu is well known to many travellers, from
-its beautiful situation. The inscription, written in archaic characters
-of Corinth, runs thus[248]: ‘This tomb is of Menecrates son of Tlesias
-of the race of Oeanthe: the people raised it to him. He was proxenus,
-beloved by the people, and died at sea, and was buried by the stroke of
-oars of the public ships[249]. Praximenes, coming from his native city,
-raised with the people this memorial to his brother.’ Menecrates seems
-to have been consul or proxenus of Corinth at Corcyra, and was succeeded
-in that office by his brother Praximenes.
-
-The sculptured lion found on the spot may belong to the tomb of
-Menecrates; but it more probably belongs to another tomb of the same age
-erected to one Arniadas, which bears a very simple record[250], ‘This is
-the tomb of Arniadas: bright-eyed Ares was his death, as he fought by
-the ships at the streams of Arathus, doing many valiant deeds in the sad
-battle-strife.’
-
-The qualities of moderation, of self-control and of nobility which
-belong pre-eminently to almost all Greek productions of the fifth
-century, are in nothing to be observed more clearly than in the epitaphs
-of that period. A few specimens will suffice as well as many to exhibit
-this character. Many or most of them record a death in battle: it
-appears that only when a man thus died for his country or was otherwise
-especially distinguished, was he allowed an epitaph recording more than
-his name and that of his father. A grave at Anactorium[251] of the fifth
-century bears the inscription, ‘This tomb near the way shall be called
-by the name of Procleidas, who died fighting for his country.’ Another
-at Thisbe[252] in Boeotia reads, ‘Dear to citizens and friends I fell in
-the front ranks fighting valiantly.’ The following record civic or
-personal rather than military merit. From Thespiae[253], ‘As a memorial
-over Olaidas when he died I was erected by his father Ossilus, to whom
-his departure brought sorrow.’ From Tanagra[254], ‘Thy native city,
-Cercinus son of Phoxius, Heracleia in Pontus, shall have sorrow at thy
-death among our friends; so never shall we forget thy praise: greatly
-did I admire thy nature.’ The ‘I’ of the former of these two epitaphs is
-the tombstone; the ‘I’ of the second is a sorrowing friend.
-
-The epitaphs of the fourth century B.C. are of similar character, but
-somewhat more abundant and less rigid in type. The following from Oreus
-in Euboea[255] is decidedly pleasing:
-
-    In bloom of youth by praise thy fame was spread,
-    In blameless ways thy childish days were sped:
-    In man’s estate, when law and country bade,
-    Where hostile ranks by Ares were arrayed,
-    A horseman, thou didst strive with fair renown
-    Thy fathers and thy fatherland to crown.
-    This tomb, to mark thy worth, thy sire doth raise,
-    Thy city decks it with unceasing praise.
-
-An epitaph from Thebes[256] seems to have been erected over a soldier of
-the Sacred War: ‘When young I cultivated merriment (εὐφροσύνην ἤσκουν)
-associating with my companions in the gymnasium. I die in war, bearing
-aid to the Delphic land. My grandfather was Euenoridas, my father Neon.’
-In this epigram notes quite unfamiliar to the Christian world are
-struck. The deceased had fallen on what might have passed as a crusade,
-an expedition to punish the sacrilegious aggression of the Phocians on
-the temple of Apollo at Delphi. Yet instead of dwelling on such
-religious merit, the epitaph speaks of his cheeriness of disposition and
-his sociability, of his worship of the ‘goddess fair and free, in heaven
-yclept Euphrosyne.’ In fact no quality is more often mentioned with
-praise in sepulchral inscriptions than the social habits of the
-deceased. An inscription of the same age from Athens[257] seems to
-record the success of a comic actor, who is praised especially for
-having overcome his natural disqualification for his pursuit: ‘All
-Hellas admires thee, Euthias, and misses thee in the sacred festivals;
-nor without cause. For through art, not natural gift, in vine-crowned
-comedy of gentle mirth thou wast second in rank, but first in art.’ In
-athletic sports also we learn that the spectators most applauded those
-who won by science, not mere strength. Another contemporary inscription
-from Athens[258] is in more poetic form: ‘Divine Modesty, daughter of
-high-minded Shame, one who valued above all thee and warlike Valour,
-Cleidemus of Melita son of Cleidemides is here buried.’
-
-It will be observed that all the epigrams hitherto cited are from the
-graves of men, not women. Indeed, inscriptions from women’s tombs very
-seldom, at this early time, contain more than the name with that of
-father or husband. Generally speaking, until the time of Alexander, the
-women of Greece were content to shine with borrowed light, and to be
-notable in the home rather than in the city. Of sculptural honour they
-had, as we have seen, even more than their share; but to praise a woman
-in public might well seem to her friends to approach indelicacy. In the
-later age inscriptions recording female worth are frequent. There is no
-question that as the public life of Greece decayed, women became more
-and more prominent in the cities.
-
-It is not easy to assign, on epigraphic grounds, an exact date to
-sepulchral inscriptions of the third and later centuries down to Roman
-Imperial times. Partly for this reason, and partly because the later
-epitaphs of Greece really form one class, I prefer to group them rather
-by subject than by period. Generally speaking, they have more literary
-pretensions than earlier epitaphs, and their character is more personal
-and subjective, so that they give us information on many subjects as to
-which early inscriptions are silent.
-
-An epitaph from Melos[259] of the third century B.C. is set over a wife,
-but it bears a suspicious appearance of being the composition of the
-husband: ‘I love even in death my husband, for with no common care he
-made me a tomb conspicuous to all. And me his wife he made equal to the
-heroes in veneration in memory of the sweet joys of love.’ As a memorial
-of a young man who met with some accident on the shore of Leucas[260],
-the following epigram was graven: ‘Unfavourable weather kept back
-Telesphorus and loosed his girdle (i.e. delayed the girding of his loins
-for a journey). The shore proved fatal to him; and destiny would no
-longer wait. Alas! for his untimely death, and his sad parents!’ We may
-next cite a couple of Boeotian epitaphs inscribed over literary men.
-From Larymna[261]: ‘Behold, stranger, here the tomb of departed Philo,
-who gave himself to the skilled pursuit of polite letters, while to all
-the citizens of Larymna he showed a nature ever friendly. Early he has
-quitted his life yet at its prime; and with universal mourning his city
-weeps his loss.’ Still more detailed is the following, from
-Orchomenus[262], of the second century B.C., set up over one Philocrates
-of Sidon: ‘Thou boastedst a maturity, Philocrates, not unworthy of thy
-earlier life, urged on by the subtle mind. For from early youth, as is
-right, thou hadst been familiar with the doctrines of Epicurus, easy to
-understand. Then, obedient to the rudder of Fortune[263], in a wandering
-life, thou didst preside at the contests of men among the Minyae[264].
-Now thou liest close to thy son, thy limbs touching his, without sorrow,
-having come out of life to join him gone before.’ Sometimes inscriptions
-of this biographic character contain literary touches. For example, on a
-public tomb at Thera[265], set up in honour of Admetus, priest of Apollo
-Carneius, the epitaph ends, ‘leaving to wife and mother heavy grief: yet
-what wonder? even Thetis had to mourn the loss of the slain Achilles.’
-
-The epitaphs which express a sentiment as to human life are usually of
-Roman age. I will, however, cite a few of them, in order to complete our
-survey. An epitaph from Samos[266] ends with the reflection, ‘If due
-account were made of piety, never would my home have incurred such
-misfortunes as these.’ One from Tanagra[267] ends, ‘O mortals, turn your
-thoughts to what is paltry: if you meditate better things, Hades is
-envious of the good.’ These are feelings which doubtless often touch the
-minds of relatives and friends in our days, but on this particular point
-we are more under the dominion of convention than were the Greeks; and
-the utterances of cynicism or despair are mostly excluded from our
-graveyards. The following from Thespiae[268] is more in the line of
-propriety: ‘Who would not weep over the vain hopes of parents, looking
-at me?’
-
-Many epitaphs of the later period contain some statement as to the
-destiny of the spirit. Such statements are, however, usually expressed
-in very conventional form; they have the air rather of poetical
-amplification than of a real hope beyond the grave. In this respect
-they contrast markedly with early Christian inscriptions; in which,
-however rough and inelegant the form may be, there lies an unmistakable
-air of real feeling. A pagan epitaph of Sparta[269], of the second
-century A.D., runs: ‘Adorned with every virtue, noble Titanius, son of
-Paeon, thou possessest the Island of the Blest.’ We can scarcely imagine
-that at this late period the Island of the Blest lived in popular
-belief, or that the phrase is anything but a poetical reminiscence. An
-epitaph, which may have been written beneath the sculptured dog, on the
-tomb of Diogenes the Cynic[270], runs thus: ‘Lies he here, who dwelt in
-an earthen cask? Aye, truly; but now that he is dead, he has the stars
-for his home.’ With this optimistic rhetoric we may compare the cynical
-and pessimistic rhetoric of another epitaph, ‘Mix the wine, and drink
-deep with brows crowned with flowers, nor scorn the delights of love:
-all the rest at death is consumed by earth and fire[271].’ As this
-epigram accompanied a relief which represented a man reclining at table,
-the whole seems to have been a cynical travesty of the banqueting
-reliefs above discussed.
-
-Where, however, mention is made of Hades and Persephone, or where we
-catch an echo of Orphic phrase, we may suspect a more serious meaning.
-In the following, for example, from Crommyon[272], the opening phrase
-seems to belong to Orphism and the Mysteries, ‘I Philostrata have gone
-back to the source whence I came, leaving the bondage in which nature
-yoked me. Having filled up the measure of fourteen years, in the
-fifteenth, a virgin, I quitted the body, childless, unwedded, a maiden.
-May those to whom life is an object of desire grow old to their hearts’
-content.’ The same character attaches to the following, from
-Megara[273]: ‘The body of Nicocrates rests in the lap of earth; his
-heart (κέαρ) has fled above to the divine aether. Thanks to thee,
-Pluto, kindly deity, for this destiny. Gentle and lovable, a favourite
-with all was the son of Callitychus; now another and a divine light
-receives him.’
-
-We occasionally find mention made of Hermes in epitaphs as leader and
-friend of departed spirits. An anonymous epitaph of the _Palatine
-Anthology_[274], reads thus: ‘They say that Hermes leads the good on the
-way that bears to the right from the pyre to Rhadamanthys: by this way
-Aristonous, the much-mourned son of Chaerestratus, went down to the
-abode of Hades, who receives all men.’ The phrase ‘bears to the right’
-must refer to some known chart or description of the paths of souls,
-which are described in greater detail in some of the Orphic
-inscriptions. For example, on a gold tablet found at Petelia in
-Italy[275], buried doubtless with one who had been initiated in the
-Orphic Mysteries, we find a sort of guide or way-book for the last
-journey: ‘Thou shalt find on the left of the abode of Hades a well, and
-beside it planted a white cypress. And thou shalt find another, cold
-water flowing from the Lake of Mnemosyne: before it stand guards. Then
-shalt thou say, “I am a child of earth and starry heaven, but a heavenly
-race is mine, as ye yourselves know. I am dry and faint with thirst;
-give me then speedily cold water flowing from the lake of Mnemosyne.”’
-The spring on the left, the name of which is not given, is doubtless
-that of Lethe, or forgetfulness. The soul which wishes to claim its
-immortal rights must avoid this water, and demand in virtue of its
-divine nature some of the other water, that of memory, that its
-individuality may not be lost. This seems to be the path to the right,
-on which Hermes leads those who have in their lifetime prepared
-themselves for the journey.
-
-It would be easy to multiply epitaphs of this kind, but they would lead
-us into regions of thought and belief outside the limits of this book,
-which is concerned not with the opinions of Greek philosophers and
-mystics but of every-day people.
-
-A priestess of Zeus, at Argos[276], seems to have found a tomb in the
-sacred precinct of the god; whence her epitaph runs: ‘The divine ruler,
-to whom it was my honour to minister when alive, took my blameless life
-and gave me this favour among the dead. Hence I have not a tomb
-underground, but dwell in the place of the blest, in the golden home of
-the gods.’ Here there seems to be a play upon the place of burial, as
-involving a parallel exaltation of the spirit. An elegant epitaph by
-Dionysius of Magnesia, still extant, from Paros[277], begins by an
-inquiry as to the name of the dead person, then goes on to narrate the
-history of her life, and ends with an appeal to Persephone, and a kindly
-greeting to survivors:--
-
-    O Maid of many names, Queen ruling wide,
-    Her by the hand to pious places guide.
-    On all who, passing, greet the soul below
-    With kindly word, may God some good bestow.
-
-This epigram brings us to the last class of extant epitaphs, that in
-which the passer-by is addressed in friendly or in threatening language.
-This kind is not exclusively late: we have already seen that the Spartan
-epitaph at Thermopylae addresses the wayfarer, and bids him carry a
-message to Sparta. But it is very common on late tombs. In an epitaph
-from Crete[278], of the first century, the wayfarer is requested to say
-as he passes, ‘May earth lie light on thee.’ In another, of the same
-age, from Pholegandros[279], we read, ‘Having duteously greeted me, the
-dead Diogenes, go, stranger, to thine own affairs, and may they prosper
-at thy will.’ The gentle custom of giving a passing greeting at the
-tomb, in the word χαῖpε, seems to have been usual among the Greeks. Thus
-easily one kept on good terms with the dead, and won their friendly
-wishes. On the other hand, any sort of violence done to a grave or its
-inmates brought down on the sacrilegious violator all kinds of plagues
-and miseries, which are sometimes, in late Roman times, set forth in the
-epitaph itself, _in terrorem_. Sometimes a sum of money is mentioned
-which the violator must pay as a fine to redeem his guilt; but sometimes
-he is threatened with direr penalties, gout and fever and many other
-diseases. The tomb of Annia Regilla, wife of Herodes Atticus, at Athens,
-bears an inscription in which the prayer is set forth that for any one
-who disturbs the grave the earth may refuse to bear fruit and the sea
-refuse to bear his ships, and that he and his race may perish miserably.
-Blessings are heaped on all who may honour the burial-place. Our minds
-naturally pass to the well-known epitaph on Shakespeare’s tomb at
-Stratford, which may perhaps have been framed on an ancient model.
-
-At a decidedly higher literary level than the epitaphs collected from
-Greek gravestones are many of those put together in the seventh book of
-the _Palatine Anthology_. All real lovers of Greek letters are
-acquainted with the delightful epigrams written by poets of the
-Hellenistic age to adorn the tomb: gems of Callimachus, of Meleager, of
-Leonidas of Tarentum, and others. English poets, from Dr. Johnson to Mr.
-Andrew Lang, have devoted hours of leisure to rendering in English verse
-these flowers of ancient poetry, which are best characterized in the
-well-known words as slight things but roses, βαιὰ μὲν ἀλλὰ ῥόδα. If,
-however, we accept the comparison of the Epigrams of the _Anthology_ to
-roses, we must remember that our roses are highly cultivated and
-civilized flowers. No person with any literary discernment would compare
-them to the brier-rose, the anemone, or the primrose.
-
-In previous chapters of this work I have occasionally ventured on
-versions of Greek epitaphs from the _Anthology_. Yet, in view of the
-purpose and character of this book, we can make but careful and scant
-use of that collection. Roses may be a suitable adornment for a tomb,
-but when one is anxious carefully to study the form of the monument and
-to examine its sculptural decoration and its epitaph, roses may be in
-the way. As it comes down to us, the _Anthology_ is put together on
-literary rather than historic principles. Dates and schools are mixed up
-with the most perplexing indifference. Epigrams of Simonides and Sappho
-are placed next to the verses of Callimachus and Archias, of Rufinus and
-Paulus Silentiarius, authors who between them cover a space of more than
-a millennium. And, moreover, in no department of Greek letters is the
-rhetorical and epideictic spirit, that pest of Greece, more rampant than
-in the epigram. The great majority of sepulchral epigrams were written,
-not to duly honour the dead, but to display the literary taste and
-ingenuity of the poet. So that while we admire greatly the finished and
-exquisite beauty of these poems, we can seldom suppose that they embody
-much feeling or contain much thought. One class of epitaphs in the
-_Anthology_, the anonymous, has more actuality, being commonly
-transcribed from actual tombstones: but from the literary point of view
-these are the poorest.
-
-I propose, however, to give in this place renderings of a few of these
-literary epitaphs, selecting such as belong to an earlier period, and
-such as have some interest in their matter, and not merely in their
-style. In some cases I give a version of my own; in other cases I use
-the elegant translations which Dr. James Williams, of Lincoln College,
-has kindly placed at my disposal.
-
-We find not rarely on Greek tombs of all periods colloquies between the
-dead and wayfarers. The following is a literary version by Leonidas[280]
-of such a dialogue, carried on in a style of stately courtesy:--
-
-    ‘Lady, what name, what father dost thou own,
-    That lieth ’neath this shaft of Parian stone?’
-    ‘Prexo, the daughter of Calliteles.’
-    ‘Where wast thou born?’ ‘Beside the Samian seas.’
-    ‘Who paid thee fitting funeral honours thus?’
-    ‘The husband of my youth, Theocritus.’
-    ‘How came thy death?’ ‘In childbed did I die.’
-    ‘Thine age?’ ‘But two and twenty years lived I.’
-    ‘And childless?’ ‘Nay, of mother’s care bereft,
-    Calliteles, just three years old, was left.’
-    ‘Long life and ripe old age thy boy await.’
-    ‘Friend, all good things be showered on thee by fate.’
-
-The following bears the name of Sappho[281]:--
-
-    The dust of Timas: ere her bridal she
-    Saw the dark chamber of Persephone.
-    Their lovely hair her playmates offered here,
-    Cut off to honour her who was so dear.
-
-This seems of archaic simplicity compared with the metrical epitaph on
-Clearista by Meleager, already cited in Chapter VIII. Nothing could well
-be simpler also than the following by Callimachus[282], whose art in
-this case conceals art:--
-
-    Saon the son of Dicon here doth lie
-    In holy sleep: the good can never die.
-
-A charming epitaph[283] on one Amyntichus, being anonymous, is probably
-from a real tomb:--
-
-    Dear earth, receive Amyntichus to rest,
-      Mindful of all his labour spent on thee;
-    Thee with the boughs of Bacchus oft he dressed,
-      And in thee planted oft the olive-tree,
-    Filled thee with Deo’s grain, and trenches led
-      To make thee rich in herbs and autumn fruits.
-    Lie thou then lightly on his hoary head,
-      And busk his tomb with springtide’s tender shoots.
-
-An epitaph, by Leonidas[284] of Tarentum, on one Clitagoras, refers to
-offerings at the tomb, such as we have spoken of in Chapter II:--
-
-    Shepherds, who tend upon yon mountain steep
-    Your herds of goats and flocks of fleecy sheep,
-    A little gift Clitagoras to-day
-    For sake of Queen Persephone doth pray;
-    I would that sheep should bleat, and from a rock
-    A shepherd pipe soft music to his flock;
-    And let one hind cull fresh young meadow-bloom
-    In early spring, and crown therewith my tomb;
-    Another take and milk a mother ewe
-    And with the stream this funeral stone bedew;
-    The dead are reached by kindly acts of men,
-    And e’en the dead can make return again.
-
-This is a pastoral picture well worthy of Theocritus; the last two lines
-show how persistently there lingered among the Greek peasants that
-notion of the exchange of services between dead and living of which I
-have spoken above.
-
-Sometimes not only human beings but also favourite animals had their
-tombs and epitaphs. Especially, we are told, was this the case at
-Agrigentum in Sicily, a city which paid dearly for its luxury and
-effeminacy at the time of the Carthaginian invasion of the end of the
-fifth century. The following[285], by Meleager, was for a hare:--
-
-    A long-eared hare was I and swift of feet,
-      When Phaenium stole me from my mother’s breast.
-    She gave me young spring flowers to be my meat,
-      And in her bosom oft I lay caressed.
-    True mother she! but death soon came to me,
-      Good living made me fat and overfed.
-    Here lie I ’neath her chamber floor, that she
-      In dreams may see my tomb beside her bed.
-
-We are here clearly in the region of elegant trifles: and being there we
-may give a few more specimens of the poetic art which, like the
-acanthus, gave an elegant finish to the tomb. The following is
-Meleager’s lament over Heliodora[286]:--
-
-    To Hades, Heliodora, from above,
-    I send these tears, the relics of my love,
-    Tears hard to weep; and on thy tomb I pour
-    This memory of loving days of yore.
-    O bitter, bitter, darling, is my woe
-    A bootless gift for Acheron below.
-    Where is my flower? By Hades snatched away,
-    The budding blossom is but dust to-day.
-    Grant, Mother Earth, that one so dear as she
-    May softly in thy arms enfolded be.
-
-The next epitaph, by Philip of Thessalonica, is quite Hellenistic in
-character[287]:--
-
-    Architeles the Sculptor, where was laid
-    His son, with mournful hand the tombstone made.
-    Not cut with iron tool the lines appear;
-    The stone was furrowed by the frequent tear.
-    O stone! lie lightly, that the dead may know
-    A hand indeed paternal set thee so.
-
-I cite only the end of another epitaph, by Heracleitus, which is said to
-have adorned the tomb of a lady named Aretemias[288]. It is so neat and
-compressed that I have in vain tried to render it in an English heroic
-distich:--‘Twin sons I bare: one I left to my husband as a stay of old
-age; one I take with me as a memorial of my husband.’
-
-We may add a couple more epitaphs which clearly belong to the epideictic
-or rhetorical class, but which please by the neatness of their form. One
-by Damagetes[289] professes to record the last words of a lady named
-Theano, of Phocaea, in Asia Minor.
-
-    Phocaeans! hear the moan Theano made,
-    As night received her with eternal shade.
-    ‘How sad my lot! Afar some unknown sea
-    In thy swift ship, my husband, beareth thee.
-    Fate stands beside my bed. Ah! wert thou by,
-    Holding thy loving hand that I might die.’
-
-The following professes to belong to a tomb of Ajax[290], on which was
-placed a mourning woman, who represented his unappreciated worth or
-valour:--
-
-    On Ajax’ tomb with closely shaven hair
-    I sit, sad Worth, in semblance of despair,
-    Grief-struck at heart that with the Achaean host
-    Deceitful Fraud more weight than I can boast.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XIII
-
-LATER MONUMENTS OF ASIA MINOR
-
-
-The sepulchral monuments of Greece Proper are all on a modest scale, and
-noteworthy on account of their beauty of design and charm of sentiment
-rather than for their magnificence or costliness. In order to find
-sumptuous tombs erected by Greek architects and decorated by the great
-Greek sculptors, we must cross over into Asia. We have in a previous
-chapter spoken of some of the monuments of Asia Minor which are
-contemporary with the earliest tombs of Greece. We have now to observe
-how Greece in the later fifth and the fourth centuries paid back the
-artistic debt which she owed to Asia. The custom of erecting magnificent
-memorials of departed rulers long prevailed in all parts of Asia. And
-when Greece stood without a rival in the arts of architecture and
-sculpture, it was natural that the wealthy princes who planned the
-monuments of their predecessors, or sometimes their own destined tombs,
-should import Greek artists, and allow them a free hand to produce great
-mausoleums, in which the art of Greece registered in beautiful forms the
-affection of kinsfolk and the veneration of subject populations.
-
-Without at all intending to exhaust the subject, I propose to give some
-account of a few of the most noteworthy of these monuments, especially
-of the Nereid monument and the Gyeulbashi heroon in Lycia, and the
-Mausoleum a Halicarnassus. These tombs I select not as typical of their
-age and country, but rather as exceptional. They represent the almost
-complete victory in Asia not only of Greek art, but even of Greek ideas.
-Side by side with these monuments there were erected in Asia Minor, and
-especially in Lycia, tombs in which native tendencies, such as we have
-seen in an earlier chapter were still dominant. Sir Charles Fellows
-brought from Lycia some tombs of this character, and casts of the
-reliefs of others which remain in their site. The most interesting
-representation is from a tomb at Cadyanda[291], on which we see
-banqueting scenes, dancing figures, a group of four girls playing with
-knucklebones, and so forth, with bilingual inscriptions in Greek and
-Lycian. But to comment on these scenes as if they were of Hellenic
-origin would lead us far astray. Like the paintings and reliefs of
-Etruria, they represent a peculiar and lost phase of civilization,
-thinly veneered by the art and thought of Hellas.
-
-In his third journey through Lycia, in 1842, Sir Charles Fellows
-discovered, not far from the agora of Xanthus, a lofty stone basis, some
-33 feet by 22 in dimensions; and in close connexion with it a large
-quantity of reliefs and of fragments of Ionic architecture[292]. Leaving
-the basis where it stood, he brought to England the sculpture; and by
-the labours of English archaeologists the tomb to which both basis and
-sculpture belonged has been reconstructed. I repeat the restoration of
-Falkener[293], which has been accepted by Overbeck and other authorities
-(Fig. 74). The restoration is not in all points certain. As the basis
-remains there cannot be any question as to its form and the position of
-the sculptured friezes which adorned it. And the examination of the
-upper surface of the basis established a pteron or line of columns all
-round, with statues standing in the intercolumniations. But as to the
-position of the friezes which belong to the upper part of the monument,
-and as to the acroteria which Falkener places on the top of all, there
-remains considerable uncertainty. The whole of the sculpture may be
-studied in the British Museum, and is published by Professor Michaelis
-in the tenth volume of the Roman _Monumenti dell’ Instituto_.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 74. NEREID MONUMENT, FALKENER.]
-
-From the present point of view the most important of
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 75. GABLE OF NEREID MONUMENT.]
-
-the scenes depicted on this monument is to be found in one of the
-pediments[294] (Fig. 75). The hero of whom the tomb is a memorial is
-seated in state, sceptre in hand: his wife sits opposite, and the
-children are grouped about them. Further to the right are attendants on
-a smaller scale. One dog is asleep under the master’s chair, another
-lies in the corner of the pediment. In the other pediment there is a
-warlike scene, of which only one-half is preserved. The midmost figure,
-doubtless the hero again, is on horseback[295] charging an overthrown
-foe, to whose aid his companions, clad as Greek hoplites, hurry forward.
-The representation here is no doubt of some notable feat of arms of the
-owner of the tomb. To the warlike scene the peaceful scene first
-described corresponds. At first sight it seems merely a picture out of
-daily life: but if we bear in mind the ordinary symbolism of the Greek
-tomb we may fairly find in it some sepulchral significance. The grouping
-of the children about their parents reminds us of many Attic sepulchral
-reliefs, and the train of attendants bears a decided resemblance to the
-group of votaries usual on heroizing reliefs. In fact, we find here what
-is called by archaeologists a contamination. The Asiatic custom of
-regarding a tomb as a monument of the fame and a record of the exploits
-of some great ruler or leader of men is penetrated by the genius of
-Attic sepulchral art, and takes new and more beautiful forms.
-
-Treating the two pediments as striking the keynote of the whole
-sculptural adornment of the monument, we shall not hesitate to find in
-all its representations allusions to the life and exploits of the hero
-whom it commemorates. But of the four friezes which encircled the
-building at various heights, three furnish us with information which is
-too vague to be historically useful. The theme of the first is battle,
-of the third hunting, of the fourth feasting and repose. It is only the
-frieze numbered as the second in the publications which gives us more
-detailed and accurate information. Here are unfolded to us the
-successive scenes of the siege and capture of a hostile city; the battle
-before the walls, the attempt to storm and the defence, the parleying
-and surrender, the escape of some of the inhabitants and the leading
-into captivity of others. In the scene of capitulation the central
-figure is an Eastern king or ruler, in Persian cap; behind him an
-attendant bears a sunshade; around him stand his guards. This potentate
-is approached by two elderly men, staid and dignified, who are clearly
-the representatives of the city, and come asking for terms. In other
-scenes we find a bold but a necessarily unsuccessful attempt to
-represent without due perspective the city walls with the heads of the
-defenders showing above them, the women wailing, the attacking force
-adjusting the ladders for scaling, or repulsing sorties of the besieged.
-
-The siege and the capture of a hostile city was evidently one of the
-most notable events of the life of the hero of the monument. With some
-plausibility archaeologists have found allusion to the same siege in the
-beautiful figures of women which stood between the columns of the
-pteron, the temple-like structure which crowned the monument. These
-figures represent young girls in the dress of Attic maidens flying in
-haste and alarm from some danger which threatens them. At their feet are
-various marine creatures: the dolphin, the sea-snake, a crab, a
-water-bird, or a fish. This curious circumstance has given rise to the
-commonly accepted view that they represent Nereid nymphs hastily
-escaping over the surface of the sea from some rude alarm, flying in
-disorder to their father Nereus, as they do on more than one vase when
-Peleus has laid hands on their sister Thetis. What more likely to cause
-a panic among the shy and peaceful ladies of the sea than a marine
-battle, or even the attack of an army on a city of the seacoast?
-
-Urlichs has tried to show that all the historical indications which may
-be derived from the frieze of the siege and from the presence of the
-flying Nereids may be explained if we assign the tomb to the king or
-satrap, Pericles of Xanthus, who, as we learn from a fragment of
-Theopompus, laid siege to the neighbouring city of Telmessus, and after
-a stubborn resistance compelled it to capitulate. Before we can accept
-or reject this theory we must briefly consider two questions. Is an
-actual historic event depicted on the tomb, or is the representation
-merely of a mythical siege of the past? And what is the date of the
-monument?
-
-As to the first of these questions I have already sufficiently indicated
-my view. The sculptural history of the siege is too detailed and precise
-to be a rendering of a merely typical or ideal siege. The two
-emissaries of the besiegers must have had prototypes, and recent
-prototypes, in real life; and the king before whom they stand is no
-mythical chief, but the ruler for whom the tomb was made. This has been
-disputed by Wolters, but the general consensus of archaeologists is
-against him.
-
-On the other point, the date of the monument, there has been much wider
-divergence of opinion. At first, in England, it was placed in the sixth
-century, as a monument of the conquest of Xanthus by Harpagus, the
-general of Cyrus. This, however, is quite impossible. Soon the pendulum
-swung too far in the other direction, and the sculpture was brought down
-to the fourth century, and even connected with the school of Scopas. The
-date fixed by Furtwängler[296], the latter part of the fifth century, is
-now generally accepted. In the forms of the Nereids we may trace the
-artistic influence of the Victory of Paeonius, set up about B.C. 424.
-And if some of the figures of the friezes be carefully considered they
-will be found to show traces of undeveloped art, even of archaism. The
-Nereid monument belongs to the age of the Parthenon and the temple of
-Athena Nike, not to the age of the Mausoleum.
-
-If therefore we were compelled, as Urlichs supposed, to assign the
-taking of Telmessus by Pericles to so late a date as the 102nd Olympiad
-(B.C. 372), we should be obliged to give up its assignment to that king.
-But there is no conclusive reason for the date fixed by Urlichs. There
-is therefore no improbability that our monument may be a memorial of
-Pericles of Xanthus. In any case it has an important place among the
-remains of antiquity, because it stands in the line of descent, a line
-marked by many lacunae, which connects the mural reliefs of Assyria,
-with their fulness of historic detail, and the magnificent monuments of
-imperial Rome. The Nereid Monument and that of Gyeulbashi, as well as
-some of the sarcophagi from Sidon, with which I shall deal in the
-fifteenth chapter, naturally strike the student as being set in a key
-somewhat different from that of ordinary Greek sculpture. The
-mythological scenes portrayed on them find ready parallels in Greece,
-but the more historic scenes carry our minds to the wall-sculptures of
-Assyria or the reliefs of Roman columns, such as those of Trajan and
-Aurelius, rather than to other Greek works. The reason of this is
-probably that the art of these Asiatic monuments is influenced by that
-of Ionia, which is to us, unfortunately, but little known. The Ionian
-tendency was towards history, that of the Dorians towards religion. The
-great Greek painters, following Ionian precedent, celebrated in their
-works many historic battles. Bularchus in very early times is said to
-have portrayed, for a Lydian king, a victory of the Magnesians: Panaenus
-painted at Athens the battle of Marathon, Androcydes of Cyzicus painted
-for the Thebans a picture of their victory at Plataea, and Euphranor
-depicted the battle of Mantineia. But in Greece sculpture took a
-different and more ideal line, and translated the battles of the present
-into mythic combats of the past, in which Centaurs and Amazons rather
-than fellow-Greeks represented the vanquished party. The sculpture of
-the Nereid monument is dominated by a more realistic and historic
-spirit. The sculpture at Gyeulbashi is on the border-line, so that we
-find it hard to decide whether the scene of the siege there portrayed is
-Ilium or Lycia, and whether the battles are being fought on the windy
-plain of Troy or the southern coast of Asia Minor. The sculpture of the
-Mausoleum is of the purely Greek and ideal character. But the greatest
-of the Sidonian sarcophagi returns, as we shall see, in the age of
-Alexander the Great, to a more realistic level.
-
-The heroon of Gyeulbashi was discovered in the heart of Lycia by
-Schönborn in 1842. For a long time the discovery remained almost
-unnoticed. But a few years ago an Austrian expedition was sent to secure
-such remains of the monument as have artistic value, and these are now
-deposited in the Museum of Vienna. Unfortunately they have suffered
-terribly, being of limestone and not of marble, from exposure to the
-weather, and some of the friezes have almost perished. Casts of the
-better-preserved portions are to be found at South Kensington and
-Oxford. And the whole monument is published in the completest and most
-satisfactory form by Professor Benndorf[297].
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 76. HEROON OF GYEULBASHI.]
-
-In form the heroon differs entirely, as will be seen from the engraving
-(Fig. 76) from other Lycian monuments. The actual grave is a modest
-construction in the form of a sarcophagus surmounted by a cover with
-gables. This stands transversely within a walled enclosure some 78 feet
-long by 68 wide, inside measurement. The enclosing wall is built solidly
-of squared stones. And it is this which is the interesting part of the
-whole; for the wall is adorned without and within with a series of
-reliefs, presenting us with a whole gallery of representations
-remarkable alike for their style and their subjects, some of which are
-portrayed nowhere else in the whole range of Greek sculpture.
-
-The keynote here again is furnished by the group of seated heroic
-personages. This group is sculptured over the door through which the
-enclosure is entered; unfortunately it has so severely suffered that the
-details are obscure. The great lintel stone over the doorway is
-decorated as follows. Above are the foreparts of four winged bulls,
-separated by rosettes and a gorgon-head. Immediately below these are
-seated two pairs of figures, in each case male and female. The men are
-bearded, the women veiled. Husband and wife are turned towards one
-another, and behind the wife in each group stands a girl, a daughter or
-servant, holding in one instance a casket, in the other raising her arms
-in an attitude of sorrow.
-
-These two heroic pairs are probably the proprietors of the sacred
-enclosure, which was built like a finely carved casket to hold their
-ashes. In the decoration of the casket we find one Oriental motive. Over
-the door inside is a line of dwarfs, or of repetitions of the Egyptian
-monster Bes, holding musical instruments or dancing. Here we have a
-touch lent by a religion less refined and artistic than that of the
-anthropomorphic Greeks. The rest of the reliefs take their subjects from
-the legendary tales of Greece. We do not appear to have here, as on the
-Nereid monument, allusions to the lives of the buried heroes. There is
-no scene which bears the impress of history. The Greek artists who were
-employed by the wealthy Lycian family to adorn the wall seem to have
-been left quite free in their choice of subjects. So they run on almost
-without plan, from tale to tale and from scene to scene. Sometimes we
-have two subjects, one above the other, quite independent one of the
-other. Sometimes the two lines of decorations are occupied with a single
-scene.
-
-It would be useless to attempt to describe in detail scenes which we are
-unable to set before the eyes of the reader. The landing of the Greeks
-at Troy, the siege of the City, the battle of Achilles with the Amazons
-who come to its rescue, Odysseus meeting Penelope, and shooting down the
-suitors, are taken from the cycle of Trojan legend. Then we have the
-hunting of the Calydonian boar, the carrying off of the daughters of
-Leucippus, the expedition of the Seven against Thebes, all portrayed
-with the freedom which Greek artists use, always ready to subordinate
-strict fidelity to tradition to the necessities of art and the love of
-balance and measure. The interest of those scenes is great, but it does
-not belong to our subject. The art is not sepulchral, but of the
-myth-loving kind which prevails in the decoration of Greek temples, and
-which once marked the lost masterpieces of the great Greek painters.
-Professor Benndorf has tried, and not unsuccessfully, to prove that in
-the reliefs of Gyeulbashi we may find clear traces of the influence of
-the great Thasian painter Polygnotus, another of whose lines of
-influence reached the sculptors of the Parthenon. The Lycian heroon and
-the Attic temple are works of about the same period, widely as they
-differ in some respects. At Athens the influence of Polygnotus is fairly
-and fully translated into sculptural style. In Lycia the sculptor has
-less transforming vigour, and he retains in the work of the chisel some
-conventions appropriate only to the work of the brush.
-
-One other important tomb must be mentioned which was built in Asia,
-though its construction is purely Greek, its material the marble of
-Pentelicus, and its erection on the coast of Asia Minor no more than an
-instance of the fortune of war.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 77. LION-TOMB, CNIDUS.]
-
-Among the discoveries, with the fruits of which Sir Charles Newton
-enriched the British Museum, there were few which he valued more highly
-than that of the Lion-tomb of Cnidus. The huge lion, which is now in the
-Mausoleum Room of the British Museum, reclined on the top of a building
-made solid to receive his vast weight, looking out over the Carian Sea.
-We engrave (Fig. 77) the whole monument as restored by Mr. Pullan[298].
-
-It can scarcely be contended that the lion is a great work of sculpture.
-His size is imposing and his attitude monumental, but the head and body
-alike lack character and force. This is true of all the lions of Greek
-artists of the period, the great lion set up in memory of Chaeroneia,
-those which adorned the Mausoleum, and others. The fact is that the
-Greeks between the days of the Persian Wars and those of Alexander knew
-nothing of the lion, probably scarcely ever saw one, dead or alive. So
-their artistic and idealizing tendency had to work without constant
-reference to, and correction by, nature. Thus, while the types of the
-horse, the bull, and the dog went on developing on the lines of love and
-appreciation of nature, the type of the lion became fantastic and poor.
-The soul of the lion does not inhabit the bodies prepared for it by
-Greek artists.
-
-Nevertheless the Cnidian monument has its interest. It is conjectured,
-with a high degree of probability, that it was set up by Conon, after
-his great victory of 394 B.C. over the Spartan fleet at Cnidus. It
-commemorates alike the battle and the Athenians who fell in it. It is an
-Attic tomb though not erected in Attica, more imposing as a historical
-monument than the reliefs of the Cerameicus, but inferior to them in the
-higher artistic qualities.
-
-Our subject being Greek sculptured tombs, we must leave out of
-consideration one of the most important classes of Hellenic or
-semi-Hellenic graves, that which belongs to the Greek colonists of the
-Crimea and their barbarous Scythic allies[299]. In the neighbourhood of
-the ancient Panticapaeum, a city closely connected with Athens by ties
-of commerce and alliance, there are many mound-graves, which being
-opened have been found to contain lofty vaulted chambers, in shape and
-design not unlike the treasuries of Mycenae and Orchomenus, but of a far
-later age, belonging in fact mostly to the fourth century, which seems
-to have been the golden age of Panticapaeum. These graves have no
-important architectural features and no sculptural adornment. But they
-have in many cases preserved to our days their contents, a rich spoil of
-gold and bronze, of Greek vases and barbarous armour, of ornaments and
-coins. By an art-loving and paternal government, these important relics
-of the most northerly branch of the Hellenic stock have been carefully
-collected and preserved, forming to-day one of the most splendid
-attractions of the Hermitage Museum at St. Petersburg.
-
-They are also luxuriously published in official publications of the
-Russian Government, offering to the student of history a new chapter,
-showing how, in the Crimea of old, Greek and Scythian met, how the Greek
-refined the Scythian and supplied him with admirable works of art, and
-how the Scythian lent the Greek armour and clothes, besides no doubt
-supplying him with timber, corn, and skins. And to the student of art
-they exhibit the richness and the taste displayed by Athenian craftsmen
-in the fourth century, in the production even of the smallest and least
-considered of the appliances of daily life.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XIV
-
-THE MAUSOLEUM
-
-
-We turn next to the Mausoleum, the great tomb erected in honour of
-Mausolus, king of Caria, by his widow Artemisia, in the middle of the
-fourth century. It ranked among the wonders of the world, and was the
-work of the most celebrated artists of Greece. The discovery of its
-remains by Sir Charles Newton occupies a prominent position among the
-first-rate achievements of English excavators. And their acquisition by
-the British Museum has made the National Gallery of Sculpture almost as
-rich in fourth-century sculpture as the purchase of the Elgin marbles
-had made it in the sculpture of the fifth century.
-
-The problem of the reconstruction of the Mausoleum is among the most
-interesting of those connected with the history of Greek architecture.
-Generally speaking, after the excavation of the site of the great Greek
-building, its restoration is by no means difficult. The laws of Greek
-architecture are so precise, and its forms so simple, that it is
-possible from the evidence of a few stones to reconstruct it with the
-certainty with which the skilled palaeontologist constructs a geological
-animal from the evidence of a few bones. The wonderful reconstructions
-of Dr. Dörpfeld on the Athenian Acropolis, at Olympia, and elsewhere,
-have commonly but little in them which is arbitrary, though much which
-is brilliant.
-
-Dr. Dörpfeld has not yet attempted the Mausoleum. But it is safe to say
-that in its reconstruction he would meet difficulties such as he has not
-yet encountered. At first sight, the materials for a reconstruction seem
-very abundant. We have an elaborate description of the monument by
-Pliny. We have an account of its partial destruction in the sixteenth
-century by the Knights of St. John. And the excavations on the site
-conducted by Sir Charles Newton were complete and systematic. But the
-advantage derived from all this richness of material is more than
-balanced by the fact that the Mausoleum was a work of new and original
-design. It was no Greek temple, made according to well-established
-rules, but a monument intended to stand alone through the centuries.
-Thus the man who would successfully restore its design must venture to
-rise above convention, and has need of a thorough grasp of the
-tendencies and possibilities of Greek architecture.
-
-Setting aside the fanciful reconstructions proposed by scholars before
-Newton’s excavations, we pass to those made with the data now available.
-The earliest reconstruction, one to which we must attach considerable
-value, is that set forth by the excavators themselves. It is hard to say
-who is responsible for it. It was first projected by Lieut. Smith, an
-engineer attached to the expedition, revised and completed by Mr. Pullan
-the architect, adopted and defended by Sir Charles Newton himself. Plans
-based upon this, but differing from it in various points, were set forth
-by Mr. Fergusson and Dr. Petersen. But since neither of these writers
-has fairly grappled with the subject from the beginning, we may feel
-justified in not paying much heed to their plans. If we are to set aside
-a restoration made on the spot, with all local knowledge and every
-resource, it must be only after a very careful and complete survey of
-all the available evidence.
-
-The plans of Pullan, Fergusson, and Petersen have won their way into our
-books, and are frequently treated as final. But final they certainly are
-not. They have never, until quite lately, been collated with sufficient
-care with the evidence, especially with the ancient authorities. They
-contain violations of precedent and probability which it is not easy to
-justify. Mr. Oldfield has therefore done an excellent work in his recent
-attempt[300] to improve upon the received restorations, an attempt
-marked by extreme care, lucidity, and ingenuity.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 78. MAUSOLEUM: MR. PULLAN.]
-
-It is, unfortunately, not possible here to criticize in satisfactory
-detail the views of Mr. Oldfield and his predecessors. I propose only to
-set forth briefly the sum of the evidence
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 79. MAUSOLEUM: MR. OLDFIELD.]
-
-which exists for the reconstruction, after engraving side by side the
-plans set forth by Mr. Pullan (Fig. 78) and Mr. Oldfield (Fig. 79)[301]
-on the basis of that evidence. Readers to whom such inquiries have no
-interest would do well to omit the rest of this chapter.
-
-Our materials are of four kinds. First we have the statements of certain
-ancient writers. Second, we have the curious account by Guichard of the
-state of the building when it was partially destroyed by the Knights of
-St. John in 1522. Third, we may cite the analogy of other ancient
-buildings of the same kind, so far as they are preserved. And of course
-all these sources of information must be used in strict subordination to
-the evidence of excavation and of the remains actually existing.
-
-
-1. _Ancient Writers._
-
-Hyginus[302] mentions three facts in regard to the Mausoleum; he says
-that it was of Parian marble, 80 feet in height, 1,350 feet in
-circumference. In two of these statements he is certainly right. The
-marble of the Mausoleum is Parian, and the circuit of the sacred
-enclosure or peribolus is given by Newton as 1,348 English feet. But as
-to the height of the building Hyginus contradicts Pliny, and must
-probably be corrected by him.
-
-Martial, in a curious line, speaks of the Mausoleum as suspended in the
-air[303]. This phrase certainly implies that it did not appear to
-spectators a solid and massive structure, but light and aspiring. Mr.
-Oldfield contends that the phrase would well describe a building whereof
-the upper part rested mainly on pillars[304], and would certainly not
-apply to a building of which solidity is the most striking feature, as
-it is of Mr. Pullan’s reconstruction.
-
-The most important of ancient writers on the Mausoleum is Pliny[305],
-whose description we must transcribe at length, both in Latin and
-English.
-
-     Scopas habuit aemulos eadem aetate Bryaxim et Timotheum et
-     Leocharen, de quibus simul dicendum est quoniam pariter caelauere
-     Mausoleum. Sepulcrum hoc est ab uxore Artemisia factum Mausolo
-     Cariae regulo, qui obiit Olympiadis cvii[306] anno secundo. Opus id
-     ut esset inter septem miracula hi maxime fecere artifices. Patet ab
-     austro et septentrione sexagenos[307] ternos pedes, breuius a
-     frontibus, toto circumitu pedes ccccxi[308], attolitur in
-     altitudinem xxv cubitis, cingitur columnis xxxvi. Πτερόν
-     uocauere[309]. Ab oriente caelauit Scopas, a septentrione Bryaxis,
-     a meridie Timotheus, ab occasu Leochares, priusque quam peragerent
-     regina obiit. Non tamen recesserunt nisi absoluto iam, id gloriae
-     ipsorum artisque monumentum iudicantes, hodieque certant manus.
-     Accessit et quintus artifex. Namque supra πτερόν pyramis altitudine
-     inferiorem aequauit[310], uiginti quatuor gradibus in metae cacumen
-     se contrahens. In summo est quadriga marmorea quam fecit Pythis.
-     Haec adiecta cxxxx pedum altitudine totum opus includit.
-
-     Scopas had as rivals and contemporaries Bryaxis, Timotheus, and
-     Leochares, whom we must treat of together since together they
-     sculptured the Mausoleum. This is the tomb erected to Mausolus
-     prince of Caria by his widow Artemisia. He died in the second year
-     of the 107th Olympiad (B.C. 351). That this work is among the seven
-     wonders of the world is mainly owing to these artists. Its length
-     on the north and south sides is sixty-three feet; the façades are
-     shorter; the whole circuit is 411 feet; it rises to a height of
-     twenty-five cubits, and is surrounded by thirty-six columns. This
-     they call the _Pteron_. The sculptures of the east side are by
-     Scopas, those on the north by Bryaxis, those on the south by
-     Timotheus, those on the west by Leochares. Before the task was
-     finished the queen died; but the artists ceased not till the work
-     was done, considering that it would redound to their glory and be a
-     memorial of their art. To this day they vie in handiwork. There
-     came in also a fifth artist. For over the _pteron_ was a pyramid in
-     height equal to that below, with a flight of twenty-four steps
-     tapering to a point. On the top is a marble quadriga made by
-     Pythis. The addition of this raises the height of the whole
-     building to 140 feet.
-
-In this passage are several disputed readings, which I have marked in
-the notes. I have accepted Mr. Oldfield’s version, which is that of the
-earlier edition of Sillig’s Pliny. I will briefly sum up Pliny’s
-evidence as to the form and dimensions of the building. His statement as
-to the circumstances of its erection needs no summing; it is clear, and
-no doubt correct.
-
-1. The frontage towards north and south was 63 feet: the frontage (in a
-stricter sense the fronts) towards east and west was shorter. But the
-circuit was 411 feet. This latter dimension seems inconsistent with the
-former. How could a building which was 411 feet in circuit have no side
-longer than 63 feet? Impressed by this difficulty, some writers supposed
-the true dimensions to be 163 feet (adding to the text centenos) for the
-frontage to north and south. Colonel Leake, followed by Newton and
-Pullan, regarded the dimension of 63 feet as really the length of the
-cella, not of any frontage. This, however, is doing clear violence to
-the text of Pliny. But by a most ingenious adaptation, Mr. Oldfield has
-succeeded in reconciling the numbers of Pliny as they stand. He has, in
-fact, substituted for a square or oblong groundplan of the building ☐, a
-cruciform plan [** symbol]; and so makes it possible for any given front
-to be less than a fourth of the circuit of the building. Here Mr.
-Oldfield has certainly won a great advantage over rival constructions:
-he has kept to the text of Pliny, and at the same time greatly improved
-the form of the building. It is true that it would not be easy to find
-other Greek buildings of cruciform plan, but the Erechtheium at Athens
-gives us a hint that such a plan, produced by the intersection of two
-ordinary temples, would not be impossible. And the Mausoleum was a
-building in which originality of design was to be expected.
-
-2. The number of columns of the pteron was thirty-six. The pteron is the
-temple-like building erected on the base, a construction of which, in
-any possible view, columns were the principal feature. Now the writers
-who supposed the pteron to be a huge square edifice were compelled to
-place the columns all round the edge of it: and to fill up the midst
-with a vast and solid construction of hewn stone (Fig. 78). But Mr.
-Oldfield is enabled, by greatly reducing the superficial area covered by
-the pteron, to make the columns by far its most conspicuous feature.
-Within them there is room only for a small building; or the space may
-even be filled by a few solid piers, which is the plan he adopts. He can
-thus far more nearly conform to the ‘aere pendentia Mausolea’ of
-Martial.
-
-3. The total height was 140 feet[311] from the ground to the top of the
-chariot. Let us consider how this height was made up. Thirty-seven and a
-half feet (25 cubits) was occupied by the pteron. Then there was a
-pyramid of twenty-four steps over the pteron, supporting a chariot, and
-there was under the pteron another pyramid equal in height to the upper
-one. Now we have considerable remains of the steps of the upper pyramid,
-from careful measurement of which Mr. Pullan has ascertained that each
-step was 12¼ inches in height. Thus the total height of the upper
-pyramid was 24½ feet. The lower pyramid was of the same height. The
-chariot would not occupy less than twelve feet. We have thus accounted
-for 37½, 24½, 24½ and 12 feet, about 100 feet of the 140 of Pliny. The
-amount may be filled up by assuming that the whole stood on a high
-podium or basis, and by inserting an attic over the pteron, or in other
-ways.
-
-4. If the reading _aequavit_ for _aequat_ be accepted, an opening is
-left for Mr. Oldfield’s view, that after the building had been set up
-with a pyramid rising to a point, it was decided to add a chariot on the
-top, and that in order to accomplish this, a basis was built round the
-topmost steps of the pyramid, of which six were thus concealed from
-view.
-
-5. Sir C. Newton[312] and Mr. Pullan accepted the reading ‘_altitudinem_
-inferiorem’ for _altitudine_, and had supposed the assertion to be that
-the height of the pyramid above was equal to that of the basis below the
-pyramid. This is, however, a mere correction of the text. If we adhere
-to the reading of the MSS. we must retain _altitudine_, and suppose
-_inferiorem_ to apply to a second pyramid beneath the pteron. It is thus
-that Mr. Oldfield takes the phrase, and of the existence of this second
-pyramid he finds proof in the testimony of Guichard, to which we shall
-next turn. The height of this lower pyramid he supposes to have been
-equal to that of the original pyramid of twenty-four steps, not of
-course to the later truncated pyramid of eighteen steps.
-
-It will be seen on referring to Figs. 78 and 79 that the acceptance of
-one or the other of these readings of Pliny makes a great difference in
-the principles of reconstruction. Mr. Pullan admitted no lower pyramid,
-and regarding the chariot on the summit as part of the original design,
-makes the twenty-four steps of the upper pyramid support it. Mr.
-Oldfield does admit a lower pyramid, and regarding the chariot as a
-later addition works into its basis six steps of the upper pyramid.
-Hence a great difference between the two restorers in the area covered
-by the base of the upper pyramid, which is far larger in Mr. Pullan’s
-design: and this affects the whole form of the building, since the
-excavations determined the size of the area on which the whole stood. It
-is not easy to meet Mr. Oldfield’s argument in favour of his design,
-that the phrase ‘tapering to a point’ applies far better to his pyramid,
-as originally intended, than to Mr. Pullan’s flat-topped pyramid.
-
-
-2. _The Testimony of Guichard._
-
-Such appears to be the testimony of Pliny. And in some points it is
-curiously supplemented by the very notable account, professing to come
-from an eye-witness, which is given us by Guichard[313] of the
-proceedings of the Knights of St. John on the site of the Mausoleum. ‘In
-the year 1522, when Sultan Solyman was preparing an expedition against
-the Rhodians, the Grand Master, knowing the importance of the Castle of
-St. Peter [at Budrum or Halicarnassus], and being aware that the Turk
-would seize it if he could at the first assault, sent some knights
-thither to repair the fortress and make all due preparations to resist
-the enemy. Among the number of those sent was the Commander de la
-Tourette, a Lyonnese knight, who was afterwards present at the taking of
-Rhodes, and came to France, where he related what I am now about to
-narrate to M. d’Alechamps, a person sufficiently known by his learned
-writings, and whose name I mention here only for the purpose of
-publishing my authority for so singular a story.
-
-‘When these knights had arrived at Mesy (Budrum), they at once set about
-fortifying the castle; and looking about for stones wherewith to make
-lime, found none more suitable or more easily got at than certain steps
-of white marble, raised in the form of a staircase (_perron_) in the
-middle of a level field near the port, which had formerly been the great
-square of Halicarnassus. They therefore pulled down and took away these
-marble steps for their use, and finding the stone good, proceeded, after
-having destroyed the little masonry remaining above ground, to dig lower
-down, in the hope of finding more.
-
-‘In this attempt they had great success, for in a short time they
-perceived that the deeper they went the more the structure was enlarged
-at the base, supplying them not only with stone for making lime but also
-for building.
-
-‘After four or five days, having laid bare a great space one afternoon,
-they saw an opening as into a cellar. Taking a candle, they descended
-through this opening, and found that it led into a fine large square
-apartment, ornamented all round with columns of marble, with their
-bases, capitals, architrave, frieze, and cornices, carved and sculptured
-in _mezzo rilievo_. The space between the columns was lined with slabs
-and bands of marbles of different colours, ornamented with mouldings and
-sculptures, in harmony with the rest of the work, and inserted in the
-white ground of the wall, where deeds and battle-scenes were represented
-sculptured in relief.
-
-‘Having at first admired these works, and entertained their fancy with
-the singularity of the sculpture, they pulled it to pieces, and broke up
-the whole of it, applying it to the same purpose as the rest.
-
-‘Besides this apartment, they found afterwards a very low door, which
-led into another apartment, like an ante-chamber, where was a tomb, with
-its urn and its cover (_tymbre_) of white marble, very beautiful and of
-marvellous lustre. This sepulchre, for want of time, they did not open,
-the retreat having already sounded.
-
-‘The day after, when they returned, they found the tomb opened, and the
-earth all round strewn with fragments of cloth of gold, and ornaments of
-the same metal, which made them suppose that the pirates who hovered on
-their coast, having some inkling of what had been discovered, had
-visited the place during the night, and had removed the lid of the
-tomb.’
-
-Those who are acquainted with the Levant, with its wondrous tales of
-underground chambers and hidden treasures, will scarcely be disposed to
-accept, without a grain of salt, the details of this curious story. It
-may be true, or it may be in the main a work of the imagination. Many
-such stories, grounded or groundless, are flitting from mouth to mouth
-in Asia Minor, and rapidly growing in the process. Nevertheless it is
-probable that Mr. Oldfield is justified in saying that the earlier part
-of the tale affords a clear confirmation of the existence (which has
-been denied) of a lower pyramid at the Mausoleum as well as that which
-surmounted the building. The knights found in the ground steps of white
-marble like a staircase, and as they dug downwards these steps spread
-outwards, just as would the steps of a pyramid. The solid mass of marble
-had escaped while most of the upper part of the building had been
-carried away as material for the castles of the knights. But it survived
-no longer; it was carried away by the companions of De la Tourette and
-built into the walls of the castle. As to what Guichard tells us in
-regard to the contents of the inner chamber, scepticism is more
-justifiable.
-
-
-3. _The Analogy of other Buildings._
-
-Of monuments mentioned in these pages, only two can fairly be used for
-comparison with the Mausoleum. These are the Lycian Nereid Monument
-(Fig. 74) and the Lion Tomb of Cnidus (Fig. 77). The Nereid Monument
-consists, like the Mausoleum, of a pteron raised upon a base or podium;
-but no part of it is of pyramidal form. It is merely, if the restoration
-be correct, a building in the form of an ordinary Greek temple, on an
-unusually high podium. It may be used as proof that the Mausoleum also
-had a high podium, for the existence of which the existing remains
-furnish no direct evidence. The Lion Tomb may be suggestive from a
-constructional point of view, as the architectural problem involved in
-supporting a massive lion on the top was not unlike the problem which
-the architect of the Mausoleum had to solve. But its elevation was of a
-far simpler type than was that of the Mausoleum.
-
-Other buildings are cited and engraved in the treatise of Mr. Oldfield,
-but unless we could examine them in detail it would be useless to
-mention them here. They are valuable rather as offering suggestions on
-points of construction than as affording us real parallels to the plan
-of the Mausoleum.
-
-       *       *       *       *       *
-
-The evidence of existing remains must be studied partly in Sir C.
-Newton’s _History of Discoveries_, partly in the Mausoleum Room of the
-British Museum. Lately Mr. Murray has in that museum set up one of the
-pillars of the pteron, with base and cornice, a reconstruction which
-will greatly help those who wish to revive in imagination the glories of
-the most splendid of ancient sepulchres.
-
-For the manner in which out of the data Mr. Oldfield makes a conjectural
-restoration of the great tomb we must refer the reader to his admirable
-paper in _Archaeologia_. We can only conclude, as we began, by referring
-to his engraving set side by side with Mr. Pullan’s (Figs. 78, 79). Of
-the two it is by far the better, closer to the ancient evidence, less
-clumsy, more Greek. But of course it may be in turn superseded by other
-restorations hereafter. In one point both reconstructions are certainly
-wrong, in placing on the top of the whole, in the chariot of Pythis, the
-magnificent statues of Mausolus and Artemisia, found on the site, which
-were doubtless carefully preserved in the interior of the building, and
-not put almost beyond sight and exposed to the weather on the top of it.
-I have elsewhere[314] maintained this view by the following arguments:--
-
-1. Pliny mentions the chariot of Pythis, but says nothing of any figures
-in it.
-
-2. The statues at such a height, in a chariot, and behind gigantic
-horses, would have been almost invisible from below.
-
-3. Neither Mausolus nor his wife is holding reins or clad in the dress
-of a charioteer.
-
-4. The head of Mausolus in particular is too well preserved to have been
-long exposed to the weather.
-
-5. Both the horses and the wheel of the chariot are on a far larger
-scale than the two statues.
-
-6. They are also very inferior to the statues as works of art.
-
-The only argument of importance on the other side arises from the fact
-that the statues and the fragments of the chariot were found together.
-But it must be observed that the course of discovery in the German
-excavations at Olympia proved that collocations of remains of ancient
-buildings have often a most fortuitous character. And not only were the
-statues of Mausolus and Artemisia found with the remains of the chariot,
-but also a variety of fragments of other statues which can have had
-nothing to do with that chariot.
-
-We cannot yet venture to say to which of the Mausoleum artists the
-portrait of Mausolus is due. Quite lately Dr. J. Six has suggested
-Bryaxis and Dr. W. Amelung Praxiteles, who is said by Vitruvius to have
-had a share in the monument. But neither of these conjectures reaches
-beyond a probability.
-
-We possess, besides the sculptured remains already mentioned, quite a
-wealth of fragments of statues and reliefs from the site. (1) Some
-fragments of metopes, one of which seems to have represented an
-adventure of Theseus. (2) A few figures from a most spirited frieze,
-representing a race of chariots. This frieze is generally accepted as
-the work of Scopas. (3) Scanty vestiges of a frieze representing the
-battle of Lapiths and Centaurs. (4) The well-known wonderful frieze of
-the Greeks and Amazons. (5) A magnificent torso of a Persian rider on
-his horse. (6) Portions of many statues of colossal size and of life
-size. These sculptural remains have never been properly published[315],
-nor are by any means all of them exhibited in the public rooms of the
-British Museum.
-
-The Mausoleum was a wonder of the world, not so much on account of its
-size and costliness as because of its ingenious architecture and noble
-sculpture. Though it had not the magnificence of the Taj Mahal of Agra,
-nor the solidity of the Pyramids of Egypt, it is probably the noblest
-tomb ever erected for mortal man. It not only immortalized the name of
-Mausolus, but it is also a leading authority for the style of the second
-great school of Attic sculptors. Its poor remains are among the most
-precious possessions of the British Museum. Of the authors, we can still
-say, in the words of Pliny, ‘hodie certant manus.’
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XV
-
-GREEK SARCOPHAGI
-
-
-The recent great discovery at Sidon of a number of beautiful sarcophagi
-executed by Greek artists, and belonging to the best period of
-sculpture, has been quite a revelation to archaeologists. Before, we had
-abundance of Roman sarcophagi, the sculpture of which showed various
-degrees of merit; and we had a few sarcophagi from Cyprus and Lycia and
-Etruria, which were interesting, but not very important in relation to
-Greek art or Greek religion. One or two of our most beautiful
-sarcophagi, notably the Amazon sarcophagus of Vienna, were Hellenic, and
-dated as far back as the fourth century; but these seem almost lost in
-the brilliancy of the recent discoveries.
-
-The Greek custom was not to bury the dead in massive coffins of stone,
-but either to build a receptacle for the body out of slabs of terra
-cotta, or to enclose it in a light earthenware vessel. I speak of course
-of the cases when the body was buried: when it was burned, obviously
-only a small vase would be necessary to hold the ashes.
-
-The terra-cotta coffins of the Greeks had seldom any notable adornment.
-But exception must be made of one great necropolis, that of Clazomenae
-in Ionia. In some of our great museums, notably those of London and
-Berlin, there are preserved several remarkable sarcophagi[316] of the
-sixth century, which come from that site. They are of solid
-construction, made of terra-cotta, adorned with rich patterns painted on
-lids and on sides, and covered with scenes closely parallel to those
-familiar to us on black-figured vases, combats of warriors, hunting
-scenes, heraldic animals, and the like. A distinctly Oriental trait
-found on some of these coffins is found in the scenes where the hunters
-are pursuing in chariots stags and other game. The kings of Assyria are
-represented on the walls of their palaces as thus hunting in chariots;
-but the custom was probably quite foreign to all Greeks except a few
-wealthy inhabitants of Asia, who were influenced by Asiatic ways. These
-productions of Ionic potters are very interesting from many points of
-view, but are not quite in the line of our present investigation.
-
-Let us then at once pass to the sarcophagi from Sidon, now the chief
-ornaments of the important museum formed by Hamdy Bey at
-Constantinople[317]. They all come from one series of tombs discovered
-at Sidon. There was a central pit sunk in the rocky soil, off which
-branched in all directions a series of chambers cut at various times and
-opening one out of the other. The rooms contained a number of sarcophagi
-of various periods, the earlier showing the influence of Egypt, the
-later that of Hellas. There can be little doubt that we have discovered
-one of the chief burying-places of the royal race of the kings of Sidon.
-Unfortunately the coffins had been opened by robbers at some uncertain
-period, and their contents removed. Only the sarcophagi themselves
-remain, for the most part in an excellent state of preservation, and
-even retaining to some extent the colours with which their marble was
-stained when they were fashioned.
-
-Until the end of the sixth century these royal coffins are of the
-Egyptian form, the body being plain, and the cover imitating the form of
-a mummy with the face exposed. But in the fifth century these faces show
-the dominance of Greek style. And as the rule of Greek art in the Levant
-becomes during that century more pronounced, the mummy-like sarcophagus
-gives place to forms better suited for offering a suitable field to the
-sculptor, and the flat surfaces are adorned with reliefs, which in style
-if not in subject are of pure Greek type. We will briefly describe the
-four principal sculptured sarcophagi under the names which have been for
-convenience assigned to them, and in chronological order: (1) The Tomb
-of the Satrap, (2) The Lycian Tomb, (3) The Tomb of the Mourning Women,
-(4) The Alexander Tomb.
-
-The Tomb of the Satrap is assigned by Studniczka to the middle of the
-fifth century, and though the freedom of pose of some of the figures
-sculptured on it may make us hesitate before accepting quite so early a
-date, it certainly belongs to the century. Three of the four scenes
-which adorn the sides and ends of the tomb are clearly scenes from the
-history of one man, no doubt the hero contained in it, a personage
-represented as having a long beard, and usually wearing the conical hat
-of the Persians and Phrygians. The scene of one of the ends (Fig.
-80)[318] recalls the gable of the Nereid monument. The bearded man
-reclines on a couch at table, holding in his hand a winecup. His wife is
-seated at his feet; in attendance on him are two young men, one of whom
-fills a rhyton or drinking horn from a jug. We have here a scheme
-closely like that of the sepulchral banquet of Athens. And though the
-reference may be primarily to the family repast of the palace, yet
-considering that the sculptor was a Greek, it is scarcely likely that
-all reference to what was beyond the tomb was wholly absent from his
-mind. The wine which the hero drinks may very well be that poured in
-libation at his grave.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 80. SARCOPHAGUS OF THE SATRAP: END.]
-
-At the opposite end of the sarcophagus are represented four of the
-body-guard, conversing one with the other. On one of its sides is a
-scene of leave-taking. The hero sits on a throne, resting his arm
-Zeus-like on a sceptre, while behind him stand two of the women of his
-household. Before him is a young man, no doubt a son, stepping into a
-chariot to which four horses are already yoked, and of which he holds
-the reins. He turns to say a word of farewell to his father. Two other
-young men are present: one holds in the horses of the chariot, the other
-stands ready to mount a horse, and to ride beside it. Here again we have
-a scene to which abundant parallels may be found among the Attic
-grave-reliefs. The departure of a warrior or a horseman is, as we have
-already seen[319], an ordinary subject on the stelae of Athens and
-elsewhere. It may be that the son is setting out on a military
-expedition which brought his father fame and increase of territory.
-
-On the fourth side of the tomb, father and son are again prominent. It
-is a hunting scene. In the midst is a panther turning to bay, which
-father and son charge at the same moment on horseback from one side and
-the other. On the left a young horseman has struck down a stag, and to
-balance him on the right is represented a horse galloping away in a
-panic, having thrown his rider, whom he drags with him. There can be
-little doubt that all these scenes are out of the life of the person to
-whom the tomb is devoted, and in all his son appears with him, very
-probably the successor who had the sarcophagus made. The subsidiary
-figures may be either younger sons or merely attendants. Unfortunately
-we have no historical data for the assignment of the tomb to any
-particular ruler of Sidon.
-
-M. Reinach insists with justice on the importance of this tomb as a
-monument of the great art of Ionia of the fifth century, an art of which
-little has come down to us, but of the splendour of which we can judge
-from the statements of ancient writers. Our sarcophagus lies half-way
-between the reliefs of Assyria, recording the great deeds of the kings,
-in an exaggerated and ideal historical record, and the sculpture of
-purely Greek monuments such as the Mausoleum, where the battles of
-Greeks and Amazons, of Lapiths and Centaurs, take the place of the
-contests of ordinary men. The Lycian Tomb and that of the Mourning Women
-belong almost entirely to the idealizing tendency of Greek sculpture
-already spoken of, which translated the present into the past and the
-human into the heroic. With the age of Alexander the historic tendency
-once more prevails, since the deeds of Alexander and his contemporaries
-might well seem pitched at a level quite as high as the mythic exploits
-of Herakles and Theseus.
-
-The Lycian Tomb may be dated about the year 420. It owes its name to its
-curious form, a form common in Lycia, the cover being set on in the
-shape of a Gothic arch. The conjecture has been hazarded that it was
-originally made for a Lycian chief and carried off by its Phoenician
-proprietor; but for this view there is not much evidence.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 81. SPHINXES: LYCIAN SARCOPHAGUS.]
-
-The two ends are adorned, with consummate taste and adaptation to space,
-with mythic subjects. Above, at one end, are a pair of griffins, at the
-other a pair of sphinxes, whose beautiful faces might be those of two
-angels of death (Fig. 81). Below are Centaurs in carefully balanced
-groups. The sides of the tomb bear reliefs the subjects of which are
-taken from daily life, but daily life treated quite generally, and with
-a view to the laws of sculptural composition rather than with any
-intention to set forth the history of a life. On one side two Amazons,
-each in a four-horse chariot and attended by a female charioteer, attack
-a lion. On the other side five men on horseback close in upon a boar.
-The hunters are all young men of the type of the riders on the frieze of
-the Parthenon, to some of whom in fact they bear a very close
-resemblance. But the chariot used for lion-hunting savours rather of
-Assyria than of Greece. The reliefs were fully coloured, such
-accessories as reins and spears being filled in in metal.
-
-As the Lycian Tomb carries an echo of the style of Pheidias, so the Tomb
-of the Mourning Women reminds us at once of the works of the second
-Attic school, and of Praxiteles in particular. We should date it about
-B.C. 370 or 360. I can only describe in detail the scenes of the one end
-of it which is selected for the illustration; of the rest of the
-sculptured reliefs a very summary description must suffice. Never was
-there a work of art in which death and mourning were represented in so
-varied and so exquisitely subdued a fashion. The sarcophagus is like an
-artistic lament, written in many verses, and composed in different keys,
-but still constantly returning to and hovering about the loss of some
-dignified and much-regretted person. In the engraving (Fig. 82) we see
-at the top two corresponding groups, in each of which is a bearded man
-seated in an attitude of dejection, while a younger man standing before
-him holds discourse with him. The subject of which he speaks is, we can
-scarcely doubt, the death of the ruler who was the master and protector
-of both, and whose departure causes widely spread sorrow in the land.
-Just below, in the gable, are three seated women, who also seem to talk
-on the same theme. They remind us of a fine passage in the dirge
-pronounced by David over Saul and Jonathan[320], ‘Ye daughters of
-Israel, weep over Saul, who
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 82. SARCOPHAGUS OF MOURNERS: END.]
-
-clothed you in scarlet with other delights, who put on ornaments of gold
-on your apparel.’ The main field is occupied by three women standing,
-separated one from the other by pillars of Ionic form. In the attitude
-of all there is something of pensiveness, as it would seem to us, but to
-a Greek eye it would mean more than thought,--sorrow. The poses are
-precisely those to which we are accustomed in the Attic family groups;
-and there can be little doubt that the artist who made this sarcophagus
-belonged to the school, Praxitelean in character, which produced the
-stelae of Athens. The lowest line of sculpture in the engraving is on a
-very small scale and in low relief; it represents scenes of hunting and
-the bringing home of the booty.
-
-The remaining three faces of the sarcophagus correspond with that which
-we have described in subject and in style, the other end closely so. On
-each side we find--besides the lowest relief, which runs all
-round--above, a funeral procession, in which a hearse is convoyed to the
-grave by a chariot and led horses, and below, six more women in mourning
-attitudes standing between pillars. The number of these female figures
-is thus eighteen. It would puzzle many a modern artist to solve the
-artistic problem thus set, to produce eighteen figures of women, all
-young and of the same type, all standing in poses both in themselves
-elegant but yet suggestive of grief, and so different one from the other
-that there is no sameness or repetition. But artistic problems of this
-sort had a special attraction for Greek artists of the best period--for
-the artist who planned the Parthenon frieze as well as for the artists
-of the Mausoleum. And no solution could be found more perfect than that
-offered us in the present case. The eighteen women have been compared to
-a dirge of eighteen stanzas; and though to sustain the comparison the
-dirge would be somewhat monotonous, that fact perhaps would not make it
-less impressive.
-
-M. Reinach well observes that the whole form of this monument is taken
-from that of a temple. The columns support an entablature, above which
-rises a pediment. Between the columns stand statues, as very often in
-Greek temples and in monuments such as the Lycian heroon (Fig. 74). No
-doubt, morphologically, the sarcophagus is a miniature temple, as the
-temple itself is a beautified and idealized house; but in Greece every
-form of monument soon acquires a decoration specially suited to it; thus
-the form and decoration of this tomb are an able adaptation rather than
-a survival.
-
-If our assignment of the date of the sarcophagus to about B.C. 370 or
-360 be correct, we may almost venture to assign a name to its possessor.
-Though we do not know much of the history of Sidon, we do know that at
-this period the throne of the city was occupied by a king named Strato,
-in whose honour the people of Athens passed a decree, in return for
-favours done to their envoys. The text of this decree is extant[321]. As
-Strato was thus on excellent terms with the people of Athens; what more
-natural than that Athens should lend an artist for the decoration of his
-sarcophagus either to him or to his successor?
-
-By far the most beautiful and the most noteworthy of the Sidonian
-sarcophagi is that which bears the name of Alexander the Great. At
-first, when the discovery was made, some writers expressed the opinion
-that it was the tomb of Alexander himself. Alexander however was buried,
-as we know on quite sufficient testimony, not at Sidon but at
-Alexandria[322]. And though the coffin is quite worthy of holding the
-bones of the greatest of kings, yet Alexander’s taste was probably too
-florid to be content with a mere shrine of marble. Moreover, it is
-almost certain that no Greek was the occupant, for inside were found
-linen bands, such as were used for swaddling the corpses of Oriental,
-but not of Hellenic, princes. The body which had been thus swathed has
-disappeared.
-
-But though the great sarcophagus never held the body of Alexander, yet
-its sculptures are an important artistic and even historical record of
-some of his achievements. Let us briefly consider them in order.
-
-According to analogy, we should expect to find in the pedimental scenes
-of the sarcophagus the best clue to its attribution: with them therefore
-we will begin. In examining all the scenes, we must discriminate with
-the utmost care between the dress of Macedonians and Greeks on one side
-and that of the Persians, Phoenicians, and other Asiatic peoples on the
-other. Greeks appear here, as in all works of art, usually with body
-either bare or covered with a cuirass, at the bottom of which is a
-leather flap. Sometimes a chlamys floats from their shoulders. They
-carry sword and shield, or a lance, and wear helmets: the Macedonian
-helmet rises in a peak at the top and has cheek-pieces. The dress of the
-Asiatics is less varied: they wear a loose chiton, sleeves cover their
-arms to the wrist, and trousers reach to the ankle; on their heads is
-the Phrygian cap, the flaps of which often cover the mouth; a loose coat
-with sleeves, almost like the jacket of a hussar, is often attached to
-them at the neck and hangs behind. This is the candys, often mentioned
-by ancient writers. Xenophon[323] says that soldiers put their arms
-through the sleeves when on parade.
-
-In the first pediment we have a fighting scene. The fighting is between
-Macedonians on one side and Persians on the other. The most prominent
-figure, who occupies the midmost place, is an Asiatic cavalier, who
-strikes down at a Greek soldier. His Persian companions overthrow the
-Macedonians opposed to them. We have, in fact, a victory of Asiatics
-over Europeans. In the opposite pediment (Fig. 83) is a scene less easy
-to interpret. Here the combatants are all Greek or Macedonian. The most
-prominent figure is that of a fully armed foot-soldier, who drives his
-sword into the throat of a youth who kneels at his feet.
-
-In the frieze below the pediment last mentioned (Fig. 83), we again see
-an Asiatic horseman, apparently the hero of the first pediment, as
-central figure, victorious over a Greek opponent, whose helmet, of form
-not Macedonian, lies beside him. On either side of the horseman there
-charges fiercely a Macedonian soldier against Asiatics, who are clearly
-over-matched. In the corresponding frieze at the other end is a scene in
-which a party of Asiatics hunt the panther.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 83. ALEXANDER SARCOPHAGUS: END.]
-
-Before leaving these scenes, we may observe that it seems clear that the
-Asiatic chief already twice repeated is the tenant of the tomb. His
-dress is quite suitable for that of a ruler of Sidon: his position is
-marked as unique. The scenes in which he takes part are no doubt his
-hunting and his petty wars with neighbouring princes, whose armies, like
-all armies at the time, were mixed, consisting partly of Macedonians,
-partly of Greek mercenaries, and partly of native troops. In knowing so
-little of the history of the time, we lose the clue that we might
-otherwise possess as to the particular events portrayed.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 84. ALEXANDER SARCOPHAGUS: LION HUNT.]
-
-If we accept this interpretation, we shall be able to explain one at
-least of the long friezes which adorn the sides of the sarcophagus (Fig.
-84)[324]. The subject of it is a lion-hunt. In the midst is a group,
-about which the whole scene is balanced. The lion has turned to bay, and
-flung himself upon the horse ridden by an Asiatic cavalier, who is
-doubtless the Sidonian monarch of previous scenes. He defends himself
-with energy; and help is approaching from both sides. On one side,
-galloping to his aid, Alexander himself, notable for his regal fillet or
-diadema, and the intense expression observable in most of his portraits.
-On the other side comes a Macedonian noble, perhaps Hephaestion, a
-beautiful figure, but without the diadema. At the two ends of the relief
-are other groups--a Persian drawing the bow, a servant running up armed
-with a pike, a Greek and a Persian striking down a stag. We can easily
-understand that to accompany Alexander in his hunting, and to be rescued
-by him from the attack of a lion, was enough to confer great distinction
-on any Asiatic potentate, and we cannot be surprised that he should
-think the event worthy of record on his tomb.
-
-The remaining frieze is that which has attracted most attention[325]. It
-is a representation of the conquering charge of Alexander and his
-companions at one of his battles, perhaps that of Issus. From the left
-comes the Great King, a lion’s skin on his head, overthrowing, by a
-furious charge, a Persian noble who tries to stop his way. An elderly
-man, perhaps Parmenio, charges at the same moment from the right with
-like success; in the midst is a third Macedonian leader striking down at
-a Persian, one of the noblest figures ever executed in marble. In the
-field is a _mêlée_ of Greeks and Persians, the former having by much the
-better of the fray. In this scene the intention certainly seems to be to
-glorify Alexander and his generals; and it is not easy to find any
-allusion to deeds of the Sidonian king. He can scarcely be one of the
-overthrown Persian horsemen. The whole composition should be compared
-with the well-known Pompeian mosaic which represents the battle of
-Issus: the group of Alexander and his immediate foe is composed in the
-two scenes in almost exactly the same way. We engrave finally (Fig. 85)
-one of the lions which decorate the upper corners of the coffin.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 85. ALEXANDER SARCOPHAGUS: A LION.]
-
-It is most probable that this tomb contained the remains of a king
-mentioned in history. About 350 B.C. Sidon had revolted against Persia
-under Artaxerxes Ochus, and the revolt had been mercilessly suppressed
-by the Persian king. As a natural result, the city regarded Alexander,
-when in his victorious course he reached Sidon, as a deliverer rather
-than as a foe. While Tyre resisted to the death, Sidon yielded at once.
-A King Strato was then ruling. For reasons of his own Alexander directed
-Hephaestion to depose him, and to set up in his place a member of the
-royal house named Abdalonymus. The latter, however, did not reign very
-long, as after this Phoenicia became a bone of contention between the
-Ptolemies and the Seleucidae. It seems a fair historical conjecture that
-the great sarcophagus is that of Abdalonymus, who seems to have been the
-last of the native royal race, and who records on his tomb alike his own
-exploits and those of his hero and protector Alexander.
-
-The beauty of the whole sarcophagus cannot be judged from our
-representations, few in number and small in size. To be appreciated
-fully, the great monument must be seen in its place in the Museum at
-Constantinople: its beauty and preservation are alike overpowering. Much
-of the colouring still remains[326], but the accessories, swords, bits
-of horses, and the like, once filled in in bronze and silver, have
-disappeared. The style is a style of wonderful vigour of grouping and
-skill in execution. Altogether it is one of the world’s masterpieces.
-
-The artistic school of this great work of art remains yet to be
-determined. The names of Eutychides and Euthycrates, great sculptors of
-the end of the fourth century, have been suggested. But the truth is
-that in this sarcophagus we are face to face with a work of a character
-quite new to us, in some ways a more masterly work of the Greek chisel
-than we had before possessed. Hitherto we had been able to divide Greek
-reliefs into high relief, half relief, and bas relief. But the artist of
-these friezes mixes all these styles, in order to produce the desired
-effect, with masterful boldness. We must wait until time and fresh
-discoveries enable us to determine his artistic genealogy.
-
-The nearest of Greek sarcophagi in date and style to the last of the
-Sidonian series is the great Amazon sarcophagus of Vienna[327], an
-admirable work of art, on the four sides of which are depicted with
-much spirit the battles of the Greeks and Amazons. But we have here
-regular mythologic scenes like those which adorn the great temples of
-Greece; nothing personal, and nothing which has reference to the future
-world. Any further consideration of Greek sarcophagi and of the Roman
-sarcophagi which succeeded them would take us into another province of
-the great empire of Hellenic antiquity.
-
-
-THE END
-
-OXFORD: HORACE HART
-PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY
-
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-[1] I. 28. 36: ‘Iniecto ter pulvere curras.’
-
-[2] Benndorf, _Griech. und Sicil. Vasenbilder_, pl. i.
-
-[3] Benndorf, _Griech. und Sicil. Vasenbilder_, pl. xxxiii.
-
-[4] _Mon. dell’ Inst._ ix. 39.
-
-[5] Rayet, _Monum. de l’Art Antique_, pl. lxxv.
-
-[6] Rayet, text to above plate.
-
-[7] See below, Ch. VII, VIII.
-
-[8] _Iliad_, xvi. 666.
-
-[9] Klein, _Euphronios_, p. 272. Iris and a female figure stand on
-either side. Some writers, interpreting the latter as Eos, have seen in
-the dead body that of Memnon. The point is immaterial to our present
-purpose.
-
-[10] Dumont, _Céramiques de la Grèce propre_, pl. xxvii.
-
-[11] _Mon. dell’ Inst._ ix. 32. We reproduce only the central group of
-the painting.
-
-[12] _Gräber der Hellenen_, p. 42, pl. viii. Stackelberg found
-the coffin himself near the Acharnian Gate at Athens, and drew it
-immediately on discovery.
-
-[13] Pottier et Reinach, _La Nécropole de Myrina_, p. 101.
-
-[14] Herodotus, iv. 26. The word γευέσια may perhaps mean, as some have
-suggested, the anniversary of the death, if death be regarded as birth
-into a new life. The early Christians seem to have adopted this view.
-
-[15] P. 519; _Charon_, 22.
-
-[16] II. p. 926; _De Luctu_, 9.
-
-[17] Plutarch, _Solon_, 21.
-
-[18] _Athen. Mittheil._ i. 143.
-
-[19] Plutarch, _Aristides_. 21.
-
-[20] _Athen. Mittheil._ 1893, p. 53.
-
-[21] See below, Chap. VI.
-
-[22] _Ephem. Archaiol._ 1886, pl. iv.
-
-[23] Benndorf, _Griech. und Sicil. Vasenb._ pl. xxi, 2: cf. xxi. 1,
-xxii, xxv, &c.
-
-[24] Dumont, _Céram. de la Grèce_, pl. xxv.
-
-[25] Pottier, _Lécythes blancs_, pl. iv: cf. p. 74.
-
-[26] No. 735 of the Athens Museum.
-
-[27] Pl. lx.
-
-[28] In a later Chapter (X) I show by instances how close is sometimes
-the resemblance in reliefs and on vases between the toilet scenes of
-daily life and scenes of offering to the dead.
-
-[29] _Catalogue of Vases_, IV. pl. iv. I cannot accept the view of the
-author of the Catalogue, that all three figures are those of mourners.
-
-[30] As to the pillar (κίων) and table (τράπέζα), see Chap. VIII.
-
-[31] _Psyche, Seelencult und Unsterblichkeitsglaube der Griechen_, 1894.
-
-[32] _Odyssey_, iv. 560.
-
-[33] x. 28. Cf. Robert, _Die Nekyia des Polygnot_. Halle, 1892.
-
-[34] _Antike Denkmäler_, published by the German Archaeological
-Institute, vol. i. pl. xxiii. 3.
-
-[35] Nos. 1 and 2 on the plate already cited.
-
-[36] Pottier, _Lécythes blancs_, pl. 3: cf. Benndorf, _Griech. und
-Sicil. Vasenb._ pl. 27.
-
-[37] X. 28. 7.
-
-[38] See _Wiener Vorlegeblätter_, Series E, pl. i-iii: cf. Baumeister,
-_Denkmäler_, article ‘Unterwelt.’
-
-[39] Cf. the relief published in _Athen. Mittheil._ iv. pl. ix.
-
-[40] L. 50.
-
-[41] I. 28. 6.
-
-[42] _Agesilaus_, xi. 8.
-
-[43] See Chap. XI.
-
-[44] II. p. 364 E (translation of Davies and Vaughan).
-
-[45] Chap. XII.
-
-[46] Plutarch, _Pelopidas_, 20-22.
-
-[47] _Odyssey_, xi. 602.
-
-[48] For this see, among other works, Schliemann, _Mycenae and Tiryns_;
-Schuchhardt, _Excavations of Schliemann_ (Eng. trans.); Perrot et
-Chipiez, _La Grèce Primitive_; Gardner, _New Chapters in Greek History_.
-
-[49] Schuchhardt, _Schliemann’s Ausgrabungen_, p. 176.
-
-[50] Perrot et Chipiez, _La Grèce Primitive_, p. 638.
-
-[51] Schliemann, _Mycenae_, pl. E.
-
-[52] Perrot et Chipiez, pl. vi.
-
-[53] _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, ii. p. 136, pl. xiii.
-
-[54] Helbig, _La Question mycénéenne_. 1896.
-
-[55] Schliemann, _Mycenae_, p. 81.
-
-[56] Ibid. p. 86.
-
-[57] Perrot et Chipiez, p. 770.
-
-[58] The most recent account of these, by M. Joubin, will be found in
-the _Bulletin de Corresp. hellén._ 1895, p. 69.
-
-[59] II. 22, 2 (Ταντάλου) ἰδὼν οἰδα ἐν Σιπύλῳ τάφον Θέας ἄξιον.
-
-[60] Texier, _Description_, pl. cxxx.
-
-[61] Weber, _Le Sipyle_, pl. i.
-
-[62] Perrot et Chipiez, v. 83. Mr. Ramsay, while allowing the general
-excellence of this drawing, disputes its accuracy in some particulars.
-See _Journ. Hell. Stud._ 1889, p. 155.
-
-[63] Perrot et Chipiez, v. p. 103.
-
-[64] Perrot et Chipiez, v. p. 111. Another drawing in _Journ. Hell.
-Stud._ 1888, p. 368 (Ramsay).
-
-[65] _Journ. Hell. Stud._ pl. xviii.
-
-[66] With M. Perrot’s work on Phrygia, it is necessary to compare Mr.
-Ramsay’s ‘Study of Phrygian Art’ in the _Journal of Hellenic Studies_
-for 1889 and 1890.
-
-[67] I. p. 61.
-
-[68] See the _Catalogue of Sculpture_ of the British Museum, or Perrot
-and Chipiez, vol. v.
-
-[69] _Brit. Mus. Cat. of Sculpture_, i. No. 80; cf. Perrot and Chipiez,
-vol. v. p. 396.
-
-[70] _Anabasis_, vi. 29.
-
-[71] _Odyssey_, xx. 66.
-
-[72] _Catalogue of Sculpture_, i. p. 53, No. 93.
-
-[73] _Brit. Mus. Cat. of Sculpture_, i. No. 86. Engraved in Murray,
-_Hist. Sculpture_, i. pl. iii-v; Cesnola, _Cyprus_, pl. 16, 17; Brunn,
-_Denkmäler_, pl. 102.
-
-[74] _Cat. of Sculpture_, No. 97; Murray, i. pl. v.
-
-[75] _Ann. dell’ Inst._ xix. pl. F.
-
-[76] Plutarch, _Lycurgus_, 27.
-
-[77] _Athen. Mittheil._ vii. 163.
-
-[78] _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, v. 131. I return to the subject in
-the next chapter.
-
-[79] _Athen. Mittheil._ x. 160.
-
-[80] See Maspéro, _Life in Ancient Egypt and Assyria_, p. 145.
-
-[81] _Athen. Mittheil._ ii. 25.
-
-[82] _Catalogue_, No. 1417.
-
-[83] Perrot et Chipiez, ii. p. 107.
-
-[84] _Athen. Mittheil._ iv. pl. 7.
-
-[85] See a paper by Pervanoglu, _Das Familienmahl auf altgriech.
-Grabsteinen_.
-
-[86] _Brit. Mus. Cat. of Coins: Thrace_, p. 90.
-
-[87] _Journ. Hell. Stud._ v. p. 116.
-
-[88] Ibid. v. p. 106.
-
-[89] _Athen. Mittheil._ 1879, p. 165.
-
-[90] Cf. Furtwängler, _Sabouroff Coll._ Introd. p. 39.
-
-[91] Buchholz, _Homerische Realien_, iii. 1, 334.
-
-[92] Chap. vii. p. 20, ed. Kenyon.
-
-[93] _Brit. Mus. Cat. of Marbles_, No. 753.
-
-[94] Here the female figure seems decidedly the taller, but this may be
-the result of the law of Greek reliefs, to place the heads of persons
-represented on one level.
-
-[95] _Coll. Sabouroff_, pl. 29.
-
-[96] Pl. 16.
-
-[97] Roscher, _Lexikon_, i. p. 2555.
-
-[98] _La Collection Sabouroff_, Introd. p. 28.
-
-[99] _Athen. Mittheil._ viii. 16; Le Bas, _Voyage_, pl. 103.
-
-[100] _Athen. Mittheil._ iii. 380; Friedrichs-Wolters, _Gipsabgüsse_,
-No. 1076; Roscher, _Lexikon_, i. p. 2557.
-
-[101] _Museum Marbles_, ix. pl. 34.
-
-[102] _Mon. dell’ Inst._ xi. 55.
-
-[103] _Journ. Hell. Stud._ vii. 1.
-
-[104] _Arch. Zeitung_, 1883, p. 285.
-
-[105] _Monum. Grecs_, pl. i; Roscher, _Lexikon_, i. p. 405, where the
-figures are wrongly called Ares and Aphrodite.
-
-[106] Roscher, _Lexikon_, i. p. 2571.
-
-[107] Chap. I.
-
-[108] _Il._ xi. 371; _Od._ xii. 14, &c. Cf. the phrase, τύμβῳ τε στήλῃ
-τε, τὸ γὰρ γέρας ἐστὶ θανόντων.
-
-[109] II. 26.
-
-[110] ‘Opere tectorio exornari.’
-
-[111] ‘Columellam, aut mensam aut labellam.”
-
-[112] These passages are collected by Messrs. Pottier and Reinach in
-the _Bulletin de Corresp. hellénique_, 1882, p. 396.
-
-[113] Gerhard, _Auserl. Vasenbilder_, pl. 199: cf. _Mon. dell’ Inst._
-viii. pl. 5; Benndorf, _Griech. und Sicil. Vasenbilder_, pl. 24.
-
-[114] _Arch. Jahrbuch_, 1891, p. 197.
-
-[115] e.g. _Mon. dell’ Inst._ viii. 5.
-
-[116] Stackelberg, _Gräber der Hellenen_, xlv. 3. The deceased lady,
-seated on the τράπεζα, was, no doubt, represented as draped, but the
-wash of colour has worn away.
-
-[117] Paus. ix. 30, 7.
-
-[118] Ibid. ix. 25, 2.
-
-[119] Ibid. iv. 32, 3.
-
-[120] VII. 700.
-
-[121] _Athen. Mittheil._ x. pl. 13.
-
-[122] _Ecclesiazusae_, l. 996. Cf. l. 538.
-
-[123] Ibid. l. 1110.
-
-[124] An exhaustive article on these vases will be found in _Athen.
-Mittheil._ 1891, p. 371 (Wolters). The writer maintains that they
-appear only on the tombs of the unmarried. For a representation of a
-terra-cotta vase on a χῶμα see p. 379.
-
-[125] _Athen. Mittheil._ 1887, pl. ix.
-
-[126] Athens _Cat._ 884. The lekythos on the right, however, is a
-restoration, all except part of its foot.
-
-[127] _Anthology_, vii. 182.
-
-[128] _Ad Leocharem_, p. 1086.
-
-[129] For the colouring of these votive figures see Collignon, _Hist.
-de la Sculpture grecque_, vol. i, frontispiece; _Ephemeris Arch._ 1887,
-pl. ix; _Antike Denkmäler des Arch. Inst._ i. pl. 39.
-
-[130] _Athen. Mittheil._ 1893, p. 83.
-
-[131] This matter is treated in detail in Brückner’s _Ornament und
-Format der Attischen Grabstelen_: see pl. i. of that work.
-
-[132] Perrot et Chipiez, ii. 270.
-
-[133] Brückner, _Ornament und Formen der Att. Grabstelen_, pl. i. 2.
-
-[134] Athens _Cat._ 975.
-
-[135] Ibid. 729.
-
-[136] Ibid. 754.
-
-[137] Ibid. 28.
-
-[138] _Athen. Mittheil._ vol. iv.
-
-[139] _Gräber der Hellenen_, pl. 56.
-
-[140] _Septem c. Theb._ 524.
-
-[141] _Athen. Mittheil._ xii. 105.
-
-[142] Chap. I, above.
-
-[143] Athens _Cat._ No. 775.
-
-[144] L. 168.
-
-[145] Athens _Cat._ No. 783.
-
-[146] Athens _Cat._ No. 744.
-
-[147] Athens _Cat._ No. 770.
-
-[148] _Anthol. Palat._ vii. 344.
-
-[149] See F. Imhoof-Blumer and P. Gardner, _Numismatic Commentary on
-Pausanias_, pl. E, p. 19.
-
-[150] Published in the _Journ. Hell. Stud._ vi. p. 32.
-
-[151] _Anth. Palat._ vii. 169.
-
-[152] Plutarch, _Cic._ 26.
-
-[153] VII. 37. Cf. 707.
-
-[154] _Anth. Palat._ vii. 62.
-
-[155] See especially a paper by Professor Loeschcke in _Athen.
-Mittheil._ iv. 292.
-
-[156] Pliny, _N. H._ xxxv. 153.
-
-[157] _Athen. Mittheil._ iv. pl. vi.
-
-[158] For example, Dr. Waldstein, in the first volume of the _Journal
-of Hellenic Studies_, p. 168.
-
-[159] _Athen. Mittheil._ iv. pl. iii.
-
-[160] I. 90. τειχίζειν δὲ ... φειδομένους μήτε ἰδίου μήτε δημοσίου
-οἰκοδομήματος.
-
-[161] The head also does not belong to the statue, and the right arm
-and other parts are restorations. See the Berlin _Denkmäler_, i. pl.
-31, 32.
-
-[162] For the basket see Fig. 62: for the attitude cf. Pl. XXVI.
-Epigrams to be placed on tombs adorned with statues of women are to be
-found in the _Anthology_, vii. 649, &c. As a replica of the ‘Penelope’
-in very high relief exists in the Vatican, we may regard it as likely
-that the original was not entirely detached from the background.
-
-[163] Athens _Cat._ No. 218.
-
-[164] Athens _Cat._ No. 219.
-
-[165] e.g. Kaibel, No. 505, from Tricca. The formula of dedication is
-Ἑρμάον Χθονίου.
-
-[166] See Plates XXV, XXVI.
-
-[167] _Athen. Mittheil._ iv. pl. i, ii. Cf. _C. A. G._ pl. i.
-
-[168] Michaelis, _Ancient Marbles in Great Britain_, p. 385, whence our
-engraving is taken.
-
-[169] _C. A. G._ pl. iv. As to the pentathlon, see the _Journ. Hell.
-Stud._ i. p. 210.
-
-[170] _Athen. Mittheil._ iii. pl. 14.
-
-[171] These are lost, but the holes in which they were fixed remain
-over the forehead.
-
-[172] Reins, sword, and lance were added in metal, as is shown by the
-remaining holes in which these were fixed. Colour was doubtless freely
-added.
-
-[173] _Bull. Corr. Hellén._ iv. pl. 7.
-
-[174] Athens _Cat._ No. 873.
-
-[175] Athens _Cat._ No. 828.
-
-[176] It has been suggested that the gesture is one of adoration in
-presence of the deities of the next world.
-
-[177] _Anthologia_, vii. 338.
-
-[178] For instance, Athens _Cat._ No. 1192.
-
-[179] At Rome. Published in the _Ann. e Mon. dell’ Inst._ 1855, pl. xv.
-Cf. Friedrichs-Wolters, _Gipsabgüsse_, No. 1010.
-
-[180] Athens _Cat._ No. 752.
-
-[181] VII. 279.
-
-[182] Athens _Cat._ No. 731.
-
-[183] _C. A. G._ pl. xv.
-
-[184] _C. A. G._ pl. xvii.
-
-[185] _Br. Mus. Cat. of Marbles_, No. 721; _Mus. Marb._ ix. pl. 38.
-
-[186] _Journ. Hell. Stud._ vi. pl. B.
-
-[187] Such as Friedrichs-Wolters _Gipsabgüsse_, No. 1024: _Arch.
-Zeitung_, 1871, pl. 53.
-
-[188] _Anthol. Palat._ vi. 280.
-
-[189] Athens _Cat._ No. 1196.
-
-[190] _C. A. G._ pl. xxxvii.
-
-[191] _Museum Marbles_, x. 3.
-
-[192] Athens _Cat._ No. 711.
-
-[193] Ibid. No. 765; _C. A. G._ pl. xlviii.
-
-[194] The two notions that in such groups it is always the seated or
-that it is always the standing person who is dead are alike fallacious.
-
-[195] Kaibel, No. 557.
-
-[196] _C. A. G._ Nos. 134, 139.
-
-[197] Ibid. No. 158.
-
-[198] Athens _Cat._ No. 717.
-
-[199] Athens _Cat._ No. 870.
-
-[200] Ibid. No. 749. A photograph of the relief being unsatisfactory,
-we copy the engraving at p. 70 of the _C. A. G._
-
-[201] VII. 730, by Perses.
-
-[202] _C. A. G._ No. 333, pl. lxxxiv.
-
-[203] I have a vivid recollection of the admiration expressed for the
-examples in the British Museum by Mr. Ruskin.
-
-[204] Pl. xxxix; cf. Athens _Cat._ No. 724.
-
-[205] _Sabouroff Coll._ Introd. p. 12.
-
-[206] Plato, _Theaetetus_, p. 198 A.
-
-[207] Rangabe, _Antiq. Hell._ ii. pp. 539, 842; cf. _C. I. G._ 1012 b,
-7034, and Aristophanes, _Acharn._ l. 49.
-
-[208] Benndorf, _Griech. und Sicil. Vasenbilder_, pl. xv.
-
-[209] e.g. Benndorf, _op. cit._ pl. xxv; Dumont, _Cér. de la Grèce
-propre_, i. pl. xxv.
-
-[210] _Op. cit._ pl. ix.
-
-[211] _Griech. Vasenbilder_, pl. xi.
-
-[212] 950 and 951 in the National Museum, Athens: No. 323, pl. lxxvii,
-and No. 357, pl. lxxxviii, of the _C. A. G._
-
-[213] Figured in Brückner’s _Griech. Grabreliefs_, p. 12.
-
-[214] _Gazette archéol._ i. pl. vii.
-
-[215] Hermes also appears on a monument of the British Museum, a sort
-of round altar on which are sculptured a man and woman hand in hand.
-_Br. Mus. Cat. Sculpture_, No. 710.
-
-[216] The example in our plate is that at Paris. The inscriptions,
-Zetus, Amphion, Antiopa, are modern, and utterly incorrect.
-
-[217] Good statements of the arguments will be found in the
-Introduction to Furtwängler’s _Sabouroff Collection_, and in Brückner’s
-_Griech. Grabreliefs_, 1888.
-
-[218] _C. A. G._ No. 1, pl. i. See above, p. 141.
-
-[219] _C. A. G._ No. 36, pl. xv.
-
-[220] _Athen. Mittheil._ viii. pl. 17.
-
-[221] Ibid. pl. 2.
-
-[222] Ibid. pl. 3.
-
-[223] _C. A. G._ No. 22, pl. xiii.
-
-[224] Ibid. No. 66, pl. xxviii.
-
-[225] Michaelis, _Anc. Marbles in Gr. Britain_, p. 229, No. 7.
-
-[226] Luke ii. 24.
-
-[227] _C. A. G._ No. 19, pl. xi.
-
-[228] Ibid. No. 14, pl. ix. Barracco Collection.
-
-[229] _C. A. G._ pls. ciii, cxxxi, &c.
-
-[230] A physician named Jason examining a patient, on a stele of the
-British Museum: _Cat._ No. 629.
-
-[231] _Epitaph._ 13.
-
-[232] See above, Chap. III.
-
-[233] _Arch. Zeitung_, 1871, pl. 49; _Journ. Hell. Stud._ v. p. 138.
-
-[234] Roscher, _Lexikon_, i. p. 2539. The relief is in the Louvre.
-
-[235] I. 2. 3.
-
-[236] VII. 22. 6.
-
-[237] Overbeck, _Geschichte der gr. Plastik_, ed. 4. ii. p. 22.
-
-[238] I have transcribed these inscriptions as they stand, letter by
-letter, retaining χσ for ξ, ο for ω, οι for ῳ, and so on.
-
-[239] VII. 304, by Peisander.
-
-[240] VII. 463, by Leonidas.
-
-[241] _Grabgedichte der griechischen Anthologie._ Vienna, 1889.
-
-[242] _Jahrbuch des Inst._ 1895, p. 204.
-
-[243] _New Chapters in Greek History_, chap. x.
-
-[244] Kaibel, _Epigrammata Graeca_, No. 461; _C.I.G._ i. 1051. Cf.
-Paus. i. 43. 3.
-
-[245] The published copy is very defective, and of the last two lines
-only the general sense can be made out.
-
-[246] _Brit. Mus. Greek Inscr._ i. p. 102. Cf. _New Chapters in Greek
-History_ p. 322.
-
-[247] Kaibel, No. 183.
-
-[248] Kaibel, No. 179. Roehl, _Inscrr. Gr. Antiqq._ No. 342.
-
-[249] This is the rendering of Roehl. The conceit is rather far-fetched
-for so early a period.
-
-[250] Kaibel, No. 180: Roehl, No. 343.
-
-[251] Kaibel, No. 182.
-
-[252] Ibid. No. 487.
-
-[253] Ibid. No. 486.
-
-[254] Ibid. No. 488.
-
-[255] Ibid. No. 209.
-
-[256] Ibid. No. 490.
-
-[257] Kaibel, No. 38.
-
-[258] Ibid. No. 34.
-
-[259] Kaibel, No. 189.
-
-[260] Ibid. No. 482.
-
-[261] Ibid. No. 493.
-
-[262] Ibid. No. 491.
-
-[263] Fortune, Τύχη, was represented in art as holding a rudder and a
-cornucopia.
-
-[264] That is, the Charitesia, games held at Orchomenus.
-
-[265] Kaibel, No. 191.
-
-[266] Ibid. No. 224.
-
-[267] Ibid. No. 496.
-
-[268] Ibid. No. 497.
-
-[269] Kaibel, No. 473.
-
-[270] _Anth. Palat._ vii. 64, anonymous.
-
-[271] Stephani, _Der ausruhende Herakles_, p. 59. The relief has
-disappeared.
-
-[272] Kaibel, No. 463.
-
-[273] Ibid. No. 462.
-
-[274] VII. 545.
-
-[275] _Journ. Hell. Stud._ 3 p. 112.
-
-[276] Kaibel, No. 465.
-
-[277] Ibid. No. 218.
-
-[278] Ibid. No. 195.
-
-[279] Ibid. No. 190.
-
-[280] _Anth. Palat._ vii. 163. Version of J. Williams.
-
-[281] _Anth. Palat._ vii. 489. Version of J. Williams.
-
-[282] Ibid. vii. 451. Version of J. Williams.
-
-[283] Ibid. vii. 321. Version of J. Williams.
-
-[284] _Anth. Palat._ vii. 657. Version of J. Williams.
-
-[285] Ibid. vii. 207. Version of J. Williams.
-
-[286] _Anth. Palat._ vii. 476. Version of J. Williams.
-
-[287] Ibid. vii. 554. My version.
-
-[288] Ibid. vii. 465.
-
-[289] Ibid. vii. 735. My version.
-
-[290] _Anth. Palat._ vii. 145. My version.
-
-[291] _Brit. Mus. Cat. of Sculpture_, i. No. 766; Fellows, _Lycia_, p.
-116; Petersen, _Reisen in Lykien_, ii. p. 193.
-
-[292] For a full account of this monument see _Annali dell’ Inst._ 1874
-and 1875; _Mon. dell’ Inst._ x.; cf. also Benndorf and Niemann, _Reisen
-in Carien und Lykien_, p. 89, pl. xxiv.
-
-[293] From Overbeck, _Geschichte der gr. Plastik_, ii. 191.
-
-[294] _Annali dell’ Inst._ 1875, pl. DE.
-
-[295] All that is preserved of steed and rider is the foreleg of the
-rearing horse.
-
-[296] _Arch. Zeit._ 1882, p. 359.
-
-[297] _Das Heroon von Gjölbaschi-Trysa._ O. Benndorf and G. Niemann.
-Wien, 1889. Our engraving is taken from pl. i. of this admirable work.
-
-[298] Newton, _Travels and Discoveries_, ii. pl. 23.
-
-[299] As to these see the _Antiquités du Bosphore Cimmérien_, a
-magnificent work, now republished at a moderate price by M. Salomon
-Reinach. Also Newton, _Essays in Art and Archaeology_, ch. ix., _Greek
-Art in the Kimmerian Bosporos_.
-
-[300] _The Antiquary_, vol. liv. pp. 273-362.
-
-[301] Mr. Oldfield has kindly allowed me to copy a drawing in which his
-latest views are incorporated.
-
-[302] _Fab._ 223.
-
-[303] ‘Aere ... uacuo pendentia Mausolea.’ _Epig._ 1.
-
-[304] Comparing Martial, _Epig._ ii. 14: ‘Inde petit centum pendentia
-tecta columnis.’
-
-[305] _N. H._ 36, 30.
-
-[306] _v. l._ cvi.
-
-[307] _v. l._ centenos sexagenos.
-
-[308] _v. l._ pedes ccccxl.
-
-[309] _v. l._ uocauere circumitum.
-
-[310] _v. l._ altitudinem inferiorem aequat.
-
-[311] In a rough statement like this it is unnecessary to take into
-account the slight difference between the English and the Greek foot.
-
-[312] _Hist. Disc._ ii. p. 191.
-
-[313] _Funérailles et diverses manières d’ensevelir_, &c., quoted by
-Newton in his _History of Discoveries_, vol. i. p. 76.
-
-[314] _Journ. Hell. Stud._ xiii. p. 188.
-
-[315] The whole of the Amazon frieze is now figured in the Berlin
-_Denkmäler_, vol. ii., and in Overbeck’s _Plastik_, 4th ed., ii. p. 106.
-
-[316] For an account of these see the Berlin _Antike Denkmäler_, vol.
-i. part 4; also _Bulletin de Corr. hellén._ 1895, p. 69.
-
-[317] _Une nécropole royale à Sidon._ Hamdy Bey and Théodore Reinach.
-A good account by Studniczka in the _Jahrbuch_ of the German Institute
-for 1894, p. 204.
-
-[318] This and the subsequent engravings are taken from the plates
-of the magnificent work of Hamdy Bey and M. Théodore Reinach, _Une
-nécropole royale à Sidon_, by kind permission of authors and publisher.
-
-[319] Chaps. IX, X.
-
-[320] 2 Sam. i. 24.
-
-[321] Hicks, _Greek Historical Inscriptions_, p. 155. The marble is in
-the Oxford Museum.
-
-[322] The evidence is put together by Mr. Chinnock in the _Classical
-Review_ of June, 1893.
-
-[323] _Cyropaedeia_, viii. 3, 10.
-
-[324] It must be observed that although we are obliged in the engraving
-to bisect this relief, it is really continuous. The head of the lion in
-the upper line fits on to the body of the lion in the lower line.
-
-[325] It is figured not only in the works already cited, but also in
-Overbeck’s _Geschichte der Plastik_, ii. p. 403, and in other works.
-
-[326] As to this and all other details, see the valuable remarks of M.
-Reinach, _op. cit._ p. 325.
-
-[327] Robert, _Die antiken Sarkophag-Reliefs_, ii. pl. 27.
-
-
-
-Typographical errors corrected by the etext transcriber: can scarely
-have aimed=> can scarcely have aimed {pg 81}
-
-in Attica, at Spata, and at Menidi=> in Attica, at Sparta, and at Menidi
-{pg 105}
-
-
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-<p style='text-align:center; font-size:1.2em; font-weight:bold'>The Project Gutenberg eBook of Sculptured tombs of Hellas, by Percy Gardner</p>
-<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
-most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
-whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
-of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online
-at <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. If you
-are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the
-country where you are located before using this eBook.
-</div>
-
-<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Title: Sculptured tombs of Hellas</p>
-<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Author: Percy Gardner</p>
-<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Release Date: December 9, 2022 [eBook #69508]</p>
-<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Language: English</p>
-  <p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em; text-align:left'>Produced by: Chuck Greif, deaurider and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive)</p>
-<div style='margin-top:2em; margin-bottom:4em'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SCULPTURED TOMBS OF HELLAS ***</div>
-<hr class="full">
-
-<div class="figcenter">
-<img src="images/cover.jpg" height="550" alt="">
-</div>
-
-<p class="toc">
-<a href="#PREFACE"><b>Preface</b></a><br>
-<a href="#TABLE_OF_CONTENTS_AND_INDEX"><b>Table of Contents and Index</b></a><br>
-<a href="#LIST_OF_ILLUSTRATIONS"><b>List of Illustrations</b></a><br>
-</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page_i">{i}</a></span>&#160; </p>
-
-<p class="c">SCULPTURED TOMBS OF HELLAS</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page_ii">{ii}</a></span>&#160; </p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page_iii">{iii}</a></span>&#160; </p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" style="width: 175px;">
-<img src="images/colophon.png" width="175" alt="">
-</div>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="plt_i" style="width: 600px;">
-<a href="images/i_f004.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_f004.jpg" width="600" height="380" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p><span class="smcap">Plate</span> I</p>
-
-<p><i>Frontispiece</i></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page_iv">{iv}</a></span></p></div>
-</div>
-
-<div class="blk">
-<h1>SCULPTURED TOMBS<br>
-OF HELLAS</h1>
-<p class="c">
-BY<br>
-PERCY GARDNER, <span class="smcap">Litt.D.</span><br>
-<br>
-<small>LINCOLN AND MERTON PROFESSOR OF CLASSICAL ARCHAEOLOGY AND ART<br>
-IN THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD<br>
-<br>
-WITH THIRTY PLATES, AND EIGHTY-SEVEN ENGRAVINGS IN THE TEXT</small><br>
-<br>
-<img src="images/front.jpg" height="350" alt="">
-<br>
-<br>
-<span class="eng">London</span><br>
-MACMILLAN AND CO., <span class="smcap">Ltd.</span><br>
-NEW YORK: THE MACMILLAN CO.<br>
-1896<br>
-<br>
-[<i>All rights reserved</i>]</p>
-</div>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page_v">{v}</a></span></p>
-
-<p class="c"><small>
-OXFORD: HORACE HART<br>
-PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY<br></small>
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_vi">{vi}</a></span></p>
-
-<div class="poetry">
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0">Few griefs and many joys my life has held,<br></span>
-<span class="i0">Out-lengthened to the utmost bounds of eld.<br></span>
-<span class="i0">My name is Symmachus, in Chios born,<br></span>
-<span class="i0">Which rich with grapes the branching vines adorn;<br></span>
-<span class="i0">But when I died, my bones were hidden here,<br></span>
-<span class="i0">In Attic land, to gods and men most dear.<br></span>
-<span class="i10"><i>Athenian Epitaph.</i><br></span>
-</div></div>
-</div>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page_vii">{vii}</a></span>&#160; </p>
-
-<h2><a id="PREFACE"></a>PREFACE</h2>
-
-<p><span class="smcap">The</span> monuments erected to the dead belong in every country, like funeral
-customs generally, to a deeper stratum of the national consciousness
-than do openly expressed beliefs. This is, in fact, a phase of the
-general law that in the history of religion cultus is more venerable and
-more conservative than doctrine. And as, further, the beliefs which find
-an expression in literature are those of the most enlightened and the
-least conservative spirits, it is misleading if one attempts to learn
-from the higher literature of a people how the masses really think and
-feel in regard to death and the life which lies beyond death.</p>
-
-<p>These considerations are certainly applicable in the case of Greece. The
-two great literatures of Greece, the Epic and the Attic, belong each to
-a class, to an aristocracy whether of birth or of talent, and stand high
-above the beliefs of the common people. If we wish to ascertain what the
-ordinary Greek citizen, <i>l’homme sensuel moyen</i>, thought and felt in the
-presence of death, whether his own or that of friends, we must
-supplement the study of the poets, the orators, and the philosophers<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_viii">{viii}</a></span> by
-an investigation of ritual, of burial customs, and of the lines of tombs
-which stretched from the gates of many Greek cities on both sides of the
-main roads.</p>
-
-<p>The purpose of the present book may best be accomplished if we proceed
-to consider in succession, first the burial customs of the Greeks, next
-the ideas as to the future life which prevailed among them, and finally
-the monuments of the dead.</p>
-
-<p>It is the last-mentioned memorials which are the principal concern of
-this book. For a long while English-speaking scholars, and even
-tourists, have felt a special interest in the sepulchral monuments which
-form so marked a feature of the great museum at Athens, and in the
-Dipylon cemetery, part of which still survives. I have tried to set
-forth, for scholars and for lovers of art, a concise account of these
-monuments, their periods and classes, their inscriptions and their
-reliefs. And as an introduction and supplement to an account of the
-tombs of Athens, I have added a still slighter account of the tombs of
-the pre-historic age in Greece, of the monuments of Asia Minor, of the
-tombs of Sparta, Boeotia, and other districts, and of the magnificent
-Greek sarcophagi recently discovered at Sidon.</p>
-
-<p>It would occupy much space if I tried here to detail all my obligations
-to previous scholars. The whole success of this work must depend on its
-due illustration; and though the nucleus of my illustrations consists of
-photographs taken for me during a visit to Athens, I have<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_ix">{ix}</a></span> been obliged
-also to borrow from a variety of learned and valuable works. In every
-case in which I asked permission to copy a published engraving that
-permission was courteously granted. If by mischance I have in any case
-copied without permission, I trust that I may be pardoned. References to
-the sources of engravings will be found at the foot of my pages.</p>
-
-<p>Special thanks are due to Dr. Conze and the German Archaeological
-Institute for allowing me to use the plates of their magnificent work,
-<i>Die Attischen Grabreliefs</i>, which furnishes representations by
-photography or drawing of almost all important Attic tombs. Where the
-photographs of this work were better than my own, I have in some cases
-used them in preference.</p>
-
-<p>To M. Cavvadias and the Greek Government I am indebted for permission to
-photograph freely in the Athenian Museums; and to the Trustees of the
-British Museum for leave to reproduce two interesting monuments (Figs.
-<a href="#fig_28">28</a> &amp; <a href="#fig_35">35</a>) which are hitherto unpublished.</p>
-
-<p>When I have had occasion to quote from Homer and the poets of the
-<i>Anthology</i>, I have usually attempted a rendering in English verse. For
-Greek elegiacs I have used rhymed heroic verse, and for Greek hexameters
-English ballad metre. I have also to thank my colleague, Dr. James
-Williams, of Lincoln College, for allowing me to use several of his
-excellent versions of poems of the <i>Anthology</i>.</p>
-
-<p>After careful consideration, I have decided that in<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_x">{x}</a></span> a work of this
-kind, which does not attempt completeness, but is methodical in
-arrangement, the best form of Index is a detailed table of contents and
-list of engravings. By the aid of these, anything included in the book
-can be very readily found.</p>
-
-<p class="r">
-<span class="smcap">Percy Gardner.</span><br>
-</p>
-
-<div class="blockquot"><p><span class="smcap">Oxford</span>, <i>August, 1896</i>.</p></div>
-
-<p>PS. Most of the abbreviations used in the notes will explain themselves;
-but I should explain the following:&#8212;</p>
-
-<div class="blockquot"><p><i>C. A. G.</i> (‘Corpus of Attic Grave-reliefs’) is <i>Die Attischen
-Grabreliefs</i>, ed. A. Conze.</p>
-
-<p>Kaibel, is G. Kaibel, <i>Epigrammata Graeca ex Lapidibus conlecta</i>.</p></div><p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page_xi">{xi}</a></span></p>
-
-<h2><a id="TABLE_OF_CONTENTS_AND_INDEX"></a>TABLE OF CONTENTS AND INDEX</h2>
-
-<table>
-<tr><th><a href="#CHAPTER_I">CHAPTER I<br><br>
-BURIAL CUSTOMS IN GREECE.</a></th></tr>
-
-<tr><td class="pdd">Importance attached to burial, <a href="#page_1">1</a>. The Prothesis, <a href="#page_2">2</a>; illustrated by<br>
-vases, <a href="#page_3">3</a>. Presence of ghosts, <a href="#page_4">4</a>. The Ecphora, on archaic vases, <a href="#page_5">5</a>;
-on later monuments, <a href="#page_6">6</a>. Sleep and Death, <a href="#page_7">7</a>. Custom of burning, <a href="#page_9">9</a>.
-Funeral feast and speeches, <a href="#page_11">11</a>.
-</td></tr>
-
-<tr><th><a href="#CHAPTER_II">CHAPTER II<br><br>
-THE WORSHIP OF THE DEAD.</a></th></tr>
-
-<tr><td class="pdd">Primitive beliefs as to needs of dead, <a href="#page_12">12</a>. Liberality to the dead in
-archaic times, <a href="#page_12">12</a>. Terra-cotta offerings, <a href="#page_13">13</a>. Sacrifices at tombs, <a href="#page_14">14</a>.
-Evidence of excavations, <a href="#page_16">16</a>. Classes of heroes, <a href="#page_17">17</a>. Evidence of
-sepulchral lekythi, <a href="#page_18">18</a>. Presence of the dead in representations, <a href="#page_19">19</a>.
-</td></tr>
-
-<tr><th><a href="#CHAPTER_III">CHAPTER III<br><br>
-BELIEFS AS TO THE FUTURE LIFE.</a></th></tr>
-
-<tr><td class="pdd">Question what became of the dead, <a href="#page_23">23</a>. Homeric beliefs; Hades, <a href="#page_25">25</a>;
-visit to Hades of Odysseus, <a href="#page_26">26</a>; Islands of the Blessed, <a href="#page_27">27</a>. Influence
-of Orphism, <a href="#page_28">28</a>. Paintings of Polygnotus at Delphi, <a href="#page_30">30</a>; Charon, <a href="#page_31">31</a>;
-Theseus and Peirithous, <a href="#page_32">32</a>; Orpheus, <a href="#page_33">33</a>; the Uninitiated, <a href="#page_34">34</a>; Eurynomus,
-<a href="#page_35">35</a>. Painting on vase of Canusium, <a href="#page_36">36</a>; Orpheus, <a href="#page_37">37</a>; Herakles
-and Cerberus, <a href="#page_37">37</a>; Megara, <a href="#page_38">38</a>; Initiated, <a href="#page_38">38</a>. Comparison of Greek and
-Christian Hades, <a href="#page_39">39</a>. Development of the Eumenides, <a href="#page_40">40</a>. Conflict
-between ritual and ethics, <a href="#page_42">42</a>. Hades in the Tragedians, <a href="#page_43">43</a>. Localization
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_xii">{xii}</a></span>of ghosts, <a href="#page_44">44</a>.
-</td></tr>
-
-<tr><th><a href="#CHAPTER_IV">CHAPTER IV<br><br>
-THE PRE-HISTORIC AGE OF GREECE.</a></th></tr>
-
-<tr><td class="pdd">So-called treasuries of early Greece, <a href="#page_46">46</a>; at Mycenae, <a href="#page_47">47</a>; really
-tombs, <a href="#page_51">51</a>; various forms, <a href="#page_51">51</a>. Rock-graves at Mycenae, <a href="#page_52">52</a>; their tombstones,
-<a href="#page_54">54</a>; subjects and style of art, <a href="#page_57">57</a>.
-</td></tr>
-
-<tr><th><a href="#CHAPTER_V">CHAPTER V<br><br>
-ASIA MINOR: EARLY.</a></th></tr>
-
-<tr><td class="pdd">Early Ionian civilization not yet excavated, <a href="#page_59">59</a>. Tomb of Tantalus
-on Sipylus, <a href="#page_60">60</a>. Geometric tombs of Phrygia, <a href="#page_62">62</a>; Lion-tombs, <a href="#page_64">64</a>;
-their chronology, <a href="#page_66">66</a>; relation to Mycenae, <a href="#page_67">67</a>. Archaic tombs of Lycia,
-<a href="#page_67">67</a>; pre-Ionian art, <a href="#page_68">68</a>; the Harpy Monument, <a href="#page_69">69</a>; Sirens, <a href="#page_73">73</a>; other
-Lycian tombs, <a href="#page_74">74</a>.
-</td></tr>
-
-<tr><th><a href="#CHAPTER_VI">CHAPTER VI<br><br>
-SPARTA.</a></th></tr>
-
-<tr><td class="pdd">Relief of Chrysapha, <a href="#page_76">76</a>; its meaning, <a href="#page_77">77</a>; other similar tombs, <a href="#page_78">78</a>.
-Cultus of ancestors at Sparta, <a href="#page_80">80</a>. Details of reliefs; honour paid to
-women, <a href="#page_81">81</a>; food of the dead, <a href="#page_82">82</a>; horse and dog, <a href="#page_83">83</a>.
-</td></tr>
-
-<tr><th><a href="#CHAPTER_VII">CHAPTER VII<br><br>
-HEROIZING RELIEFS.</a></th></tr>
-
-<tr><td class="pdd">Distinction of tombs from commemorative tablets, <a href="#page_87">87</a>. Lines of
-descent from Spartan reliefs, <a href="#page_88">88</a>. Athenian banqueting reliefs, <a href="#page_88">88</a>.
-Customs of sitting and reclining, <a href="#page_89">89</a>. Tegean relief, <a href="#page_90">90</a>. Presence of
-votaries, <a href="#page_91">91</a>. Asklepian tablets, <a href="#page_92">92</a>. Tablets to heroes and to ancestors,
-<a href="#page_93">93</a>. The hero as horseman, <a href="#page_94">94</a>; accompanied by lady, <a href="#page_98">98</a>. Votive tablets
-from Tarentum, <a href="#page_100">100</a>. The hero as foot-soldier, <a href="#page_102">102</a>; unarmed, <a href="#page_103">103</a>.
-</td></tr>
-
-<tr><th><a href="#CHAPTER_VIII">CHAPTER VIII<br><br>
-ATHENS: PERIODS AND FORMS OF MONUMENTS.</a></th></tr>
-
-<tr><td class="pdd">Graves of Dipylon style at Athens, <a href="#page_105">105</a>. Periods of Athenian
-monuments, <a href="#page_106">106</a>. First period, the mound and stele, <a href="#page_108">108</a>; the table, <a href="#page_109">109</a>;
-the pillar, <a href="#page_110">110</a>. Early Athenian tombs usually of the young, <a href="#page_111">111</a>. Second
-period; forms of tombs, <a href="#page_112">112</a>; marble vases, <a href="#page_113">113</a>. Tombs usually of
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_xiii">{xiii}</a></span>families, <a href="#page_116">116</a>. The use of painting and metal on marble, <a href="#page_116">116</a>. Determination
-of dates of tombs, <a href="#page_117">117</a>. Third period, <a href="#page_118">118</a>. Preservation of
-part of cemetery at Athens, <a href="#page_118">118</a>. Architectural decoration of tombs; the
-acanthus, <a href="#page_119">119</a>; the sphinx, <a href="#page_121">121</a>; the siren, <a href="#page_126">126</a>; goats butting, <a href="#page_128">128</a>; the
-lion, <a href="#page_130">130</a>; the bull, <a href="#page_131">131</a>.
-</td></tr>
-
-<tr><th><a href="#CHAPTER_IX">CHAPTER IX<br><br>
-ATHENS AND GREECE. PORTRAITS.</a></th></tr>
-
-<tr><td class="pdd">Portraits of the dead originate in Ionia, <a href="#page_133">133</a>. Portraits at Athens, <a href="#page_134">134</a>;
-their ideal character, <a href="#page_134">134</a>. Portrait statues, <a href="#page_135">135</a>; on horseback or on foot,
-<a href="#page_136">136</a>; female figures, <a href="#page_137">137</a>. The dead as Hermes, <a href="#page_138">138</a>. Statues of mourning
-women, <a href="#page_139">139</a>. Portraits on stelae, first period, <a href="#page_140">140</a>; Aristion, Lyseas, <a href="#page_141">141</a>;
-stelae of youths, <a href="#page_143">143</a>. Second period, stelae of citizens, <a href="#page_145">145</a>; stelae of
-warriors, <a href="#page_146">146</a>; Dexileos, <a href="#page_147">147</a>; young athletes, <a href="#page_149">149</a>; hunters, <a href="#page_152">152</a>; students,
-<a href="#page_153">153</a>; shipwrecked men, <a href="#page_154">154</a>; children, <a href="#page_154">154</a>; matrons, <a href="#page_157">157</a>; girls, <a href="#page_158">158</a>;
-priestesses, <a href="#page_160">160</a>.
-</td></tr>
-
-<tr><th><a href="#CHAPTER_X">CHAPTER X<br><br>
-FAMILY GROUPS.</a></th></tr>
-
-<tr><td class="pdd">Pathos and charm of Attic groups, <a href="#page_162">162</a>. Predominance of women, <a href="#page_163">163</a>.
-Women and children in later Greece, <a href="#page_163">163</a>. Stelae with father and
-children, <a href="#page_164">164</a>; mother and children, <a href="#page_166">166</a>. Family groups, <a href="#page_167">167</a>. Series of
-groups representing leave-taking, <a href="#page_168">168</a>; series representing self-adornment,
-<a href="#page_171">171</a>. Stele of Phaenarete, <a href="#page_173">173</a>. Stele of Ameinocleia, <a href="#page_176">176</a>. Dressing for
-a journey or offerings to the dead? <a href="#page_176">176</a>. Domestic interiors or scenes
-at the tomb? <a href="#page_178">178</a>. Several stone lekythi on one slab, <a href="#page_178">178</a>. Occasional
-appearance of Hermes, <a href="#page_180">180</a>.
-</td></tr>
-
-<tr><th><a href="#CHAPTER_XI">CHAPTER XI<br><br>
-MEANING AND STYLE OF THE RELIEFS.</a></th></tr>
-
-<tr><td class="pdd">Do the Attic reliefs refer to past or future life? <a href="#page_182">182</a>. Line of
-connexion with Spartan stelae, <a href="#page_182">182</a>; the wine-cup, the pomegranate, the
-cock, <a href="#page_183">183</a>; the dove, the horse, <a href="#page_184">184</a>; the dog, <a href="#page_185">185</a>. Reliefs which clearly
-refer to past life, <a href="#page_185">185</a>. The δεξίωσις, <a href="#page_186">186</a>. We must distinguish between
-origin and meaning of reliefs, <a href="#page_187">187</a>. Oblong reliefs refer to the future, <a href="#page_188">188</a>;
-in them Herakles and Dionysus sometimes present, <a href="#page_189">189</a>. Style of archaic
-reliefs, <a href="#page_190">190</a>; bear name of sculptor, <a href="#page_191">191</a>. Lower level of style in fifth-century
-reliefs, <a href="#page_191">191</a>. Fourth-century reliefs connected with the second
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_xiv">{xiv}</a></span>Attic school of sculpture, <a href="#page_193">193</a>.
-</td></tr>
-
-<tr><th><a href="#CHAPTER_XII">CHAPTER XII<br><br>
-INSCRIPTIONS.</a></th></tr>
-
-<tr><td class="pdd">Simplicity of inscriptions on early stelae, <a href="#page_195">195</a>. Explicatory character
-of inscriptions, <a href="#page_196">196</a>. Occurrence of χαῖρε, <a href="#page_197">197</a>. Inscription of Dexileos,
-<a href="#page_197">197</a>. Longer inscriptions after the fourth century, <a href="#page_197">197</a>. Specimens of
-public epitaphs over warriors, <a href="#page_198">198</a>; over others, <a href="#page_201">201</a>. Specimens of later
-inscriptions, <a href="#page_203">203</a>; sentiments as to life, <a href="#page_204">204</a>; statements as to the future
-life, <a href="#page_204">204</a>. Orphism in epitaphs, <a href="#page_206">206</a>. Threats to violators, <a href="#page_207">207</a>. Epitaphs
-of the <i>Palatine Anthology</i>, <a href="#page_208">208</a>.
-</td></tr>
-
-<tr><th><a href="#CHAPTER_XIII">CHAPTER XIII<br><br>
-LATER MONUMENTS OF ASIA MINOR.</a></th></tr>
-
-<tr><td class="pdd">Splendour of Asiatic Greek tombs, <a href="#page_214">214</a>. The Lycian Nereid Monument,
-<a href="#page_215">215</a>; its sculptures, <a href="#page_216">216</a>; its occasion, <a href="#page_219">219</a>; its date, <a href="#page_220">220</a>. Relation to
-Ionian school of historical painting, <a href="#page_221">221</a>. The heroon of Gyeulbashi, <a href="#page_221">221</a>;
-subjects of sculpture, <a href="#page_223">223</a>; relation to painters, <a href="#page_224">224</a>. The Lion-tomb of
-Cnidus, <a href="#page_225">225</a>. Greek graves in the Crimea, <a href="#page_226">226</a>.
-</td></tr>
-
-<tr><th><a href="#CHAPTER_XIV">CHAPTER XIV<br><br>
-THE MAUSOLEUM.</a></th></tr>
-
-<tr><td class="pdd">Interesting problem of reconstruction, <a href="#page_228">228</a>. Plans of Pullan and
-Oldfield, <a href="#page_230">230</a>. Testimony of ancient writers, Hyginus, Martial, <a href="#page_232">232</a>;
-Pliny, <a href="#page_233">233</a>. Account of excavation by Guichard, <a href="#page_236">236</a>. Analogy of other
-buildings, <a href="#page_239">239</a>. The statues of Mausolus and Artemisia, where placed,
-<a href="#page_240">240</a>. Other sculptural remains, <a href="#page_241">241</a>.
-</td></tr>
-
-<tr><th><a href="#CHAPTER_XV">CHAPTER XV<br><br>
-GREEK SARCOPHAGI.</a></th></tr>
-
-<tr><td class="pdd">Discovery of sarcophagi at Sidon, <a href="#page_243">243</a>. Archaic sarcophagi of
-Clazomenae, <a href="#page_243">243</a>. Sarcophagus of the Satrap at Sidon, <a href="#page_245">245</a>; its connexion
-with history, <a href="#page_246">246</a>; and with Ionian art, <a href="#page_247">247</a>. The Lycian
-sarcophagus, <a href="#page_248">248</a>; ideal character, <a href="#page_248">248</a>. The sarcophagus of the Mourning
-Women, <a href="#page_249">249</a>; variety in expression of grief, <a href="#page_251">251</a>; likeness to temple, <a href="#page_251">251</a>;
-perhaps belongs to King Strato, <a href="#page_252">252</a>. The Alexander sarcophagus, <a href="#page_252">252</a>;
-dress of Greeks and Persians, <a href="#page_253">253</a>; subjects of pediments, <a href="#page_253">253</a>; the lion-hunt,
-<a href="#page_255">255</a>; the battle, <a href="#page_256">256</a>; perhaps belongs to Abdalonymus, <a href="#page_258">258</a>; of
-uncertain artistic school, <a href="#page_258">258</a>. The Amazon sarcophagus of Vienna, <a href="#page_258">258</a>.
-
-</table>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page_xv">{xv}</a></span>&#160; </p>
-
-<h2><a id="LIST_OF_ILLUSTRATIONS"></a>LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS<br><br>
-<small>WITH THEIR SOURCES</small></h2>
-
-<table>
-<tr><th colspan="4">CHAPTER I</th></tr>
-<tr><td colspan="3">&#160; </td><td class="rt"><small>PAGE</small></td></tr>
-<tr><td class="rt"><span class="smcap">Fig.</span><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_1">1.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Lying in State.</span> Benndorf, <i>Griech. u. Sicil. Vasenb.</i>, pl. i.</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_3">3</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_2">2.</a></td><td class="pdd">            <span class="ditto">”</span>    <span class="ditto">”</span>    <span class="ditto">”</span>           pl. xxxiii.</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_4">4</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_3">3.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Funeral Procession.</span> Rayet, <i>Monum. de l’Art ant.</i>, pl. lxxv.</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_6">6</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_4">4.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Arrival at the Tomb.</span>      <span class="ditto">”</span>     <span class="ditto">”</span>       pl. lxxv.</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_6">6</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_5">5.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Deposition at the Tomb.</span> Dumont, <i>Céram. de la Grèce propre</i>, pl. xxvii.</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_9">9</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_6">6.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Pyre of Patroclus.</span> <i>Mon. dell’ Inst.</i> IX, xxxii.</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_10">10</a></td></tr>
-
-<tr><th colspan="4">CHAPTER II</th></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_7">7.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Child’s Coffin.</span> Stackelberg, <i>Gräber der Hellenen</i>, pl. viii.</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_14">14</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_8">8.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Offerings at a Tomb.</span> <i>Ephemeris Archaiol.</i> 1886, pl. iv.</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_18">18</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_9">9.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Spirit seated on Stele.</span> Pottier, <i>Lécythes blancs</i>, pl. iv.</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_20">20</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_10">10.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Toilet scene, Sepulchral.</span> Furtwängler, <i>Coll. Sabouroff</i>, pl. lx.</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_21">21</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_11">11.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Gifts at Tomb.</span> <i>Brit. Mus. Cat. Vases</i>, IV, pl. iv.</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_22">22</a></td></tr>
-
-<tr><th colspan="4">CHAPTER III</th></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_12">12.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">The Boat of Charon.</span> <i>Antike Denkmäler</i>, I, pl. xxiii.</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_31">31</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_13">13.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">The Greek Underworld.</span> <i>Wiener Vorlegeblätter</i>, Ser. E, pl. i.</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_36">36</a></td></tr>
-
-<tr><th colspan="4">CHAPTER IV</th></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_14">14.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Sectional plan of the so-called Treasury of Atreus.</span> Schuchhardt, <i>Schliemann’s Ausgrabungen</i>, p. 176</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_47">47</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_15">15.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Restoration of interior of Treasury.</span> Perrot et<br>
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_xvi">{xvi}</a></span>Chipiez, <i>La Grèce Primitive</i>, p. 638</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_48">48</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_16">16.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Plan and façade of Treasury.</span> Perrot et Chipiez, <i>La Grèce Primitive</i>, pl. vi.</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_49">49</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_17">17.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Ceiling of Treasury, Orchomenus.</span> <i>Journ. Hell. Stud.</i> II, pl. xiii.</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_50">50</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_18">18.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Tombstone, Mycenae.</span> Schliemann, <i>Mycenae</i>, p. 81</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_54">54</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_19">19.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="ditto">”</span>   <span class="ditto">”</span>   <span class="ditto">”</span>    <span class="ditto">”</span>      p. 86</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_55">55</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_20">20.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="ditto">”</span>   <span class="ditto">”</span>    Perrot et Chipiez, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 770</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_56">56</a></td></tr>
-
-<tr><th colspan="4">CHAPTER V</th></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_21">21.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Tumulus on Sipylus.</span> Texier, <i>Description de l’Asie M.</i> pl. cxxx.</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_61">61</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_22">22.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Section of Chamber.</span> Weber, <i>Le Sipyle</i>, pl. i.</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_61">61</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_23">23.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Tomb of Midas.</span> Perrot et Chipiez, <i>Phrygie</i>, p. 83</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_62">62</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_24">24.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Geometrical façade of Tomb.</span>     <span class="ditto">”</span>    <span class="ditto">”</span>   p. 103</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_63">63</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_25">25.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Tomb flanked by Lions.</span>     <span class="ditto">”</span>    <span class="ditto">”</span>   p. 111</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_64">64</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_26">26.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Head of Lion.</span> <i>Journ. Hell. Stud.</i> pl. xviii.</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_65">65</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_27">27.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">North and West sides of Harpy Tomb.</span> E. A. Gardner, <i>Handbook of Greek Sculpture</i>, I, p. 110</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_71">71</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_28">28.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Gable of Lycian Tomb.</span> Photograph</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_74">74</a></td></tr>
-
-<tr><th colspan="4">CHAPTER VI</th></tr>
-<tr><td class="rt"><span class="smcap">Pl.</span></td><td class="rt"><a href="#plt_ii">ii</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Spartan stele.</span> Photograph</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_76">76</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td class="rt"><span class="smcap">Fig.</span></td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_29">29.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Hades and Persephone.</span> <i>Ann. dell’ Inst.</i> XIX, pl. F</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_79">79</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_30">30.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Seated Hero.</span> <i>Journ. Hell. Stud.</i> V, p. 123</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_83">83</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_31">31.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Stele, man feeding snake.</span> Photograph</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_85">85</a></td></tr>
-
-<tr><th colspan="4">CHAPTER VII</th></tr>
-<tr><td class="rt"><span class="smcap">Pl.</span></td><td class="rt"><a href="#plt_iii">iii</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Sepulchral Banquet.</span> Photograph</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_88">88</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td class="rt"><span class="smcap">Fig.</span>
-</td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_32">32.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Assur-bani-pal and Queen.</span> Perrot et Chipiez, <i>Chaldée et Assyrie</i>, p. 107</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_89">89</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_33">33.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Stele from Tegea.</span> Photograph</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_90">90</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_34">34.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Coin of Bizya.</span> <i>Br. Mus. Cat. Coins, Thrace</i>, p. 90</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_92">92</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_35">35.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Horseman relief</span> (British Museum). Photograph</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_96">96</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_36">36.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Horseman relief</span> (Berlin). Furtwängler, <i>Coll. Sabouroff</i>, pl. xxix.</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_97">97</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_37">37.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Votive tablet, Tarentum.</span> <i>Mon. dell’ Inst.</i> XI, pl. lv.</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_101">101</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_38">38.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Hero on foot.</span> <i>Monum. Grecs de l’Assoc. d’Études Grecques</i>, pl. i.</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_102">102</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_39">39.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Hero seated.</span> Roscher, <i>Lexikon</i>, I, p. 2571</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_103">103</a></td></tr>
-
-<tr><th colspan="4">CHAPTER VIII<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_xvii">{xvii}</a></span></th></tr>
-<tr><td class="rt"><span class="smcap">Fig.</span>
-</td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_40">40.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Achilles at tomb of Patroclus.</span> Gerhard, <i>Auserlesene Vasenbilder</i>, pl. cxcix.</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_108">108</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td class="rt"><span class="smcap">Pl.</span></td><td class="rt"><a href="#plt_iv">iv</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Marriage-vase.</span> <i>Athen. Mittheil.</i> 1887, pl. ix.      114 v. <span class="smcap">Marriage-vase and Lekythi.</span> Photograph      115 i. <span class="smcap">View in Cemetery of Cerameicus.</span>   ”</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_118">118</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td class="rt"><span class="smcap">Fig.</span>
-</td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_41">41.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Head of Assyrian stele.</span> Perrot et Chipiez, <i>Chaldée et Assyrie</i>, p. 270</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_120">120</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_42">42.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Head of Greek stele.</span> Brückner, <i>Ornament u. Formen der Att. Grabstelen</i>, pl. i.</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_120">120</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_43">43.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Anthemion of stele.</span> Photograph</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_121">121</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_43">43.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">A</span>.  <span class="ditto">”</span> <span class="ditto">”</span> ”</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_122">122</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_43">43.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">B</span>.  <span class="ditto">”</span> <span class="ditto">”</span> ”</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_123">123</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_44">44.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Sphinx of Spata.</span>  ”</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_123">123</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_45">45.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Terra-cotta: Sphinx and Youth.</span> Stackelberg, <i>Gräber der Hellenen</i>, pl. lvi.</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_124">124</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_46">46.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Stele of Lamptrae, restored.</span> <i>Athen. Mittheil.</i> XII, p. 105</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_125">125</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_47">47.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Siren from Tomb.</span> Photograph</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_127">127</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_48">48.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Head of stele.</span>      ”</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_128">128</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_49">49.</a></td><td class="pdd"> <span class="ditto">”</span> <span class="ditto">”</span> ”</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_129">129</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_50">50.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Stele of Leon.</span>      ”</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_130">130</a></td></tr>
-
-<tr><th colspan="4">CHAPTER IX</th></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_51">51.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Portrait from Tomb, Thera.</span> <i>Athen. Mittheil.</i> IV, pl. vi.</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_135">135</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_52">52.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Horseman from Tomb.</span>  <span class="ditto">”</span> <span class="ditto">”</span>pl. iii.</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_137">137</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td class="rt"><span class="smcap">Pl.</span></td>
-<td class="rt"><a href="#plt_vi">vi</a></td>
-<td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Seated Lady.</span> Photograph
-</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_137">137</a></td></tr>
-
-<tr><td></td><td class="rt"><a href="#plt_vii">vii.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Hermes of Andros.</span>  <span class="ditto">”</span></td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_138">138</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td></td><td class="rt"><a href="#plt_viii">viii.</a></td><td class="pdd"> <span class="smcap">Mourning Slave.</span> Furtwängler, <i>Coll. Sabouroff</i>, pl. xv.  </td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_139">139</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td></td><td class="rt"><a href="#plt_ix">ix.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Stele of Aristion.</span> Photograph</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_140">140</a></td></tr>
-
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="c"><a href="#plt_ix">”</a></td>
-<td><span class="smcap">Stele of Alxenor.</span>  ”</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_141">141</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td class="rt"><span class="smcap">Fig.</span></td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_53">53.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Seated Hero.</span> Michaelis, <i>Anc. Marbles in Gr. Brit.</i> p. 385</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_142">142</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_54">54.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Head of Youth holding discus.</span> <i>C. A. G.</i> pl. iv.</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_143">143</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_55">55.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Dermys and Citylus.</span> <i>Athen. Mittheil.</i> III, pl. xiv.</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_144">144</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td class="rt"><span class="smcap">Pl.</span></td><td class="rt"><a href="#plt_x">x</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Tynnias seated.</span> Photograph      145 xi. <span class="smcap">Stele of Aristonautes.</span> Photograph      146 xii. <span class="smcap">Stele of Dexileos.</span>  ”</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_147">147</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td class="rt"><span class="smcap">Fig.</span></td>
-<td class="rt"><a href="#fig_56">56.</a></td><td class="pdd">
-<span class="smcap">Warrior of Tegea.</span> <i>Bull. de Corresp. hellénique</i>, IV, <span class="pagenum"><a id="page_xviii">{xviii}</a></span></td><td></td></tr>
-<tr><td class="rt"><span class="smcap">Pl.</span></td>
-<td class="rt"><a href="#plt_vii">vii</a></td>
-<td class="pdd">pl. vii.</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_148">148</a></td></tr>
-
-<tr><td class="rt"><span class="smcap">Pl.</span></td><td class="rt"><a href="#plt_xiii">xiii</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Youth with Dog.</span> Photograph</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_149">149</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td class="rt"><span class="smcap">Fig.</span>
-</td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_57">57.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Athlete balancing stone.</span> Photograph</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_150">150</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_58">58.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Young horseman.</span>      ”</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_151">151</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td class="rt"><span class="smcap">Pl.</span></td><td class="rt"><a href="#plt_xiv">xiv</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Stele from Aegina.</span>      <span class="ditto">”</span></td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_151">151</a></td></tr>
-
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#plt_xv">xv</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Relief from Ilissus.</span>      ”</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_152">152</a></td></tr>
-
-<tr><td class="rt"><span class="smcap">Fig.</span>
-</td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_59">59.</a></td><td class="pdd">
-<span class="smcap">Stele of Democleides.</span>      ”</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_153">153</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_60">60.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Head of Old Man.</span>      ”</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_155">155</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_61">61.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Boy, from stele.</span>      ”</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_156">156</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td class="rt"><span class="smcap">Pl.</span></td><td class="rt"><a href="#plt_xvi">xvi</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Seated Lady.</span> <i>C. A. G.</i> pl. xv.</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_156">156</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td class="rt"><span class="smcap">Fig.</span></td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_62">62</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Portrait of Mynno.</span> <i>C. A. G.</i> pl. xvii.</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_157">157</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td class="rt"><span class="smcap">Pl.</span></td><td class="rt"><a href="#plt_xvii">xvii</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Stele of Amphotto.</span> Photograph</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_158">158</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td class="rt"><span class="smcap">Fig.</span></td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_63">63</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Girl with Doll.</span> <i>Journ. Hell. Stud.</i> VI, pl. B.</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_159">159</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_64">64.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Priestess of Isis.</span> Photograph</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_159">159</a></td></tr>
-
-<tr><th colspan="4">CHAPTER X</th></tr>
-<tr><td class="rt"><span class="smcap">Pl.</span></td><td class="rt"><a href="#plt_xviii">xviii</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Euempolus and children.</span> Photograph</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_164">164</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td class="rt"><span class="smcap">Fig.</span></td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_65">65</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Xanthippus and children.</span> <i>Museum Marbles</i>, X, pl. iii.</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_165">165</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td class="rt"><span class="smcap">Pl.</span></td><td class="rt"><a href="#plt_xix">xix</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Mother and family.</span> Photograph      166 xx. <span class="smcap">Chaerestrata and Lysander.</span> Photograph      167 xxi. <span class="smcap">Mica and Dion.</span> Photograph      167 xxii. <span class="smcap">Mother and daughter.</span> Photograph      168 xxiii. <span class="smcap">Damasistrata.</span> Photograph      169 xxiv. <span class="smcap">Mother and nurse.</span>     ”</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_169">169</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td class="rt"><span class="smcap">Fig.</span></td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_66">66</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Plangon fainting.</span> <i>C. A. G.</i> p. 70</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_170">170</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td class="rt"><span class="smcap">Pl.</span></td><td class="rt"><a href="#plt_xxv">xxv</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Hegeso.</span> Photograph      172 xxvi. <span class="smcap">Lady and attendant.</span> Photograph      173 xxvii. <span class="smcap">Ameiniche.</span> Photograph</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_173">173</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td class="rt"><span class="smcap">Fig.</span></td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_67">67</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Phaenarete.</span> <i>C. A. G.</i> pl. xxxix.</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_174">174</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td class="rt"><span class="smcap">Pl.</span></td><td class="rt"><a href="#plt_xxviii">xxviii</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Ameinocleia.</span> Photograph</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_175">175</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td class="rt"><span class="smcap">Fig.</span></td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_68">68</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Scene at Tomb.</span> Benndorf, <i>Griech. u. Sicil. Vasenb.</i> pl. xv.</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_177">177</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_69">69.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Domestic scene.</span> Heydemann, <i>Griech. Vasenbilder</i>, pl. xi.</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_178">178</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_70">70.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Family group.</span> Brückner, <i>Griech. Grabreliefs</i>, p. 12</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_179">179</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_71">71.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="ditto">”</span>     <span class="ditto">”</span>     <span class="ditto">”</span>     ”</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_179">179</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_72">72.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Stele of Myrrhina.</span> <i>Gazette Archéol.</i> I, pl. vii.</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_180">180</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td class="rt"><span class="smcap">Pl.</span></td><td class="rt"><a href="#plt_xxix">xxix</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Orpheus and Eurydice.</span> Photograph</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_181">181</a></td></tr>
-
-<tr><th colspan="4">CHAPTER XI</th></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#plt_xxx">xxx.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Stele of Eutamia.</span> <i>C. A. G.</i> pl. xxviii.</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_185">185</a><span class="pagenum"><a id="page_xix">{xix}</a></span></td></tr>
-<tr><td class="rt"><span class="smcap">Fig.</span></td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_73">73</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Dionysus as guest.</span> Roscher, <i>Lexikon</i>, I, p. 2539</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_190">190</a></td></tr>
-
-<tr><th colspan="4">CHAPTER XIII</th></tr>
-<tr><td class="rt"><span class="smcap">Fig.</span></td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_74">74</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Nereid Monument</span> (Falkener). Overbeck, <i>Griech. Plastik</i>, II, p. 191</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_216">216</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_75">75.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Gable of Nereid Monument.</span> <i>Ann. dell’ Inst.</i> 1875, pl. DE.</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_217">217</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_76">76.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Heroon of Gyeulbashi.</span> Benndorf and Niemann, <i>Heroon von Gjölbaschi-Trysa</i>, pl. i.</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_222">222</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_77">77.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Lion-tomb, Cnidus.</span> Newton, <i>Travels and Discov.</i> II, pl. xxiii.</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_225">225</a></td></tr>
-
-<tr><th colspan="4">CHAPTER XIV</th></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_78">78.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Mausoleum</span> (Mr. Pullan). <i>Archaeologia</i>, LIV, p. 281</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_230">230</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_79">79.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="ditto">”</span>       (Mr. Oldfield). Drawing of Mr. Oldfield</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_231">231</a></td></tr>
-
-<tr><th colspan="4">CHAPTER XV</th></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_80">80.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Sarcophagus of the Satrap: end.</span> Hamdy Bey et T. Reinach, <i>Une Nécropole Royale à Sidon</i>, pl xxi.</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_246">246</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_81">81.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Sphinxes: Lycian Sarcophagus.</span>    <span class="ditto">”</span>   <span class="ditto">”</span>   pl. xv.</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_248">248</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_82">82.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Sarcophagus of Mourners: end.</span>    <span class="ditto">”</span>   <span class="ditto">”</span>   pl. vii.</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_250">250</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_83">83.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="smcap">Alexander Sarcophagus: end.</span>    <span class="ditto">”</span>   <span class="ditto">”</span>   pl. xxvi.</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_254">254</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_84">84.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="ditto">”</span>     <span class="ditto">”</span><small>LION-HUNT.</small>    <span class="ditto">”</span>   <span class="ditto">”</span>  pl. xxxi.</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_255">255</a></td></tr>
-<tr><td>&#160; </td><td class="rt"><a href="#fig_85">85.</a></td><td class="pdd"><span class="ditto">”</span>     <span class="ditto">”</span><small>A LION.</small>   <span class="ditto">”</span>   <span class="ditto">”</span>  pl. XX.</td><td class="rt"><a href="#page_257">257</a></td></tr>
-
-</table>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page_xx">{xx}</a></span>&#160; </p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page_1">{1}</a></span>&#160; </p>
-
-<h2><a id="CHAPTER_I"></a>CHAPTER I<br><br>
-<small>BURIAL CUSTOMS IN GREECE</small></h2>
-
-<p><span class="smcap">The</span> burial of the dead was a matter as to which the ancient Greeks had
-very strong feelings. When a corpse was not committed to earth or fire,
-the unfortunate spirit to which it had served as a dwelling-place was
-condemned to find no rest either on earth or in the world of shades, but
-to wander unhappily around the spot where it had met its fate, or to
-flutter on the verge of the river of death, which it was not permitted
-to cross. For such reasons, it was the first and most important duty of
-an heir to see that the person whom he succeeded met with due burial. In
-war, as a rule, each side buried its own dead; and so great was the
-horror at neglect of this pious office, that after a drawn battle the
-side which was not in possession of the battle-field would commonly ask
-for a truce for the purpose of burying the slain, though it thereby
-acknowledged defeat. It is well known how bitterly the Athenians accused
-their generals, because their dead were not duly buried after the battle
-of Arginusae. When Admetus, in the <i>Alcestis</i> of Euripides, wishes
-utterly to cast off his filial relation to his father Pheres, he
-threatens that he will not bury him. And when in the <i>Antigone</i> of
-Sophocles, Creon forbids the burial of his slain enemy Polynices, the
-prohibition is represented as an act of barbarous cruelty, bringing with
-it the vengeance of the offended gods. In order to perform the last
-rites to her brother, Antigone incurs death. The plot of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_2">{2}</a></span> last half
-of the <i>Ajax</i>, which seems intolerably tedious to a modern reader, turns
-on the question whether the body of the hero shall receive sepulture or
-not.</p>
-
-<p>It is true that all the more serious evils of want of burial were
-obviated by an inhumation of a merely formal character. The dead man who
-in the ode of Horace<a id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> begs the passer-by to give him formal or
-ceremonial burial, tells him that it will be quite sufficient if he
-casts over the body three handfuls of dry earth. If the body of a man
-was lost at sea, or otherwise had become undiscoverable, an empty tomb
-or cenotaph was erected, and his spirit laid with ceremonies.</p>
-
-<p>In the case of an ordinary death, there was a regular order of
-ceremonies, which are detailed in Lucian’s <i>De Luctu</i>. To the women of
-the house belonged the melancholy duty of washing and anointing the
-corpse, and preparing it for burial. In the mouth was sometimes placed
-an obolus, the fee of Charon. The body was dressed as if for a wedding
-rather than a funeral, in rich and clean clothes; the face was painted,
-and wreaths were placed on head and breast. Then took place what was
-called the πρόθεσις, or exhibition of the corpse, in order that friends
-and relatives might take a last farewell of it. Vase-paintings give us
-many representations of the scene. Father and mother, or brothers and
-sisters, or children, thronged round the bier with expressions of love
-and sorrow, while the dirge of the hired wailing-women resounded through
-the house. A terra-cotta tablet of the sixth century, engraved in the
-text<a id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> (Fig. <small>I</small>), gives us a quaint and vivid picture of the room of
-death. The dead man, whose face appears, while the rest of the painting
-is broken away, is evidently a youth in the bloom of his days, who lies
-on the bier, clad in an embroidered garment. Close by his head stands
-his mother, ΜΕΤΕΡ, at whose feet is his little sister, ΑΔΕΛΦΕ;<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_3">{3}</a></span> a
-somewhat older sister stands at the foot of the bier. To the left is a
-group of men, the father, ΠΑΤΕΡ, a grown-up brother, ΑΔΕΛΦΟΣ, and two
-other men. To the extreme right appears the name, though not the figure,
-of the grandmother, ΘΕΘΕ, between whom and the group of men are two
-other matrons, carefully distinguished as the aunt and the aunt on the
-father’s side, ΘΕΘΙΣ and ΘΕΘΙΣ ΠΡΟΣ ΠΑΤΡ[ΟΣ]. A little child also
-appears by a stool quite at the foot of the couch. The letters ΟΙΜΟΙ in
-the field represent the wailings of the women.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_1" style="width: 600px;">
-<a href="images/i_p003.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p003.jpg" width="600" height="315" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 1. LYING IN STATE.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>A beautiful Attic vase of the fifth century (<a href="#fig_2">Fig. 2</a>) gives us a less
-quaint but more graceful representation of the prothesis<a id="FNanchor_3_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>. In this
-case the corpse is that of a woman, who lies on her bier not merely clad
-in green garments, but decked with a necklace. The friends grouped about
-her are all women, with hair cut short in sign of mourning, clad in
-garments of dark brown, green, or blue. The lady who stands at the foot
-of the bier and her neighbour place their hands on their heads in sign
-of grief; their dress is that of burgher ladies; no doubt they are the
-nearest relatives of the dead. The girl who stands at the head of the
-bier is a slave or hired attendant. She is more simply clad, and carries
-in one hand<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_4">{4}</a></span> a flapper or fan to keep off the flies, in the other a
-basket containing fillets or ribbons. A wreath hangs against the wall of
-the room. Three small, naked, winged idola hover in the air. They are
-doubtless spirits of the dead: but the motive for their presence is not
-clear. One might at first be disposed to regard them as merely ready to
-receive the departed spirit; the figure nearest to the mouth of the
-corpse might even be regarded as the soul which has just taken flight.
-But these views scarcely account for the attitude, which is clearly in
-each of the three idola a recognized sign of grief. In fact, the close
-resemblance of gesture between the lady who stands at the foot of the
-bier and the winged figure above her seems to show that they share the
-same feeling, which is one of sorrow. But why should spirits grieve at
-receiving a companion from the land of the living? The question is not
-easy to answer. We may observe that in all scenes of this kind, when
-these little sprites are introduced, they are in the same attitude. The
-lamentations of the living seem always to awake a responsive echo in
-their breasts.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_2" style="width: 600px;">
-<a href="images/i_p004.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p004.jpg" width="600" height="304" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 2. LYING IN STATE.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>After the laying out, πρόθεσις, came the ἐκφορά, or burial. Early in the
-morning the body was taken, decked and clad<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_5">{5}</a></span> as it was, and laid on a
-wagon, or on a bier to be carried on the shoulders of friends. A
-procession was formed, including near friends, musicians, hired
-wailing-women, and others who carried the vessels needed for the last
-sad rites. To the modern visitor in Greece none of the existing customs
-is more striking than that of bearing to the grave bodies decked out and
-painted, and looking more like wax images from Tussaud’s than the actual
-relics of humanity.</p>
-
-<p>Several monuments of the early period present us with representations of
-the ἐκφορά so clear that we can judge with certainty even of its
-details. Of these the earliest are vases of the eighth century from the
-Dipylon cemetery. One engraved in the <i>Monumenti</i> of the Roman
-Institute<a id="FNanchor_4_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> clearly represents the funeral of a distinguished chief.
-The body lies on the top of a lofty bier, supported by four columns,
-which again is carried on a car drawn by two horses. Immediately behind
-the car come the relatives: and it is accompanied by long strings of
-mourners, who are depicted in the childish fashion of the art of the
-time as alike naked. The women are distinguished by the breast merely,
-the men by swords which they carry at the waist. The geese which seem to
-follow the procession are only inserted to fill up vacant spaces in the
-design; since there is nothing to which the early vase-painter objects
-more strongly than leaving any part of the ground without figures. On
-another contemporary vase, published on the same plate, is a scene of
-πρόθεσις; the corpse on its bier is surrounded by mourners, who seem to
-be sprinkling it with lustral water. These glimpses into the daily life
-of pre-historic Athens are very attractive; and the life which they
-reveal differs but little from that of the historic Athens of the
-Persian wars.</p>
-
-<p>An archaic terra-cotta, here engraved (<a href="#fig_3">Fig. 3</a>)<a id="FNanchor_5_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a>, gives us a vivid
-representation of the appearance of the funeral <i>cortége</i>.<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_6">{6}</a></span></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_3" style="width: 600px;">
-<a href="images/i_p006-a.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p006-a.jpg" width="600" height="304" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 3. FUNERAL PROCESSION.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_4" style="width: 600px;">
-<a href="images/i_p006-b.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p006-b.jpg" width="600" height="241" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 4. ARRIVAL AT THE TOMB.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>The corpse is placed on a car drawn by two horses. It is accompanied by
-a woman who bears on her head a jar of wine for the funeral libations,
-and by two wailing-women who tear their hair as they walk. Behind, comes
-a bearded flute-player, and two young men, doubtless the next of kin. A
-vase of the sixth century, which also we engrave (<a href="#fig_4">Fig. 4</a>), represents a
-comparatively modest funeral<a id="FNanchor_6_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a>. The arrival at the tomb is depicted.
-The dead man, whose face is uncovered, lies<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_7">{7}</a></span> on a bier drawn by two
-asses. The procession resembles that of the last representation; the
-flute-player, who wears a long white robe, and the next of kin follow
-the bier; of the wailing-women, two are perched on the funeral wagon,
-other two stand in front of the grave, which appears as a square
-erection to the right. The cock who is to form part of the offerings to
-the dead stands between two trees which mark the graveyard.</p>
-
-<p>Such was the actual prosaic procession to the grave. But the artists who
-painted the white Athenian lekythi, vessels especially made to be placed
-in the tomb<a id="FNanchor_7_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a>, preferred in their representations of funerals to take
-refuge in the realm of imagery and fancy. For the actual carriage of the
-body to the place of burial they substitute a poetic fiction. When in
-the battles before Troy, Sarpedon fell beneath the spear of Patroclus,
-we are told in the <i>Iliad</i> that the gods took charge of his body which
-the foeman had despoiled<a id="FNanchor_8_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a>.</p>
-
-<div class="poetry">
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0">To Phoebus then his Father spake<br></span>
-<span class="i3">Who drives the clouds along,<br></span>
-<span class="i0">‘Dear Phoebus go, Sarpedon find<br></span>
-<span class="i3">Amid the battle throng,<br></span>
-<span class="i0">From purple gore his body lave;<br></span>
-<span class="i3">Then bear him far away,<br></span>
-<span class="i0">And wash him in the flowing stream,<br></span>
-<span class="i3">And in ambrosia lay;<br></span>
-<span class="i0">With garments clothe that wax not old,<br></span>
-<span class="i3">And let the winged pair,<br></span>
-<span class="i0">The brethren Sleep and Death, from thence<br></span>
-<span class="i3">His body swiftly bear<br></span>
-<span class="i0">To wealthy Lycia’s goodly land,<br></span>
-<span class="i3">Where kinsmen shall be fain<br></span>
-<span class="i0">To heap the mound and set the stone,<br></span>
-<span class="i3">The guerdon of the slain.’<br></span>
-</div></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>It is thoroughly in accord with the spirit of Greek art that it should
-have welcomed and dwelt on the idea thus<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_8">{8}</a></span> suggested by the epic poet.
-Greek painters and sculptors, like Greek dramatists and lyric poets,
-loved above all things to escape from the prosaic details of actual life
-into the ideal world of myth and fancy, into the language of which they
-translated the facts of every-day existence. On a very beautiful
-red-figured vase, ascribed to Euphronius, is represented the bearing
-away of Sarpedon’s dead body by Sleep and Death, Sleep being a benign
-daemon with yellow hair, Death a dark-haired being of more forbidding
-aspect<a id="FNanchor_9_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a>. And after the precedent furnished by Sarpedon, Sleep and
-Death have been introduced into scenes on other Greek vases, wherein the
-body is not that of any ancient hero, but of an ordinary citizen. We
-give an example from an Attic white lekythos<a id="FNanchor_10_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> (<a href="#fig_5">Fig. 5</a>). The dead
-body, the eyes of which are not closed in death, is that of a girl, who
-is borne to the resting-place indicated by a sepulchral stele by two
-winged figures, of whom the bearded one is doubtless Death and the
-younger, or beardless, Sleep. The god Hermes, as conductor of souls, is
-present to preside at the deposition at the tomb.</p>
-
-<p>The twin brethren Sleep and Death belong to poetry rather than to real
-belief. And it is the bodies, not the spirits, of the dead which they
-bear to the last resting-place. Other Athenian lekythi represent the
-journey of the soul to the land of shades, under the guidance of Hermes
-or in the boat of Charon. With these pictures I will deal in the third
-chapter, which treats of Greek beliefs as to the future life. Meantime
-we must follow the funeral procession to the cemetery.</p>
-
-<p>In the Homeric age the bodies of fallen chiefs were burned with much
-ceremony, and funeral games celebrated at their tombs. The classical
-instance is the burning of the body of<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_9">{9}</a></span></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_5" style="width: 600px;">
-<a href="images/i_p009.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p009.jpg" width="600" height="447" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 5. DEPOSITION AT THE TOMB.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>Patroclus in the <i>Iliad</i>. But even at that time it is doubtful whether
-so expensive a method of disposing of the body was at all universal. In
-historical times, as may be abundantly proved from ancient writers and
-from existing remains, the customs of burning and of burying flourished
-together. Distinguished and wealthy men commonly had their funeral
-pyres, but the bodies of the Kings of Sparta, for example, when they
-died abroad, were embalmed and carried home for burial, instead of being
-burned. In various cemeteries of Greece we find sometimes the one custom
-most prevalent and sometimes the other. It is unnecessary in the present
-place to go beyond this general statement. When the body was buried, it
-was not, save very rarely, placed in a sarcophagus of stone,<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_10">{10}</a></span> but far
-more commonly in a hole in the rock; or a grave was dug in the soil and
-a small chamber constructed of slabs of stone or terra-cotta. In case of
-burning, a pyre of wood was erected in or near the cemetery, and after
-the flames had burned themselves out, the human ashes, which are readily
-to be distinguished, were carefully and piously collected and placed in
-a vessel of bronze or of earthenware, which might either be buried or
-preserved in some hallowed spot in the house.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_6" style="width: 600px;">
-<a href="images/i_p010.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p010.jpg" width="600" height="402" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 6. PYRE OF PATROCLUS.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>A late vase of Canusium<a id="FNanchor_11_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> furnishes us with a representation of the
-pyre of Patroclus, and of the sacrifices which according to Homer were
-performed at it (<a href="#fig_6">Fig. 6</a>). In the midst is the pyre of great logs, on
-which is heaped the armour of Patroclus. This detail shows, we may
-observe, how free are even the later vase-painters in their treatment of
-Homeric scenes, for Patroclus’ armour, which Hector had carried off, is
-not mentioned<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_11">{11}</a></span> in the <i>Iliad</i> as being placed on his pyre. While
-Agamemnon pours a libation to the soul of the dead hero, Achilles
-plunges his sword into the neck of one of the Trojan captives, while the
-rest sit by, awaiting their fate. The inscription beneath, ΠΑΤΡΟΚΛΟΥ
-ΤΑΦΟΣ makes the identification certain.</p>
-
-<p>It does not appear that among the Greeks there were any regular
-ceremonies as an accompaniment of burial, any ritual of prayer or
-dedication. When a public funeral took place it is true that an oration
-was delivered at the grave; we have record of orations pronounced by
-Pericles and Demosthenes over those who had fallen in battle on various
-occasions. Sometimes also there was a funeral feast at the tomb. But in
-ordinary cases the mourners seem to have returned immediately after the
-burial to partake of the funeral feast at the house of a near relative
-or heir of the deceased, who was himself regarded as the host on the
-occasion. By thus eating and drinking with the dead, the survivors
-entered into a kind of sacred communion with him; speeches were made in
-his honour, and libations poured from the cups of which in ghostly
-fashion he might partake.<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_12">{12}</a></span></p>
-
-<h2><a id="CHAPTER_II"></a>CHAPTER II<br><br>
-<small>THE WORSHIP OF THE DEAD</small></h2>
-
-<p><span class="smcap">No</span> Greek custom constituted a larger part of religious cultus than did
-the offerings to the dead. And no custom is more frequently portrayed on
-ancient vases. Such offerings did not begin merely with the funeral, but
-even earlier.</p>
-
-<p>According to the beliefs of most barbarous or semi-barbarous races, the
-dead have needs and desires as imperious as those of the living. Indeed,
-the life of the next world is regarded as in the main a ghostly
-continuation of previous existence, a life marked by the same habits and
-requirements as that which men live on earth. But, as the dead man is
-less materialist in his needs, his wants may be supplied at smaller cost
-and in less completeness.</p>
-
-<p>In many primitive countries we find the dead man living in his tomb as
-he had lived in his house, the tomb being often a copy of the house.
-There he treasures the goods which were buried with him, and there he
-receives the constant homage and frequent gifts of his descendants.</p>
-
-<p>In Greece, as far back as we can trace burial customs, it was usual to
-deal liberally with chiefs and warriors when they went to their last
-resting-place. Indeed, the further back we go, the greater seems to have
-been the liberality. The richest graves yet discovered in Greece are
-those of the pre-historic rulers of Mycenae, spoiled by Dr. Schliemann
-in 1877. In these sepulchres were found treasures sufficient<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_13">{13}</a></span> to stock a
-great museum&#8212;armour and ornaments of gold, swords and arrows,
-drinking-cups and sceptres, every kind of object in which the wealth of
-semi-barbarous chiefs is commonly displayed. In the historic age the
-profusion is less marked, but we yet find abundant proofs of the
-survival of the custom of fully equipping the dead for their existence
-in the world of shades. Mingled with human bones are sometimes those of
-horses and dogs, slain to accompany their master, sometimes those of
-flesh and fowl brought to him for food. Vessels for holding food and
-wine and oil are among the ordinary equipment of the tomb, lamps are
-very common, and jewelry and coins in which the thickness of the gold is
-reduced to that of paper shows the gradual growth of the belief that it
-is safe to cheat the dead. Ladies take with them to their graves their
-mirrors and the vessels which contained rouge and other necessaries of
-the toilet.</p>
-
-<p>In later Greek graves terra-cotta plays a large part. Not only are
-vessels of this cheap material substituted for the golden or bronze
-vases and cups of early graves, but also loaves and animals of
-terra-cotta take the place of more genuine food. And terra-cotta images,
-sometimes of deities but more often apparently of mere human beings, are
-laid up in store by the corpse, each being broken, perhaps to render it
-unfit for the possession of the living. An engraving of a child’s coffin
-with its contents, which I reproduce from Stackelberg<a id="FNanchor_12_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> (<a href="#fig_7">Fig. 7</a>), will
-give some idea of the abundant contents of the richer Greek tombs. The
-symmetrical arrangement of the various vases and of the terra-cotta
-images is noteworthy; and as parts only of a human skeleton are present,
-it seems that in this case the body was not placed complete in the
-coffin, but only the<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_14">{14}</a></span> skull, the shin-bones, and other parts of a corpse
-which had been for the most part disposed of in some other way.</p>
-
-<p>I have been present at excavations at Terranova in Sicily, on which site
-the resting-places of the dead are formed of several slabs of
-terra-cotta. Around the skeletons are heaped vases, most commonly of the
-lekythos form, with occasional coins and other antiquities. But it would
-be a long task to give anything like a satisfactory account of the
-contents of tombs in various parts of the Greek world. Every district or
-city follows its own customs in the matter.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_7" style="width: 600px;">
-<a href="images/i_p014.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p014.jpg" width="600" height="341" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 7. CHILD’S COFFIN.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>We turn to the sacrifices brought to the tomb. While the burial was
-taking place, the friends of the deceased threw into the grave
-terra-cotta figures, vases and the like, breaking them as they threw
-them. Such at least is the usage traced by Messrs. Pottier and Reinach
-at Myrina, and they observe that proofs of the existence of a similar
-custom have been found at Tanagra and Kertch<a id="FNanchor_13_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a>. Libations would take
-place<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_15">{15}</a></span> at the same time from the vessels carried to the tomb for the
-purpose, as well as afterwards at the funeral feast.</p>
-
-<p>Thenceforward at set seasons sacrifices were offered at the tomb. These
-seasons were, the third day after burial, τρίτα, the ninth day, ἔνατα,
-the thirtieth day, which came at the end of the mourning, besides the
-νεκύσια or general feast of the dead, corresponding to the All Souls’
-Day of the Middle Ages, and the γενέσια or birthday of the deceased<a id="FNanchor_14_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a>.
-And such sacrifices were also made at irregular times, when any portent
-or significant dream made the survivors suppose that their ancestors
-were displeased with them. At the beginning of the <i>Choëphori</i> of
-Aeschylus, of the <i>Electra</i> of Sophocles, and of the <i>Electra</i> of
-Euripides, mention is made of sacrifices at the tomb of Agamemnon,
-offered by Clytemnestra in consequence of a dream, which had disturbed
-her mind. In the <i>Iphigeneia in Tauris</i> of Euripides, Iphigeneia
-prepares, also in obedience to a dream, to sacrifice to the spirit of
-her brother Orestes, whom she supposes to be dead.</p>
-
-<p>These passages from the great dramatists exhibit the Athenian custom of
-the fifth century <small>B.C.</small> How late this custom lasted in Greece may be
-shown from the language of Lucian, in the second century <small>A.D.</small> Speaking
-with contempt of the popular beliefs, he writes<a id="FNanchor_15_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a>: ‘People fancy that
-souls rising from below dine as they can, flitting about the smell and
-the steam, and drink the honeyed draught from the trench.’ Again, in
-another place<a id="FNanchor_16_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a>, Lucian writes: ‘The shades are nourished by our
-libations, and by the offerings at the tomb; so that those who have no
-friend or relative left on earth, live foodless and famished among the
-rest.’</p>
-
-<p>The offerings brought to the dead were of a simpler and<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_16">{16}</a></span> less sumptuous
-character than those dedicated to the gods. Through Greek history they
-tended to become less costly. In the <i>Iliad</i> Achilles sacrifices to the
-spirit of Patroclus not only horses and dogs, oxen and sheep, but also
-twelve Trojan prisoners. At the taking of Troy, according to the legend,
-Polyxena was sacrificed on the tomb of Achilles. Not only did the custom
-of sending slaves to attend a dead chief, and horses for him to ride,
-die out, but the food of the dead became much less solid than beef and
-mutton. The laws of Solon forbade the sacrifice of oxen to the dead<a id="FNanchor_17_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a>.
-As late as the sixth century, an inscription of Ceos<a id="FNanchor_18_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> speaks of
-sacrifice at tombs according to the old ritual; but after that time more
-serious sacrifices were reserved for actual heroes and exceptional
-tombs. A black ox, for example, was annually offered to the heroes of
-Plataea down to the time of Plutarch<a id="FNanchor_19_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a>, with wreaths and fillets.
-Ordinary souls had to be content with something much simpler; cakes and
-flowers, with wine, honey, and milk, sometimes a fowl or a few eggs,
-sufficed for their somewhat ethereal needs. But in early, and still more
-in later times, the survivors would sometimes try to show their respect,
-in exceptional cases, by a great display of grief and by costly
-sacrifices.</p>
-
-<p>Excavations sometimes reveal to us traces not merely of presents brought
-to the dead, but of actual sacrifices made to them. For example, when
-the mound which covered the bodies of those who fell at Marathon was
-recently excavated<a id="FNanchor_20_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a>, traces were found in broken vessels and animals’
-bones of the feast held by the survivors at the time of the burial, as
-well as a trench cut to receive offerings, and considerable masses of
-ashes, dating no doubt from the yearly sacrifices which in the month of
-Boedromion the people of Athens<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_17">{17}</a></span> offered in gratitude to the heroes who
-had first dared to look the Mede in the face.</p>
-
-<p>In historic Greece there were recognized heroes of every grade of
-dignity and importance. A few, such as Amphiaraus and Trophonius,
-rivalled the gods in their functions, in the number of their
-worshippers, and the splendour of their shrines. Others, such as Aeacus
-at Aegina, and Jason at Pherae, were venerated as semi-divine
-progenitors and supernatural defenders of the cities against all
-enemies. Others, such as Pelops at Olympia, and Hyacinthus at Amyclae,
-had tombs in close connexion with some of the most frequented and highly
-appreciated shrines of the Greek world. But beside these more dignified
-members of the clan of heroes there stood many whose influence and whose
-worship belonged only to a locality, to a clan, or a family. The Dorians
-in particular<a id="FNanchor_21_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a>, like all conservative races, carried the worship of
-deceased parents and ancestors to the furthest point. But all over
-Greece there were small heroa or chapels belonging to families, the
-cultus of which was merely an extension of the worship which made sacred
-the domestic hearth. In modern cemeteries, and more especially in those
-of France, the tombs are frequently adorned with wreaths of real or
-artificial flowers, with crosses and designs of beadwork or with
-religious pictures. So in Greece it was usual to see in the
-neighbourhood of the tombs of those who had recently passed away, or who
-had left behind them many friends, the traces of libations, wreaths of
-flowers, sashes of various colours, even pieces of armour or other more
-solid gifts which were protected against theft by the sacred character
-of the spot.</p>
-
-<p>Serious sacrifices to the dead are, as we shall see in a future chapter,
-a frequent subject of votive tablets and even of actual sepulchral
-reliefs. The lighter and less solemn offerings to<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_18">{18}</a></span> the dead are commonly
-depicted on white Attic lekythi, which were specially made to be placed
-in graves, and which take their subjects from that use.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_8" style="width: 600px;">
-<a href="images/i_p018.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p018.jpg" width="600" height="465" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 8. OFFERINGS AT A TOMB.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>The simplest of these vase-paintings consist merely of representations
-of a gravestone, bound with sashes or with wreaths, on either side of
-which stands a survivor, male or female, holding a basket, wreaths, a
-sash, or the like. In our example (<a href="#fig_8">Fig. 8</a>)<a id="FNanchor_22_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> from a vase of Eretria in
-the Museum of Athens, the stele is truncated by a licence in drawing,
-but the relief on it, a woman seated on a chair and holding out a bunch
-of grapes to a seated boy, is similar to many of the groups in our
-plates. A mirror is represented as hung on the wall: this no doubt
-stands for a part of the marble relief.<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_19">{19}</a></span> On one side of the stele stands
-a young man leaning on a staff, who seems to be directing a maiden who
-stands on the other side, where she shall place two wreaths which she
-carries. Our engraving makes no attempt to reproduce the brilliant
-colouring of the original, in which the dresses of the seated lady of
-the relief and the standing girl who ministers at the tomb are bright
-red, the garment of the youth brown, and the hair of all the figures a
-golden brown. In some of these scenes, the stele is hung with more
-serious offerings than flowers: sometimes a lekythos is suspended from
-the top or placed on the steps: in some cases, a sword is slung round it
-by means of a baldric<a id="FNanchor_23_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a>. Sometimes the attendant girls bring elaborate
-toilet-vases and flasks of oil.</p>
-
-<p>By a curious convention, often the dead person is introduced into the
-scene, seated on the steps of the basis which supports the sepulchral
-slab, between the two ministrants. In one case<a id="FNanchor_24_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> a lady thus seated
-holds on her finger two little birds, perhaps an indication of a
-sacrifice, ‘a pair of turtle-doves or two young pigeons.’ On other vases
-she holds an oil-flask or a toilet-vase. Sometimes, especially if the
-person represented be a man, he holds a lyre<a id="FNanchor_25_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a>. In our example (<a href="#fig_9">Fig.
-9</a>) of this curious scheme, a ghost is seen flitting through the air, and
-one of the attendants brings a little bird. The precise meaning of the
-lyre has been doubted. M. Pottier thinks that it represents music played
-before the dead, as part of their cultus. But this, of course, assumes
-the seated person to be a survivor, and we shall presently show this
-view to be untenable. It is, however, well known that to be able to play
-on the lyre as it passed from hand to hand at banquets was part of the
-training of the Athenian gentleman. It may well seem then that the
-musical employment of the dead man is merely an<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_20">{20}</a></span> instance of the general
-rule that the Athenians loved to represent their dead in some employment
-which had been a favourite and characteristic one when they lived. And
-this view is confirmed by the occurrence on an early stele of the figure
-in relief of a man carrying a lyre<a id="FNanchor_26_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a>.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_9" style="width: 600px;">
-<a href="images/i_p020.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p020.jpg" width="600" height="460" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 9. SPIRIT SEATED ON STELE.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>That the seated personage who plays the lyre if a man, or who if a woman
-holds a tray of offerings or a lekythos, is not a survivor but a dead
-person, may be readily shown by a comparison of certain vase-paintings.
-For an example we may take two lekythi figured on one plate<a id="FNanchor_27_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a> in the
-<i>Sabouroff Collection</i>. On one of these is represented a young man
-seated beside a stele, playing on a lyre which he holds, while an
-attendant girl brings him a sash or fillet. On the other the stele is
-absent, and the scene, which is given in the text<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_21">{21}</a></span></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_10" style="width: 593px;">
-<a href="images/i_p021.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p021.jpg" width="593" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 10. TOILET SCENE, SEPULCHRAL.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>(<a href="#fig_10">Fig. 10</a>), seems one taken from daily life. A lady, fully draped, is
-seated on a chair; in her lap rests a flat box containing sashes; a
-maid-servant comes to her holding a smaller box with open lid, probably
-a casket of jewelry. This last scene is closely like many of the Attic
-sepulchral reliefs<a id="FNanchor_28_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a>, and the artist who painted it can scarcely have
-had in his mind any other intention than that of representing a lady who
-had died. The former scene must be of parallel significance; and the<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_22">{22}</a></span>
-man seated with the lyre can scarcely be other than the proprietor of
-the stele beside which he sits.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_11" style="width: 600px;">
-<a href="images/i_p022.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p022.jpg" width="600" height="500" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 11. GIFTS AT TOMB.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>We add, from a late vase in the British Museum<a id="FNanchor_29_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a>, a very interesting
-sepulchral group (<a href="#fig_11">Fig. 11</a>). The tomb is in the form of a pillar with
-acanthus ornament at the base, resting on a flat slab or table<a id="FNanchor_30_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_30_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a>. This
-latter is heaped up with vases and sashes, the gifts of survivors. Among
-these gifts stands a female figure in sorrowful attitude, either a
-statue of the deceased, or more probably herself in spiritual presence.
-On one side a man raises his hand in greeting or adoration, on the other
-approaches a girl bearing some offering.<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_23">{23}</a></span></p>
-
-<h2><a id="CHAPTER_III"></a>CHAPTER III<br><br>
-<small>BELIEFS AS TO THE FUTURE LIFE</small></h2>
-
-<p><span class="smcap">The</span> group of vase-paintings with which we dealt in the last chapter
-raises a curious question. In all, or almost all, of them the locality
-is clearly implied by the presence of a stele in the background. The
-offerings which they represent were made, it seems, at the tomb itself.
-Is it not, however, a strange thing that wealthy and educated Athenians
-should suppose the souls of the dead to have nothing better to do than
-to rest beside the tomb, and there await the offerings of survivors? Did
-they not believe in a region of the dead, a kingdom of Hades, where the
-bad were punished and the good received the recompense of their merits?
-And if so, how could the souls of the departed be at the same time in
-Hades, and in the neighbourhood of the graveyard? In order to find a
-solution for these difficulties we must give some account of the views
-of ordinary Greeks, at different periods of the national history, in
-regard to the life after death, and the condition of the departed.</p>
-
-<p>We must begin our examination of Greek belief as to the future life by
-turning to the Homeric poems. The outlines of the psychical doctrine
-which these contain has been traced with masterly hand by Dr. Erwin
-Rohde<a id="FNanchor_31_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_31_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a>, whose conclusions<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_24">{24}</a></span> agree well with all that we have of late
-learned from history and archaeology as to the Homeric age and
-literature.</p>
-
-<p>It is only superficial theorizing which will find in the Homeric poems
-the ordinary barbaric views as to the nature of the soul and the future
-life. Primitive elements there may be in the Homeric beliefs on these
-subjects; but these primitive elements are mostly of the nature of a
-survival. The Homeric poems belong to a race of singular gifts and
-remarkable intellectual capacity, a small clan or aristocracy which had
-by the force of inborn genius penetrated to views in all matters of
-practical wisdom which must be considered decidedly advanced. Like the
-<i>Vedas</i> of India and the <i>Zend Avesta</i>, the <i>Iliad</i> and the <i>Odyssey</i>
-are the flowers of special developments of civilization, of the culture
-of pure-blooded clans, which had worked their way forward, amid
-surrounding barbarism, to a comparatively civilized survey of the world
-and of mankind.</p>
-
-<p>The notion which is the common property of barbarous peoples, that the
-dead dwell among the living, and constantly interfere for good and for
-evil in their affairs, that they must be appeased by constant sacrifices
-and receive their share of all increase,&#8212;this notion has indeed left
-traces in the Homeric poems, but they are slight. It rather shows
-through the psychology of Homer than regulates or inspires it.</p>
-
-<p>The intellectual aristocracy of Homer has in this matter a strong bias
-towards scepticism. It is really remarkable how nearly the Homeric
-theories of the soul correspond with the facts recorded by that cautious
-and sceptical body of inquirers, the Psychical Society.</p>
-
-<p>The psyche to Homer is not in the least like the Christian soul, but is
-a shadowy double of the man, wanting alike in force and in wisdom. It
-has no midriff, but lives as dreams live; appearing to the living in
-visions, sleeping or waking, but without power. While the body of a dead
-man remains<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_25">{25}</a></span> unburnt or unburied, his ghost wanders about the place of
-death: when the body has received due meed of funeral rites, the spirit
-departs to the land of shades, never to return, nor to vex the
-survivors.</p>
-
-<p>The realm of Hades appears in the more antique parts of the poems of
-Homer as a land where shades dwell under the rulership of King Hades and
-august Persephone, living a life which is a sort of reflex and corollary
-of the past. Orion, the mighty hunter, still pursues in that land the
-spectres of wild beasts over the meadows of asphodel. Agamemnon still
-deplores his sad fate, Ajax will not be reconciled to his enemy
-Odysseus, Achilles lives on the memory of his past exploits, and rates
-the life of the greatest heroes in Hades as beneath that of the meanest
-serving-man on earth. Even these shadowy passions do not stir the hearts
-of the dead until they have drunk of the blood of the sacrifice, and
-their vital force is thus in some degree renewed. To Teiresias alone,
-says Circe, has Persephone granted that even after death he shall have
-living sense, while the rest flit like shadows.</p>
-
-<p>It is quite clear that this view, which removes the dead to Hades, and
-deprives them of all sense and power, is not to be reconciled with some
-of the customs of Homeric cultus, especially with the offering of
-victims, animal and human, at the tombs of heroes. This, however, is not
-strange: cultus has infinitely greater power of persistence among men
-than mere speculative beliefs; and among peoples of all religions we
-find a want of harmony between the religious belief and the religious
-custom which needs explanation. Homer does not fear the dead; but the
-burial customs described in his poems must have arisen at a time when
-the dead were greatly feared, and regarded as meddlesome in human
-affairs.</p>
-
-<p>And this marked inconsistency which we find in the Homeric age persists
-throughout Greek history. The customs of the cultus of the dead are, as
-we have seen, persistent among all<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_26">{26}</a></span> Greek tribes, though more fully
-appreciated by some than others, and remain in force down to the very
-decline of Paganism. But at the same time speculation as to the world of
-spirits and the condition of the departed went on, on lines almost
-independent of custom and cultus. If the dead were safe in Hades they
-could not also live in their tombs; why then take offerings thither? If
-their life was the life of dreams and of shadows, why did they need
-food, both animal and vegetable, and abundant drink? This is
-sufficiently obvious to us. Yet Greek belief in all ages must have found
-some means of reconciling theory and cultus, and of preventing the
-course of speculation as to the state of the departed from interfering
-with the practical piety of the worship of ancestors.</p>
-
-<p>We are able to follow, at all events in outline, the gradual development
-of the belief in Hades among the Greeks. The voyage of Odysseus to Hades
-in the <i>Odyssey</i>, whatever may be its date (a somewhat doubtful point),
-shows us that belief at a very early and incomplete stage. The main
-interest of the author of the <i>Odyssey</i> is evidently to give a glimpse
-at the later fortunes of some of the principal personages of the
-<i>Iliad</i>; though with this he includes a curious vision of fair women,
-Tyro, Alcmena, and Leda and the like. He accomplishes his purpose by
-taking the widely wandering Odysseus to Hades under the pretext that he
-will there learn how best he may win back to his native Ithaca. To Homer
-Hades is not, as in later belief, situated beneath our feet. Odysseus
-has to reach it by sailing to the confines of the ocean, to the land of
-the Cimmerians, enveloped in mist and cloud, where the bright rays of
-the sun do not shine. When he reaches the groves of poplar and willow,
-amid which flow the rivers Acheron and Pyriphlegethon and Cocytus, he
-digs a trench, and makes sacrifices to the dead, offering libations and
-barley-cakes, and slaying a ram in honour of Teiresias. No sooner is
-this done than the spirits of the dead begin to flock about him, and<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_27">{27}</a></span>
-those whom he permits to drink of the blood of his sacrifice can answer
-his questions and inform him of their fate. The only class of persons
-whom Homer represents as punished in Hades are perjurers, perhaps
-because their punishment on earth was so problematic. But a few noted
-criminals of legend, such as Tityus and Tantalus, are also represented
-as undergoing a chronic punishment.</p>
-
-<p>Hades, however, is by no means the only dwelling-place of souls known to
-the authors of the Homeric poems. Every scholar is familiar with the
-beautiful lines in which Proteus foretells the future destiny of
-Menelaus<a id="FNanchor_32_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_32_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a>.</p>
-
-<div class="poetry">
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0">In Argos’ horse-abounding plain<br></span>
-<span class="i3">To die is not thy fate,<br></span>
-<span class="i0">O Menelaus, there for thee<br></span>
-<span class="i3">No mortal chances wait.<br></span>
-<span class="i0">Thee shall the immortals far away<br></span>
-<span class="i3">To earth’s remotest end,<br></span>
-<span class="i0">Where fair-haired Rhadamanthys dwells<br></span>
-<span class="i3">In Plains Elysian, send.<br></span>
-<span class="i0">There life flows on in easy course,<br></span>
-<span class="i3">There never snow nor rain<br></span>
-<span class="i0">Nor winter tempests vex the land;<br></span>
-<span class="i3">But Ocean sends amain<br></span>
-<span class="i0">Fresh Zephyr breezes breathing shrill<br></span>
-<span class="i3">To cool the untroubled life.<br></span>
-<span class="i0">There dwell, since thou art kin to Zeus,<br></span>
-<span class="i3">And Helen is thy wife.<br></span>
-</div></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>In dealing with the Homeric poems we can never escape the difficulties
-as to chronology and genuineness which at present envelop the whole
-Homeric question, on its literary side, like a thick mist. Dr. Rohde
-thinks that this passage is of later date than that which describes the
-voyage to Hades of Odysseus. The last line has a curious ring. Menelaus
-is to be rescued from the common fate, not for any virtue or merit of
-his own, but because he is the son-in-law of Zeus.<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_28">{28}</a></span> We are reminded of
-the still more aristocratic belief of certain existing races of
-barbarians, who think that a happy state in the future life is reserved
-for the chiefs and those of high lineage.</p>
-
-<p>According to the Cyclic Poets, the Islands of the Blessed were destined
-not for Menelaus only, but for others of the heroes who fought at Troy.
-In the <i>Aethiopis</i>, Eos (the Dawn) is allowed not merely to bear away
-her dead son Memnon, as Sarpedon had been borne away by Sleep and Death,
-but to awake him again to an immortal life. In the same poem, Thetis is
-represented as carrying off the body of Achilles from the funeral pyre,
-and transporting it over the sea to a new life in the island of Leuce,
-the white island, which popular fancy placed in the Euxine sea. In the
-<i>Works and Days</i> of Hesiod all the godlike heroes who fought at Troy are
-said to dwell still in the Islands of the Blessed. Odysseus after his
-death was said to have been translated to the island of Aeaea. And an
-Athenian drinking-song of about <small>B.C.</small> 500 tells how Harmodius and
-Aristogeiton, who slew the Tyrant and restored liberty to the Athenians,
-are not dead but dwell in the Happy Isles with Diomedes and swift-footed
-Achilles.</p>
-
-<p>It may be doubted how far the Islands of the Blessed, the Elysian
-Fields, and the Realm of Hades are really distinct in Homeric geography.
-All seem to be reached by a voyage across the sea in the direction of
-the setting sun. Subsequent poets, however, gradually determine and map
-out the land of the dead. It is a conjecture, the truth of which is more
-than probable, that the great teacher of the lore of the future world
-was Orphism.</p>
-
-<p>Orphism is one of the most important, but at the same time one of the
-most obscure phases of ancient religion. The original documents of the
-sect have perished, and forgeries have taken their place. It is only by
-putting together a number of occurrences, and collecting phenomena from
-all quarters,<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_29">{29}</a></span> that we are able even to conjecture the tenets and
-observances of the Orphists; yet it seems certain that they exercised a
-deep and long-continued influence on the development of religion in
-Greece. We first clearly trace their activity in the sixth century <small>B.C.</small>,
-when Onomacritus, a contemporary of Peisistratus at Athens, committed to
-writing much of their lore, and when Pythagoras attempted to found among
-the Greek cities of Southern Italy something like an Orphic church. Yet
-from what we learn as to Orphism, we see that it must contain elements
-handed down from a barbaric and primitive state of religion. It was
-essentially mystic and ecstatic in character. Zagreus, who was a form of
-Dionysus, was the principal object of Orphic worship,&#8212;the young god who
-was torn to pieces by the wicked hands of Titans, but restored to life
-by the favour of Zeus and Athena. By mystic communion with Zagreus, who
-was regarded as the ruler of the dead, the votary escaped from the
-trammels of the flesh, became pure and chaste, and fit for a nobler
-existence hereafter. Of course, in this religion, as in all, mere ritual
-tended to encroach on the religion of conduct; it was supposed by many
-that a mere partaking in mysterious rites would secure for them a
-favourable reception in the world of shades, and a verdict of acquittal
-from the stern judges of the dead.</p>
-
-<p>It is certain, as I have already observed, that this ecstatic form of
-religion contains primitive elements. Anthropology has informed us that
-the wizard or medicine-man among savage tribes commonly acquires and
-retains his influence by means of trances or ecstasies, in which he
-professes to be inspired by the spirits of the dead. This is the
-original germ whence all ecstatic religion takes its rise; though, of
-course, it may reach a high moral level under some circumstances, and
-tend greatly to the help and elevation of mankind. What was the precise
-ethical level of the Orphic religion it is very hard to say.<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_30">{30}</a></span></p>
-
-<p>However, we are at present concerned only with one aspect of
-Orphism&#8212;its lore as to the world of spirits. It is believed that this
-lore gradually works its way into current literature and art. After we
-leave the Homeric age, the next important landmark in the history of
-Hades is to be found in the great painting of Polygnotus in the Leschè
-or arcade of Delphi. Of this picture we possess so careful and detailed
-a description from the pen of Pausanias<a id="FNanchor_33_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_33_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a> that a skilled
-archaeologist, Professor Robert, has succeeded, with the help of certain
-vase-paintings of Polygnotan style, in restoring, figure for figure, the
-whole composition, with a sureness of hand which may well surprise those
-who do not realize the degree in which the scientific methods of
-archaeology have been developed in recent years.</p>
-
-<p>In the upper part of the picture is a group which is almost a transcript
-from the <i>Odyssey</i>: Odysseus sword in hand over his trench, the unburied
-Elpenor behind him in sailor’s dress, and Teiresias and Anticleia
-approaching to hold converse with him. But this group seems somewhat
-apart from the rest of the scene, which is composed of elements mostly
-foreign to the Homeric circle of ideas. On the left is the river
-Acheron, full of reeds and peopled with shadowy fish; on which floats
-the bark of the ferryman Charon, who is taking to their last home the
-spirits of a man and a girl. Pausanias observes that Polygnotus has
-borrowed Charon from the epic poem called the <i>Minyas</i>, in which the
-voyage to Hades of Theseus and Peirithous was narrated. Whencesoever
-Charon may have originally come, he certainly held a great place in the
-beliefs of the later Greeks. The obol, his fee, was sometimes placed in
-the mouth of the dead. In later writers, such as Virgil and Lucian, he
-is very prominent. Some of the sepulchral lekythi, of which I have
-spoken already, furnish us with a representation of the River of Death
-and the boat of Charon. One here<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_31">{31}</a></span></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_12" style="width: 600px;">
-<a href="images/i_p031.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p031.jpg" width="600" height="481" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 12. THE BOAT OF CHARON.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p class="nind">copied (<a href="#fig_12">Fig. 12</a>) from a vase at Athens<a id="FNanchor_34_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_34_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a>, presents a most curious
-scene. Charon, a being of traditional ugliness, clad in sailor’s cap and
-short chiton, drives his boat to the bank by means of a pole. He is
-awaited by a girl who bears in her hands her favourite bird, a goose,
-while a box for the toilet rests on a rock, and near it sits a young
-child. This flitting to the world of shades has quite a domestic aspect:
-it seems that Charon was expected to convey not only passengers, but
-also as baggage the offerings brought to them at the tomb. Sometimes the
-boat of Charon appears in these vase-paintings in close proximity to the
-stele of the grave; and the dead wait for him on the<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_32">{32}</a></span> steps of the
-stele<a id="FNanchor_35_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_35_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a>. On another vase, Hermes, with herald’s staff, leads the soul
-down to the edge of the river<a id="FNanchor_36_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_36_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>It is a well-known fact, though one not easy to explain, that Charon,
-under the form Charuns, figures as the messenger of death in several of
-the mural paintings of Etruscan tombs. He is there depicted as a hideous
-monster, with hooked nose, sometimes winged, wielding an axe, and
-entwined with serpents. That the mild and quiet Charon of the Greeks
-should have his counterpart in a fierce and deformed daemon in the more
-monstrous pantheon of Etruria is quite natural; but it is less clear
-whence the Greeks and Etruscans originally borrowed their respective
-divinities.</p>
-
-<p>We must, however, resume our description of the picture of Polygnotus.
-About the entrance of Hades cluster the transgressors whose punishment
-is eternal. They are very few in number: the parricide, the
-temple-robber, and such noted personages of legend as Tityus, who is
-devoured by a vulture after the fashion of Prometheus. Next we reach a
-group of fair women, who must indeed have been delightful creations
-under the hands of the most dignified and majestic of all
-painters&#8212;Ariadne and Tyro, Procris and Chloris. For some who had to be
-punished a most gentle meed of punishment is provided. Phaedra in her
-lifetime, as is well known, was inspired with a disastrous passion for
-her stepson Hippolytus, and after his death she went and hanged herself.
-In the painting of Polygnotus, as Pausanias observes, ‘Phaedra is borne
-through the air on a swing, and holds the ropes on each side in her
-hands: this attitude, in spite of the extreme gentleness of the
-allusion, refers to the manner of her death.’ Near the group of women
-Theseus and Peirithous are seated. They had dared, with overweening
-impiety, to make their way into Hades, in order to carry off Persephone,
-Queen of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_33">{33}</a></span> Shades. But they were made prisoners by the nether powers
-and kept in chains. Such a fate for heroes of the race of the gods
-naturally seemed to Polygnotus too harsh. In his picture they merely
-keep their seats. So Virgil writes, ‘Sedet aeternumque sedebit infelix
-Theseus.’ Pausanias quotes Panyasis, a late Epic poet, to the effect
-that Theseus and Peirithous on their seats did not appear to be
-prisoners, but really the rock grew to their flesh in the place of
-bonds. But Polygnotus was content with a mere hint: in his painting
-nothing indicated either bondage or torture. Near by are Cameiro and
-Clytie, daughters of Pandareus. In the <i>Odyssey</i> Penelope tells how they
-were carried away by the fierce storm-winds and given to the hateful
-Erinnyes. But Polygnotus will know nothing of the Erinnyes. He merely
-represents the girls as crowned with flowers and playing with astragali
-or knuckle-bones. The storm-winds seem to have done them little harm.</p>
-
-<p>Presently we come to the central part of the picture. It is occupied by
-the grove of Persephone, represented in the sparing fashion of Greek
-painting by a single tree, under which sits Orpheus, his lyre in his
-hands. No doubt we have here the key to the picture. Orpheus is the
-central figure of the whole. To Polygnotus he is not merely a departed
-hero, but priest and hierophant. The song which he sings is the mystic
-song of immortality. About him there cluster the heroes who fought at
-Troy: on the one side Agamemnon, Protesilaus, Achilles, Patroclus; on
-the other, Hector, Paris, Memnon, Sarpedon, and Penthesileia, queen of
-the Amazons. Paris makes love to Penthesileia, who looks back at him
-with contempt. The Greek and Trojan heroes may fight again their battles
-in memory; but peace has fallen on them, and they no longer wish to
-wield the lance. We need not dwell on other groups: Palamedes and
-Thersites busy with the dice; Thamyris, who had once challenged the
-Muses, seated in dejection over his broken lyre; the strange apparition
-of Marsyas,<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_34">{34}</a></span> who teaches the boy Olympus to play the flute; and many
-others.</p>
-
-<p>Towards the right end of the painting we again find punishments of a
-kind going forward. Sisyphus heaves his rock up the hill. Tantalus
-stands up to the chest in water which he may not drink, and clutches at
-fruit which eludes his grasp. These punishments had already been
-mentioned in the <i>Odyssey</i>; Polygnotus adds a rock, which hangs over the
-head of the sufferer, ever threatening to fall, but never falling. There
-appears also a great cask set in the earth, which it is the fate of an
-approaching train ever to try to fill with water from broken
-water-vessels. This was, according to tradition, the allotted task of
-the fifty daughters of Danaus, who had all save one in one night slain
-their husbands. But Polygnotus followed a different account: he calls
-the approaching men and women merely ἀμύητοι, uninitiated. Pausanias
-observes that they must be those who held in contempt the sacred
-mysteries of Eleusis; but this does not seem to be the meaning. They are
-ordinary persons, men and women who did not necessarily sin overtly
-against the Mysteries, but merely neglected to avail themselves of the
-‘means of grace’ offered them by the hierophants of Eleusis, and suffer
-in the next world for their carelessness or obstinacy.</p>
-
-<p>The general tone of the painting of Polygnotus bears a close resemblance
-to that of the sepulchral reliefs which we shall describe in this book.
-This is the less curious, when we consider that the sculptors of the
-reliefs were of that Attic school of sculpture which took so much of its
-character from Polygnotus. In spirit also the painting is like the
-Homeric poems, when they deal with the future life. The cultivated Greek
-mind looked for little bliss in the world to come, except such as could
-come from the reunion of friends and families, and the memory of past
-deeds. Still less did it look for future punishments. These were
-ordinarily reserved for the<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_35">{35}</a></span> noted criminals of legend. The only classes
-which Polygnotus seems to have thought in any peril were the parricides,
-the temple-robbers, and the uninitiated. He seems to have thought that
-spirits were of the stuff of which dreams are made, and passed an
-existence of quiet and gentle melancholy, of which the worst feature was
-its exposure to tedium.</p>
-
-<p>There do not appear in the picture of Polygnotus, as in some paintings
-which we must presently consider, any malignant beings to act as the
-police of the under-world. Not even Cerberus appears. The only spirit of
-inauspicious type who is seen is Eurynomus. Pausanias says<a id="FNanchor_37_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_37_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a>: ‘The
-interpreters at Delphi say that Eurynomus is one of the spirits that
-dwell in Hades, and that his office is to devour the bodies of the dead,
-leaving only their bones.’ Eurynomus does not appear, adds Pausanias, in
-Homer nor in the Cyclic poets. The daemon shows his teeth, and is seated
-on the skin of a vulture. Probably it was from the facts just mentioned
-that the interpreters at Delphi deduced the function of Eurynomus. But
-their opinion goes for little, and the name Eurynomus has nothing to do
-with the decay of the flesh. In the time of Polygnotus it was usually
-fire rather than decay which made away with the bodies of the dead. This
-daemon, who was possibly an archaic form of Hades himself, remains then
-unexplained. At any rate, we have no right to regard him as a punisher
-of souls. The punishments of Hades, according to Polygnotus, seem to go
-on by some law, without present enforcement.</p>
-
-<p>With the Hades of Polygnotus we must compare that which is depicted on a
-class of large amphorae which come to us from Apulia in Italy. I have
-engraved (<a href="#fig_13">Fig. 13</a>) a fair specimen of these vase-paintings, which are
-all closely alike, from a vase of Canusium<a id="FNanchor_38_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_38_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a>.<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_36">{36}</a></span></p>
-
-<p>Here in the centre we have, in place of the sacred grove of Persephone,
-the palace of Hades and his Queen. He is seated, and holds a long
-sceptre; she carries a torch. The palace has not unnaturally taken the
-form of a chapel of the deities; the wheels hung up in the background
-seem to be votive offerings. The motive of the whole picture is
-curiously twofold. Two visits to Hades, which really took place at quite
-different times, are depicted as going on together, the quest of Orpheus
-for his lost Eurydice, and the attempt of Herakles to carry off the dog
-Cerberus and to rescue his friend Theseus.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_13" style="width: 600px;">
-<a href="images/i_p036.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p036.jpg" width="600" height="453" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 13. THE GREEK UNDER-WORLD.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>Orpheus stands, lyre in hand, before the chapel of the nether deities.
-He is clad in the variegated embroidered robes of the Orientals, with
-sleeves down to the wrists and<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_37">{37}</a></span> a Phrygian tiara. In the painting of
-Polygnotus Orpheus was, as Pausanias expressly states, clad in the
-ordinary Greek dress. Later art rejoiced in the picturesque costume of
-the Persians and Phrygians: and the Thracian home of Orpheus allowed
-artists to consider him as belonging to a semi-Greek, Anatolian race.
-Orpheus is evidently using his art to persuade Hades to restore
-Eurydice, and that dread deity seems, from the position of his uplifted
-right hand, to be addressing him; but Eurydice, in this as in most of
-the vase-paintings, is wanting; a curious fact, which may indicate that
-the motive of the quest of Orpheus was originally something different.
-It seems indeed, as will appear clearly later, that the vase-painter
-combines without much skill or purpose groups taken from the works of
-older and more thoughtful artists.</p>
-
-<p>In the lowest line Herakles struggles with Cerberus, around whose three
-necks he has fastened a chain. Hermes, who carries a herald’s staff,
-points out to his brother the road to the upper air, and urges
-departure. A more terrifying figure behind Herakles also gives cause for
-haste. One of the Poenae or Furies, a female servant of Hades, wearing
-hunting-boots and holding over her arm a leopard’s skin, advances with a
-torch to defend the realm of the dead against rash invaders. In the
-upper line, on the right, a similar figure, with drawn sword, guards the
-captives whom Herakles has come to release. Peirithous sits and cannot
-rise, but Theseus is standing; so far as he is concerned, the attempt of
-the invincible Herakles is successful, and he is allowed to return to
-earth.</p>
-
-<p>The other groups which make up the picture have no special connexion
-either with Orpheus or with Herakles, and are introduced merely to
-complete the picture of Hades. On some of these under-world vases the
-names are written over the various persons, so that we can identify them
-with<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_38">{38}</a></span> ease and certainty. In the upper line to the left is Megara, the
-wife of Herakles, and the two children of hers whom their father slew in
-a fit of madness. They stand near a spring-house, where water flows from
-a lion’s-head fountain. Drops of blood still stand on their breasts. Why
-they alone should thus bear in Hades the marks of mortal calamity we
-cannot say; nor indeed why they should appear at all as prominent
-inhabitants of the land of shades. One is inclined to fancy that some
-tale or legend may have connected them with the voyage of their father
-to Hades.</p>
-
-<p>Beneath them is a curious domestic group: a young husband who is in the
-act of crowning himself with a wreath, a wife, and their little son, who
-drags behind him a plaything. It is a veritable scene of the
-reconstitution, in the land of shades, of a family endued with perpetual
-youth and leisure. Who these people may be is quite uncertain; but it is
-reasonable to think that they are such as have undergone initiation, and
-whose future life is thus assured. Opposite are the three judges of the
-dead, Minos, Aeacus, and Rhadamanthys, or, as some give the name,
-Triptolemus. Bearded and venerable figures, they carry long sceptres,
-but do not look so stern as one would expect from their terrible
-function.</p>
-
-<p>The other scenes, in the two corners below, are of not much more than
-geographical import. They show the place to be Hades by introducing some
-of the well-known inhabitants of that region. On the left is Sisyphus
-uprearing his rock; and lest he should loiter at the task, one of the
-Poenae with snakes in her hair urges him with a double-thonged whip; in
-her other hand she carries a javelin and leopard’s skin. On the right is
-Tantalus, in the dress of an Oriental prince, and still carrying his
-sceptre. The Homeric pains have ceased to trouble him; he no longer
-stands in water, nor reaches after fruit. But he is still threatened by
-the hanging rock.<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_39">{39}</a></span></p>
-
-<p>On other vases of the class, while the general arrangement is the same,
-the groups are varied. Peleus and Myrtilus, the faithless charioteer who
-arranged his victory at Olympia, sometimes take the place of Theseus and
-Peirithous. In the place of Tantalus we have a group of women ever
-drawing water, whether they be the Danaides or women who died
-uninitiated.</p>
-
-<p>It is likely that all these Apulian vase-paintings go back to some
-original of a great painter which was known throughout the Greek world.
-An original by Polygnotus it cannot be; the composition is quite unlike
-his, and the Oriental garments worn by some of the personages indicate a
-different and a later school than his. We know that Nicias, a
-contemporary of Praxiteles, made a great picture of the under-world; but
-as we know nothing of its details, the inquiry whether this was the
-original copied in Italy has no certain basis.</p>
-
-<p>Singularly instructive and suggestive is the comparison of these
-Hellenic pictures of the under-world with those which our ancestors of
-the Middle Ages painted on the walls and in the windows of their
-churches. There we see the ecstatic bliss of the saved, conducted by
-angels to the abode of God and the saints, and the fearful tortures
-inflicted upon the damned by hosts of hideous and malignant demons, who
-bind, burn, tear, and outrage them with fiendish ingenuity. In the
-Christian paintings there is no mean, everything is extreme. The destiny
-to eternal life or eternal torment seems to hang upon a decision by no
-means easy: angels and devils dispute the possession of souls, and the
-latter are at least as successful as the former in their raids. Our
-ancestors can scarcely have taken these representations as seriously as
-we are disposed to take them, or life shadowed by such a terrific future
-would have been unendurable. But still they embodied the teaching of the
-Church, which few dared dispute, at all events openly. They give us a
-glimpse at<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_40">{40}</a></span> the terrible moral pressure necessary in order that the
-realities of the moral and spiritual life should be burned into the
-heart of the European peoples.</p>
-
-<p>In the Greek pictures, on the other hand, nothing is extreme, but
-everything is in moderation. Setting aside the torments of a few
-legendary heroes, like Tityus and Tantalus, which had little relation to
-actual life, there was no torture, as there was certainly no bliss, in
-Hades. Between the punishment of the uninitiated and the reward of the
-initiated there is not very much difference. Whether Megara and her
-children belong to the class of the happy or the wretched we do not
-know. They bear the marks of suffering, but as one of the boys carries
-the oil-flask and strigil of the athlete, he would seem to pass his time
-in Hades as suitably as the little boy of the initiated pair who
-trundles his toy. The only unpleasant feeling which is roused by our
-vase-painting or the more exquisite Hades of Polygnotus is that its
-tenants must suffer from infinite ennui, and the same reproach has been
-brought sometimes against the heaven of the Middle Ages. But probably
-only highly civilized people learn to realize that ennui may become a
-torment.</p>
-
-<p>In particular, we may compare the swarms of black and hideous devils,
-with horn and hoof of the mediaeval pictures, with the Greek Poenae. We
-can trace the genealogy of these latter from early times. The Oriental
-imagination had from very early times delighted in depicting evil
-spirits in the form of monsters and winged beasts, who are overcome and
-slain by the gods in human form. For winged monsters the Greek artists
-of the sixth century had tended to substitute winged human beings of
-hideous aspect, Gorgons and Harpies, Eris and Phobos, and the like. It
-was Aeschylus who, wishing to bring on the stage in bodily form in his
-<i>Eumenides</i> the powers that avenge kindred blood, transformed the
-Erinnyes, who had hitherto been worshipped at Athens as the Eumenides<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_41">{41}</a></span>
-or gentle goddesses, in beautiful and dignified form<a id="FNanchor_39_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_39_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a>. He took as his
-models the Gorgons and Harpies of earlier art. So he himself tells us in
-the <i>Eumenides</i><a id="FNanchor_40_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_40_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a>, where his priestess thus describes the sleeping
-visitors: ‘I call them not women, but Gorgons; yet cannot I quite liken
-them to the forms of Gorgons. In a picture once I saw Harpies painted
-bearing off the food of Phineus: these, however, are unwinged in aspect,
-but black and utterly abominable.’</p>
-
-<p>Pausanias too says, when speaking of the shrine of the Eumenides at
-Athens<a id="FNanchor_41_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_41_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a>: ‘It was Aeschylus who first wreathed snakes in their hair;
-but in their statues there is nothing terrible, nor in the other statues
-set up in honour of the nether gods.’ In a series of vase-paintings
-which represent the flight to Delphi and the purification of Orestes,
-the Erinnyes appear sometimes in Aeschylean guise as women, unwinged,
-but with snakes in their hair and of terrible aspect. With these the
-Poenae of our vase-painting are almost identical in dress, though the
-ugliness is softened down. And as Polygnotus knows not the Poenae, it
-seems likely that it was in part the influence of Aeschylus which
-introduced them as ministrants of evil in the realm of Hades. But the
-Poenae certainly fill very inefficiently the place of the Christian
-demons. Greek art loved to soften, to generalize, while mediaeval art
-rejoiced, like Dante, in exact detail. Greek art was always ready to
-sacrifice precise meaning to beauty and grace, while mediaeval art had
-little sense of beauty, but tried to work on the emotions of fear and
-horror.</p>
-
-<p>Side by side with the evidence derived from the works of ancient
-painters we must place that derived from ancient poets and other
-writers. The philosophers are outside our scope, except so far as they
-testify to the opinions of ordinary<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_42">{42}</a></span> men: to regard the views of Plato
-and Epicurus as ordinary Greek opinions would of course be as absurd as
-to regard John Stuart Mill or Herbert Spencer as representatives of the
-ordinary Englishman.</p>
-
-<p>In ordinary Greek belief, then, we find abundant traces of the eternal
-conflict between the priest and the prophet, between ritual and ethics.
-There was a general feeling that those who died nobly or after a
-well-spent life were sure of a friendly reception in Hades. Xenophon
-says of Agesilaus<a id="FNanchor_42_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_42_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a>, ‘He ever feared the gods, being of opinion that
-those who lived nobly were not yet happy, but that those who had died
-with good name were at once among the blessed.’ The chorus in the
-<i>Alcestis</i> speak of their mistress immediately after her death as a
-blessed spirit. And a multitude of epitaphs<a id="FNanchor_43_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_43_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a> express the conviction
-that those who had lived nobly were sure of a favourable reception from
-Persephone. Beside this ethical view we find the opinion of the
-sacerdotal party that initiation in the Mysteries or attachment to the
-cultus of some deity was necessary for the attainment of future bliss.
-This was especially the view of the Orphists, and as such it is
-ridiculed by Plato in the <i>Republic</i><a id="FNanchor_44_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_44_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a>: ‘They persuade not individuals
-merely, but whole cities also, that men may be absolved and purified
-from crimes, both while they are still alive and even after their
-decease, by means of certain sacrifices and pleasureable amusements
-which they call Mysteries: which deliver us from the torments of the
-other world, while the neglect of them is punished by an awful doom.’ We
-have seen that Polygnotus gives some countenance to those who regarded
-the Mysteries as the gate of future happiness. And there was certainly
-in Greece a generally spread conviction, which may be well traced in the
-<i>Frogs</i> of Aristophanes, that initiation was, if not a passport to
-future happiness, at least a safeguard<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_43">{43}</a></span> amid the dangers which surround
-the soul from the moment of its departure from the body until its final
-doom is fixed.</p>
-
-<p>In the mentions of Hades to be found in the Tragedians, it appears more
-especially as the place of the reassembling of families. Sophocles’
-Antigone expresses a hope of being well received in Hades by the
-relations to whom at her peril she has performed the rites of burial.
-The Oedipus of Sophocles wants to blind himself in order that in Hades
-he may not see the father and mother whom he has so deeply though
-ignorantly injured. In the <i>Agamemnon</i> of Aeschylus, Clytemnestra
-anticipates the meeting of Agamemnon in Hades with his daughter
-Iphigeneia. Hyperides, in his Funeral Oration, takes a somewhat wider
-view. He imagines the fallen heroes of the Lamian War as received in
-friendly fashion in Hades not merely by their kinsfolk, but by the
-worthies of Troy and of Marathon, and by the tyrannicides Harmodius and
-Aristogeiton.</p>
-
-<p>As regards the imagery and geography of Hades the ordinary Greeks do not
-seem to have greatly troubled themselves. There were the views of poets
-and painters, and there were the more definite and dogmatic views of the
-professors of Orphic lore. These the people received or neglected as
-suited the bent of the mind of each. Hades was a realm of the
-imagination, as to the nature of which each man might innocently indulge
-his own hopes and aspirations.</p>
-
-<p>In the epitaphs of later times we find, as will be shown in a future
-chapter<a id="FNanchor_45_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_45_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a>, numerous allusions to the realm of Hades and Persephone.
-But they do not strike the reader as embodying strong belief; often they
-are of an epideictic or rhetorical character, like the statements which
-also occur that the soul of the dead has made its way to the Islands of
-the Blest or to the abodes of the gods. The beliefs which confined the
-spirits of the dead to the tomb and its neighbour<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_44">{44}</a></span>hood belong to a lower
-and worse-educated stratum of the population, but have more vitality.</p>
-
-<p>Greek religion and tradition knew of many mortals who had gone down
-alive into the earth, and there abode, giving for the most part oracles
-from their hiding-places. Such was Amphiaraus, the Argive hero, who
-after the bootless siege of Thebes went down with chariot and horses
-into the ground, and whose shrine was in later times a great oracular
-seat. Such was Trophonius of Lebadeia, whose cave is described for us by
-Pausanias. Caeneus, when overwhelmed with rocks by the Centaurs,
-vanished alive into the earth, and there lived on. It is, in fact, a
-marked feature of the cultus of heroes that their power is exercised
-only at the place where they disappeared or where their bodies were
-laid. They are intensely local, earth-daemons who possess a piece of
-land, and whose favour must be conciliated by any one who expects that
-land to yield him increase. Pelopidas, in the course of a campaign
-against the Spartans<a id="FNanchor_46_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_46_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a>, unwittingly slept near the graves of some
-virgins of Leuctra, who had in old time been violated and slain by the
-Spartans. They appeared at night to the Theban general, and promised him
-victory if he made them the sacrifice of a foal. This is but one among a
-hundred instances of the fact that a hero had power only at his spot of
-burial: elsewhere he was helpless.</p>
-
-<p>It is remarkable that this tendency to localization has been in all ages
-a mark of the ghost, and still marks him in the cases investigated by
-the Psychical Society. Yet the local character of ghosts has not become
-an impediment in the way of the acceptance of the Christian doctrines of
-Heaven, Hell, and Purgatory. Among our ancestors, just as among the
-Greeks, beliefs could lie in strata, and inconsistencies between a
-belief of one stratum and a belief of another stratum<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_45">{45}</a></span> had little
-disturbing power. When Campbell writes in his noble address to the
-Mariners of England, ‘The spirits of your fathers shall start from every
-wave,’ he can scarcely be supposed to deny that the souls of British
-naval heroes had found a heavenly resting-place.</p>
-
-<p>Sometimes, however, the Greek mind was disturbed by inconsistencies of
-this kind, and evolved a theory for their explanation. Thus a later
-interpolator of the <i>Odyssey</i>, being scandalized by the assertion of
-Odysseus that he saw in Hades the mighty Herakles, adds<a id="FNanchor_47_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_47_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a>, ‘his ghost
-(εἴδωλον) only; since he himself joys amid the delights of the immortal
-gods.’ Others supposed that it was only the spirits of the unburied
-which hovered around their bodies: and it is an ingenious modern theory
-that the custom of burning the bodies of the dead arose out of the
-desire to prevent them from disturbing the living. But in spite of
-everything, the Greek dead retained to the last their right to levy
-tribute on their descendants and friends.<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_46">{46}</a></span></p>
-
-<h2><a id="CHAPTER_IV"></a>CHAPTER IV<br><br>
-<small>THE PRE-HISTORIC AGE OF GREECE</small></h2>
-
-<p><span class="smcap">When</span> we turn from the facts of Greek cult and belief as to a future life
-to the monuments of the dead, and set them in chronological order, the
-first group which commands our attention is that which belongs to the
-pre-historic city of Mycenae. We cannot here speak of the wealth of gold
-and silver, of bronze and ivory, which the fortunate spade of Dr.
-Schliemann brought to light within the sacred circle in the Acropolis of
-the city<a id="FNanchor_48_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_48_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a>. We must pass by the contents of the graves of the wealthy
-pre-historic monarchs of Mycenae, and confine our survey to the outward
-and sculptural adornments of their tombs. These fall into two
-well-marked and clearly distinguished classes. First, we have the
-conical so-called treasuries, of which several exist in the
-neighbourhood of Mycenae, as well as at Orchomenus, Menidi and other
-spots of Greece; secondly, we have the carved tombstones which were set
-up over the graves in the Mycenaean Acropolis.</p>
-
-<p>The larger and more elaborate of the so-called treasuries of
-pre-historic Greece, such as the Treasury of Atreus at Mycenae, and the
-Treasury of Minyas at Orchomenus, consist of two chambers, a larger
-outer chamber, which is circular in plan and of conical form, resembling
-in fact the beehive<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_47">{47}</a></span> to which it has often been compared, and a cubical
-inner chamber, of much smaller dimensions. The accompanying engraving
-will make this clear (<a href="#fig_14">Fig. 14</a>). The architect of the Mycenaean tomb had
-no small skill. The colossal size of the stones, especially of that over
-the door and of some in the dromos or approach, arouses the astonishment
-of the modern visitor, who wonders by what machinery and appliances
-blocks so colossal were transported from the quarries and placed in
-position. The gradual inward slope of the walls, each course of which
-somewhat overlaps the course below, is managed with great skill and
-accuracy. Rows of nails, some remains of which are still to be seen in
-the inner walls, supported, not indeed as some have supposed, a complete
-bronze lining to the conical chamber, but rows of stars or other
-ornaments, on which would glitter the light of the torches (<a href="#fig_15">Fig. 15</a>).
-Perhaps the most expressive characteristic of all is the lavish
-expenditure of labour on a building which was entirely buried with
-earth, and on the magnificent approach built of hewn stones, when
-something far simpler and more effective might have been arranged.
-Evidently the builders of these monuments thought no trouble and no
-expense wasted, if only the dead were honoured and gratified.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_14" style="width: 600px;">
-<a href="images/i_p047.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p047.jpg" width="600" height="192" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 14. SECTIONAL PLAN OF THE SO-CALLED TREASURY OF
-ATREUS<a id="FNanchor_49_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_49_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a>.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>A simpler form of tomb of the same age and style dispensed with the
-square side-chamber, and consisted of<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_48">{48}</a></span> a beehive building only. The
-engraving (<a href="#fig_16">Fig. 16</a>) gives the plan of such a tomb near the Lion Gate of
-Mycenae.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_15" style="width: 600px;">
-<a href="images/i_p048.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p048.jpg" width="600" height="545" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 15. RESTORATION OF INTERIOR OF TREASURY, BY C.
-CHIPIEZ<a id="FNanchor_50_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_50_50" class="fnanchor">[50].</a>></p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>The excavations of recent years have given us abundant information on
-three important points, first as to the architectural decoration of
-these splendid memorials of the dead, second as to their purpose, and
-third as to their date. On each of these subjects I must briefly touch.</p>
-
-<p>There have been for a long time in the British Museum interesting
-fragments from the doorway of the Treasury of<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_49">{49}</a></span></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_16" style="width: 445px;">
-<a href="images/i_p049.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p049.jpg" width="445" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 16. PLAN AND FAÇADE OF TREASURY<a id="FNanchor_51_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_51_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a>.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>Atreus, and attempts have been made, on the ground of these fragments
-and others once known which have disappeared, to reconstruct the
-entrance of the building. Such attempt has best succeeded in the hand of
-M. Chipiez<a id="FNanchor_52_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_52_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a>, who has produced<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_50">{50}</a></span> a design at once faithful to the data,
-and of noble architectural effect. A more recent discovery is that of
-the decoration, in relief, of the ceiling of the side-chamber of the
-tomb of Orchomenus, which was excavated by Dr. Schliemann in 1880<a id="FNanchor_53_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_53_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a>
-(<a href="#fig_17">Fig. 17</a>). The pattern of this ceiling bears a close resemblance to some
-of the Egyptian patterns in use for painted ceilings, thus giving us a
-valuable suggestion as to the origin of the art of the Mycenaean age.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_17" style="width: 600px;">
-<a href="images/i_p050.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p050.jpg" width="600" height="495" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 17. CEILING OF TREASURY, ORCHOMENUS.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>That the conical underground buildings of early Greece were really
-erected as burial-places of the kings and nobles is now certain.
-Pausanias, in whose times less was known as to primitive Greece than is
-now known, calls the beehive<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_51">{51}</a></span> tomb at Orchomenus the treasury of Minyas,
-and those at Mycenae the treasuries of Atreus and his sons. And
-doubtless they were in a sense treasuries, since in them were stored all
-the rich spoils which at that time were so freely bestowed on the great
-dead. But primarily they were burial-places, and the use as
-treasure-houses was only a derivative one. A few years ago this was a
-matter of dispute among the learned, K. O. Müller taking one side and
-Welcker the other. But in this case, as in so many others, the spade has
-cut the Gordian knot which the wit of man could not untie. Excavation
-has brought to light within the beehive grave of Menidi, in Attica, six
-skeletons; and at Vaphio, though the bodies which had been buried in the
-conical chamber had passed into dust, yet the disposition of the rich
-booty which was found buried beneath the floor showed that it was
-certainly a sepulchral deposit.</p>
-
-<p>In the case of the more elaborate tombs with two chambers, there can be
-little doubt that the smaller side-chamber was that wherein the corpses
-were laid, while the outer chamber served for the purposes of the cultus
-with which the dead were honoured: thither was brought the tribute of
-sacrifice and offering which the dead demanded from the living. But in
-those cases where there is a single chamber, the dead rested beneath the
-floor of that chamber in the midst of their wealth, their arms and
-ornaments and vessels of silver and gold.</p>
-
-<p>A number of recent discoveries, a full account of which would take us
-too far from our immediate subject, have helped us to determine the date
-of the beehive tombs of early Greece. The earliest date indicated for
-them seems to be about the fifteenth, and the latest the tenth, century
-before our aera. They belong to the age of the eighteenth, nineteenth
-and twentieth dynasties of Egypt, when the land of the Pharaohs was more
-than once exposed to invasion by the powerful chiefs of the islands of
-the north. As the mists of the past are lifting,<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_52">{52}</a></span> we gain a clearer and
-clearer view of a somewhat highly developed civilization in Hellenic
-lands at a time long before the Greece which is known to us came into
-being, of kings before Agamemnon, and palaces older and more splendid
-than those described in the Homeric poems. We may venture, though
-perhaps not without some trepidation, to ascribe the tombs of which we
-have spoken to the Achaean heroes whose fame still echoes in the
-earliest poetry of Greece; though it is certain that after their
-erection great changes had taken place in the country before the Homeric
-poems acquired anything like their present form. Our trepidation arises
-from the fact that the last word is certainly not said, nor the last
-theory put forth in this matter. The claims of the Carians and the
-Pelasgi to the remains of the Mycenaean age find adherents. Mr. Helbig,
-in an able recent work<a id="FNanchor_54_54"></a><a href="#Footnote_54_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a>, has tried to prove that the contents of the
-Mycenaean tombs are almost entirely Phoenician. But the verdict of the
-majority of archaeologists goes in favour of the Achaeans, and the sober
-judgement of M. Perrot has accepted their claims in his great work on
-<i>La Grèce primitive</i>.</p>
-
-<p>It is supposed by many archaeologists that the graves which were dug in
-the rock just within the Lion-gate of Mycenae, those tombs the rich
-spoil of which dazzled Europe a few years ago, are of older period than
-the beehive tombs. It is not unusual to recognize in the graves of
-prehistoric Greece two periods, an older period of rock-cut graves, and
-a later of beehive graves. But this distinction rests on no solid proof.
-There is no reason for deciding that the contents of the beehive tomb at
-Vaphio belonged to a later age than the contents of the Mycenaean
-rock-tombs. In the opinion of Professor Petrie, an opinion eminently
-worthy of consideration, they belong to an earlier time. Mr. Evans,
-another excellent authority, has accepted<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_53">{53}</a></span> a view, first put forward by
-myself, that the bodies and the treasures found in the rock-graves at
-Mycenae had been moved thither, on some alarm of invasion, from an
-earlier resting-place in the beehive tombs which lie outside the
-acropolis walls of that city. In any case we are justified, in the
-present state of knowledge, in declining to recognize the line of
-division of which we have spoken. And so we may persist in regarding the
-sculptural decorations of the rock-tombs as not earlier than the
-architectural decorations of the beehive tombs. Very probably they may
-be later, but in any case they belong to the same race and the same age.</p>
-
-<p>Over several of the rock-cut fosses in which the wealth of the early
-kings of Mycenae lay mingled with their bones, there was erected, either
-at the time of burial or later, an upright slab to mark the spot. Some
-of these slabs were plain, but others were carved with reliefs, of which
-some account must here be given, as it is desirable to compare them with
-the sepulchral reliefs of later Greece.</p>
-
-<p>These slabs were made of the calcareous stone of the district: with time
-their surface has naturally suffered, but we can still trace on them the
-scenes sculptured by hands evidently quite unaccustomed to dealing with
-such materials. The designs are in many cases mere patterns, such as
-appear with far greater appropriateness on the gold plates used for the
-adornment of the dead. But in a few cases we have transcripts from the
-life of the period. <a href="#fig_18">Fig. 18</a><a id="FNanchor_55_55"></a><a href="#Footnote_55_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a> represents part of one tombstone. We
-here see a warrior charging the foe in a chariot, the horse of which
-gallops with an almost preternatural energy. The driver holds with his
-right hand the reins, while the left hand grasps the hilt of a sword
-slung to his side by a sword-belt. In front of him flies an enemy who
-brandishes a leaf-shaped sword. The whole field is occupied by spiral
-designs. <a href="#fig_19">Fig. 19</a><a id="FNanchor_56_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_56_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a> presents<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_54">{54}</a></span></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_18" style="width: 427px;">
-<a href="images/i_p054.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p054.jpg" width="427" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 18. TOMBSTONE, MYCENAE.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p class="nind">a scene still ruder in execution, but similar in design, save that the
-enemy is still defiant, instead of in flight, though<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_55">{55}</a></span></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_19" style="width: 502px;">
-<a href="images/i_p055.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p055.jpg" width="502" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 19. TOMBSTONE, MYCENAE.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p class="nind">the lance of the charioteer has already pierced him. A third stele (Fig.
-20<a id="FNanchor_57_57"></a><a href="#Footnote_57_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a>) represents a mixed scene of war and the chase. In the background
-a warrior charges in his chariot as before; the enemy has fallen before
-him, and lies under the horse’s feet, endeavouring vainly to shelter
-himself under his huge shield. In the foreground a lion pursues a stag.
-Here it may be doubted whether the lion stands in a close<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_56">{56}</a></span> relation to
-the charioteer or not. When Rameses II, on the monuments of Egypt,
-charges his foes, a lion gallops beside him, and shares in the fray.
-Have we some such scene here in imitation of Egyptian art? Or is the
-lion merely seeking his own prey? Or is he, as is not impossible, only a
-dog?</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_20" style="width: 600px;">
-<a href="images/i_p056.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p056.jpg" width="600" height="596" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 20. TOMBSTONE, MYCENAE.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>All three of these scenes come from slabs erected over one grave at
-Mycenae, the fifth. The other slabs with reliefs are in too fragmentary
-a condition to be studied to much purpose; and in fact it is to be
-feared that the reader may<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_57">{57}</a></span> accuse us of somewhat straining evidence in
-interpreting these more complete scenes, though in reality none of our
-statements is open to much doubt.</p>
-
-<p>We need but carry our thoughts for a minute to the sculptures which
-adorned the walls of the palaces of the kings of Assyria, which are full
-of the triumphs of those powerful monarchs alike over human foes and the
-beasts of the field, in order fully to recognize the meaning of the
-Mycenaean reliefs. Here also we doubtless have a court chronicle, though
-material and style will not bear for a moment any comparison with the
-magnificent records of Nimroud. Here also we may discern the king, in
-whose honour the slab was set up, slaying and pursuing his enemies. And
-although at Mycenae we are in a time of comparative barbarism, yet at
-least for the choice of subject we may find parallels in the later age
-of Greece. Dexileos riding down his foe on horseback on the splendid
-monument of the Cerameicus (<a href="#plt_xii">Pl. XII</a>) may be considered a parallel to the
-nameless chief of Mycenae who pursues his enemy in the chariot of an
-earlier age. But a still closer resemblance of subject is to be found in
-monuments of Asia Minor, in the paintings of the sarcophagi of
-Clazomenae, which date from the sixth century<a id="FNanchor_58_58"></a><a href="#Footnote_58_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a>. On these we have
-frequent battle scenes, and chiefs riding in two-horse chariots occur.
-The graves of Lycia and the sarcophagi of Sidon also preserve in their
-reliefs extracts from the lives of the chiefs buried in them, of their
-military expeditions, hunting exploits and domestic enjoyments.</p>
-
-<p>The extraordinary inferiority of the sculpture of Mycenae in comparison
-either with the architecture of walls and gates, or with the working of
-the gold and silver cups and ornaments found in the tombs, may at first
-surprise us. But in spite<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_58">{58}</a></span> of this inferiority, there are touches of
-similarity between the representations on the stone and those in the
-metal plates which show them to belong to one age. We may account best
-for the curious discrepancy by reflecting how very closely art is
-dependent on material. The artists of Mycenae were evidently used to
-gold and metal work. They had learned to adapt their devices perfectly
-to a material which could be engraved and hammered. But to making
-reliefs in stone they were clearly quite unaccustomed. No mason who
-thought as a mason would attempt so absurd a task as the working out on
-stone of these spiral and interlaced patterns. They are taken straight
-from metal to limestone. And complete ignorance of the art of working in
-relief is shown also in the way in which the scenes are executed, each
-figure being quite flat, and the outlines only made clear against the
-ground of the relief. A distant report of reliefs in stone to be found
-in the lands of the far east and the south seems to have reached the
-workmen of Mycenae, and set them to work, when they naturally carried
-with them into the new branch of art the style of the <i>repoussé</i>
-metalwork which was familiar to them. Even the Lion Gate of Mycenae,
-though a work of a character very superior to that of the tombstones, is
-very weak on the side of technique.<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_59">{59}</a></span></p>
-
-<h2><a id="CHAPTER_V"></a>CHAPTER V<br><br>
-<small>ASIA MINOR: EARLY</small></h2>
-
-<p><span class="smcap">After</span> the heroic or Achaean age we find in all branches of Greek history
-a marked break. Some great cataclysm in Greece, in all likelihood the
-Dorian conquest of Peloponnesus in the eleventh and tenth centuries,
-separates the age which is called Mycenaean from historic times. The
-young tree of Hellenic civilization had produced a few flowers, but a
-long period of comparative barbarism had to pass before it obeyed a
-second time the call of the season and brought forth mature fruit. This
-course of events is clearly mirrored in the graves of Greece Proper. The
-tombs of the later Mycenaean age, which have been discovered in great
-abundance, especially at Mycenae itself, are far less rich than those of
-the earlier period. And not only are their contents less plentiful and
-less interesting, but they present us with no external adornment which
-should justify us in here dwelling upon them. As our subject is the
-outsides rather than the insides of sepulchral monuments in Greece, we
-must pass almost in silence over a long period of time, and begin again,
-amid quite different surroundings, on the threshold of the Olympiads,
-and of Greek history as opened to us by Herodotus.</p>
-
-<p>There can be little doubt that if excavations were carried out on a
-large scale on the coast of Asia Minor, amid the early Aeolic and Ionic
-settlements, we should be able to bridge the gap now existing between
-pre-historic and historic Greece.<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_60">{60}</a></span> Doubtless by degrees the lacuna in
-our knowledge will be filled up. But at present it remains a lacuna.</p>
-
-<p>Before however we proceed to an account of the cemeteries of the great
-cities of Greece Proper, of Sparta and Athens and Thebes, we must glance
-at the tombs erected in semi-Greek districts of Asia, such as Phrygia
-and Lycia, in honour of the wealthy kings who there bore sway. Greek
-history may, in a sense, be said to begin with the Mermnadae of Lydia,
-and all our histories of Greek art contain a chapter on the archaic
-monuments of Lycia.</p>
-
-<p>A great part of the interior of Asia Minor is full of rock-sculptures,
-carved partly in the service of religion, partly as a record of the
-dead. Much of this sculpture is of great but unknown antiquity, and less
-closely related to any Hellenic work than to that of the races of Syria
-and Mesopotamia. The best general account of these remains will be found
-in the fifth volume of Perrot and Chipiez’ <i>Histoire de l’Art dans
-l’Antiquité</i>. It is only necessary in the present work to mention a few
-groups of monuments of a later time, which may be advantageously
-compared with early Greek monuments.</p>
-
-<p>Pausanias, who was well acquainted with the Ionian coast, tells us that
-he had seen<a id="FNanchor_59_59"></a><a href="#Footnote_59_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a> on Mount Sipylus a notable tomb ascribed by tradition to
-Tantalus, son of Zeus and Pluto (Πλούτω), and father of Pelops, who gave
-his name to the Peloponnesus. This monument has been identified<a id="FNanchor_60_60"></a><a href="#Footnote_60_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a> in a
-tumulus of which the remains still stand on a spur of Sipylus. It was
-excavated, and partly destroyed, by M. Texier, whose drawings, which are
-here repeated, give us a notion of its original form and disposition
-(<a href="#fig_21">Fig. 21</a>).</p>
-
-<p>Save for the fact that it was not covered with earth, but stood free,
-this tumulus bears a striking resemblance to the tombs at Mycenae and
-Orchomenus. And the chamber within<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_61">{61}</a></span></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_21" style="width: 600px;">
-<a href="images/i_p061-a.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p061-a.jpg" width="600" height="544" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 21. TUMULUS ON SIPYLUS.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_22" style="width: 600px;">
-<a href="images/i_p061-b.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p061-b.jpg" width="600" height="451" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 22. SECTION OF CHAMBER<a id="FNanchor_61_61"></a><a href="#Footnote_61_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a>.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>(<a href="#fig_22">Fig. 22</a>) in many points of construction recalls the chamber of the
-beehive tombs, though its ground plan is not circular like theirs, but
-oblong. It is certainly remarkable to find, in the very district whence,
-according to the legends, Pelops came,<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_62">{62}</a></span> a tomb so closely resembling
-those said to have been erected in Greece by his sons and grandsons.
-This however leads us to historical questions into which we must not at
-present enter.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_23" style="width: 573px;">
-<a href="images/i_p062.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p062.jpg" width="573" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 23. TOMB OF MIDAS.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>The inner lands of Phrygia also furnish monuments parallel to those of
-Mycenae. In the neighbourhood of Kumbet, Leake found a large necropolis
-containing many tombs of ancient Phrygian kings and notables, some of
-which are remarkable for their architecture, and some for their
-sculpture. And here<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_63">{63}</a></span> we are not dependent upon mere tradition, for the
-most notable tomb of the group bears an inscription in Phrygian, stating
-that it was set up by Atys in honour of Midas the king (<a href="#fig_23">Fig. 23</a>). M.
-Perrot has allowed me to reproduce here a drawing of this tomb, made by
-M. Tomaszkievicz from a photograph taken by Mr. Blunt<a id="FNanchor_62_62"></a><a href="#Footnote_62_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a>.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_24" style="width: 578px;">
-<a href="images/i_p063.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p063.jpg" width="578" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 24. GEOMETRICAL FAÇADE OF TOMB.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page_64">{64}</a></span></p>
-
-<p>Several other façades adorned with patterns of a similar character have
-been found in the same district by recent travellers, especially Mr. W.
-M. Ramsay. These also in most cases adorned tombs, though perhaps in
-some cases the tombs were but cenotaphs and did not contain actual
-remains. We repeat an engraving (<a href="#fig_24">Fig. 24</a>) of a carved front, which seems
-of a somewhat later date than the Midas Tomb<a id="FNanchor_63_63"></a><a href="#Footnote_63_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a>.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_25" style="width: 600px;">
-<a href="images/i_p064.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p064.jpg" width="600" height="573" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 25. TOMB FLANKED BY LIONS.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>If the geometric decorations of these early Phrygian monuments remind us
-of the carving of pillar and lintel at Mycenae, a still closer parallel
-to the Gate of the Lions is furnished by<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_65">{65}</a></span></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_26" style="width: 487px;">
-<a href="images/i_p065.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p065.jpg" width="487" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 26. HEAD OF LION.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p class="nind">other Phrygian tombs of which Mr. Ramsay was the fortunate discoverer.
-At Ayazinn he found a tomb entrance surmounted by a tall column on
-either side of which ramped a colossal lion (<a href="#fig_25">Fig. 25</a>), rudely executed
-it is true, but by no means wanting in vigour. Under each of the lions
-is a small cub. We reproduce the drawing of this monument made by M. St.
-Elme Gautier<a id="FNanchor_64_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_64_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a>. Fragments also of colossal lions of a far nobler type,
-which had in like heraldic pose served to decorate a tomb, were<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_66">{66}</a></span> found
-in the same district: an engraving of a fragment of one of these (<a href="#fig_26">Fig.
-26</a>)<a id="FNanchor_65_65"></a><a href="#Footnote_65_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a> will give us, so to speak, the high-water mark of Phrygian art,
-and we must confess that it is a level which the Greeks themselves
-scarcely reached before the end of the sixth century.</p>
-
-<p>For the sake of completeness I have reproduced some of the most clearly
-marked types of Phrygian tombs. But it is impossible here to enter into
-the historic questions which they suggest, and which have given rise to
-much discussion<a id="FNanchor_66_66"></a><a href="#Footnote_66_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a>. Almost the only fact which we know as to the
-history of Phrygia is that recorded by Strabo<a id="FNanchor_67_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_67_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a>, who tells of a
-Phrygian king Midas, who, when his kingdom was devastated about <small>B.C.</small> 680
-by an invasion of the Cimmerians, committed suicide by drinking bull’s
-blood. After the Cimmerians had retired, the kingdom of the Lydians
-arose to a great height of power and splendour, but that of the
-Phrygians did not fully recover, remaining a dependency of Lydia.</p>
-
-<p>The Midas of the Midas Tomb can scarcely be the monarch who fell in the
-darkest hour of his country’s history. Are we to suppose that the king
-Midas of the tomb was a predecessor of Strabo’s monarch, or a successor?
-Or are we to suppose with M. Perrot that he was no historic monarch, but
-a deity, and that the supposed tomb is really rather a shrine? That the
-monument was really a tomb Mr. Ramsay argues with great force. But its
-date is more problematic, and we cannot venture in this matter to
-express an opinion.</p>
-
-<p>According to Mr. Ramsay the tombs guarded by lions are more ancient than
-those with geometric façades, and go back to quite a remote antiquity.
-But the opposite opinion, that the geometrical tombs are the older, has
-found advocates.<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_67">{67}</a></span> Between them, the two classes of monuments seem to
-occupy the period between the eighth century, or earlier, and the age of
-Croesus and Cyrus.</p>
-
-<p>That there was some not distant relation between the sepulchral art of
-Phrygia and that of Mycenae cannot be denied. It would however be a
-mistake hence to leap to the conclusion that the art of Mycenae was of
-Phrygian origin. It appears that the remains which come to us from
-Mycenae are earlier by several centuries than those which we find in
-Phrygia. It might even be suggested that the stream of art flowed rather
-in the opposite direction, from Mycenae to Phrygia. A more reasonable
-view, however, is that the art of Phrygia and that of Mycenae were not
-mother and daughter, but rather cousins, derived alike from some stem of
-Asiatic art which has yet to be traced out.</p>
-
-<p>More interesting, because more full of human meaning, are the sculptural
-adornments of the early tombs of the district of Lycia in southern Asia
-Minor. Early Greek tradition shows a close relation subsisting between
-Lycia and Peloponnesus. There is a well-known Homeric story which tells
-how Bellerophon, the descendant of Aeolus, was sent to Lycia by Proetus,
-who desired that he should there be slain at the hands of the Lycian
-king, his father-in-law; and how nevertheless Bellerophon prospered in
-Lycia in all that he undertook, slaying the Chimaera, and overcoming the
-hosts of Solymi and Amazons. Glaucus, the grandson of Bellerophon, and
-Diomedes of Argos meet under the walls of Ilium as cousins. And
-tradition connected the name of the Lycian Cyclopes with the mighty
-walls of Tiryns and of Mycenae. The genealogies of the legends are no
-doubt quite untrustworthy, yet they are often confirmed as indications
-of race by other evidence. And there is, as we shall see, so near an
-analogy between the monuments of Lycia and those of Peloponnesus that we
-are obliged to assume between the two countries also some connexion.<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_68">{68}</a></span></p>
-
-<p>When we consider the series of Lycian tombs, which may be studied better
-in the British Museum than in any other museum of Europe, we find a most
-interesting blending of Oriental and Greek elements<a id="FNanchor_68_68"></a><a href="#Footnote_68_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a>. Their
-architecture is local; the main feature of it being that it renders
-directly, in stone and in rock, forms which are clearly in origin
-wooden. Everywhere we see the square beam as it were petrified. In the
-roof of the ordinary Greek temple we see that the forms were thought out
-while the building material was still wood, and only modified when stone
-took the place of beams. In the Lycian tombs this feature is still more
-notable, because the Lycian architects lacked the nimbleness of the
-Greek intellect, and were more conservative of settled forms. The
-sculptures which adorn these curious constructions have also local
-elements, but in this field the art of Ionia comes in as a controlling
-force in the sixth century, rendering the native customs and beliefs in
-forms to which the student of Greek art is accustomed. It may be that
-our familiarity with the forms and style of the sculpture in some degree
-misleads us. When we know the words of a language we sometimes too
-hastily think that we are masters of its thought. The religion and the
-customs of Lycia may resemble those of Greece less closely than the
-monuments would lead us to think. But in ancient times art influenced
-custom as well as custom art. In the present state of our knowledge we
-cannot regard the early monuments of Lycia as outside the pale of Greek
-art.</p>
-
-<p>There are indeed, as M. Perrot has well shown, among Lycian archaic
-monuments a few which seem to precede the Ionic influence. Such is the
-square chest of the British Museum<a id="FNanchor_69_69"></a><a href="#Footnote_69_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a>, on one side of which is a lion
-strangling an ox, on another side a lioness with her cubs, on the third
-a man<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_69">{69}</a></span> slaying a lion, and on the fourth a group of horsemen and
-warriors on foot. The lion-slayer in particular takes our thoughts not
-to Greece but to Egypt and Assyria. Many of the tombs which do show
-Ionic influence are not suggestive in the present connexion. Their
-sculptural adornment is such as we might expect to find as soon on a
-temple as on a tomb; satyrs, animals, sphinxes and the like. We will
-here consider only a few monuments, the sculpture of which seems to be
-really sepulchral in character.</p>
-
-<p>Incomparably the most interesting of the archaic grave-monuments of the
-Xanthus valley is the beautiful tomb called the Harpy Monument, the
-reliefs of which now adorn the British Museum, having been brought
-thither by Sir Charles Fellows. When complete the tomb was in the form
-of a square tower of masonry about twenty feet high, which was
-surmounted by a small chamber, wherein doubtless in ancient times lay
-the bodies of those to whose honour the whole was erected, together with
-the riches heaped around their biers. This chamber reminds us of the
-tomb of Cyrus, as described by Arrian<a id="FNanchor_70_70"></a><a href="#Footnote_70_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a>. ‘Below,’ writes Arrian, ‘it
-was built of squared masonry in the form of a four-sided tower, on which
-was a chamber roofed with stone, having a narrow door to it, through
-which a man of no great stature could with pain and difficulty pass. In
-the chamber stood a golden coffin wherein was buried the body of Cyrus,
-and beside the coffin a couch with feet of beaten gold, whereon was laid
-a coverlet of Babylonian carpets, and below purple rugs. On these was
-placed a candys and other garments of Babylonian workmanship: also
-Median trousers and robes of hyacinth dye, some of purple, some of other
-colours; and torques and swords, and gold earrings set with stones.’</p>
-
-<p>Similar, though no doubt less splendid, may have been<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_70">{70}</a></span> the contents of
-the Harpy Tomb; and it is noteworthy that in it also there is a small
-opening at the side, intended not for the entrance of men, but either
-for admission of dues of food and drink, or more probably to give free
-ingress and egress to the ghosts of the dead. The Persians and the
-Lycians must have been of kindred stocks; and we may well suppose that
-their burial customs would be similar.</p>
-
-<p>The reliefs which decorate the outer faces of the Harpy Tomb are among
-the most charming memorials of antiquity. In spite of a certain crudity
-and poverty in design, which is discovered on a close inspection, the
-style in its elegant and graceful conventionality is very attractive.
-And the difficulty which exists in the identification of the figures of
-the reliefs, and the determination of their meaning, adds an
-intellectual fascination to that which is aesthetic. (See <a href="#fig_27">Fig. 27</a>.)</p>
-
-<p>On the side which faces the west we find the door already mentioned,
-over which is a figure of a cow suckling her calf. At the two ends sit,
-face to face, two dignified female figures. They are clad alike in the
-Ionian dress with long sleeves, but in attributes they differ. The
-figure to the left holds a vessel of offerings; a sphinx supports the
-arm of her chair; she is severe in type and solitary. The figure to the
-right holds in her two hands flower and fruit; the bar of her chair ends
-in a ram’s head. Three votaries approach her, whereof the first is busy
-with her drapery, the second carries flower and fruit, the third bears
-an egg. It is clear that the lady on the right is more approachable; her
-flower and fruit, and the ram’s head, all symbolize the genial abundance
-of life in nature. The libation-vessel of the lady to the left, and her
-sphinx, seem to belong to the grave rather than to life.</p>
-
-<p>Let us pass to the other three sides of the tomb. The central group of
-each of them represents a seated male figure receiving offerings from a
-votary, also male. But the motive of the groups and the age of the
-votaries varies. On the east,<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_71">{71}</a></span> a young boy brings an egg and a cock to
-an elderly man who holds a flower and a sceptre: a Triton supports the
-arm of his chair. On the south, a youth carries a dove to a clumsy
-figure who holds fruits. On the north, a warrior brings armour to a
-bearded personage, beneath whose throne is a bear. The flanking figures
-on the east side are merely more votaries with offerings. But on the
-north and south sides we find the remarkable beings from whom the tomb
-takes its name, strange monsters having the head, arms, and breasts of
-women, but the tails and feet of birds, who carry each in her arms a
-young girl clad in long drapery. In the corner of the north side is a
-woman, who sits in an attitude of grief.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_27" style="width: 600px;">
-<a href="images/i_p071.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p071.jpg" width="600" height="599" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 27. NORTH AND WEST SIDES OF HARPY TOMB.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>Such are the details of reliefs, the precise import of which<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_72">{72}</a></span> will
-probably never be recovered, unless a new light dawns on Lycian customs
-and religion. Earlier explanations saw in the winged figures the Harpies
-or storm-winds bearing away the daughters of Pandareus, according to a
-well-known tale of the <i>Odyssey</i><a id="FNanchor_71_71"></a><a href="#Footnote_71_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a>. But an objection to this
-interpretation at once arises from the fact that the girls who are being
-borne away cling lovingly to their captors, and show neither dread nor
-anger. Hence it has appeared more reasonable to find in them souls of
-women gently carried by guardian spirits to the land of the future. In
-the seated male and female figures, it has been proposed to find the
-deities of the Lycian race, though who these were is not clear. If the
-seated ladies be goddesses, it seems clear that they must preside
-respectively over life and death. Yet it would be very bold so far to
-Hellenize them as to call them Demeter, the impersonation of the
-fruitful earth, and Persephone, queen of the shades below.</p>
-
-<p>The most recent explanation of the reliefs, first propounded by
-Milchhoefer, regards them as memorials of the worship, not of the gods,
-but of the heroized dead. Certainly they in some points nearly resemble
-the Spartan reliefs, of which we shall treat in the next chapter, and
-which do beyond doubt belong to the hero-worship of Lacedaemonian
-families. The offerings, too, in the hands of the votaries, the flower,
-the fruit, the egg, and the cock, are such as were brought in Greece to
-the tomb, and such as are figured in the Spartan monuments. No offering
-could be more appropriately offered to a deceased ancestor, in an
-artistic representation, than the armour which was sometimes in early
-days placed, in Greek and Asiatic graves, on the head and the breast of
-him who had worn it during his life; and in later days was sometimes
-attached to his tomb. And however we interpret the winged figures, we
-can hardly make them other than the ministers of death, a fact which
-seems<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_73">{73}</a></span> to strike a keynote with which all the rest of the explanation
-must harmonize.</p>
-
-<p>Yet when we try to explain the sculptures as memorials of Lycian
-ancestor-worship we soon come to difficulties. On the stelae of Sparta
-we find a pair, ancestor and ancestress, or the ancestor alone. On Attic
-tombs we do not find more than a family group. But here, on the monument
-of Xanthus, there are five detached seated figures, three men and two
-women. What kind of a group of ancestors will these form, and why are
-they separate? In the little seated lady of the north side one is
-tempted, on the analogy of mediaeval paintings, to see the dedicator of
-the whole tomb. But this again is uncertain. In the whole matter we walk
-like the Mystae at Eleusis in the dark, seeing only vague forms and
-hearing words which we cannot interpret.</p>
-
-<p>To the winged figures with their prey we may certainly find an analogy
-in the Sirens of the Athenian monuments (see below, Chap. VIII). The
-Siren was with the Greeks a sepulchral figure, and signified a death
-gentle rather than violent. The small beings in their arms on the
-Xanthian monument are almost certainly souls, which Greek art often
-represents as of very small size.</p>
-
-<p>The Siren, in her ordinary Greek form, is found on another Lycian
-monument, which has not hitherto been engraved. In the British
-Museum<a id="FNanchor_72_72"></a><a href="#Footnote_72_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a> only the gable end of this tomb is preserved. In the midst of
-it is a column of Ionic type, though not of the ordinary form, on which
-stands the Siren of whom we speak. She is clad in a short chiton, girt
-at the waist, with loose sleeves. Though the wings and legs are those of
-a bird, she has human arms, outstretched. On either side of the column
-sits a figure: on the left a beardless elderly man, on the right a
-bearded man; each holds a staff, and extends the<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_74">{74}</a></span> unoccupied hand. These
-two dignified men appear to be the heroes to whom the tomb belongs; and
-the Siren represents the mourning of the survivors. Here, even more than
-in the Harpy Tomb, we seem within the range of Greek conceptions and
-Ionic art.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_28" style="width: 600px;">
-<a href="images/i_p074.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p074.jpg" width="600" height="483" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 28. GABLE OF LYCIAN TOMB.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>Another monument<a id="FNanchor_73_73"></a><a href="#Footnote_73_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a>, probably not much later than 500 <small>B.C.</small>, was adorned
-with what appears to be a funeral procession&#8212;old men in chariots, young
-horsemen, and armed men marching. One of the venerable figures in the
-chariots holds in one hand a flower, in the other apparently a cup,
-symbols which we shall presently see to have a decidedly sepulchral
-signification.<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_75">{75}</a></span> Another fragment of archaic Lycian work in the British
-Museum<a id="FNanchor_74_74"></a><a href="#Footnote_74_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a> represents a woman standing at the foot of a couch, whereon
-it appears that a man reclined, for one of his feet is visible; but
-whether alive or dead we cannot be sure. But we must not linger over
-these fragments, though they might repay a more careful and detailed
-study. The threads which we are now obliged to drop, we shall regather
-when we treat of the tombs of Athens, and of the monuments erected by
-Attic artists on the coast of Asia Minor.<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_76">{76}</a></span></p>
-
-<h2><a id="CHAPTER_VI"></a>CHAPTER VI<br><br>
-<small>SPARTA</small></h2>
-
-<p><span class="smcap">The</span> group of grave reliefs which constitutes our record of the customs
-and beliefs of the Lacedaemonians in regard to the tomb, a group which
-is inferior to few sets of ancient monuments in historical interest, has
-not very long been known to the world. Attention was first called to it
-in 1877 by Drs. Dressel and Milchhoefer, and it has since then found a
-place in all the histories of sculpture.</p>
-
-<p>Of these reliefs the most important and the best preserved is now in the
-Museum of Berlin. It was found at Chrysapha near Sparta. It is
-represented in one of our plates (II), from which representation it is
-possible to gain some notion of the fashion of its carving, which is
-remarkable, and has been generally considered to indicate a hand or a
-school more versed in the carving of wood than in the sculpturing of
-marble. As in the carving of an onyx, we find several distinct planes
-one behind the other, on which are respectively projected the different
-parts of the relief, the outlines of each part being slightly rounded,
-and the inner markings graven in shallow lines with a tool. The face and
-arm of the nearest figure project most from the background; next, his
-body; and so on, layer beyond layer, to the ground of the relief. The
-style is rude, hard, and vigorous; though the capacity of the artist is
-narrowly limited, he moves within his limits with</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="plt_ii" style="width: 382px;">
-<a href="images/i_p076a.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p076a.jpg" width="382" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p><span class="smcap">Plate</span> II</p>
-
-<p><i>Page 76</i></p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page_77">{77}</a></span></p>
-
-<p class="nind">firm steps. The date of the work is probably the latter part of the
-sixth century.</p>
-
-<p>Perhaps even more striking than the style of the relief is its subject.
-Seated side by side, no doubt on two chairs, though one only can be made
-out, are a pair, a bearded man who faces outwards and who holds in his
-right hand a winecup, and a woman, who bears a pomegranate in her right
-hand, while with the left she draws forward her veil. Both figures are
-fully clad. Behind the pair is erect a bearded snake; before their knees
-we see advancing two smaller figures, male and female, bringing as
-offerings a cock and an egg, a flower, and a fruit.</p>
-
-<p>In the same volume of the Athenian <i>Mittheilungen</i> (ii), in which this
-relief was originally published, may be found photographs of other
-reliefs which closely resemble it in character, but show small
-differences in period and detail. On Plate 24 is a relief wherein the
-snake is wholly wanting: on Plate 23 the snake is transposed, being
-erect in front of the wine-cup, and the style of the work is decidedly
-more advanced: on Plate 22 a dog appears beside the seated pair.</p>
-
-<p>These four reliefs then make up a strongly defined group; and before we
-turn to other reliefs of the Spartan class, it may be well to determine
-what meaning may be assigned to the representations which they exhibit.</p>
-
-<p>We may begin by rejecting without hesitation some of the theories on the
-subject which might naturally be suggested by a first impression. The
-wine-cup in the hands of the male figure might dispose one to think of
-Dionysus and his consort Ariadne; but this explanation would leave the
-serpent and other features unexplained, nor have we reason to think that
-the cultus of Dionysus had struck deep roots at Sparta in early times.
-Again, the serpent might suggest Asklepius with his daughter Hygieia,
-since the healing deity commonly carries a staff round which a serpent
-twines. But to this explanation<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_78">{78}</a></span> the winecup offers difficulties; and,
-again, the evidence for a local cult at Sparta is insufficient.</p>
-
-<p>Far nearer to the mark is the view which Dr. Milchhoefer accepted, that
-in the dignified seated pair we have embodied the deities of the world
-of shades. The wine-cup would in that case refer to the frequent
-offerings of wine made to the shades below; and the serpent is the
-well-known companion and friend of the dead. We are not well informed as
-to the names borne at Sparta by the king and queen of the world of the
-dead. At Argos they were not so well known by the Homeric names of Hades
-and Persephone, which they commonly bore in Greece, as by the names of
-Klymenos and Chthonia. But in fact the pair were known by many names in
-various places.</p>
-
-<p>An interesting terra-cotta (<a href="#fig_29">Fig. 29</a>) from Locri in Italy<a id="FNanchor_75_75"></a><a href="#Footnote_75_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a> presents a
-group at first sight nearly resembling the seated pair of Sparta. We
-find on it Hades and his Queen seated side by side: he is wreathed and
-holds flowers; she carries a cock and ears of corn. This is valuable
-evidence, and shows that in southern Italy monuments of the class we are
-considering might well belong to the worship of the recognized deities
-of the nether world. But a closer consideration shows that at Sparta the
-worship took another and a less generalized form, natural to a race
-among whom ancestors were held in special and unusual honour.</p>
-
-<p>Though Hades and his Queen are frequently mentioned in sepulchral
-inscriptions, they are but rarely figured together in sculpture. A
-comparison of two or three other stelae of Sparta will suggest at all
-events a modification of the view that the seated pair of the reliefs
-already mentioned are merely the rulers of the world below. In the
-fourth volume of the Athenian <i>Mittheilungen</i> are published two reliefs
-which beat<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_79">{79}</a></span></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_29" style="width: 478px;">
-<a href="images/i_p079.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p079.jpg" width="478" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 29. HADES AND PERSEPHONE.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p class="nind">important inscriptions. On one is represented a man wrapped in a cloak
-seated: in his left hand is a pomegranate; in his right a wine-cup, out
-of which a coiled serpent drinks. The stone bears the name ΤΙΜΟΚΛΗϹ. If
-this inscription were of the same date as the relief it would of course
-at once prove that the stone is a memorial of an individual, and not a
-dedication to Hades. But in the opinion at least of Prof. Furtwängler
-the inscription is decidedly the later; it cannot therefore be regarded
-as conclusive evidence. But such evidence is afforded us by the next
-monument. Here we have a bearded man seated, in a decidedly later and
-more finished style of art, holding in his right hand a wine-cup, from
-which a serpent feeds. The inscription here is ΑΡΙΣΤΟΚΛΗϹ Ο ΚΑΙ ΖΗΘΟϹ;<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_80">{80}</a></span>
-and it seems not merely to show that the memorial belongs to a man,
-Aristocles, but also that this Aristocles received a second name after
-his death in the quality of hero or demi-god. We learn from other
-sources of several such heroic names bestowed on distinguished men after
-their death. The rarity of names on the Spartan tombs may be readily
-accounted for by the existence of a stern law of Lycurgus<a id="FNanchor_76_76"></a><a href="#Footnote_76_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a>, that
-names were not to be recorded on the tombs except in the case of
-priestesses, or of warriors who had fallen in battle. Another regulation
-of the great lawgiver ordained that bodies might be buried within the
-city, and memorials of the dead set up in the neighbourhood of the
-temples. Such monuments were not always gravestones, but sometimes
-memorials of those who were buried in a different place, or had fallen
-on foreign service.</p>
-
-<p>In view of such facts as these we cannot hesitate to see in the
-sepulchral reliefs of Sparta reference to individuals, the ancestor, or
-the ancestor and his wife. They are the shrines of the family worship of
-the Laconians. But yet in a sense the dead man is identical with Hades.
-In Egypt each of the virtuous dead became part of Osiris. According to
-Herodotus the Getae thought that their dead returned to their deity
-Zalmoxis. In Greece, by dying, men put away the individual accidents of
-the flesh and became in a sense united with Hades. This no doubt is one
-reason why down to the second century <small>B.C.</small> we scarcely ever find
-individual portraits on tombs, a fact to which we shall hereafter
-return.</p>
-
-<p>The cultus of ancestors was closely parallel to that of the gods. To
-both, sacrifices of food and of drink were constantly brought. To the
-temple of the gods corresponded the family heroum or shrine. To the
-statues of the gods corresponded the representation of the human dead in
-an<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_81">{81}</a></span> ideal or heroized form. And gods and ancestors alike partook with
-their votaries of food at stated times, becoming the guest-friends of
-the worshipper.</p>
-
-<p>Regarding the relation of the Spartan stelae to the cultus of ancestors
-as certain, we may proceed to consider in the light of that connexion
-the meaning of various details of the reliefs. The thing that is perhaps
-of the highest interest in them is the high honour paid to women.
-Ancestor and ancestress sit in state side by side, and are approached by
-their descendants, the smallness of whose figures is intended to portray
-the humility of their approach to their heroic progenitors. That
-ancestor-worship should find a special home at Sparta need not surprise
-us. We know that respect for elders and for parents was almost as
-strongly rooted among the conservative Laconians as it is in our days
-among the Chinese and Japanese. An exhortation to be worthy of their
-predecessors was the appeal which most readily stirred the hearts of the
-Spartan spearmen. They lived under the shadow of the past to an extent
-which we can hardly realize. But it is scarcely so familiar a fact that
-Sparta was the city in all Greece where women were held in highest
-honour. The Athenians inherited something of the Ionian desire for the
-seclusion of women, and to the contemporaries and countrymen of
-Thucydides it seemed high praise of a woman to say that she was never
-talked of. At Sparta, on the other hand, in some of the great crises of
-history, women are prominent in the foreground, from the days when
-little Gorgo saved her father Cleomenes from being bribed, to the days
-when Agiatis stirred up a later Cleomenes to his projects of political
-reform. The Spartan education, which seemed to regard women as only of
-use for bearing children to uphold the State, can scarcely have aimed at
-a high intellectual ideal. Modern German writers are fully convinced
-that sharing the exercises and games of the men must have rendered
-Laconian women<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_82">{82}</a></span> coarse and masculine. Yet the Spartan ladies had a great
-share in the ownership of land; Spartan nurses were sought for in all
-Greece for the rearing of boys; and we learn from Plutarch that in all
-matters the Spartans were ready to take the advice of their women, and
-looked on their approval as the highest of rewards. On this regard for
-women among the Laconians, the treatment of women in their sepulchral
-reliefs is an excellent commentary.</p>
-
-<p>The offerings brought to the seated pair in the relief first cited are
-such as belonged in a special way to the dead. The pomegranate was the
-food of the Shades, which, when Persephone had tasted in the palace of
-Hades, she belonged to him beyond recall. The cock and the egg are the
-simplest meat-offerings which were brought to the dead and enjoyed by
-the living. Flowers in all countries and in all ages have been laid on
-the tomb; and the Greeks who loved to deck their banquets with them were
-not an exception to the general rule. The winecup in the hand of the
-seated hero may be characterized as a very broad hint to his descendants
-that at the tomb were due the libations which were grateful alike to the
-gods and to the spirits of the dead. The serpent who is sometimes
-represented as drinking from the cup is either the companion of the dead
-or even his spirit in another form. The way in which a serpent
-disappears into the ground marks him out as essentially a chthonic
-being.</p>
-
-<p>A few more characteristic specimens of this class of monuments must be
-cited. On a stele from Chrysapha (<a href="#fig_30">Fig. 30</a>) we see a man, depicted in an
-archaic style of art, seated, holding winecup and pomegranate; at his
-feet leaps a dog, while a horse is depicted in relief in the background.
-In discussing this relief Dr. Furtwängler<a id="FNanchor_77_77"></a><a href="#Footnote_77_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a> advocates the view that
-horse and dog have a symbolical reference, the horse being<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_83">{83}</a></span></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_30" style="width: 479px;">
-<a href="images/i_p083.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p083.jpg" width="479" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 30. SEATED HERO.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p class="nind">nearly connected with Hades and the dog with Hecate, both mythologic
-beings closely connected with the dead. I have proposed<a id="FNanchor_78_78"></a><a href="#Footnote_78_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a> a somewhat
-bolder view, that these animals sculptured on the stone bear the same
-relation to the mortal horse and dog which had belonged to the hero that
-the portrait bears to himself, and that they are really a survival of an
-ancient custom, whereof we find traces in the graves of Greece and
-Italy, by which the horse and dog of a deceased warrior were slain and
-buried in the same place with him. Whether their bones were mingled with
-their master’s, or whether they are merely figured on his gravestone,
-the<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_84">{84}</a></span> meaning is much the same, that wherever the lord is, there are his
-faithful attendants: ‘Admitted to that equal sky, his faithful dog shall
-bear him company,’ as Pope says. In any case, horse and dog on a tomb
-are certainly a mark of knightly rank.</p>
-
-<p>Among many proofs that the animal companions of the hero had reference
-rather to his occupations and necessities than to any symbolism, the
-evidence afforded by a grave at Tanagra<a id="FNanchor_79_79"></a><a href="#Footnote_79_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a> seems worth citing. Although
-that grave is of a period later than Alexander the Great, it seems to
-preserve early Greek ways of looking at death and what lies beyond. The
-interior of this grave contained paintings of the head and neck of a
-horse, a sword and a loom, besides a house and various articles of
-furniture. Here the paintings seem closely to represent what might at an
-earlier time have been the contents of the grave. The horse and the
-sword belong to the husband, the loom to the wife, whether we are to
-consider these as reflections of the past life of the pair or as an
-accompaniment of their ghostly existence. The furniture and the house
-are provision for their spiritual need of a domicile, just as in the
-graves of Egypt we find paintings of the life of the house and farm,
-there placed to break the shock of death, and provide for the shadow of
-a departed landlord a shadow of his past employments<a id="FNanchor_80_80"></a><a href="#Footnote_80_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>We pass to the representations which serve to bridge the gap between the
-grave-monuments of Sparta and those of other districts. Among the
-Spartan reliefs published by Milchhoefer, the following occupy one
-plate<a id="FNanchor_81_81"></a><a href="#Footnote_81_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a>:&#8212;</p>
-
-<p>A female figure, seen from the waist upwards, clad in a chiton, holding
-in her left hand a tall flower.</p>
-
-<p>A youth, standing, clad in a chlamys; he holds a staff<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_85">{85}</a></span> in one hand, in
-the other a cake or fruit; before him a snake erect.</p>
-
-<p>Both of these are of quite early style: with the latter of them we may
-compare the following in the Museum at Athens<a id="FNanchor_82_82"></a><a href="#Footnote_82_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a>:&#8212;</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_31" style="width: 359px;">
-<a href="images/i_p085.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p085.jpg" width="359" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 31. STELE, MAN FEEDING SNAKE.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>Man standing wrapped in a mantle; in his left hand a pomegranate, in the
-right a winecup, out of which feeds a serpent coiled and erect.</p>
-
-<p>In these instances we approach the ordinary representation<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_86">{86}</a></span> of the dead
-as standing, so common on the tombs alike of Athens and of Northern
-Greece, numerous instances of which will be found in the ninth chapter.
-Yet the snake, the flower, the pomegranate, all belong to the special
-cultus of the dead; and there is not in these cases a reference to the
-past life, as is probably the case with the great majority of Attic
-stelae.<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_87">{87}</a></span></p>
-
-<h2><a id="CHAPTER_VII"></a>CHAPTER VII<br><br>
-<small>HEROIZING RELIEFS</small></h2>
-
-<p><span class="smcap">Before</span> we proceed further, one distinction of importance has to be made.
-It will be found that all the sepulchral monuments of Greece belong to
-one of two classes:&#8212;</p>
-
-<p>1. Actual tombs, whether temples, or tables, or slabs hewn to be let
-into the ground.</p>
-
-<p>2. Commemorative tablets. These may readily be distinguished in form,
-because their width is greater than their height, whereas in the true
-grave-stele, the height is greater than the width. They were made
-usually not to be fixed into the ground of the cemetery, but to be set
-up in chapels or mounted on walls in its neighbourhood. An example will
-be found in <a href="#plt_iii">Pl. III</a>. These slabs have a closer relation to actual cultus
-than have the gravestones. Their likeness in shape and in composition to
-tablets dedicated to the deities is obvious. In fact they belonged to
-the chapels and shrines sacred to the worship of heroes and exalted
-ancestors, rather than to the ordinary dead.</p>
-
-<p>When we proceed to trace down the lines of descent of the memorials of
-ancestor-worship from Sparta in various districts of Greece, we shall
-find that some of these lines lead us to groups of actual tombstones,
-but more usually they lead to dedicatory reliefs, closely connected with
-the cultus of the dead, but not usually coming from actual cemeteries.</p>
-
-<p>One line takes us to the so-called sepulchral banquets of<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_88">{88}</a></span> Athens. The
-best specimen of these reliefs, found at the Piraeus, and dating from
-the end of the fifth century, is represented in our plates (<a href="#plt_iii">Pl. III</a>). It
-has passed by the absurd name, The Death of Socrates. On a couch,
-supported by cushions, reclines a bearded citizen, holding in his hand a
-cup, and apparently pouring the libation with which the Greeks preluded
-their feasts. At his feet sits his wife, occupied, like many of the
-ladies represented on Athenian tombs, in admiring a necklace, which she
-holds in both hands, or possibly a wreath, for the object itself, having
-been represented in colour and not in the marble, has disappeared. A
-young slave as cup-bearer is occupied in fetching wine in a jug from the
-huge <i>crater</i> or mixing bowl which appears on the left of the relief;
-beneath the couch a dog is occupied with a bone. On the right of the
-scene there enters a bearded man, of smaller stature than the reclining
-hero, who raises his hand out of the folds of his himation in a fashion
-which to the Greeks implied adoration.</p>
-
-<p>At the first glance there seems but small likeness between this scene of
-domestic feasting and the stiff Spartan reliefs. Yet when we compare the
-two in detail, we find that the differences between them lie in the
-different customs of varying ages, and in the artistic rendering, rather
-than in the signification. Let us make the comparison.</p>
-
-<p>In the Spartan relief the hero is seated, in the Athenian reclining.
-Here we have an illustration of the well-known fact that during the
-historic age the Greeks changed their custom from sitting at meals, as
-do the Homeric heroes, for a reclining posture. The habit of lying at
-meals, awkward as it seems to us, was a result of growing luxury. It had
-long, as we know from the reliefs of the Assyrian palaces, been
-customary in the East. <a href="#fig_32">Fig. 32</a><a id="FNanchor_83_83"></a><a href="#Footnote_83_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a> shows King Assur-bani-pal and his
-Queen</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="plt_iii" style="width: 600px;">
-<a href="images/i_p088a.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p088a.jpg" width="600" height="499" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p><span class="smcap">Plate</span> III</p>
-
-<p><i>Page 88</i></p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page_89">{89}</a></span></p>
-
-<p class="nind">feasting in their palace, in the seventh century <small>B.C.</small> From the East, the
-custom spread to the Ionians of Asia Minor, and thence to Greece itself,
-with other traits of Ionian luxury.</p>
-
-<p>An archaic relief from Tegea (<a href="#fig_33">Fig. 33</a>)<a id="FNanchor_84_84"></a><a href="#Footnote_84_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a> seems to mark the point of
-transition in Hellas from the seated to the reclining position. Although
-only the feet of the hero are seen, yet these feet sufficiently prove
-that he was extended on a couch. His wife draws forward her veil;
-between husband and wife is a youth holding a wreath, in regard to whom
-it is not easy to say whether he is the child of the pair, or merely a
-cup-bearer, or an adorer.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_32" style="width: 600px;">
-<a href="images/i_p089.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p089.jpg" width="600" height="424" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 32. ASSUR-BANI-PAL AND QUEEN.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>It is a consequence of the assumption of a reclining position by the man
-in the reliefs, that the woman must be separated from him. In the
-somewhat unrestrained vase-paintings of<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_90">{90}</a></span> Euphronius and his
-contemporaries we frequently find women reclining at table with men and
-sharing their cups. But these, as the disorder of the scenes clearly
-shows, were hetaerae, slaves of abandoned character. No wife, and no
-self-respecting concubine would even be present at a Greek banquet. When
-a husband dined at home, his wife might be present, but would probably
-not take a share in the repast. She would sit opposite her husband, to
-cheer him with her talk. But for a Greek wife to sit like the Queen of
-Assur-bani-pal drinking wine, and pledging her lord in a cup, would be
-an impossibility. Alike on the Tegean and the Athenian relief she is
-wholly occupied with her dress, like a true daughter of Greece. The
-Spartan wife had more in common with her husband.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_33" style="width: 520px;">
-<a href="images/i_p090.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p090.jpg" width="520" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 33. STELE FROM TEGEA.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page_91">{91}</a></span></p>
-
-<p>Another marked divergence between the Spartan and the Athenian relief
-lies, so to speak, in its tense. In the former, the past is set aside,
-and we find allusion only to the life beyond the grave. The snake, the
-pomegranate, the offerings, all have reference to the status of the dead
-as hero and as an associate of the nether gods. But the Athenian relief
-might at first sight be supposed to be an excerpt out of daily domestic
-life. There is no symbolism, no exaltation. Husband, wife, and slave may
-have met thus a hundred times in their ordinary life on earth. In this
-we find the influence of the ordinary spirit of grave-reliefs at Athens,
-which, as we shall see in a future chapter, dwells on and draws from the
-past daily life rather than the more ghostly life of the future.</p>
-
-<p>Yet a clear indication which unites the two classes of representation is
-furnished by the votaries who appear in both alike. They are in the
-Spartan relief very small in stature; a naive way of indicating how far
-below the hero they rank. The votary of the Athenian relief is scarcely
-smaller than his ancestral hero. Yet his presence is an undoubted proof
-of the connexion of the monument with actual worship. On many of the
-later representations of banquets, this is further emphasized by the
-introduction of the well-known symbolism of ancestor-worship. In some a
-snake is depicted in the foreground. In others a horse’s head appears in
-the background. In others the superhuman character of the hero is
-indicated by the lofty crown, which belongs to the god of the lower
-world, Hades or Sarapis, and which appears on the head of the reclining
-hero<a id="FNanchor_85_85"></a><a href="#Footnote_85_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>The Spartan monuments were probably in many cases set up as tombstones
-over the actual graves of ancestors. But the Athenian banqueting reliefs
-were not usually on tombstones, more often on memorial tablets preserved
-in chapels<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_92">{92}</a></span> devoted to the cultus of the dead. This their shape clearly
-indicates. All tombstones are almost of necessity higher than they are
-broad, usually tall and narrow. But the banqueting reliefs are oblong in
-the opposite direction, broader than they are high. This difference
-indicates a different use and destination. In fact they come rather into
-line with the reliefs which belong to the worship of civic or local
-heroes, or those set up by grateful votaries in the shrines of Asklepius
-and other healing deities, than with the immediate memorials of the
-dead.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_34" style="width: 600px;">
-<a href="images/i_p092.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p092.jpg" width="600" height="270" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 34. COIN OF BIZYA.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>The likeness between some of the votive monuments of Asklepius and the
-ordinary sepulchral banquets is so close as to have caused considerable
-confusion. The Asklepian reliefs appear to borrow of set purpose much of
-the symbolism which belongs to ancestor-worship. As an instance we
-engrave (<a href="#fig_34">Fig. 34</a>) a coin of Bizya, a Greek city of Thrace<a id="FNanchor_86_86"></a><a href="#Footnote_86_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a>, struck in
-the reign of Philip the Arab. On the reverse of the coin we see
-Asklepius reclining on a couch, against which rests his serpent-twined
-rod. His daughter or wife Hygieia is seated beside him; a human
-attendant brings in a wine-jar. The accessories, a coat of mail hung on
-a tree, a shield suspended from the wall, a horse who trots in from the
-right, are among the ordinary features of sepulchral banqueting reliefs,
-and seem<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_93">{93}</a></span> inappropriate to a peaceful and non-equestrian deity like
-Asklepius. Such contamination of one class of monuments by another, such
-transfer of symbols from one artistic field to another, is among the
-common phenomena offered by Greek art.</p>
-
-<p>We have now reached phenomena which require careful consideration. We
-have found that there is no clear line of distinction to be drawn
-between banqueting reliefs which were set up in honour of dead persons
-and reliefs which belong to the cultus of heroes, and even of deities
-who partake of the nature of heroes, such as Asklepius. It is always
-difficult in dealing with ancient monuments to separate the particular
-class of which we propose to treat from other classes which are akin to
-it in origin and in meaning. It is always necessary at last to draw a
-somewhat arbitrary line, and to adhere to it for the sake of order and
-method.</p>
-
-<p>In Greek cultus and belief there is no broad distinction to be made
-between the veneration paid to the more noteworthy of those who were
-recently dead, and the worship accorded to local and national heroes,
-Theseus and Orestes, the Dioscuri and Asklepius. In a sense, all the
-dead were heroes, and any of them might become a worthy object of
-periodic sacrifice, proprietor of a sacred domain, and lord of a
-priesthood. I have already (Chap. II) dwelt on these facts from the
-point of view of custom and cultus; it remains to show their working in
-the field of art.</p>
-
-<p>In dealing, not with actual gravestones, but with the oblong reliefs
-which had a closer relation to cultus, and were dedicated only to the
-more distinguished of the dead, it is quite impossible to distinguish
-clearly those which were set up in honour of recognized mythic heroes,
-from those which belonged strictly to the cult of ancestors. Sometimes
-the inscription may help us to a decision, or sometimes we may find
-direction in the place where the relief is found. Apart from these
-external<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_94">{94}</a></span> indications, those offered by the relief itself are usually
-ambiguous.</p>
-
-<p>That some of the banqueting reliefs were set up in honour of persons
-recently dead may be proved<a id="FNanchor_87_87"></a><a href="#Footnote_87_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a>. Indeed, in later times, such scenes not
-unfrequently decorate actual tombstones. This being the case, it is
-reasonable to assume that the great majority of them belong to tribal
-and family worship. They were set up, not usually at the tomb, but in
-shrines and heroa in the neighbourhood of the cemetery, or in the
-chapels of deities or heroes; sometimes, perhaps, in private houses, to
-be a constant reminder to the survivors.</p>
-
-<p>In an early and interesting sepulchral relief in the British Museum<a id="FNanchor_88_88"></a><a href="#Footnote_88_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a>
-we have an unusual group. On a couch there recline an old man and a
-young, doubtless father and son, while a second son leads in a horse.
-This relief may serve as a transition to another class of oblong
-cultus-reliefs. The cult of heroized ancestors does not find its only
-memorials in Greece in the reliefs in which they are represented as
-seated or reclining. There is another group of monuments in which they
-appear as horsemen, or as leading horses.</p>
-
-<p>The connexion of the horse with the heroic dead, whencesoever the notion
-may have arisen, was certainly in some districts of Greece very close.
-Milchhoefer has shown<a id="FNanchor_89_89"></a><a href="#Footnote_89_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a> how the sculptural evidence indicates that
-this connexion was closest in Thrace and Northern Greece. And this is
-but natural. The aristocracies of Thessaly, of Boeotia, and other
-northern parts of Greece were essentially equestrian; whereas in
-Peloponnesus the horse, being unsuited to the rugged mountain paths, was
-comparatively rare. The strength of a Thessalian army lay in its
-cavalry; the strength of a Spartan army in its array of spearmen. To a
-horse-loving race it was natural to think of the mighty dead as
-horsemen. Even at Sparta the national<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_95">{95}</a></span> heroes, the sons of Zeus, Castor
-and Pollux, were essentially riders; and on monuments they seldom appear
-without their steeds. Still more close is the connexion between heroes
-of Northern Greece and their horses.</p>
-
-<p>A great deal of learning has been expended by a variety of
-archaeologists to prove that the horse, when he appears in the
-sepulchral banquets and the present class of reliefs, is of chthonic
-signification; that he belongs mythologically to the gods of the world
-below, and to mortals assimilated to them<a id="FNanchor_90_90"></a><a href="#Footnote_90_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a>. It may be doubted whether
-they have proved their case. Hades is in Homer κλυτόπωλος, in allusion
-to the dread chariot in which he bore away Persephone<a id="FNanchor_91_91"></a><a href="#Footnote_91_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a>; but he does
-not appear as a rider. The wild rider or hunting ghost is familiar in
-northern lands, but not in ancient Greece. It seems preferable to take
-the simpler explanation, that a chief accustomed all his life to riding
-would scarcely be supposed to lack a horse in the fields of Hades. We
-have ancient evidence that the presence of a sculptured horse beside a
-sculptured man showed his knightly rank in the <i>Athenian Constitution</i>
-of Aristotle<a id="FNanchor_92_92"></a><a href="#Footnote_92_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a>, where we are told that a statue of one Diphilas on the
-Athenian Acropolis, which was set up to mark his rise to the knightly
-rank, had a horse standing beside it.</p>
-
-<p>Several extant monuments show how the god-like heroes of Northern Hellas
-came as horsemen to receive the tribute of the living. And this kind of
-monument spread from the north into other parts of the Greek world.</p>
-
-<p>One of the earliest and most typical of these reliefs is in the British
-Museum<a id="FNanchor_93_93"></a><a href="#Footnote_93_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a> (<a href="#fig_35">Fig. 35</a>). It comes from Rhodes, and may be dated about 400
-<small>B.C.</small> In it we have a combination in three figures of the three elements
-which in this class of monuments<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_96">{96}</a></span> are almost universally mingled. First,
-there is the hero himself on horseback. Next, there is a female figure
-of stature equal to or greater than his own<a id="FNanchor_94_94"></a><a href="#Footnote_94_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a>, who meets him and pours
-him a cup of wine. Thirdly, there is a worshipper on a somewhat smaller
-scale, who does homage.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_35" style="width: 600px;">
-<a href="images/i_p096.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p096.jpg" width="600" height="397" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 35. HORSEMAN RELIEF, BRITISH MUSEUM.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>Another relief of about the same period, from Tanagra, (<a href="#fig_36">Fig. 36</a>), shows
-us a varied group<a id="FNanchor_95_95"></a><a href="#Footnote_95_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a>. Beside his horse the hero stands, clad in chiton
-and mantle, holding out a flat cup or patera, which a lady standing in
-front of him fills from a wine-jug. A square altar stands between the
-two, towards which, in attitude of adoration, approaches a man,
-represented on a smaller scale, with his wife and two children. The
-inscription above is Καλλιτέλης Ἀλεξιμάχῳ ἀνέθηκεν. Dedicated by<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_97">{97}</a></span>
-Calliteles to Aleximachus. Whether Aleximachus was a recognized local
-hero, or only an ordinary dead man raised by Calliteles to heroic rank,
-cannot be decided with certainty.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_36" style="width: 600px;">
-<a href="images/i_p097.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p097.jpg" width="600" height="483" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 36. HORSEMAN RELIEF, BERLIN.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>Another very similar relief is figured in the fourth volume of the
-Athenian <i>Mittheilungen</i><a id="FNanchor_96_96"></a><a href="#Footnote_96_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a>. It is from Thebes. The hero stands,
-holding a lance in one hand, and in the other the usual flat cup, the
-patera. From the right seven figures approach. The first is the lady who
-pours wine, and behind her are six worshippers, who bring in a pig and a
-fowl for sacrifice. The sepulchral character of the relief is emphasized
-by placing a tumulus just in front of the horse, and in fact under his
-forefoot.<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_98">{98}</a></span></p>
-
-<p>Another relief, in the Museum of Berlin<a id="FNanchor_97_97"></a><a href="#Footnote_97_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a>, is similar in most
-respects; but the lady of tall stature here stands behind the horseman,
-and instead of paying him homage, seems to receive it in common with him
-from a train of approaching votaries. A large serpent erect in the
-background is the friend and companion of the hero.</p>
-
-<p>There can be no question as to the association of these reliefs with
-worship, since the preparations for sacrifice are actually represented
-on them. But in many directions they offer us a series of interesting
-problems.</p>
-
-<p>Firstly, is the hero who is thus honoured merely an ordinary dead person
-raised at death to heroic rank, or is he one of the local heroes who
-were everywhere in Greece held in honour, mythic founders of cities or
-ancestors of tribes, or healing and oracular demigods like Amphiaraus
-and Trophonius? No doubt, in many instances, the heroic horseman of the
-reliefs is of this latter class. Yet that a man recently deceased is
-sometimes the recipient of honour is proved by the inscriptions in some
-cases, and may be almost with certainty inferred from the presence of
-the tumulus on the relief last described. On the monuments the hero is
-represented in the bloom of early manhood; but of course it does not
-follow that he died young: immortal bloom belongs to the hero after
-death, however worn and wrinkled age may have left him.</p>
-
-<p>Secondly, who and what is the lady who on the reliefs pours wine? Her
-stature, which is equal to that of the hero himself, and far greater
-than that of the worshippers, shows at once that she is no living mortal
-or descendant, but a person of equal rank with the horseman. As a matter
-of artistic tradition we can trace her genesis quite clearly, as has
-been well shown by Furtwängler<a id="FNanchor_98_98"></a><a href="#Footnote_98_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a>. On the Spartan stelae we found<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_99">{99}</a></span>
-ancestor and ancestress seated side by side. When the reclining position
-supersedes that of sitting, the wife necessarily moves from her
-husband’s side and sits opposite to him. It is a variety of the same
-motive when the husband sits or stands and the wife pours him wine, a
-group found on several stelae<a id="FNanchor_99_99"></a><a href="#Footnote_99_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a>, one as early as the Persian wars, and
-very commonly in the paintings of Greek vases, from quite an early
-period. The motive of wine-pouring being thus thoroughly established in
-Greek art, could easily be transferred from one kind of group to
-another. It may have been that in some cases the hero had no wife, or he
-may have had several successively: that would make no great difference,
-as the idea of the group is fixed. As Furtwängler expresses it: ‘Il
-importe d’insister sur le fait que nous sommes ici en face d’une forme
-artistique, qui avait pour objet d’exprimer une conception de ces
-puissances souterraines dérivée d’un des principaux usages de leur
-culte.’ This is a far more reasonable explanation than that of some
-writers, who fancy that the wine-pouring lady is a kind of Houri, or
-nymph of Paradise, who awaits the hero in the next world to recompense
-him with her embraces for the pains which he has in this world undergone
-for the good of mankind.</p>
-
-<p>Thirdly, what is the relation between these heroic reliefs and the
-numerous reliefs and paintings on Attic stelae in which the deceased is
-represented as riding on a horse? Several of these we cite below in
-Chapter IX. Some points of difference between the two classes of
-monuments are obvious. The heroic reliefs are broad, shaped like votive
-tablets: the Attic reliefs are tombstones of upright shape. In the
-votive reliefs the wine-pouring consort is seldom absent, and votaries
-are usually present. In the Attic reliefs the horse is merely one of the
-adjuncts of daily life, and the rider is represented in the guise of his
-ordinary existence. In fact, as we shall see<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_100">{100}</a></span> when we reach the ordinary
-Attic reliefs, the figure of the horseman, when it occurs on them, is
-merely a characteristic portrait of a man who in his life had been fond
-of horses, and perhaps won victories with them at the great sacred
-festivals.</p>
-
-<p>Nevertheless, it would be very rash to say that the heroic and the
-ordinary horseman reliefs had no influence on one another. For example,
-a relief at Tanagra<a id="FNanchor_100_100"></a><a href="#Footnote_100_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a> seems to fall exactly between the two classes.
-On it a horseman in armour rides, followed by an attendant who holds the
-tail of the horse, as was the way of Greek body-servants. A female
-figure meets the pair with wine-jug and cup. Here, if the relief belongs
-to the one class, the servant is out of place; if to the other class,
-the pourer of wine. Probably, being oblong in form, it is really of the
-heroic class, but contaminated by the influence of the other. On an
-ordinary sepulchral slab in the British Museum<a id="FNanchor_101_101"></a><a href="#Footnote_101_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a>, the horseman and
-servant recur, but the lady is absent.</p>
-
-<p>In recent years an immense quantity of votive terra-cottas has been
-discovered on the site of the Dorian colony of Tarentum. These
-illustrate in a striking fashion the monuments of the Spartan
-mother-city. They consist mainly of two groups.</p>
-
-<p>In the first group we see a man, bearded or beardless, wearing a tall
-crown, reclining on a couch, often holding a wine-cup. Beside him is
-seated a woman, sometimes bearing in her arms a child, who stretches out
-his arms towards the man. We engrave (<a href="#fig_37">Fig. 37</a>) a specimen of the
-class<a id="FNanchor_102_102"></a><a href="#Footnote_102_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a>, in which, however, the child does not appear, but instead,
-in the background, a horse, who seems to be drinking from the flat cup.
-And<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_101">{101}</a></span> this horse connects the first group with the second, which consists
-of figures of riding horsemen.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_37" style="width: 600px;">
-<a href="images/i_p101.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p101.jpg" width="600" height="414" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 37. VOTIVE TABLET, TARENTUM.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>Mr. Arthur Evans, who has had the advantage of studying these
-terracottas at Tarentum<a id="FNanchor_103_103"></a><a href="#Footnote_103_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a>, is disposed to maintain that the group
-represents, not deceased persons, but rather the deities of the lower
-world, Dionysus, Cora, and Iacchus. ‘The terracotta representations here
-found must be rather regarded as primarily connected with the cult of
-chthonic deities and national heroes, than with that of departed human
-spirits,’ though ‘the starting-point may be regarded as purely
-sepulchral.’ Dr. Wolters, on the other hand<a id="FNanchor_104_104"></a><a href="#Footnote_104_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a>, connects the
-representations far more closely with the worship of the dead. But after
-all, the opposition between these two opinions is not fundamental.
-Probably at Tarentum, as at Sparta, the dead ancestor<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_102">{102}</a></span> and ancestress
-were regarded as scarcely distinguishable from the king and queen of the
-world of shades, into whose being they passed at death. Thus the last
-note struck in the monuments of Dorian hero-worship is in complete
-harmony with the first.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_38" style="width: 600px;">
-<a href="images/i_p102.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p102.jpg" width="600" height="517" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 38. HERO ON FOOT.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>There are also reliefs in which the heroic character of the deceased is
-indicated, not by the horse, but by the presence of armour and arms. In
-some states wealthy and well-born citizens were content to fight on
-foot, and the position which had seemed to them dignified during life
-was preserved by them in the unseen world. A good example from Attica<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_103">{103}</a></span>
-(<a href="#fig_38">Fig. 38</a>) is given in the text<a id="FNanchor_105_105"></a><a href="#Footnote_105_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a>. The hero stands on the right,
-helmeted; his shield rests against the wall. A dignified lady of the
-same stature as the hero pours him wine; between the two is an altar: on
-the left is a votary of small size. These groups may serve to remind us
-how often in Greece, in the hour of stress and danger, ancestral and
-local heroes appeared amid the ranks of the fighting men, and turned the
-tide of battle in favour of their descendants or townsfolk.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_39" style="width: 600px;">
-<a href="images/i_p103.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p103.jpg" width="600" height="299" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 39. HERO SEATED.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>Finally, the hero may even appear in the reliefs unarmed, as an ordinary
-citizen. On a relief from Patras<a id="FNanchor_106_106"></a><a href="#Footnote_106_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a> (<a href="#fig_39">Fig. 39</a>) he is seated on a throne
-almost with the dignity of Zeus, a sceptre in his raised hand, a shield
-hung on the wall above him. His consort stands behind the seat, while
-from the left there advances a train, men, women, and children, making
-the well-known gesture with the raised hand which implies adoration, and
-bringing a ram for sacrifice. A horse’s head appears above through a
-square opening, the part standing, as so often in<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_104">{104}</a></span> these monuments, for
-the whole. This relief bears a very close likeness to those found in the
-sanctuary of Asklepius on the side of the Acropolis hill at Athens;
-indeed, if the hero had held a staff entwined by a serpent we should not
-have hesitated to identify him as Asklepius. But in the absence of that
-attribute we are probably justified in considering him to be some local
-hero of Patras, either mythical or historical.<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_105">{105}</a></span></p>
-
-<h2><a id="CHAPTER_VIII"></a>CHAPTER VIII<br><br>
-<small>ATHENS: PERIODS AND FORMS OF MONUMENTS</small></h2>
-
-<p><span class="smcap">In</span> regard to the laws which regulated the erection of monuments of the
-dead, and the forms which those monuments assumed in successive ages,
-under the influence of custom and belief, our information does not reach
-far beyond Athens. At Athens alone have we been so fortunate as to find,
-beneath the soil, a considerable part of an ancient burying-ground,
-where not the graves only, but also the monuments erected over them, are
-untouched by the spoiler, and almost as fresh as they were when Athens
-was a powerful city. It will therefore be well worth our while to
-consider the history of the Athenian monumental customs, which have been
-carefully studied on the spot by several able archaeologists.</p>
-
-<p>Graves of the Mycenaean age have been discovered in Attica, at Sparta,
-and at Menidi. Of such graves we have already spoken. At an uncertain
-period, probably about the eighth century, there succeeded, in place of
-these, the graves found in such numbers just outside the Dipylon gate of
-Athens, and so called Dipylon graves. The pottery found in these
-burying-places is very interesting, although the devices are rude,
-because there are painted upon it representations from the contemporary
-life of Greece, the prehistoric Greece of the age of Homer and of
-Hesiod. The most ordinary pictures are sea-fights, or else the burial
-of<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_106">{106}</a></span> the dead. Of the representations of Greek obsequies which these
-vases bear we have had occasion to speak above<a id="FNanchor_107_107"></a><a href="#Footnote_107_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a>. The reason for the
-selection of the subject belongs to the present connexion.</p>
-
-<p>The time appears to have been one of poverty and of depression in art.
-The rich treasures and the admirable talent for decoration which
-belonged to the Mycenaean age lay buried in the past. The Greece which
-we know, the historic Greece of art and poetry, of philosophy and
-history, had not yet come into being. The moon had set and the sun had
-not risen, and men moved in the dimmest twilight. Thus it can scarcely
-surprise us that the graves of the Dipylon class, with their poor and
-scanty contents, were surmounted by no sculptured monuments. In place of
-a column or a slab, there stood on the graves one of the large amphorae
-of the period, enriched with adornment of geometric patterns and lines
-of stiff animals. Into these vessels were poured, almost beyond doubt,
-the offerings of food and drink brought by survivors and descendants.
-The choice of a sepulchral subject for the vases is thus readily
-accounted for. The vessel rested probably on a mound of earth, such as
-the χῶμα, of which we shall presently speak, or on a simple pedestal of
-stone.</p>
-
-<p>As we approach the historic age of Athens, the stone monument with its
-painting and reliefs makes its appearance. It is not difficult to divide
-into periods the history of the production at Athens of monuments of the
-dead. It falls quite naturally into three sections:&#8212;</p>
-
-<div class="poetry">
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0">(1) The time before the Persian wars, 550-480.<br></span>
-<span class="i0">(2) The time of perfected art, 480-300.<br></span>
-<span class="i0">(3) The Hellenistic and Roman age.<br></span>
-</div></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>The epic custom of Greece was to erect over the dead<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_107">{107}</a></span> a τύμβος or mound,
-with a στήλη or gravestone<a id="FNanchor_108_108"></a><a href="#Footnote_108_108" class="fnanchor">[108]</a> placed upon or beside it. Such a custom
-was continued in later Greece in the case of great graves made after a
-battle to contain the bodies of the slain. The tumulus at Marathon is
-well known to visitors to Greece, and the lion set up to crown the mound
-at Chaeroneia, where the Theban sacred band was cut to pieces by the
-phalanx of Philip, still exists in fragmentary condition. But for the
-graves of private persons the lavish customs of the heroic age in Greece
-gave place to more modest ways.</p>
-
-<p>A passage in Cicero’s <i>De Legibus</i><a id="FNanchor_109_109"></a><a href="#Footnote_109_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a> gives us some interesting
-information in regard to Athenian customs. Solon, Cicero tells us,
-legislated only against the violation of tombs, not against their
-sumptuousness. But some time after, in consequence of the growth of
-splendid tombs in the Cerameicus, a law was passed, forbidding tombs
-more elaborate than could be made by ten men in three days. Nor were
-they to be decorated with plaster<a id="FNanchor_110_110"></a><a href="#Footnote_110_110" class="fnanchor">[110]</a>, nor were Hermae to be set on
-them. Notwithstanding, after a time, the luxury of tombs again
-increased; until Demetrius Phalereus (<small>B.C.</small> 317-307) carried a law that
-no monument should be erected save a column not more than three cubits
-in height, or a flat slab, or a water-vessel<a id="FNanchor_111_111"></a><a href="#Footnote_111_111" class="fnanchor">[111]</a>. A magistrate was
-appointed to see that the decree was complied with.</p>
-
-<p>The legislation of Demetrius does appear, as we shall presently see, to
-have been successful. If the earlier legislation mentioned by Cicero was
-effectual, it must be placed in the days of the democracy which
-succeeded the expulsion of the Tyrants or in the stirring times of the
-Persian wars. For there is a decided dearth of sepulchral monuments at<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_108">{108}</a></span>
-Athens in the first half of the fifth century. In the latter half of the
-sixth, and again in the latter half of the fifth century, they are
-numerous and elaborate. Whether Cicero’s words, ‘aliquanto post
-Solonem,’ can be stretched to cover a period of nearly a century may,
-however, be doubted.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_40" style="width: 600px;">
-<a href="images/i_p108.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p108.jpg" width="600" height="328" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 40. ACHILLES AT TOMB OF PATROCLUS.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>We have evidence that during the latter part of the sixth century, the
-τύμβος the στήλη, the mound and the slab, persisted side by side. Often
-a grave would be marked by both; sometimes one or the other would be
-wanting. In the course of time the mound has usually disappeared, while
-the slab often remains. But it is easy to prove that the mound was
-common to early periods. Not only do we find mention of it in a variety
-of authors<a id="FNanchor_112_112"></a><a href="#Footnote_112_112" class="fnanchor">[112]</a>, Herodotus, Plato, Lucian, Pausanias, but its form is
-depicted upon black-figured vases. We give an instance (<a href="#fig_40">Fig. 40</a>) in
-which Achilles is represented as dragging the body of Hector tied to his
-chariot beside the mound which represents the grave of<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_109">{109}</a></span> Patroclus<a id="FNanchor_113_113"></a><a href="#Footnote_113_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a>:
-a serpent and the shade of Patroclus appear. Here the tomb is a white
-mound of oval form, whence it may be judged that in place of a mere
-mound of earth sometimes an artificial structure was built, and a recent
-discovery at Athens fully confirms this view. In the Piraeus street were
-found in 1891<a id="FNanchor_114_114"></a><a href="#Footnote_114_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a> remains of an erection about two yards in diameter,
-which consisted of a framework of tiles overlaid with fine stucco, and
-which seemed originally to have been in the shape of the upper half of
-an egg. This was clearly just such a tomb as is figured in the
-vase-painting: and doubtless in antiquity such mounds were common, but
-they perished easily, or might very commonly be destroyed by careless
-workers in the course of excavation. At Myrina Messrs. Pottier and
-Reinach found the contents of tombs in many cases lying on the surface
-of the ancient soil; a fact for which they account by saying that these
-objects must originally have been covered by a mound.</p>
-
-<p>On the mound would in some cases be set the commemorative stone. In
-other cases in this period also, as we learn from vase-paintings<a id="FNanchor_115_115"></a><a href="#Footnote_115_115" class="fnanchor">[115]</a>,
-an earthenware vessel was set on it to receive offerings. Sometimes we
-find in the representations mound and stele set side by side. And
-sometimes there is a third feature of the tomb, a τράπεζα, or table,
-that is, a horizontal stone. In one remarkable vase-painting<a id="FNanchor_116_116"></a><a href="#Footnote_116_116" class="fnanchor">[116]</a> we see
-clearly mound, stele, and table. More commonly we find the stele and the
-table only; the latter being used as a seat by the dead person, or
-sometimes serving as a place of deposit for baskets of wreaths and other
-offerings. See, for example, <a href="#fig_11">Fig. 11</a>, p. 22.<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_110">{110}</a></span></p>
-
-<p>The ordinary stele was in shape a tall and tapering slab, surmounted by
-an acanthus pattern. On the face of it were commonly the names of those
-buried, and, as a rule, two rosettes. In our frontispiece, which
-represents a part of the cemetery of the Cerameicus in its present form,
-may be seen several stelae; and one is figured in the text (below, <a href="#fig_43">Fig.
-43</a>) as an example. The rosettes seem to represent the two breasts, and
-we may here see a hint that the stele takes the place of a
-portrait-figure, just as does the turban which commonly surmounts modern
-Turkish tombs.</p>
-
-<p>In the sixth century the stele is commonly adorned with a portrait of
-the deceased in low relief; but sometimes a painted portrait takes the
-place of one in relief.</p>
-
-<p>Not all stelae, however, were of tall and narrow form, nor was the
-device on them always limited to a single figure: groups sometimes make
-their appearance, and to accommodate them the stele has to be made
-broader. This development we will trace in the next period. Meantime we
-must say a few words as to the pillar (κίων) which is frequently
-mentioned as well as the stele in ancient epigrams. The small round
-pillar, carved with a simple inscription, which is so abundant at
-Athens, belongs to the later age of the city. But in early times pillars
-were frequently set up on graves, and surmounted with a portrait or
-figure of some kind. As examples we may cite the supposed grave of
-Orpheus in Pieria, which was marked, according to Pausanias<a id="FNanchor_117_117"></a><a href="#Footnote_117_117" class="fnanchor">[117]</a>, by a
-pillar surmounted by a hydria; and the grave attributed to the sons of
-Oedipus, Eteocles and Polynices, on which stood a pillar supporting a
-shield<a id="FNanchor_118_118"></a><a href="#Footnote_118_118" class="fnanchor">[118]</a>. On the grave of Aristomenes at Messene also was a pillar to
-which the ox, annually destined to be sacrificed to the hero, was
-tied<a id="FNanchor_119_119"></a><a href="#Footnote_119_119" class="fnanchor">[119]</a>. At a later time the grave of Epaminondas<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_111">{111}</a></span> was marked, like
-that of the sons of Oedipus, by a pillar supporting a shield, and that
-of Isocrates by the figure of a siren, standing on a pillar 30 cubits
-high. The oldest existing specimen of a sepulchral pillar is from the
-tomb of Xenares in Corfu.</p>
-
-<p>The terms σῆμα and μνῆμα, which are frequently applied to the tomb both
-in existing epitaphs and in the epigrams of the <i>Anthology</i>, do not seem
-to refer to any special form of monument, but rather to the purpose of
-the tomb as a significant monument (σῆμα) or as a memorial (μνῆμα).</p>
-
-<p>Every one who examines the early graves of Attica must be struck with
-the fact that whereas it would seem natural that tombs should be set up
-by children for their parents, at Athens the opposite rule seems to
-prevail. Commonly tombs profess to be erected for those who died young
-by their sorrowing relatives. Not only were young men who fell in battle
-honoured with fine monuments, but young men who died of disease, and
-unmarried girls. A large proportion of the women whose tombs we find
-seem either to have died unmarried or else to have perished in
-childbirth. It would seem that ordinary citizens, who died in the course
-of nature, were buried in great family vaults; but that separate tombs
-with fine sculptural decoration were erected in special cases, when a
-father lost a promising and beloved boy or girl, or a young husband lost
-at one blow his wife and his hope of a progeny to carry on his name and
-tend his old age. The erection of a tomb to relative or friend was no
-matter of course, but an exceptional proceeding, adopted when feeling
-ran strongly, and required some satisfaction in outward act. The stern
-law of Sparta allowed only the names of men who fell in battle or women
-who were priestesses to be publicly set up. At Athens feeling took the
-place of law; and while those who died for their country were sure of
-honourable burial, ornate tombs were the gifts of special affection. We<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_112">{112}</a></span>
-are told that the effeminate people of Agrigentum erected special tombs
-to their horses and pet birds. Here, as in so many cases, the Athenians
-maintained the human mean, between harsh rigour on the one hand, and
-luxurious effusiveness on the other.</p>
-
-<p>To the second period, <small>B.C.</small> 480-300, belongs the great mass of the fine
-sepulchral monuments of Athens. In the age of Pheidias, the custom comes
-in of flanking the sculptural group of stelae with a pair of pilasters
-supporting a small gable, as seen in several of our plates, and by
-degrees the ground between the pilasters recedes, and a deep interior is
-seen, as in Plates XI, XXVI, &amp;c. By this recessing is produced the
-monument in the form of a small and shallow temple, within which we see
-in very high relief some scene from the daily and domestic life of
-Athens. These are the most splendid of the Athenian tombs, in date
-almost confined to the fourth century. They are the monuments of which
-Cicero writes; ‘amplitudines sepulcrorum quas nunc in Ceramico videmus’:
-even in Cicero’s time they were evidently one of the great sights of
-Greece; how much more notable are they now, when we have but a wreck of
-the artistic wealth and splendour of Greece with which to compare them!</p>
-
-<p>It has been sometimes supposed that the temple-like form of these tombs,
-whence they are called ναἰσκοι, indicates special veneration for those
-to whom they are erected. If houses in form like those of the gods are
-given to mortals, surely, it may be said, the mortals are raised almost
-to the rank of the gods. This view, however, is mistaken. The
-architectural forms which we associate with Greek temples are not
-originally peculiar to them. It is only because the temples of Greece
-have survived the secular buildings that we are disposed to look on
-pillars and gables as belonging specially to the gods. We have, however,
-still a few secular Greek buildings, such as the Propylaea of Athens;
-and we see them to be constructed on<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_113">{113}</a></span> similar architectural principles
-to the temples. The Ionic and Doric styles of architecture were no more
-exclusively religious in use or origin than was Gothic architecture in
-England. The ναἰσκοι were not temples, but merely a framing for a
-domestic interior, such as is often represented on vases. They are rooms
-of the women’s apartments in Greek houses. A dead lady in the
-<i>Anthology</i> calls her tomb οἰκία λάϊνα<a id="FNanchor_120_120"></a><a href="#Footnote_120_120" class="fnanchor">[120]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>About contemporary with the introduction of the ναἰσκοι was the custom
-of shaping the tomb after the fashion of a vase. These stone vases are
-extremely common in the Museum of Athens. Perhaps the earliest of them
-is one published by Köhler<a id="FNanchor_121_121"></a><a href="#Footnote_121_121" class="fnanchor">[121]</a>. In the relief of it we see two men hand
-in hand, and it bears an inscription which Köhler on epigraphic grounds
-assigns to the period <small>B.C.</small> 450-430. It is painted like a real Greek vase
-with palmettes and maeander patterns. It was probably at the time when
-the custom of placing terra-cotta vases on the tombs was dying out, that
-it occurred to the sculptors to replace them by making the stele itself
-in the form of a vase, adorned like the ordinary stelae with inscription
-and relief. The marble vases were of two kinds. First, we have the
-lekythos or unguent vase, of the same shape as the red-figured and white
-ground vases very commonly placed in Athenian graves. These latter are
-mentioned by Aristophanes<a id="FNanchor_122_122"></a><a href="#Footnote_122_122" class="fnanchor">[122]</a> as the work of the inferior artist: ὃς
-τοῖς νεκροῖσι ζωγραφεῖ τὰς ληκύθους, and in another passage he speaks of
-them as sometimes let into the tomb and fastened there with lead<a id="FNanchor_123_123"></a><a href="#Footnote_123_123" class="fnanchor">[123]</a>.
-To imitate them in marble was therefore natural. For an instance of the
-lekythos tomb see figures 70 to 72, below. In the case of those who died
-unmarried, a vase of another form was used as the model. Here again we
-have only an imitation in stone of a terra-cotta vase often placed on
-the tomb. At Athens it was a custom, when a marriage was about to take
-place,<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_114">{114}</a></span> for a girl to bring to the bride a vessel of water from the
-spring Callirrhoe for a bridal bath. The water was fetched in a
-two-handled vessel of peculiar form, the λουτροφόρος, such as seems not
-to have been used on any other occasion. The Athenian Museum contains
-several imitations in terra-cotta of the marriage vase; and in every
-case the scenes painted on these vases are taken either from the
-ceremonies of marriage or those of mourning. When a girl was married the
-marriage vase was used in the pomp and jollity of the wedding: when she
-died unwedded, it was placed on her tomb as a memorial. As Athenian
-epitaphs put it, in that case she was wedded to Hades. On the tombs also
-of youths who died before the marriage-day, the λουτροφόρος of
-terra-cotta was regarded as an appropriate decoration. A well-known
-passage of Demosthenes<a id="FNanchor_124_124"></a><a href="#Footnote_124_124" class="fnanchor">[124]</a> gives us explicit authority for this usage.
-‘What is the proof,’ he asks, ‘that Archiades died unmarried? A marriage
-vase is set up on his tomb.’ Sometimes the marriage vase thus set on the
-tomb was an ordinary vessel of terra-cotta. Sometimes it was represented
-in relief on the stele. And sometimes the stele itself was fashioned in
-the form of a marriage vase.</p>
-
-<p>The usage is well illustrated by a stele from Kalyvia, now at
-Athens<a id="FNanchor_125_125"></a><a href="#Footnote_125_125" class="fnanchor">[125]</a>, of which we give an engraving (<a href="#plt_iv">Pl. IV</a>). The whole field of
-the stele is occupied by a great marriage vase in relief. On the top of
-it, on a basis, stands a Siren, tearing her hair and beating her breast
-in sign of sympathy with the mourners. On the body of the vase is
-depicted a scene from the funeral rites. A marriage vase stands erect in
-the midst of three mourners, all apparently women, one of whom is tying
-to the handle of the vase (this vase has but one handle)</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="plt_iv" style="width: 392px;">
-<a href="images/i_p114a.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p114a.jpg" width="392" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p><span class="smcap">Plate</span> IV</p>
-
-<p><i>Page 114</i></p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page_115">{115}</a></span></p>
-
-<p class="nind">a wreath. Twice over, on this curious stele, we have the symbolism of
-the vase employed to indicate the unmarried condition of the defunct.</p>
-
-<p>On another stele (<a href="#plt_v">Pl. V</a>) three vases are represented in relief, a
-marriage vase and two sepulchral lekythi<a id="FNanchor_126_126"></a><a href="#Footnote_126_126" class="fnanchor">[126]</a>. The central vase bears a
-relief, a young horseman armed, standing beside his horse, and giving
-his hand to an elderly man who is wrapped in a cloak. The relief on the
-vase to left shows us a boy, of somewhat manly form, running with a
-hoop. It is likely that in the grave to which this monument belonged a
-father had buried three sons, one of military age and almost
-marriageable, the other two still young.</p>
-
-<p>No sentiment is more often expressed in epitaphs, none more strongly
-affected the Greek heart, than the sadness of the fate of those young
-men and women to whom death came in the place of that marriage which was
-regarded as the consummation of earthly happiness. When the marriage
-vase was used for funeral libations, then indeed the bitterness of fate
-was felt by every bystander. The poets have embodied this feeling in
-many an epigram; one of these by the poet Meleager<a id="FNanchor_127_127"></a><a href="#Footnote_127_127" class="fnanchor">[127]</a> I must
-endeavour, though the task is a hard one, to reproduce in English:&#8212;</p>
-
-<div class="poetry">
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0">When Clearista doffed her virgin tire,<br></span>
-<span class="i0">No bridal but a tomb did she require.<br></span>
-<span class="i0">The flutes before her door but yesternight<br></span>
-<span class="i0">To merry household clatter answered bright;<br></span>
-<span class="i0">The morrow found them wailing, and the lay<br></span>
-<span class="i0">Of Hymen in lament died sad away.<br></span>
-<span class="i0">And torches bright that in her bower did glow<br></span>
-<span class="i0">Illume the passage to the realm below.<a id="FNanchor_128_128"></a><a href="#Footnote_128_128" class="fnanchor">[128]</a><br></span>
-</div></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>It is not, however, most usual to find the tombs of the later fifth and
-the fourth centuries thus adapted to the circum<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_116">{116}</a></span>stances of a special
-tenant. Some of the stelae of this period, such as those of Tynnias (<a href="#plt_x">Pl.
-X</a>), Aristonautes (<a href="#plt_xi">Pl. XI</a>), and Amphotto (<a href="#plt_xvii">Pl. XVII</a>) belong especially to
-individuals; but the great majority of the graves between <small>B.C.</small> 450 and
-300 are of eminently domestic character. The reliefs which they bear
-represent not one person but many, and the inscriptions contain several
-names. The simple burial customs of the Athenians made great vaults
-unnecessary; a handful of ashes could be easily disposed of.</p>
-
-<p>In looking at the sculpture of Attic tombs, we must not forget this
-domestic and family destination. And there is another point, one of
-technique, which we must also bear in mind. All decorative reliefs in
-Greece, whether they belonged to the temple, the public building, or the
-tomb, depended in a great degree for effect on the colour which was
-freely used to help out the sculpture. Few traces of colouring now
-remain on the sepulchral reliefs, but there can be no doubt that
-originally they were coloured, not perhaps all over, but in many parts.
-The background would be filled in with blue or other strong colour. The
-hair of the persons sculptured would be, according to the almost
-universal custom of Greek sculpture, red. Eyes and eyebrows would be
-indicated with the brush as well as with the chisel. The garments would
-commonly be at all events tinted, and in some cases they would bear
-designs painted to represent embroidery, as is the case with the votive
-archaic female figures recently discovered at Athens<a id="FNanchor_129_129"></a><a href="#Footnote_129_129" class="fnanchor">[129]</a>. On our plate,
-which represents the stele of Aristion (<a href="#plt_ix">Pl. IX</a>), considerable traces of
-colour may be observed. And besides colour, metal accessories were in
-many cases added. In the stele of Dexileos (<a href="#plt_xii">Pl. XII</a>), reins, sword, and
-lance were added in metal.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="plt_v" style="width: 393px;">
-<a href="images/i_p116a.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p116a.jpg" width="393" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p><span class="smcap">Plate</span> V</p>
-
-<p><i>Page 116</i></p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page_117">{117}</a></span></p>
-
-<p>Thus when we see on our reliefs a lady holding out empty hands (cf. <a href="#plt_xxvi">Pl.
-XXVI</a>), we may be sure that originally those hands had borne a necklace
-or other jewelry, added in colour. The handles of the marriage vase on
-Pl. IV must have been marked with colour. The ornaments of the helmet of
-Aristonautes (<a href="#plt_xi">Pl. XI</a>) were added in metal, and so on in other cases. To
-the modern eye the pure white of Greek reliefs as they now are, seems
-classical and appropriate. And we may be right. Greek life has passed
-away, and looks upon us as if from another world in the ghostly
-reflection of Greek art. We see it not in a realistic but in a softened
-and ideal light. But the Greeks themselves loved strong colour, and in
-any purely artistic question their eyes are far more to be trusted than
-ours, which are perverted by the ugly surroundings of our daily life.</p>
-
-<p>The date of Greek sepulchral monuments may be determined by a variety of
-considerations. The inscriptions which they bear may help us in some
-cases. We know that the old Attic alphabet, which did not distinguish
-short from long vowels, confusing O with Ω, and E with H, and which used
-the form
-<img src="images/shape.png"
-style="vertical-align:middle;" width="10" alt="[Image of form unavailable.]">
-for Λ and Λ for Γ, was officially superseded by the
-alphabet of Asia Minor in the archonship of Euclides 403 <small>B.C.</small> But long
-before this date the Ionian letters had been in frequent use for private
-documents. Thus any tomb bearing an inscription in the Ionian character
-can scarcely be later than 400 <small>B.C.</small>; but may be considerably earlier.
-The evidence of date furnished by inscriptions being thus rather vague,
-we return to the evidence offered by the forms of the stelae and the
-style of the reliefs.</p>
-
-<p>A certain roughness and want of elaboration in the acroteria, the
-architectural adornments of the tops of the stelae, indicates
-fifth-century work. For example, the stelae of Lysander (<a href="#plt_xx">Pl. XX</a>) and of
-Mica (<a href="#plt_xxi">Pl. XXI</a>), with their somewhat clumsy ending above, are typical of
-the fifth century, while a somewhat more elegant top, as in the stele of
-Damasistrata (<a href="#plt_xxiii">Pl. XXIII</a>),<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_118">{118}</a></span> is usually an indication of the more
-luxurious fourth century. But style of sculpture is a safer criterion.
-Those who are familiar with the style of the Parthenon frieze, and with
-that of Praxitelean art, will find little difficulty in determining to
-which of these two very different styles that of any given relief most
-closely approximates. To the question of the relation of sepulchral
-reliefs to the works of the great Athenian artists we will return in a
-later chapter (XI).</p>
-
-<p>The effects of the sumptuary laws of Demetrius Phalereus are clearly
-visible in the Athenian cemeteries. After 300 <small>B.C.</small> we find no more lofty
-stelae, no more temple-like tombs of great size and beauty. As might be
-expected from the statement of Cicero above cited, henceforward we find
-only small and mean monuments, the low stele with reliefs, the stone
-lekythos, the short pillar, inscribed only with a name. Such tombs are
-found in extraordinary abundance in the neighbourhood of Athens; but
-their interest, whether from the point of view of the historian or the
-artist, is but slight, and we shall be but little concerned with them in
-these pages.</p>
-
-<p>We must imagine most of the roads leading to great cities as flanked on
-both sides by the sculptured memorials of the dead. Those who have
-visited Rome and Pompeii will be familiar with this custom, which seems
-to us rather depressing. But we must remember that the tombs of the
-Greeks and Romans had not that air of uniform melancholy which tombs
-bear among us. The frontispiece shows a part of the great Athenian
-cemetery of the Cerameicus, which lay just outside the Dipylon Gate. It
-shows us the line of tombs of various ages and of many forms, which
-flanked the sacred way leading to Eleusis, the line of which is visible
-in the foreground. On the left is the relief of Dexileos, which belonged
-to a sort of shrine, of which the foundations still exist. Close to it
-is a table or τράπεζα; below it, a tall stele with rosettes on the face
-of it, and surmounted by an acanthus. Then come more<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_119">{119}</a></span> tables and a flat
-stele adorned with reliefs. Further are two shrines, ναΐσκοι, and a
-lofty basis supporting a bull. One or two short pillars of the later age
-are visible in the background. In some cases stone lekythi, such as that
-lying broken at the foot of the pedestal of the bull, were inserted,
-sometimes one and sometimes two, in the flat upper surface of the
-tables.</p>
-
-<p>To what events this section of the cemetery owes its remarkable
-preservation is a matter of conjecture. Francis Lenormant suggested that
-it was covered by the earthen <i>agger</i> set up against the walls of Athens
-by Sulla when he attacked the city from this side, and so preserved from
-the ruin which time brings. Dr. Brückner, however, rejects this view,
-thinking that the spot was buried with earth by the Athenians themselves
-on some occasion<a id="FNanchor_130_130"></a><a href="#Footnote_130_130" class="fnanchor">[130]</a>. Whatever explanation be accepted, it is certainly
-a great gain to us thus to find preserved, like a fly in amber, a
-section of a great cemetery of Greece.</p>
-
-<p>The architectural features and decoration of the tombs of Athens may
-best be spoken of in this place.</p>
-
-<p>First, of the acanthus. The gradual growth of this ornament in
-complication and variety may be traced in the stelae of successive
-periods<a id="FNanchor_131_131"></a><a href="#Footnote_131_131" class="fnanchor">[131]</a>. The general form is always two Ionic volutes, surmounted
-by a palmette. To this is commonly added, after the fifth century <small>B.C.</small>,
-some kind of pattern derived from the leaf of the acanthus, which
-Callimachus, the inventor or improver of the Corinthian column, at the
-same period introduced into temple architecture.</p>
-
-<p>The acanthus is said by some to be introduced into tomb decoration
-because it grew on the rocky spurs which the Greeks generally used as
-burying-places. And in favour of this view may be cited the curious fact
-that in the vase-paintings we often see on the top of a tomb, in place
-of a sculptured acanthus,<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_120">{120}</a></span></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter">
-<a id="fig_41"></a>
-<a id="fig_42"></a>
-<a href="images/i_p120.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p120.jpg" width="600" height="552" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption">
-<table>
-<tr><td>
-<p>FIG. 41.<br>
-HEAD OF ASSYRIAN STELE.</p>
-</td>
-<td class="spc">&#160; </td><td><p>FIG. 42.<br> HEAD OF GREEK STELE.</p>
-</td></tr></table>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<p class="nind">one growing naturally. But there is, on the other side, a piece of
-evidence the value of which must be acknowledged. At Khorsabad in
-Assyria<a id="FNanchor_132_132"></a><a href="#Footnote_132_132" class="fnanchor">[132]</a>, M. Place discovered a tall square stele, fluted on all
-four sides, and surmounted by a device which is really a palmette, but
-which bears a strong resemblance to the so-called acanthus pattern of
-Greek art. The meaning and purpose of this pillar are obscure; but
-whatever they may be, it is scarcely open to doubt that in an artistic
-sense it lies in the line of descent of the Hellenic stele. And it
-naturally<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_121">{121}</a></span> suggests the question whether the finial ornament of Greek
-gravestones was originally meant for an acanthus at all, or whether it
-is only a variety of the Ionic scroll and the Assyrian palmette. We
-engrave side by side the top of this column (<a href="#fig_41">Fig. 41</a>), and for
-comparison with it, an archaic anthemion from a Greek stele<a id="FNanchor_133_133"></a><a href="#Footnote_133_133" class="fnanchor">[133]</a> (<a href="#fig_42">Fig.
-42</a>).</p>
-
-<p>After the archaic period the anthemion on the top of the Attic stele
-goes on developing in complexity as well as in beauty. We give three
-characteristic treatments of the fourth century, which may be compared
-with the example already figured. Of these monuments, one (43)<a id="FNanchor_134_134"></a><a href="#Footnote_134_134" class="fnanchor">[134]</a> is
-adorned with rosettes only; the second (43 <span class="smcap">A</span>)<a id="FNanchor_135_135"></a><a href="#Footnote_135_135" class="fnanchor">[135]</a> with a group of three
-persons, father, mother, and daughter; the third (43 <span class="smcap">B</span>)<a id="FNanchor_136_136"></a><a href="#Footnote_136_136" class="fnanchor">[136]</a> with a
-marriage vase.</p>
-
-<p><a id="fig_43"></a></p>
-
-<div class="figright" style="width: 374px;">
-<a href="images/i_p121.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p121.jpg" width="374" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 43. ANTHEMION OF STELE.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>The acanthus is not the only ornament used as a finial for Greek stelae:
-other devices sometimes appear in the same place; and their meaning is a
-matter worthy of consideration.</p>
-
-<p>On some of the early monuments of Attica there stood a sphinx. The
-instance figured (44) is from an early tomb at Spata, near Athens<a id="FNanchor_137_137"></a><a href="#Footnote_137_137" class="fnanchor">[137]</a>.
-The monster is archaic in form: her hair falls in long formal curls, her
-breast is covered with<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_122">{122}</a></span></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;">
-<a href="images/i_p122.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p122.jpg" width="600" height="567" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 43 A. ANTHEMION.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p class="nind">feathers: on her head is a round crown. The history of the sphinx has
-been traced by Milchhoefer<a id="FNanchor_138_138"></a><a href="#Footnote_138_138" class="fnanchor">[138]</a> and other writers. Its origin is
-certainly to be sought in Egypt, in which country sphinxes were set up
-in lines as guardians of the temples. The Egyptian sphinx is unwinged
-and male, as the beard which it commonly wears clearly shows; but when
-the people of Asia Minor and Syria imitated the form, they added wings.
-The significance of the monster was in Egypt quite vague; and it was
-probably even more vague in Asia. Thus when the Greeks adopted the
-strange form, it cannot have brought with it much meaning. They had to
-give it a meaning of their own. In fact, it was quite characteristic in
-the Greeks that they<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_123">{123}</a></span></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;">
-<a href="images/i_p123-a.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p123-a.jpg" width="600" height="486" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 43 B. ANTHEMION.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_44" style="width: 551px;">
-<a href="images/i_p123-b.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p123-b.jpg" width="551" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 44. SPHINX OF SPATA.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page_124">{124}</a></span></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_45" style="width: 600px;">
-<a href="images/i_p124.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p124.jpg" width="600" height="513" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 45. TERRA-COTTA: SPHINX AND YOUTH.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p class="nind">borrowed forms and gave to them their own meaning. They took the forms
-and sounds of the letters of the alphabet from the Phoenicians, but used
-those letters to express their own thoughts, and the same thing took
-place when they received from the East an established pattern or form in
-art. To the Greeks, then, the sphinx is a monster, sometimes fierce and
-hostile, sometimes more kindly and gentle, who brings men and women to
-an early death; a spiritual force, like the Siren, which bears away
-souls. On a terra-cotta (<a href="#fig_45">Fig. 45</a>) published by Stackelberg<a id="FNanchor_139_139"></a><a href="#Footnote_139_139" class="fnanchor">[139]</a>, a
-sphinx, this time with human arms, is represented as standing on the
-body of a dead youth. Some such group must have been before the mind of
-Aeschylus when he describes the shield of Parthenopaeus as adorned with
-a sphinx<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_125">{125}</a></span> bearing in her claws a man of Thebes<a id="FNanchor_140_140"></a><a href="#Footnote_140_140" class="fnanchor">[140]</a>. But in the sphinx
-of our engraving there is no sign of fierceness or ravening.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_46" style="width: 399px;">
-<a href="images/i_p125.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p125.jpg" width="399" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 46. STELE OF LAMPTRAE, RESTORED.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>A sphinx probably stood on the top of one of the most interesting of
-early Athenian monuments, the stele of Lamptrae, of which I give a
-restoration (<a href="#fig_46">Fig. 46</a>) by Dr. Winter<a id="FNanchor_141_141"></a><a href="#Footnote_141_141" class="fnanchor">[141]</a>. It consisted of a thick slab
-with elegantly adorned cornice. On the top is a deep cutting, made to
-hold either the sphinx of the engraving, or, possibly, a portrait. Three
-sides of<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_126">{126}</a></span> the slab bear low reliefs which are much injured, but the
-subjects of which are of interest. On the front is a young horseman,
-evidently the denizen of the tomb, who rides to the right on a horse,
-holding spear and shield: a second horse is represented by a mere
-doubling of the outlines. On one of the narrower sides stands the father
-of the horseman, in an attitude of grief: on the other side are two
-mourning women, no doubt his near relatives. To these mourning relatives
-we may find abundant parallels among the vases which represent the lying
-in state of the corpse and its removal to the place of burial<a id="FNanchor_142_142"></a><a href="#Footnote_142_142" class="fnanchor">[142]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>It will be observed that the sphinx of the terra-cotta has human arms.
-This, and her female sex, bring her into close connexion with other
-female monsters, who also are winged and have the arms of women, the
-Harpies and the Sirens. Harpy and Siren are, in fact, not clearly
-distinguished in art; both are human-headed birds. And both are daemons
-destructive to human life, since, according to the legends, the Harpies
-were notable for foul and ravenous habits, the Sirens for a passion for
-the blood of the sailors whom they drew to them by the sweetness of
-their singing. As sphinx and Siren were thus both alike the ministers of
-early or untimely death, it will not greatly surprise us to find that on
-later monuments Sirens appear in the place of sphinxes. An instance from
-the museum at Athens is figured (<a href="#fig_47">Fig. 47</a>)<a id="FNanchor_143_143"></a><a href="#Footnote_143_143" class="fnanchor">[143]</a>; the woman-bird is human
-from head to waist, and is occupied with playing on her lyre. The tomb
-on which she stood perhaps belonged to some young girl or boy who
-perished by an untimely death.</p>
-
-<p>Yet this is by no means certain. For the Siren of Attic tombs has
-greatly modified her nature under the kindly influence of Attic poetry
-and art. She came from the East,<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_127">{127}</a></span> almost certainly as a malicious and
-devouring daemon. But in the ordinary custom of Attic tombs of the fifth
-and fourth centuries she becomes friendly and sympathetic. Sometimes, as
-in our example, she plays on a musical instrument. Sometimes she seems
-to express grief by the movements of her arms, beating her breast, or
-tearing her hair (see Pl. IV). A passage in the <i>Helena</i><a id="FNanchor_144_144"></a><a href="#Footnote_144_144" class="fnanchor">[144]</a> of
-Euripides represents the Sirens quite in the same sympathetic light.
-Helen, when wailing over the calamities at Troy calls on the Sirens,
-winged maidens, daughters of the earth, to come and join to her
-lamentations the music in which they were skilled.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_47" style="width: 431px;">
-<a href="images/i_p127.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p127.jpg" width="431" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 47. SIREN, FROM TOMB.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page_128">{128}</a></span></p>
-
-<p>The sphinx and the Siren may have originally found their place on tombs
-as ἀποτρόπαια, stone images of daemons to drive away the real daemons.
-But they retain their place on the tombs of a more refined age to
-express sympathy with the mourners, and to add a gentle touch of sorrow
-to the delightful domestic scenes which usually occupy the front of the
-monuments. Sophocles calls the Sirens the daughters of Phorcys, who sing
-the ways of Hades; it cannot therefore seem inappropriate that the tomb
-of Sophocles himself was adorned with the figure of one of these
-spirits.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_48" style="width: 600px;">
-<a href="images/i_p128.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p128.jpg" width="600" height="578" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 48. HEAD OF STELE.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>More obscure devices are sometimes mingled with the acanthus over the
-tomb. In a few cases (<a href="#fig_48">Fig. 48</a>) we find a pair of goats butting one
-another over a drinking-cup<a id="FNanchor_145_145"></a><a href="#Footnote_145_145" class="fnanchor">[145]</a>. The cup seems to show that there must
-be here some Dionysiac reference or meaning, though what it is we
-cannot<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_129">{129}</a></span> say. In one case a female figure (<a href="#fig_49">Fig. 49</a>), the import of which
-is hard to determine<a id="FNanchor_146_146"></a><a href="#Footnote_146_146" class="fnanchor">[146]</a>, stands over a tomb, with the acanthus-leaves
-for a background.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_49" style="width: 280px;">
-<a href="images/i_p129.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p129.jpg" width="280" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 49. HEAD OF STELE.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>It is not rare in most periods of Greek art to place on a tomb, instead
-of a portrait, the image of an animal, or some other device, the meaning
-of which has to be discovered<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_130">{130}</a></span> by the spectator. Sometimes it contains
-an allusion, usually to his name. We engrave (<a href="#fig_50">Fig. 50</a>) a stele on which
-is represented a lion in relief<a id="FNanchor_147_147"></a><a href="#Footnote_147_147" class="fnanchor">[147]</a>, and as the name of the person whom
-the tomb commemorates is Leon, the allusion is clear. We may compare an
-epigram of Simonides<a id="FNanchor_148_148"></a><a href="#Footnote_148_148" class="fnanchor">[148]</a>, written for a tomb, which runs thus:&#8212;</p>
-
-<div class="poetry">
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0">Most brave of beasts am I; of men most brave<br></span>
-<span class="i0">He whom I guard, reclining on his grave.<br></span>
-<span class="i0">Leon his name, yet save he had possessed<br></span>
-<span class="i0">The lion nature, here I should not rest.<br></span>
-</div></div>
-</div>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_50" style="width: 475px;">
-<a href="images/i_p130.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p130.jpg" width="475" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 50. STELE OF LEON.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>The traditional character of the lion, which was known to the Greeks
-rather from the <i>Iliad</i> than from personal experience,<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_131">{131}</a></span> made his figure
-a fitting adornment for the tombs of those who had died in battle for
-their country. Two gigantic lions still survive which adorned Greek
-tombs of historical celebrity. One stood over the remains of the Theban
-band which fell at Chaeroneia. The other, brought by Sir Charles Newton
-from Cnidus, probably marked the burial-place of the Athenians who fell
-in the battle of Cnidus, 394 <small>B.C.</small> The lioness on tombs seems to have
-scarcely had such dignified associations. On the tomb of Lais at Corinth
-stood a lioness, holding in her paws a ram<a id="FNanchor_149_149"></a><a href="#Footnote_149_149" class="fnanchor">[149]</a>, a symbol of the
-destructive force of the charms of the courtezan. A lioness without a
-tongue is said also to have stood on the tomb of Leaena, the Athenian
-courtezan who was a friend of Harmodius and Aristogeiton, and refused to
-betray the conspirators against the Tyrants.</p>
-
-<p>A bull or cow sometimes also stood on a grave. In the British Museum is
-a bull of this class<a id="FNanchor_150_150"></a><a href="#Footnote_150_150" class="fnanchor">[150]</a>. A heifer is said to have stood on the tomb of
-Boidion, concubine of Chares, who followed him in his expedition against
-Philip of Macedon<a id="FNanchor_151_151"></a><a href="#Footnote_151_151" class="fnanchor">[151]</a>. On the grave of Diogenes of Sinope was a dog, to
-mark his cynic nature. But the dog which appears on the summit of a tomb
-in the Athenian cemetery need not have anything to do with cynicism. He
-may have his place as a trusty watcher and guardian; or he may be
-connected with the cultus of the dead, as we have already suggested. On
-the grave of Philager his teacher, Metellus Nepos, set a raven, which
-Cicero declared to be most appropriate to a master who taught how to fly
-better than how to speak<a id="FNanchor_152_152"></a><a href="#Footnote_152_152" class="fnanchor">[152]</a>. Of course the raven, as the bird sacred
-to Apollo, was very appropriate on the tombs of learned men. In an
-epitaph in the <i>Anthology</i><a id="FNanchor_153_153"></a><a href="#Footnote_153_153" class="fnanchor">[153]</a> it is said<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_132">{132}</a></span> that the grave of the poet
-Sophocles was surmounted by a satyr, holding in his hand a female mask.
-As, however, we are told by other authorities that a Siren stood on his
-tomb, we must suppose the satyr to have surmounted a cenotaph erected to
-the poet by his admirers in some other city than Athens. From another
-epigram<a id="FNanchor_154_154"></a><a href="#Footnote_154_154" class="fnanchor">[154]</a> we learn that on the grave of Plato an eagle was
-sculptured: here we are clearly in the realm of poetic symbolism.<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_133">{133}</a></span></p>
-
-<h2><a id="CHAPTER_IX"></a>CHAPTER IX<br><br>
-<small>ATHENS AND GREECE. PORTRAITS</small></h2>
-
-<p><span class="smcap">In</span> the Spartan group of sepulchral monuments we found one of the two
-fountain-heads of Greek sepulchral reliefs, springing directly out of
-the ancestor-worship of the Dorian race. For the other main source,
-which is much less religious and more artistic in origin, we turn to
-Athens and to Ionia. It arises out of the custom of setting up portraits
-of the dead.</p>
-
-<p>The earliest sepulchral monuments which reach us from Attica, setting
-aside the merely decorative or symbolical sphinx, are portraits of the
-dead. In these portraits there is something of artistic and something of
-religious purpose. As we shall presently see, no hard and fast line can
-be drawn between the image used in ancestor-worship and the portrait
-which is merely a memorial. In fact we may see two lines of tendency
-taking their rise in the mere image of the dead. The one tendency is to
-bring it nearer to the images of the gods; to identify the departed
-ancestor or friend with Hades, the ruler of the world of shades. The
-other tendency is to render the portrait a characteristic memorial of
-the life which is past. In almost all existing sculptural remains we may
-see something of both tendencies, and it is by no means easy to
-determine what features in them properly belong to the past life, and
-what features to the life which begins with death. At Sparta, as we have
-seen, there is almost no reference to the past. In Lycia, past and
-future are closely blended. At Athens, and in several<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_134">{134}</a></span> districts of
-Greece, the past has a tendency to eclipse the future. Yet at least in
-the earlier stelae the religious, the human, and the artistic are all
-actively working elements.</p>
-
-<p>From the middle of the sixth century onwards the custom prevailed of
-placing upon the tomb a portrait of the occupant, who is represented in
-characteristic attitude and employment<a id="FNanchor_155_155"></a><a href="#Footnote_155_155" class="fnanchor">[155]</a>. A man in middle life is
-commonly represented in arms; a youth appears as an athlete holding
-strigil or discus. A married woman appears with the basket of wool,
-which signifies her most usual employment to be spinning; a young girl
-carries a doll, or plays with a pet bird or dog. Sometimes this portrait
-is sculptured in the round; sometimes it appears in relief, on a larger
-or a smaller scale.</p>
-
-<p>But no one at all well acquainted with the religious feelings and
-artistic tendencies of the Greeks will expect that portraits thus
-erected will be portraits in any modern or naturalistic sense, at all
-events until after the fourth century. When an honorary statue was
-erected in the neighbourhood of a temple or set up in a market-place in
-the likeness of some statesman or poet or athlete, it would represent
-the actual features of the person so commemorated, in the manner in
-which the sculptors of the time understood the art of portraiture.
-Greater vagueness and generality always in Greece characterized the
-sepulchral portrait. It was a radical feeling of the Greek mind that he
-who died put away the accidents of his personal individuality, and
-became in some degree a mere phase of the deity of the lower world.
-Thus, though he would not lose what was most essential in his
-personality, sex, youth or age, warlike or peaceful character, and the
-like, he would become typical of a class rather than individual, <i>the</i>
-warrior, the athlete, or the girl, rather than a particular man or
-woman. Besides this deep-seated tendency, it must often have happened
-that the sculptor who made the<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_135">{135}</a></span> effigy had scarcely seen the person to
-be represented, and was quite incapable of making from memory a
-life-like portrait, whereas taking a mould from the dead face was a
-process invented, we are told<a id="FNanchor_156_156"></a><a href="#Footnote_156_156" class="fnanchor">[156]</a>, by Lysistratus, brother of Lysippus,
-the contemporary of Alexander the Great, and unknown at an earlier
-period.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_51" style="width: 538px;">
-<a href="images/i_p135.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p135.jpg" width="538" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 51. PORTRAIT FROM TOMB, THERA<a id="FNanchor_157_157"></a><a href="#Footnote_157_157" class="fnanchor">[157]</a>.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>We find in Greece proper as early as the sixth century portrait statues
-from tombs. Male figures stand naked, female figures are closely wrapped
-in archaic drapery. It is very probable that some of the stiff archaic
-statues of men which figure in the earlier chapters of the histories of
-Greek<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_136">{136}</a></span> sculpture really come from tombs. They commonly pass under the
-name of Apollo, as the Apollo of Thera, of Orchomenus, of Tenea, and so
-forth. But at the very early stage of Greek art to which they belong,
-the figures of gods and men were distinguished one from the other rather
-by circumstance and attribute than by any marked feature of the statues
-themselves. And thus some writers<a id="FNanchor_158_158"></a><a href="#Footnote_158_158" class="fnanchor">[158]</a> have maintained that these
-so-called Apollos are really portraits of athletes. In regard to one of
-them, the Apollo of Thera, Professor Loeschcke has argued from its
-find-spot, in the neighbourhood of the rocky cemetery of that island,
-that it probably stood on a tomb. To bring before the eyes of the reader
-the character of these early portrait-statues I have given an engraving
-of the head of this statue (<a href="#fig_51">Fig. 51</a>). The long locks fall over the
-shoulders, and the hair over the forehead is close curled in the
-decorative Ionian fashion. The upturned corners of the mouth, and the
-almost Chinese obliquity of the eyes, are well-known features of the
-most primitive art of Greece.</p>
-
-<p>In the same paper Professor Loeschcke publishes<a id="FNanchor_159_159"></a><a href="#Footnote_159_159" class="fnanchor">[159]</a> a fragment of an
-archaic equestrian statue (<a href="#fig_52">Fig. 52</a>), which comes from the graveyard of
-Vari in Attica, and was probably a memorial of a cavalier buried there.
-The equestrian figure on Greek tombs had, as we have found in an earlier
-chapter, usually a special meaning; but here it seems to be a mere
-portrait of one who had served in the cavalry, or perhaps had won a
-victory at the great games of Greece with a racehorse. Noteworthy are
-the long rigidly cut figure of the horse, and the seat of the rider,
-whose legs stretch along the flanks of the horse. This may result from
-the greater sculptural difficulty of carving the legs in a detached
-attitude.</p>
-
-<p>We possess also certain seated female figures of the same</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="plt_vi" style="width: 394px;">
-<a href="images/i_p136a.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p136a.jpg" width="394" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p><span class="smcap">Plate</span> VI</p>
-
-<p><i>Page 136</i></p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page_137">{137}</a></span></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_52" style="width: 600px;">
-<a href="images/i_p137.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p137.jpg" width="600" height="287" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 52. HORSEMAN FROM TOMB.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p class="nind">early age which appear to have adorned tombs. A fragment of one of these
-was found built into the wall which Themistocles constructed round
-Athens soon after the battle of Salamis, a wall erected, as
-Thucydides<a id="FNanchor_160_160"></a><a href="#Footnote_160_160" class="fnanchor">[160]</a> tells us, in such haste that men spared neither public
-nor private edifice in its construction. But the best evidence as to the
-character of the early sepulchral portraits of Athenian ladies reaches
-us by a less direct route. Many people are familiar with the charming
-seated figure in the Vatican which goes by the name of Penelope, a
-veiled woman seated in pensive attitude, with her head resting on one
-hand, while the other hand lies on the rock on which she sits (<a href="#plt_vi">Pl. VI</a>).
-This rock, however, is a restoration<a id="FNanchor_161_161"></a><a href="#Footnote_161_161" class="fnanchor">[161]</a>, and replicas prove that in
-place of it we must suppose a chair, under which stood a large
-work-basket, to have supported the lady. She is, in all likelihood, no
-mythic heroine, but an ordinary Greek mistress of the house, resting for
-a while from the active toils of the loom in an attitude which gives the
-impression that the thought<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_138">{138}</a></span> of approaching death has come over her with
-saddening power. Both the attitude and the basket of work recur
-frequently in the reliefs of early stelae<a id="FNanchor_162_162"></a><a href="#Footnote_162_162" class="fnanchor">[162]</a>, and there is good reason
-to suppose that the so-called Penelope is an excerpt from some Greek
-cemetery, though the statue itself dates only from the Roman age. The
-original from which it is copied would date from the early part of the
-fifth century.</p>
-
-<p>Before going on to speak of the stelae with reliefs, which are our main
-business, it may be well to follow down to a later time the lines which
-start with figures like the ‘Apollo’ of Tenea and the ‘Penelope’ of the
-Vatican.</p>
-
-<p>It is by no means unlikely that in later days tombs in Greece may
-sometimes have been adorned with life-like portraits of their occupants,
-executed by some of the great sculptors of the day, such as the noble
-figures of Mausolus and Artemisia, which stood in the Mausoleum at
-Halicarnassus. But certainly this was not the only, probably not the
-usual, line followed in memorial statues. The idea of generalization and
-of deification of the dead, of which I have already spoken, was by no
-means inoperative in this province.</p>
-
-<p>Pl. VII represents one of two figures found in the island of Andros, and
-now placed in the museum at Athens<a id="FNanchor_163_163"></a><a href="#Footnote_163_163" class="fnanchor">[163]</a>. This male figure obviously
-appears in the guise of Hermes, and indeed bears a resemblance which is
-more than superficial to the celebrated Olympian Hermes of Praxiteles.
-Very probably it may have grasped the herald’s staff of Hermes. But the
-snake which twines round the tree-trunk, which is a necessary support to
-the marble statue, has no connexion with Hermes, but seems to indicate
-rather a connexion with</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="plt_vii" style="width: 394px;">
-<a href="images/i_p138a.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p138a.jpg" width="394" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p><span class="smcap">Plate</span> VII</p>
-
-<p><i>Page 138</i></p></div>
-</div>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="plt_viii" style="width: 384px;">
-<a href="images/i_p138c.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p138c.jpg" width="384" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p><span class="smcap">Plate</span> VIII</p>
-
-<p><i>Page 138</i></p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page_139">{139}</a></span></p>
-
-<p class="nind">the grave, that in fact the statue is rather of a mortal in the
-similitude of Hermes than of the god himself. And this suspicion becomes
-a certainty when we consider other facts. Close to it was found its
-companion, a female figure, which does not seem to stand for a goddess,
-but for an ordinary woman<a id="FNanchor_164_164"></a><a href="#Footnote_164_164" class="fnanchor">[164]</a>; and as male and female were thus found
-together, they had probably both stood on one tomb. There are other
-pairs of figures, of later and ruder work, at Athens, which in general
-character resemble the pair from Andros. Thus we seem to be on the track
-of a clear and defined sepulchral custom prevailing from the fourth
-century onwards. The successors of Alexander in Egypt, Syria, and
-Macedon appear on their coins in the guise of various deities, Hermes,
-Apollo, and Dionysus particularly; and it can scarcely surprise us that
-a distinguished private person should by the ennobling touch of death be
-raised to the same level, and take the form of Hermes, the messenger of
-the world of shades. We find that in Thessaly tombstones quite usually
-are inscribed, not only with the name of the occupant of the grave, but
-also with a formula dedicating them to Hermes Chthonius<a id="FNanchor_165_165"></a><a href="#Footnote_165_165" class="fnanchor">[165]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>The Museum of Berlin has acquired, from the Sabouroff Collection, two
-interesting statues of women, seated in an attitude of grief, which
-almost certainly belong to tombs, and challenge comparison with the
-‘Penelope.’ One is figured in Pl. VIII. Their date is probably the
-fourth century; but they certainly do not come from the hands of the
-great sculptors of that century; the work of them is poor, and their
-style has been well termed that of domestic art. Their dress is not that
-of the Athenian lady, but that of the maidservants who so often appear
-on the stelae in attendance on their<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_140">{140}</a></span> mistress<a id="FNanchor_166_166"></a><a href="#Footnote_166_166" class="fnanchor">[166]</a>, a dress of coarse
-material with long sleeves reaching to the wrist. They are clearly
-mourning slave-girls, who were placed on the grave of their mistress to
-commemorate her wealth and her kindness to her dependants.</p>
-
-<p>We next approach the rich series of sepulchral reliefs, in which, as we
-have already shown, three periods are to be distinguished: first, that
-before the Persian War; second, the fifth and fourth centuries; and
-third, the later age. In this chapter we deal with the representations
-which are primarily portraits, leaving more complicated scenes for the
-next chapter.</p>
-
-<p>Among the best-known of the works of early Athenian art is the stele of
-Aristion, which was found in 1838 in the midst of a tumulus at
-Velanideza in Attica. Simple and in details clumsy, the figure of the
-warrior (Pl. IX <span class="smcap">A</span>) on that stele is singularly pleasing as a whole, and
-the unrivalled eye of Brunn saw in it, at a time when very little was
-known as to the early art of Athens, the whole promise of the Attic art
-of the future, more especially in the way in which it occupied the field
-of the relief, and was wrought into a composition which showed in all
-its <i>naïveté</i> a fine sense of proportion and of the relation of the part
-to the whole. As if on a parade, the soldier stands in helmet and
-cuirass, grasping his spear, and waiting the word of command. The hair
-and the right hand especially show the limitations imposed on the artist
-by the undeveloped character of his technique. Yet the relief is justly
-a favourite with lovers of art. One of its charms our plate imperfectly
-reproduces, the delicate remains of colouring, which may still be traced
-on the marble, and which are repeated on the casts in our cast
-collections.</p>
-
-<p>From the same cemetery as this work of the sculptor Aristocles comes
-another stele adorned, not with relief, but</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="plt_ix" style="width: 387px;">
-<a href="images/i_p140a.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p140a.jpg" width="387" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p><span class="smcap">Plate</span> IX</p>
-
-<p><i>Page 140</i></p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page_141">{141}</a></span></p>
-
-<p class="nind">with painting<a id="FNanchor_167_167"></a><a href="#Footnote_167_167" class="fnanchor">[167]</a>, and bearing the inscription, Λυσὲᾳ ἐνθάδε σῆμα πατὴρ
-Σήμων ἐπέθηκεν. The colour has indeed disappeared with time, but the
-patience of Mr. Thiersch and of Dr. Loeschcke has succeeded in proving
-its former presence from the variety of preservation of the surface of
-the marble, the parts of it which were protected by colour having
-retained the original surface, while those which were not so protected
-suffered from corrosion. We can clearly trace the outlines of the figure
-of Lyseas, a bearded man, who stands, holding in one hand a winecup, in
-the other a bough for lustration. Below is a jockey, seated on a
-galloping horse, doubtless a memorial of some victory won in the great
-games.</p>
-
-<p>Lyseas is clad in civic dress, and in this respect he resembles another
-person of distinction whose stele reaches us from Boeotia, and was
-executed by the artist Alxenor of Naxos (Pl. IX <span class="smcap">B</span>). This delightful
-monument represents a worthy Greek citizen in one of his lighter moods.
-Standing in a position of ease, he rests his weight on a staff which
-supports his shoulder, and holds out in sport a grasshopper to a
-favourite dog, who leaps up in an attitude somewhat constrained, and
-clearly resulting from the narrow limits of the monument. The
-inscription added by the artist is as delightfully simple as the
-representation itself: ‘Alxenor of Naxos fashioned me: only look!’</p>
-
-<p>Alxenor was a native of Naxos, Aristocles probably of a Parian family;
-these are facts, among others, which confirm the view put forth by
-Loeschcke and Furtwängler, that the stele with portrait is of Ionian
-origin, and imported into Greece together with the marble of the islands
-of the Asiatic coast, and with the sculptors who came to exercise their
-hereditary skill in carving that marble. It is difficult to prove to
-demonstration any assertion in regard to the art of Ionia,<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_142">{142}</a></span> as the
-remains which will finally establish or condemn such assertions still
-lie beneath the soil of Miletus, Ephesus, Phocaea, and the other great
-Ionian settlements of the coast. But we can assert with reasonable
-confidence, that as Greece owed conservatism and ancestor-worship to the
-rigid Dorians, so she owed progress in art and all the delights of life
-to the joyous Ionian strain; and portraiture has in it the human and
-individual character which belongs especially to the Ionians.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_53" style="width: 452px;">
-<a href="images/i_p142.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p142.jpg" width="452" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 53. SEATED HERO.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>Another relief, now preserved at Ince Blundell Hall<a id="FNanchor_168_168"></a><a href="#Footnote_168_168" class="fnanchor">[168]</a> (<a href="#fig_53">Fig. 53</a>), sets
-before us a typical Greek citizen, seated in dignified fashion. From the
-artistic point of view it is interesting to see how completely, even in
-the archaic period, the sculptor has attained the art of displaying
-rather than concealing the bodily forms by means of the drapery. Whence
-this relief may have come we know not. But it is<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_143">{143}</a></span> of Parian marble, and
-the comparison of other reliefs indicates for it an Ionian origin,
-perhaps on one of the islands of the Aegean. We miss the attributes
-which in the stelae of Sparta refer to the cultus of ancestors. It is,
-however, impossible to be sure that they were originally wanting. For it
-seems clear that on the right hand, which lies palm upwards, some
-attribute rested which was indicated in colour, perhaps a flat cup,
-while the raised left hand may have held a flower.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_54" style="width: 600px;">
-<a href="images/i_p143.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p143.jpg" width="600" height="459" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 54. HEAD OF YOUTH HOLDING DISCUS.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>The stelae of youths are in the early age more common than those of
-grown men. As we might expect, the portraits of young men, even from
-their tombs, are marked by an athletic tinge. In the wall of
-Themistocles, already mentioned, near the Dipylon gate of Athens, was
-found the head of a young man, who had probably been a winner in the
-pentathlon,<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_144">{144}</a></span> a combination of five contests&#8212;hurling the spear, throwing
-the discus, leaping, running, and wrestling<a id="FNanchor_169_169"></a><a href="#Footnote_169_169" class="fnanchor">[169]</a>. The victors in this
-complicated sport appear in their statues holding either spear or discus
-or the weights (άλτῆρες) used in leaping. In the present case it is the
-discus which has the preference (<a href="#fig_54">Fig. 54</a>). Held up in the left hand, the
-discus forms a sort of background or frame to the remarkable head, with
-its long arched nose, its wide-open archaic eye, and the long mass of
-its hair falling down the neck.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_55" style="width: 430px;">
-<a href="images/i_p144.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p144.jpg" width="430" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 55. DERMYS AND CITYLUS.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>To this work, which is, for the time, of finished style and execution, a
-strong contrast is presented by an extraordinary monument of Boeotia
-(<a href="#fig_55">Fig. 55</a>), from the tomb of two brothers,</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="plt_x" style="width: 394px;">
-<a href="images/i_p144a.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p144a.jpg" width="394" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p><span class="smcap">Plate</span> X</p>
-
-<p><i>Page 144</i></p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page_145">{145}</a></span></p>
-
-<p>Dermys and Citylus<a id="FNanchor_170_170"></a><a href="#Footnote_170_170" class="fnanchor">[170]</a>. The artist certainly meant rightly, and he has
-succeeded in conveying to future times the impression of the mutual
-affection of the pair, who stand with the arm of each thrown round the
-other’s neck, in a fashion peculiar to lovers and schoolboys. But
-unfortunately his ambition was beyond his skill, and the extraordinary
-rigidity and helplessness of the group are even more conspicuous than
-its good motive. It is hard to see whence the arms come and whither they
-go; and it is quite clear that unless the sculptor had added the name of
-each brother in the marble, their best friends would have been unable to
-discern which was which. The inscription further records the name of the
-person who erected the tomb: ‘Set up by Amphalces in memory of Dermys
-and Citylus.’</p>
-
-<p>Coming down to a somewhat later time, we are compelled by the abundance
-of the material to select a few portraits of men as typical, and to pass
-over the great majority of them in silence.</p>
-
-<p>A thoroughly typical portrait of an Athenian citizen of the fifth
-century is found in the stele of Tynnias, the son of Tynnon (<a href="#plt_x">Pl. X</a>).
-Tynnias is seated holding a long staff, his garment thrown loosely over
-his shoulders but leaving his breast bare. The work is not very careful,
-yet it would not be easy to find in art a figure of greater grace and
-dignity. This mere mortal would sit undisgraced among the seated gods of
-the frieze of the Parthenon. He might almost stand for Zeus, the father
-of gods and men, instead of for the father of ordinary Athenian girls
-and boys. Only in one point does his humanity come out clearly. The
-chair on which he is seated is not such a square high-backed throne as
-would suit a deity, or such as commonly appears on tombs, but a
-thoroughly domestic chair, such as we see in the domestic interiors of
-vases<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_146">{146}</a></span> (see Figs. <a href="#fig_10">10</a> and <a href="#fig_69">69</a>). The back slopes at a comfortable angle,
-and the legs diverge so far apart that it could only with great
-difficulty be overturned. Since the Chippendale reaction we have
-accepted the notion that chairs with bent legs are not artistic, but it
-is clear that some skilful Greek sculptors were of another opinion. The
-boots of Tynnias also are not the sandals of ordinary Greek art, but
-leather boots not unlike ours.</p>
-
-<p>The simple form of this monument with its shallow pediment contrasts
-with the more highly developed and elegant stelae of the fourth century;
-the rough surface below shows where it was let into a socket. It is in
-fact an ordinary roadside tomb; can we wonder that the nation which had
-such perfect taste in common things attained so perfect a sense of
-beauty in form and dignity in deportment?</p>
-
-<p>To the peaceful Tynnias a striking contrast is offered by the figures of
-citizens who fell in battle, and whose graves are a memorial of their
-warlike prowess. We give three examples.</p>
-
-<p>First, the tomb of Aristonautes, son of Archenautes (<a href="#plt_xi">Pl. XI</a>). This is
-almost the only example which has come down to us of a complete ναῗδιον
-or temple. The letters of the inscription indicate the earlier part of
-the fourth century. Aristonautes is represented in the act of charging
-the enemy; he wears a conical helmet adorned with ornaments of
-gilt-bronze<a id="FNanchor_171_171"></a><a href="#Footnote_171_171" class="fnanchor">[171]</a>, and a cuirass; in his hands were sword or spear and
-shield. The relief is so high that the figure is almost in the round, to
-which circumstance we must attribute the loss of the left leg, which is
-now replaced in plaster. A chlamys lies on the left shoulder. The ground
-on which the hero charges is the rocky soil of some battlefield; the
-background was painted blue to bring out strongly the manly lines of the
-form. This monument comes from the Cerameicus at Athens.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="plt_xi" style="width: 395px;">
-<a href="images/i_p146a.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p146a.jpg" width="395" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p><span class="smcap">Plate</span> XI</p>
-
-<p><i>Page 146</i></p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page_147">{147}</a></span></p>
-
-<p>It would not be easy to imagine a more vigorous and lifelike image of a
-fallen warrior than this. Drapery and bodily forms alike are of the
-noblest. The face, with its square form, overhanging eyebrows, and
-parted lips, breathes the very spirit of military ardour. Such as every
-friend of Aristonautes would wish him to look when he sprang forward in
-his last fatal rush upon the foe, such he stands in imperishable marble.
-A grave in Westminster Abbey is supposed to recompense the English
-soldier for pain and untimely death, but surely the idea of living in
-marble under the eyes of all his fellow-citizens might furnish at least
-as strong an impulse to valiant deeds as the thought of a modern
-cathedral with its tasteless monuments and inanimate likenesses. It
-would, however, be a mistake to suppose that this figure, for all its
-lifelikeness, is an individual portrait. It is too strongly marked by
-the style of one of the noblest of Attic sculptors, Scopas, to allow us
-to doubt that there is in it a strong ideal element.</p>
-
-<p>Another monument of the same school is the well-known relief (<a href="#plt_xii">Pl. XII</a>)
-in which we see Dexileos of the Athenian cavalry riding down and
-transfixing an overthrown foe, who vainly tries to strike back<a id="FNanchor_172_172"></a><a href="#Footnote_172_172" class="fnanchor">[172]</a>. The
-inscription beneath this relief, which comes from a small chapel near
-the Dipylon gate of Athens, proves that it was executed in memory of a
-horseman who fell in the Corinthian War of 394 <small>B.C.</small> History records that
-in the battle the Athenians were defeated, and one is tempted to pause
-for a moment to consider how a modern sculptor would have represented
-Dexileos. An artist such as those who have modelled the tombs of St.
-Paul’s and Westminster would probably have sculptured him smitten to
-death, falling back in the arms of a grateful country; perhaps would
-have added above an angel crowning him with a wreath of celestial<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_148">{148}</a></span>
-reward. But the Greek artists of the good period could not find in
-defeat and death any elements worthy of their art: they must represent
-those whom they portrayed in the moment of success and victory, not in
-that of overthrow. The difference is very suggestive. Infinitely
-inferior to Greek art in charm, in simplicity and dignity, modern art
-introduces higher elements than were usually taken into account in
-Hellas. From the artistic point of view the ancients were right; but
-from the ethical point of view there may be more to be said for the
-moderns.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_56" style="width: 348px;">
-<a href="images/i_p148.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p148.jpg" width="348" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 56. WARRIOR OF TEGEA.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>A more modest memorial of a warrior comes from Tegea<a id="FNanchor_173_173"></a><a href="#Footnote_173_173" class="fnanchor">[173]</a> (<a href="#fig_56">Fig. 56</a>). In
-the relief we see a man named Lisas in the</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="plt_xii" style="width: 393px;">
-<a href="images/i_p148a.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p148a.jpg" width="393" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p><span class="smcap">Plate</span> XII</p>
-
-<p><i>Page 148</i></p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page_149">{149}</a></span></p>
-
-<p class="nind">guise not of a hoplite but of a peltast or auxiliary. His defensive
-armour consists only of a conical helmet and a shield. His chiton is
-girt only on the left shoulder, so as to leave the right arm perfectly
-free. What he carried in the right hand we cannot be sure. It was filled
-in in colour, and has disappeared. The attitude makes us at first think
-of a sling. But it is more likely that the weapon was a light javelin
-for throwing. Lisas is evidently advancing over rocky ground to the
-attack.</p>
-
-<p>From monuments of warriors we pass to those of young athletes; and in
-Greece almost every man who died before coming to full maturity appears
-on his tomb in athletic guise. The exercises of the palaestra were not
-reserved, as among us, for a certain number of the most robust young
-men, but were, like the military service with which they were nearly
-connected, a part of the life of every man not given up to sloth and
-luxury. On Pl. XIII is a noble figure of an athletic ephebus. He stands
-solidly on flat feet, naked but for a chlamys which he holds with the
-right hand, while the left grasps strigil and oil-flask, the necessaries
-of the life of the athlete. The bare body is treated with utmost
-simplicity and without a trace of self-consciousness. A dog sits at his
-master’s feet with nose upturned. This monument is from Thespiae in
-Boeotia, and must date from the middle of the fifth century: the letters
-over the head, Ἀγαθόκλη χαῖρε, are, it need scarcely be said, of much
-later times, proving that this stele, like so many at Athens, was used
-again in Roman times to mark a fresh tomb.</p>
-
-<p>Of somewhat later date is the relief on an Attic lekythos (<a href="#fig_57">Fig. 57</a>), in
-which we find an athlete exercising himself<a id="FNanchor_174_174"></a><a href="#Footnote_174_174" class="fnanchor">[174]</a>. Stark naked, according
-to the invariable custom of the Greek palaestra, he rests his weight on
-one leg, while on the other he balances a heavy stone ball, such a ball
-as was actually<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_150">{150}</a></span> found in the gymnasium of Pompeii. This was doubtless
-an exercise of the class used for training special muscles and producing
-a perfect physical development. In front of the athlete stands a
-slave-boy, holding his oil-flask, and behind him is a pillar on which is
-his garment.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_57" style="width: 380px;">
-<a href="images/i_p150.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p150.jpg" width="380" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 57. ATHLETE BALANCING STONE.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>A stele from Thespiae, of the middle of the fifth century<a id="FNanchor_175_175"></a><a href="#Footnote_175_175" class="fnanchor">[175]</a> (<a href="#fig_58">Fig.
-58</a>), presents us with the figure of a young horseman, seated on a
-galloping horse. He wears the chiton and the Thessalian horseman’s
-cloak, the chlamys. The reins were filled in in bronze; the holes for
-fixing the metal being still visible in the horse’s mouth and neck. The
-easy and masterly</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="plt_xiii" style="width: 394px;">
-<a href="images/i_p150a.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p150a.jpg" width="394" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p><span class="smcap">Plate</span> XIII</p>
-
-<p><i>Page 150</i></p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page_151">{151}</a></span></p>
-
-<p class="nind">seat of the rider, and the noble forms of the horse, place this relief
-among the most pleasing which we possess.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_58" style="width: 542px;">
-<a href="images/i_p151.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p151.jpg" width="542" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 58. YOUNG HORSEMAN.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>A fine monument of the age and style of Pheidias comes from Aegina (<a href="#plt_xiv">Pl.
-XIV</a>). Carved on it is the beautiful figure of a young man clad in a
-mantle, who holds in his left hand a bird, and extends the right without
-obvious purpose<a id="FNanchor_176_176"></a><a href="#Footnote_176_176" class="fnanchor">[176]</a>. By this hand is a bird-cage; under it is a
-sepulchral monument, against which a boy leans, and on the top of which
-is a sculptured cat. The cat was well known in Egypt in antiquity, but
-the Greeks were unfamiliar with it, and its presence in this connexion
-is curious. The young man reminds us by the form of his head and his
-garment of the youths of the Parthenon frieze, who are his
-contemporaries and may<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_152">{152}</a></span> come from the same chisel. The beautiful
-ornament which surmounts the group forms in its extreme gracefulness a
-fitting boundary to it.</p>
-
-<p>Another striking group (<a href="#plt_xv">Pl. XV</a>) comes from the bed of the Ilissus. It is
-nearly a century later in date than the last-mentioned. We see in it a
-youth of magnificent proportions, half sitting on and half leaning
-against a sepulchral column. In the left hand he grasps a short staff,
-which rests on his knee. At his feet is a dog scenting the quarry; on
-the steps of the stele is seated in an attitude of dejection a young
-boy, while an old man, no doubt the father of him to whom the tomb
-belongs, gazes earnestly into his face. No doubt this vigorous young man
-was a hunter of hares, the short staff being such as hunters used to
-throw at the prey. Nothing but the view of the original of this
-wonderful relief, or at least of a cast of it, suffices to make one
-appreciate quite adequately its beauty.</p>
-
-<p>With these reliefs we may compare an epitaph<a id="FNanchor_177_177"></a><a href="#Footnote_177_177" class="fnanchor">[177]</a>, written by an
-anonymous author to be placed on the tomb of a young man named Pericles.
-From the description of the relief which the tomb bore it is clear that
-the implements of the chase were represented in it in detail; this would
-be quite natural in the Hellenistic age, as we may see by comparing
-several examples in the Museum at Athens<a id="FNanchor_178_178"></a><a href="#Footnote_178_178" class="fnanchor">[178]</a>:&#8212;</p>
-
-<div class="poetry">
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0">A marble tomb I stand for Archias’ son,<br></span>
-<span class="i0">Young Pericles, and speak his hunting done.<br></span>
-<span class="i0">The horse, the spear, in my relief are set,<br></span>
-<span class="i0">The dogs, the stakes, and on the stakes the net.<br></span>
-<span class="i0">Yet all are stone. The beasts their pleasure take<br></span>
-<span class="i0">Around; thy wakeless sleep they cannot break.<br></span>
-</div></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>In the last two cases a stele has been present in the background, and a
-boy shows by his attitude and expression traces of grief. By such gentle
-hints does the sculptor of</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="plt_xiv" style="width: 398px;">
-<a href="images/i_p152a.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p152a.jpg" width="398" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p><span class="smcap">Plate</span> XIV</p>
-
-<p><i>Page 152</i></p></div>
-</div>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="plt_xv" style="width: 416px;">
-<a href="images/i_p152c.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p152c.jpg" width="416" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p><span class="smcap">Plate</span> XV</p>
-
-<p><i>Page 152</i></p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page_153">{153}</a></span></p>
-
-<p>Greece shadow forth rather than express his meaning. The deceased
-himself is in both cases represented in the perfection of health and
-vigour; it is only the minor characters of the groups who give a
-suggestion of the mortality of such perfection.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_59" style="width: 564px;">
-<a href="images/i_p153.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p153.jpg" width="564" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 59. STELE OF DEMOCLEIDES.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>But the young men of Athens were not all notable for warlike prowess or
-skill in the palaestra. Another relief<a id="FNanchor_179_179"></a><a href="#Footnote_179_179" class="fnanchor">[179]</a> represents a youth seated
-reading from a scroll. He was either<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_154">{154}</a></span> an author or an ardent student of
-letters. The work is of the fourth century. In our chapter on epitaphs
-may be found several destined for the tombs of those who excelled rather
-in intellectual pursuits than those of the gymnasium.</p>
-
-<p>In some cases the reference to the past life of the deceased and the
-manner of his death is clearer and more explicit. For example, one
-Democleides (<a href="#fig_59">Fig. 59</a>) is represented on his tomb as seated in an
-attitude of dejection on the deck of a galley<a id="FNanchor_180_180"></a><a href="#Footnote_180_180" class="fnanchor">[180]</a>. His head rests on
-his hand; behind him lie his shield and helmet. No doubt he was a
-soldier who perished at sea, whether in a naval engagement or by
-shipwreck. An epigram in the <i>Anthology</i><a id="FNanchor_181_181"></a><a href="#Footnote_181_181" class="fnanchor">[181]</a>, by an unknown writer, was
-evidently written to be placed under some such representation as this:&#8212;</p>
-
-<div class="poetry">
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0">A vessel’s oars and prow I here behold.<br></span>
-<span class="i0">O cease! why paint them o’er the ashes cold?<br></span>
-<span class="i0">Nay! let the shipwrecked sailor underground<br></span>
-<span class="i0">Forget the fate which ’mid the waves he found.<br></span>
-</div></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>It has been pointed out that, in the reliefs of tombs, the persons
-represented usually merge their individual peculiarities, and appear as
-types. But few rules are without exceptions: and, as an exception, I
-engrave (<a href="#fig_60">Fig. 60</a>) a highly characteristic portrait of an elderly man,
-who appears in the background of a group of the fourth century<a id="FNanchor_182_182"></a><a href="#Footnote_182_182" class="fnanchor">[182]</a>. It
-is not what we should call a classical type, but full of character and
-energy, and quite individual in character.</p>
-
-<p>The early art of Greece is seldom very successful in dealing with
-children. Children did not, in the great age of Hellas, interest the
-Greeks as they do us; they were valued rather for what they would become
-than for what they were. Thus the representations of them are made too
-much in the light of the future, and boys and girls on the monuments are
-figured as little men and women. This was the more natural<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_155">{155}</a></span></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_60" style="width: 414px;">
-<a href="images/i_p155.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p155.jpg" width="414" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 60. ELDERLY MAN, FROM STELE.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p class="nind">as children had no childish dress, but wore clothes like those of
-adults. One has only to compare, in the celebrated group of Praxiteles,
-the figure of the child Dionysus with that of Hermes, who carries him,
-to realize fully the lacuna thus produced in ancient art. An early
-Athenian stele (<a href="#fig_61">Fig. 61</a>) bears in relief the figure of a young boy named
-Callis[tratus?], who holds in one hand a bird, while a dog leaps up to
-greet him. The name being incomplete, some have regarded the child as a
-girl, and in fact the decision as to the sex is not easy.<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_156">{156}</a></span></p>
-
-<p>Turning from men to women, we may cite a few instances of the
-characteristic portrait, though, generally speaking, the tombs of women
-are decorated with such groups as we shall deal with in the next
-chapter.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_61" style="width: 438px;">
-<a href="images/i_p156.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p156.jpg" width="438" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 61. BOY, FROM STELE.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>First we may take a stone (<a href="#plt_xvi">Pl. XVI</a>), the very form of which, with the
-rough surface of the lower half, sufficiently proves that it was placed
-directly in the ground or the mound of earth which covered the
-grave<a id="FNanchor_183_183"></a><a href="#Footnote_183_183" class="fnanchor">[183]</a>. The device is simple, a veiled matron seated, holding in her
-hands attributes the nature of which is not easily determined, but which
-may be</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="plt_xvi" style="width: 355px;">
-<a href="images/i_p156a.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p156a.jpg" width="355" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p><span class="smcap">Plate</span> XVI</p>
-
-<p><i>Page 156</i></p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page_157">{157}</a></span></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_62" style="width: 291px;">
-<a href="images/i_p157.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p157.jpg" width="291" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 62. PORTRAIT OF MYNNO.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p class="nind">a cake and a bird, and in any case must be regarded as gifts of the
-survivors. The work is archaic, even earlier in character than the
-Persian Wars, according to the editors of the <i>Corpus</i>. In another early
-relief (<a href="#fig_62">Fig. 62</a>), which bears the name of Mynno<a id="FNanchor_184_184"></a><a href="#Footnote_184_184" class="fnanchor">[184]</a>, we may see under
-the seat of the lady<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_158">{158}</a></span> a work basket, such as we have already observed
-placed under the so-called Penelope’s seat. With both hands Mynno twists
-her thread on a distaff, which is visible immediately under her left
-arm. The form of the stele indicates the fifth century; and it is
-noteworthy that the art of the time had not yet mastered the problem of
-presenting the breast in true profile: while Mynno’s face is turned to
-the right, her bosom appears to be turned rather towards the spectator,
-and even the further knee is represented with some clumsiness.</p>
-
-<p>Beside these simple and characteristic portraits of seated women we must
-place a standing figure. The stele bears the name of Amphotto, and comes
-from Thebes (<a href="#plt_xvii">Pl. XVII</a>). There is here, as in many Boeotian monuments, a
-pleasing absence of convention. The dress of Amphotto is arranged in an
-unusual manner; her hair streams down her back. She seems at first sight
-quite an ordinary mortal; yet there are features in the representation
-which belong to another sphere. On the girl’s head is a tall circular
-crown, of the kind called by archaeologists the <i>polus</i>, which is a
-distinguishing mark of goddesses in early art. In her hands also are
-perhaps a flower (represented in painting and so lost) and a fruit,
-which are the characteristic offerings to the dead, and remind us of the
-Lycian and Spartan monuments of the cultus of heroes.</p>
-
-<p>The Amphotto stele belongs to the middle of the fifth century. Of the
-same age is an interesting slab at the British Museum<a id="FNanchor_185_185"></a><a href="#Footnote_185_185" class="fnanchor">[185]</a>, on which is
-depicted a woman seated, also wearing the polus. She holds in one hand a
-leaf-shaped fan, of the same kind which the statuettes of Tanagra
-commonly hold; and in the other hand a cup from which a serpent feeds.
-The serpent here takes us still nearer to the ideas which gave rise to
-the Spartan stelae.</p>
-
-<p>A class of reliefs must not be omitted which represents</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="plt_xvii" style="width: 392px;">
-<a href="images/i_p158a.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p158a.jpg" width="392" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p><span class="smcap">Plate</span> XVII</p>
-
-<p><i>Page 158</i></p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page_159">{159}</a></span></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter">
-<a id="fig_63"></a>
-<a id="fig_64"></a>
-<a href="images/i_p159.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p159.jpg" width="407" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption">
-<table>
-<tr><td>
-<p>FIG. 63.<br>
-GIRL WITH DOLL.</p></td>
-<td class="spc">&#160; </td>
-<td><p>FIG. 64.<br>
-PRIESTESS OF ISIS.</p>
-</td></tr></table></div>
-</div>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page_160">{160}</a></span></p>
-
-<p class="nind">young girls holding dolls. The specimen engraved (<a href="#fig_63">Fig. 63</a>) is from the
-tomb of one Aristomache<a id="FNanchor_186_186"></a><a href="#Footnote_186_186" class="fnanchor">[186]</a>. Aristomache is about thirteen or fourteen
-years old; the undeveloped breast shows her not to have attained full
-womanhood. Her head, gently bent, is turned towards a little figure, no
-doubt intended for a terra-cotta statuette, which she holds in her right
-hand. This statuette might perhaps represent a deity; but the comparison
-of other reliefs<a id="FNanchor_187_187"></a><a href="#Footnote_187_187" class="fnanchor">[187]</a>, where a doll is certainly represented, makes us
-disposed to see one here also. Greek girls were allowed dolls until they
-married, when they often dedicated them, with balls and other girlish
-toys, to some female deity<a id="FNanchor_188_188"></a><a href="#Footnote_188_188" class="fnanchor">[188]</a>. The presence of the doll, then, shows
-that Aristomache has not yet taken a husband and laid aside infants of
-terra-cotta for those of flesh.</p>
-
-<p>Finally, we engrave (<a href="#fig_64">Fig. 64</a>) a characteristic figure of a priestess of
-Isis<a id="FNanchor_189_189"></a><a href="#Footnote_189_189" class="fnanchor">[189]</a>, from a tomb on which she appears, probably in company of her
-parents, but they have been broken away. In the stiff and formal dress
-of her calling she advances, bearing in her hands the sistrum and vase
-of the goddess who, of all the deities, was most closely associated with
-the future life. To her patronage and protection her priestess trusts
-for a prosperous voyage past the dangers of the last voyage, and a happy
-resting-place in Hades. The letters of the name, Alexandra, show that
-the monument belongs to the Roman age, though it is by no means wanting
-in charm.</p>
-
-<p>This figure is characteristic of the late age of Attic reliefs, but
-parallels to it at an earlier period are not wanting. For example, an
-Athenian tomb of the fourth century<a id="FNanchor_190_190"></a><a href="#Footnote_190_190" class="fnanchor">[190]</a> shows us a lady seated, to whom
-a young girl brings a tympanum or<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_161">{161}</a></span> drum, the special instrument of the
-Phrygian Goddess Cybele. And a metrical inscription, which accompanies
-the design, tells us that the deceased lady was a priestess of Cybele.
-Cybele, at an earlier time, filled in some respects nearly the same
-place in the religion of the Athenians which Isis took in Hellenistic
-days. The paths of the dead were under her guardianship, and she might
-be trusted to ensure to her votaries a place in the world below.<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_162">{162}</a></span></p>
-
-<h2><a id="CHAPTER_X"></a>CHAPTER X<br><br>
-<small>FAMILY GROUPS</small></h2>
-
-<p><span class="smcap">We</span> next reach the ordinary family groups, a class of representations
-usual in the most beautiful and distinctive of the Athenian stelae. It
-is these which have captivated a long series of travellers and artists
-from Goethe onwards; and it is these which naturally rise before the
-imagination when the cemeteries of Athens are spoken of. Goethe has
-observed that the wind which blows from the tombs of the ancients comes
-with gentle breath as over a hill of roses. And there is no other series
-of monuments which seems to take us so readily into the daily life of
-the Greeks and to make us feel that they were men and women of like
-nature with ourselves, no longer cold and classic, but full of the warm
-blood and the gentle affections of ordinary humanity.</p>
-
-<p>It is the natural pathos and the artistic charm of the family groups
-which adorn the majority of the tombs of ancient Athens, which strongly
-impress all visitors to that beautiful city, even visitors to whom most
-of the works of Greek sculpture do not convey any strong emotion. There
-is scarcely any one, however hardened by Puritanic training or the
-ubiquitous ugliness of modern surroundings against what is simple and
-true and lovely in art, who does not feel, through the hard shell of
-Philistinism, some touchings of sympathy and delight, if he spends a
-morning in the Cerameicus, or an afternoon in the sepulchral rooms of
-the National Museum. The<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_163">{163}</a></span> influence of ancient Athens has made the
-cemetery of modern Athens, in spite of many incongruities, one of the
-most beautiful in the world. If, with the remembrance of Athens still
-fresh, we visit the great cemeteries of London, it is impossible to
-express the feeling of ugliness and bad taste, of jejuneness in design
-and poverty of execution with which they oppress the spirits. Religious
-hope and consolation are among us, a chill resignation was the natural
-attitude of the Greeks in the presence of death; and yet we
-counterbalance the superiority of our religion by the inferiority of our
-taste and perceptions.</p>
-
-<p>It is very notable how complete in all these representations is the
-predominance of women, and how domestic is their tone. This fact can
-only be explained when we consider that these monuments belong, in the
-great majority of cases, to the time after the political greatness of
-Athens had been shattered at the battle of Aegospotami. In ancient
-Greece generally, and more especially at Athens, men gave to their wives
-and families only such time and care as they could spare from more
-engrossing occupations. By nature the Athenians were intensely
-political. And while Athens was a ruling power, and every citizen had a
-part in the game of politics played on a great scale, it was to public
-life that their thoughts and energies were directed, and the life of the
-home remained very much in the background. Every scholar is familiar
-with the contemptuous language applied by Aristophanes and Euripides to
-women; and Xenophon in his <i>Oeconomics</i> regards that girl as best bred
-who had seen and heard the least, and had but the virtue of modesty.
-Secluded homes like these were not likely to claim very much of the life
-of the man whose whole soul was bent on the extension of the Athenian
-Empire. The fact is that all noble deeds in the world are bought at a
-price, and part of the price paid for the unrivalled burst of public
-splendour at Athens in the fifth century was the seclusion of women and
-the institution of slavery.<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_164">{164}</a></span></p>
-
-<p>But even in the <i>Oeconomics</i> of Xenophon we have the picture of a worthy
-citizen who gives much time and care to his home and his wife. And as
-public life decayed in the fourth century, and as manners became less
-severe, women became a more important element in the life of the
-community. The wife was no longer looked on as merely necessary for the
-production of citizens, while the courtesan accumulated vast wealth, and
-sometimes built temples or gave away cities. It is in the fourth century
-that a growing sympathy for child-life makes the children in Attic
-sculpture cease to be little men and women, and become real children.
-And it is the art of the fourth century which gives for the first time a
-noble and ideal expression of the life of the family, and the mutual
-love of its members.</p>
-
-<p>The best plan will be, first to set before the reader several
-characteristic specimens of family groups, and afterwards to discuss the
-questions, many and not easily answered, which they suggest.</p>
-
-<p>On Pl. XVIII will be found a somewhat exceptional subject, father and
-children only. Seated on a chair of the convenient domestic shape,
-Euempolus, as he is styled in the inscription, holds in one hand a bird,
-and extends a finger of the other hand to the children in front of him,
-of whom the nearer, clad in an over-garment only, seems to be a boy; the
-further, who wears also a tunic, is apparently a girl. Both have their
-long hair done up in a roll, and both have the stiff air which is usual
-in case of children of the fifth century. Another work of the same early
-period is the stele of Xanthippus in the British Museum (<a href="#fig_65">Fig. 65</a>)<a id="FNanchor_191_191"></a><a href="#Footnote_191_191" class="fnanchor">[191]</a>.
-The object in the hand of Xanthippus has been a puzzle to
-archaeologists. The prevailing view takes it for a shoe-maker’s last,
-and supposes that Xanthippus, far from being ashamed of his trade,
-glories in it even on his</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="plt_xviii" style="width: 390px;">
-<a href="images/i_p164a.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p164a.jpg" width="390" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p><span class="smcap">Plate</span> XVIII</p>
-
-<p><i>Page 164</i></p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page_165">{165}</a></span></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_65" style="width: 377px;">
-<a href="images/i_p165.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p165.jpg" width="377" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 65. XANTHIPPUS AND CHILDREN.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p class="nind">tomb. But an objection to this view is that trades were certainly not
-held in high honour among freemen anywhere in Greece. The name
-Xanthippus too, which belonged to the family of Pericles, was one of the
-noblest at Athens, and it seems impossible that it can have been borne
-by a mere cobbler. It seems more likely therefore that what Xanthippus
-really holds is a votive offering; perhaps some memorial of a cure
-wrought on one of his feet by Asklepius. The other hand of the hero
-rests on the neck of his little daughter, while<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_166">{166}</a></span> an older girl or
-perhaps his wife holds a bird. The work is almost contemporary with the
-Parthenon frieze; the monument most dignified and charming.</p>
-
-<p>The earliest and one of the most interesting of the groups which
-represent a mother and her children is the so-called Leucothea relief in
-the Villa Albani (<a href="#plt_xix">Pl. XIX</a>). A mother, clad in a sleeved Ionic tunic and
-an over-dress, is seated dandling on her knee her youngest infant, a
-little girl who stretches out to her a loving hand. Under the seat is
-the matronly work-basket. In front two elder girls approach their
-mother, and behind them a maid-servant, also clad in the Ionian dress,
-brings a wreath.</p>
-
-<p>Before the consideration of this delightful group begins, we must
-observe that the clumsy right hand of the infant and the head of the
-nurse are modern restorations. The rest of the design, though of archaic
-stiffness, and dating from a time not later than the Persian wars, shows
-the greatest promise. The arm of the mother as seen through the sleeve,
-and the forms of the infant’s body, are rendered with care and delicacy.
-It is only necessary to compare the details with those of the figures on
-the Harpy Tomb of Xanthus (<a href="#fig_27">Fig. 27</a>) in order to recognize how vastly
-superior the artists of Greece proper at the time were to those of
-Lycia, especially in the sense of the proportions of the body, and the
-art of so arranging drapery as to display rather than to conceal them.</p>
-
-<p>In most respects we clearly have here an ordinary scene from the life of
-the women’s apartments. The mother has risen and breakfasted, and the
-nurse brings her the children. And yet there are in the scene certain
-details which probably have a special meaning. The position and attitude
-of the two elder children remind us oddly of the little worshippers who
-appear in the corner of the Spartan relief. And the wreath, though no
-doubt flowers and ribbons were continually used by both men and women in
-Greece for the adornment</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="plt_xix" style="width: 396px;">
-<a href="images/i_p166a.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p166a.jpg" width="396" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p><span class="smcap">Plate</span> XIX</p>
-
-<p><i>Page 166</i></p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page_167">{167}</a></span></p>
-
-<p class="nind">of their persons, is yet one of the most usual and characteristic
-decorations of the tomb. It appears that here, as in almost all the
-designs with which we are to deal, there is some allusion to death, as
-well as to mere domestic happiness. This, however, is denied by some
-very competent archaeologists; and we must postpone further discussion
-of the subject until we have passed under review a certain number of
-characteristic examples of the class.</p>
-
-<p>A very simple and noble specimen of fifth-century work represents a
-mother and son, Chaerestrata and Lysander<a id="FNanchor_192_192"></a><a href="#Footnote_192_192" class="fnanchor">[192]</a> (<a href="#plt_xx">Pl. XX</a>). The mother is
-handing to the son by the wings a little bird. The son, a dignified
-youth, wrapped in his himation ‘like an image of modesty’ as
-Aristophanes puts it, stretches out one hand to receive the gift. On the
-Lycian Harpy Tomb, a youth presents in similar fashion to a seated male
-figure a dove held by the wings; and this bird, as the smallest and
-least expensive of animal offerings, was a very usual gift to the dead.
-Lysanias is almost beyond doubt the person in whose honour the tomb was
-set up, and his mother’s gift can scarcely have failed to convey to the
-mind of a Greek spectator some sepulchral significance.</p>
-
-<p>A group of a very different kind appears in our next example<a id="FNanchor_193_193"></a><a href="#Footnote_193_193" class="fnanchor">[193]</a> (<a href="#plt_xxi">Pl.
-XXI</a>). A young man named Dion is giving his hand to a very beautiful
-seated woman, Mica, whose drapery is quite a model of arrangement. Her
-attention is divided between her companion and the mirror which she
-holds up in her left hand. The pair are probably husband and wife, and
-one may conjecture, though it is by no means certain, that it is the
-wife who died, and to whom her young husband has set up this beautiful
-monument<a id="FNanchor_194_194"></a><a href="#Footnote_194_194" class="fnanchor">[194]</a>. A similar relief, though<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_168">{168}</a></span> of a later period, found at
-Naples<a id="FNanchor_195_195"></a><a href="#Footnote_195_195" class="fnanchor">[195]</a>, bears a simple and graceful epitaph:&#8212;</p>
-
-<div class="poetry">
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0">This pledge of love for Aste Daphnis made,<br></span>
-<span class="i0">Who loved her living, and desires her dead.<br></span>
-</div></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>The name Mica, <i>Little-one</i>, is fanciful, and quite unlike the rather
-stately names usual at Athens. We might be tempted to see in the seated
-lady a courtesan; but this view falls to the ground when we compare
-other stelae. On one tomb a Mica is in company of a Philtate, <i>Dearest</i>;
-in another she gives her hand to an Ariste, <i>Best</i><a id="FNanchor_196_196"></a><a href="#Footnote_196_196" class="fnanchor">[196]</a>. In another
-beautiful relief of the fifth century another Mica takes leave of her
-husband Amphidemus, who is represented as a warrior setting out for
-war<a id="FNanchor_197_197"></a><a href="#Footnote_197_197" class="fnanchor">[197]</a>. It would seem then that there were certain families at Athens
-in the fifth and fourth centuries which chose to give fanciful names to
-their daughters. Generally speaking, the names both of men and women
-were assigned for sober family reasons, and not in mere caprice.</p>
-
-<p>Before we consider the meaning of the sepulchral family groups, and
-compare them one with another, it will be well to bring before the
-reader a variety of typical examples, which we will briefly describe in
-turn, passing, whenever possible, from the simpler to the more complex,
-and from the less expressive to the more expressive.</p>
-
-<p>First, we have a series of groups in which the main idea is
-leave-taking.</p>
-
-<p>Pl. XXII. A lady clad in the sleeved Ionian chiton and over-dress,
-seated, gives her hand to another who stands before her. Between the
-two, in the background, stands a bearded man whose head rests on his
-hand<a id="FNanchor_198_198"></a><a href="#Footnote_198_198" class="fnanchor">[198]</a>. The imperfect perspective of the group, which may be observed
-specially in the breast of the seated lady and in the footstool, seems
-to indicate the fifth</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="plt_xx" style="width: 388px;">
-<a href="images/i_p168a.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p168a.jpg" width="388" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p><span class="smcap">Plate</span> XX</p>
-
-<p><i>Page 168</i></p></div>
-</div>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="plt_xxi" style="width: 372px;">
-<a href="images/i_p168c.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p168c.jpg" width="372" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p><span class="smcap">Plate</span> XXI</p>
-
-<p><i>Page 168</i></p></div>
-</div>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="plt_xxii" style="width: 392px;">
-<a href="images/i_p168e.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p168e.jpg" width="392" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p><span class="smcap">Plate</span> XXII</p>
-
-<p><i>Page 168</i></p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page_169">{169}</a></span></p>
-
-<p class="nind">century as date. Nothing, except the somewhat pensive attitude of the
-man, indicates that we have here anything but an excerpt from the
-ordinary daily life of the women’s apartments.</p>
-
-<p>Pl. XXIII. A seated lady, represented in somewhat better perspective,
-gives her hand to a bearded man who wears only the himation or cloak,
-and seems to hold in the left hand a strigil. Between the two, in the
-background, stands a second lady in the accustomed pensive attitude.
-Behind the mistress’s seat stands a young slave-girl, clad in the
-long-sleeved chiton usually worn by maid-servants, her hair wrapped in a
-kerchief. In the face of the seated figure is a certain eagerness or
-intensity of expression, which lifts the group somewhat above the level
-of everyday life; besides which, the symbolism of the sphinx, which is
-used as a support to the arm of the chair, has a sepulchral meaning.
-Above the seated figure is inscribed her name, Damasistrata, daughter of
-Polycleides.</p>
-
-<p>Pl. XXIV<a id="FNanchor_199_199"></a><a href="#Footnote_199_199" class="fnanchor">[199]</a>. A lady, seated in the same fashion as in the last two
-reliefs, stretches both her hands towards a matron who stands before
-her, and who lightly touches her face with the right hand. Behind the
-seated figure stands a young girl; beneath the seat is a dove feeding.
-Here the expression of the two principal persons, leaning one towards
-the other and tenderly embracing one another, has an obvious
-significance. It is no embrace of daily life, but one which goes before
-a long parting. The frame in which this relief stands is a modern
-restoration.</p>
-
-<p>Fig. 66<a id="FNanchor_200_200"></a><a href="#Footnote_200_200" class="fnanchor">[200]</a>. A young woman, identified by the inscription as Plangon,
-daughter of Tolmides, falls back, evidently fainting with illness, on a
-couch. She is supported by a maid-servant, whose rank is indicated by
-the kerchief which binds her hair, and by her mother, whose extended
-arms signify sympathy and grief. The father, Tolmides, stands on the
-left in an attitude of<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_170">{170}</a></span></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_66" style="width: 406px;">
-<a href="images/i_p170.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p170.jpg" width="406" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 66. DYING WOMAN, FROM STELE.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p class="nind">grief. This is an almost unique representation of the moment of death.
-Nearly always the Attic artist, whose invariable feeling is ‘nothing in
-extremes,’ avoids thus clearly portraying the last struggle, and
-contents himself with some gentle hint of death. Here, by a very
-instructive variation, he is more explicit. And his fortunate freedom
-from convention throws back a light on the other scenes which we have
-passed in review. One of the epitaphs in the <i>Anthology</i><a id="FNanchor_201_201"></a><a href="#Footnote_201_201" class="fnanchor">[201]</a> describes</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="plt_xxiii" style="width: 401px;">
-<a href="images/i_p170a.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p170a.jpg" width="401" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p><span class="smcap">Plate</span> XXIII</p>
-
-<p><i>Page 170</i></p></div>
-</div>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="plt_xxiv" style="width: 389px;">
-<a href="images/i_p170c.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p170c.jpg" width="389" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p><span class="smcap">Plate</span> XXIV</p>
-
-<p><i>Page 170</i></p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page_171">{171}</a></span></p>
-
-<p class="nind">a painted scene of a similar character, depicted on the tomb of a lady
-named Neotima, who was represented lying back in the exhaustion of
-death, brought about by childbirth, while her mother Mnasylla hung over
-her, and her father Aristoteles stood by, resting his head on his hand,
-in the usual attitude of grief. Curiously enough, the presence of the
-husband is not mentioned, nor even his name. Perhaps the commonness of
-death in childbirth at Athens needs a word of explanation. It may be
-accounted for partly perhaps by the sedentary life of Athenian women,
-but more especially by the fact that help in the crisis was not usually
-afforded by physicians, but by midwives, who had had no training save
-that which is gained by practice. The resort to male accoucheurs was
-condemned by the instinctive delicacy of the Attic women.</p>
-
-<p>We must cite one more relief of this class, though it is of interest not
-for the representation which it bears, which is quite ordinary, but for
-the inscription<a id="FNanchor_202_202"></a><a href="#Footnote_202_202" class="fnanchor">[202]</a>. A seated woman, veiled, gives her hand to a
-standing veiled figure, a bearded man standing in the background. Over
-the head of the seated figure is inscribed, Χοιρίνη τίτθη. Choerine then
-is a wet-nurse, and the lady to whom she gives her hand is probably her
-foster-child whom she has brought up, and who, even after marriage,
-retains affection for her old nurse, and erects a monument in honour of
-her fidelity. This monument stands by no means alone; it is one of many
-set up both by men and women in memory of their nurses. Such facts show
-that in Greece, though the nurse would commonly be a slave, natural
-affection and gratitude often triumphed over social convention, and she
-was regarded as a friend rather than as a dependant.</p>
-
-<p>Another group of reliefs is even more thoroughly feminine. It is
-dominated by the idea of adornment. The well-born<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_172">{172}</a></span> ladies of Athens
-took, as we know, great pains to enhance by art the charms which nature
-had liberally bestowed upon them. The rouge-pot was a well-known part of
-their arsenal, and is sometimes found in their graves. They were not,
-like modern women, the humble slaves of a fashion which constantly
-changes. The form and disposition of their garments varies but little
-from century to century. But they were very particular as to pattern and
-texture, and very careful that each garment should fall in the most
-graceful and becoming folds. For jewelry they seem to have had a strong
-liking, and it may be urged as a palliation of so frivolous a taste that
-the Greek jewelry which has come down to us is in very good taste. The
-custom of adorning oneself with huge diamonds and rubies, as a proof of
-wealth, would have been considered barbaric in Greece. Jewelry was
-mainly of gold, or even gilt bronze, of little material value, but
-wrought by cunning workmen, in complete disregard of time, with
-exquisite care and subtilty<a id="FNanchor_203_203"></a><a href="#Footnote_203_203" class="fnanchor">[203]</a>, so as to be in itself a thing of art
-as well as a mere decoration. If stones were inserted in the metal, they
-were quite common stones, sards and onyxes and the like, not cut in
-facets, but carved in the form of scarabs, or engraved with beautifully
-cut designs in intaglio. Like the dress, the pottery, and the coins of
-the Greeks, and all the other surroundings of their life, their jewels
-exhibited on a smaller scale the same unrivalled artistic taste which is
-shown on a larger scale by their temples and their sculpture.</p>
-
-<p>Pl. XXV. Hegeso, daughter of Proxenus, is seated to left on a chair
-which is admirably shaped alike for comfort and steadiness. Her hair is
-bound with a beautifully arranged kerchief; she wears the fine Ionic
-chiton with sleeves and an over-dress. She is looking at a necklace
-which she has drawn from a box held by a serving-girl, and which she
-holds in both</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="plt_xxv" style="width: 392px;">
-<a href="images/i_p172a.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p172a.jpg" width="392" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p><span class="smcap">Plate</span> XXV</p>
-
-<p><i>Page 172</i></p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page_173">{173}</a></span></p>
-
-<p class="nind">hands. This necklace must have been represented either by help of colour
-or metal. The slave-girl’s more simple dress contrasts with the elegance
-of that of her mistress. The work seems to belong to the early part of
-the fourth century. This monument is not in the Museum of Athens, but
-remains in its place in the Cemetery by the Gate.</p>
-
-<p>Pl. XXVI. We have once more a group of lady and jewel-box. But here the
-attendant who brings the box seems from her dress to be no slave, but a
-sister or relative. And the seated lady is not here attracted by the
-jewels, but sits in pensive attitude; it may be, however, that her right
-hand, which is near her neck, is holding a necklace already adjusted. In
-some of the details in this relief there is clumsiness, for example in
-the right arm of the standing figure; nevertheless the design is very
-graceful.</p>
-
-<p>Pl. XXVII. Here is a further variation. The standing sister or friend,
-Demostrate, is evidently trying to tempt the taste of the seated
-Ameiniche by offering her jewels, but cannot even attract her attention.
-With one hand resting on the seat of the squarely made chair, Ameiniche
-looks pensively outwards. The artist seems to imply that when personal
-adornment ceases to interest a woman, the shadow of fate is not far
-away.</p>
-
-<p>A relief published in the <i>Corpus</i><a id="FNanchor_204_204"></a><a href="#Footnote_204_204" class="fnanchor">[204]</a>, on which is depicted a lady and
-her attendant, the former fastening a bracelet, bears an inscription
-which at once interests us (<a href="#fig_67">Fig. 67</a>). The seated lady is named
-Phaenarete, a name borne by the mother of Socrates. It would be a
-strange freak of fortune if it had preserved to us the tomb of the
-mother of Socrates, engaged in an occupation scarcely in harmony with
-the character of her son. It is curious that there is something to be
-said in favour of this view, and no decisive argument against it. The
-date of<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_174">{174}</a></span></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_67" style="width: 423px;">
-<a href="images/i_p174.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p174.jpg" width="423" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 67. STELE OF PHAENARETE.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="plt_xxvi" style="width: 394px;">
-<a href="images/i_p174a.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p174a.jpg" width="394" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p><span class="smcap">Plate</span> XXVI</p>
-
-<p><i>Page 174</i></p></div>
-</div>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="plt_xxvii" style="width: 411px;">
-<a href="images/i_p174c.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p174c.jpg" width="411" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p><span class="smcap">Plate</span> XXVII</p>
-
-<p><i>Page 174</i></p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page_175">{175}</a></span></p>
-
-<p class="nind">the relief is given by Furtwängler<a id="FNanchor_205_205"></a><a href="#Footnote_205_205" class="fnanchor">[205]</a> as the Pheidian age; most
-archaeologists would probably place it rather later, but still well
-within the fifth century. Phaenarete gave birth to Socrates about <small>B.C.</small>
-470; but when she died we know not: there is certainly no reason why she
-should not have died at about the date of execution of this relief.
-Whether she was old or young at the time of her death would make no
-serious difference; on her tomb an ideal figure would appear and no true
-portrait.</p>
-
-<p>But it may be said that the parents of Socrates were poor; his father
-Sophroniscus was a second-rate sculptor, his mother was a midwife<a id="FNanchor_206_206"></a><a href="#Footnote_206_206" class="fnanchor">[206]</a>:
-is it likely that such people could afford so expensive a tomb? To which
-it may be replied that Socrates certainly inherited a small fortune. And
-it appears that the fine tombs at Athens did not belong by any means
-exclusively to the wealthy class. Again, Sophroniscus was a sculptor; a
-tomb of somewhat sumptuous style would therefore cost him far less than
-the usual price. And the profession of a midwife, in a city where such
-duties were undertaken ordinarily by women, might be fairly lucrative.</p>
-
-<p>On the other hand, the name Phaenarete does not appear to have been at
-all rare at Athens. It occurs on three or four existing stelae, some of
-which belong to the fifth century<a id="FNanchor_207_207"></a><a href="#Footnote_207_207" class="fnanchor">[207]</a>. Much therefore as we should
-desire to find in our stele a record of the mother of Socrates executed
-either by Sophroniscus, or even by Socrates himself, who in his youth
-followed his father’s craft, we cannot do so with any confidence. Such
-an attribution remains a bare possibility, and we have no means of
-testing it.</p>
-
-<p>Pl. XXVIII. Here there are obviously preparations for a journey. The
-principal figure is Ameinocleia, daughter of Andromenes. She is clad in
-a long chiton and an over-dress which serves also as a veil. A slave is
-putting on her sandal,<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_176">{176}</a></span> during which process she steadies herself by
-resting a hand on the girl’s head. In front is a friend who bears a box
-of jewelry. The fair Ameinocleia is evidently setting out on a journey.
-And it seems evident that there is an allusion to a solemn departure on
-a journey whence none returns, although in the details of the
-representation we find no clear suggestion of death. That is unnecessary
-when the whole group is itself an allusion to it.</p>
-
-<p>Some writers have doubted whether in the scenes of hand-taking and of
-adornment there be anything beyond an ordinary scene of daily life, a
-domestic interior. The stele of Ameinocleia furnishes reasons for
-declining to agree with them. As we have seen, in the hand-taking scenes
-more emotion is commonly visible than an ordinary family scene would
-warrant. And reflection soon shows that even in scenes of adornment the
-notion of parting is in place. The Greek lady especially adorned herself
-when she was preparing to go abroad, to take part, maybe, in some
-procession in honour of the gods or some marriage festivity. Thus the
-notions of adornment and of leaving home are naturally connected.</p>
-
-<p>No doubt in these scenes there may be traced another element, one
-derived from the custom of placing ornaments in the tomb and bringing
-offerings to the dead. We can trace this influence by means of the
-paintings of the white lekythi of which we have spoken in Chapter II. On
-these vases are depicted innumerable scenes from the cult of the dead,
-among which we often find ladies seated and attendants bringing
-offerings. We engrave an example<a id="FNanchor_208_208"></a><a href="#Footnote_208_208" class="fnanchor">[208]</a> (<a href="#fig_68">Fig. 68</a>). Here the lady who is
-seated on the steps of the tomb seems to be the person for whom that
-tomb was made. She holds on her knees a box of jewelry; on either side
-of the tomb stands a maid-servant. In other instances<a id="FNanchor_209_209"></a><a href="#Footnote_209_209" class="fnanchor">[209]</a> the maids
-bring unguent-vases, fans, and</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="plt_xxviii" style="width: 393px;">
-<a href="images/i_p176a.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p176a.jpg" width="393" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p><span class="smcap">Plate</span> XXVIII</p>
-
-<p><i>Page 176</i></p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page_177">{177}</a></span></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_68" style="width: 600px;">
-<a href="images/i_p177.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p177.jpg" width="600" height="435" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 68. SCENE AT TOMB.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p class="nind">other articles of the toilet. These groups, however, are but
-translations into the realm of death of scenes of daily life, such as
-are common on Attic vases of the fifth and fourth centuries. These vases
-often show us the interior of the women’s apartments, with ladies
-dressing or engaged in domestic occupation. As an example we may take a
-pyxis published by Dumont<a id="FNanchor_210_210"></a><a href="#Footnote_210_210" class="fnanchor">[210]</a>, on which are depicted a lady with her
-hair down, to whom one maid brings a necklace, and another a vessel of
-ointment, and another lady whose shoe is being laced by a slave-girl.
-Another vase, published by Heydemann<a id="FNanchor_211_211"></a><a href="#Footnote_211_211" class="fnanchor">[211]</a> (<a href="#fig_69">Fig. 69</a>), shows us a seated
-woman to whom an attendant brings a box of jewelry, and a family group
-of father, mother,<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_178">{178}</a></span> and child. The likeness of these groups to those of
-the sepulchral reliefs is striking.</p>
-
-<p>The question which is the original in art, the domestic interior or the
-offering at the tomb, is not an easy one. The former class of scenes is
-Ionic, the latter Doric in character. Both make their appearance on
-Attic works at about the same time. It is a case like that of the
-meeting of two streams, when it is impossible to say which is the main
-river and which the tributary.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_69" style="width: 600px;">
-<a href="images/i_p178.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p178.jpg" width="600" height="398" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 69. DOMESTIC SCENE.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>We have already observed (Chap. VIII) that a not unfrequent form of
-monument at Athens in the later period was a flat slab (τράπεζα), in
-which were inserted one or more stone lekythi adorned with reliefs. The
-reliefs are in such cases ordinarily family groups; and the
-juxtaposition of several of these lekythi in museums has demonstrated
-some facts not without interest. It appears that sometimes when a family
-grave was acquired, and covered with a slab, a pair of marble vases were
-inserted in it, the reliefs of both of which comprise<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_179">{179}</a></span></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter">
-<a id="fig_70"></a>
-<a id="fig_71"></a>
-style="width: 600px;">
-<a href="images/i_p179.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p179.jpg" width="600" height="532" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIGS. 70 AND 71. FAMILY GROUPS.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p class="nind">the same set of persons in a somewhat varied arrangement. An instance is
-engraved (Figs. <a href="#fig_70">70</a>, <a href="#fig_71">71</a>). On these lekythi<a id="FNanchor_212_212"></a><a href="#Footnote_212_212" class="fnanchor">[212]</a> Callistomache appears
-seated, Aristion and Timagora standing; the main difference is that in
-one case the seated lady faces the right, in the other case the left. On
-another pair of lekythi we see two husbands, Mys and Meles, with their
-wives, Metrodora and Philia. On one vase the two husbands have joined
-hands, while the women stand behind them; on the other vase the wives
-have joined hands, while the men stand in the background<a id="FNanchor_213_213"></a><a href="#Footnote_213_213" class="fnanchor">[213]</a>. Sometimes
-on the lekythi which stood together, either on the same slab or on slabs
-closely adjacent, we can<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_180">{180}</a></span> trace the successive generations of Athenian
-citizens, their names recurring commonly in alternate generations.</p>
-
-<p>In a very few instances a deity makes his appearance in the ordinary
-family groups. The deity who thus intervenes is always Hermes, the guide
-of souls (Psychopompus), who leads them down the dangerous road to the
-world of spirits.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_72" style="width: 548px;">
-<a href="images/i_p180.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p180.jpg" width="548" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 72. STELE OF MYRRHINA.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>Most noteworthy among the stelae on which Hermes appears is that shaped
-in the form of a lekythus, and bearing the name Myrrhina<a id="FNanchor_214_214"></a><a href="#Footnote_214_214" class="fnanchor">[214]</a> (<a href="#fig_72">Fig. 72</a>).
-In the relief we see the graceful figure of the lady, closely wrapped up
-and veiled, giving her hand to Hermes, who leads her forth, looking back
-at her the while.<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_181">{181}</a></span> An old man and youths, probably the father and
-brothers of Myrrhina, stand, the former with raised hand in the attitude
-appropriate to adoration<a id="FNanchor_215_215"></a><a href="#Footnote_215_215" class="fnanchor">[215]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>This is doubtless a real tombstone; but the same can scarcely be said of
-the beautiful relief which represents the final parting of Orpheus and
-Eurydice (<a href="#plt_xxix">Pl. XXIX</a>). Orpheus has dared the perils of the world below and
-surmounted them. He has led the recovered Eurydice to the very confines
-of the world of shades; and at that moment his disobedience to the law
-of Hades, which forbade him to look back, has once more deprived him of
-his bride. Hermes claims her back, and the lovers must part
-finally<a id="FNanchor_216_216"></a><a href="#Footnote_216_216" class="fnanchor">[216]</a>. That this beautiful relief, the date of the original of
-which is about 400 <small>B.C.</small>, has some connexion with the grave seems clear;
-the subject is sepulchral, and the sentiment of the group, gentle and
-subdued, is closely like that of Athenian tombs. At the same time the
-form of the relief, low and broad, proves that it is not part of an
-ordinary monument: rather it was meant to be inserted in a wall. It may
-be a sort of ‘elegant extract,’ like so many of the copies of the Roman
-age. The subject and treatment of some celebrated sepulchral monument
-may have been copied in marble for a Roman amateur, and taken out of its
-original connexion.<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_182">{182}</a></span></p>
-
-<h2><a id="CHAPTER_XI"></a>CHAPTER XI<br><br>
-<small>MEANING AND STYLE OF THE RELIEFS</small></h2>
-
-<p><span class="smcap">For</span> the interpretation and full appreciation of the Attic reliefs, it is
-important to discuss somewhat carefully a fundamental question, which
-may be set forth in several ways. Is their allusion primarily to the
-life of the past or the life of the future? Is the scene of them Athens
-or Hades? Is the hand-taking a sign of parting or of re-union in a world
-of spirits? In a word, do they point backward or forward?</p>
-
-<p>In this controversy the names of eminent archaeologists appear on both
-sides. But to the English reader it will be more satisfactory to find a
-brief statement of the arguments cited on this side and on that, than to
-learn what line has been taken by the various authorities<a id="FNanchor_217_217"></a><a href="#Footnote_217_217" class="fnanchor">[217]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>The view which makes the future the time, and the spiritworld the scene
-of the sculptured reliefs has in its favour many analogies, and will
-naturally commend itself to those who are attracted by the
-investigations of comparative religion. There can be little doubt that
-the seated pair of the Spartan monuments are regarded as holding their
-court as heroized dead. And a number of intermediate links connect these
-clearly marked memorials of ancestor-worship with the usual Attic groups
-in an almost uninterrupted series, so that to draw</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="plt_xxix" style="width: 381px;">
-<a href="images/i_p182a.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p182a.jpg" width="381" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p><span class="smcap">Plate</span> XXIX</p>
-
-<p><i>Page 182</i></p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page_183">{183}</a></span></p>
-
-<p class="nind">a line of division at any point between backward-looking and
-forward-looking representations is by no means easy. Let us follow a few
-of these series.</p>
-
-<p>In the Spartan relief (<a href="#plt_ii">Pl. II</a>) the heroic pair hold in their hands the
-winecup and the pomegranate, drink and food of spirits. The hero of <a href="#fig_30">Fig.
-30</a> holds both. Both may be found repeatedly also on the stelae of Athens
-and the rest of Greece.</p>
-
-<p>1. The winecup. On the beautiful archaic stele of Lyseas at Athens<a id="FNanchor_218_218"></a><a href="#Footnote_218_218" class="fnanchor">[218]</a>,
-the hero is represented not in relief, but painted on the marble; he
-stands erect, holding in one hand a winecup, in the other a lustral
-branch. Not very much later in date is the stele<a id="FNanchor_219_219"></a><a href="#Footnote_219_219" class="fnanchor">[219]</a> on which appears
-in relief a veiled lady seated, who holds in one hand the flat patera
-(<a href="#plt_xvi">Pl. XVI</a>). Here the patera seems to stand in the place of the winecup,
-and clearly has the same reference to the receipt of libations.</p>
-
-<p>2. The pomegranate. On an archaic tombstone of Aegina<a id="FNanchor_220_220"></a><a href="#Footnote_220_220" class="fnanchor">[220]</a>, a seated
-lady gives her hand to a male figure standing before her: in the other
-hand she holds a pomegranate. Again, on a stele of the early part of the
-fifth century, which comes from Larissa in Thessaly<a id="FNanchor_221_221"></a><a href="#Footnote_221_221" class="fnanchor">[221]</a>, a lady called
-Polyxena stands, drawing forward with one hand her veil, and in the
-other holding a pomegranate.</p>
-
-<p>Nor is it only the attributes held by the Spartan heroes which appear in
-Attic and other reliefs, but also the offerings brought to them by
-worshippers. We will take the cock and the dove, which are prominent at
-Sparta or on the Lycian Harpy Tomb, which so closely resembles in its
-symbolism the Spartan monuments.</p>
-
-<p>3. The cock. From Larissa comes a fifth-century stele<a id="FNanchor_222_222"></a><a href="#Footnote_222_222" class="fnanchor">[222]</a>, on which is
-a relief representing a young Thessalian, clad in a chlamys, who holds
-in one hand a spear, in the other a cock<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_184">{184}</a></span> His name is Vekedamus. A cock
-is also painted on a tomb at Athens which bears the name of
-Antiphanes<a id="FNanchor_223_223"></a><a href="#Footnote_223_223" class="fnanchor">[223]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>4. The dove. An Athenian tomb of the middle of the fifth century<a id="FNanchor_224_224"></a><a href="#Footnote_224_224" class="fnanchor">[224]</a>
-(<a href="#plt_xxx">Pl. XXX</a>) bears the seated figure of a lady, Eutamia; before her stands
-an attendant of small stature, who brings her a dove and a toilet-box.
-Here the dove has the appearance of an offering. But on a number of
-Athenian stelae the dove appears evidently as a common household pet. It
-is sufficient to refer to our Plate XVIII and <a href="#fig_61">Fig. 61</a>; though perhaps a
-more pleasing instance than either of these is offered by a charming
-relief at Brocklesby Park<a id="FNanchor_225_225"></a><a href="#Footnote_225_225" class="fnanchor">[225]</a>, in which we see a young girl fondling
-two doves, which at once takes our thoughts to the offering of two doves
-at the temple of Jerusalem after childbirth<a id="FNanchor_226_226"></a><a href="#Footnote_226_226" class="fnanchor">[226]</a>, though doubtless the
-correspondence is accidental.</p>
-
-<p>The horse and the dog also, which figure so prominently on the Spartan
-tomb (<a href="#fig_30">Fig. 30</a>), are of frequent occurrence at Athens.</p>
-
-<p>5. The horse. We have already spoken of the many votive and sepulchral
-reliefs on which the dead appear as horsemen. And the horse is also of
-frequent occurrence on portrait-stelae. Of this we have cited instances
-above, Chap. IX. The horse on the base of the Lyseas monument seems to
-be a memorial of some victory in the racecourse. But on another very
-early tomb, from Lamprika in Attica<a id="FNanchor_227_227"></a><a href="#Footnote_227_227" class="fnanchor">[227]</a>, we find, sculptured on the
-face of it, a young knight on horseback fully armed. Another armed
-horseman carved beneath the feet of a standing man occurs on an Attic
-tombstone of somewhat later date<a id="FNanchor_228_228"></a><a href="#Footnote_228_228" class="fnanchor">[228]</a>. On the lekythus-stelae of the
-fourth and third centuries, in the scenes of leave-taking, the husband
-who gives his hand to his<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_185">{185}</a></span> wife is often accompanied by a horse<a id="FNanchor_229_229"></a><a href="#Footnote_229_229" class="fnanchor">[229]</a>,
-and sometimes also by a youth who bears his armour.</p>
-
-<p>6. The dog. On the stele by Alxenor (<a href="#plt_ix">Pl. IX</a>) we have a dog as companion
-of the dead; also in Pl. XIII and on the Ilissus relief (<a href="#plt_xv">Pl. XV</a>). This
-addition to sepulchral groups is so common, and so natural, the Greeks
-being as fond of dogs as we are, that it requires no comment.</p>
-
-<p>The stele of Eutamia (<a href="#plt_xxx">Pl. XXX</a>) seems to lie very nearly on the boundary
-between the heroizing stelae and ordinary Attic reliefs. At first glance
-it does not present any marked deviation from the usual Athenian types.
-Yet when one examines it in detail many links are evident connecting it
-with Sparta and ancestor-worship. The difference in scale between the
-seated lady and her attendant makes the latter seem rather a worshipper
-than a mere handmaid. And the offerings which she brings, more
-especially the dove, belong to the cultus of the dead. The dog too,
-sculptured in relief above, offers an exact parallel to the horse in
-relief of the stele <a href="#fig_30">Fig. 30</a>. Our first point then, that there is an
-unbroken line of connexion between stelae of the Spartan and those of
-the Athenian class, is made out to demonstration.</p>
-
-<p>But another point may be made out with equal clearness, that at all
-events a large part of the Attic reliefs have reference exclusively to
-the past. Several groups of them may be cited in proof.</p>
-
-<p>1. Reliefs in which an actual death-scene is portrayed. Such a scene is
-represented in our <a href="#fig_66">Fig. 66</a>. It is clear that here nothing can be
-referred to except what has occurred in the past; and this is equally
-clear in the case of&#8212;</p>
-
-<p>2. Reliefs in which is represented some notable scene in the life of the
-deceased. A good example is offered by the monument on which Dexileos
-appears striking down his enemies (<a href="#plt_xii">Pl. XII</a>), or that of Democleides,
-Fig. 59.<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_186">{186}</a></span></p>
-
-<p>3. Reliefs in which the profession of the deceased is indicated, as in
-the case of the physicians<a id="FNanchor_230_230"></a><a href="#Footnote_230_230" class="fnanchor">[230]</a>: and as in the stele of Mynno (<a href="#fig_62">Fig. 62</a>).</p>
-
-<p>It has been said that the reference to the past in such cases may be
-explained from the Greek notion that the future life was a continuation
-of the past on the same lines but in a ghostly fashion. But this
-statement will not bear a closer examination. An earthly hunter may hunt
-in Elysium: possibly a warrior may be imagined as finding new and
-ghostly enemies to overthrow. But could it be for a moment supposed that
-a woman would spend her time in Hades in repetitions of sickness and
-death, or that a physician would find there need for the exercise of his
-old craft? It is thus abundantly clear that in some at least of the
-Attic reliefs the backward look prevails.</p>
-
-<p>The class of reliefs from which we may best illustrate the two different
-fashions of interpretation is the very large class in which is
-represented hand-giving, the Greek δεξίωσις. Sometimes one of the pair
-who are hand in hand is standing and one seated: sometimes both are
-standing. There are three ways in which the attitude of the pair may be
-interpreted. First it may be taken to mark a mere family group, an Attic
-interior scene, a portrait of husband and wife or father and son in a
-connexion which marks their unity of feeling and mutual affection.
-Second, we may combine with this idea that of parting. To this view I
-have inclined in a previous chapter. Third, we may take the hand-giving
-as indicating the reception in Hades by those who have gone before of
-their kindred who follow them. In the funeral oration of Hyperides there
-is a passage<a id="FNanchor_231_231"></a><a href="#Footnote_231_231" class="fnanchor">[231]</a> which is cited in favour of this view, in which the
-orator speaks of the heroes of old in Hades</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="plt_xxx" style="width: 381px;">
-<a href="images/i_p186a.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p186a.jpg" width="381" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p><span class="smcap">Plate</span> XXX</p>
-
-<p><i>Page 186</i></p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page_187">{187}</a></span></p>
-
-<p class="nind">greeting, with a δεξίωσις their descendants who follow them in the way
-of virtue and honour. So in the poets also, as we have above seen, there
-are frequent references to the life of the re-united family in Hades.
-And in fact a hope of such re-union seems to have existed among all
-peoples in which family life was highly developed.</p>
-
-<p>We can scarcely venture to rule any of these views out of court. We can
-indeed venture to say that in the Athenian reliefs as they reach us, the
-setting is full of allusions to the life of the past, while all that
-suggests Hades is conspicuously absent. At the same time, while this is
-the clear result of artistic analysis, it is quite impossible to say
-that the hopes and longings of survivors may not have sometimes found in
-the mere grouping of a family scene some earnest of re-united family
-life under other conditions than those of earth. Artistic groups, like
-strains of music, may be interpreted by the emotions rather than by the
-intellect, and suggest many things to many people.</p>
-
-<p>We can best solve the questions we have raised by drawing clearly a line
-of distinction between the origin of the Attic sepulchral groups and
-their meaning. They undoubtedly derive much both from the
-ancestor-worship of early Hellas, and from the monuments in which that
-worship found expression. But it is very unlikely that to the Attic mind
-of the fifth and fourth centuries they usually conveyed much of
-religious meaning. The bright genius of Attic art had little sympathy
-with the mystic side of man’s nature. Its tendency was not towards
-ethical religion, but towards beauty and enjoyment and social life.
-Thus, in the memorials of the dead, the Athenians and those who took
-their tone from Attic art sought to produce a pleasing and not too vivid
-memorial of the dead, rather than a record of hope in the future life.
-They did not disbelieve in the future world, nor did they practically
-neglect the simple and pleasing ritual of the cultus of the dead. But
-their minds<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_188">{188}</a></span> turned more naturally to thoughts less severe and gloomy,
-thoughts of the present, of the beauteous land they dwelt in and the
-charm of their social surroundings.</p>
-
-<p>But on the other hand it must be allowed that in the case of the
-cultus-reliefs of the oblong class (Chapter VII), the reference is to
-the future and not to the past. The worship of the dead could not begin
-until they were canonized, so to speak; and to this canonization all the
-details of the reliefs refer. If the question be asked whether the scene
-in which the august hero sits on his throne or leads his horse is Hades
-or the tomb itself, the answer is not easy. There seems to have existed
-in this matter a confusion of mind. The earliest beliefs of the human
-race seem to regard the dead as continuing in the grave an existence
-which is a ghostly echo of the past life, and there receiving the
-constantly presented offerings of their descendants. But the Greeks, as
-we know them in history, had risen to a higher level of thought. They
-thought that the soul travelled away from the resting-place of the body
-until it reached the shadowy realm of Hades and Persephone, there to
-receive from divine justice the reward or the punishment which it had
-earned in its earthly life<a id="FNanchor_232_232"></a><a href="#Footnote_232_232" class="fnanchor">[232]</a>. Such was the view of the priest and the
-poet, and of educated people generally. But it is a familiar fact in the
-history of religion that custom and cultus move far more slowly than
-doctrine; and that to this body of usage is attached a survival of the
-earlier or more primitive belief. So it came to pass in Greece, in spite
-of the philosopher who spoke of the soul as mounting to its native
-aether, and of the poet who sang of the realm of Hades and dread
-Persephone. Still through the centuries offerings were brought to the
-tomb, and the dead were supposed there to enjoy them. Still the stele
-remained a sort of shrine of the family cultus, and ancestors were
-regarded as there present in the same supernatural fashion<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_189">{189}</a></span> in which
-deities were present in their temples and their images. We can scarcely
-upbraid the Greeks; for we too, while commonly believing in heaven, if
-not in hell, still think of our dead as present in some sense at the
-tomb in which we have laid their bodies. And modern scientific research
-even indicates some justification of this deep-seated prejudice, which
-mere reason disowns. For there is everywhere a deep-seated belief that
-apparitions haunt the places where the persons whose shadows they are
-lived their lives or underwent some overpowering emotion.</p>
-
-<p>Thus it seems quite natural to regard the scene of the cultus reliefs as
-the actual graveyard where they were set up. And this interpretation is
-in most cases satisfactory. But some of them have a clear reference to
-the land of spirits. In one instance, on an Attic votive tablet, we see
-a deceased mortal feasting with Herakles and the Muses<a id="FNanchor_233_233"></a><a href="#Footnote_233_233" class="fnanchor">[233]</a> and there is
-a whole class of monuments which represent deceased heroes supping with
-Dionysus. We engrave one of the most characteristic examples<a id="FNanchor_234_234"></a><a href="#Footnote_234_234" class="fnanchor">[234]</a> (<a href="#fig_73">Fig.
-73</a>). An elderly man reclines on a couch, beside which is a table spread
-with fruits, and a slave pouring wine. A serpent twined round the table
-has clearly a sepulchral reference. The wife of the hero is seated at
-his feet: both turn with surprise and delight to the left of the relief,
-where the young Dionysus, bearing a thyrsus, and supporting his reeling
-body on the shoulder of a young satyr, advances towards the couch. The
-dead man had doubtless been a votary of Dionysus, perhaps attached to
-the Orphic mysteries; and the god to whom in his earthly life he had
-devoted himself comes to sup with him in the world of shades. In this
-case certainly the banquet must be regarded as held, not at the tomb,
-but in some nobler scene.<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_190">{190}</a></span></p>
-
-<p>Next to the meaning of the sepulchral reliefs of Greece, the style of
-art in which they are executed requires some attention.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_73" style="width: 600px;">
-<a href="images/i_p190.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p190.jpg" width="600" height="451" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 73. DIONYSUS AS GUEST.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>The reliefs of the sixth century, and down to about <small>B.C.</small> 460, are
-excellent examples of the art of their time, in no way inferior to other
-contemporary works of sculpture. The relief of Pl. II introduces us to a
-school of artists of whom we have no other knowledge, a school localized
-in Peloponnesus, and trying to work out an independent line of art. The
-early reliefs of Athens and the Islands stand, however, on a much higher
-level. We have already seen that Professor Brunn, an admirable judge,
-had early discerned in the qualities of the Aristion relief (<a href="#plt_ix">Pl. IX</a>) the
-promise of the excellence of later Athenian art. The other stele of <a href="#plt_ix">Pl.
-IX</a>, that of Alxenor, shows similar merits, and a somewhat more advanced
-style. The group of mother and children (<a href="#plt_xix">Pl. XIX</a>) is a work of the
-greatest<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_191">{191}</a></span> delicacy and charm: the forms of mother and infant, showing
-through the orderly folds of the Ionian dress, indicate genuine love of
-nature and appreciation of form; and the group is full of the same
-sentiment which charms us in the tombs of a later age.</p>
-
-<p>The reliefs of the sixth century were usually executed in honour of
-distinguished persons; they frequently bore the name of the sculptor,
-and that sculptor would usually be one whose fame was great. This shows
-that early sculptors were proud of executing tombs: at a later time
-tombs almost never bear an artist’s name.</p>
-
-<p>As we approach the middle of the fifth century, the art of the sculptor
-in Greece is taking constantly a higher and a wider range. Great temples
-are rising on all sides, especially at Athens, and offering to great
-artists noble opportunities of distinction to be won either by designing
-the great cultus-statues of the gods, or by fitly adorning the outsides
-of their temples. The sculpture of athletes also had, in the hands of
-Pythagoras of Myron and of Polycleitus, reached a perfection hitherto
-undreamed of. And at the same period the sumptuary laws of Athens, which
-were only gradually falling into neglect, closely limited the sum of
-money to be spent on tombs. Under these circumstances we cannot be
-surprised that the sepulchral monuments of the middle of the fifth
-century, of the age of the Parthenon and the Temple of Nike, are mostly
-of somewhat small size and poor execution. In their style they show
-something of the contemporary grand style, but it is only a distant
-cousinship to it which they display. They are not the work of great
-artists, but of workers scarcely above the level of the skilled
-stonemason.</p>
-
-<p>Several of the groups figured in our plates belong to this age. As
-examples, we may take Pl. XVII, the stele of Amphotto, which is a work
-of the earlier half of the fifth century, and Plates X, XIII, XVIII, XX,
-XXI, XXVI,<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_192">{192}</a></span> all of which were probably executed in the latter half of
-that century. The form of these stelae is simple, even clumsy, the gable
-above usually surmounted by three acroteria, on which an acanthus
-pattern was probably painted. The subjects consist of few figures in
-simple groups. The perspective is by no means perfect; for instance, the
-breasts of Tynnias (<a href="#plt_x">Pl. X</a>) and of Mica (<a href="#plt_xxi">Pl. XXI</a>) are too fully turned to
-the spectator. Nevertheless these reliefs have an extraordinary nobility
-and dignity. Tynnias might almost have sat for a model of the Zeus at
-Olympia: Lysander (<a href="#plt_xx">Pl. XX</a>) is the model of a modest and well-bred
-Athenian boy: Mica (<a href="#plt_xxi">Pl. XXI</a>), in spite of her fanciful name, has not a
-touch of levity. Like the maidens of the Parthenon frieze, all these
-human beings behave as if in the immediate presence of the gods. They
-embody nobility and repose.</p>
-
-<p>In the fourth century, the conditions of sculpture at Athens again
-underwent a great change. No new and splendid temples rose from the
-ground. No great public buildings offered a wide field to the architect,
-the painter, and the sculptor. Art worked mainly in the service of
-individuals. And, at the same time, the sepulchral monuments of Athens
-became far more sumptuous. It is therefore quite natural that they
-should have been sometimes undertaken by artists of renown.</p>
-
-<p>We have the testimony of Pausanias to the fact that Praxiteles himself
-sometimes made the sculptural adornment of the great Attic sepulchres.
-Outside the Peiraeus gate, among other noteworthy tombs, Pausanias<a id="FNanchor_235_235"></a><a href="#Footnote_235_235" class="fnanchor">[235]</a>
-found one which he thus describes: ‘Not far from the gates is a tomb,
-whereon stands a soldier standing by his horse: who he was I know not,
-but it was Praxiteles who made both man and horse.’ The contemporary
-painter Nicias also undertook tombs. Pausanias<a id="FNanchor_236_236"></a><a href="#Footnote_236_236" class="fnanchor">[236]</a> tells us that
-outside the gates of Triteia in Achaia was ‘a tomb<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_193">{193}</a></span> of white marble
-worthy of note in all respects, but particularly remarkable for the
-paintings on the marble, the work of Nicias. There is a throne of ivory,
-and seated on it a young and beauteous woman, behind whom stands a
-maid-servant holding a sunshade. Also a young man standing, not bearded
-as yet, clad in a chiton with a purple chlamys over it: beside him is an
-attendant carrying hunting-spears and leading dogs of hunting breed.</p>
-
-<p>Praxiteles and Nicias were closely associated in art; Praxiteles is even
-said to have declared that his sculpture owed much of its charm to the
-colouring applied to it by Nicias. We may judge then that the beautiful
-sepulchral monuments of the fourth century, whether set up at Athens or
-elsewhere, owed their excellence to the second Athenian school, to
-Praxiteles and Scopas and their contemporaries. An examination of the
-monuments themselves fully confirms this view. More than one
-archaeologist has been struck with the strong likeness to be traced
-between the heads recently recovered from the pediments of the temple of
-Athena at Tegea<a id="FNanchor_237_237"></a><a href="#Footnote_237_237" class="fnanchor">[237]</a>, which are our best evidence for recovering the
-style of Scopas, and some of the Attic sepulchral reliefs, especially
-that of Dexileos (<a href="#plt_xii">Pl. XII</a>) and that from the Ilissus (<a href="#plt_xv">Pl. XV</a>). These
-works are certainly of the age of Scopas. The tomb of Dexileos was set
-up immediately after 394 <small>B.C.</small>, and in the same year the old temple of
-Athena at Tegea was burned, affording to young Scopas the task of its
-reconstruction. It is quite possible that some of the existing tombs of
-the fourth century may be the actual work of sculptors of the second
-Attic school. In the moderation, the gentleness, the pleasing sentiment
-of these Athenian tombs we see precisely the qualities for which
-Praxiteles was celebrated. But, generally speaking, sepulchral monuments
-are of the class of work which a great sculptor would leave to<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_194">{194}</a></span> pupils
-and assistants, just as they left the decorative sculpture of the bases
-of their great statues.</p>
-
-<p>The tombs of this age are larger and more sumptuous, and the groups at
-once more complicated and more expressive. There is less repose than in
-the stelae of the fifth century, and more sentiment. Characteristic
-figures of warriors of this age are those of Dexileos (<a href="#plt_xii">Pl. XII</a>) and
-Aristonautes (<a href="#plt_xi">Pl. XI</a>): and among family groups we may notice the Ilissus
-relief (<a href="#plt_xv">Pl. XV</a>), the stele of Damasistrate (<a href="#plt_xxiii">Pl. XXIII</a>), and the group of
-Pl. XXIV.</p>
-
-<p>Our plates scarcely come down to a later time than the fourth century,
-but among the most interesting figures found on tombs of the later age
-is the figure of the girl devoted to the service of Isis in <a href="#fig_64">Fig. 64</a>.<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_195">{195}</a></span></p>
-
-<h2><a id="CHAPTER_XII"></a>CHAPTER XII<br><br>
-<small>INSCRIPTIONS</small></h2>
-
-<p><span class="smcap">After</span> thus entering into the question of the meaning of the Attic
-sepulchral reliefs, and discussing their relation to the Greek beliefs
-as to the future world, it is necessary to give some account of the
-inscriptions which accompany the reliefs.</p>
-
-<p>By far the most usual inscription on an Attic tomb consists of a proper
-name, to which is added commonly a patronymic. In addition to this
-simple record, archaic tombs sometimes bear the name of the artist who
-executed them. Towards the end of the fifth century the custom comes in
-of adding also the place to which the deceased belonged. The reliefs of
-the best age are not signed by an artist, and in fact anything beyond
-names and demes is, in the fifth and fourth centuries, quite unusual.
-The strict canons of developed Greek art seem to have rejected any long
-or metrical epitaph as out of place or in bad taste. Later, in the third
-and second centuries, longer inscriptions, often written in elegiac
-metre, are far commoner.</p>
-
-<p>Our plates and engravings furnish specimens of the ordinary kinds of
-inscriptions. The two archaic reliefs of Pl. IX bear the artists’ names,
-in one case Ἔργον Ἀριστοκλέοσ<a id="FNanchor_238_238"></a><a href="#Footnote_238_238" class="fnanchor">[238]</a>, in the other Ἀλχσήνορ ἐποίησεν ὁ
-Νάχσιος: to the latter signature is added a delightfully naïve comment,
-ἀλλ' ἐσίδεσθε, Just look! implying that in the artist’s own opinion his
-work is well worth looking<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_196">{196}</a></span> at. The inscription on the tomb of Dermys
-and Citylus (<a href="#fig_55">Fig. 55</a>) records the name of the dedicator, Ἀμφάλκης ἔστασ’
-ἐπὶ Κιτύλοι ἠὃ ἐπὶ Δέρμυι.</p>
-
-<p>After the archaic age, the inscriptions are simpler, as Ἀμφοττό (<a href="#plt_xvii">Pl.
-XVII</a>), Εὐέμπολος (<a href="#plt_xviii">Pl. XVIII</a>), Δημοκλείδης Δημητρίο (<a href="#fig_59">Fig. 59</a>), Τυννίας
-Τύννωνος Tρικορύσιος (<a href="#plt_x">Pl. X</a>), Κρατιστὼ Ὀλυνθία Ἄγρωνος θνγάτηρ Γλαυκίου
-δὲ γυνή, and so forth.</p>
-
-<p>When the tomb belongs to one person these inscriptions are simple, and
-there can be no ambiguity in their interpretation, nor is there any
-doubt to which of the persons represented in the relief the identifying
-inscription belongs. But when the inscription contains several names the
-matter is not so simple. Dr. Furtwängler lays down the rule that the
-names are the names of the dead; in that case, as the dead and the
-living appear together in the reliefs, there would be no necessary
-correspondence between relief and inscription. I find however, in the
-great majority of cases, that not only do the inscriptions agree with
-the reliefs, but that the names are placed over the figures in order to
-identify them. The analogy of Greek vases here helps us. On vases it is
-an ordinary custom to place over each of the persons of the design his
-or her name, merely for purposes of identification. It appears that the
-same custom prevails in sepulchral reliefs. Confirmation of this view
-will be found in abundance by any one who examines the <i>Corpus of Attic
-Reliefs</i>. And further confirmation is afforded by the epigrams of the
-<i>Anthology</i>. One records<a id="FNanchor_239_239"></a><a href="#Footnote_239_239" class="fnanchor">[239]</a> not only the name of the person to whom
-the tomb belongs, and who appears in its relief, but also the names of
-the dog, the horse, and the slave who form his <i>cortége</i>. Another
-reads<a id="FNanchor_240_240"></a><a href="#Footnote_240_240" class="fnanchor">[240]</a>, ‘This is Timocleia, this Philo, this Aristo, and this
-Timaetho; all daughters of Aristodicus.’ In fact, to this general rule
-of the explicatory character of the inscriptions only a few doubtful
-exceptions<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_197">{197}</a></span> make their appearance. One of these exceptions appears on
-our Pl. XXVII. The group consists of two ladies, whereas the names above
-are Μικίων Αἰαντοδώρου Ἀναγυράσιος, Ἀμεινίχη Μικίωνος Θριασίου,
-Δημοστράτη Αἴσχρωνος Ἁλαὲως&#8212;the names of one man and two women. But it
-appears that in this case a name was originally placed only over the
-seated lady: this was erased, and the three names which we find were
-inserted at a later period. We may safely therefore assert that at all
-events in the great majority of cases the names placed on the tombs
-identify the persons of the reliefs, and do not by any means necessarily
-give us a clue to the occupants of the grave.</p>
-
-<p>It is pointed out by Dr. Weisshäupl, in an excellent paper on Greek
-epitaphs<a id="FNanchor_241_241"></a><a href="#Footnote_241_241" class="fnanchor">[241]</a>, which has been of great service to me in this chapter,
-that the term χαῖρε, Farewell, which is common in late Greek epitaphs,
-does not occur on the graves of Athenian citizens. The age of the
-deceased, in modern epitaphs one of the most indispensable features, is
-seldom stated on Greek tombs: a curious exception being found in the
-case of Dexileos.</p>
-
-<p>Among the tombs which we engrave, only this of Dexileos (<a href="#plt_xii">Pl. XII</a>) bears
-a long or a detailed inscription. The record here tells us that the hero
-was born in the archonship of Teisander, and died in that of Eubulides,
-and was one of the five horsemen at Corinth. The last phrase is curious,
-nor is its meaning certain. Usually it is explained as meaning that
-Dexileos took part in some noted feat of arms with four other horsemen
-in the Corinthian war. But recently<a id="FNanchor_242_242"></a><a href="#Footnote_242_242" class="fnanchor">[242]</a>, Dr. Brückner has tried to
-prove that the πέντε ἱππεῖς were the adjutants of the Hipparchi, and
-persons of definite rank in the army.</p>
-
-<p>After the age of Demetrius of Phalerum, when the sepulchral monuments of
-Athens become poorer and smaller, the inscriptions as a rule remain very
-brief. But on exceptional tombs of this age, and a larger number of the
-Roman period,<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_198">{198}</a></span> we find long inscriptions in prose or in verse, giving
-the history of the occupant or moralizing on life and death. Already in
-another work<a id="FNanchor_243_243"></a><a href="#Footnote_243_243" class="fnanchor">[243]</a> I have given a brief account of the general character
-of Athenian epitaphs. I therefore in this place prefer to take my
-examples not from Athens, but from other parts of Greece. There is, at
-all events in later ages, no great difference in character between the
-sepulchral inscriptions of Athens and those of other cities, if we
-except those districts of Asia Minor which were partly under the
-influence of Asiatic religions and ways of thinking. Where the epitaph
-has some pretension to literary style I give a rendering in heroic
-verse, in other cases a prose translation may suffice.</p>
-
-<p>We may begin with the inscription of a public tomb. At all times these
-tombs bore epigrams of a nobler type than those of private persons.
-Commonly they were set up in some public place and were the scene of
-heroic honours. The epigram which they bore would be composed by some
-noted poet. Every one knows of the noble lines written by Simonides for
-the Spartans who fell at Thermopylae:&#8212;</p>
-
-<div class="poetry">
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0">Go, stranger, and at Lacedaemon tell<br></span>
-<span class="i0">That here obedient to her laws we fell.<br></span>
-</div></div>
-</div>
-
-<p class="nind">Another public epitaph, also belonging to some of the heroes of the
-Persian wars, has been found at Megara<a id="FNanchor_244_244"></a><a href="#Footnote_244_244" class="fnanchor">[244]</a>. It is not, however, the
-original record, but a copy made of that record when it had almost
-perished with age in the fourth or fifth century of our aera by one
-Helladius, who attributes to Simonides the verses which run thus:&#8212;</p>
-
-<div class="poetry">
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0">Eager we strove that freedom’s day might rise<br></span>
-<span class="i0">For Greece and home; but death is all our prize.<br></span>
-<span class="i0">Some fell beside Euboea’s sacred strand,<br></span>
-<span class="i0">Where Artemis, chaste huntress, holds the land:<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_199">{199}</a></span><br></span>
-<span class="i0">Some died at Mycale; some the warlike show<br></span>
-<span class="i0">Of Tyrian fleets at Salamis laid low:<br></span>
-<span class="i0">Some in Boeotian plains, in daring mood,<br></span>
-<span class="i0">The charging Median chivalry withstood.<br></span>
-<span class="i0">Here in full market<a id="FNanchor_245_245"></a><a href="#Footnote_245_245" class="fnanchor">[245]</a>, ’mid the thronging crowd,<br></span>
-<span class="i0">Our townsmen have our honoured grave allowed.<br></span>
-</div></div>
-</div>
-
-<p class="nind">This epitaph was evidently placed on the public grave of the Megarian
-citizens who fell in the various battles against the Persians. It was no
-doubt a cenotaph. Pausanias mentions it, and states that the Megarians
-set the graves of their distinguished dead in the senate-house, so that
-all future generations might consult in presence of the heroes:
-Helladius adds, ‘even in my day a bull is sacrificed by the city.’ An
-epitaph in the market-place and the annual sacrifice of a bull for a
-thousand years might well supply to the Greek soldier an incentive as
-great as among us the hope of a monument in Westminster Abbey.</p>
-
-<p>A similar monument in honour of the Athenians who fell at Potidaea, in
-the Peloponnesian War, is preserved at the British Museum<a id="FNanchor_246_246"></a><a href="#Footnote_246_246" class="fnanchor">[246]</a>. We may
-also consider as public a tomb erected at Corfu by Amphilochian soldiers
-to one of their comrades who had fallen in a skirmish on the opposite
-coast<a id="FNanchor_247_247"></a><a href="#Footnote_247_247" class="fnanchor">[247]</a>. It dates from about the third century <small>B.C.</small>:&#8212;</p>
-
-<div class="poetry">
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0">For thee a bitter fate thy friends behold<br></span>
-<span class="i0">Of Amphilochian land the warriors bold,<br></span>
-<span class="i0">When by Illyrian horse in battle slain<br></span>
-<span class="i0">Within an island tomb thy bones remain.<br></span>
-<span class="i0">They left thee not, when thou wast lying low,<br></span>
-<span class="i0">Thy comrades brave well-skilled the dart to throw;<br></span>
-<span class="i0">From deadly battle-press thy corpse they save,<br></span>
-<span class="i0">And mourning kinsmen bear thee to the grave.<br></span>
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_200">{200}</a></span></div></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>Public epitaphs such as these are in the highest degree objective. They
-recount the deeds of a hero and deplore his death, but they seldom
-indulge in moral reflection, or speak of any future life. This is in
-fact the character of all early epitaphs, whether from private or public
-graves. I will cite a few of the sixth century to begin with.</p>
-
-<p>The tomb of Menecrates at Corfu is well known to many travellers, from
-its beautiful situation. The inscription, written in archaic characters
-of Corinth, runs thus<a id="FNanchor_248_248"></a><a href="#Footnote_248_248" class="fnanchor">[248]</a>: ‘This tomb is of Menecrates son of Tlesias
-of the race of Oeanthe: the people raised it to him. He was proxenus,
-beloved by the people, and died at sea, and was buried by the stroke of
-oars of the public ships<a id="FNanchor_249_249"></a><a href="#Footnote_249_249" class="fnanchor">[249]</a>. Praximenes, coming from his native city,
-raised with the people this memorial to his brother.’ Menecrates seems
-to have been consul or proxenus of Corinth at Corcyra, and was succeeded
-in that office by his brother Praximenes.</p>
-
-<p>The sculptured lion found on the spot may belong to the tomb of
-Menecrates; but it more probably belongs to another tomb of the same age
-erected to one Arniadas, which bears a very simple record<a id="FNanchor_250_250"></a><a href="#Footnote_250_250" class="fnanchor">[250]</a>, ‘This is
-the tomb of Arniadas: bright-eyed Ares was his death, as he fought by
-the ships at the streams of Arathus, doing many valiant deeds in the sad
-battle-strife.’</p>
-
-<p>The qualities of moderation, of self-control and of nobility which
-belong pre-eminently to almost all Greek productions of the fifth
-century, are in nothing to be observed more clearly than in the epitaphs
-of that period. A few specimens will suffice as well as many to exhibit
-this character. Many or most of them record a death in battle: it
-appears that only when a man thus died for his country or was otherwise<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_201">{201}</a></span>
-especially distinguished, was he allowed an epitaph recording more than
-his name and that of his father. A grave at Anactorium<a id="FNanchor_251_251"></a><a href="#Footnote_251_251" class="fnanchor">[251]</a> of the fifth
-century bears the inscription, ‘This tomb near the way shall be called
-by the name of Procleidas, who died fighting for his country.’ Another
-at Thisbe<a id="FNanchor_252_252"></a><a href="#Footnote_252_252" class="fnanchor">[252]</a> in Boeotia reads, ‘Dear to citizens and friends I fell in
-the front ranks fighting valiantly.’ The following record civic or
-personal rather than military merit. From Thespiae<a id="FNanchor_253_253"></a><a href="#Footnote_253_253" class="fnanchor">[253]</a>, ‘As a memorial
-over Olaidas when he died I was erected by his father Ossilus, to whom
-his departure brought sorrow.’ From Tanagra<a id="FNanchor_254_254"></a><a href="#Footnote_254_254" class="fnanchor">[254]</a>, ‘Thy native city,
-Cercinus son of Phoxius, Heracleia in Pontus, shall have sorrow at thy
-death among our friends; so never shall we forget thy praise: greatly
-did I admire thy nature.’ The ‘I’ of the former of these two epitaphs is
-the tombstone; the ‘I’ of the second is a sorrowing friend.</p>
-
-<p>The epitaphs of the fourth century <small>B.C.</small> are of similar character, but
-somewhat more abundant and less rigid in type. The following from Oreus
-in Euboea<a id="FNanchor_255_255"></a><a href="#Footnote_255_255" class="fnanchor">[255]</a> is decidedly pleasing:</p>
-
-<div class="poetry">
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0">In bloom of youth by praise thy fame was spread,<br></span>
-<span class="i0">In blameless ways thy childish days were sped:<br></span>
-<span class="i0">In man’s estate, when law and country bade,<br></span>
-<span class="i0">Where hostile ranks by Ares were arrayed,<br></span>
-<span class="i0">A horseman, thou didst strive with fair renown<br></span>
-<span class="i0">Thy fathers and thy fatherland to crown.<br></span>
-<span class="i0">This tomb, to mark thy worth, thy sire doth raise,<br></span>
-<span class="i0">Thy city decks it with unceasing praise.<br></span>
-</div></div>
-</div>
-
-<p class="nind">An epitaph from Thebes<a id="FNanchor_256_256"></a><a href="#Footnote_256_256" class="fnanchor">[256]</a> seems to have been erected over a soldier of
-the Sacred War: ‘When young I cultivated merriment (εὐφροσύνην ἤσκουν)
-associating with my companions in the gymnasium. I die in war, bearing
-aid to the Delphic land. My grandfather was Euenoridas, my father Neon.’
-In this epigram notes quite unfamiliar to the Christian world are<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_202">{202}</a></span>
-struck. The deceased had fallen on what might have passed as a crusade,
-an expedition to punish the sacrilegious aggression of the Phocians on
-the temple of Apollo at Delphi. Yet instead of dwelling on such
-religious merit, the epitaph speaks of his cheeriness of disposition and
-his sociability, of his worship of the ‘goddess fair and free, in heaven
-yclept Euphrosyne.’ In fact no quality is more often mentioned with
-praise in sepulchral inscriptions than the social habits of the
-deceased. An inscription of the same age from Athens<a id="FNanchor_257_257"></a><a href="#Footnote_257_257" class="fnanchor">[257]</a> seems to
-record the success of a comic actor, who is praised especially for
-having overcome his natural disqualification for his pursuit: ‘All
-Hellas admires thee, Euthias, and misses thee in the sacred festivals;
-nor without cause. For through art, not natural gift, in vine-crowned
-comedy of gentle mirth thou wast second in rank, but first in art.’ In
-athletic sports also we learn that the spectators most applauded those
-who won by science, not mere strength. Another contemporary inscription
-from Athens<a id="FNanchor_258_258"></a><a href="#Footnote_258_258" class="fnanchor">[258]</a> is in more poetic form: ‘Divine Modesty, daughter of
-high-minded Shame, one who valued above all thee and warlike Valour,
-Cleidemus of Melita son of Cleidemides is here buried.’</p>
-
-<p>It will be observed that all the epigrams hitherto cited are from the
-graves of men, not women. Indeed, inscriptions from women’s tombs very
-seldom, at this early time, contain more than the name with that of
-father or husband. Generally speaking, until the time of Alexander, the
-women of Greece were content to shine with borrowed light, and to be
-notable in the home rather than in the city. Of sculptural honour they
-had, as we have seen, even more than their share; but to praise a woman
-in public might well seem to her friends to approach indelicacy. In the
-later age inscriptions recording female worth are frequent. There is no
-question that as the public life of Greece decayed, women became more
-and more prominent in the cities.<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_203">{203}</a></span></p>
-
-<p>It is not easy to assign, on epigraphic grounds, an exact date to
-sepulchral inscriptions of the third and later centuries down to Roman
-Imperial times. Partly for this reason, and partly because the later
-epitaphs of Greece really form one class, I prefer to group them rather
-by subject than by period. Generally speaking, they have more literary
-pretensions than earlier epitaphs, and their character is more personal
-and subjective, so that they give us information on many subjects as to
-which early inscriptions are silent.</p>
-
-<p>An epitaph from Melos<a id="FNanchor_259_259"></a><a href="#Footnote_259_259" class="fnanchor">[259]</a> of the third century <small>B.C.</small> is set over a wife,
-but it bears a suspicious appearance of being the composition of the
-husband: ‘I love even in death my husband, for with no common care he
-made me a tomb conspicuous to all. And me his wife he made equal to the
-heroes in veneration in memory of the sweet joys of love.’ As a memorial
-of a young man who met with some accident on the shore of Leucas<a id="FNanchor_260_260"></a><a href="#Footnote_260_260" class="fnanchor">[260]</a>,
-the following epigram was graven: ‘Unfavourable weather kept back
-Telesphorus and loosed his girdle (i.e. delayed the girding of his loins
-for a journey). The shore proved fatal to him; and destiny would no
-longer wait. Alas! for his untimely death, and his sad parents!’ We may
-next cite a couple of Boeotian epitaphs inscribed over literary men.
-From Larymna<a id="FNanchor_261_261"></a><a href="#Footnote_261_261" class="fnanchor">[261]</a>: ‘Behold, stranger, here the tomb of departed Philo,
-who gave himself to the skilled pursuit of polite letters, while to all
-the citizens of Larymna he showed a nature ever friendly. Early he has
-quitted his life yet at its prime; and with universal mourning his city
-weeps his loss.’ Still more detailed is the following, from
-Orchomenus<a id="FNanchor_262_262"></a><a href="#Footnote_262_262" class="fnanchor">[262]</a>, of the second century <small>B.C.</small>, set up over one Philocrates
-of Sidon: ‘Thou boastedst a maturity, Philocrates, not unworthy of thy
-earlier life, urged on by the subtle mind. For from early youth, as<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_204">{204}</a></span> is
-right, thou hadst been familiar with the doctrines of Epicurus, easy to
-understand. Then, obedient to the rudder of Fortune<a id="FNanchor_263_263"></a><a href="#Footnote_263_263" class="fnanchor">[263]</a>, in a wandering
-life, thou didst preside at the contests of men among the Minyae<a id="FNanchor_264_264"></a><a href="#Footnote_264_264" class="fnanchor">[264]</a>.
-Now thou liest close to thy son, thy limbs touching his, without sorrow,
-having come out of life to join him gone before.’ Sometimes inscriptions
-of this biographic character contain literary touches. For example, on a
-public tomb at Thera<a id="FNanchor_265_265"></a><a href="#Footnote_265_265" class="fnanchor">[265]</a>, set up in honour of Admetus, priest of Apollo
-Carneius, the epitaph ends, ‘leaving to wife and mother heavy grief: yet
-what wonder? even Thetis had to mourn the loss of the slain Achilles.’</p>
-
-<p>The epitaphs which express a sentiment as to human life are usually of
-Roman age. I will, however, cite a few of them, in order to complete our
-survey. An epitaph from Samos<a id="FNanchor_266_266"></a><a href="#Footnote_266_266" class="fnanchor">[266]</a> ends with the reflection, ‘If due
-account were made of piety, never would my home have incurred such
-misfortunes as these.’ One from Tanagra<a id="FNanchor_267_267"></a><a href="#Footnote_267_267" class="fnanchor">[267]</a> ends, ‘O mortals, turn your
-thoughts to what is paltry: if you meditate better things, Hades is
-envious of the good.’ These are feelings which doubtless often touch the
-minds of relatives and friends in our days, but on this particular point
-we are more under the dominion of convention than were the Greeks; and
-the utterances of cynicism or despair are mostly excluded from our
-graveyards. The following from Thespiae<a id="FNanchor_268_268"></a><a href="#Footnote_268_268" class="fnanchor">[268]</a> is more in the line of
-propriety: ‘Who would not weep over the vain hopes of parents, looking
-at me?’</p>
-
-<p>Many epitaphs of the later period contain some statement as to the
-destiny of the spirit. Such statements are, however, usually expressed
-in very conventional form; they have the air rather of poetical
-amplification than of a real hope beyond<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_205">{205}</a></span> the grave. In this respect
-they contrast markedly with early Christian inscriptions; in which,
-however rough and inelegant the form may be, there lies an unmistakable
-air of real feeling. A pagan epitaph of Sparta<a id="FNanchor_269_269"></a><a href="#Footnote_269_269" class="fnanchor">[269]</a>, of the second
-century <small>A.D.</small>, runs: ‘Adorned with every virtue, noble Titanius, son of
-Paeon, thou possessest the Island of the Blest.’ We can scarcely imagine
-that at this late period the Island of the Blest lived in popular
-belief, or that the phrase is anything but a poetical reminiscence. An
-epitaph, which may have been written beneath the sculptured dog, on the
-tomb of Diogenes the Cynic<a id="FNanchor_270_270"></a><a href="#Footnote_270_270" class="fnanchor">[270]</a>, runs thus: ‘Lies he here, who dwelt in
-an earthen cask? Aye, truly; but now that he is dead, he has the stars
-for his home.’ With this optimistic rhetoric we may compare the cynical
-and pessimistic rhetoric of another epitaph, ‘Mix the wine, and drink
-deep with brows crowned with flowers, nor scorn the delights of love:
-all the rest at death is consumed by earth and fire<a id="FNanchor_271_271"></a><a href="#Footnote_271_271" class="fnanchor">[271]</a>.’ As this
-epigram accompanied a relief which represented a man reclining at table,
-the whole seems to have been a cynical travesty of the banqueting
-reliefs above discussed.</p>
-
-<p>Where, however, mention is made of Hades and Persephone, or where we
-catch an echo of Orphic phrase, we may suspect a more serious meaning.
-In the following, for example, from Crommyon<a id="FNanchor_272_272"></a><a href="#Footnote_272_272" class="fnanchor">[272]</a>, the opening phrase
-seems to belong to Orphism and the Mysteries, ‘I Philostrata have gone
-back to the source whence I came, leaving the bondage in which nature
-yoked me. Having filled up the measure of fourteen years, in the
-fifteenth, a virgin, I quitted the body, childless, unwedded, a maiden.
-May those to whom life is an object of desire grow old to their hearts’
-content.’ The same character attaches to the following, from
-Megara<a id="FNanchor_273_273"></a><a href="#Footnote_273_273" class="fnanchor">[273]</a>: ‘The body of Nicocrates rests in the lap of earth; his
-heart (κέαρ) has fled above to the divine aether.<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_206">{206}</a></span> Thanks to thee,
-Pluto, kindly deity, for this destiny. Gentle and lovable, a favourite
-with all was the son of Callitychus; now another and a divine light
-receives him.’</p>
-
-<p>We occasionally find mention made of Hermes in epitaphs as leader and
-friend of departed spirits. An anonymous epitaph of the <i>Palatine
-Anthology</i><a id="FNanchor_274_274"></a><a href="#Footnote_274_274" class="fnanchor">[274]</a>, reads thus: ‘They say that Hermes leads the good on the
-way that bears to the right from the pyre to Rhadamanthys: by this way
-Aristonous, the much-mourned son of Chaerestratus, went down to the
-abode of Hades, who receives all men.’ The phrase ‘bears to the right’
-must refer to some known chart or description of the paths of souls,
-which are described in greater detail in some of the Orphic
-inscriptions. For example, on a gold tablet found at Petelia in
-Italy<a id="FNanchor_275_275"></a><a href="#Footnote_275_275" class="fnanchor">[275]</a>, buried doubtless with one who had been initiated in the
-Orphic Mysteries, we find a sort of guide or way-book for the last
-journey: ‘Thou shalt find on the left of the abode of Hades a well, and
-beside it planted a white cypress. And thou shalt find another, cold
-water flowing from the Lake of Mnemosyne: before it stand guards. Then
-shalt thou say, “I am a child of earth and starry heaven, but a heavenly
-race is mine, as ye yourselves know. I am dry and faint with thirst;
-give me then speedily cold water flowing from the lake of Mnemosyne.”<span class="lftspc">’</span>
-The spring on the left, the name of which is not given, is doubtless
-that of Lethe, or forgetfulness. The soul which wishes to claim its
-immortal rights must avoid this water, and demand in virtue of its
-divine nature some of the other water, that of memory, that its
-individuality may not be lost. This seems to be the path to the right,
-on which Hermes leads those who have in their lifetime prepared
-themselves for the journey.</p>
-
-<p>It would be easy to multiply epitaphs of this kind, but they would lead
-us into regions of thought and belief outside the<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_207">{207}</a></span> limits of this book,
-which is concerned not with the opinions of Greek philosophers and
-mystics but of every-day people.</p>
-
-<p>A priestess of Zeus, at Argos<a id="FNanchor_276_276"></a><a href="#Footnote_276_276" class="fnanchor">[276]</a>, seems to have found a tomb in the
-sacred precinct of the god; whence her epitaph runs: ‘The divine ruler,
-to whom it was my honour to minister when alive, took my blameless life
-and gave me this favour among the dead. Hence I have not a tomb
-underground, but dwell in the place of the blest, in the golden home of
-the gods.’ Here there seems to be a play upon the place of burial, as
-involving a parallel exaltation of the spirit. An elegant epitaph by
-Dionysius of Magnesia, still extant, from Paros<a id="FNanchor_277_277"></a><a href="#Footnote_277_277" class="fnanchor">[277]</a>, begins by an
-inquiry as to the name of the dead person, then goes on to narrate the
-history of her life, and ends with an appeal to Persephone, and a kindly
-greeting to survivors:&#8212;</p>
-
-<div class="poetry">
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0">O Maid of many names, Queen ruling wide,<br></span>
-<span class="i0">Her by the hand to pious places guide.<br></span>
-<span class="i0">On all who, passing, greet the soul below<br></span>
-<span class="i0">With kindly word, may God some good bestow.<br></span>
-</div></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>This epigram brings us to the last class of extant epitaphs, that in
-which the passer-by is addressed in friendly or in threatening language.
-This kind is not exclusively late: we have already seen that the Spartan
-epitaph at Thermopylae addresses the wayfarer, and bids him carry a
-message to Sparta. But it is very common on late tombs. In an epitaph
-from Crete<a id="FNanchor_278_278"></a><a href="#Footnote_278_278" class="fnanchor">[278]</a>, of the first century, the wayfarer is requested to say
-as he passes, ‘May earth lie light on thee.’ In another, of the same
-age, from Pholegandros<a id="FNanchor_279_279"></a><a href="#Footnote_279_279" class="fnanchor">[279]</a>, we read, ‘Having duteously greeted me, the
-dead Diogenes, go, stranger, to thine own affairs, and may they prosper
-at thy will.’ The gentle custom of giving a passing greeting at the
-tomb, in the word χαῖpε, seems to have been usual among the Greeks. Thus
-easily one kept on good terms with the dead, and won their friendly<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_208">{208}</a></span>
-wishes. On the other hand, any sort of violence done to a grave or its
-inmates brought down on the sacrilegious violator all kinds of plagues
-and miseries, which are sometimes, in late Roman times, set forth in the
-epitaph itself, <i>in terrorem</i>. Sometimes a sum of money is mentioned
-which the violator must pay as a fine to redeem his guilt; but sometimes
-he is threatened with direr penalties, gout and fever and many other
-diseases. The tomb of Annia Regilla, wife of Herodes Atticus, at Athens,
-bears an inscription in which the prayer is set forth that for any one
-who disturbs the grave the earth may refuse to bear fruit and the sea
-refuse to bear his ships, and that he and his race may perish miserably.
-Blessings are heaped on all who may honour the burial-place. Our minds
-naturally pass to the well-known epitaph on Shakespeare’s tomb at
-Stratford, which may perhaps have been framed on an ancient model.</p>
-
-<p>At a decidedly higher literary level than the epitaphs collected from
-Greek gravestones are many of those put together in the seventh book of
-the <i>Palatine Anthology</i>. All real lovers of Greek letters are
-acquainted with the delightful epigrams written by poets of the
-Hellenistic age to adorn the tomb: gems of Callimachus, of Meleager, of
-Leonidas of Tarentum, and others. English poets, from Dr. Johnson to Mr.
-Andrew Lang, have devoted hours of leisure to rendering in English verse
-these flowers of ancient poetry, which are best characterized in the
-well-known words as slight things but roses, βαιὰ μὲν ἀλλὰ ῥόδα. If,
-however, we accept the comparison of the Epigrams of the <i>Anthology</i> to
-roses, we must remember that our roses are highly cultivated and
-civilized flowers. No person with any literary discernment would compare
-them to the brier-rose, the anemone, or the primrose.</p>
-
-<p>In previous chapters of this work I have occasionally ventured on
-versions of Greek epitaphs from the <i>Anthology</i>. Yet, in view of the
-purpose and character of this book, we can make<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_209">{209}</a></span> but careful and scant
-use of that collection. Roses may be a suitable adornment for a tomb,
-but when one is anxious carefully to study the form of the monument and
-to examine its sculptural decoration and its epitaph, roses may be in
-the way. As it comes down to us, the <i>Anthology</i> is put together on
-literary rather than historic principles. Dates and schools are mixed up
-with the most perplexing indifference. Epigrams of Simonides and Sappho
-are placed next to the verses of Callimachus and Archias, of Rufinus and
-Paulus Silentiarius, authors who between them cover a space of more than
-a millennium. And, moreover, in no department of Greek letters is the
-rhetorical and epideictic spirit, that pest of Greece, more rampant than
-in the epigram. The great majority of sepulchral epigrams were written,
-not to duly honour the dead, but to display the literary taste and
-ingenuity of the poet. So that while we admire greatly the finished and
-exquisite beauty of these poems, we can seldom suppose that they embody
-much feeling or contain much thought. One class of epitaphs in the
-<i>Anthology</i>, the anonymous, has more actuality, being commonly
-transcribed from actual tombstones: but from the literary point of view
-these are the poorest.</p>
-
-<p>I propose, however, to give in this place renderings of a few of these
-literary epitaphs, selecting such as belong to an earlier period, and
-such as have some interest in their matter, and not merely in their
-style. In some cases I give a version of my own; in other cases I use
-the elegant translations which Dr. James Williams, of Lincoln College,
-has kindly placed at my disposal.</p>
-
-<p>We find not rarely on Greek tombs of all periods colloquies between the
-dead and wayfarers. The following is a literary version by Leonidas<a id="FNanchor_280_280"></a><a href="#Footnote_280_280" class="fnanchor">[280]</a>
-of such a dialogue, carried on in a style of stately courtesy:<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_210">{210}</a></span>&#8212;</p>
-
-<div class="poetry">
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0">‘Lady, what name, what father dost thou own,<br></span>
-<span class="i0">That lieth ’neath this shaft of Parian stone?’<br></span>
-<span class="i0">‘Prexo, the daughter of Calliteles.’<br></span>
-<span class="i0">‘Where wast thou born?’ ‘Beside the Samian seas.’<br></span>
-<span class="i0">‘Who paid thee fitting funeral honours thus?’<br></span>
-<span class="i0">‘The husband of my youth, Theocritus.’<br></span>
-<span class="i0">‘How came thy death?’ ‘In childbed did I die.’<br></span>
-<span class="i0">‘Thine age?’ ‘But two and twenty years lived I.’<br></span>
-<span class="i0">‘And childless?’ ‘Nay, of mother’s care bereft,<br></span>
-<span class="i0">Calliteles, just three years old, was left.’<br></span>
-<span class="i0">‘Long life and ripe old age thy boy await.’<br></span>
-<span class="i0">‘Friend, all good things be showered on thee by fate.’<br></span>
-</div></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>The following bears the name of Sappho<a id="FNanchor_281_281"></a><a href="#Footnote_281_281" class="fnanchor">[281]</a>:&#8212;</p>
-
-<div class="poetry">
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0">The dust of Timas: ere her bridal she<br></span>
-<span class="i0">Saw the dark chamber of Persephone.<br></span>
-<span class="i0">Their lovely hair her playmates offered here,<br></span>
-<span class="i0">Cut off to honour her who was so dear.<br></span>
-</div></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>This seems of archaic simplicity compared with the metrical epitaph on
-Clearista by Meleager, already cited in Chapter VIII. Nothing could well
-be simpler also than the following by Callimachus<a id="FNanchor_282_282"></a><a href="#Footnote_282_282" class="fnanchor">[282]</a>, whose art in
-this case conceals art:&#8212;</p>
-
-<div class="poetry">
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0">Saon the son of Dicon here doth lie<br></span>
-<span class="i0">In holy sleep: the good can never die.<br></span>
-</div></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>A charming epitaph<a id="FNanchor_283_283"></a><a href="#Footnote_283_283" class="fnanchor">[283]</a> on one Amyntichus, being anonymous, is probably
-from a real tomb:&#8212;</p>
-
-<div class="poetry">
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0">Dear earth, receive Amyntichus to rest,<br></span>
-<span class="i2">Mindful of all his labour spent on thee;<br></span>
-<span class="i0">Thee with the boughs of Bacchus oft he dressed,<br></span>
-<span class="i2">And in thee planted oft the olive-tree,<br></span>
-<span class="i0">Filled thee with Deo’s grain, and trenches led<br></span>
-<span class="i2">To make thee rich in herbs and autumn fruits.<br></span>
-<span class="i0">Lie thou then lightly on his hoary head,<br></span>
-<span class="i2">And busk his tomb with springtide’s tender shoots.<br></span>
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_211">{211}</a></span></div></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>An epitaph, by Leonidas<a id="FNanchor_284_284"></a><a href="#Footnote_284_284" class="fnanchor">[284]</a> of Tarentum, on one Clitagoras, refers to
-offerings at the tomb, such as we have spoken of in Chapter II:&#8212;</p>
-
-<div class="poetry">
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0">Shepherds, who tend upon yon mountain steep<br></span>
-<span class="i0">Your herds of goats and flocks of fleecy sheep,<br></span>
-<span class="i0">A little gift Clitagoras to-day<br></span>
-<span class="i0">For sake of Queen Persephone doth pray;<br></span>
-<span class="i0">I would that sheep should bleat, and from a rock<br></span>
-<span class="i0">A shepherd pipe soft music to his flock;<br></span>
-<span class="i0">And let one hind cull fresh young meadow-bloom<br></span>
-<span class="i0">In early spring, and crown therewith my tomb;<br></span>
-<span class="i0">Another take and milk a mother ewe<br></span>
-<span class="i0">And with the stream this funeral stone bedew;<br></span>
-<span class="i0">The dead are reached by kindly acts of men,<br></span>
-<span class="i0">And e’en the dead can make return again.<br></span>
-</div></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>This is a pastoral picture well worthy of Theocritus; the last two lines
-show how persistently there lingered among the Greek peasants that
-notion of the exchange of services between dead and living of which I
-have spoken above.</p>
-
-<p>Sometimes not only human beings but also favourite animals had their
-tombs and epitaphs. Especially, we are told, was this the case at
-Agrigentum in Sicily, a city which paid dearly for its luxury and
-effeminacy at the time of the Carthaginian invasion of the end of the
-fifth century. The following<a id="FNanchor_285_285"></a><a href="#Footnote_285_285" class="fnanchor">[285]</a>, by Meleager, was for a hare:&#8212;</p>
-
-<div class="poetry">
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0">A long-eared hare was I and swift of feet,<br></span>
-<span class="i2">When Phaenium stole me from my mother’s breast.<br></span>
-<span class="i0">She gave me young spring flowers to be my meat,<br></span>
-<span class="i2">And in her bosom oft I lay caressed.<br></span>
-<span class="i0">True mother she! but death soon came to me,<br></span>
-<span class="i2">Good living made me fat and overfed.<br></span>
-<span class="i0">Here lie I ’neath her chamber floor, that she<br></span>
-<span class="i2">In dreams may see my tomb beside her bed.<br></span>
-</div></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>We are here clearly in the region of elegant trifles: and being there we
-may give a few more specimens of the poetic<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_212">{212}</a></span> art which, like the
-acanthus, gave an elegant finish to the tomb. The following is
-Meleager’s lament over Heliodora<a id="FNanchor_286_286"></a><a href="#Footnote_286_286" class="fnanchor">[286]</a>:&#8212;</p>
-
-<div class="poetry">
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0">To Hades, Heliodora, from above,<br></span>
-<span class="i0">I send these tears, the relics of my love,<br></span>
-<span class="i0">Tears hard to weep; and on thy tomb I pour<br></span>
-<span class="i0">This memory of loving days of yore.<br></span>
-<span class="i0">O bitter, bitter, darling, is my woe<br></span>
-<span class="i0">A bootless gift for Acheron below.<br></span>
-<span class="i0">Where is my flower? By Hades snatched away,<br></span>
-<span class="i0">The budding blossom is but dust to-day.<br></span>
-<span class="i0">Grant, Mother Earth, that one so dear as she<br></span>
-<span class="i0">May softly in thy arms enfolded be.<br></span>
-</div></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>The next epitaph, by Philip of Thessalonica, is quite Hellenistic in
-character<a id="FNanchor_287_287"></a><a href="#Footnote_287_287" class="fnanchor">[287]</a>:&#8212;</p>
-
-<div class="poetry">
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0">Architeles the Sculptor, where was laid<br></span>
-<span class="i0">His son, with mournful hand the tombstone made.<br></span>
-<span class="i0">Not cut with iron tool the lines appear;<br></span>
-<span class="i0">The stone was furrowed by the frequent tear.<br></span>
-<span class="i0">O stone! lie lightly, that the dead may know<br></span>
-<span class="i0">A hand indeed paternal set thee so.<br></span>
-</div></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>I cite only the end of another epitaph, by Heracleitus, which is said to
-have adorned the tomb of a lady named Aretemias<a id="FNanchor_288_288"></a><a href="#Footnote_288_288" class="fnanchor">[288]</a>. It is so neat and
-compressed that I have in vain tried to render it in an English heroic
-distich:&#8212;‘Twin sons I bare: one I left to my husband as a stay of old
-age; one I take with me as a memorial of my husband.’</p>
-
-<p>We may add a couple more epitaphs which clearly belong to the epideictic
-or rhetorical class, but which please by the neatness of their form. One
-by Damagetes<a id="FNanchor_289_289"></a><a href="#Footnote_289_289" class="fnanchor">[289]</a> professes to record the last words of a lady named
-Theano, of Phocaea, in Asia Minor.</p>
-
-<div class="poetry">
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0">Phocaeans! hear the moan Theano made,<br></span>
-<span class="i0">As night received her with eternal shade.<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_213">{213}</a></span><br></span>
-<span class="i0">‘How sad my lot! Afar some unknown sea<br></span>
-<span class="i0">In thy swift ship, my husband, beareth thee.<br></span>
-<span class="i0">Fate stands beside my bed. Ah! wert thou by,<br></span>
-<span class="i0">Holding thy loving hand that I might die.’<br></span>
-</div></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>The following professes to belong to a tomb of Ajax<a id="FNanchor_290_290"></a><a href="#Footnote_290_290" class="fnanchor">[290]</a>, on which was
-placed a mourning woman, who represented his unappreciated worth or
-valour:&#8212;</p>
-
-<div class="poetry">
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0">On Ajax’ tomb with closely shaven hair<br></span>
-<span class="i0">I sit, sad Worth, in semblance of despair,<br></span>
-<span class="i0">Grief-struck at heart that with the Achaean host<br></span>
-<span class="i0">Deceitful Fraud more weight than I can boast.<br></span>
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_214">{214}</a></span></div></div>
-</div>
-
-<h2><a id="CHAPTER_XIII"></a>CHAPTER XIII<br><br>
-<small>LATER MONUMENTS OF ASIA MINOR</small></h2>
-
-<p><span class="smcap">The</span> sepulchral monuments of Greece Proper are all on a modest scale, and
-noteworthy on account of their beauty of design and charm of sentiment
-rather than for their magnificence or costliness. In order to find
-sumptuous tombs erected by Greek architects and decorated by the great
-Greek sculptors, we must cross over into Asia. We have in a previous
-chapter spoken of some of the monuments of Asia Minor which are
-contemporary with the earliest tombs of Greece. We have now to observe
-how Greece in the later fifth and the fourth centuries paid back the
-artistic debt which she owed to Asia. The custom of erecting magnificent
-memorials of departed rulers long prevailed in all parts of Asia. And
-when Greece stood without a rival in the arts of architecture and
-sculpture, it was natural that the wealthy princes who planned the
-monuments of their predecessors, or sometimes their own destined tombs,
-should import Greek artists, and allow them a free hand to produce great
-mausoleums, in which the art of Greece registered in beautiful forms the
-affection of kinsfolk and the veneration of subject populations.</p>
-
-<p>Without at all intending to exhaust the subject, I propose to give some
-account of a few of the most noteworthy of these monuments, especially
-of the Nereid monument and the Gyeulbashi heroon in Lycia, and the
-Mausoleum a Halicarnassus. These tombs I select not as typical of their
-age and<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_215">{215}</a></span> country, but rather as exceptional. They represent the almost
-complete victory in Asia not only of Greek art, but even of Greek ideas.
-Side by side with these monuments there were erected in Asia Minor, and
-especially in Lycia, tombs in which native tendencies, such as we have
-seen in an earlier chapter were still dominant. Sir Charles Fellows
-brought from Lycia some tombs of this character, and casts of the
-reliefs of others which remain in their site. The most interesting
-representation is from a tomb at Cadyanda<a id="FNanchor_291_291"></a><a href="#Footnote_291_291" class="fnanchor">[291]</a>, on which we see
-banqueting scenes, dancing figures, a group of four girls playing with
-knucklebones, and so forth, with bilingual inscriptions in Greek and
-Lycian. But to comment on these scenes as if they were of Hellenic
-origin would lead us far astray. Like the paintings and reliefs of
-Etruria, they represent a peculiar and lost phase of civilization,
-thinly veneered by the art and thought of Hellas.</p>
-
-<p>In his third journey through Lycia, in 1842, Sir Charles Fellows
-discovered, not far from the agora of Xanthus, a lofty stone basis, some
-33 feet by 22 in dimensions; and in close connexion with it a large
-quantity of reliefs and of fragments of Ionic architecture<a id="FNanchor_292_292"></a><a href="#Footnote_292_292" class="fnanchor">[292]</a>. Leaving
-the basis where it stood, he brought to England the sculpture; and by
-the labours of English archaeologists the tomb to which both basis and
-sculpture belonged has been reconstructed. I repeat the restoration of
-Falkener<a id="FNanchor_293_293"></a><a href="#Footnote_293_293" class="fnanchor">[293]</a>, which has been accepted by Overbeck and other authorities
-(<a href="#fig_74">Fig. 74</a>). The restoration is not in all points certain. As the basis
-remains there cannot be any question as to its form and the position of
-the sculptured friezes which adorned it. And the examination of the
-upper surface of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_216">{216}</a></span> basis established a pteron or line of columns all
-round, with statues standing in the intercolumniations. But as to the
-position of the friezes which belong to the upper part of the monument,
-and as to the acroteria which Falkener places on the top of all, there
-remains considerable uncertainty. The whole of the sculpture may be
-studied in the British Museum, and is published by Professor Michaelis
-in the tenth volume of the Roman <i>Monumenti dell’ Instituto</i>.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_74" style="width: 567px;">
-<a href="images/i_p216.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p216.jpg" width="567" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 74. NEREID MONUMENT, FALKENER.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>From the present point of view the most important of<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_217">{217}</a></span></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_75" style="width: 600px;">
-<a href="images/i_p217.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p217.jpg" width="600" height="471" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 75. GABLE OF NEREID MONUMENT.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p class="nind">the scenes depicted on this monument is to be found in one of the
-pediments<a id="FNanchor_294_294"></a><a href="#Footnote_294_294" class="fnanchor">[294]</a> (<a href="#fig_75">Fig. 75</a>). The hero of whom the tomb is a memorial is
-seated in state, sceptre in hand: his wife sits opposite, and the
-children are grouped about them. Further to the right are attendants on
-a smaller scale. One dog is asleep under the master’s chair, another
-lies in the corner of the pediment. In the other pediment there is a
-warlike scene, of which only one-half is preserved. The midmost figure,
-doubtless the hero again, is on horseback<a id="FNanchor_295_295"></a><a href="#Footnote_295_295" class="fnanchor">[295]</a> charging an overthrown
-foe, to whose aid his companions, clad as Greek hoplites, hurry forward.
-The representation here is no doubt of some notable feat of arms of the
-owner of the tomb. To the warlike scene the peaceful scene first
-described corresponds. At<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_218">{218}</a></span> first sight it seems merely a picture out of
-daily life: but if we bear in mind the ordinary symbolism of the Greek
-tomb we may fairly find in it some sepulchral significance. The grouping
-of the children about their parents reminds us of many Attic sepulchral
-reliefs, and the train of attendants bears a decided resemblance to the
-group of votaries usual on heroizing reliefs. In fact, we find here what
-is called by archaeologists a contamination. The Asiatic custom of
-regarding a tomb as a monument of the fame and a record of the exploits
-of some great ruler or leader of men is penetrated by the genius of
-Attic sepulchral art, and takes new and more beautiful forms.</p>
-
-<p>Treating the two pediments as striking the keynote of the whole
-sculptural adornment of the monument, we shall not hesitate to find in
-all its representations allusions to the life and exploits of the hero
-whom it commemorates. But of the four friezes which encircled the
-building at various heights, three furnish us with information which is
-too vague to be historically useful. The theme of the first is battle,
-of the third hunting, of the fourth feasting and repose. It is only the
-frieze numbered as the second in the publications which gives us more
-detailed and accurate information. Here are unfolded to us the
-successive scenes of the siege and capture of a hostile city; the battle
-before the walls, the attempt to storm and the defence, the parleying
-and surrender, the escape of some of the inhabitants and the leading
-into captivity of others. In the scene of capitulation the central
-figure is an Eastern king or ruler, in Persian cap; behind him an
-attendant bears a sunshade; around him stand his guards. This potentate
-is approached by two elderly men, staid and dignified, who are clearly
-the representatives of the city, and come asking for terms. In other
-scenes we find a bold but a necessarily unsuccessful attempt to
-represent without due perspective the city walls with the heads of the
-defenders showing above them,<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_219">{219}</a></span> the women wailing, the attacking force
-adjusting the ladders for scaling, or repulsing sorties of the besieged.</p>
-
-<p>The siege and the capture of a hostile city was evidently one of the
-most notable events of the life of the hero of the monument. With some
-plausibility archaeologists have found allusion to the same siege in the
-beautiful figures of women which stood between the columns of the
-pteron, the temple-like structure which crowned the monument. These
-figures represent young girls in the dress of Attic maidens flying in
-haste and alarm from some danger which threatens them. At their feet are
-various marine creatures: the dolphin, the sea-snake, a crab, a
-water-bird, or a fish. This curious circumstance has given rise to the
-commonly accepted view that they represent Nereid nymphs hastily
-escaping over the surface of the sea from some rude alarm, flying in
-disorder to their father Nereus, as they do on more than one vase when
-Peleus has laid hands on their sister Thetis. What more likely to cause
-a panic among the shy and peaceful ladies of the sea than a marine
-battle, or even the attack of an army on a city of the seacoast?</p>
-
-<p>Urlichs has tried to show that all the historical indications which may
-be derived from the frieze of the siege and from the presence of the
-flying Nereids may be explained if we assign the tomb to the king or
-satrap, Pericles of Xanthus, who, as we learn from a fragment of
-Theopompus, laid siege to the neighbouring city of Telmessus, and after
-a stubborn resistance compelled it to capitulate. Before we can accept
-or reject this theory we must briefly consider two questions. Is an
-actual historic event depicted on the tomb, or is the representation
-merely of a mythical siege of the past? And what is the date of the
-monument?</p>
-
-<p>As to the first of these questions I have already sufficiently indicated
-my view. The sculptural history of the siege is too detailed and precise
-to be a rendering of a merely typical<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_220">{220}</a></span> or ideal siege. The two
-emissaries of the besiegers must have had prototypes, and recent
-prototypes, in real life; and the king before whom they stand is no
-mythical chief, but the ruler for whom the tomb was made. This has been
-disputed by Wolters, but the general consensus of archaeologists is
-against him.</p>
-
-<p>On the other point, the date of the monument, there has been much wider
-divergence of opinion. At first, in England, it was placed in the sixth
-century, as a monument of the conquest of Xanthus by Harpagus, the
-general of Cyrus. This, however, is quite impossible. Soon the pendulum
-swung too far in the other direction, and the sculpture was brought down
-to the fourth century, and even connected with the school of Scopas. The
-date fixed by Furtwängler<a id="FNanchor_296_296"></a><a href="#Footnote_296_296" class="fnanchor">[296]</a>, the latter part of the fifth century, is
-now generally accepted. In the forms of the Nereids we may trace the
-artistic influence of the Victory of Paeonius, set up about <small>B.C.</small> 424.
-And if some of the figures of the friezes be carefully considered they
-will be found to show traces of undeveloped art, even of archaism. The
-Nereid monument belongs to the age of the Parthenon and the temple of
-Athena Nike, not to the age of the Mausoleum.</p>
-
-<p>If therefore we were compelled, as Urlichs supposed, to assign the
-taking of Telmessus by Pericles to so late a date as the 102nd Olympiad
-(<small>B.C.</small> 372), we should be obliged to give up its assignment to that king.
-But there is no conclusive reason for the date fixed by Urlichs. There
-is therefore no improbability that our monument may be a memorial of
-Pericles of Xanthus. In any case it has an important place among the
-remains of antiquity, because it stands in the line of descent, a line
-marked by many lacunae, which connects the mural reliefs of Assyria,
-with their fulness of historic detail, and the magnificent monuments of
-imperial Rome. The Nereid<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_221">{221}</a></span> Monument and that of Gyeulbashi, as well as
-some of the sarcophagi from Sidon, with which I shall deal in the
-fifteenth chapter, naturally strike the student as being set in a key
-somewhat different from that of ordinary Greek sculpture. The
-mythological scenes portrayed on them find ready parallels in Greece,
-but the more historic scenes carry our minds to the wall-sculptures of
-Assyria or the reliefs of Roman columns, such as those of Trajan and
-Aurelius, rather than to other Greek works. The reason of this is
-probably that the art of these Asiatic monuments is influenced by that
-of Ionia, which is to us, unfortunately, but little known. The Ionian
-tendency was towards history, that of the Dorians towards religion. The
-great Greek painters, following Ionian precedent, celebrated in their
-works many historic battles. Bularchus in very early times is said to
-have portrayed, for a Lydian king, a victory of the Magnesians: Panaenus
-painted at Athens the battle of Marathon, Androcydes of Cyzicus painted
-for the Thebans a picture of their victory at Plataea, and Euphranor
-depicted the battle of Mantineia. But in Greece sculpture took a
-different and more ideal line, and translated the battles of the present
-into mythic combats of the past, in which Centaurs and Amazons rather
-than fellow-Greeks represented the vanquished party. The sculpture of
-the Nereid monument is dominated by a more realistic and historic
-spirit. The sculpture at Gyeulbashi is on the border-line, so that we
-find it hard to decide whether the scene of the siege there portrayed is
-Ilium or Lycia, and whether the battles are being fought on the windy
-plain of Troy or the southern coast of Asia Minor. The sculpture of the
-Mausoleum is of the purely Greek and ideal character. But the greatest
-of the Sidonian sarcophagi returns, as we shall see, in the age of
-Alexander the Great, to a more realistic level.</p>
-
-<p>The heroon of Gyeulbashi was discovered in the heart of Lycia by
-Schönborn in 1842. For a long time the discovery<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_222">{222}</a></span> remained almost
-unnoticed. But a few years ago an Austrian expedition was sent to secure
-such remains of the monument as have artistic value, and these are now
-deposited in the Museum of Vienna. Unfortunately they have suffered
-terribly, being of limestone and not of marble, from exposure to the
-weather, and some of the friezes have almost perished. Casts of the
-better-preserved portions are to be found at South Kensington and
-Oxford. And the whole monument is published in the completest and most
-satisfactory form by Professor Benndorf<a id="FNanchor_297_297"></a><a href="#Footnote_297_297" class="fnanchor">[297]</a>.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_76" style="width: 600px;">
-<a href="images/i_p222.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p222.jpg" width="600" height="460" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 76. HEROON OF GYEULBASHI.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>In form the heroon differs entirely, as will be seen from the engraving
-(<a href="#fig_76">Fig. 76</a>) from other Lycian monuments. The<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_223">{223}</a></span> actual grave is a modest
-construction in the form of a sarcophagus surmounted by a cover with
-gables. This stands transversely within a walled enclosure some 78 feet
-long by 68 wide, inside measurement. The enclosing wall is built solidly
-of squared stones. And it is this which is the interesting part of the
-whole; for the wall is adorned without and within with a series of
-reliefs, presenting us with a whole gallery of representations
-remarkable alike for their style and their subjects, some of which are
-portrayed nowhere else in the whole range of Greek sculpture.</p>
-
-<p>The keynote here again is furnished by the group of seated heroic
-personages. This group is sculptured over the door through which the
-enclosure is entered; unfortunately it has so severely suffered that the
-details are obscure. The great lintel stone over the doorway is
-decorated as follows. Above are the foreparts of four winged bulls,
-separated by rosettes and a gorgon-head. Immediately below these are
-seated two pairs of figures, in each case male and female. The men are
-bearded, the women veiled. Husband and wife are turned towards one
-another, and behind the wife in each group stands a girl, a daughter or
-servant, holding in one instance a casket, in the other raising her arms
-in an attitude of sorrow.</p>
-
-<p>These two heroic pairs are probably the proprietors of the sacred
-enclosure, which was built like a finely carved casket to hold their
-ashes. In the decoration of the casket we find one Oriental motive. Over
-the door inside is a line of dwarfs, or of repetitions of the Egyptian
-monster Bes, holding musical instruments or dancing. Here we have a
-touch lent by a religion less refined and artistic than that of the
-anthropomorphic Greeks. The rest of the reliefs take their subjects from
-the legendary tales of Greece. We do not appear to have here, as on the
-Nereid monument, allusions to the lives of the buried heroes. There is
-no scene which bears the impress of history. The Greek artists who were
-employed by<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_224">{224}</a></span> the wealthy Lycian family to adorn the wall seem to have
-been left quite free in their choice of subjects. So they run on almost
-without plan, from tale to tale and from scene to scene. Sometimes we
-have two subjects, one above the other, quite independent one of the
-other. Sometimes the two lines of decorations are occupied with a single
-scene.</p>
-
-<p>It would be useless to attempt to describe in detail scenes which we are
-unable to set before the eyes of the reader. The landing of the Greeks
-at Troy, the siege of the City, the battle of Achilles with the Amazons
-who come to its rescue, Odysseus meeting Penelope, and shooting down the
-suitors, are taken from the cycle of Trojan legend. Then we have the
-hunting of the Calydonian boar, the carrying off of the daughters of
-Leucippus, the expedition of the Seven against Thebes, all portrayed
-with the freedom which Greek artists use, always ready to subordinate
-strict fidelity to tradition to the necessities of art and the love of
-balance and measure. The interest of those scenes is great, but it does
-not belong to our subject. The art is not sepulchral, but of the
-myth-loving kind which prevails in the decoration of Greek temples, and
-which once marked the lost masterpieces of the great Greek painters.
-Professor Benndorf has tried, and not unsuccessfully, to prove that in
-the reliefs of Gyeulbashi we may find clear traces of the influence of
-the great Thasian painter Polygnotus, another of whose lines of
-influence reached the sculptors of the Parthenon. The Lycian heroon and
-the Attic temple are works of about the same period, widely as they
-differ in some respects. At Athens the influence of Polygnotus is fairly
-and fully translated into sculptural style. In Lycia the sculptor has
-less transforming vigour, and he retains in the work of the chisel some
-conventions appropriate only to the work of the brush.</p>
-
-<p>One other important tomb must be mentioned which was built in Asia,
-though its construction is purely Greek, its material the marble of
-Pentelicus, and its erection on the<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_225">{225}</a></span> coast of Asia Minor no more than an
-instance of the fortune of war.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_77" style="width: 392px;">
-<a href="images/i_p225.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p225.jpg" width="392" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 77. LION-TOMB, CNIDUS.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>Among the discoveries, with the fruits of which Sir Charles Newton
-enriched the British Museum, there were few which he valued more highly
-than that of the Lion-tomb of Cnidus. The huge lion, which is now in the
-Mausoleum Room of the British Museum, reclined on the top of a building
-made solid<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_226">{226}</a></span> to receive his vast weight, looking out over the Carian Sea.
-We engrave (<a href="#fig_77">Fig. 77</a>) the whole monument as restored by Mr. Pullan<a id="FNanchor_298_298"></a><a href="#Footnote_298_298" class="fnanchor">[298]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>It can scarcely be contended that the lion is a great work of sculpture.
-His size is imposing and his attitude monumental, but the head and body
-alike lack character and force. This is true of all the lions of Greek
-artists of the period, the great lion set up in memory of Chaeroneia,
-those which adorned the Mausoleum, and others. The fact is that the
-Greeks between the days of the Persian Wars and those of Alexander knew
-nothing of the lion, probably scarcely ever saw one, dead or alive. So
-their artistic and idealizing tendency had to work without constant
-reference to, and correction by, nature. Thus, while the types of the
-horse, the bull, and the dog went on developing on the lines of love and
-appreciation of nature, the type of the lion became fantastic and poor.
-The soul of the lion does not inhabit the bodies prepared for it by
-Greek artists.</p>
-
-<p>Nevertheless the Cnidian monument has its interest. It is conjectured,
-with a high degree of probability, that it was set up by Conon, after
-his great victory of 394 <small>B.C.</small> over the Spartan fleet at Cnidus. It
-commemorates alike the battle and the Athenians who fell in it. It is an
-Attic tomb though not erected in Attica, more imposing as a historical
-monument than the reliefs of the Cerameicus, but inferior to them in the
-higher artistic qualities.</p>
-
-<p>Our subject being Greek sculptured tombs, we must leave out of
-consideration one of the most important classes of Hellenic or
-semi-Hellenic graves, that which belongs to the Greek colonists of the
-Crimea and their barbarous Scythic allies<a id="FNanchor_299_299"></a><a href="#Footnote_299_299" class="fnanchor">[299]</a>. In the neighbourhood of
-the ancient Panticapaeum,<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_227">{227}</a></span> a city closely connected with Athens by ties
-of commerce and alliance, there are many mound-graves, which being
-opened have been found to contain lofty vaulted chambers, in shape and
-design not unlike the treasuries of Mycenae and Orchomenus, but of a far
-later age, belonging in fact mostly to the fourth century, which seems
-to have been the golden age of Panticapaeum. These graves have no
-important architectural features and no sculptural adornment. But they
-have in many cases preserved to our days their contents, a rich spoil of
-gold and bronze, of Greek vases and barbarous armour, of ornaments and
-coins. By an art-loving and paternal government, these important relics
-of the most northerly branch of the Hellenic stock have been carefully
-collected and preserved, forming to-day one of the most splendid
-attractions of the Hermitage Museum at St. Petersburg.</p>
-
-<p>They are also luxuriously published in official publications of the
-Russian Government, offering to the student of history a new chapter,
-showing how, in the Crimea of old, Greek and Scythian met, how the Greek
-refined the Scythian and supplied him with admirable works of art, and
-how the Scythian lent the Greek armour and clothes, besides no doubt
-supplying him with timber, corn, and skins. And to the student of art
-they exhibit the richness and the taste displayed by Athenian craftsmen
-in the fourth century, in the production even of the smallest and least
-considered of the appliances of daily life.<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_228">{228}</a></span></p>
-
-<h2><a id="CHAPTER_XIV"></a>CHAPTER XIV<br><br>
-<small>THE MAUSOLEUM</small></h2>
-
-<p><span class="smcap">We</span> turn next to the Mausoleum, the great tomb erected in honour of
-Mausolus, king of Caria, by his widow Artemisia, in the middle of the
-fourth century. It ranked among the wonders of the world, and was the
-work of the most celebrated artists of Greece. The discovery of its
-remains by Sir Charles Newton occupies a prominent position among the
-first-rate achievements of English excavators. And their acquisition by
-the British Museum has made the National Gallery of Sculpture almost as
-rich in fourth-century sculpture as the purchase of the Elgin marbles
-had made it in the sculpture of the fifth century.</p>
-
-<p>The problem of the reconstruction of the Mausoleum is among the most
-interesting of those connected with the history of Greek architecture.
-Generally speaking, after the excavation of the site of the great Greek
-building, its restoration is by no means difficult. The laws of Greek
-architecture are so precise, and its forms so simple, that it is
-possible from the evidence of a few stones to reconstruct it with the
-certainty with which the skilled palaeontologist constructs a geological
-animal from the evidence of a few bones. The wonderful reconstructions
-of Dr. Dörpfeld on the Athenian Acropolis, at Olympia, and elsewhere,
-have commonly but little in them which is arbitrary, though much which
-is brilliant.</p>
-
-<p>Dr. Dörpfeld has not yet attempted the Mausoleum. But<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_229">{229}</a></span> it is safe to say
-that in its reconstruction he would meet difficulties such as he has not
-yet encountered. At first sight, the materials for a reconstruction seem
-very abundant. We have an elaborate description of the monument by
-Pliny. We have an account of its partial destruction in the sixteenth
-century by the Knights of St. John. And the excavations on the site
-conducted by Sir Charles Newton were complete and systematic. But the
-advantage derived from all this richness of material is more than
-balanced by the fact that the Mausoleum was a work of new and original
-design. It was no Greek temple, made according to well-established
-rules, but a monument intended to stand alone through the centuries.
-Thus the man who would successfully restore its design must venture to
-rise above convention, and has need of a thorough grasp of the
-tendencies and possibilities of Greek architecture.</p>
-
-<p>Setting aside the fanciful reconstructions proposed by scholars before
-Newton’s excavations, we pass to those made with the data now available.
-The earliest reconstruction, one to which we must attach considerable
-value, is that set forth by the excavators themselves. It is hard to say
-who is responsible for it. It was first projected by Lieut. Smith, an
-engineer attached to the expedition, revised and completed by Mr. Pullan
-the architect, adopted and defended by Sir Charles Newton himself. Plans
-based upon this, but differing from it in various points, were set forth
-by Mr. Fergusson and Dr. Petersen. But since neither of these writers
-has fairly grappled with the subject from the beginning, we may feel
-justified in not paying much heed to their plans. If we are to set aside
-a restoration made on the spot, with all local knowledge and every
-resource, it must be only after a very careful and complete survey of
-all the available evidence.</p>
-
-<p>The plans of Pullan, Fergusson, and Petersen have won their way into our
-books, and are frequently treated as final. But final they certainly are
-not. They have never, until quite<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_230">{230}</a></span> lately, been collated with sufficient
-care with the evidence, especially with the ancient authorities. They
-contain violations of precedent and probability which it is not easy to
-justify. Mr. Oldfield has therefore done an excellent work in his recent
-attempt<a id="FNanchor_300_300"></a><a href="#Footnote_300_300" class="fnanchor">[300]</a> to improve upon the received restorations, an attempt
-marked by extreme care, lucidity, and ingenuity.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_78" style="width: 597px;">
-<a href="images/i_p230.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p230.jpg" width="597" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 78. MAUSOLEUM: MR. PULLAN.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>It is, unfortunately, not possible here to criticize in satisfactory
-detail the views of Mr. Oldfield and his predecessors. I propose only to
-set forth briefly the sum of the evidence<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_231">{231}</a></span></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_79" style="width: 450px;">
-<a href="images/i_p231.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p231.jpg" width="450" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 79. MAUSOLEUM: MR. OLDFIELD.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page_232">{232}</a></span></p>
-
-<p class="nind">which exists for the reconstruction, after engraving side by side the
-plans set forth by Mr. Pullan (<a href="#fig_78">Fig. 78</a>) and Mr. Oldfield (<a href="#fig_79">Fig. 79</a>)<a id="FNanchor_301_301"></a><a href="#Footnote_301_301" class="fnanchor">[301]</a>
-on the basis of that evidence. Readers to whom such inquiries have no
-interest would do well to omit the rest of this chapter.</p>
-
-<p>Our materials are of four kinds. First we have the statements of certain
-ancient writers. Second, we have the curious account by Guichard of the
-state of the building when it was partially destroyed by the Knights of
-St. John in 1522. Third, we may cite the analogy of other ancient
-buildings of the same kind, so far as they are preserved. And of course
-all these sources of information must be used in strict subordination to
-the evidence of excavation and of the remains actually existing.</p>
-
-<h3>1. <i>Ancient Writers.</i></h3>
-
-<p>Hyginus<a id="FNanchor_302_302"></a><a href="#Footnote_302_302" class="fnanchor">[302]</a> mentions three facts in regard to the Mausoleum; he says
-that it was of Parian marble, 80 feet in height, 1,350 feet in
-circumference. In two of these statements he is certainly right. The
-marble of the Mausoleum is Parian, and the circuit of the sacred
-enclosure or peribolus is given by Newton as 1,348 English feet. But as
-to the height of the building Hyginus contradicts Pliny, and must
-probably be corrected by him.</p>
-
-<p>Martial, in a curious line, speaks of the Mausoleum as suspended in the
-air<a id="FNanchor_303_303"></a><a href="#Footnote_303_303" class="fnanchor">[303]</a>. This phrase certainly implies that it did not appear to
-spectators a solid and massive structure, but light and aspiring. Mr.
-Oldfield contends that the phrase would well describe a building whereof
-the upper part rested mainly on pillars<a id="FNanchor_304_304"></a><a href="#Footnote_304_304" class="fnanchor">[304]</a>, and would certainly not
-apply to a building<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_233">{233}</a></span> of which solidity is the most striking feature, as
-it is of Mr. Pullan’s reconstruction.</p>
-
-<p>The most important of ancient writers on the Mausoleum is Pliny<a id="FNanchor_305_305"></a><a href="#Footnote_305_305" class="fnanchor">[305]</a>,
-whose description we must transcribe at length, both in Latin and
-English.</p>
-
-<table style="text-indent:4%;"><tr><td>Scopas habuit aemulos eadem aetate Bryaxim et Timotheum et
-Leocharen, de quibus simul dicendum est quoniam pariter caelauere
-Mausoleum. Sepulcrum hoc est ab uxore Artemisia factum Mausolo
-Cariae regulo, qui obiit Olympiadis cvii<a id="FNanchor_306_306"></a><a href="#Footnote_306_306" class="fnanchor">[306]</a> anno secundo. Opus id
-ut esset inter septem miracula hi maxime fecere artifices. Patet ab
-austro et septentrione sexagenos<a id="FNanchor_307_307"></a><a href="#Footnote_307_307" class="fnanchor">[307]</a> ternos pedes, breuius a
-frontibus, toto circumitu pedes ccccxi<a id="FNanchor_308_308"></a><a href="#Footnote_308_308" class="fnanchor">[308]</a>, attolitur in
-altitudinem xxv cubitis, cingitur columnis xxxvi. Πτερόν
-uocauere<a id="FNanchor_309_309"></a><a href="#Footnote_309_309" class="fnanchor">[309]</a>. Ab oriente caelauit Scopas, a septentrione Bryaxis,
-a meridie Timotheus, ab occasu Leochares, priusque quam peragerent
-regina obiit. Non tamen recesserunt nisi absoluto iam, id gloriae
-ipsorum artisque monumentum iudicantes, hodieque certant manus.
-Accessit et quintus artifex. Namque supra πτερόν pyramis altitudine
-inferiorem aequauit<a id="FNanchor_310_310"></a><a href="#Footnote_310_310" class="fnanchor">[310]</a>, uiginti quatuor gradibus in metae cacumen
-se contrahens. In summo est quadriga marmorea quam fecit Pythis.
-Haec adiecta cxxxx pedum altitudine totum opus includit.</td>
-
-<td>Scopas had as rivals and contemporaries Bryaxis, Timotheus, and
-Leochares, whom we must treat of together since together they
-sculptured the Mausoleum. This is the tomb erected to Mausolus
-prince of Caria by his widow Artemisia. He died in the second year
-of the 107th Olympiad (<small>B.C.</small> 351). That this work is among the seven
-wonders of the world is mainly owing to these artists. Its length
-on the north and south sides is sixty-three feet; the façades are
-shorter; the whole circuit is 411 feet; it rises to a height of
-twenty-five cubits, and is surrounded by thirty-six columns. This
-they call the <i>Pteron</i>. The sculptures of the east side are by
-Scopas, those on the north by Bryaxis, those on the south by
-Timotheus, those on the west by Leochares. Before the task was
-finished the queen died; but the artists ceased not till the work
-was done, considering that it would redound to their glory and be a
-memorial of their art. To this day they vie in handiwork. There
-came in also a fifth artist. For over the <i>pteron</i> was a pyramid in
-height equal to that below, with a flight of twenty-four steps
-tapering to a point. On the top is a marble quadriga made by
-Pythis. The addition of this raises the height of the whole
-building to 140 feet.</td></tr>
-</table>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page_234">{234}</a></span></p>
-
-<p class="nind">In this passage are several disputed readings, which I have marked in
-the notes. I have accepted Mr. Oldfield’s version, which is that of the
-earlier edition of Sillig’s Pliny. I will briefly sum up Pliny’s
-evidence as to the form and dimensions of the building. His statement as
-to the circumstances of its erection needs no summing; it is clear, and
-no doubt correct.</p>
-
-<p>1. The frontage towards north and south was 63 feet: the frontage (in a
-stricter sense the fronts) towards east and west was shorter. But the
-circuit was 411 feet. This latter dimension seems inconsistent with the
-former. How could a building which was 411 feet in circuit have no side
-longer than 63 feet? Impressed by this difficulty, some writers supposed
-the true dimensions to be 163 feet (adding to the text centenos) for the
-frontage to north and south. Colonel Leake, followed by Newton and
-Pullan, regarded the dimension of 63 feet as really the length of the
-cella, not of any frontage. This, however, is doing clear violence to
-the text of Pliny. But by a most ingenious adaptation, Mr. Oldfield has
-succeeded in reconciling the numbers of Pliny as they stand. He has, in
-fact, substituted for a square or oblong groundplan of the building ☐, a
-cruciform plan <img src="images/cruciform.png"
-style="vertical-align:middle;"
-width="25" alt="[cruciform image
-not available.]">; and so makes it possible for any given front
-to be less than a fourth of the circuit of the building. Here Mr.
-Oldfield has certainly won a great advantage over rival constructions:
-he has kept to the text of Pliny, and at the same time greatly improved
-the form of the building. It is true that it would not be easy to find
-other Greek buildings of cruciform plan, but the Erechtheium at Athens
-gives us a hint that such a plan, produced by the intersection of two
-ordinary temples, would not be impossible. And the Mausoleum was a
-building in which originality of design was to be expected.</p>
-
-<p>2. The number of columns of the pteron was thirty-six. The pteron is the
-temple-like building erected on the base, a construction of which, in
-any possible view, columns were<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_235">{235}</a></span> the principal feature. Now the writers
-who supposed the pteron to be a huge square edifice were compelled to
-place the columns all round the edge of it: and to fill up the midst
-with a vast and solid construction of hewn stone (<a href="#fig_78">Fig. 78</a>). But Mr.
-Oldfield is enabled, by greatly reducing the superficial area covered by
-the pteron, to make the columns by far its most conspicuous feature.
-Within them there is room only for a small building; or the space may
-even be filled by a few solid piers, which is the plan he adopts. He can
-thus far more nearly conform to the ‘aere pendentia Mausolea’ of
-Martial.</p>
-
-<p>3. The total height was 140 feet<a id="FNanchor_311_311"></a><a href="#Footnote_311_311" class="fnanchor">[311]</a> from the ground to the top of the
-chariot. Let us consider how this height was made up. Thirty-seven and a
-half feet (25 cubits) was occupied by the pteron. Then there was a
-pyramid of twenty-four steps over the pteron, supporting a chariot, and
-there was under the pteron another pyramid equal in height to the upper
-one. Now we have considerable remains of the steps of the upper pyramid,
-from careful measurement of which Mr. Pullan has ascertained that each
-step was 12¼ inches in height. Thus the total height of the upper
-pyramid was 24½ feet. The lower pyramid was of the same height. The
-chariot would not occupy less than twelve feet. We have thus accounted
-for 37½, 24½, 24½ and 12 feet, about 100 feet of the 140 of Pliny. The
-amount may be filled up by assuming that the whole stood on a high
-podium or basis, and by inserting an attic over the pteron, or in other
-ways.</p>
-
-<p>4. If the reading <i>aequavit</i> for <i>aequat</i> be accepted, an opening is
-left for Mr. Oldfield’s view, that after the building had been set up
-with a pyramid rising to a point, it was decided to add a chariot on the
-top, and that in order to accomplish this, a basis was built round the
-topmost steps of the pyramid, of which six were thus concealed from
-view.<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_236">{236}</a></span></p>
-
-<p>5. Sir C. Newton<a id="FNanchor_312_312"></a><a href="#Footnote_312_312" class="fnanchor">[312]</a> and Mr. Pullan accepted the reading ‘<i>altitudinem</i>
-inferiorem’ for <i>altitudine</i>, and had supposed the assertion to be that
-the height of the pyramid above was equal to that of the basis below the
-pyramid. This is, however, a mere correction of the text. If we adhere
-to the reading of the MSS. we must retain <i>altitudine</i>, and suppose
-<i>inferiorem</i> to apply to a second pyramid beneath the pteron. It is thus
-that Mr. Oldfield takes the phrase, and of the existence of this second
-pyramid he finds proof in the testimony of Guichard, to which we shall
-next turn. The height of this lower pyramid he supposes to have been
-equal to that of the original pyramid of twenty-four steps, not of
-course to the later truncated pyramid of eighteen steps.</p>
-
-<p>It will be seen on referring to Figs. <a href="#fig_78">78</a> and <a href="#fig_79">79</a> that the acceptance of
-one or the other of these readings of Pliny makes a great difference in
-the principles of reconstruction. Mr. Pullan admitted no lower pyramid,
-and regarding the chariot on the summit as part of the original design,
-makes the twenty-four steps of the upper pyramid support it. Mr.
-Oldfield does admit a lower pyramid, and regarding the chariot as a
-later addition works into its basis six steps of the upper pyramid.
-Hence a great difference between the two restorers in the area covered
-by the base of the upper pyramid, which is far larger in Mr. Pullan’s
-design: and this affects the whole form of the building, since the
-excavations determined the size of the area on which the whole stood. It
-is not easy to meet Mr. Oldfield’s argument in favour of his design,
-that the phrase ‘tapering to a point’ applies far better to his pyramid,
-as originally intended, than to Mr. Pullan’s flat-topped pyramid.</p>
-
-<h3>2. <i>The Testimony of Guichard.</i></h3>
-
-<p>Such appears to be the testimony of Pliny. And in some points it is
-curiously supplemented by the very notable account,<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_237">{237}</a></span> professing to come
-from an eye-witness, which is given us by Guichard<a id="FNanchor_313_313"></a><a href="#Footnote_313_313" class="fnanchor">[313]</a> of the
-proceedings of the Knights of St. John on the site of the Mausoleum. ‘In
-the year 1522, when Sultan Solyman was preparing an expedition against
-the Rhodians, the Grand Master, knowing the importance of the Castle of
-St. Peter [at Budrum or Halicarnassus], and being aware that the Turk
-would seize it if he could at the first assault, sent some knights
-thither to repair the fortress and make all due preparations to resist
-the enemy. Among the number of those sent was the Commander de la
-Tourette, a Lyonnese knight, who was afterwards present at the taking of
-Rhodes, and came to France, where he related what I am now about to
-narrate to M. d’Alechamps, a person sufficiently known by his learned
-writings, and whose name I mention here only for the purpose of
-publishing my authority for so singular a story.</p>
-
-<p>‘When these knights had arrived at Mesy (Budrum), they at once set about
-fortifying the castle; and looking about for stones wherewith to make
-lime, found none more suitable or more easily got at than certain steps
-of white marble, raised in the form of a staircase (<i>perron</i>) in the
-middle of a level field near the port, which had formerly been the great
-square of Halicarnassus. They therefore pulled down and took away these
-marble steps for their use, and finding the stone good, proceeded, after
-having destroyed the little masonry remaining above ground, to dig lower
-down, in the hope of finding more.</p>
-
-<p>‘In this attempt they had great success, for in a short time they
-perceived that the deeper they went the more the structure was enlarged
-at the base, supplying them not only with stone for making lime but also
-for building.</p>
-
-<p>‘After four or five days, having laid bare a great space one afternoon,
-they saw an opening as into a cellar. Taking a candle, they descended
-through this opening, and found that<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_238">{238}</a></span> it led into a fine large square
-apartment, ornamented all round with columns of marble, with their
-bases, capitals, architrave, frieze, and cornices, carved and sculptured
-in <i>mezzo rilievo</i>. The space between the columns was lined with slabs
-and bands of marbles of different colours, ornamented with mouldings and
-sculptures, in harmony with the rest of the work, and inserted in the
-white ground of the wall, where deeds and battle-scenes were represented
-sculptured in relief.</p>
-
-<p>‘Having at first admired these works, and entertained their fancy with
-the singularity of the sculpture, they pulled it to pieces, and broke up
-the whole of it, applying it to the same purpose as the rest.</p>
-
-<p>‘Besides this apartment, they found afterwards a very low door, which
-led into another apartment, like an ante-chamber, where was a tomb, with
-its urn and its cover (<i>tymbre</i>) of white marble, very beautiful and of
-marvellous lustre. This sepulchre, for want of time, they did not open,
-the retreat having already sounded.</p>
-
-<p>‘The day after, when they returned, they found the tomb opened, and the
-earth all round strewn with fragments of cloth of gold, and ornaments of
-the same metal, which made them suppose that the pirates who hovered on
-their coast, having some inkling of what had been discovered, had
-visited the place during the night, and had removed the lid of the
-tomb.’</p>
-
-<p>Those who are acquainted with the Levant, with its wondrous tales of
-underground chambers and hidden treasures, will scarcely be disposed to
-accept, without a grain of salt, the details of this curious story. It
-may be true, or it may be in the main a work of the imagination. Many
-such stories, grounded or groundless, are flitting from mouth to mouth
-in Asia Minor, and rapidly growing in the process. Nevertheless it is
-probable that Mr. Oldfield is justified in saying that the earlier part
-of the tale affords a clear confirmation of the existence (which has
-been denied) of a lower pyramid at the Mausoleum as well as<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_239">{239}</a></span> that which
-surmounted the building. The knights found in the ground steps of white
-marble like a staircase, and as they dug downwards these steps spread
-outwards, just as would the steps of a pyramid. The solid mass of marble
-had escaped while most of the upper part of the building had been
-carried away as material for the castles of the knights. But it survived
-no longer; it was carried away by the companions of De la Tourette and
-built into the walls of the castle. As to what Guichard tells us in
-regard to the contents of the inner chamber, scepticism is more
-justifiable.</p>
-
-<h3>3. <i>The Analogy of other Buildings.</i></h3>
-
-<p>Of monuments mentioned in these pages, only two can fairly be used for
-comparison with the Mausoleum. These are the Lycian Nereid Monument
-(<a href="#fig_74">Fig. 74</a>) and the Lion Tomb of Cnidus (<a href="#fig_77">Fig. 77</a>). The Nereid Monument
-consists, like the Mausoleum, of a pteron raised upon a base or podium;
-but no part of it is of pyramidal form. It is merely, if the restoration
-be correct, a building in the form of an ordinary Greek temple, on an
-unusually high podium. It may be used as proof that the Mausoleum also
-had a high podium, for the existence of which the existing remains
-furnish no direct evidence. The Lion Tomb may be suggestive from a
-constructional point of view, as the architectural problem involved in
-supporting a massive lion on the top was not unlike the problem which
-the architect of the Mausoleum had to solve. But its elevation was of a
-far simpler type than was that of the Mausoleum.</p>
-
-<p>Other buildings are cited and engraved in the treatise of Mr. Oldfield,
-but unless we could examine them in detail it would be useless to
-mention them here. They are valuable rather as offering suggestions on
-points of construction than as affording us real parallels to the plan
-of the Mausoleum.</p>
-
-<hr style="width: 45%;">
-
-<p>The evidence of existing remains must be studied partly in<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_240">{240}</a></span> Sir C.
-Newton’s <i>History of Discoveries</i>, partly in the Mausoleum Room of the
-British Museum. Lately Mr. Murray has in that museum set up one of the
-pillars of the pteron, with base and cornice, a reconstruction which
-will greatly help those who wish to revive in imagination the glories of
-the most splendid of ancient sepulchres.</p>
-
-<p>For the manner in which out of the data Mr. Oldfield makes a conjectural
-restoration of the great tomb we must refer the reader to his admirable
-paper in <i>Archaeologia</i>. We can only conclude, as we began, by referring
-to his engraving set side by side with Mr. Pullan’s (Figs. <a href="#fig_78">78</a>, <a href="#fig_79">79</a>). Of
-the two it is by far the better, closer to the ancient evidence, less
-clumsy, more Greek. But of course it may be in turn superseded by other
-restorations hereafter. In one point both reconstructions are certainly
-wrong, in placing on the top of the whole, in the chariot of Pythis, the
-magnificent statues of Mausolus and Artemisia, found on the site, which
-were doubtless carefully preserved in the interior of the building, and
-not put almost beyond sight and exposed to the weather on the top of it.
-I have elsewhere<a id="FNanchor_314_314"></a><a href="#Footnote_314_314" class="fnanchor">[314]</a> maintained this view by the following arguments:&#8212;</p>
-
-<p>1. Pliny mentions the chariot of Pythis, but says nothing of any figures
-in it.</p>
-
-<p>2. The statues at such a height, in a chariot, and behind gigantic
-horses, would have been almost invisible from below.</p>
-
-<p>3. Neither Mausolus nor his wife is holding reins or clad in the dress
-of a charioteer.</p>
-
-<p>4. The head of Mausolus in particular is too well preserved to have been
-long exposed to the weather.</p>
-
-<p>5. Both the horses and the wheel of the chariot are on a far larger
-scale than the two statues.</p>
-
-<p>6. They are also very inferior to the statues as works of art.<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_241">{241}</a></span></p>
-
-<p>The only argument of importance on the other side arises from the fact
-that the statues and the fragments of the chariot were found together.
-But it must be observed that the course of discovery in the German
-excavations at Olympia proved that collocations of remains of ancient
-buildings have often a most fortuitous character. And not only were the
-statues of Mausolus and Artemisia found with the remains of the chariot,
-but also a variety of fragments of other statues which can have had
-nothing to do with that chariot.</p>
-
-<p>We cannot yet venture to say to which of the Mausoleum artists the
-portrait of Mausolus is due. Quite lately Dr. J. Six has suggested
-Bryaxis and Dr. W. Amelung Praxiteles, who is said by Vitruvius to have
-had a share in the monument. But neither of these conjectures reaches
-beyond a probability.</p>
-
-<p>We possess, besides the sculptured remains already mentioned, quite a
-wealth of fragments of statues and reliefs from the site. (1) Some
-fragments of metopes, one of which seems to have represented an
-adventure of Theseus. (2) A few figures from a most spirited frieze,
-representing a race of chariots. This frieze is generally accepted as
-the work of Scopas. (3) Scanty vestiges of a frieze representing the
-battle of Lapiths and Centaurs. (4) The well-known wonderful frieze of
-the Greeks and Amazons. (5) A magnificent torso of a Persian rider on
-his horse. (6) Portions of many statues of colossal size and of life
-size. These sculptural remains have never been properly published<a id="FNanchor_315_315"></a><a href="#Footnote_315_315" class="fnanchor">[315]</a>,
-nor are by any means all of them exhibited in the public rooms of the
-British Museum.</p>
-
-<p>The Mausoleum was a wonder of the world, not so much on account of its
-size and costliness as because of its ingenious architecture and noble
-sculpture. Though it had not the magnificence of the Taj Mahal of Agra,
-nor the solidity of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_242">{242}</a></span> Pyramids of Egypt, it is probably the noblest
-tomb ever erected for mortal man. It not only immortalized the name of
-Mausolus, but it is also a leading authority for the style of the second
-great school of Attic sculptors. Its poor remains are among the most
-precious possessions of the British Museum. Of the authors, we can still
-say, in the words of Pliny, ‘hodie certant manus.<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_243">{243}</a></span>’</p>
-
-<h2><a id="CHAPTER_XV"></a>CHAPTER XV<br><br>
-<small>GREEK SARCOPHAGI</small></h2>
-
-<p><span class="smcap">The</span> recent great discovery at Sidon of a number of beautiful sarcophagi
-executed by Greek artists, and belonging to the best period of
-sculpture, has been quite a revelation to archaeologists. Before, we had
-abundance of Roman sarcophagi, the sculpture of which showed various
-degrees of merit; and we had a few sarcophagi from Cyprus and Lycia and
-Etruria, which were interesting, but not very important in relation to
-Greek art or Greek religion. One or two of our most beautiful
-sarcophagi, notably the Amazon sarcophagus of Vienna, were Hellenic, and
-dated as far back as the fourth century; but these seem almost lost in
-the brilliancy of the recent discoveries.</p>
-
-<p>The Greek custom was not to bury the dead in massive coffins of stone,
-but either to build a receptacle for the body out of slabs of terra
-cotta, or to enclose it in a light earthenware vessel. I speak of course
-of the cases when the body was buried: when it was burned, obviously
-only a small vase would be necessary to hold the ashes.</p>
-
-<p>The terra-cotta coffins of the Greeks had seldom any notable adornment.
-But exception must be made of one great necropolis, that of Clazomenae
-in Ionia. In some of our great museums, notably those of London and
-Berlin, there are preserved several remarkable sarcophagi<a id="FNanchor_316_316"></a><a href="#Footnote_316_316" class="fnanchor">[316]</a> of the
-sixth<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_244">{244}</a></span> century, which come from that site. They are of solid
-construction, made of terra-cotta, adorned with rich patterns painted on
-lids and on sides, and covered with scenes closely parallel to those
-familiar to us on black-figured vases, combats of warriors, hunting
-scenes, heraldic animals, and the like. A distinctly Oriental trait
-found on some of these coffins is found in the scenes where the hunters
-are pursuing in chariots stags and other game. The kings of Assyria are
-represented on the walls of their palaces as thus hunting in chariots;
-but the custom was probably quite foreign to all Greeks except a few
-wealthy inhabitants of Asia, who were influenced by Asiatic ways. These
-productions of Ionic potters are very interesting from many points of
-view, but are not quite in the line of our present investigation.</p>
-
-<p>Let us then at once pass to the sarcophagi from Sidon, now the chief
-ornaments of the important museum formed by Hamdy Bey at
-Constantinople<a id="FNanchor_317_317"></a><a href="#Footnote_317_317" class="fnanchor">[317]</a>. They all come from one series of tombs discovered
-at Sidon. There was a central pit sunk in the rocky soil, off which
-branched in all directions a series of chambers cut at various times and
-opening one out of the other. The rooms contained a number of sarcophagi
-of various periods, the earlier showing the influence of Egypt, the
-later that of Hellas. There can be little doubt that we have discovered
-one of the chief burying-places of the royal race of the kings of Sidon.
-Unfortunately the coffins had been opened by robbers at some uncertain
-period, and their contents removed. Only the sarcophagi themselves
-remain, for the most part in an excellent state of preservation, and
-even retaining to some extent the colours with which their marble was
-stained when they were fashioned.</p>
-
-<p>Until the end of the sixth century these royal coffins are<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_245">{245}</a></span> of the
-Egyptian form, the body being plain, and the cover imitating the form of
-a mummy with the face exposed. But in the fifth century these faces show
-the dominance of Greek style. And as the rule of Greek art in the Levant
-becomes during that century more pronounced, the mummy-like sarcophagus
-gives place to forms better suited for offering a suitable field to the
-sculptor, and the flat surfaces are adorned with reliefs, which in style
-if not in subject are of pure Greek type. We will briefly describe the
-four principal sculptured sarcophagi under the names which have been for
-convenience assigned to them, and in chronological order: (1) The Tomb
-of the Satrap, (2) The Lycian Tomb, (3) The Tomb of the Mourning Women,
-(4) The Alexander Tomb.</p>
-
-<p>The Tomb of the Satrap is assigned by Studniczka to the middle of the
-fifth century, and though the freedom of pose of some of the figures
-sculptured on it may make us hesitate before accepting quite so early a
-date, it certainly belongs to the century. Three of the four scenes
-which adorn the sides and ends of the tomb are clearly scenes from the
-history of one man, no doubt the hero contained in it, a personage
-represented as having a long beard, and usually wearing the conical hat
-of the Persians and Phrygians. The scene of one of the ends (<a href="#fig_80">Fig.
-80</a>)<a id="FNanchor_318_318"></a><a href="#Footnote_318_318" class="fnanchor">[318]</a> recalls the gable of the Nereid monument. The bearded man
-reclines on a couch at table, holding in his hand a winecup. His wife is
-seated at his feet; in attendance on him are two young men, one of whom
-fills a rhyton or drinking horn from a jug. We have here a scheme
-closely like that of the sepulchral banquet of Athens. And though the
-reference may be primarily to the family repast of the palace, yet
-considering that the sculptor was a Greek, it is scarcely likely that
-all reference to what was beyond the<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_246">{246}</a></span> tomb was wholly absent from his
-mind. The wine which the hero drinks may very well be that poured in
-libation at his grave.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_80" style="width: 600px;">
-<a href="images/i_p246.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p246.jpg" width="600" height="442" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 80. SARCOPHAGUS OF THE SATRAP: END.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>At the opposite end of the sarcophagus are represented four of the
-body-guard, conversing one with the other. On one of its sides is a
-scene of leave-taking. The hero sits on a throne, resting his arm
-Zeus-like on a sceptre, while behind him stand two of the women of his
-household. Before him is a young man, no doubt a son, stepping into a
-chariot to which four horses are already yoked, and of which he holds
-the reins. He turns to say a word of farewell to his father. Two other
-young men are present: one holds in the horses of the chariot, the other
-stands ready to mount a horse, and to ride beside it. Here again we have
-a scene to which abundant parallels may be found among the Attic
-grave-reliefs. The departure of a warrior or a horseman is, as we have
-already seen<a id="FNanchor_319_319"></a><a href="#Footnote_319_319" class="fnanchor">[319]</a>, an<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_247">{247}</a></span> ordinary subject on the stelae of Athens and
-elsewhere. It may be that the son is setting out on a military
-expedition which brought his father fame and increase of territory.</p>
-
-<p>On the fourth side of the tomb, father and son are again prominent. It
-is a hunting scene. In the midst is a panther turning to bay, which
-father and son charge at the same moment on horseback from one side and
-the other. On the left a young horseman has struck down a stag, and to
-balance him on the right is represented a horse galloping away in a
-panic, having thrown his rider, whom he drags with him. There can be
-little doubt that all these scenes are out of the life of the person to
-whom the tomb is devoted, and in all his son appears with him, very
-probably the successor who had the sarcophagus made. The subsidiary
-figures may be either younger sons or merely attendants. Unfortunately
-we have no historical data for the assignment of the tomb to any
-particular ruler of Sidon.</p>
-
-<p>M. Reinach insists with justice on the importance of this tomb as a
-monument of the great art of Ionia of the fifth century, an art of which
-little has come down to us, but of the splendour of which we can judge
-from the statements of ancient writers. Our sarcophagus lies half-way
-between the reliefs of Assyria, recording the great deeds of the kings,
-in an exaggerated and ideal historical record, and the sculpture of
-purely Greek monuments such as the Mausoleum, where the battles of
-Greeks and Amazons, of Lapiths and Centaurs, take the place of the
-contests of ordinary men. The Lycian Tomb and that of the Mourning Women
-belong almost entirely to the idealizing tendency of Greek sculpture
-already spoken of, which translated the present into the past and the
-human into the heroic. With the age of Alexander the historic tendency
-once more prevails, since the deeds of Alexander and his contemporaries
-might well seem pitched at a level quite as high as the mythic exploits
-of Herakles and Theseus.<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_248">{248}</a></span></p>
-
-<p>The Lycian Tomb may be dated about the year 420. It owes its name to its
-curious form, a form common in Lycia, the cover being set on in the
-shape of a Gothic arch. The conjecture has been hazarded that it was
-originally made for a Lycian chief and carried off by its Phoenician
-proprietor; but for this view there is not much evidence.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_81" style="width: 500px;">
-<a href="images/i_p248.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p248.jpg" width="500" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 81. SPHINXES: LYCIAN SARCOPHAGUS.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>The two ends are adorned, with consummate taste and adaptation to space,
-with mythic subjects. Above, at one end, are a pair of griffins, at the
-other a pair of sphinxes, whose beautiful faces might be those of two
-angels of death (<a href="#fig_81">Fig. 81</a>). Below are Centaurs in carefully balanced
-groups. The sides of the tomb bear reliefs the subjects of which are
-taken from daily life, but daily life treated quite generally, and with
-a view<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_249">{249}</a></span> to the laws of sculptural composition rather than with any
-intention to set forth the history of a life. On one side two Amazons,
-each in a four-horse chariot and attended by a female charioteer, attack
-a lion. On the other side five men on horseback close in upon a boar.
-The hunters are all young men of the type of the riders on the frieze of
-the Parthenon, to some of whom in fact they bear a very close
-resemblance. But the chariot used for lion-hunting savours rather of
-Assyria than of Greece. The reliefs were fully coloured, such
-accessories as reins and spears being filled in in metal.</p>
-
-<p>As the Lycian Tomb carries an echo of the style of Pheidias, so the Tomb
-of the Mourning Women reminds us at once of the works of the second
-Attic school, and of Praxiteles in particular. We should date it about
-<small>B.C.</small> 370 or 360. I can only describe in detail the scenes of the one end
-of it which is selected for the illustration; of the rest of the
-sculptured reliefs a very summary description must suffice. Never was
-there a work of art in which death and mourning were represented in so
-varied and so exquisitely subdued a fashion. The sarcophagus is like an
-artistic lament, written in many verses, and composed in different keys,
-but still constantly returning to and hovering about the loss of some
-dignified and much-regretted person. In the engraving (<a href="#fig_82">Fig. 82</a>) we see
-at the top two corresponding groups, in each of which is a bearded man
-seated in an attitude of dejection, while a younger man standing before
-him holds discourse with him. The subject of which he speaks is, we can
-scarcely doubt, the death of the ruler who was the master and protector
-of both, and whose departure causes widely spread sorrow in the land.
-Just below, in the gable, are three seated women, who also seem to talk
-on the same theme. They remind us of a fine passage in the dirge
-pronounced by David over Saul and Jonathan<a id="FNanchor_320_320"></a><a href="#Footnote_320_320" class="fnanchor">[320]</a>, ‘Ye daughters of
-Israel, weep over Saul, who<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_250">{250}</a></span></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_82" style="width: 531px;">
-<a href="images/i_p250.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p250.jpg" width="531" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 82. SARCOPHAGUS OF MOURNERS: END.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p class="nind">clothed you in scarlet with other delights, who put on ornaments of gold
-on your apparel.’ The main field is occupied by three women standing,
-separated one from the other by pillars of Ionic form. In the attitude
-of all there is something of pensiveness, as it would seem to us, but to
-a Greek eye it would mean more than thought,&#8212;sorrow. The poses are
-precisely those to which we are accustomed in the Attic family groups;
-and there can be little doubt that the artist who made this sarcophagus
-belonged to the school, Praxitelean in character, which produced the
-stelae of Athens. The lowest<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_251">{251}</a></span> line of sculpture in the engraving is on a
-very small scale and in low relief; it represents scenes of hunting and
-the bringing home of the booty.</p>
-
-<p>The remaining three faces of the sarcophagus correspond with that which
-we have described in subject and in style, the other end closely so. On
-each side we find&#8212;besides the lowest relief, which runs all
-round&#8212;above, a funeral procession, in which a hearse is convoyed to the
-grave by a chariot and led horses, and below, six more women in mourning
-attitudes standing between pillars. The number of these female figures
-is thus eighteen. It would puzzle many a modern artist to solve the
-artistic problem thus set, to produce eighteen figures of women, all
-young and of the same type, all standing in poses both in themselves
-elegant but yet suggestive of grief, and so different one from the other
-that there is no sameness or repetition. But artistic problems of this
-sort had a special attraction for Greek artists of the best period&#8212;for
-the artist who planned the Parthenon frieze as well as for the artists
-of the Mausoleum. And no solution could be found more perfect than that
-offered us in the present case. The eighteen women have been compared to
-a dirge of eighteen stanzas; and though to sustain the comparison the
-dirge would be somewhat monotonous, that fact perhaps would not make it
-less impressive.</p>
-
-<p>M. Reinach well observes that the whole form of this monument is taken
-from that of a temple. The columns support an entablature, above which
-rises a pediment. Between the columns stand statues, as very often in
-Greek temples and in monuments such as the Lycian heroon (<a href="#fig_74">Fig. 74</a>). No
-doubt, morphologically, the sarcophagus is a miniature temple, as the
-temple itself is a beautified and idealized house; but in Greece every
-form of monument soon acquires a decoration specially suited to it; thus
-the form and decoration of this tomb are an able adaptation rather than
-a survival.<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_252">{252}</a></span></p>
-
-<p>If our assignment of the date of the sarcophagus to about <small>B.C.</small> 370 or
-360 be correct, we may almost venture to assign a name to its possessor.
-Though we do not know much of the history of Sidon, we do know that at
-this period the throne of the city was occupied by a king named Strato,
-in whose honour the people of Athens passed a decree, in return for
-favours done to their envoys. The text of this decree is extant<a id="FNanchor_321_321"></a><a href="#Footnote_321_321" class="fnanchor">[321]</a>. As
-Strato was thus on excellent terms with the people of Athens; what more
-natural than that Athens should lend an artist for the decoration of his
-sarcophagus either to him or to his successor?</p>
-
-<p>By far the most beautiful and the most noteworthy of the Sidonian
-sarcophagi is that which bears the name of Alexander the Great. At
-first, when the discovery was made, some writers expressed the opinion
-that it was the tomb of Alexander himself. Alexander however was buried,
-as we know on quite sufficient testimony, not at Sidon but at
-Alexandria<a id="FNanchor_322_322"></a><a href="#Footnote_322_322" class="fnanchor">[322]</a>. And though the coffin is quite worthy of holding the
-bones of the greatest of kings, yet Alexander’s taste was probably too
-florid to be content with a mere shrine of marble. Moreover, it is
-almost certain that no Greek was the occupant, for inside were found
-linen bands, such as were used for swaddling the corpses of Oriental,
-but not of Hellenic, princes. The body which had been thus swathed has
-disappeared.</p>
-
-<p>But though the great sarcophagus never held the body of Alexander, yet
-its sculptures are an important artistic and even historical record of
-some of his achievements. Let us briefly consider them in order.</p>
-
-<p>According to analogy, we should expect to find in the<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_253">{253}</a></span> pedimental scenes
-of the sarcophagus the best clue to its attribution: with them therefore
-we will begin. In examining all the scenes, we must discriminate with
-the utmost care between the dress of Macedonians and Greeks on one side
-and that of the Persians, Phoenicians, and other Asiatic peoples on the
-other. Greeks appear here, as in all works of art, usually with body
-either bare or covered with a cuirass, at the bottom of which is a
-leather flap. Sometimes a chlamys floats from their shoulders. They
-carry sword and shield, or a lance, and wear helmets: the Macedonian
-helmet rises in a peak at the top and has cheek-pieces. The dress of the
-Asiatics is less varied: they wear a loose chiton, sleeves cover their
-arms to the wrist, and trousers reach to the ankle; on their heads is
-the Phrygian cap, the flaps of which often cover the mouth; a loose coat
-with sleeves, almost like the jacket of a hussar, is often attached to
-them at the neck and hangs behind. This is the candys, often mentioned
-by ancient writers. Xenophon<a id="FNanchor_323_323"></a><a href="#Footnote_323_323" class="fnanchor">[323]</a> says that soldiers put their arms
-through the sleeves when on parade.</p>
-
-<p>In the first pediment we have a fighting scene. The fighting is between
-Macedonians on one side and Persians on the other. The most prominent
-figure, who occupies the midmost place, is an Asiatic cavalier, who
-strikes down at a Greek soldier. His Persian companions overthrow the
-Macedonians opposed to them. We have, in fact, a victory of Asiatics
-over Europeans. In the opposite pediment (<a href="#fig_83">Fig. 83</a>) is a scene less easy
-to interpret. Here the combatants are all Greek or Macedonian. The most
-prominent figure is that of a fully armed foot-soldier, who drives his
-sword into the throat of a youth who kneels at his feet.</p>
-
-<p>In the frieze below the pediment last mentioned (<a href="#fig_83">Fig. 83</a>), we again see
-an Asiatic horseman, apparently the hero of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_254">{254}</a></span> first pediment, as
-central figure, victorious over a Greek opponent, whose helmet, of form
-not Macedonian, lies beside him. On either side of the horseman there
-charges fiercely a Macedonian soldier against Asiatics, who are clearly
-over-matched. In the corresponding frieze at the other end is a scene in
-which a party of Asiatics hunt the panther.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_83" style="width: 504px;">
-<a href="images/i_p254.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p254.jpg" width="504" height="600" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 83. ALEXANDER SARCOPHAGUS: END.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>Before leaving these scenes, we may observe that it seems clear that the
-Asiatic chief already twice repeated is the tenant of the tomb. His
-dress is quite suitable for that of a ruler of Sidon: his position is
-marked as unique. The scenes in which<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_255">{255}</a></span> he takes part are no doubt his
-hunting and his petty wars with neighbouring princes, whose armies, like
-all armies at the time, were mixed, consisting partly of Macedonians,
-partly of Greek mercenaries, and partly of native troops. In knowing so
-little of the history of the time, we lose the clue that we might
-otherwise possess as to the particular events portrayed.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_84" style="width: 600px;">
-<a href="images/i_p255.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p255.jpg" width="600" height="458" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 84. ALEXANDER SARCOPHAGUS: LION HUNT.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>If we accept this interpretation, we shall be able to explain one at
-least of the long friezes which adorn the sides of the sarcophagus (<a href="#fig_84">Fig.
-84</a>)<a id="FNanchor_324_324"></a><a href="#Footnote_324_324" class="fnanchor">[324]</a>. The subject of it is a lion-hunt. In the midst is a group,
-about which the whole scene is balanced. The lion has turned to bay, and
-flung himself upon the horse<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_256">{256}</a></span> ridden by an Asiatic cavalier, who is
-doubtless the Sidonian monarch of previous scenes. He defends himself
-with energy; and help is approaching from both sides. On one side,
-galloping to his aid, Alexander himself, notable for his regal fillet or
-diadema, and the intense expression observable in most of his portraits.
-On the other side comes a Macedonian noble, perhaps Hephaestion, a
-beautiful figure, but without the diadema. At the two ends of the relief
-are other groups&#8212;a Persian drawing the bow, a servant running up armed
-with a pike, a Greek and a Persian striking down a stag. We can easily
-understand that to accompany Alexander in his hunting, and to be rescued
-by him from the attack of a lion, was enough to confer great distinction
-on any Asiatic potentate, and we cannot be surprised that he should
-think the event worthy of record on his tomb.</p>
-
-<p>The remaining frieze is that which has attracted most attention<a id="FNanchor_325_325"></a><a href="#Footnote_325_325" class="fnanchor">[325]</a>. It
-is a representation of the conquering charge of Alexander and his
-companions at one of his battles, perhaps that of Issus. From the left
-comes the Great King, a lion’s skin on his head, overthrowing, by a
-furious charge, a Persian noble who tries to stop his way. An elderly
-man, perhaps Parmenio, charges at the same moment from the right with
-like success; in the midst is a third Macedonian leader striking down at
-a Persian, one of the noblest figures ever executed in marble. In the
-field is a <i>mêlée</i> of Greeks and Persians, the former having by much the
-better of the fray. In this scene the intention certainly seems to be to
-glorify Alexander and his generals; and it is not easy to find any
-allusion to deeds of the Sidonian king. He can scarcely be one of the
-overthrown Persian horsemen. The whole composition should be compared
-with the well-known Pompeian mosaic which represents the battle of
-Issus: the group of Alexander and<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_257">{257}</a></span> his immediate foe is composed in the
-two scenes in almost exactly the same way. We engrave finally (<a href="#fig_85">Fig. 85</a>)
-one of the lions which decorate the upper corners of the coffin.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="fig_85" style="width: 600px;">
-<a href="images/i_p257.jpg">
-<img src="images/i_p257.jpg" width="600" height="587" alt="[Image unavailable.]"></a>
-<div class="caption"><p>FIG. 85. ALEXANDER SARCOPHAGUS: A LION.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>It is most probable that this tomb contained the remains of a king
-mentioned in history. About 350 <small>B.C.</small> Sidon had revolted against Persia
-under Artaxerxes Ochus, and the revolt had been mercilessly suppressed
-by the Persian king. As a natural result, the city regarded Alexander,
-when in his victorious course he reached Sidon, as a deliverer rather
-than as a foe. While Tyre resisted to the death, Sidon yielded at once.
-A King Strato was then ruling. For reasons of his own Alexander directed
-Hephaestion to depose him, and to set up in his place a member of the
-royal house named<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_258">{258}</a></span> Abdalonymus. The latter, however, did not reign very
-long, as after this Phoenicia became a bone of contention between the
-Ptolemies and the Seleucidae. It seems a fair historical conjecture that
-the great sarcophagus is that of Abdalonymus, who seems to have been the
-last of the native royal race, and who records on his tomb alike his own
-exploits and those of his hero and protector Alexander.</p>
-
-<p>The beauty of the whole sarcophagus cannot be judged from our
-representations, few in number and small in size. To be appreciated
-fully, the great monument must be seen in its place in the Museum at
-Constantinople: its beauty and preservation are alike overpowering. Much
-of the colouring still remains<a id="FNanchor_326_326"></a><a href="#Footnote_326_326" class="fnanchor">[326]</a>, but the accessories, swords, bits
-of horses, and the like, once filled in in bronze and silver, have
-disappeared. The style is a style of wonderful vigour of grouping and
-skill in execution. Altogether it is one of the world’s masterpieces.</p>
-
-<p>The artistic school of this great work of art remains yet to be
-determined. The names of Eutychides and Euthycrates, great sculptors of
-the end of the fourth century, have been suggested. But the truth is
-that in this sarcophagus we are face to face with a work of a character
-quite new to us, in some ways a more masterly work of the Greek chisel
-than we had before possessed. Hitherto we had been able to divide Greek
-reliefs into high relief, half relief, and bas relief. But the artist of
-these friezes mixes all these styles, in order to produce the desired
-effect, with masterful boldness. We must wait until time and fresh
-discoveries enable us to determine his artistic genealogy.</p>
-
-<p>The nearest of Greek sarcophagi in date and style to the last of the
-Sidonian series is the great Amazon sarcophagus of Vienna<a id="FNanchor_327_327"></a><a href="#Footnote_327_327" class="fnanchor">[327]</a>, an
-admirable work of art, on the four sides of which<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_259">{259}</a></span> are depicted with
-much spirit the battles of the Greeks and Amazons. But we have here
-regular mythologic scenes like those which adorn the great temples of
-Greece; nothing personal, and nothing which has reference to the future
-world. Any further consideration of Greek sarcophagi and of the Roman
-sarcophagi which succeeded them would take us into another province of
-the great empire of Hellenic antiquity.</p>
-
-<p class="c">THE END<span class="pagenum"><a id="page_260">{260}</a></span></p>
-
-<p class="c">
-OXFORD: HORACE HART<br>
-PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY<br>
-</p>
-
-<div class="footnotes"><p class="cb">FOOTNOTES:</p>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> I. 28. 36: ‘Iniecto ter pulvere curras.’</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Benndorf, <i>Griech. und Sicil. Vasenbilder</i>, pl. i.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_3_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Benndorf, <i>Griech. und Sicil. Vasenbilder</i>, pl. xxxiii.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_4_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> <i>Mon. dell’ Inst.</i> ix. 39.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_5_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Rayet, <i>Monum. de l’Art Antique</i>, pl. lxxv.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_6_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Rayet, text to above plate.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_7_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> See below, Ch. VII, VIII.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_8_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> <i>Iliad</i>, xvi. 666.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_9_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_9"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Klein, <i>Euphronios</i>, p. 272. Iris and a female figure stand
-on either side. Some writers, interpreting the latter as Eos, have seen
-in the dead body that of Memnon. The point is immaterial to our present
-purpose.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_10_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_10"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> Dumont, <i>Céramiques de la Grèce propre</i>, pl. xxvii.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_11_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_11"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> <i>Mon. dell’ Inst.</i> ix. 32. We reproduce only the central
-group of the painting.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_12_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_12"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> <i>Gräber der Hellenen</i>, p. 42, pl. viii. Stackelberg found
-the coffin himself near the Acharnian Gate at Athens, and drew it
-immediately on discovery.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_13_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_13"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> Pottier et Reinach, <i>La Nécropole de Myrina</i>, p. 101.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_14_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_14"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> Herodotus, iv. 26. The word γευέσια may perhaps mean, as
-some have suggested, the anniversary of the death, if death be regarded
-as birth into a new life. The early Christians seem to have adopted this
-view.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_15_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_15"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> P. 519; <i>Charon</i>, 22.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_16_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_16"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> II. p. 926; <i>De Luctu</i>, 9.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_17_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_17"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> Plutarch, <i>Solon</i>, 21.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_18_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_18"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> <i>Athen. Mittheil.</i> i. 143.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_19_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_19"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> Plutarch, <i>Aristides</i>. 21.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_20_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_20"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> <i>Athen. Mittheil.</i> 1893, p. 53.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_21_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_21"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> See below, Chap. VI.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_22_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_22"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> <i>Ephem. Archaiol.</i> 1886, pl. iv.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_23_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_23"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> Benndorf, <i>Griech. und Sicil. Vasenb.</i> pl. xxi, 2: cf.
-xxi. 1, xxii, xxv, &amp;c.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_24_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_24"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> Dumont, <i>Céram. de la Grèce</i>, pl. xxv.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_25_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_25"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> Pottier, <i>Lécythes blancs</i>, pl. iv: cf. p. 74.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_26_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_26"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> No. 735 of the Athens Museum.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_27_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_27"><span class="label">[27]</span></a> Pl. lx.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_28_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_28"><span class="label">[28]</span></a> In a later Chapter (X) I show by instances how close is
-sometimes the resemblance in reliefs and on vases between the toilet
-scenes of daily life and scenes of offering to the dead.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_29_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_29"><span class="label">[29]</span></a> <i>Catalogue of Vases</i>, IV. pl. iv. I cannot accept the view
-of the author of the Catalogue, that all three figures are those of
-mourners.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_30_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30_30"><span class="label">[30]</span></a> As to the pillar (κίων) and table (τράπέζα), see Chap.
-VIII.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_31_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31_31"><span class="label">[31]</span></a> <i>Psyche, Seelencult und Unsterblichkeitsglaube der
-Griechen</i>, 1894.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_32_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32_32"><span class="label">[32]</span></a> <i>Odyssey</i>, iv. 560.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_33_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33_33"><span class="label">[33]</span></a> x. 28. Cf. Robert, <i>Die Nekyia des Polygnot</i>. Halle,
-1892.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_34_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34_34"><span class="label">[34]</span></a> <i>Antike Denkmäler</i>, published by the German Archaeological
-Institute, vol. i. pl. xxiii. 3.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_35_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35_35"><span class="label">[35]</span></a> Nos. 1 and 2 on the plate already cited.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_36_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36_36"><span class="label">[36]</span></a> Pottier, <i>Lécythes blancs</i>, pl. 3: cf. Benndorf, <i>Griech.
-und Sicil. Vasenb.</i> pl. 27.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_37_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37_37"><span class="label">[37]</span></a> X. 28. 7.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_38_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38_38"><span class="label">[38]</span></a> See <i>Wiener Vorlegeblätter</i>, Series E, pl. i-iii: cf.
-Baumeister, <i>Denkmäler</i>, article ‘Unterwelt.’</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_39_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39_39"><span class="label">[39]</span></a> Cf. the relief published in <i>Athen. Mittheil.</i> iv. pl.
-ix.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_40_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40_40"><span class="label">[40]</span></a> L. 50.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_41_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41_41"><span class="label">[41]</span></a> I. 28. 6.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_42_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42_42"><span class="label">[42]</span></a> <i>Agesilaus</i>, xi. 8.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_43_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43_43"><span class="label">[43]</span></a> See Chap. XI.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_44_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44_44"><span class="label">[44]</span></a> II. p. 364 <span class="smcap">E</span> (translation of Davies and Vaughan).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_45_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45_45"><span class="label">[45]</span></a> Chap. XII.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_46_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46_46"><span class="label">[46]</span></a> Plutarch, <i>Pelopidas</i>, 20-22.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_47_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47_47"><span class="label">[47]</span></a> <i>Odyssey</i>, xi. 602.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_48_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48_48"><span class="label">[48]</span></a> For this see, among other works, Schliemann, <i>Mycenae and
-Tiryns</i>; Schuchhardt, <i>Excavations of Schliemann</i> (Eng. trans.); Perrot
-et Chipiez, <i>La Grèce Primitive</i>; Gardner, <i>New Chapters in Greek
-History</i>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_49_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49_49"><span class="label">[49]</span></a> Schuchhardt, <i>Schliemann’s Ausgrabungen</i>, p. 176.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_50_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50_50"><span class="label">[50]</span></a> Perrot et Chipiez, <i>La Grèce Primitive</i>, p. 638.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_51_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51_51"><span class="label">[51]</span></a> Schliemann, <i>Mycenae</i>, pl. E.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_52_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52_52"><span class="label">[52]</span></a> Perrot et Chipiez, pl. vi.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_53_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53_53"><span class="label">[53]</span></a> <i>Journal of Hellenic Studies</i>, ii. p. 136, pl. xiii.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_54_54"></a><a href="#FNanchor_54_54"><span class="label">[54]</span></a> Helbig, <i>La Question mycénéenne</i>. 1896.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_55_55"></a><a href="#FNanchor_55_55"><span class="label">[55]</span></a> Schliemann, <i>Mycenae</i>, p. 81.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_56_56"></a><a href="#FNanchor_56_56"><span class="label">[56]</span></a> Ibid. p. 86.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_57_57"></a><a href="#FNanchor_57_57"><span class="label">[57]</span></a> Perrot et Chipiez, p. 770.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_58_58"></a><a href="#FNanchor_58_58"><span class="label">[58]</span></a> The most recent account of these, by M. Joubin, will be
-found in the <i>Bulletin de Corresp. hellén.</i> 1895, p. 69.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_59_59"></a><a href="#FNanchor_59_59"><span class="label">[59]</span></a> II. 22, 2 (Ταντάλου) ἰδὼν οἰδα ἐν Σιπύλῳ τάφον Θέας
-ἄξιον.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_60_60"></a><a href="#FNanchor_60_60"><span class="label">[60]</span></a> Texier, <i>Description</i>, pl. cxxx.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_61_61"></a><a href="#FNanchor_61_61"><span class="label">[61]</span></a> Weber, <i>Le Sipyle</i>, pl. i.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_62_62"></a><a href="#FNanchor_62_62"><span class="label">[62]</span></a> Perrot et Chipiez, v. 83. Mr. Ramsay, while allowing the
-general excellence of this drawing, disputes its accuracy in some
-particulars. See <i>Journ. Hell. Stud.</i> 1889, p. 155.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_63_63"></a><a href="#FNanchor_63_63"><span class="label">[63]</span></a> Perrot et Chipiez, v. p. 103.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_64_64"></a><a href="#FNanchor_64_64"><span class="label">[64]</span></a> Perrot et Chipiez, v. p. 111. Another drawing in <i>Journ.
-Hell. Stud.</i> 1888, p. 368 (Ramsay).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_65_65"></a><a href="#FNanchor_65_65"><span class="label">[65]</span></a> <i>Journ. Hell. Stud.</i> pl. xviii.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_66_66"></a><a href="#FNanchor_66_66"><span class="label">[66]</span></a> With M. Perrot’s work on Phrygia, it is necessary to
-compare Mr. Ramsay’s ‘Study of Phrygian Art’ in the <i>Journal of Hellenic
-Studies</i> for 1889 and 1890.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_67_67"></a><a href="#FNanchor_67_67"><span class="label">[67]</span></a> I. p. 61.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_68_68"></a><a href="#FNanchor_68_68"><span class="label">[68]</span></a> See the <i>Catalogue of Sculpture</i> of the British Museum, or
-Perrot and Chipiez, vol. v.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_69_69"></a><a href="#FNanchor_69_69"><span class="label">[69]</span></a> <i>Brit. Mus. Cat. of Sculpture</i>, i. No. 80; cf. Perrot and
-Chipiez, vol. v. p. 396.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_70_70"></a><a href="#FNanchor_70_70"><span class="label">[70]</span></a> <i>Anabasis</i>, vi. 29.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_71_71"></a><a href="#FNanchor_71_71"><span class="label">[71]</span></a> <i>Odyssey</i>, xx. 66.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_72_72"></a><a href="#FNanchor_72_72"><span class="label">[72]</span></a> <i>Catalogue of Sculpture</i>, i. p. 53, No. 93.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_73_73"></a><a href="#FNanchor_73_73"><span class="label">[73]</span></a> <i>Brit. Mus. Cat. of Sculpture</i>, i. No. 86. Engraved in
-Murray, <i>Hist. Sculpture</i>, i. pl. iii-v; Cesnola, <i>Cyprus</i>, pl. 16, 17;
-Brunn, <i>Denkmäler</i>, pl. 102.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_74_74"></a><a href="#FNanchor_74_74"><span class="label">[74]</span></a> <i>Cat. of Sculpture</i>, No. 97; Murray, i. pl. v.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_75_75"></a><a href="#FNanchor_75_75"><span class="label">[75]</span></a> <i>Ann. dell’ Inst.</i> xix. pl. F.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_76_76"></a><a href="#FNanchor_76_76"><span class="label">[76]</span></a> Plutarch, <i>Lycurgus</i>, 27.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_77_77"></a><a href="#FNanchor_77_77"><span class="label">[77]</span></a> <i>Athen. Mittheil.</i> vii. 163.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_78_78"></a><a href="#FNanchor_78_78"><span class="label">[78]</span></a> <i>Journal of Hellenic Studies</i>, v. 131. I return to the
-subject in the next chapter.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_79_79"></a><a href="#FNanchor_79_79"><span class="label">[79]</span></a> <i>Athen. Mittheil.</i> x. 160.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_80_80"></a><a href="#FNanchor_80_80"><span class="label">[80]</span></a> See Maspéro, <i>Life in Ancient Egypt and Assyria</i>, p. 145.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_81_81"></a><a href="#FNanchor_81_81"><span class="label">[81]</span></a> <i>Athen. Mittheil.</i> ii. 25.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_82_82"></a><a href="#FNanchor_82_82"><span class="label">[82]</span></a> <i>Catalogue</i>, No. 1417.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_83_83"></a><a href="#FNanchor_83_83"><span class="label">[83]</span></a> Perrot et Chipiez, ii. p. 107.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_84_84"></a><a href="#FNanchor_84_84"><span class="label">[84]</span></a> <i>Athen. Mittheil.</i> iv. pl. 7.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_85_85"></a><a href="#FNanchor_85_85"><span class="label">[85]</span></a> See a paper by Pervanoglu, <i>Das Familienmahl auf
-altgriech. Grabsteinen</i>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_86_86"></a><a href="#FNanchor_86_86"><span class="label">[86]</span></a> <i>Brit. Mus. Cat. of Coins: Thrace</i>, p. 90.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_87_87"></a><a href="#FNanchor_87_87"><span class="label">[87]</span></a> <i>Journ. Hell. Stud.</i> v. p. 116.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_88_88"></a><a href="#FNanchor_88_88"><span class="label">[88]</span></a> Ibid. v. p. 106.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_89_89"></a><a href="#FNanchor_89_89"><span class="label">[89]</span></a> <i>Athen. Mittheil.</i> 1879, p. 165.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_90_90"></a><a href="#FNanchor_90_90"><span class="label">[90]</span></a> Cf. Furtwängler, <i>Sabouroff Coll.</i> Introd. p. 39.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_91_91"></a><a href="#FNanchor_91_91"><span class="label">[91]</span></a> Buchholz, <i>Homerische Realien</i>, iii. 1, 334.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_92_92"></a><a href="#FNanchor_92_92"><span class="label">[92]</span></a> Chap. vii. p. 20, ed. Kenyon.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_93_93"></a><a href="#FNanchor_93_93"><span class="label">[93]</span></a> <i>Brit. Mus. Cat. of Marbles</i>, No. 753.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_94_94"></a><a href="#FNanchor_94_94"><span class="label">[94]</span></a> Here the female figure seems decidedly the taller, but
-this may be the result of the law of Greek reliefs, to place the heads
-of persons represented on one level.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_95_95"></a><a href="#FNanchor_95_95"><span class="label">[95]</span></a> <i>Coll. Sabouroff</i>, pl. 29.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_96_96"></a><a href="#FNanchor_96_96"><span class="label">[96]</span></a> Pl. 16.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_97_97"></a><a href="#FNanchor_97_97"><span class="label">[97]</span></a> Roscher, <i>Lexikon</i>, i. p. 2555.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_98_98"></a><a href="#FNanchor_98_98"><span class="label">[98]</span></a> <i>La Collection Sabouroff</i>, Introd. p. 28.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_99_99"></a><a href="#FNanchor_99_99"><span class="label">[99]</span></a> <i>Athen. Mittheil.</i> viii. 16; Le Bas, <i>Voyage</i>, pl. 103.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_100_100"></a><a href="#FNanchor_100_100"><span class="label">[100]</span></a> <i>Athen. Mittheil.</i> iii. 380; Friedrichs-Wolters,
-<i>Gipsabgüsse</i>, No. 1076; Roscher, <i>Lexikon</i>, i. p. 2557.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_101_101"></a><a href="#FNanchor_101_101"><span class="label">[101]</span></a> <i>Museum Marbles</i>, ix. pl. 34.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_102_102"></a><a href="#FNanchor_102_102"><span class="label">[102]</span></a> <i>Mon. dell’ Inst.</i> xi. 55.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_103_103"></a><a href="#FNanchor_103_103"><span class="label">[103]</span></a> <i>Journ. Hell. Stud.</i> vii. 1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_104_104"></a><a href="#FNanchor_104_104"><span class="label">[104]</span></a> <i>Arch. Zeitung</i>, 1883, p. 285.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_105_105"></a><a href="#FNanchor_105_105"><span class="label">[105]</span></a> <i>Monum. Grecs</i>, pl. i; Roscher, <i>Lexikon</i>, i. p. 405,
-where the figures are wrongly called Ares and Aphrodite.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_106_106"></a><a href="#FNanchor_106_106"><span class="label">[106]</span></a> Roscher, <i>Lexikon</i>, i. p. 2571.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_107_107"></a><a href="#FNanchor_107_107"><span class="label">[107]</span></a> Chap. I.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_108_108"></a><a href="#FNanchor_108_108"><span class="label">[108]</span></a> <i>Il.</i> xi. 371; <i>Od.</i> xii. 14, &amp;c. Cf. the phrase, τύμβῳ
-τε στήλῃ τε, τὸ γὰρ γέρας ἐστὶ θανόντων.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_109_109"></a><a href="#FNanchor_109_109"><span class="label">[109]</span></a> II. 26.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_110_110"></a><a href="#FNanchor_110_110"><span class="label">[110]</span></a> ‘Opere tectorio exornari.’</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_111_111"></a><a href="#FNanchor_111_111"><span class="label">[111]</span></a> ‘Columellam, aut mensam aut labellam.”</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_112_112"></a><a href="#FNanchor_112_112"><span class="label">[112]</span></a> These passages are collected by Messrs. Pottier and
-Reinach in the <i>Bulletin de Corresp. hellénique</i>, 1882, p. 396.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_113_113"></a><a href="#FNanchor_113_113"><span class="label">[113]</span></a> Gerhard, <i>Auserl. Vasenbilder</i>, pl. 199: cf. <i>Mon. dell’
-Inst.</i> viii. pl. 5; Benndorf, <i>Griech. und Sicil. Vasenbilder</i>, pl. 24.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_114_114"></a><a href="#FNanchor_114_114"><span class="label">[114]</span></a> <i>Arch. Jahrbuch</i>, 1891, p. 197.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_115_115"></a><a href="#FNanchor_115_115"><span class="label">[115]</span></a> e.g. <i>Mon. dell’ Inst.</i> viii. 5.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_116_116"></a><a href="#FNanchor_116_116"><span class="label">[116]</span></a> Stackelberg, <i>Gräber der Hellenen</i>, xlv. 3. The deceased
-lady, seated on the τράπεζα, was, no doubt, represented as draped, but
-the wash of colour has worn away.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_117_117"></a><a href="#FNanchor_117_117"><span class="label">[117]</span></a> Paus. ix. 30, 7.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_118_118"></a><a href="#FNanchor_118_118"><span class="label">[118]</span></a> Ibid. ix. 25, 2.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_119_119"></a><a href="#FNanchor_119_119"><span class="label">[119]</span></a> Ibid. iv. 32, 3.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_120_120"></a><a href="#FNanchor_120_120"><span class="label">[120]</span></a> VII. 700.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_121_121"></a><a href="#FNanchor_121_121"><span class="label">[121]</span></a> <i>Athen. Mittheil.</i> x. pl. 13.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_122_122"></a><a href="#FNanchor_122_122"><span class="label">[122]</span></a> <i>Ecclesiazusae</i>, l. 996. Cf. l. 538.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_123_123"></a><a href="#FNanchor_123_123"><span class="label">[123]</span></a> Ibid. l. 1110.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_124_124"></a><a href="#FNanchor_124_124"><span class="label">[124]</span></a> An exhaustive article on these vases will be found in
-<i>Athen. Mittheil.</i> 1891, p. 371 (Wolters). The writer maintains that
-they appear only on the tombs of the unmarried. For a representation of
-a terra-cotta vase on a χῶμα see p. 379.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_125_125"></a><a href="#FNanchor_125_125"><span class="label">[125]</span></a> <i>Athen. Mittheil.</i> 1887, pl. ix.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_126_126"></a><a href="#FNanchor_126_126"><span class="label">[126]</span></a> Athens <i>Cat.</i> 884. The lekythos on the right, however, is
-a restoration, all except part of its foot.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_127_127"></a><a href="#FNanchor_127_127"><span class="label">[127]</span></a> <i>Anthology</i>, vii. 182.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_128_128"></a><a href="#FNanchor_128_128"><span class="label">[128]</span></a> <i>Ad Leocharem</i>, p. 1086.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_129_129"></a><a href="#FNanchor_129_129"><span class="label">[129]</span></a> For the colouring of these votive figures see Collignon,
-<i>Hist. de la Sculpture grecque</i>, vol. i, frontispiece; <i>Ephemeris Arch.</i>
-1887, pl. ix; <i>Antike Denkmäler des Arch. Inst.</i> i. pl. 39.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_130_130"></a><a href="#FNanchor_130_130"><span class="label">[130]</span></a> <i>Athen. Mittheil.</i> 1893, p. 83.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_131_131"></a><a href="#FNanchor_131_131"><span class="label">[131]</span></a> This matter is treated in detail in Brückner’s <i>Ornament
-und Format der Attischen Grabstelen</i>: see pl. i. of that work.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_132_132"></a><a href="#FNanchor_132_132"><span class="label">[132]</span></a> Perrot et Chipiez, ii. 270.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_133_133"></a><a href="#FNanchor_133_133"><span class="label">[133]</span></a> Brückner, <i>Ornament und Formen der Att. Grabstelen</i>, pl.
-i. 2.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_134_134"></a><a href="#FNanchor_134_134"><span class="label">[134]</span></a> Athens <i>Cat.</i> 975.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_135_135"></a><a href="#FNanchor_135_135"><span class="label">[135]</span></a> Ibid. 729.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_136_136"></a><a href="#FNanchor_136_136"><span class="label">[136]</span></a> Ibid. 754.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_137_137"></a><a href="#FNanchor_137_137"><span class="label">[137]</span></a> Ibid. 28.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_138_138"></a><a href="#FNanchor_138_138"><span class="label">[138]</span></a> <i>Athen. Mittheil.</i> vol. iv.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_139_139"></a><a href="#FNanchor_139_139"><span class="label">[139]</span></a> <i>Gräber der Hellenen</i>, pl. 56.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_140_140"></a><a href="#FNanchor_140_140"><span class="label">[140]</span></a> <i>Septem c. Theb.</i> 524.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_141_141"></a><a href="#FNanchor_141_141"><span class="label">[141]</span></a> <i>Athen. Mittheil.</i> xii. 105.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_142_142"></a><a href="#FNanchor_142_142"><span class="label">[142]</span></a> Chap. I, above.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_143_143"></a><a href="#FNanchor_143_143"><span class="label">[143]</span></a> Athens <i>Cat.</i> No. 775.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_144_144"></a><a href="#FNanchor_144_144"><span class="label">[144]</span></a> L. 168.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_145_145"></a><a href="#FNanchor_145_145"><span class="label">[145]</span></a> Athens <i>Cat.</i> No. 783.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_146_146"></a><a href="#FNanchor_146_146"><span class="label">[146]</span></a> Athens <i>Cat.</i> No. 744.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_147_147"></a><a href="#FNanchor_147_147"><span class="label">[147]</span></a> Athens <i>Cat.</i> No. 770.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_148_148"></a><a href="#FNanchor_148_148"><span class="label">[148]</span></a> <i>Anthol. Palat.</i> vii. 344.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_149_149"></a><a href="#FNanchor_149_149"><span class="label">[149]</span></a> See F. Imhoof-Blumer and P. Gardner, <i>Numismatic
-Commentary on Pausanias</i>, pl. E, p. 19.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_150_150"></a><a href="#FNanchor_150_150"><span class="label">[150]</span></a> Published in the <i>Journ. Hell. Stud.</i> vi. p. 32.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_151_151"></a><a href="#FNanchor_151_151"><span class="label">[151]</span></a> <i>Anth. Palat.</i> vii. 169.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_152_152"></a><a href="#FNanchor_152_152"><span class="label">[152]</span></a> Plutarch, <i>Cic.</i> 26.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_153_153"></a><a href="#FNanchor_153_153"><span class="label">[153]</span></a> VII. 37. Cf. 707.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_154_154"></a><a href="#FNanchor_154_154"><span class="label">[154]</span></a> <i>Anth. Palat.</i> vii. 62.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_155_155"></a><a href="#FNanchor_155_155"><span class="label">[155]</span></a> See especially a paper by Professor Loeschcke in <i>Athen.
-Mittheil.</i> iv. 292.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_156_156"></a><a href="#FNanchor_156_156"><span class="label">[156]</span></a> Pliny, <i>N. H.</i> xxxv. 153.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_157_157"></a><a href="#FNanchor_157_157"><span class="label">[157]</span></a> <i>Athen. Mittheil.</i> iv. pl. vi.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_158_158"></a><a href="#FNanchor_158_158"><span class="label">[158]</span></a> For example, Dr. Waldstein, in the first volume of the
-<i>Journal of Hellenic Studies</i>, p. 168.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_159_159"></a><a href="#FNanchor_159_159"><span class="label">[159]</span></a> <i>Athen. Mittheil.</i> iv. pl. iii.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_160_160"></a><a href="#FNanchor_160_160"><span class="label">[160]</span></a> I. 90. τειχίζειν δὲ ... φειδομένους μήτε ἰδίου μήτε
-δημοσίου οἰκοδομήματος.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_161_161"></a><a href="#FNanchor_161_161"><span class="label">[161]</span></a> The head also does not belong to the statue, and the
-right arm and other parts are restorations. See the Berlin <i>Denkmäler</i>,
-i. pl. 31, 32.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_162_162"></a><a href="#FNanchor_162_162"><span class="label">[162]</span></a> For the basket see <a href="#fig_62">Fig. 62</a>: for the attitude cf. <a href="#plt_xxvi">Pl.
-XXVI</a>. Epigrams to be placed on tombs adorned with statues of women are
-to be found in the <i>Anthology</i>, vii. 649, &amp;c. As a replica of the
-‘Penelope’ in very high relief exists in the Vatican, we may regard it
-as likely that the original was not entirely detached from the
-background.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_163_163"></a><a href="#FNanchor_163_163"><span class="label">[163]</span></a> Athens <i>Cat.</i> No. 218.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_164_164"></a><a href="#FNanchor_164_164"><span class="label">[164]</span></a> Athens <i>Cat.</i> No. 219.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_165_165"></a><a href="#FNanchor_165_165"><span class="label">[165]</span></a> e.g. Kaibel, No. 505, from Tricca. The formula of
-dedication is Ἑρμάον Χθονίου.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_166_166"></a><a href="#FNanchor_166_166"><span class="label">[166]</span></a> See Plates XXV, XXVI.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_167_167"></a><a href="#FNanchor_167_167"><span class="label">[167]</span></a> <i>Athen. Mittheil.</i> iv. pl. i, ii. Cf. <i>C. A. G.</i> pl. i.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_168_168"></a><a href="#FNanchor_168_168"><span class="label">[168]</span></a> Michaelis, <i>Ancient Marbles in Great Britain</i>, p. 385,
-whence our engraving is taken.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_169_169"></a><a href="#FNanchor_169_169"><span class="label">[169]</span></a> <i>C. A. G.</i> pl. iv. As to the pentathlon, see the <i>Journ.
-Hell. Stud.</i> i. p. 210.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_170_170"></a><a href="#FNanchor_170_170"><span class="label">[170]</span></a> <i>Athen. Mittheil.</i> iii. pl. 14.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_171_171"></a><a href="#FNanchor_171_171"><span class="label">[171]</span></a> These are lost, but the holes in which they were fixed
-remain over the forehead.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_172_172"></a><a href="#FNanchor_172_172"><span class="label">[172]</span></a> Reins, sword, and lance were added in metal, as is shown
-by the remaining holes in which these were fixed. Colour was doubtless
-freely added.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_173_173"></a><a href="#FNanchor_173_173"><span class="label">[173]</span></a> <i>Bull. Corr. Hellén.</i> iv. pl. 7.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_174_174"></a><a href="#FNanchor_174_174"><span class="label">[174]</span></a> Athens <i>Cat.</i> No. 873.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_175_175"></a><a href="#FNanchor_175_175"><span class="label">[175]</span></a> Athens <i>Cat.</i> No. 828.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_176_176"></a><a href="#FNanchor_176_176"><span class="label">[176]</span></a> It has been suggested that the gesture is one of
-adoration in presence of the deities of the next world.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_177_177"></a><a href="#FNanchor_177_177"><span class="label">[177]</span></a> <i>Anthologia</i>, vii. 338.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_178_178"></a><a href="#FNanchor_178_178"><span class="label">[178]</span></a> For instance, Athens <i>Cat.</i> No. 1192.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_179_179"></a><a href="#FNanchor_179_179"><span class="label">[179]</span></a> At Rome. Published in the <i>Ann. e Mon. dell’ Inst.</i> 1855,
-pl. xv. Cf. Friedrichs-Wolters, <i>Gipsabgüsse</i>, No. 1010.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_180_180"></a><a href="#FNanchor_180_180"><span class="label">[180]</span></a> Athens <i>Cat.</i> No. 752.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_181_181"></a><a href="#FNanchor_181_181"><span class="label">[181]</span></a> VII. 279.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_182_182"></a><a href="#FNanchor_182_182"><span class="label">[182]</span></a> Athens <i>Cat.</i> No. 731.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_183_183"></a><a href="#FNanchor_183_183"><span class="label">[183]</span></a> <i>C. A. G.</i> pl. xv.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_184_184"></a><a href="#FNanchor_184_184"><span class="label">[184]</span></a> <i>C. A. G.</i> pl. xvii.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_185_185"></a><a href="#FNanchor_185_185"><span class="label">[185]</span></a> <i>Br. Mus. Cat. of Marbles</i>, No. 721; <i>Mus. Marb.</i> ix. pl.
-38.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_186_186"></a><a href="#FNanchor_186_186"><span class="label">[186]</span></a> <i>Journ. Hell. Stud.</i> vi. pl. B.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_187_187"></a><a href="#FNanchor_187_187"><span class="label">[187]</span></a> Such as Friedrichs-Wolters <i>Gipsabgüsse</i>, No. 1024:
-<i>Arch. Zeitung</i>, 1871, pl. 53.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_188_188"></a><a href="#FNanchor_188_188"><span class="label">[188]</span></a> <i>Anthol. Palat.</i> vi. 280.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_189_189"></a><a href="#FNanchor_189_189"><span class="label">[189]</span></a> Athens <i>Cat.</i> No. 1196.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_190_190"></a><a href="#FNanchor_190_190"><span class="label">[190]</span></a> <i>C. A. G.</i> pl. xxxvii.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_191_191"></a><a href="#FNanchor_191_191"><span class="label">[191]</span></a> <i>Museum Marbles</i>, x. 3.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_192_192"></a><a href="#FNanchor_192_192"><span class="label">[192]</span></a> Athens <i>Cat.</i> No. 711.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_193_193"></a><a href="#FNanchor_193_193"><span class="label">[193]</span></a> Ibid. No. 765; <i>C. A. G.</i> pl. xlviii.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_194_194"></a><a href="#FNanchor_194_194"><span class="label">[194]</span></a> The two notions that in such groups it is always the
-seated or that it is always the standing person who is dead are alike
-fallacious.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_195_195"></a><a href="#FNanchor_195_195"><span class="label">[195]</span></a> Kaibel, No. 557.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_196_196"></a><a href="#FNanchor_196_196"><span class="label">[196]</span></a> <i>C. A. G.</i> Nos. 134, 139.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_197_197"></a><a href="#FNanchor_197_197"><span class="label">[197]</span></a> Ibid. No. 158.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_198_198"></a><a href="#FNanchor_198_198"><span class="label">[198]</span></a> Athens <i>Cat.</i> No. 717.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_199_199"></a><a href="#FNanchor_199_199"><span class="label">[199]</span></a> Athens <i>Cat.</i> No. 870.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_200_200"></a><a href="#FNanchor_200_200"><span class="label">[200]</span></a> Ibid. No. 749. A photograph of the relief being
-unsatisfactory, we copy the engraving at p. 70 of the <i>C. A. G.</i></p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_201_201"></a><a href="#FNanchor_201_201"><span class="label">[201]</span></a> VII. 730, by Perses.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_202_202"></a><a href="#FNanchor_202_202"><span class="label">[202]</span></a> <i>C. A. G.</i> No. 333, pl. lxxxiv.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_203_203"></a><a href="#FNanchor_203_203"><span class="label">[203]</span></a> I have a vivid recollection of the admiration expressed
-for the examples in the British Museum by Mr. Ruskin.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_204_204"></a><a href="#FNanchor_204_204"><span class="label">[204]</span></a> Pl. xxxix; cf. Athens <i>Cat.</i> No. 724.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_205_205"></a><a href="#FNanchor_205_205"><span class="label">[205]</span></a> <i>Sabouroff Coll.</i> Introd. p. 12.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_206_206"></a><a href="#FNanchor_206_206"><span class="label">[206]</span></a> Plato, <i>Theaetetus</i>, p. 198 <span class="smcap">A</span>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_207_207"></a><a href="#FNanchor_207_207"><span class="label">[207]</span></a> Rangabe, <i>Antiq. Hell.</i> ii. pp. 539, 842; cf. <i>C. I. G.</i>
-1012 b, 7034, and Aristophanes, <i>Acharn.</i> l. 49.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_208_208"></a><a href="#FNanchor_208_208"><span class="label">[208]</span></a> Benndorf, <i>Griech. und Sicil. Vasenbilder</i>, pl. xv.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_209_209"></a><a href="#FNanchor_209_209"><span class="label">[209]</span></a> e.g. Benndorf, <i>op. cit.</i> pl. xxv; Dumont, <i>Cér. de la
-Grèce propre</i>, i. pl. xxv.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_210_210"></a><a href="#FNanchor_210_210"><span class="label">[210]</span></a> <i>Op. cit.</i> pl. ix.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_211_211"></a><a href="#FNanchor_211_211"><span class="label">[211]</span></a> <i>Griech. Vasenbilder</i>, pl. xi.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_212_212"></a><a href="#FNanchor_212_212"><span class="label">[212]</span></a> 950 and 951 in the National Museum, Athens: No. 323, pl.
-lxxvii, and No. 357, pl. lxxxviii, of the <i>C. A. G.</i></p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_213_213"></a><a href="#FNanchor_213_213"><span class="label">[213]</span></a> Figured in Brückner’s <i>Griech. Grabreliefs</i>, p. 12.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_214_214"></a><a href="#FNanchor_214_214"><span class="label">[214]</span></a> <i>Gazette archéol.</i> i. pl. vii.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_215_215"></a><a href="#FNanchor_215_215"><span class="label">[215]</span></a> Hermes also appears on a monument of the British Museum,
-a sort of round altar on which are sculptured a man and woman hand in
-hand. <i>Br. Mus. Cat. Sculpture</i>, No. 710.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_216_216"></a><a href="#FNanchor_216_216"><span class="label">[216]</span></a> The example in our plate is that at Paris. The
-inscriptions, Zetus, Amphion, Antiopa, are modern, and utterly
-incorrect.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_217_217"></a><a href="#FNanchor_217_217"><span class="label">[217]</span></a> Good statements of the arguments will be found in the
-Introduction to Furtwängler’s <i>Sabouroff Collection</i>, and in Brückner’s
-<i>Griech. Grabreliefs</i>, 1888.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_218_218"></a><a href="#FNanchor_218_218"><span class="label">[218]</span></a> <i>C. A. G.</i> No. 1, pl. i. See above, p. 141.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_219_219"></a><a href="#FNanchor_219_219"><span class="label">[219]</span></a> <i>C. A. G.</i> No. 36, pl. xv.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_220_220"></a><a href="#FNanchor_220_220"><span class="label">[220]</span></a> <i>Athen. Mittheil.</i> viii. pl. 17.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_221_221"></a><a href="#FNanchor_221_221"><span class="label">[221]</span></a> Ibid. pl. 2.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_222_222"></a><a href="#FNanchor_222_222"><span class="label">[222]</span></a> Ibid. pl. 3.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_223_223"></a><a href="#FNanchor_223_223"><span class="label">[223]</span></a> <i>C. A. G.</i> No. 22, pl. xiii.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_224_224"></a><a href="#FNanchor_224_224"><span class="label">[224]</span></a> Ibid. No. 66, pl. xxviii.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_225_225"></a><a href="#FNanchor_225_225"><span class="label">[225]</span></a> Michaelis, <i>Anc. Marbles in Gr. Britain</i>, p. 229, No. 7.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_226_226"></a><a href="#FNanchor_226_226"><span class="label">[226]</span></a> Luke ii. 24.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_227_227"></a><a href="#FNanchor_227_227"><span class="label">[227]</span></a> <i>C. A. G.</i> No. 19, pl. xi.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_228_228"></a><a href="#FNanchor_228_228"><span class="label">[228]</span></a> Ibid. No. 14, pl. ix. Barracco Collection.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_229_229"></a><a href="#FNanchor_229_229"><span class="label">[229]</span></a> <i>C. A. G.</i> pls. ciii, cxxxi, &amp;c.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_230_230"></a><a href="#FNanchor_230_230"><span class="label">[230]</span></a> A physician named Jason examining a patient, on a stele
-of the British Museum: <i>Cat.</i> No. 629.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_231_231"></a><a href="#FNanchor_231_231"><span class="label">[231]</span></a> <i>Epitaph.</i> 13.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_232_232"></a><a href="#FNanchor_232_232"><span class="label">[232]</span></a> See above, Chap. III.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_233_233"></a><a href="#FNanchor_233_233"><span class="label">[233]</span></a> <i>Arch. Zeitung</i>, 1871, pl. 49; <i>Journ. Hell. Stud.</i> v. p.
-138.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_234_234"></a><a href="#FNanchor_234_234"><span class="label">[234]</span></a> Roscher, <i>Lexikon</i>, i. p. 2539. The relief is in the
-Louvre.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_235_235"></a><a href="#FNanchor_235_235"><span class="label">[235]</span></a> I. 2. 3.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_236_236"></a><a href="#FNanchor_236_236"><span class="label">[236]</span></a> VII. 22. 6.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_237_237"></a><a href="#FNanchor_237_237"><span class="label">[237]</span></a> Overbeck, <i>Geschichte der gr. Plastik</i>, ed. 4. ii. p.
-22.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_238_238"></a><a href="#FNanchor_238_238"><span class="label">[238]</span></a> I have transcribed these inscriptions as they stand,
-letter by letter, retaining χσ for ξ, ο for ω, οι for ῳ, and so on.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_239_239"></a><a href="#FNanchor_239_239"><span class="label">[239]</span></a> VII. 304, by Peisander.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_240_240"></a><a href="#FNanchor_240_240"><span class="label">[240]</span></a> VII. 463, by Leonidas.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_241_241"></a><a href="#FNanchor_241_241"><span class="label">[241]</span></a> <i>Grabgedichte der griechischen Anthologie.</i> Vienna,
-1889.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_242_242"></a><a href="#FNanchor_242_242"><span class="label">[242]</span></a> <i>Jahrbuch des Inst.</i> 1895, p. 204.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_243_243"></a><a href="#FNanchor_243_243"><span class="label">[243]</span></a> <i>New Chapters in Greek History</i>, chap. x.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_244_244"></a><a href="#FNanchor_244_244"><span class="label">[244]</span></a> Kaibel, <i>Epigrammata Graeca</i>, No. 461; <i>C.I.G.</i> i. 1051.
-Cf. Paus. i. 43. 3.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_245_245"></a><a href="#FNanchor_245_245"><span class="label">[245]</span></a> The published copy is very defective, and of the last two
-lines only the general sense can be made out.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_246_246"></a><a href="#FNanchor_246_246"><span class="label">[246]</span></a> <i>Brit. Mus. Greek Inscr.</i> i. p. 102. Cf. <i>New Chapters in
-Greek History</i> p. 322.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_247_247"></a><a href="#FNanchor_247_247"><span class="label">[247]</span></a> Kaibel, No. 183.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_248_248"></a><a href="#FNanchor_248_248"><span class="label">[248]</span></a> Kaibel, No. 179. Roehl, <i>Inscrr. Gr. Antiqq.</i> No. 342.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_249_249"></a><a href="#FNanchor_249_249"><span class="label">[249]</span></a> This is the rendering of Roehl. The conceit is rather
-far-fetched for so early a period.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_250_250"></a><a href="#FNanchor_250_250"><span class="label">[250]</span></a> Kaibel, No. 180: Roehl, No. 343.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_251_251"></a><a href="#FNanchor_251_251"><span class="label">[251]</span></a> Kaibel, No. 182.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_252_252"></a><a href="#FNanchor_252_252"><span class="label">[252]</span></a> Ibid. No. 487.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_253_253"></a><a href="#FNanchor_253_253"><span class="label">[253]</span></a> Ibid. No. 486.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_254_254"></a><a href="#FNanchor_254_254"><span class="label">[254]</span></a> Ibid. No. 488.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_255_255"></a><a href="#FNanchor_255_255"><span class="label">[255]</span></a> Ibid. No. 209.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_256_256"></a><a href="#FNanchor_256_256"><span class="label">[256]</span></a> Ibid. No. 490.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_257_257"></a><a href="#FNanchor_257_257"><span class="label">[257]</span></a> Kaibel, No. 38.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_258_258"></a><a href="#FNanchor_258_258"><span class="label">[258]</span></a> Ibid. No. 34.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_259_259"></a><a href="#FNanchor_259_259"><span class="label">[259]</span></a> Kaibel, No. 189.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_260_260"></a><a href="#FNanchor_260_260"><span class="label">[260]</span></a> Ibid. No. 482.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_261_261"></a><a href="#FNanchor_261_261"><span class="label">[261]</span></a> Ibid. No. 493.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_262_262"></a><a href="#FNanchor_262_262"><span class="label">[262]</span></a> Ibid. No. 491.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_263_263"></a><a href="#FNanchor_263_263"><span class="label">[263]</span></a> Fortune, Τύχη, was represented in art as holding a rudder
-and a cornucopia.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_264_264"></a><a href="#FNanchor_264_264"><span class="label">[264]</span></a> That is, the Charitesia, games held at Orchomenus.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_265_265"></a><a href="#FNanchor_265_265"><span class="label">[265]</span></a> Kaibel, No. 191.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_266_266"></a><a href="#FNanchor_266_266"><span class="label">[266]</span></a> Ibid. No. 224.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_267_267"></a><a href="#FNanchor_267_267"><span class="label">[267]</span></a> Ibid. No. 496.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_268_268"></a><a href="#FNanchor_268_268"><span class="label">[268]</span></a> Ibid. No. 497.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_269_269"></a><a href="#FNanchor_269_269"><span class="label">[269]</span></a> Kaibel, No. 473.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_270_270"></a><a href="#FNanchor_270_270"><span class="label">[270]</span></a> <i>Anth. Palat.</i> vii. 64, anonymous.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_271_271"></a><a href="#FNanchor_271_271"><span class="label">[271]</span></a> Stephani, <i>Der ausruhende Herakles</i>, p. 59. The relief
-has disappeared.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_272_272"></a><a href="#FNanchor_272_272"><span class="label">[272]</span></a> Kaibel, No. 463.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_273_273"></a><a href="#FNanchor_273_273"><span class="label">[273]</span></a> Ibid. No. 462.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_274_274"></a><a href="#FNanchor_274_274"><span class="label">[274]</span></a> VII. 545.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_275_275"></a><a href="#FNanchor_275_275"><span class="label">[275]</span></a> <i>Journ. Hell. Stud.</i> 3 p. 112.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_276_276"></a><a href="#FNanchor_276_276"><span class="label">[276]</span></a> Kaibel, No. 465.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_277_277"></a><a href="#FNanchor_277_277"><span class="label">[277]</span></a> Ibid. No. 218.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_278_278"></a><a href="#FNanchor_278_278"><span class="label">[278]</span></a> Ibid. No. 195.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_279_279"></a><a href="#FNanchor_279_279"><span class="label">[279]</span></a> Ibid. No. 190.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_280_280"></a><a href="#FNanchor_280_280"><span class="label">[280]</span></a> <i>Anth. Palat.</i> vii. 163. Version of J. Williams.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_281_281"></a><a href="#FNanchor_281_281"><span class="label">[281]</span></a> <i>Anth. Palat.</i> vii. 489. Version of J. Williams.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_282_282"></a><a href="#FNanchor_282_282"><span class="label">[282]</span></a> Ibid. vii. 451. Version of J. Williams.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_283_283"></a><a href="#FNanchor_283_283"><span class="label">[283]</span></a> Ibid. vii. 321. Version of J. Williams.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_284_284"></a><a href="#FNanchor_284_284"><span class="label">[284]</span></a> <i>Anth. Palat.</i> vii. 657. Version of J. Williams.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_285_285"></a><a href="#FNanchor_285_285"><span class="label">[285]</span></a> Ibid. vii. 207. Version of J. Williams.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_286_286"></a><a href="#FNanchor_286_286"><span class="label">[286]</span></a> <i>Anth. Palat.</i> vii. 476. Version of J. Williams.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_287_287"></a><a href="#FNanchor_287_287"><span class="label">[287]</span></a> Ibid. vii. 554. My version.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_288_288"></a><a href="#FNanchor_288_288"><span class="label">[288]</span></a> Ibid. vii. 465.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_289_289"></a><a href="#FNanchor_289_289"><span class="label">[289]</span></a> Ibid. vii. 735. My version.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_290_290"></a><a href="#FNanchor_290_290"><span class="label">[290]</span></a> <i>Anth. Palat.</i> vii. 145. My version.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_291_291"></a><a href="#FNanchor_291_291"><span class="label">[291]</span></a> <i>Brit. Mus. Cat. of Sculpture</i>, i. No. 766; Fellows,
-<i>Lycia</i>, p. 116; Petersen, <i>Reisen in Lykien</i>, ii. p. 193.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_292_292"></a><a href="#FNanchor_292_292"><span class="label">[292]</span></a> For a full account of this monument see <i>Annali dell’
-Inst.</i> 1874 and 1875; <i>Mon. dell’ Inst.</i> x.; cf. also Benndorf and
-Niemann, <i>Reisen in Carien und Lykien</i>, p. 89, pl. xxiv.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_293_293"></a><a href="#FNanchor_293_293"><span class="label">[293]</span></a> From Overbeck, <i>Geschichte der gr. Plastik</i>, ii. 191.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_294_294"></a><a href="#FNanchor_294_294"><span class="label">[294]</span></a> <i>Annali dell’ Inst.</i> 1875, pl. <small>DE.</small></p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_295_295"></a><a href="#FNanchor_295_295"><span class="label">[295]</span></a> All that is preserved of steed and rider is the foreleg
-of the rearing horse.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_296_296"></a><a href="#FNanchor_296_296"><span class="label">[296]</span></a> <i>Arch. Zeit.</i> 1882, p. 359.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_297_297"></a><a href="#FNanchor_297_297"><span class="label">[297]</span></a> <i>Das Heroon von Gjölbaschi-Trysa.</i> O. Benndorf and G.
-Niemann. Wien, 1889. Our engraving is taken from pl. i. of this
-admirable work.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_298_298"></a><a href="#FNanchor_298_298"><span class="label">[298]</span></a> Newton, <i>Travels and Discoveries</i>, ii. pl. 23.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_299_299"></a><a href="#FNanchor_299_299"><span class="label">[299]</span></a> As to these see the <i>Antiquités du Bosphore Cimmérien</i>, a
-magnificent work, now republished at a moderate price by M. Salomon
-Reinach. Also Newton, <i>Essays in Art and Archaeology</i>, ch. ix., <i>Greek
-Art in the Kimmerian Bosporos</i>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_300_300"></a><a href="#FNanchor_300_300"><span class="label">[300]</span></a> <i>The Antiquary</i>, vol. liv. pp. 273-362.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_301_301"></a><a href="#FNanchor_301_301"><span class="label">[301]</span></a> Mr. Oldfield has kindly allowed me to copy a drawing in
-which his latest views are incorporated.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_302_302"></a><a href="#FNanchor_302_302"><span class="label">[302]</span></a> <i>Fab.</i> 223.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_303_303"></a><a href="#FNanchor_303_303"><span class="label">[303]</span></a> ‘Aere ... uacuo pendentia Mausolea.’ <i>Epig.</i> 1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_304_304"></a><a href="#FNanchor_304_304"><span class="label">[304]</span></a> Comparing Martial, <i>Epig.</i> ii. 14: ‘Inde petit centum
-pendentia tecta columnis.’</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_305_305"></a><a href="#FNanchor_305_305"><span class="label">[305]</span></a> <i>N. H.</i> 36, 30.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_306_306"></a><a href="#FNanchor_306_306"><span class="label">[306]</span></a> <i>v. l.</i> cvi.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_307_307"></a><a href="#FNanchor_307_307"><span class="label">[307]</span></a> <i>v. l.</i> centenos sexagenos.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_308_308"></a><a href="#FNanchor_308_308"><span class="label">[308]</span></a> <i>v. l.</i> pedes ccccxl.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_309_309"></a><a href="#FNanchor_309_309"><span class="label">[309]</span></a> <i>v. l.</i> uocauere circumitum.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_310_310"></a><a href="#FNanchor_310_310"><span class="label">[310]</span></a> <i>v. l.</i> altitudinem inferiorem aequat.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_311_311"></a><a href="#FNanchor_311_311"><span class="label">[311]</span></a> In a rough statement like this it is unnecessary to take
-into account the slight difference between the English and the Greek
-foot.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_312_312"></a><a href="#FNanchor_312_312"><span class="label">[312]</span></a> <i>Hist. Disc.</i> ii. p. 191.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_313_313"></a><a href="#FNanchor_313_313"><span class="label">[313]</span></a> <i>Funérailles et diverses manières d’ensevelir</i>, &amp;c.,
-quoted by Newton in his <i>History of Discoveries</i>, vol. i. p. 76.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_314_314"></a><a href="#FNanchor_314_314"><span class="label">[314]</span></a> <i>Journ. Hell. Stud.</i> xiii. p. 188.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_315_315"></a><a href="#FNanchor_315_315"><span class="label">[315]</span></a> The whole of the Amazon frieze is now figured in the
-Berlin <i>Denkmäler</i>, vol. ii., and in Overbeck’s <i>Plastik</i>, 4th ed., ii.
-p. 106.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_316_316"></a><a href="#FNanchor_316_316"><span class="label">[316]</span></a> For an account of these see the Berlin <i>Antike
-Denkmäler</i>, vol. i. part 4; also <i>Bulletin de Corr. hellén.</i> 1895, p.
-69.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_317_317"></a><a href="#FNanchor_317_317"><span class="label">[317]</span></a> <i>Une nécropole royale à Sidon.</i> Hamdy Bey and Théodore
-Reinach. A good account by Studniczka in the <i>Jahrbuch</i> of the German
-Institute for 1894, p. 204.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_318_318"></a><a href="#FNanchor_318_318"><span class="label">[318]</span></a> This and the subsequent engravings are taken from the
-plates of the magnificent work of Hamdy Bey and M. Théodore Reinach,
-<i>Une nécropole royale à Sidon</i>, by kind permission of authors and
-publisher.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_319_319"></a><a href="#FNanchor_319_319"><span class="label">[319]</span></a> Chaps. IX, X.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_320_320"></a><a href="#FNanchor_320_320"><span class="label">[320]</span></a> 2 Sam. i. 24.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_321_321"></a><a href="#FNanchor_321_321"><span class="label">[321]</span></a> Hicks, <i>Greek Historical Inscriptions</i>, p. 155. The
-marble is in the Oxford Museum.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_322_322"></a><a href="#FNanchor_322_322"><span class="label">[322]</span></a> The evidence is put together by Mr. Chinnock in the
-<i>Classical Review</i> of June, 1893.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_323_323"></a><a href="#FNanchor_323_323"><span class="label">[323]</span></a> <i>Cyropaedeia</i>, viii. 3, 10.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_324_324"></a><a href="#FNanchor_324_324"><span class="label">[324]</span></a> It must be observed that although we are obliged in the
-engraving to bisect this relief, it is really continuous. The head of
-the lion in the upper line fits on to the body of the lion in the lower
-line.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_325_325"></a><a href="#FNanchor_325_325"><span class="label">[325]</span></a> It is figured not only in the works already cited, but
-also in Overbeck’s <i>Geschichte der Plastik</i>, ii. p. 403, and in other
-works.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_326_326"></a><a href="#FNanchor_326_326"><span class="label">[326]</span></a> As to this and all other details, see the valuable
-remarks of M. Reinach, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 325.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_327_327"></a><a href="#FNanchor_327_327"><span class="label">[327]</span></a> Robert, <i>Die antiken Sarkophag-Reliefs</i>, ii. pl. 27.</p></div>
-
-<p class="c">Typographical errors corrected by the etext transcriber: can scarely
-have aimed=> can scarcely have aimed {pg 81}</p>
-
-<p class="c">in Attica, at Spata, and at Menidi=> in Attica, at Sparta, and at Menidi
-{pg 105}</p>
-
-</div>
-<hr class="full">
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author	nfenwick <nfenwick@pglaf.org>	2025-01-25 05:24:03 -0800
committer	nfenwick <nfenwick@pglaf.org>	2025-01-25 05:24:03 -0800
commit	f745f2cb6426b79c7afcb9f3ffec03edbd6fe48a (patch)
tree	d9ead2b7cbdac3ad935612c7e200719ea4d9b901
parent	757d5585c66eb618b78d4a445963606bdc7e3012 (diff)