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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7b82bc --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +*.txt text eol=lf +*.htm text eol=lf +*.html text eol=lf +*.md text eol=lf diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..ca59acf --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #68956 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/68956) diff --git a/old/68956-0.txt b/old/68956-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 05b0d00..0000000 --- a/old/68956-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,9402 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook of The companions of Pickle, by Andrew -Lang - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this eBook. - -Title: The companions of Pickle - Being a sequel to 'Pickle the spy' - -Author: Andrew Lang - -Release Date: September 10, 2022 [eBook #68956] - -Language: English - -Produced by: MWS and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at - https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images - generously made available by The Internet Archive/American - Libraries.) - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE COMPANIONS OF -PICKLE *** - - - - - - -THE COMPANIONS OF PICKLE - - - - -BY THE SAME AUTHOR. - - -PICKLE THE SPY; or, The Incognito of Prince Charles. With 6 Portraits. -8vo. 18_s._ - -ST. ANDREWS. With 8 Plates and 24 Illustrations in the Text by T. Hodge. -8vo. 15_s._ _net_. - -THE MAKING OF RELIGION. 8vo. 12_s._ - -MODERN MYTHOLOGY: a Reply to Professor Max Müller. 8vo. 9_s._ - -HOMER AND THE EPIC. Crown 8vo. 9_s._ _net_. - -CUSTOM AND MYTH: Studies of Early Usage and Belief. With 15 -Illustrations. Crown 8vo. 3_s._ 6_d._ - -LETTERS TO DEAD AUTHORS. Fcp. 8vo. 2_s._ 6_d._ _net_. - -BOOKS AND BOOKMEN. With 2 Coloured Plates and 17 Illustrations. Fcp. 8vo. -2_s._ 6_d._ _net_. - -OLD FRIENDS. Fcp. 8vo. 2_s._ 6_d._ _net_. - -LETTERS ON LITERATURE. Fcp. 8vo. _2s._ 6_d._ _net_. - -GRASS OF PARNASSUS. Fcp. 8vo. 2_s._ 6_d._ _net_. - -ESSAYS IN LITTLE. With Portrait of the Author. Crown 8vo. 2_s._ 6_d._ - -COCK LANE AND COMMON-SENSE. Crown 8vo. 3_s._ 6_d._ - -THE BOOK OF DREAMS AND GHOSTS. Crown 8vo. 6_s._ - -ANGLING SKETCHES. With 20 Illustrations. Crown 8vo. 3_s._ 6_d._ - -A MONK OF FIFE: a Story of the Days of Joan of Arc. With 13 Illustrations -by SELWYN IMAGE. Crown 8vo. 3_s._ 6_d._ - - LONGMANS, GREEN, & CO., 39 Paternoster Row, London - New York and Bombay. - - - - -[Illustration: _Walker & Boutall, ph. sc._ - -_The Earl Marischal_ - -_1717._] - - - - - THE - COMPANIONS OF PICKLE - - _BEING A SEQUEL TO ‘PICKLE THE SPY’_ - - BY - ANDREW LANG - - WITH FOUR ILLUSTRATIONS - - LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. - 39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON - NEW YORK AND BOMBAY - 1898 - - All rights reserved - - - - -PREFACE - - -The appearance of ‘Pickle the Spy’ was welcomed by a good deal of clamour -on the part of some Highland critics. It was said that I had brought a -disgraceful charge, without proof, against a Chief of unstained honour. -Scarcely any arguments were adduced in favour of Glengarry. What could -be said in suspense of judgment was said in the _Scottish Review_, by -Mr. A. H. Millar. That gentleman, however, was brought round to my view, -as I understand, when he compared the handwriting of Pickle with that of -Glengarry. Mr. Millar’s letter on the subject will be found in this book -(pp. 247, 248). - -The doubts and opposition which my theory encountered made it desirable -to examine fresh documents in the Record Office, the British Museum, and -the Royal Library at Windsor Castle, while General Alastair Macdonald -(whose family recently owned Lochgarry) has kindly permitted me to read -Glengarry’s MS. Letter Book, in his possession. The results will be found -in the following pages. - -Being engaged on the subject, I made a series of studies of persons -connected with Prince Charles, and with the Jacobite movement. Of these -the Earl Marischal was the most important, and, by reason of his long -life and charming character—a compound of ‘Aberdeen and Valencia’—the -most interesting. As a foil to the good Earl, who finally abandoned -the Jacobite party, I chose Murray of Broughton, who, though he turned -informer, remained true in sentiment, I believe, to his old love. His -character may, perhaps, be read otherwise, but such is the impression -left on me by his ‘Memorials,’ documents edited recently for the Scottish -History Society by Mr. Fitzroy Bell. - -In Barisdale, whose treachery was perfectly well known at the time, and -was punished by both parties, we have a picture of the Highlander at -his worst. Culloden made such a career as that of Barisdale for ever -impossible. - -In the chapters on ‘Cluny’s Treasure’ and ‘The Troubles of the Camerons’ -I have, I hope, redeemed the characters of Cluny and Dr. Archibald -Cameron from the charges of flagrant dishonesty brought against them by -young Glengarry. Both gentlemen were reduced to destitution, which by -itself is incompatible with the allegations of their common enemy. - -‘The Uprooting of Fassifern’ illustrates the unscrupulous nature of -judicial proceedings in Scotland after Culloden. A part of Fassifern’s -conduct is not easily explained in a favourable sense, but he was -persecuted in a strangely unjust and intolerable manner. Incidentally it -appears that public indignation against this sort of procedure, rather -than distrust of ‘what the soldier said’ in his ghostly apparitions, -procured the acquittal of the murderers of Sergeant Davies. - -‘The Last Days of Glengarry’ is based on a study of his MS. Letter Book, -while ‘The Case against Glengarry’ sums up the old and re-states the new -evidence that identifies him with Pickle the Spy. - -The last chapter is an attempt to estimate the social situation created -in the Highlands by the collapse of the Clan system. - -I have inserted, in ‘A Gentleman of Knoydart,’ an account of a foil to -Barisdale, derived from the Memoirs of a young member of his clan, John -Macdonell, of the Scotus family. The editor of _Macmillan’s Magazine_ has -kindly permitted me to reprint this article from his serial for June 1898. - -A note on ‘Mlle. Luci’ corrects an error about Montesquieu into which I -had fallen when writing ‘Pickle the Spy,’ and throws fresh light on Mlle. -Ferrand. - -It is, or should be, superfluous to disclaim an enmity to the Celtic -race, and rebut the charge of ‘not leaving unraked a dunghill in search -for a cudgel wherewith to maltreat the Highlanders, particularly those -who rose in the Forty-five.’ This elegant extract is from a Gaelic -address by a minister to the Gaelic Society of Inverness.[1] I have not -raked dunghills in search of cudgels, nor are my sympathies hostile to -the brave men, Highland or Lowland, who died on the field or scaffold -in 1745-53. The perfidy of which so many proofs come to light was in -no sense peculiarly Celtic. The history of Scotland, till after the -Reformation, is full of examples in which Lowlanders unscrupulously -used the worst weapons of the weak. Historical conditions, not race, -gave birth to the Douglases and Brunstons whom Barisdale, Glengarry, -and others imitated on a smaller scale. These men were the exceptions, -the rare exceptions, in a race illustrious for loyalty. I have tried -to show the historical and social sources of their demoralisation, so -extraordinary when found among the countrymen of Keppoch, Clanranald, -Glenaladale, Scotus, and Lochiel. - -I must apologise for occasional repetitions which I have been unable to -avoid in a set of separate studies of characters engaged in the same set -of circumstances. - -My most respectful thanks are due to Her Majesty for her gracious -permission to study the collection of Cumberland Papers in her library -at Windsor Castle. Only a small portion of these valuable documents -has been examined for the present purpose. Mr. Richard Holmes, Her -Majesty’s Librarian, lent his kind advice, and Miss Violet Simpson aided -me in examining and copying these and other papers referred to in their -proper places. Indeed I cannot overestimate my debt to the research and -acuteness of this lady. - -To General Macdonald I have to repeat my thanks for the use of his -papers, and the Duke of Atholl has kindly permitted me to cite his -privately printed collections, where they illustrate the matter in hand. - -Sir Thomas Gibson Carmichael was good enough to lend me, for -reproduction, his miniature of the Duke of York and Prince Charles. - -The earlier portrait of the Earl Marischal is from the Scottish National -Museum, the later (of 1752?) is from the National Portrait Gallery. It -gives a likeness of one of the good Earl’s menagerie of young heathens. -The miniature of Prince Charles (p. 140) is a copy or replica of one -given by him to a Macleod of the Raasay house in September, 1746. The -Royal Society of Edinburgh kindly permitted me to have copies made -of several of the Earl Marischal’s letters to David Hume, in their -possession. In some of these (unprinted) the Earl touches on a theme for -which _le bon David_ frankly expresses his affection in a letter to the -Lord Advocate. - - - - -_CORRIGENDA_ - - -P. 12, note, _for_ twenty-two in 1716, _read_ twenty-three - -P. 17, note, _for_ 33,900 _read_ 33,950 - -Transcriber’s Note: These corrections didn’t need making: presumably the -printers did it, but neglected to remove this list. - - - - -CONTENTS - - - PAGE - - I. THE LAST EARL MARISCHAL 1 - - II. THE EARL IN RUSSIAN SERVICE 42 - - III. MURRAY OF BROUGHTON 69 - - IV. MADEMOISELLE LUCI 92 - - V. THE ROMANCE OF BARISDALE 97 - - VI. CLUNY’S TREASURE 129 - - VII. THE TROUBLES OF THE CAMERONS 147 - - VIII. JUSTICE AFTER CULLODEN 158 - - IX. A GENTLEMAN OF KNOYDART 176 - - X. THE LAST YEARS OF GLENGARRY 198 - - XI. THE CASE AGAINST GLENGARRY 216 - - XII. OLD TIMES AND NEW 254 - - APPENDIX - - I. PICKLE’S LETTERS 289 - - II. MACLEOD 294 - - INDEX 297 - - - - -ILLUSTRATIONS - - - THE EARL MARISCHAL (1717) _Frontispiece_ - - THE EARL MARISCHAL (_circ._ 1750) _to face_ p. 60 - - PRINCE CHARLES (_circ._ 1744) ” 140 - - THE DUKE OF YORK AND PRINCE CHARLES (_circ._ 1735) ” 184 - - - - -THE COMPANIONS OF PICKLE - - - - -I - -THE LAST EARL MARISCHAL - - -In a work where we must make the acquaintance of some very unfortunate -characters, it is well to begin with a _preux chevalier_. If there -was a conspicuously honest man in the eighteenth century, one ‘whose -conscience might gild the walls of a dungeon,’ as an observer of his -conduct declared, that man was the Earl Marischal, George Keith. The name -of the last Earl Marischal of Scotland haunts the reader of the history -of the eighteenth century. He appears in battles for the Stuart cause in -1715 and 1719, he figures dimly in the records of 1745, and of Charles -Edward, after the ruin of Culloden. We find him in the correspondence -of Voltaire, Rousseau, Hume, and Frederick the Great, and even in -Casanova. He is obscurely felt in the diplomacy which ended in Pitt’s -resignation of office. Many travellers describe his old age at Potzdam, -and d’Alembert wrote his _Éloge_. He was the last direct representative -of that historical house of Keith whose laurels were first won in the -decisive charge of Bruce’s handful of cavalry on the English archers at -Bannockburn. Though the Earl Marischal of the confused times after the -death of James V. was a pensioner of Henry VIII., like so many of the -Scottish _noblesse_, the House was Royalist, and national as a rule. -Yet, after a long life of exile as a Jacobite, the last Earl Marischal, -always at heart a Republican, reconciled himself to the House of Hanover. -The biography of the Earl has never been written, though few Scottish -worthies have better deserved this far from uncommon honour. - -Materials for a complete life of the Earl do not exist. We are obliged -to follow him by aid of slight traces in historical manuscripts, -biographies, memoirs, and letters, published or unpublished. Even in -this unsatisfactory way, the Earl is worth pursuing: for if he left -slight traces on history, and was never successful in action, he was -a man, and a humourist, of singular merit and charm, a person almost -universally honoured and beloved through three generations. This last of -the Earls Marischal of Scotland was certainly one of the most original -and one of the most typical characters of the eighteenth century. -Losing home, lands, and rank for the cause of Legitimism, the Earl was -the reverse of a fanatical Royalist; indeed he seems to have become a -Jacobite from Republican principles. These were strengthened, no doubt, -by his great experience of kings; but even when he was a young man his -bookplate bore the motto _Manus hæc inimica tyrannis_. Then probably, as -certainly in later life, he loved to praise Sidney, and others who (in -his opinion) died for freedom. Yet the Earl was ‘out,’ for no Liberal -cause, in 1715, and in 1719: while he was plotting against King George -and for King James, till 1745. He was admitted to the secret of the -rather Fenian Elibank Plot in 1752, and only reconciled himself with the -English Government in 1759. On his death-bed he called himself ‘an old -Jacobite,’ while, for twenty years at least, his favourite companions had -been the advanced thinkers, prelusive to the Revolution, Rousseau, Hume, -d’Alembert, Voltaire, Helvetius. - -All this appears the reverse of consistent. The Earl gave up everything, -and risked his life often, for the White Rose, while his opinions, -religious and political, tended in the direction of the Red Cap of -Liberty and the Rights of Man. The explanation is that the Earl, when -young, a patriotic Scot, and a persecuted Episcopalian, saw ‘freedom’ -in the emancipation of Scotland from a foreign tyrant, the Elector of -Hanover; in the Repeal of the Union, and in the relief of his religious -body from the tyranny of the Kirk. Till his death he was all for liberty, -and could not bear to see even a caged bird. These were the unusual -motives (these, and the influence of his mother, a Jacobite by family and -sentiment) which converted a born Liberal into a partisan of the King -over the Water. Thus this representative of traditional and romantic -Scottish loyalty to the Stuarts was essentially a child of the advanced, -and emancipated, and enlightened century which succeeded that into which -he was born. - -Original in his political conduct, the Earl was no less unusual in -personal character. He was one of those who, as Plato says, are -‘naturally good,’ naturally examples of righteousness in a naughty -world. Nature made him temperate, contented, kind, charitable, brave, -and humorous—one who, as Montaigne advises, never ‘made a marvel of his -own fortunes.’ His virtue, as far as can be learned, owed nothing to -religion. He was ‘born to be so,’ as another man is born to be a poet. He -had a native genius for excellence. - -He was ruined without rancour, and all the buffets of unhappy fortune, -all the political and social vicissitudes of nearly a century, could not -cloud his content, or diminish his pleasure in life and the sun. He was -true to his exiled Princes, till they, or one of them at least, ceased -to be true to themselves. He was perhaps the only friend whom Rousseau -could not drag into a quarrel or estrange, and the only companion whom -Frederick the Great loved so well that he never made experiments on him -in the art of tyrannical tormenting. Familiar, rather than respectful, -with Voltaire, the Earl, who remembered Swift in his prime, was fond of -gossiping with Hume and of bantering d’Alembert. Kind and charitable -to all men, he was especially considerate and indulgent to the young, -from the little exiled Duke of York to the soured Elcho, and the still -unsuspected Glengarry. One exception alone did the Earl make (unless we -believe Rousseau): he could not endure, and would not be reconciled to, -Prince Charles. If in this he may seem severe, no other offence is laid -to his charge, though modern opinion may condemn his cool acquiescence -in desperate plots which he probably never expected to be carried into -action. Otherwise the Earl presents the ideal of a good and wise man of -the world, saved from all excess, and all disappointment, by the gifts -of humour and good-humour. When we add that ‘the violet of a legend,’ of -unfortunate but life-long love, blows on the grave of the good Earl, it -will be plain that, though not a hero, like his brother, Marshal Keith, -he was a character of no common distinction and charm. His life, too, is -almost an epitome of the Jacobite struggle from 1715 to 1757. The Earl -was ever behind the scenes. - -Though tenth Earl (the first of the hereditary Marischals to be ‘belted -earl’ was William, in 1458), George Keith was apt to mock at hereditary -_noblesse_. _Stemmata quid faciunt?_ He had a story of a laird who -grumbled, during a pestilence, ‘In such times a gentleman is not sure of -his life.’ The date of his birth was never known. In old age he cast an -agreeable mystery about this point. He was once heard to say that he was -twenty-seven in 1712; if so, he died at ninety-three (1778). Others date -his birth in 1693, others in 1689; d’Alembert says (on the authority of -one who had the fact from Ormonde) that he was _premier brigadier_ of -that general’s army in 1712. An engraving from a portrait of the Earl -as a young man represents him as then twenty-three years of age. If the -engraving was done in Paris, as seems probable, in 1716, he would be born -in 1693. Oddly enough the pseudo-Memoirs of Madame de Créquy (who is made -to speak of him as her true love) throw a similar cloud over the year of -her birth. Concerning the Earl’s father, Lockhart of Carnwath writes that -he had great vivacity of wit, an undaunted courage, and a soul capable of -great things, ‘but no seriousness.’ His mother, of the house of Perth, -was necessarily by birth a Jacobite. The song makes her say: - - I’ll be Lady Keith again - The day the King comes o’er the water. - -The Earl’s tutor was probably Meston, the Jacobite wit and poet. - -The Earl succeeded his father in 1712. His own first youth had been -passed in Marlborough’s wars; from 1712 to the death of Queen Anne, and -the overthrow of hopes of a Restoration by the Tories, he lived about -town, a brilliant colonel of Horse Guards, short in stature and slight in -build, but with a beautiful face, and dark, large eyes. So we see him in -the portrait of about 1716. - -The following letter, the earliest known letter of the Earl, displays him -as a disciplinarian. Conceivably the mutinous Wingfeild was a Jacobite, -but, by September 12, 1714, the chance for a rising of the Guards for -King James had passed, Queen Anne was dead, and the Earl was still -colonel in the army of George I. - - _To Lord Chief Justice Parker_ - - Stowe MSS. 750, f. 58. - - ‘September 12, 1714. - - ‘My Lord,—As soon as I heard that your Lordship had granted - a Habeas Corpus for Thomᵃˢ Wingfeild one of the private men - of His Majesties Second Troop of Horse Grenadier Guards under - my Command, I sent a Gentleman to wait upon your Lordship and - to acquaint you with the reasons for my ordering Wingfeild to - be confin’d to the Marshall of the Horse Guards according to - the practice of the Army, but your Lordship was not then at - your Chambers; I now take the liberty to inform you that the - Prisoner has not only been guilty of uttering menacing words & - insolently refusing to comply with the establisht Regulations - of the Troop, (to which Regulations he has subscribd) but has - also been endeavouring to raise a mutiny therein, which crimes - among Soldiers being of dangerous Consequences I did intend to - have him try’d by a General Court Martial, that he might have - been exemplarily punisht as far as the Law allows to deter - others from the like practices: but as there is no warrant for - holding a Court Martial for the Horse Guards extant, & I being - unwilling to trouble their Excellᶜⁱᵉˢ the Lords Justices on - this occasion, I had ordered my officers to hold a Regimental - Court Martial upon him yesterday in order to break him at - the head of the Troop, which is the only punishment they can - inflict, but they did not proceed then on accoᵗ of the Habeas - Corpus; this I thought fit to acquaint your Lordship with and - to assure you that I am &c. - - ‘MARISCHALL.’ - -From Lockier, Spence got the familiar anecdote of the Earl’s conduct -at Queen’s Anne’s death, before the projects for a Restoration of the -Chevalier were completed. Ormonde, Atterbury, and the Earl met, when -Atterbury bade Marischal go out (with the Horse Guards) and proclaim King -James. Ormonde wished to consult the Council. ‘Damn it,’ says Atterbury -in a great heat (for he did not value swearing), ‘you very well know -that things have not been concerted enough for that yet, and that we -have not a moment to lose.’ That moment they lost, and a vague anecdote -represents the Earl as weeping, after the battle of Sheriffmuir, over the -many dead men who might have been alive had he taken Atterbury’s advice. -D’Alembert, who does not mention Atterbury, attributes the idea of an -instant stroke for the King to the Earl himself.[2] - -When the rising of 1715 was in preparation, the Earl, according to -d’Alembert, wrote to James, telling him that ‘a sovereign deprived of -his own must share the dangers of those who risked their lives for his -sake,’ and so made him ‘leave his retreat’ at Bar-le-Duc. But James’s -natural brother, the Duke of Berwick, on July 16, 1715, had already -given the same advice. ‘Your honour is at stake, your friends will give -over the game if they think you backward.’ James replied that he hoped -to be at Dieppe by the 30th of the month. Within five days Berwick was -crying off from the task of accompanying his brother, who replied with a -repressed emotion, ‘You know what you owe to me, what you owe to your own -reputation and honour, what you have promised to the Scotch and to me.... -I shall not, therefore, bid you adieu, for I expect that we shall soon -meet.’ - -It was now not the King who turned laggard, but Berwick who advised -delay. ‘_I find Rancourt_’ (the King), he says, ‘very much set on his -_journey_.’ In brief, it was Berwick and Bolingbroke who kept James -back, though with great difficulty. He needed no urging (as d’Alembert -suggests) by our Earl. ‘I fear I shall scarce be able to hinder him from -passing the sea,’ says Berwick (August 6). - -Then Louis XIV. died, all was confusion, and the Regent Orléans detained -Berwick in France, exactly at the time when Mar went to raise the -Highlands. What with Bolingbroke, Berwick, the death of Louis XIV., and -the intrigues of Orléans in the Hanoverian interest, James, travelling -disguised through an Odyssey of perils, did not leave France for Scotland -till mid-December. A month before (November 13) Mar had been practically -defeated at Sheriffmuir, and Forster, Mackintosh, Derwentwater and -Kenmure had surrendered at Preston. The King thus came far too late, but -certainly by no lack of readiness on his part. - -D’Alembert makes the Earl utter a fine constitutional speech on the -duties of a king when he proclaimed James at Edinburgh. Unluckily, on -this occasion James was never proclaimed at Edinburgh by anybody. The -_Éloge_ of d’Alembert is eloquent, but it is not history. It has been the -chief source for the Earl’s biography. - -The Earl had doubtless been won over by Mar to resign his English -commission, and desert King George for King James. The story is told -that, as he rode North from London in 1715 to join Mar in the Highlands, -he met his young brother James riding South to take service with King -George. He easily induced his brother to share his own fortunes, and -Prussia ultimately gained the great soldier thus lost to England. The -Covenanting historian, Wodrow, avers that ‘Marischal was bankrupt,’ -and therefore eager for _res novæ_. But he would have been a Jacobite -in any case. As to the Earl’s conduct when Mar’s ill-organised and -ill-supplied rising drew fatally to a head at Sheriffmuir, his brother, -the Field-Marshal of Prussia, in his fragmentary Memoir, tells all that -we know. The Earl, with ‘his own squadron of horse’ and some Macdonalds, -was sent to occupy a rising ground, the enemy being, as was thought, -in Dunblane. From the height, however, the whole hostile army was seen -advancing, and the Earl sent to bid Mar bring up his forces. There was -much confusion, and the Earl’s squadron of horse was left in the centre -of the line. Mar’s right with the Earl routed Argyll’s left, while -Argyll’s left routed Mar’s right. ‘In the affair neither side gained much -honour,’ says Keith, ‘but it was the entire ruin of our party.’ Half of -Mar’s force, having thrown down their plaids,[3] were now unclothed: many -had deserted; the evil news of the Preston surrender came, the leaders -were at odds among themselves, 6,000 Dutch troops were advancing from -England. Seaforth and Huntly took their followers back to the North, and -when King James arrived at Perth, late in December, he found a wintry -welcome, soldiers few and dispirited, and dissensions among the officers. -The army wasted away while Cadogan, Argyll, and the Dutch troops, greatly -outnumbering the Jacobites, advanced on Perth through the snow. - -James’s army now beat a retreat, with no point to make for, as Inverness -was in the hands of the enemy. Mar, therefore, advised James, who had not -ammunition enough for one day’s fight (thanks to Bolingbroke, said the -Jacobites), to take ship at Montrose. If he stayed, the enemy would make -their utmost efforts to come up with and capture him. If he departed, -the retreating Highlanders would be less hotly pursued. James consulted -Marischal, who wished to offer no opinion, alleging ‘his age and want of -experience,’ says Keith.[4] Finally, he privately admitted to Mar that -‘he did not think it for the King’s honour, nor for that of the nation, -to give up the game without putting it to a tryall.’ Powder enough for -one day’s fight could be got at Aberdeen; he hoped to gain recruits as -they went North, and, at worst, James, if beaten, could escape from the -West coast. ‘Mar seemed to be convinced of the truth of this’ (very like -Bobbing John); ‘however, a ship was already provided,’ and James, with -Mar, Melfort, and others, eloped; the King characteristically leaving -all his money to recompense the peasants who had suffered by the war. -James was no coward, he had charged the English lines repeatedly, at -the head of the Royal Household, in the battle of Malplaquet, where he -was wounded. In his journey from Lorraine to the coast he had run the -gauntlet of Stair’s cut-throats. But a Scottish winter, a starveling -force, no powder, and Mar’s advice, had taken the heart out of the -adventurer. - -According to Mar, the Earl had orders to sail with the King, ‘who waited -on the ship above an hour and a half, but, by what accident we yet -know not, they did not come, and there was no waiting longer.’[5] ‘The -King and we are in no small pain to know what is become of our friends -wee left behind.’ D’Alembert says that the Earl refused to sail. ‘Your -Majesty is to protect yourself for your friends. I shall share the -sorrows of those who remain true to you in Scotland, I shall gather them, -and shall not leave without them.’ If Mar tells truth, the Earl can -have made no such speech. A modest man, he remained at his duty without -rhetoric. - -The dispirited and deserted Highland army moved North, and the Earl was -sent to ask Huntly whether he would join them—in which case they would -fight at Inverness—or not. ‘He easily perceived by Huntly’s answer -that nothing was to be expected from him.’ They, therefore, marched -to Ruthven, whence they scattered, Keith and the Earl fared westwards -with Clanranald’s men, and made for the Islands. Hence they sailed in a -French ship on May 1, and reached St. Pol de Léon on May 12. There were -a hundred officers of them together, and all this destroys d’Alembert’s -romance, modelled on the adventures of Prince Charles, about the Earl’s -dangers and the noble behaviour of the crofters among whom he was -wandering. An English force was, indeed, at one time within thirty miles -of the fugitives, but there was nobody to whom Clanranald’s men could -have been betrayed, not that any one was likely to betray them, and the -Earl Marischal and James Keith with them. In truth, d’Alembert confused -this occasion with another, after Glenshiel fight, in 1719. - -Many of the fugitives went to James at Avignon, but Keith stayed in -Paris, where Mary of Modena received him well. ‘Had I conquered a kingdom -for her she could not have said more.’ She gave him 1,000 livres, while -James granted what he could, 200 crowns yearly. Keith does not say that -the Earl was in Paris, where his portrait was probably painted at this -date. There, however (as is known from an unpublished MS.), he certainly -was, and he might even, by Stair’s mediation, have obtained his pardon. -But he supposed that the cause would presently triumph, and declined to -make any advances to George I. He was now in correspondence with General -Dillon, James’s military representative in Paris. In August, 1717, Dillon -writes to him about one ‘Prescot,’ who is suspected of intending to -murder James in Italy; he refers to Lord Peterborough, who was arrested -on this impossible charge at Bologna in September 1717.[6] In 1719 the -Earl and his brother went to Spain. There was then war between Spain and -England, Ormonde was with Alberoni, and was to be employed. Keith would -have gone thither earlier, but ‘I was then too much in love to think of -quitting Paris.’ - -Here, in Paris, 1717-18, if ever, would have to be fixed the Earl’s -legendary romance with Mademoiselle de Froullay (Madame de Créquy). The -story, a very pretty one, is given in this lady’s Mémoires, an ingenious -but fraudulent compilation. - -An author best known for his plagiarisms seized on Madame de Créquy as a -likely old person to have left memoirs behind her. By aid of gossip and -books he patched up the amusing but mythical records which he attributed -to the lady. Why he selected the Earl as the lover of her girlhood we can -only guess; but dates and facts make the pretty tale incredible, though -it has found its way into Chambers’s account of the Earl’s career. Thus, -for example, it is averred by Sainte-Beuve, on the authority of her man -of business, M. Percheron, that Madame de Créquy was born in 1714. The -love story of 1717, told in her Memoirs, beginning in the Earl’s attempt -to teach her Spanish and English, and interrupted by the fact that he was -a ‘Calvinist,’ is therefore improbable. The lady was but three years old -when her affections, according to her apocryphal Memoirs, were blighted. -The lovers met again, when the Earl was Prussian Ambassador at Versailles -in 1753. ‘We had not had the time to discover each other’s faults, we -had not suffered each by the other’s imperfections, both remained under -that illusion which experience destroyed not: we were happy in the sweet -thought of ineffable excellence, and when we met in the wane of life, -and either saw the other’s white hair, we felt an emotion so pure, so -tender, and so solemn, that no other sentiment, no other impression -known to mortals, can be compared to it.’ All this is charming, but it -cannot conceivably be true! The Earl composed his one madrigal under the -influence of this elderly emotion (say the pseudo-Memoirs), a tear stole -down his withered cheek, and he assured Madame de Créquy that they would -meet in Heaven. ‘I loved you too much not to embrace your religion.’ So -runs the romance of the pseudo-Madame Créquy. - -In fact, the Earl remained a member of the persecuted Episcopal Church -in Scotland. In Rome a priest tried to convert him, beginning with the -Trinity. ‘Your Lordship believes in the Trinity?’ ‘I do,’ said the Earl; -‘but that just fills up my measure. A drop more and I spill all.’ - -Madame de Créquy’s Mémoires are obviously a daring forgery, but the -‘violet of a legend’ has a fragrance of its own. The Earl was in 1716, -as his portrait shows, a singularly handsome young man, with large hazel -eyes and an eager face, with a complexion like a girl’s beneath his brown -curls. Madame de Créquy is made to say, by way of giving local colour, -that he greatly resembled a portrait of _le beau Caylus_, a favourite of -Henri III. The portrait was in her family. - -In 1719, to return to facts, the two Keiths were received in Spain by the -Duc de Liria, son of the Duke of Berwick, who had heard of an intended -expedition to England. In Barcelona the splendour of their welcome, they -travelling incognito, amazed them. They had been, in fact, mistaken for -their rightful King and one of his officers, who were expected. From -Barcelona they went to Madrid, whence Alberoni sent the Earl posting all -about the country after Ormonde, who was to command the invading forces. -Ormonde was a kind of figure-head of Jacobite respectability. He was -presumed to be the idol of the British army at the time of Queen Anne’s -death; he had added his mess to the general chaos of Tory imbecility in -1714, and, in place of playing Monk’s part in a new Restoration, had fled -abroad. A few of his letters of 1719 to the Earl survive: he hopes for -‘the justice which the Cause deserves,’ and when his fleet is scattered -in the usual way, reports the uneasiness of James about the Earl.[7] - -The Earl in Spain arranged what he could with the Cardinal, while -Keith passed through France, then hostile to Spain, and met the exiled -Tullibardine in Paris. Here all was confusion, the Jacobites—Seaforth, -Glendarule, and Tullibardine—being deep in the accustomed jealousies. -They sailed, however, and reached the Lewes, where Keith met his -brother, the Earl; but here divided counsels and squabbles about rank -and commissions arose. The Earl succeeded in bringing the Spanish -auxiliary forces to the mainland, and was for marching at once against -Inverness. The other faction, that of Seaforth and Tullibardine, dallied: -the ammunition, stored in a ruinous old castle on an island, was mostly -seized by English vessels. News arrived that Ormonde’s fleet, sailing -from Spain, had been dispersed on the seas, and the Highlanders came in -very reluctantly. The Jacobites landed at the head of Loch Duich, and -were posted on a hillside in Glenshiel, commanding the road to Inverness. -Hence the English forces drove them to the summit of the mountain, and -night fell. They had neither food, powder, nor any confidence in their -men, so the Spaniards surrendered, the Highlanders dispersed, and Keith -thus began his glorious military career in a style somewhat discouraging. - -Lord George Murray, later the general in the Rising of 1745, was also in -this rather squalid engagement. Keith was suffering from a fever, and -he with his brother ‘lurcked in the mountains.’ On this occasion, no -doubt, the Earl profited by the loyalty of his countrymen, among whom -(says an anonymous informant of d’Alembert’s) he moved without disguise. -He is even said to have been present when a proclamation was read aloud -offering a reward for his apprehension. His adventures increased his love -for his own people: indeed, he certainly espoused the Jacobite cause as a -national Scottish patriot, not for dynastic reasons. - -Keith and his brother, after ‘lurcking’ for months in the Northern -wilds, escaped from Aberdeen to Holland, in September 1719. Thence they -made for Spain, intending to enter France by Sedan. But as they had no -passports they were stopped in France and imprisoned. Keith hit on an -ingenious way of getting rid of their Spanish commissions, which would -have been compromising, and a letter to the Earl from the Princesse de -Conti served as a voucher for their respectability, and procured their -release. They reached Paris when the fever of the Mississippi Scheme -was at its height. Jacobites as needy as they, the Oglethorpe girls -and George Kelly, probably got hints from Law, the great financial -adventurer, and founder of the Mississippi Scheme. The young Jacobite -ladies bought in at par and sold at a huge premium. They thus won their -own _dots_, and married great French nobles. Even poor George Kelly had -a success in speculation. He was, at this time, Atterbury’s secretary, -and being involved in his fall, passed fourteen years in the Tower. In -1745 he was one of the famed Seven Men of Moidart, but none the dearer -on that account to the Earl, who never trusted him, and, in 1750, caused -him to be banished from the service of the Prince. All these adventurers, -Law, the Oglethorpes, Olive Trant, Kelly, and the Keiths, may have met in -Paris, after Glenshiel. But the Earl and his brother did not make their -fortunes in the Mississippi Scheme. They had no money, and Keith frankly -expresses his contempt for the speculations after which all the world -was running mad. The brothers passed to Montpellier, Keith attempted to -enter Spain by Toulouse, the Earl by the Pyrenees. Months later Keith -tried the Pyrenees passes, and there, at an inn, met his brother, who had -been arrested and imprisoned for six weeks. The King of France had just -set him free, with orders to leave the kingdom, and the wandering pair -of exiles went to Genoa, then a focus of Jacobite intrigue, whence they -sailed to Rome, to see ‘the King, our Master.’ - -Jacobites lived in an eternal hurry-scurry. James had been driven -from France to Lorraine; then to Avignon, where Stair planned his -assassination;[8] then to Urbino, Bologna, and Rome. Sailing for Spain, -in 1719, he had been obliged to put in near Hyères, and there to dance -all night—the melancholy monarch—at a ball in a rural inn. Spain could do -nothing for him, and he returned to Rome, whither Charles Wogan brought -him a bride, fair, unhappy Clementina Sobieska, just rescued from an -Austrian prison. Keith says nothing of her, but tells how, at Cestri -de Levanti, his brother called on Cardinal Alberoni, now fallen from -power and in exile. The Earl, with some lack of humour, wanted to tell -the Cardinal all about the Glenshiel fiasco, but was informed that the -statesman had no longer the faintest concern with the affairs of Spain or -interest in the gloomy theme. - -From Leghorn the brothers went by land through Pisa, Florence, and -Siena to Rome. The King, ‘who knew we were in want of money,’ sent Hay -to borrow 1,000 crowns from the Pope, ‘which was refused on pretence of -poverty; this I mention only to shew the genious of Clement XI., and -how little regard Churchmen has for those who has abandoned all for -religion.’ His Majesty, therefore, raised the money from a banker. The -exiled King’s chief occupation was providing for his destitute subjects: -most of his letters were begging letters. - -The point for which the Keiths had been making ever since their escape -from Scotland was Spain. Baffled in attempting to cross the Pyrenees, -and penniless, they reached Spain by taking Rome on their way, James -providing the funds with the difficulty which has been described. From -Civita Vecchia they sailed back to Genoa. Now, Jacobite privateers, under -Morgan, Nick Wogan, and other wandering knights, were rendering Genoa -unluckily conspicuous by making the harbour their head-quarters. The tiny -squadron for years hung about all coasts to aid in a new rising. - -The English Minister, D’Avenant, threatened to bombard the town if the -Keiths were not expelled, while, if they _were_, the Spanish Minister -said that he would insist on the banishment of all the Catalan refugees -in Genoa. To oblige the Senate of Genoa in their awkward position, -Keith and the Earl departed, and coasted from the town to Valentia in a -felucca, sleeping on shore every night. - -It is probable that the brothers were suspected of a part in that form -of the Jacobite plot which chanced to exist at the moment. From 1688 -to 1760, or later, there had been really but one plot, handed on from -scheming sire to son, and adapting itself to new conditions as they -happened to arise. The study of the plot is, indeed, a pretty exercise -in evolution. The object being a Restoration, the most obvious plan is -a landing of foreign troops in England, with a simultaneous rising of -the faithful. First France is to send the foreign troops; and she did -actually despatch them, or try to despatch them, at various times—witness -La Hogue, Dunkirk, and Quiberon Bay. When France will not stir, other -Powers are approached. Sweden would have played this part, in 1718, but -for the death of Charles XII. Then Spain made her effort, in 1719, with -the usual results. There were hopes, again, from Russia, as from Sweden, -and from Prussia in 1753. - -After each failure in this kind, the Jacobites tried ‘to do the thing -themselves,’ as Prince Charles said, either by assassination schemes -(which Charles Edward invariably set his foot on), or by a simultaneous -rising in London and the Highlands, or by such a rising aided by Scots -or Irish troops in foreign service landed on the coast. From the failure -at Glenshiel to 1722 this was the aspect of the plot. Atterbury, Oxford, -Orrery, and North and Grey were managers in England, Mar and Dillon in -Paris, while Morgan and Nick Wogan commanded the poor little fleet.[9] -Ormonde, in Spain, was to carry over Irish regiments in Spanish service. -The Jacobites had the ship prepared years before for the expedition of -Charles XII., with two or three other vessels. The gallant Nick Wogan, -who, as a mere boy, had been pardoned, after Preston, for rescuing a -wounded Hanoverian officer under fire, was hovering on the seas from -Genoa to the Groin. George Kelly was going to and fro between Paris -and London, ‘a man of far more temper, discretion, and real art’ than -Atterbury, says Speaker Onslow. - -When the scheme for Ormonde’s amateur invasion failed, a mob-plot of -Layer’s followed it; but all was revealed. Kelly and Atterbury were -seized; Atterbury was exiled, Kelly lay in the Tower, and Layer was -hanged. - -Keith says nothing of any part borne by his brother or himself in these -feeble conspiracies. One Neynho, arrested in London, averred that the -Earl Marischal had been in town on this business, in disguise, and had -shared his room. Neynho merely guessed that his companion was the Earl, -who certainly was on friendly terms with Atterbury. Long afterwards he -wrote (1737): ‘I was told in Italy that Pope had thought of publishing -a collection of familliair letters, particularly of ye Bishop; as I was -honoured with Many, I sent copys of a part and parts (_sic_) to Pope.’ -These, however, could not have been political epistles. The originals -must have perished when the Earl burned all his papers, as d’Alembert’s -authorities report, in 1745.[10] - -On the whole, it seems certain that Keith, at least, was not in the plots -of 1720-22; Keith, indeed, lay ill in Paris in 1723-24, suffering from a -tumour. The Earl now held a commission from Spain, which secured for him -a pension, irregularly paid; but, being a Protestant, he never received -an active command, except once, in an affair with the Moors. There was -no harm, it seemed, in sending a heretic to fight against infidels. His -great friend in Spain was the Duchess of Medina Sidonia, who was anxious -to convert him. - -‘She spoke to him of a certain miracle, of daily occurrence in her -country. There is a family, or caste, which, from father to son, have -the power of going into the flames without being burned, and who by dint -of charms permitted by the Inquisition can extinguish fires. The Earl -promised to surrender to a proof so evident, if he might be present and -light the fire himself. The lady agreed, but the _questadore_, as these -people are called, would never try the experiment, though he had done so -on a former occasion; he said that fire had been made by a heretic, who -mingled charms with it, and that he felt them from afar.’ - -This was unlucky, as these families whom fire does not take hold on -exist to-day in Fiji, as of old among the Hirpi of Mount Soracte. - -The Earl had no trouble with the Inquisition, being allowed to have what -books he pleased, as long as he did not lend them to Spanish subjects. -‘His religious ideas were far from strict ... but he could not endure -to hear these questions touched on when women were present, or the -poor in spirit: it was a kind of talk which in general he carefully -avoided,’—except among _philosophes_.[11] Hume tells us that the Earl -Marischal and Helvetius thought they were ascribing an excellent -quality to Prince Charles when they said that he ‘had learned from the -philosophers at Paris to affect a contempt of all religion.’ It seems -improbable that the Earl was more ‘emancipated’ than Hume, but his -wandering life had made him acquainted with the extremes of Scottish -Presbyterianism, with the Inquisition in Spain, the devotions of his King -in Rome, the levities of Voltaire and Frederick, and all the contemptuous -certainties of the Encyclopédistes. The Earl rather loved a bold jest -or two, in philosophic company, and his _mots_ were not always in good -taste. As a Norseman’s religion was mainly that of his sword, the Earl’s -appears to have been that of his character, which was instinctively -affectionate, indulgent, and charitable. If he had neither Faith nor -Hope, which we cannot assume, he was rich in Charity. - -It is, perhaps, no longer possible to trace all the wanderings of the -Earl after his brother entered the Russian service in 1728. In those -years the exiles were mainly concerned about the quarrels between -James and his wife, which had an ill effect on their Royal reputation -in Europe. The Courts chiefly solicited for aid at this period were -those of Moscow and Vienna. Spain did not pay her pension to James with -regularity, and the Earl Marischal, then as later, may have suffered from -the same inconvenience. This may account for his return to Rome, where he -resided in James’s palace, about 1730-34. ‘He has the esteem of all that -has the honour to be known to him, and may be justly styled the honour -of our Cause,’ writes William Hay to Admiral Gordon, who represented -Jacobite interests in Russia (Feb. 2, 1732). The little Court at Rome -was as full of jealousies as if it had been at St. James’s. Murray, -brother of Lord Mansfield, was Minister, under the title of Lord Dunbar, -while James’s other ‘favourite’ Hay (Lord Inverness) was at Avignon out -of favour, and had turned Catholic. The pair were generally detested by -the other mock-courtiers. These gentlemen had formed themselves into an -Order of Chivalry, ‘The Order of Toboso,’ alluding to their Quixotry. -Prince Charles (aged twelve) and the Duke of York (a hero of seven) were -the patrons. ‘They are the most lively and engaging two boys this day on -earth,’ writes William Hay. The Knights of the Order sent to Gordon in -Russia their cheerful salutations, signed by ‘Don Ezekiel del Toboso’ -(Zeky Hamilton), ‘Don George Keith’ (the Earl), and so on. They declined -to elect Murray, because he had ‘the insolence to fail in his respect to -a right honourable lady who is the ever honoured protectress of the most -illustrious Order of Toboso,’ Lady Elizabeth Caryl. A number of insults -to Murray follow in the epistle.[12] - -All this was rather dull, distasteful work for the Earl. He received -from James the Order of the Thistle (‘the green ribbon’); but, except -perhaps at Rome, he would not wear a decoration not more imposing than -that of the Toboso Order. Writing to his brother, he drew a pretty -picture of the little Duke of York, who was fond of the Earl, and used -to bring his weekly Report on Conduct to be criticised and sent on to -Keith, far away in Russia. Keith was asked to comment on it, or, if he -did not, the Earl was diplomatist enough to do so in his name. Prince -Charles the Earl seems to have disliked from the first. He had already, -at the age of thirteen, ‘got out of the hands of his governors,’ the Earl -writes, and indeed the Prince’s spelling alone proves the success with -which he evaded instruction. But, to please the little Duke, the Earl -sent for a sword from Russia. The Duke was a pretty child, and wept from -disappointment when his elder brother, in 1734, went off to the siege of -Gaeta, while he, a warrior of nine, remained in Rome. - -The Earl disliked the tiny jealous Court; the impotent cabals, the -priests who tried to convert him. Writing to David Hume long afterwards, -in 1762, he said, ‘I wish I could see you, to answer honestly all your -[historical] questions: for, though I had my share of folly with others, -yet, as my intentions were at bottom honest, I should open to you my -whole budget.’ When he wrote thus he had made his peace with England. Why -he did so we shall try to point out later. - -Always scrupulously honest (except when diplomatic duties forbade, and -even then he hated lying), the Earl told his brother that he found the -Jacobite Court at Rome no place for an honest man. He does not give -details, but he seems to hint at some enterprise which, in his opinion, -was not honourable. James, moreover, was sunk in devotion, weeping and -praying at the tomb of Clementina. From this uncongenial society the -Earl departed, and took up his abode at the Papal city of Avignon, -where Ormonde now resided. He liked the charming old place, and thought -it especially rich in original characters. By 1736, however, he had -returned to Spain, where, as he said, he was always sure to find ‘his -old friend, the Sun.’ News of the Earl comes through some very harmless -correspondence, intercepted at Leyden, in 1736, by an unidentified -spy.[13] Don Ezekiel del Toboso (Hamilton) was now out of favour with -James, which, judging by his very foolish letters, is no marvel. He -resided at Leyden, corresponding with Ormonde and George Kelly. George, -after fourteen years of the Tower, since Atterbury’s Plot, had escaped in -a manner at once ingenious, romantic, and strictly honourable. Carte, the -historian, was another correspondent; but gossip was the staple of their -budgets—gossip and abuse of James’s favourites, Dunbar and Inverness. In -Spain the Earl officially represented James, but his chief employments -were shooting and reading. His Spanish pension was unpaid (he had a -small allowance from the Duke of Hamilton), and he was minded ‘to live -contentedly upon a small matter,’ he says, rather than to ‘pay court in -anti-chambers to under Ministers whom I despise.’ ‘I wo na gie an inch -o’ my will for an ell o’ my wealth,’ he remarks, in the Scots proverbial -phrase. A Protestant canton in Switzerland would suit him best, where a -little money will furnish all that he requires. ‘I am naturally sober -enough, as to my eating, more as to my drinking, I do not game, and -am a Knight Errant _sin amor_, so that I need not great sums for my -maintenance.’ A Knight _sin amor_ the Earl seems usually to have been. -He must have been over forty at this time, and he had not yet acquired -his celebrated fair Turkish captive. The Earl, however, had not given up -all hope of active Jacobite service. ‘I propose to try if I can still do -anything, or have even the hopes of doing something.’ He had a ‘project,’ -and, as far as the hints in his letters can now be deciphered, it was -to remove James, or, at all events, Prince Charles, from Rome (a place -distrusted by Protestant England), and to settle one or both of them—in -Corsica! - -The Earl was interested, as a patriotic Scot, in the hanging of Porteous -by the Edinburgh mob. ‘It’s certain that Porteous was a most brutal -fellow; his last works at the head of his Guard was not the first time he -had ordered his men to fire on the people. I will not call them Mobb, who -made so orderly an Execution.’ - -To this extent may Radical principles carry a good Jacobite! The Earl -should have written the work contemplated by Swift, ‘A Modest Defence of -the Proceedings of the Rabble, in All Ages.’ - -A quarrel with the Spanish Treasurer, who was short of treasure, ended -in somebody assuring the official that the Earl was a man of honour, -‘who would go afoot eating bread and water from this to Tartary _con -un doblon_.’ To Tartary, or near it, the Earl was to go, though he had -been invited by Ormonde to Avignon. Till the end of the year 1737, Kelly -and others hoped to settle Prince Charles in Corsica, with the Earl for -his Minister. Marischal was expected by Ormonde at Avignon, in the last -week of December, and thither he went for a month or two, leaving for -St. Petersburg in March, to visit his brother. Keith had been severely -wounded at the assault on Oczakow, and the Earl found him insisting -that he would not have his leg amputated. The Earl took his part, and -brought Keith to Paris, where the surgeons saved his leg, but where he -had to suffer another serious operation. Thence the devoted brothers -went to Barège, where Keith recovered health. He returned to Russia, -leaving in the Earl’s care Mademoiselle Emetté, a pretty Turkish captive -child, rescued by him at the sack of Oczakow, and Ibrahim, another True -Believer. These slaves, says a friend who gave information to d’Alembert, -were treated by the Earl as his children. He educated them, he invested -money in their names (probably when he was in the service of Frederick -the Great), and he cherished a menagerie of young heathens, whom his -brother had rescued in sieges and storms of towns. One, Stepan, was a -Tartar: another is declared to have been a Thibetan, and related to the -Grand Lama. The Earl was no proselytiser, and did not convert his Pagans -and Turks. It is said that he was not insensible to the charms of pretty -Emetté. - -‘Can I never inspire you with what I feel?’ he asked. - -‘_Non!_’ replied the girl, and there it ended. - -The Earl made a will in her favour, in 1741, and she later—much -later—married M. de Fromont. The love story is not very plausible, before -1741, as Emetté was still a girl when she accompanied the Earl to Paris, -during his Embassy, in 1751. - -The movements of the Earl are obscure at this period, but in 1742-43 -he was certainly engaged for the Jacobite interest in France, residing -now at Paris, now at Boulogne. The unhappy ‘Association’ of Scottish -Jacobites had been founded in 1741. Its promoters were the inveterate -traitor, Lovat, and William Macgregor, of Balhaldie, who, since 1715, had -lived chiefly in France, and was a trusted agent of James. Balhaldie’s -character has been much assailed by Murray of Broughton, who was himself -connected with the Association. As far as can be discovered Balhaldie was -sanguine, and even of a visionary enthusiasm, when enterprises concocted -by himself were in question. The adventures of other leaders, especially -adventures not supported by France, he distrusted and thwarted. The -loyal Lochiel and the timid Traquair were also of the Association, which -Balhaldie amused in 1742 with hopes of a French descent under the Earl -Marischal. Balhaldie had promised to the French Court ‘mountains and -marvels’ in the way of Scottish assistance, and the Earl ‘treated his -assertion with the contempt and ridicule it deserved,’ says Murray of -Broughton. The Earl’s own letters show impatience with Balhaldie and Lord -Sempil, James’s other agent in Paris. Thus, on February 12, 1743, the -Earl writes from Boulogne to Lord John Drummond, whose chief business -was to get Highland clothes wherein the Duke of York might dance at the -Carnival. The Earl protests, in answer to a remark of Sempil’s, that he -‘has more than bare curiosity in a subject where the interest of my King -and native country is so nearly concerned (not to speak of my own), where -I see a noble spirit, and where I am sensible a great deal of honour -is done me, and I add, that I still hope these gentlemen will do me the -honour and justice to believe that I shall never fail either in my duty -to my King and country, my gratitude to them for their good opinion, -or in my best endeavours to serve.’ All this was in reply to Sempil’s -insinuation that the Scottish Jacobites thought the Earl lukewarm. Murray -confirms the Earl by telling how Balhaldie tried to stir strife between -the Earl and the Scots, who revered him, though Balhaldie styled him ‘an -honourable fool.’[14] - -Lord John Drummond suggested to James’s secretary, Edgar, that the Earl -should supersede Balhaldie, ‘who had been obliged to fly the country in -danger of being taken up for a Fifty pound note.’ Lord John’s advice -was excellent. The Earl, and he alone, was the right man to deal with -the party in Scotland, who could trust his sense, zeal, and honour. But -James, far away in Rome, could never settle these distant and embroiled -affairs. He went on trusting Balhaldie, who was also accepted by the -party in England. Had James cashiered Balhaldie and instated the Earl, -matters would have been managed with discretion and confidence. The -Earl was determined not to beguile France into an endeavour based on -the phantom hosts of Balhaldie’s imagination. Had he been minister, it -is highly probable that nothing would have been done at all, and that -Prince Charles would never have left Italy. For Balhaldie continued to -represent James in France, and Balhaldie it was, with Sempil, who induced -Louis XV. to adopt the Jacobite cause, and brought the Prince to France -in 1744. While his father lived, Charles never returned to Rome. - -On December 23, 1743, James sent to the Duke of Ormonde, an elderly -amorist at Avignon,[15] his commissions as General of an expedition to -England and as Regent till the Prince should join. The Earl received -a similar commission as General of a diversion, ‘with some small -assistance,’ to be made in Scotland. The Earl was at Dunkirk, eager -to sail for Scotland, by March 7, 1744, and Charles was somewhere, -_incognito_, in the neighbourhood. But the Earl, as he wrote to -d’Argenson, had neither definite orders nor money enough; in short, as -usual, everything was rendered futile by French shilly-shallying and -by the accustomed tempest. D’Alembert and others assert that Charles -asked the Earl to set forth with him alone in a sailing-boat, to which -the Earl replied that, if he went, it would be to dissuade the Scottish -from joining a Prince so brave but so ill-supported. It is certain that -d’Argenson told Marshal Saxe that the Prince ought to retire to a villa -of the Bishop of Soissons, with the Earl for his _chaperon_. The Earl -was still anxious for an expedition in force, but d’Argenson distrusted -his information on all points. Charles declined to go and skulk at the -Bishop’s, and wrote that ‘if he knew his presence unaided would be useful -in England he would cross in an open boat.’[16] - -On this authentic evidence the Earl was anxious to make an effort, and -Charles’s remark about going alone in an open boat was conditional—_s’il -savait que sa présence seule fut utile en Angleterre_. But no energy, -no hopes, no courage, could conquer the irresolution of France. By -April Prince Charles was living, _très caché_, in Paris. Thus his long -habit of hiding arose in the _incognito_ forced on him by the Ministers -of Louis XV. The Prince, as he writes to his father (April 3, 1744), -was ‘goin about with a single servant bying fish and other things, and -squabling for a peney more or less.’ He was anxious to make the campaign -in Flanders with the French army, ‘and it will certainly be so if Lord -Marschal dose not hinder it.... He tels them that serving in the Army -in flanders, it would disgust entirely the English,’ in which opinion -the Earl may have been wrong. Charles accuses the Earl of stopping the -Dunkirk expedition (and here d’Alembert confirms), ‘by saying things that -discouraged them to the last degree: I was plagued with his letters, -which were rather Books, and had the patience to answer them, article by -article, striving to make him act reasonably, but all to no purpose.’[17] - -It was not easy to ‘act reasonably,’ where all was a chaos of futile -counsels and half-hearted French schemes. They would and they would not, -in the affair of the expedition of March 1744. We find the Earl now -urging despatch, now discouraging the French, and, on September 5, 1744, -he writes to James, from Avignon, ‘there was not only no design to employ -me, but there was none to any assistance in Scotland.’[18] The Earl -believed that the Prince’s incognito was really imposed on him by the -devices of Balhaldie and Sempil, ‘to keep him from seeing such as from -honour and duty would tell him truth.’ - -Through such tortuous misunderstandings and suspicions on every side, -matters dragged on till Charles forced the game by embarking for Scotland -secretly in June 1745. The Earl Marischal was the man whom he sent to -report this step to Louis XV. ‘I hope,’ Charles writes to d’Argenson, -‘you will receive the Earl as a person of the first quality, in whom I -have full confidence.’ The Earl undertook the commission.[19] On August -20, 1745, he sent in a _Mémoire_ to the French Court. Lord Clancarty had -arrived, authorised (says the Earl) to speak for the English Jacobite -leaders, the Duke of Beaufort, the Earl of Lichfield, Lord Orrery, Lord -Barrymore, Sir Watkin Williams Wynne, and Sir John Hinde Cotton. They -offered to raise the standard as soon as French troops landed in England. -When they made the offer, the English Jacobites (who asked for 10,000 -infantry, arms for 30,000, guns, and pay) did not know that Charles -had landed in Scotland. D’Argenson naturally asked for the seals and -signatures of the English leaders, as warrants of their sincerity. He -could not send a _corps d’armée_ across the Channel on the word of one -individual, and such an individual as the profane, drunken, slovenly, -one-eyed Clancarty. The Earl, on October 23, 1745, tried to overcome the -scruples of d’Argenson, but in vain.[20] Clancarty, it is pretty clear, -came over as a result of the persuasions of Carte, the historian, in whom -the leading English Jacobites had no confidence. ‘The wise men among them -would neither trust Lord Clancarty’s nor Mr. Carte’s discretion in any -scheme of business,’ says Sempil to James (September 13, 1745). - -Sempil was ever at odds with the Earl, who, says Sempil, ‘insists on -great matters.’ French policy was to keep sending small supplies of -money and men to support agitation in Scotland. The Earl did not want -mere agitation and a feeble futile rising; he wanted strong measures, -which might have a chance of success. ‘He can trust nobody,’ says Sempil, -‘and is persuaded that the French Court will sacrifice our country, if -his firmness does not prevent it.’ The Earl was right; what he foresaw -occurred. Sempil, however, was not far wrong, when he observed that the -Prince was already engaged, and a little help was better than none. ‘I -am sorry to see my old friend so very unfit for great affairs,’ writes -Sempil. The Earl had ever been adverse to a wild attempt by the Prince, -as a mere cause of misery and useless bloodshed. He probably thought that -no French support and a speedy collapse of the rising were better than -trivial aid, which kept up the hearts of the Highlanders, and urged them -to extremes. - -By October 19 the Duke of York was flattered with hopes of sailing at -the head of a large French force. The force hung about Dunkirk for six -months, doing nothing, and then came Culloden. The Duke was prejudiced -against Sempil and his friend Balhaldie, and already there was a split in -the party, Sempil on one side, the Earl Marischal on the other. George -Kelly returned from Scotland, as an envoy to France, but Sempil would -not trust him even with the names of the leading English Jacobites. The -secrecy insisted on by Sir Watkin Williams Wynne, Lord Barrymore, the -Duke of Beaufort, and the others was kept up by Sempil even against -Prince Charles himself. This naturally irritated the Earl, and, what with -Jacobite divisions in France, and French irresolution, Marischal had -to play a tedious and ungrateful part. James expected him to join the -Prince, but he, for his part, gave James very little hope of the success -of the adventure.[21] James himself, with surprising mental detachment, -admitted that the best plan for the English Jacobites was ‘to lie still,’ -and make no attempt without the assistance from France which never came. - -The Earl disappears from the diplomatic scene, on which he had done no -good, in the end of 1745. He obviously attempted to settle quietly in -Russia with his brother. But the Empress ‘would not so much as allow -Lord Marischal to stay in her country,’ wrote James to Charles, in April -1747. Ejected from the North, he sought ‘his old friend, the sun,’ in -the South, at Treviso, and at Venice. The Prince, in August 1747, wrote -from Paris imploring the Earl to join him, for the need of a trustworthy -adviser was bitterly felt. The Earl replied with respect, but with -Republican brevity, pleading his ‘broken health,’ and adding, ‘I did not -retire from all affairs without a certainty how useless I was, and always -must be.’ - -At Venice the Earl entertained a moody young exile, who tells a story -illustrating at once his host’s knowledge of life, the strictness of -his morality, and his freedom from a tendency to censure the young and -enterprising.[22] - -From Venice the much-wandering Earl retired to his most sure and -hospitable retreat. He joined his brother, who had now entered the -service of Frederick the Great. He reached Berlin in January 1748. -Frederick, asking first whether his estates had been confiscated, made -him a pension of 2,000 crowns. Frederick loved, esteemed, sheltered, and -employed the veteran, ‘unfit for affairs’ as he thought himself. No doubt -Frederick’s first aim was to attach to himself so valuable an officer -as Keith, by showing kindness to his brother. But the Earl presently -became personally dear to him, as a friend without subservience, and a -philosopher without vanity or pretence. In his new retreat the Earl was -not likely to listen to the prayers of Prince Charles, who, being now a -homeless exile, implored the old Jacobite to meet him at Venice. Henry -Goring carried the letters, in April 1749, and probably took counsel -with the veteran. Nothing came of it, except the expulsion from the -Prince’s household at Avignon of poor George Kelly, a staunch and astute -friend, who was obnoxious to the English Jacobites. Since 1717 Kelly -had served the Cause, first under Atterbury, then—after fourteen years’ -imprisonment—in France, Scotland, and as the Prince’s secretary. He had -been Lord Marischal’s ally in 1745, but Rousseau says that the Earl’s -failing was to be easily prejudiced against a man, and never to return -from his prejudice. Kelly’s letter to Charles might have disarmed him. -‘Nobody ever had less reason or worse authority than Lord Marischal for -such an accusation; for your Royal Highness knows well I always acted -the contrary part, and never failed representing the advantage and even -necessity of having him at the head of your affairs.... His Lordship may -think of me what he pleases, but my opinion of him is still the same.’ -There seems to be no doubt that the Earl had written to Floyd (whom he -commends to Hume as an honest witness) to say that ‘from a good hand’ he -learned that Kelly ‘opposed his coming near the Prince,’ and had spoken -of him as ‘a Republican, a man incapable of cultivating princes.’ The -Earl _was_ ‘incapable of cultivating princes,’ and Rousseau esteemed -him for the same. But it was under Kelly’s influence that Charles, in -1747, tried to secure the society and services of the Earl. He had been -prejudiced (as Rousseau says he was capable of being), probably by Carte -the historian. Years afterwards, when the Earl had disowned Charles, -Kelly returned to the Prince’s household. He never had a stauncher -adherent than this Irish clergyman of exactly the same age as his father. -History, like the Earl Marischal, has been unduly prejudiced against -honest George Kelly.[23] - - - - -II - -THE EARL IN PRUSSIAN SERVICE - - -About the Earl’s first years in the company of the great Frederick little -is known or likely to be known. _Deus nobis hæc otia fecit_, he may have -murmured to himself while he refused the Prince’s insistent prayers for -his service, and put his Royal Highness off in a truly Royal way, with -his miniature in a snuff-box of mother-of-pearl. The old humourist may -have reflected that men had given lands and gear for the cause, and now, -like the representative of Lochgarry, have nothing material to show for -their loyalty, save an inexpensive snuff-box of agate and gold. No, the -Earl would not travel from Venice in 1749 to meet the Prince. - -His name occurs in brief notes of Voltaire, then residing with Frederick, -and quarrelling with his Royal host. Voltaire kept borrowing books from -the Scottish exile, books chiefly on historical subjects. If we may -believe Sir Charles Hanbury Williams, then at Berlin, the celebrated -Livonian mistress of Keith caused quarrels between him and his brother, -and even obliged them to live separately.[24] The Earl gave much good -advice to Henry Goring, the Prince’s envoy at that time, and if he was -indeed on bad terms with his brother (these bad terms cannot have lasted -long), he may have been all the better pleased to go as Frederick’s -ambassador to Versailles in August 1751. Thither he took his pretty -Turkish captive, and all his household of Pagans, Mussulmans, Buddhists, -and so forth. I have elsewhere described the Earl’s relations with Prince -Charles, then lurking in or near Paris; his furtive meetings with Goring -at lace shops and in gardens, his familiarity with Young Glengarry, who -easily outwitted the Earl, and his unprejudiced tolerance of a perfectly -Fenian plot—the Elibank Plot—for kidnapping George II., Prince Fecky, -and the rest of the Royal Family. The Earl merely looked on. He gave no -advice. His ancient memories could not enlighten him as to how the Guards -were now posted. ‘What opinion, Mr. Pickle,’ he said to Glengarry, ‘can I -entertain of people that proposed I should abandon my Embassy and embark -headlong with them?’ The Earl had found a haven at last in Frederick’s -favour. He was willing to help the cause diplomatically, to send Jemmy -Dawkins to Berlin, to sound Frederick, and suggest that, in a quarrel -with England, the Jacobites might be useful. He was ready enough to dine -with the exiles on St. Andrew’s Day, but not to go further. When Charles -broke with the faithful Goring in the spring of 1754, the Earl broke with -_him_, rebuked him severely, and never forgave him. He had never loved -Charles; he now regarded him as impossible, even treacherous, and ceased -to be a Jacobite. - -The nature of his charges against the Prince will appear later. -Meanwhile, as the Prince had behaved ill to Goring, who fell under his -new mania of suspicion, as he declined to cashier his mistress, Miss -Walkinshaw, in deference to English and Scottish requests, as he was a -battered, broken wanderer, _sans feu ni lieu_, the Earl abandoned him -to his fate, and even, it seems, officially ‘warned the party against -being concerned with him.’ After forty years of faithful though perfectly -fruitless service, the Earl apparently made up his mind to be reconciled, -if possible, to the English Government. Though his appointment as -ambassador had been a direct insult to Frederick’s uncle, George II., -the great diplomatic revolution which brought Prussia and England into -alliance was favourable to the Earl’s prospects of pardon. - -He probably accepted the Embassy not without hopes of being able to -do something for the Cause. James certainly took this view of the -appointment. But the end had come. The retreat of Charles in Flanders -had been detected at last by the English. The English dread of Miss -Walkinshaw, and the quarrel over that poor lady, made themselves heard of -in the end of 1753. By January 17, 1754, we find Frederick writing to the -Earl that he ‘will secretly be delighted to see him again.’ Frederick -bade Marshal Keith send an itinerary of the route which the Earl ‘will do -well to follow’ on his return to Prussia. On the same day Keith wrote to -his brother the following letter, which shows that their affection, if -really it had been impaired, was now revived:—[25] - - ‘17 January, 1754. - - ‘I’m glad my dearest brother says nothing of his health in the - letter ... 27th Dec., for Count Podewils had alarmed me a good - deal by telling me that you had been obliged more than once to - send Mr. Knyphausen in your place to Versailles, on occasion of - incommoditys; and tho’ I hope you would not disguise to me the - state of your health ... yet a conversation I had some days ago - with the King gives me still reason to suspect that it is not - so good as I ought to wish it. He told me that for some time - past you had solicitated him to allow you to retire ... and at - your earnest desire he had granted your request, but at the - same time had acquainted you how absolutely necessary it was - for his interest that you should continue in the same post till - the end of harvest, by which time he must think of some other - to replace you; he asked me at the same time if your intention - was to return here; to which I answer’d ... it was, tho’ I said - this without any authority from you ... he told me that in that - case he thought you should keep the time of your journey and - route as private as possible, and that after taking leave of - the Court of France you should give it out that your health - required your going for some time to the S. of France, that - it was easy on the way to take a cross road to Strasbourg and - Francfort, and after passing the Hessian dominions to turn into - Saxony, by which you would evite all the Hanoverian Territories - and arrive safely here. Everything he said was more like a - friend than a sovereign, and showed a real tenderness for your - preservation....’ - -Frederick did not wish his friend to run any risk of being kidnapped -in Hanoverian territory, by the minions of the Elector. The Earl could -not be allowed to return at once, for the clouds over Anglo-Prussian -relations were clearing, while England was at odds with France, both -about the secret fortifying of Dunkirk, contrary to treaty, about the -East Indies, and about North America. So Frederick philosophised, in -letters to the Earl, concerning the disagreeable yoke he had still to -bear, and about the inevitable hardships of mortal life in general. He -also asked the Earl to find him a truly excellent French cook. On March -31, Frederick offered the Earl the choice of any place of residence -he liked, and expressed a wish that he could retire from politics. He -foresaw the crucial struggle of his life, the Seven Years’ War. ‘But -every machine is made for its special end: the clock to mark time, the -spit to roast meat, the mill to grind. Let us grind then, since such is -my fate, but believe that while I turn and turn by no will of my own, -nobody is more interested in your philosophical repose than your friend -to all time and in all situations where you may find yourself.’ - -Frederick is never so amiable as in his correspondence with the old -Jacobite exile. - -At this period, Frederick gave the Earl information of Austrian war -preparations, for the service of the French Ministry. Saxony and Vienna -excited his suspicions. He did not yet know that he was to be opposed -also to France. He was occupied with dramatists and actors, ‘more amusing -than all the clergy in Europe, with the Pope and the Cardinals at their -head.’ He has to diplomatise between Signor Crica and Signora Paganini, -but hopes to succeed before King George has had time to corrupt his new -Parliament. Happier letters were these to receive than the heart-broken -appeals which rained in from Prince Charles, letters which the Earl had -hoped to escape by retiring from his Embassy. Here his negotiations -‘had embroiled him with the cooks of Paris,’ but he had acquired the -friendship of d’Alembert, whom he introduced to Frederick. The King -thought d’Alembert ‘an honest man,’ and agreed with the Earl’s preference -for heart above wit. ‘They who play with monkeys will get bitten,’ which -refers to Frederick’s quarrel with Voltaire. The Earl warned the wit that -some big Prussian officer would probably box his ears if he persisted in -satirising his late host. ‘Rare it is,’ says Frederick, ‘to find, as in -you, the combination of wit, character, and knowledge, and it is natural -that I should value you all the more highly.’ - -In May 1754, the Earl, while still pressing to be relieved from duty, was -eager to undertake any negotiations as to an _entente_ between Prussia -and Spain, a country which he loved. There was an opportunity—General -Wall, of an Irish Jacobite house, being now minister in the Peninsula. - -The Earl left Paris in the end of June (carrying with him to Berlin -poor Henry Goring, who was near death), and accepted the Government of -Neufchâtel. While (February 8, 1756) Frederick’s throne was ‘threatened -by Voltaire, an earthquake, a comet, and Madame Denis,’ the Earl was -trying to soothe Protestant fanaticism, then raging in his little realm. - -‘They will tell you, my dear Lord,’ writes Frederick, ‘that I am rather -less Jacobite than of old. Don’t detest me on that account.’ It is -known, from a letter of Arthur Villettes, at Berne (May 28, 1756), to -the English Government, that the Earl was making no secret of his desire -to be pardoned.[26] The Earl spoke of the Prince, now, with ‘the utmost -horror and detestation,’ declaring that since 1744 ‘his life had been one -continued scene of falsehood, ingratitude and villainy, and his father’s -was little better.’ - -Such, alas! are the possibilities of prejudice. The Earl accused Charles -of telling the Scots, previous to his expedition in 1745, that the -Earl approved of it. There is no evidence in Murray of Broughton that -Charles ever hinted at anything of the kind. Charles’s life, from 1744 -till he returned to France, is minutely known. He had not been false and -villainous. He had been deceived on many hands, by Balhaldie (as the -Earl strenuously asserted), by France, by Macleod, Traquair, Nithsdale, -Kenmure, by Murray of Broughton, and he inevitably acquired a habit of -suspicion. Lonely exile, bitter solitude, then corrupted and depraved -him; but the Earl’s remarks are much too sweeping to be accurate, -where we can test them. In the case of James we can test them by his -copious correspondence. His letters are not, indeed, those of a hero, -but of a kind and loving father, who continually impresses on Charles -the absolute necessity of the strictest justice and honour, especially -in matters of money, ‘for in these matters both justice and honour is -concerned’ (‘Memorials,’ p. 372, Aug. 14, 1744). As to politics, James -was absolutely opposed to any desperate adventure, any hazarding, -on a slender chance, of the lives and fortunes of his subjects. His -temper, schooled by long adversity, made him even applaud the reserve -of his English adherents, and excuse, wherever it could be excused, -the conduct of France, and attempt, by a mild tolerance, to soothe the -fatal jealousies of his agents. No Prince has been more ruthlessly and -ignorantly calumniated than he whose ‘ails’ and sorrows had converted him -into a philosopher no longer eager for a crown too weighty for him, into -a devout Christian devoid of intolerance, and disinclined to preach. - -The Earl was justified in forsaking a Cause which Charles had made -morally impossible. But he believed, in spite of Charles’s contradiction, -that he had threatened to betray his adherents. This prejudice is the -single blot on a character which, once animated against a man, never -forgave. - -The correspondence of Frederick with his Governor of Neufchâtel is -scanty: he had other business in hand—the struggle for existence. On -July 8, 1757, he writes from Leitmentz, thanking the Earl for a present -of peas and chocolate. On October 19, 1758, he sends the bitter news -of the glorious death of Marshal Keith, and on November 23 offers his -condolences, and speaks of his unfortunate campaign. - -_Probus vixit, fortis obiit_, was the Earl’s brief epitaph on his -brother. His one close tie to life was broken. That younger brother, who -had fished and shot with him, had fought at his side at Sheriffmuir, had -shared the dangers of Glenshiel and the outlaw life, who had voyaged -with him in so many desperate wanderings, to save whom he had crossed -Europe—the brother who had secured for him his ‘philosophic repose’—was -gone, leaving how many dear memories of boyhood in Scotland, of common -perils, and common labours for a fallen Cause! - -And there followed—oh philosophy!—a squabble with Keith’s mistress about -the frugal inheritance of one who scorned to enrich himself! ‘My brother -had just held Bohemia to ransom, and he leaves me sixty ducats,’ wrote -the Earl to Madame Geoffrin. In December 1758, Frederick determined to -send the Earl to Spain, where ‘nobody is so capable as you of making -himself beloved.’ He wanted peace, but peace with honour. The Earl was -merely to watch over Frederick’s interests, and to sound Spain as to her -mediation. The King feared a separate Anglo-French peace, with Prussia -left out. - -By January 6, 1759, Frederick was trying to secure the Earl’s pardon in -England, and wrote to Knyphausen and Michell in London. The death of Lord -Kintore, the Earl’s cousin, devolved an estate upon him. This Marischal -wished to obtain, but he had not changed sides in hope of gaining these -lands. Andrew Mitchell wrote to Lord Holderness, on January 8, 1759, from -Breslau, saying that Frederick had remarked, ‘I know Lord Marischal to be -so thorough an honest man that I am willing to be surety for his future -conduct.’ He enclosed a letter to be discreetly submitted to George II., -submitting Frederick’s desire for the Earl’s pardon. By February 5, news -reached Prussia that George had graciously consented. - -There must have been a delay caused by formalities, for the Earl did not -send his letter of thanks from Madrid to Sir Andrew Mitchell ‘gratefully -acknowledging the goodness of the King’ till August 24, 1759. - -So there was ‘the end of an auld sang.’ Charles was hanging about the -French coast, for the expedition under Conflans was preparing to carry -him, as he hoped, to England: James, in Rome, was receiving his sanguine -letters. It was 1744 over again; but the Earl was now of the other -party, and James must have felt the loss severely. The bell which was -regularly rung at home for the Earl’s birthday, cracked when the news -came to Aberdeenshire. ‘I’ll never say “cheep” for _you_ again, Earl -Marischal!’—so some local Jacobite translated the broken voice of the old -bell. But the Earl manifestly did not win his pardon by discovering and -betraying the secret of the family compact between France and Spain, as -historians have conjectured. Dates render this, happily, impossible.[27] - -The Earl took a humorous view of Jacobite French adventures. ‘The -conquest of Ireland by M. Thurot has miscarried,’ he writes to Mitchell -(April 2, 1760).[28] Thurot had but two small ships. - -The Earl now desired to visit England on his private affairs, and -Frederick granted permission. He went in peace, where he had gone in war, -but Scotland no longer pleased him. True, his Bill was carried through -Parliament, admitting him to the Kintore estates, and, from the Edinburgh -newspapers, he heard of a new honour—he was elected Provost of Kintore! - -‘I had for me all the blew bonnets to a man, and a Lady whose good heart -I respect still more than her birth, tho it be the very highest, she made -press me (_sic_) to ask a pension, assuring me it would cost but one -word. I excused myself as having no pretention to merit it. She bid me -not name her, in leaving you to guess I do not injure her. She said the -same also to Baron Kniphausen.’ - -Years later, from Neufchâtel, he wrote to Andrew Mitchell, ‘The Provost -of Kintore presents his compliments,’ adding some congratulations on -Mitchell’s pension. - -Not even the Provostship of Kintore reconciled the Earl, a changed man, -to a changed Scotland. Conceivably he was not welcomed by the Jacobite -remnant around the cracked bell. Bigotry, hypocrisy, and intolerable -sabbatarianism were what the Earl disliked in his own country. He was -also resolute against marrying, declined _faire l’étalon_, as Frederick -delicately put it. Early in 1761, he made up his mind to return to -Neufchâtel, and to compose the quarrels of Protestants and heretics. -At Neufchâtel the Earl made an acquaintance rather disagreeable to -most English tastes, the moral and sensible Jean-Jacques Rousseau. The -philosopher’s account of the Earl is in his ‘Confessions.’ According to -him, Marischal, beginning life as a Jacobite, ‘se dégoûta bientôt,’ which -is not historically accurate. ‘La grande âme de ce digne homme toute -républicaine’ could not endure ‘l’esprit injuste et tyrannique’ of King -James! The wicked people of Neufchâtel, whom the Earl ‘tried to make -happy,’ ‘kicked against his benevolent cares.’ A preacher ‘was expelled -for not wanting many persons to be eternally damned.’ - -Rousseau went to Neufchâtel to escape the persecution which never ceased -to attack this virtuous man. Frederick allowed him to hide his virtues in -this hermitage, and made some rather slender offers of provision (twelve -_louis_, says Rousseau), which exasperated the sage. On seeing the Earl -his first idea was to weep (Jean-Jacques perhaps followed Richardson in -his tearfulness), so extremely emaciated was the worthy peer. Conquering -his ‘great inclinations to cry,’ with an effort, Rousseau admired the -Earl’s ‘open, animated, and noble physiognomy.’ Without ceremony, and -acting as a Child of Nature, Jean-Jacques went and sat down beside the -Earl on his sofa. In his noble eye Rousseau detected ‘something fine, -piercing, yet in a way caressing.’ He became quite fond of the Earl. -Wordsworth has justly remarked that you seldom see a grown-up male -weeping freely on the public highway. But, had you been on the road -between Rousseau’s house and the Earl’s you might have seen the author -of the ‘Nouvelle Héloïse’ blubbering as he walked, shedding _larmes -d’attendrissement_, as he contemplated the ‘paternal kindnesses, amiable -virtues, and mild philosophy of the respectable old man.’ - -I know not whether I express a common British sentiment, but the tears -of Jean-Jacques over our Scottish stoic awaken in me a considerable -impatience. The Earl was incapable, for his part, of lamentations. -Jean-Jacques was too ‘independent’ to be the Earl’s guest. Later, he -conceived in that bosom tingling with sensibility that the Earl had -been ‘set against him’ by Hume—‘Ils vous ont trompé, ces barbares; -mais ils ne vous ont pas changé.’ It was true, the Earl could break -Prince Charles’s heart, but he always made allowances for Jean-Jacques. -Rousseau, not knowing that the Earl’s heart was true to him, writes: ‘Il -se laisse abuser, quelquefois, et n’en revient jamais.... Il a l’humeur -singulière, quelque chose de bizarre et étrange dans son tour d’esprit. -Ses cadeaux sont de fantaisie, et non de convenance. Il donne ou envoie -à l’instant ce qui lui passe par tête, de grand prix, ou de nulle valeur -indifféremment.’ Nevertheless the Earl was the cause of Rousseau’s ‘last -happy memories.’ - -The Earl left Neufchâtel; he arranged for Rousseau’s refuge in England. -David Hume, who was dear to the Earl, arranged the reception of Rousseau -in England, and every one has heard of Rousseau’s insane behaviour, and -of the quarrel with Hume. Rousseau wanted to write the History of the -Keiths, and asked the Earl for documents. Jean-Jacques was hardly the man -to write Scottish family history, and the documents were never entrusted -to him. - -Here follows the letter on the topic of Rousseau, which the Earl wrote to -Hume:— - - ‘Jean Jaques Rousseau persecuted for having writ what he thinks - good, or rather, as some folks think, for having displeased - persons in great power who attributed to him what he never - meant, came here to seek retreat, which I readily granted, - and the King of Prussia not only approved of my so doing, - but gave me orders to furnish him his small necessarys, if - he would accept them; and tho that King’s philosophy be very - different from that of Jean Jaques, yet he does not think that - a man of an irreprochable life is to be persecuted because his - sentiments are singular, he designs to build him a hermitage - with a little garden, which I find he will not accept, nor - perhaps the rest which I have not yet offered to him. He is - gay in company, polite, and what the French call _aimable_, - and gains ground dayly in the opinion of even the clergy here; - his enemys else where continue to persecute him, he is pelted - with anonimous letters, this is not a country for him, his - attachment and love to his native Toune is a strong tye to its - neigbourhood, the liberty of England, and the character of - my good and honored friend D. Hume F⸺i D⸺r[29] (perhaps more - singular than that of Jean Jaques, for I take him to be the - only historian impartial) draws his inclinations to be near to - the F⸺i D⸺r, for my part, tho it be to me a very great pleasure - to converse with the honest savage, yet I advise him to go to - England, where he will enjoy _Placidam sub libertate quietem_. - He wishes to know, if he can print all his works, and make some - profit, merely to live, from such an edition. I entreat you - will let me know your thoughts on this, and if you can be of - use to him in finding him a bookseller to undertake the work, - you know he is not interested, and little will content him. If - he goes to Brittain, he will be a treasure to you, and you to - him, and perhaps both to me (if I were not so old). - - ‘I have offered him lodging in Keith Hall. I am ever with the - greatest regard your most obedient servant - - M.[30] - - ‘Oct. 2, 1762.’ - -Rousseau never went so far north, never took Keith Hall for a hermitage, -nor scandalised the Kirk Session. After his quarrel with Hume, the Earl -did not write freely to him, saying that he wrote little to anyone. -He thought, he tells another correspondent, of ‘turning bankrupt in -letters.’ ‘My heart is not the dupe of these pretences,’ sighs Rousseau. -He took money from the Earl, he took money at many hands. He sent a -long deplorable lamentation to Marischal: the Earl has been deceived, a -phantom has been exhibited to him as his fond J.-J. R. Probably there was -no answer, but the Earl bequeathed to him his watch as a _souvenir_. -‘Jean Jacques est trop honête home pour ce monde, qui tâche a tourner en -ridicule sa delicatesse,’ so the Earl had written from London to Hume in -Paris. - -He appears, when in England, to have met Hume at Mitcham, and he was -devoted to the stout, smiling sceptic, whom he called ‘_Defensor Fidei_.’ - -In 1764 the Earl left Neufchâtel for Potsdam, where Frederick built him a -house. This he describes in a letter to Hume. The following note (1765) -clearly refers to Hume’s report of Helvetius’s absurd anecdote, that -Prince Charles showed the white feather on starting for Scotland, and had -to be carried on board, tied hands and feet, by Sheridan, George Kelly, -and others of the Seven Men of Moidart. Hume repeated this incredible -nonsense in a letter to Sir John Pringle, who clearly distrusted the -evidence.[31] This appears to be the ‘certain history’ which the Earl -asks Hume to get from Helvetius, who had been ‘assured of the fact.’ By -whom? - -To disseminate this fourth-hand scandal of his former master—scandal -which, if true, he himself was in a better position to have heard than -Helvetius—was perhaps the least worthy act of the Earl. - -The David Floyd of whom he writes occurs often in the Stuart -Correspondence. He was of the old St. Germains set, being the son of that -Captain Floyd, so much disliked by Lord Ailesbury, who came and went -from England to James II., after 1688. - -In another letter the Earl advises Hume to consult Floyd on events ‘of -which you took a confused note from me at Mitcham.’ Among these facts -may be the story, given by Hume on the Earl’s authority, of Charles’s -presence at the coronation of George III. No other evidence of this -adventure exists. - -Here follows the letter:— - - ‘29 Aprile. - - ‘In answer to your question, the Don quixotisme you mention - never entered into my head. I wish I could see you to answer - honestly all your questions, for tho I had my share of follys - with others, yet as my intentions were at bottom honest, I - should open to you my whole budget, and lett you know many - things which are perhaps not all represented, I mean not truly. - I remember to have recommended to your acquaintance Mr. Floyd, - son to old David Floyd, at St. Germains, as a man of good - sense, honor, and honesty: I fear he is dead, he would have - been of great service to you in a part of your history since - 1688. _A propos of history when you see Helvetius, tell I - desired you to enquire of him concerning a certain history._ I - fancy he will answer you with his usuall Frankness.’ - -This, then, must refer to Helvetius’s lie about the Prince’s cowardice. - -[Illustration: _Walker & Boutall, ph. sc._ - -_The Earl Marischal_ - -_circ. 1750._] - -The following letters to Hume illustrate the rather blasphemous -_bonhomie_ of the Earl, who, because of Hume’s genius and fatness, was -wont to speak of him as ‘_verbum caro factum_.’ He writes of his new -hermitage at Potsdam, of his garden, his favourite books (just what -we might expect them to be—Montaigne, Swift, Ariosto), of Voltaire, -d’Argens, and d’Alembert. He incidentally shows, _à propos_ of a fabled -discovery, that Mr. Darwin’s theory would not have astonished him much:— - - ‘Potsdam, ce 11 Sep. 1764. - - ‘Le plaisir de votre lettre, et l’assurance d’amitié de Madame - Geauffrin et de Monsieur d’Alembert, a été bien rabattu par - ce que vous me dites de l’etat de la santé de M. d’Alembert; - sobre comme il est a table, comment peut il avoir des meaux - d’estomac: il faut qu’il travaille trop de la tête à des - calculs, ou qu’il allume sa chandelle par les deux bouts, c’est - cela sans doute. Renvoyez-le ici a mon hermitage, je le rendray - à sa, ou ses, belles frais, reposé, se portant a merveille. - - ‘A propos de mon hermitage dont Mʳ de Malsan vous a fait la - description, il a voyagé avec Panurge, et a été chez _Oui-dire - tenant école de temoignerie_, primo, ma petite maison ne - subsiste pas, par consequence mon grand hôte ne pouvoit m’y - honorer de sa presence. - - ‘2ᵒ. Elle ne sera pas si petite, ayant 89. pieds de façade, - avec deux ailes de 45. pieds de long; le jardin est petit, - assez grand cependant pour moy, et j’ay une clef pour entrer - aux jardins de Sans-Soucy. Il y aura une belle salle avec une - vestibule, et un cabinet assez grand pour y mettre un lit, tout - a part des autres appartements, si d’Alembert venoit il pouvoit - y loger et prendre les eaux, mais il est plus que probable que - le Grand Hôte me disputeroit et emporteroit cet avantage. En - attendant son arrivee, j’y logerais mon ancien ami Michel de - Montagne, Arioste, Voltaire, Swift, et quelques autres. - - ‘Saul et David y seront aussi, quoyque j’aimerais mieux David - F⸺i D⸺r—m, surtout en persone, car le Verbum j’ay, la Caro me - manque. Je regrette bien de n’avoir pas sçu que Mᵉ de Boufflers - étoit en hollande quand j’y ay passé, j’aurois été heureux de - la connoitre, par tout le bien que tout le monde dit d’elle. - Son ami et le mien Jean Jaques à été en chemin pour les eaux en - Savoye. - - ‘Voltaire est un antichretien entousiaste, j’en ay connu plus - d’un et qui plus est sans étre poête: je ne sais rien de son - dictionaire que j’ay cherché ici inutilement, il viendra, - toutes les choses nous vienent, un peu plus tard a la vérité - par ou vous étes; mais la Société dont vous avez le bonheur de - jouir ne nous viendra pas: comme je suis tres vieux, lourd, - pesant, bon a rien, il ne faut que Placidam sub libertate - Quietem; mon hôte, pour me la donner plus entierement, me - batit ma maison; elle sera achevée en trois mois; meublée au - printems: et j’y pourray loger Octobre 1765. - - ‘Faites moy envisager comme pas impossible que vous pourriez y - venir, que je serois bien content, bon soir. - - ‘Mes respects a Madame Geauffrin. - - ‘Dites a d’Alembert que j’ay une vache pour lui donner de - bon lait, cela le tentera plus que le cent mil roubles qu’on - lui à offert. N’a pas bon lait qui veut, et vir sapiens non - abhorrebit eam, come disoit Maitre Janotus de ses chausses.... - - ‘d’Argens est parti hier chercher le soleil de Provence, avant - que de se mettre en voyage, il se fit tâter le poux par son - medecin a plusieures reprises, le priant toujours bien fort de - le dire de bon foye s’il etoit en etat de faire le voyage, les - chevaux étoient deja au carosse. Il dit qu’il reviendra, et - n’en sait rien; le soleil ne le guerira pas de sa hipocondrie, - il reviendra chercher le froid, s’il ne creve pas, ce qui - est a craindre, son corps est trop delabré. Son frere, grand - Jesuite, sa vieille mere, et les Jansenistes Provençeaux tout - cela le genera, il soupirera aprés la liberté de philosopher - a Sans-Soucy, quoiqu’il se plaint quand il y est; si on lui - dit qu’il se porte bien surtout il se fache. Il seroit fort a - souhaiter que votre plume fusse employée a nous instruire de la - verité, au lieu des disputes sur l’I(l)e de la Tortuga, que je - crois l’occupe un pen a présent, mais si vous ne vous mettez - pas a écrire de votre proprement mouvement, et non pas par - complesance pour un autre, ne faites rien; il faut y étre tout - entier. - - ‘Le Chevalier Stuart m’a parlé des decouvertes par le - Microscope, par un certain Needham, prêtre, j’ay cherché - inutilement cette brochure. Voici le fait come le chevalier - Stuart me l’a dit. Il prit un gigot de mouton, le fit rotir - presqu’a brûler, pour detruire les animalcules ou leur œufs qui - pouvoient y étre: il en pris le jus, le mit dans une bouteille - bien bouchée, le fit cuire des heures dans l’eau bouillante, - pour detruire toute animalcule ou œuf que pouvoit si étre - introduite par l’air en mettant le jus dans la bouteille: - au bout de quelque tems le jus fermenta, et produisit des - animalcules. - - ‘Needham pretend que toute generation ne vient qu de - fermentation. Je vous dis mon autheur, vous le connoissez; il - ne parle legerment. - - ‘Cette decouverte me paroit valoir la peine a examiner; ce - pourroit étre du gibier, come dit Montagne, de M. Diderot. - Si la fermentation dans une petite bouteille produit un tres - petit animal: celle de tous les élements de notre globe, ne - pourroit elle produire, un chêne, un élephant. Je proteste que - je parle avec toute soumission à David Hume F—i D⸺i, et à la - sainte Inquisition, s’il trouve que quelque chose cloche dans - ce sistême, que je ne fais que raporter. bon soir.’ - -Other letters to Hume occur in 1765, and are preserved in the Library -of the Royal Society of Edinburgh. ‘I am going down hill very fast, but -easily, as one that descends the Mont Cenis _ramassé_, without pain -or trouble.’ He mentions the frost and snow at Berlin as severe to _un -pobre viejo Cristiano Español_. He sends turnip seed, a bucolic gift, to -Helvetius, and to Madame de Vassé, the lady who concealed Prince Charles -in the Convent of St. Joseph.[32] - -He mentions that he sups every night with the King, and wishes Hume to -share these festivals. - -The Earl was infinitely happier with Frederick and the gay freethinkers -at Potsdam than in Scotland, where so many friendly heads had fallen, -where every sight recalled unhappy things; where the lairds drank too -much, and the ministers preached too long, and wits were scarce, and -people wanted him to marry and beget heirs (here he had Frederick’s -sympathy), and still the cracked old bell kept up its peevish lament, -_Disloyal, Loyal, Loyal, Disloyal!_ - -Such was the Earl’s correspondence with Hume; they are the letters of a -kind, good, humorous old pagan. To d’Alembert also he wrote freely. ‘I -have read with much pleasure four volumes of your works, and was really -pleased with myself when I found that I could understand them. I want -to use my rights as an old fellow, and tell anecdotes.’ Then he gives a -Scotch story, which would be more amusing in Scots than in his French. Of -Frederick, he says that (unlike Carlyle) he is ‘gey easy to live wi’,’ -_l’homme du monde le plus aisé à vivre_. He announces ‘David Hume is -elevated to the sublime dignity of a Saint, by public acclamation: the -street where he dwells is entitled La rue de _St. David_. Vox populi, -vox Dei. Amen.’ Again,—the old sinner!— - -‘I have received an inestimable treasure, plenary indulgences _in -articulo mortis_, with power to bestow some of them on twelve elect -souls. One I send to good David Hume; as I wish you all good things in -both worlds, I offer you a place among my chosen.’ - -The philosopher took a simple pleasure in drolleries which no longer -tempt us—we have now been so long emancipated. - -The Earl said that in Spain he would have felt obliged to denounce -Frederick to the Inquisition. Frederick has given the old exile medicines -to make him love him, as Prince Hal did to Falstaff. ‘If he had not -bewitched me, would I stay here, where I only see a spectre of the sun, -when I might live and die in the happy climate of Valencia?’ - -So he slipped down the hill in a happy, kind old age. In summer he rose -at five, read for an hour, wrote his letters, and burned most of those -which he received. Then he had his head shaved, and washed in cold water, -dressed, took a drive, or pottered in his garden. Heaven made gardens, -surely, for the pottering peace of virtuous eld. At twelve he dined, -chiefly on vegetables, taking but one glass of sherry. He had always four -or five guests, and, after dinner, left them ‘to make the coffee’—that -is, to enjoy a _siesta_. He never remembered to have remained awake a -moment when once his head touched the pillow. Then he took coffee, played -piquet, pottered again in the garden, supped on chocolate, and so to bed -early. He read much, and thanked a slight loss of memory for the pleasure -of being able to read all his favourite authors over again. Rabelais, -Montaigne, and Molière were his favourites in French, in English, -Shakspeare and the old dramatists. Terence and Plautus he studied in -Latin, the Greek writers ‘in cribs.’ Tragedy he could not abide; mirth -he loved, and d’Alembert’s informant had come on him laughing aloud when -alone. He was full of anecdote, and, having known everybody of note for -some seventy years, his talk was delightful. For music, he preferred the -pibroch in a strange land, as did Charles, alone and old in Italy. One -touch of nature! - -He was kindness itself, and loved giving; from Rousseau he met, we are -told, the usual amount of gratitude after the quarrel with Hume. But, -judging from what Rousseau himself says, on this occasion he was not -ungrateful. If he heard, in conversation, a tale of misery, he made no -remark, but sought out and succoured the person in distress. To every one -who visited him he insisted on making some little present. He maintained -a poor woman in comfort; nay, ‘down to spiders and frogs, he was the -friend of all created things.’ Being a piquet player of the first force, -he would only stake halfpence, and, when his winnings accumulated, laid -them out in a feast of fat things for Snell, his big dog. Like Lionardo -da Vinci, he could not bear to see a caged bird. - -In his last years he was drawn about in a garden chair, his legs failing -him. His mortal agony was long and patiently borne: never before had he -been ill. ‘Can your physic take fifty years off my life?’ he asked the -doctor. He died merely of long life, on May 25, 1778. In 1770 he had -described himself to his kinsman, Sir Robert Murray Keith, as ‘nearly -eighty.’ In 1778, then, he cannot have been ninety-two, as Mr. Carlyle -supposed—probably he was about eighty-five. Years of trouble and sorrow -these years would have been to another, but ‘a merry heart goes all the -way.’ Physically, and mentally, and morally, the Earl had ever been an -example of soundness. In his latest illness he was never peevish. Once -‘he wished he were among the Eskimo, for they knock old men on the head.’ - -The Earl was not a great man. In conspiracy, in war, in government, in -diplomacy, he was a rather oddly ineffectual man. He had, in short, -a genius for goodness, and an independence of spirit, a perfect -disinterestedness, an inability to blind himself to disagreeable facts, -and to the merits of the opposite side—a balance, in fact, of temperament -and of humour—which are inconsistent with political success. We may wish -that his taste in jokes had been less that of the _philosophes_. We may -wish that, if the Cause was indeed hopeless, he had deserted it without -reproaching his old master. He might have abstained from disseminating -the tattle of Helvetius. There is very little else which mortal judgment -can find to reprehend in brave, honest, generous, humorous, kind George -Keith, who was, without Christian faith, the pattern of all the Christian -virtues. He was of two worlds—the old Royalist world, and the Age of -Revolution—yet undisturbed in heart he lived and died, - - Vetustæ vitæ imago, - Et specimen venientis ævi.[33] - - - - -III - -MURRAY OF BROUGHTON - - -In black contrast to the name, the character, the happy life and -peaceful, kindly end of the good Earl Marischal stand the infamy, the -ruined soul, the wretched existence and miserable death of John Murray -of Broughton. ‘No lip of me or mine comes after Broughton’s!’ said the -Whig father of Sir Walter Scott, as he threw out of window the teacup -from which the traitor had drunk. Murray was poisonous; was shunned like -a sick, venomed beast. His name was blotted out of the books of the -Masons’ lodge to which he belonged; even the records of baptisms in his -Episcopal chapel attest the horror in which he was held for thirty years, -for half his life. Yet this informer remained, through that moiety of his -degraded existence, true in heart to the Cause which the Earl Marischal -forsook and disdained, true to his affection for his Prince; and it is -even extremely probable that, after he became titular King, Charles, on a -secret expedition to England, visited Murray in his London house. - -The vacant, contemned years, when his beautiful wife had ceased to share -his infamy, were partly beguiled in the composition of the ‘Memorials,’ -which Mr. Fitzroy Bell has edited, with reinforcements from the Stuart -MSS., the papers in the Record Office, and the archives of the Quai -d’Orsay. In these we find a spectacle which is rare: a traitor convicted, -exposed, detested, yet still clinging to the Cause which he wrought for -and sold, still striving to batter himself into his own self-respect, and -to extenuate or bluster out his own dishonour. The Earl Marischal has -left us no memoirs; a manuscript which he gave to Sir Robert Murray Keith -has been lost. But Murray’s papers are still in the possession of his -great-grandson by a second marriage, Mr. George Siddons Murray, who has -generously sanctioned their publication. - -John Murray, of Broughton, in Peeblesshire, was born in 1715, being -descended from a cadet of the house of Murray of Philiphaugh. His -father, Sir David Murray, was out in the Fifteen, but afterwards lived -peacefully, developed the lead mines of Strontian, and died before the -Forty-five. His son, educated at Edinburgh and Leyden Universities, -visited Rome in 1737-8, carried thither his ancestral politics, and -inflamed them at the light of Prince Charles’s eyes, ‘the finest I -ever saw.’[34] He found Charles ‘the most surprizingly handsome person -of the age,’ a description not borne out by the miniature in enamel -which he gave to his admirer in a diamond snuff-box.[35] Here we see -‘the complection that has in it somewhat of an uncommon delicacy;’ we -see large brown eyes, an oval face, and the bright hair hanging down -below the perruque, that hair which is treasured in a hundred rings, -sleeve-links, and lockets. But genuine portraits of the Prince do not -account for his epithet of ‘bonnie,’ and for his almost involuntary -successes with women. He had ‘an air,’ and was, indeed, a good-looking -boy enough; but he was no Adonis, the lower part of his face tending -early to overfulness. However, he won Murray’s heart, and he never lost -it. - -Returning, in 1738, to Broughton, on the Tweed, Murray found himself a -near neighbour of Lord Traquair, then residing in his ancient château, -which lent its bears to Tully Veolan. The house has a legend of an avenue -gate never to be opened till the King comes again; but Lord Traquair, a -Jacobite from vanity, did nothing to promote a Restoration. He feebly -caballed, and at Traquair Murray may have drunk loyal healths enough -to float a ship. Inclined for more active measures, he succeeded old -Colonel Urquhart as Scottish correspondent of Edgar, the King’s secretary -in Rome. The appointment was approved of by the Duke of Hamilton, who, -dying in 1743, left the Garter, the gift of King George, and the Thistle, -the gift of King James! The new Duke was Jacobite enough to subscribe -1,500_l._ to the Cause and to accept James’s commission just before the -Prince landed, but he held aloof from the Rising. - -Murray went into his business as Jacobite organiser with a cool and -clear head. He knew the value of documentary evidence, and when he -could he secured the signatures of adherents. In 1741 the ‘Association’ -was formed, by Traquair, Lovat, Macgregor or Drummond of Balhaldie -(described in the essay on the Earl Marischal), the bankrupt Campbell -of Auchenbreck, father-in-law of Lochiel, and Lochiel himself, the -only honest man of the cabal. In March 1741, Murray was introduced to -Balhaldie. That chief promised mountains and marvels, including 20,000 -stand of arms already stocked. Visionary weapons were these, as the -swords which fell from heaven into Clydesdale in 1684. Murray was invited -to trust Lovat, which he was disinclined to do, having heard from Lochiel -and from general rumour of that rogue’s unfathomable and capricious -treachery. Murray yielded, however, and the Association was launched. -First came the question of supplies. The Scots were loyal, but, as a -rule, would not part with a bawbee. Hay of Drumelzier kept a good grip of -the gear; Lockhart of Carnwath had no money by him; the Duke of Hamilton -evaded the question; and Lovat and Balhaldie opposed the recruiting of -new associates, who, if brought in, would have rebelled against such -incompetent or treacherous managers. - -Nothing occurred till, in December 1742, Balhaldie sent some of his -Ossianic prophecies of a French invasion to Traquair. Murray did not -believe in the predictions, and only the feeblest attempts at organising -the country into districts were made. Auchenbreck was to manage -Argyllshire, Traquair was responsible for Scotland south of Forth. -Neither brought in an adherent. Weapons were lacking, and Balhaldie gave -no information about a plan of campaign. It was absolutely necessary to -know what France really intended, and, at the end of 1712, Murray himself -set out for Paris. In London he heard of the death of Cardinal Fleury—a -great blow to the cause. He found in Paris that Balhaldie was beguiling -France with exaggerated accounts of what the stingy and disorganised -Scots were prepared to do. Murray was merely mocked by Cardinal Tencin, -and from Amelot got only vague expressions of goodwill, and the warning -that ‘such enterprizes were dangerous and precarious.’ Yet Balhaldie -seemed much elated, and returned to England with Murray to put heart into -the English adherents. In England Murray found Colonel Cecil as little -satisfied with Balhaldie as himself, but the Celt hurried about with a -great air of business, and sent for Traquair to come to town. - -Traquair did go to town, carrying a letter of Murray’s, to be forwarded -to the Earl Marischal. By the advice of Balhaldie (who was the last man -that ought to have seen the letter) Traquair burned it. This was a new -offence, and, in brief, the feud between Murray and Balhaldie became -inveterate. - -In London Traquair did nothing. He never wrote to the party in Scotland, -and he brought back nothing but the names of the English leaders, the -Duke of Beaufort, Lord Orrery, Lord Barrymore, Sir John Hinde Cotton, and -Sir Watkin Williams Wynne. When Murray, in turning informer, divulged -these names, except that of Beaufort, he told Government nothing which -every man who cared did not know. But the English were thrown ‘into a -mortal fright,’ as Balhaldie found so late as 1749. They were always in a -mortal fright, always insisted that their Scottish allies should not even -know who they were. Thus concerted movements were made impossible. Murray -was dashed by the discovery that the English party was a mere set of five -or six _nominum umbræ_. Doubtless there were plenty of Squire Westerns, -who were ready to drink healths. - - Were our glasses turned into swords, - Or our actions half as great as our words, - Were our enemies turned to quarts, - How nobly we should play our parts. - The least that we would do, each man should kill his two, - Without the help of France or Spain, - The Whigs should run a tilt, and their dearest blood be spilt, - And the King should enjoy his own again![36] - -There may have been more serious intentions. In a Devonshire house -I saw, once, a fine portrait of James III., and learned that the -great-grandfather of the owner had burned compromising papers. Such -papers of English Jacobites, if any existed, seem always to have been -destroyed. - -Traquair had done nothing; from Barrymore he got a promise of 10,000_l._, -from the rich Welsh baronet he got only excuses. Lovat, according to -Murray, said, in the Tower, that Beaufort had promised to raise 12,000 -men, ‘whereby he exposed before the warders a nobleman to the resentment -of Government whom I had been at great pains to represent ... as no ways -privy to or concerned in our scheme.’ - -The year 1743 ended, and at its close (December 23) James announced to -Ormonde and to the Earl Marischal the French King’s resolution to help -him. Balhaldie brought the Prince to France, early in 1744. Nothing -was done, nothing was concerted. An attempt to engage the Cameronians, -through Kenmure and Sir Thomas Gordon of Earlstoun, was a predestined -failure. After Midsummer, 1744, Murray determined to visit France, -watch Balhaldie, and see the Prince. He casually discovered that a Mr. -Cockburn left the Jacobite cypher lying loose on his window seat, or -under a dictionary! These were pretty characters to manage a conspiracy; -but we have seen equal stupidity in ‘Jameson’s Raid.’ In London Murray -saw Dr. Barry, whom he later betrayed, as far as in him lay. He crossed -to Flanders, and met Balhaldie gambling in the Sun tavern at Rotterdam. -Balhaldie vapoured about buying arms, though ‘he had not credit for a -_louis d’or_,’ and bragged about the travelling chaise (the Prince’s -famous _chese_) which he had designed for his Royal Highness. Not to -pursue these chicaneries, Murray exposed Balhaldie and Sempil to Charles, -whom he met secretly behind the stables of the Tuileries. The Prince took -it very coolly, without loss of temper or excitement, but announced his -intention to visit Scotland next summer (1745) if he came with a single -servant. Murray replied that his arrival would ever be welcome, ‘but I -hoped it would not be without a body of troops.’ Murray then pointed out -that, in such an adventure, ‘he could not positively depend on more than -4,000 Highlanders, _if so many_,’ and that even these would infinitely -regret the measure. - -Murray has been accused, by Maxwell of Kirkconnell, of putting Charles -upon this enterprise. In fact, his error lay in not formally and -explicitly warning the Prince from the first. Later he did send warning -letters, but Traquair did not try to deliver them, and Young Glengarry -failed in the attempt. - -The result of Murray’s disclosures, and of a written Memorial which -he sent in, was to undeceive Charles as to Sempil and Balhaldie. His -letters to James are proofs of this, and now the split in the party was -incurable. Murray went to and fro, undermining Balhaldie. Balhaldie, at -the end of 1744, sent Young Glengarry from France, to work against Murray -on the mind of Lochiel. That chief brought the two future traitors, -Glengarry and Murray, together, and the Celt came into the Lowlander’s -bad opinion of Balhaldie. This was early in 1745. Murray now made the -mistake of trying to pin men to a declaration, in writing, that they -would join Charles, even if he came alone. His duty was to discourage any -such enterprise, which, unaided by France, could only mean ruin. On the -other hand, he actually engaged Macleod, the chief of the Skye men. With -Stewart of Appin, Macleod chanced to be in Edinburgh. Murray gave him a -letter from Charles, and described the character of that Prince. ‘Macleod -declared, in a kind of rapture, that he would make it his business to -advance his interest as much as was in his power, and would join him, let -him come when he would.’ This occurred at a meeting in a tavern attended -by the persons already mentioned, with Traquair, Glengarry, and Lochiel. -Of these men, Appin did not come out, Traquair skulked, Macleod turned -his coat, Glengarry became a spy, Murray was Murray, and only Lochiel -saved his honour. Next day, by Murray’s desire, Lochiel extracted from -Macleod a written promise to raise his clan, even if Charles came unaided -and alone. - -How Macleod kept his promise we know. He sent his forces to join Loudon’s -detachment in Hanoverian service; the whole array was frightened back -in an attempt to surprise and capture Charles. They all ran like hares -from the blacksmith of Moy, with one or two gardeners and other retainers -of Lady Mackintosh, and the only man slain was Macrimmon, Macleod’s -piper, the composer of the prophetic lament, ‘Macleod shall return, but -Macrimmon shall never!’ Murray comments with great severity on Macleod’s -treason, and, in his promise, and that of others, finds justification -for Charles’s adventure, and an answer to the question, ‘Why he made -an attempt of such consequence with so small a force?’ All this leaves -Murray in a quandary.... To send such promises (as he did) was to -encourage Charles in a desperate project. To be sure Murray, later, did -attempt to stop Charles; but he should never have sent him these signed -encouragements, both from Macleod and Stewart of Appin. But Murray, he -says, now changed his mind; he made out a journal of all his proceedings, -showing Charles (most inconsistently) that all the party, except the -Duke of Perth, ‘were unanimous against his coming without a force.’ -These papers Murray entrusted, for Charles, to Traquair, who was going -to England, and meant to proceed to France, using this very singular -expression, ‘that he would see the Prince, _though in a bawdy house_. The -present Earl of Weymss and Laird of Glengarry [Pickle] can vouch this. -The latter has since repeated it to me in my house in London.’ - -Traquair now went to London, but he never went to France, nor did he -transmit the warning to Charles. Meanwhile Murray extracted 1,500_l._ -from the new Duke of Hamilton (a new fact), and the Duke of Perth paid an -equal sum, and even offered to mortgage his estate. Hamilton also gave -a verbal promise to join Charles ‘with all the forces he could raise.’ -Murray again wrote to Charles, saying that he must bring at least 6,000 -men. Perth, Elcho, and Lochiel signed this letter. This letter was sent -by one John Macnaughten. Did it ever arrive? In the Stuart Papers is a -letter signed ‘J. Barclay,’ and undated. It is clearly from Murray to -Charles, and announces the journal entrusted to Traquair, but contains no -warning.[37] - -In a letter of March 14, 1745, to James, Charles refers to this letter -announcing the journal and other despatches, which had not arrived—as -Traquair never sent them. On April 9, Charles appears to refer to -Macnaughten’s budget of letters as not yet deciphered.[38] - -From London Traquair sent only a note of doubtful and, at best, of -insignificant meaning. Nothing whatever was settled or arranged. Then -came Sir Hector, chief of the Macleans, to Scotland, where he was -arrested. Now, Murray reflected that the epistle sent by Macnaughten -‘contained rather a wish than an advice, and might not be sufficient to -prevent the Prince’s coming.’ Murray therefore sent, as a final warning, -that set of papers which Traquair had not forwarded, entrusting it to -Young Glengarry, at the end of May 1745. But Glengarry did not succeed in -seeing Charles, who was thus left without warning not to come. Perhaps no -warning would have stopped him; at all events he received none, and the -die was cast. The Prince embarked on June 22. - -Murray’s whole book is one of self-justification. He may clear himself of -having suggested the unaided enterprise to Charles. But, partly through -the frivolity of Traquair, partly through the zeal of Murray, Charles was -left without decisive admonition. He saw his party distracted: for a year -and a half France had treated him ‘scandalously’ (as even the patient -James averred), and he determined to force the hands both of France and -the Jacobites. He pawned the Sobieski rubies—‘the Prince would wear them -with a very sore heart on this side of the water’—he put his life to -the hazard. If ever an attempt was to be made at all, Charles did well. -England was empty of troops. A success or two, the Prince reckoned, must -unite the distracted party on the one hand, and tempt or compel France -to action on the other. His motto was _de l’audace_! If all men had been -Lochiels, if the Duke of Hamilton, Macleod, Traquair, Lovat, Beaufort, -Barrymore, Orrery, and the rest, had honour and truth, if France had -such a thing as a policy, and could seize an opportunity, Charles would -have won the Crown. But many men are not Lochiels, and, if France had -a policy, it was not to restore the Stuarts, but to use them as a mere -diversion. - -By the end of May Macnaughten returned, with news that Charles would be -in Scotland by July. This caused Murray much chagrin, but he at once -warned Perth, Lochiel, and Macleod. To the Duke of Hamilton he gave the -Prince’s commission, ‘which he accepted with great cheerfulness.’ Murray -then went to Lochiel, who remarked that every man of honour was bound to -rise, and who quite trusted Lovat and Macleod. He leaned on broken reeds. -Lovat temporised, Macleod turned his coat. Here Murray’s MS. breaks off, -and he continues the history of the Rising ‘from Moidart to Derby.’ - -The military part of Murray’s ‘Memorials’ is full of reflections on -Charles’s ‘unparalleled good nature and humanity,’ and his strategic -skill. Murray had desired to be an aide-de-camp: he clearly thinks -himself a good judge of warfare. He was obliged to be Secretary, but did -not covet that office. He, alone, had any previous personal knowledge -of Charles, with whom he was such a favourite as to excite the jealousy -of Lord George Murray and of Maxwell of Kirkconnell. These jealousies -were of perilous consequence. Maxwell, writing after Murray was the -most detested man on earth, charges heavily against him: ‘He began by -representing Lord George as a traitor to the Prince; he assured him -that he had joined on purpose to have an opportunity of delivering him -up to Government.’ Lord George heard of this, and was deeply affected. -Prestonpans nearly opened Charles’s eyes, but Lord George’s ‘haughty and -overbearing manner prevented a thorough reconciliation, and seconded the -malicious insinuations of his rival.... He now and then broke into such -violent sallies as the Prince could not digest....’ - -Now the loyalty of Lord George is beyond all shadow of suspicion. -Till his death, in 1760, he was the faithful and devoted subject of -King James. Even Murray, in his MSS., does not breathe a word against -him. But, if Murray did, at first, conceive suspicions, and suggest -precautions, it is impossible to blame him. What was Lord George’s -position? He had been out, at Glenshiel, in 1719, with his brother, -Tullibardine. He was pardoned, and was residing in Scotland. He never -appears as a Jacobite in the negotiations of 1740-45. His brother -William, who, but for his steady Jacobitism, would have been Duke of -Atholl, came over with Charles. The actual Duke, _de facto_, Lord -George’s brother James, deserted Blair Atholl on the approach of the -Highlanders, and went to London. Tullibardine (William) assumed the title -of Duke, and occupied Blair. Lord George also joined the Prince. But -Murray had to ask himself, was Lord George in earnest? Murray knew the -treachery of the times, and had employed James Mohr Macgregor, known to -be a Hanoverian spy, to beguile Cope and the Lord Chief Justice. Was Lord -George, Murray would think, playing James Mohr’s part on the other side? - -Murray had reason for suspicion. As late as August 20, 1745, after the -standard was raised at Glenfinnan, Lord George wrote to the Lord Advocate -from Dunkeld. He announced that, on the following day, he and Old -Glengarry would wait on Cope at Crieff. Cope was marching North to fight -the Prince. Lord George talked of ‘the Pretender,’ and sent information. -He _did_ wait on Cope. As late as September 1, he was corresponding with -his Hanoverian brother, Duke James, but, on September 3, he announced -to his brother that he was about to join the Prince. ‘Duty to King and -Country overweighs everything.’[39] - -As a matter of fact, Lord George simply, if rather suddenly, changed -his mind, engaging, like Lord Pitsligo, ‘without enthusiasm,’ and it -seems without hope. He thought that honour called him. But to Murray -Lord George’s conduct in first colloguing with Cope, and then rallying -to Charles, must have seemed suspicious. It _was_ suspicious: to Cope it -must have appeared the blackest treason. ‘Lord George,’ Murray would say, -‘is betraying somebody; now, whom is he betraying?’ - -A curious piece of gossip has lately come to light. It was said that one -of the Highland army, in England, had a squabble with a wayfaring man, -and broke his staff, in which was found a letter from the Whig brother -Duke James, to Lord George, suggesting that, in a battle, he should -desert, carrying over the Atholl men. Probably the story is false, and -based on the sending _to_ Duke James of letters, by one of his servants, -concealed in the shank of a whip. In any case, Lord George was never -really reconciled to Murray, and Charles (after Lord George counselled -retreat at Derby, retreat at Stirling, and the abandonment of the -surprise at Nairn) never trusted, never forgave him, wished to imprison -him in France, and shut his door against him. James in vain remonstrated, -Charles was implacable. - -At Carlisle, on the march southwards, there was a great quarrel. Lord -George resigned his commission, offering to serve as a volunteer. -Charles accepted the resignation. The Duke of Perth was acting as -commander-in-chief. He was a Catholic, and Lord George deemed that this -would have an ill effect, besides he himself was a much senior and -infinitely more experienced officer. Lord George also urged that Murray -‘took everything upon him, both as to civil and military.’ The Duke of -Perth then resigned his command, apparently on the advice of Maxwell of -Kirkconnell, who praises his magnanimity. Murray also, he himself tells -us, withdrew from the councils of war, ‘which seemed to quiet Lord George -a good deal.’ Lord George became general in chief, and distinguished -himself by skill and personal bravery. But the quarrel was never -reconciled. Unluckily Murray gives no account of the decision to retreat -from Derby. Then no more councils were held, and ‘little people’ (that -is, Murray) were allowed to advise: till Lord George and the chiefs sent -in a remonstrance. - -Murray breaks off in his narrative at Derby, and does not resume it till -after Culloden. He had fallen ill at Elgin, in March 1746, where Charles -also had a severe attack of pneumonia.[40] - -Murray was carried across country to Mrs. Grant’s house in Glenmoriston. -Everything fell into worse confusion after his departure, his successor, -John Hay of Restalrig, being incompetent. At Glenmoriston Murray heard -from Archibald Cameron of the defeat at Culloden. In the shape of a -letter from a friend of Mr. Murray of Broughton, he describes and -justifies his own conduct after ‘the wicked day of destiny.’ - -It is, perhaps, less easy to justify the conduct of his master. The -irredeemable point in Charles’s behaviour in Scotland was his withdrawal -from the remnant of his army, which met at Ruthven. There is much -obscurity as to the details, as to whether a place of rendezvous had been -fixed upon or not. But Charles knew where the army and officers were; he -received a scolding letter from Lord George, and he declined to return to -the forces. His distrust of Lord George had revived; he knew that there -were men who would not scruple to win their pardon by betraying him, and, -with Sheridan, O’Sullivan, O’Niel, and others, he made for the islands. - -Murray, after news came of the defeat, was carried to Fort Augustus, and -thence to Lochgarry’s house. Hoping even yet to rally a force, he met -the wounded and outworn Duke of Perth at Invergarry, to no result. He -then was carried to Lochiel’s country, and Lochiel determined to wage a -guerilla war in the hills, expecting French assistance. Murray sent Archy -Cameron to Arisaig to get news of Charles, but Archy learned from Hay of -Restalrig that the Prince had already taken boat for the Isles. Archy -disbelieved Hay, but Charles had really gone, or was on the very point -of going (April 26). Certain news reached Murray and Lochiel; the chief -determined to remain with his clan, on a point of honour, and Murray -stood by Lochiel, as also did Major Kennedy. They could have fled in the -French vessels which landed the gold of the fatal treasure, but they were -resolute to stand by each other.[41] Those who departed were the dying -Duke of Perth, a sacrifice to his own chivalrous devotion: Lord Elcho, -who presently tried to gain his pardon; old Sir Thomas Sheridan, who soon -afterwards died, heart-broken, at Rome; Lord John Drummond, Lockhart of -Carnwath, and Hay of Restalrig. - -Murray now arranged for the burial of the French gold, and then -Glenbucket, with the poet-soldier John Roy Stewart, Clanranald, -Lochgarry, Barisdale, Young Scotus, and Lovat, held a council. Lovat -proposed holding out in the hills, and promised the aid of his son, -Simon, and 400 Frazers. Murray suspected the old fox, and proposed that -all should sign a ‘band’ of mutual fidelity. Lovat would not sign! - -The allies were to rendezvous in ten days at Loch Arkaig, and, later, the -meeting was deferred for another week. But the Master of Lovat ‘was never -so much as heard of’ at the tryst; Lochgarry brought but 100 men, and -Murray accuses him of treacherous intentions, this on the suggestion of -Barisdale. Now Lochgarry left, and did not return, nor did his sentinels -bring in news of an approaching English force. Of all this Lochgarry says -nothing in his report to Young Glengarry, published by Mr. Blaikie. But, -as we know with absolute certainty that Barisdale was an infamous coward, -liar, and traitor, while Lochgarry was loyal to his death, we need not -accept Barisdale’s evidence against a cousin whom he detested. However -it happened, no news came from Lochgarry, and, if Murray himself had not -sent out scouts, the whole party, with Lochiel, would have been taken -near Loch Arkaig.[42] - -The game being now up, Murray made his way South, in exceedingly bad -health, aggravated by exposure and fatigue. His idea was to get a ship on -the East Coast, where Lochiel would join him, and to escape. But Murray -was captured, through information given by a herd-boy, at the house of -his sister, Mrs. Hunter of Polmood. He certainly did not intend to be -captured, and he says that, even after he was taken, he tried to arrange -about a ship for Lochiel. He also vindicates the conduct of his wife, -who was about to bear a child, and he justifies his honesty in money -matters. Now in money matters Murray’s hands were clean, and there is no -real ground for the charges against poor Mrs. Murray. But what Murray -does not say, is that, as soon as he was approached, after his capture, -by the Lord Justice Clerk, he promised ‘to discover all he knew.’[43] -He did not tell _all_ he knew, but on August 13, being examined in the -Tower, he told a great deal. About Traquair he spoke out: he named the -English Jacobite leaders, he told his tale about Macleod in the tavern -meeting, he sheltered Macdonald of Sleat, and even screened Lovat as far -as he dared: in fact, he took revenge on half-hearted Jacobites, and, for -some reason, did his best to hang Sir John Douglas. He sent in an account -of the Clans, in substance much like that in the MS. of 1750.[44] He -betrayed the secret of the Loch Arkaig treasure, and asked to be allowed -to go to the spot, and point it out to the agents of Government. In reply -to Murray, Traquair and Dr. Barry lied firmly, under examination, and Sir -John Douglas refused to answer any questions. They suffered imprisonment, -but escaped with life for lack of corroboration. Some legal jugglery was -needed before Murray could be accepted as King’s Evidence, but the trick -was played, and the Laird of Broughton publicly ‘peached’ at Lovat’s -trial. He declares that he peached with economy. ‘The utmost care was -taken to conceal everything that was not known by his own letters, of -which he was so sensible that he sent me thanks by Mr. Fowler (Gentleman -Gaoler of the Tower), for my forbearance, and said he was not the least -hurt or offended by anything I had said.’ - -Such are Murray’s excuses. He could have told more, and Lovat might have -died without his testimony, on the evidence of various Frazers. Murray -was pardoned in June 1748. He tried to provoke Traquair to a duel and -vapoured with cloak and sword behind Montague House. He associated with -Young Glengarry, whom he very probably thought an honest man, and his -visits a privilege. Glengarry doubtless got from Murray information -about the Loch Arkaig treasure, and, perhaps, picked up a few crumbs -of intelligence for his employers. His wife had not left Murray, in -1749, when he reconciled his lady to the loss of her repeater, pawned -by a priest named Leslie for the relief of Young Glengarry, who was -starving.[45] When Mrs. Murray left her intolerable lord is not exactly -known, nor is anything certain about her later fortunes. In May 1749, -Stonor tells Edgar that Murray’s ‘late actions have not only the -appearance of a knave but a madman, and it is the opinion of most -people he is really also the latter, several of his family having been -disordered in their senses, and his present situation sufficient to -cause it in him, as he can’t but feel the sting of such a conscience, -finds himself the outcast of mankind, and _is in circumstances extremely -indigent_.’ It follows that he did not keep the money buried in the -garden of Menzies of Culdares, some 4,000_l._[46] Traquair had Murray -arrested by a warrant of the Lord Chief Justice, for provoking a breach -of the peace.[47] - -In 1764, Murray sold Broughton. His agent was Sir Walter Scott’s father, -and, as we all know, Mr. Scott threw the cup from which Murray had drunk -out of the window. The younger Dumas, probably by a chance coincidence, -uses this in his play, ‘L’Étrangère.’ After selling Broughton, Murray -is said to have lived in London, and family tradition avers that he -was visited by Charles, whom he introduced to his little boy as ‘your -_King_.’ This ought, then, to be dated 1766, or later. Murray is said to -have justified Stonor’s letter, already cited, by dying in a madhouse, -on December 6, 1777. He was sane enough, certainly, when he wrote his -‘Memorials.’ Such was Murray of Broughton, in spite of his treachery a -devoted believer in the Cause; till his capture, a brave, loyal, and -constant supporter of the Cause; a man by nature honourable, and a lover -of honour in others, as in Lochiel and the Duke of Perth. He sinned, when -he did sin, in violation of every tradition of education, and, in turning -Informer, wrenched every fibre of his moral nature. His servant, a poet -of the time remarks, set his master an example. - - Behold, the menial hand that broke your bread, - That wiped your shoes, and with your crumbs was fed, - When life and riches, proffered to his view, - Before his eyes the strong temptation threw, - Rather than quit integrity of heart, - Or act, like you, th’unmanly traytor’s part, - Disdains the purchase of a worthless life, - And bares his bosom to the butcher’s knife. - -But Murray renounced honour and lingered on the scene. - - And whither, whither, can the guilty fly - From the devouring worms that never die? - -‘Lead us not into temptation.’ The view of death brought Murray face to -face with a self in his breast, which, it is probable, he had never known -to exist: that awful contradictory self to which each of us has yielded, -though few in such extremity of surrender. - - - - -IV - -MADEMOISELLE LUCI - - -In ‘Pickle the Spy’ mention was frequently made of ‘Mademoiselle Luci,’ -the mysterious young lady who, from 1749 to her death in 1752, was the -French Egeria of Prince Charles. An exile, without a roof to cover his -head in any land but the States of the Pope, to which he declined to go, -the Prince was sheltered in the Parisian convent of St. Joseph by Mlle. -Luci and the lady styled _La Grande Main_ in the cypher of the Prince’s -correspondence. By dint of some research, I discovered that Mlle. Luci -was Mlle. Ferrand, while La Grande Main was her devoted friend, Madame -de Vassé. Both were very intimate with a person always alluded to in -the Prince’s correspondence as _le philosophe_. As Montesquieu lived -in the same street (the Rue Dominique) as these ladies (who directed -the Prince’s philosophical studies), as he was on friendly terms with -Charles, Lord Elibank, Bulkeley, and other Jacobites, I concluded that -the _philosophe_ of the correspondence was probably the author of -‘L’Esprit des Lois.’ This was a blunder which criticism should have -detected. The _philosophe_ was not Montesquieu, but the Abbé Condillac. -The proof is in the preliminary chapter of his ‘Traité des Sensations;’ -he there dedicates that important psychological work to Madame de Vassé, -and deplores the death of their beloved Mlle. Ferrand. Condillac, -clearly, was their friend, _le philosophe_. Mlle. Ferrand, it seems, -was the instructor of Condillac, as well as the protector and literary -adviser of Prince Charles. - -‘You know, Madame,’ says Condillac to Madame de Vassé, ‘to whom I owe -the light which at length scattered my prejudices. You know what part -she had in this book, that lady so justly dear to you, so worthy of your -friendship and esteem. I consecrate my work to her memory, and I address -you that I may share the pleasure of speaking about her and the pain of -our common sorrow. May this book be the monument of your friendship, and -preserve it unforgotten.’ - -A volume on the relations of sense and thought, like Condillac’s, is not -the place to which one naturally turns in search of information about a -girl who loyally served a proscribed Prince and a forsaken Cause. Yet -it is Condillac who attests for us ‘the keenness, the just balance, of -Mlle. Ferrand’s intellect, and the vivacity of her imagination, qualities -apparently incompatible, when carried to the pitch at which she displayed -them.’ - -The scheme of Condillac’s psychology cannot be discussed in this place, -but he says that he owed everything to Prince Charles’s friend. ‘She -enlightened me as to the principles, the plan, and the most minute -details, and I ought to be the more grateful, as she had no idea of -instructing me, or of making a book. She did not remark that she was -becoming an author, having no design beyond that of conversing with me -on the topics in which I was interested.... Had she taken up the pen, -this work would be a better proof of her genius. But there was in her -a delicacy which forbade her even to contemplate authorship.... This -treatise is, unhappily, but the result of conversations with her, and I -fear that I may have sometimes failed to place her ideas in their true -light.’ - -Had Mlle. Ferrand survived, Condillac thinks that she would not have -allowed him to acknowledge her influence on his work. ‘But how can I, -to-day, deny myself the pleasure of this act of justice? Nothing but this -remains to me, in our loss of a wise adviser, an enlightened critic, and -a true friend. You, Madame, will share the pleasure with me, you who will -not cease to regret her while you live.’ The philosopher speaks of ‘the -intellect, the loyalty, the courage, which formed these ladies for each -other.’ Loyalty, courage, wit, these women laid them at the feet of a -Prince not their own, and solely recommended to their tenderness by his -misfortunes. - -‘Your friend, in dying, had this one consolation, Madame, that she was -not to survive you. I have seen her happy in this reflection. “Speak -sometimes of me with Madame de Vassé,” she said to me, “and let it be -with a kind of pleasure.”’ Such was the girl, so brilliantly endowed, -so brave, so affectionate, who did Prince Charles’s marketing, bought -him novels and razors, directed his choice of books, was the channel -through which his secret correspondence passed, was jealously regarded -by his mistress, Madame de Talmond, and died before the end of all hope -had come, before the Prince was renounced even by his own. To the angry -Madame de Talmond she wrote, ‘I am strongly attached to your friend [the -Prince] and for him would do and suffer anything short of stooping to an -act of baseness.’ - -There must have been something in Charles, beyond his misfortunes, to win -so much devotion from a woman of the highest intellect. - -Mlle. Ferrand died, after a long illness, in October 1752. Her memory -is preserved only by a note in Grimm’s correspondence, by the touching -tribute of Condillac, and by the discovery of her kindness to a -proscribed Prince. While she protected and advised him, she was inspiring -a renowned philosopher, and keeping a secret which every diplomatist in -Europe was eager to learn. We naturally desire to know whether Mlle. -Ferrand was beautiful as well as talented and kind. But researches in -France have not brought to light any portrait either of Mlle. Ferrand, -or of Madame de Vassé, who long survived her friend, and was in -correspondence, about 1760, with the Earl Marischal.[48] - - - - -V - -THE ROMANCE OF BARISDALE - - -While the Lowlanders, for nearly fifteen hundred years, had cast on -Highland robbers the eyes of hatred and contempt, Sir Walter Scott -suddenly taught men to think a cateran a very fine fellow. The -unanimity of a non-Highland testimony had previously been wonderful. -‘The Highlanders are great thieves,’ says Dio Cassius, speaking for -civilisation as early as A.D. 200-230. Gildas, in the sixth century, -calls the Highlanders (Picti) ‘a set of bloody free booters, with more -hair on their thieves’ faces than clothes to cover their nakedness.’ -Early mediæval writers talk of the _bestiales Picts_ (‘the beastly -Picts’), and later Lowland opinions to a similar effect are too familiar -for quotation. To Scott was left the discovery of the virtues of the -honest cateran, who looked on cattle-stealing as an ennobling occupation -in the intervals of war. - -Sir Walter’s opinion ran through Europe like the Fiery Cross. His -grandson, Hugh Littlejohn, stirred up by the ‘Tales of a Grandfather,’ -dirked his small brother slightly with a pair of scissors in a childish -enthusiasm! Even the moral Wordsworth, moved by Scott, had a good word -for Rob Roy. Yet about that hero Sir Walter cherished no illusions. He -knew Rob’s Letter of Submission to General Wade, after 1715. Rob, of -course, had been out for King James, but he coolly says to Wade: ‘I not -only avoided acting offensively against his Majesty’s’ (King George’s) -‘forces, but, on the contrary, sent His Grace the Duke of Argyle all the -intelligence I could from time to time of the strength and situation of -the Rebels; which I hope his Grace will do me the justice to acknowledge.’ - -‘All the _demerits_ ascribed to him by his enemies are less to his -discredit than this one _merit_ which he assumes to himself,’ says -Jamieson.[49] The double-faced traitor, Rob’s son, James Mohr, one of the -bravest of men, _chassa de race_. The truth is that a life of plunder, -however romantic and however little regarded as immoral or degrading -by Highland opinion, really did foster, in educated men, the most -astonishing perfidy. This is the last vice we look for in the generous -cateran; and, indeed, the outlaws of Glen Moriston were as loyal to their -Prince as Lochiel. But the prevalent opinion that robbery, sanctioned by -tradition, does not degrade the general character, can be proved to be -an error. We read about Cluny that, in 1742-5, he held the usual belief. -‘He was certain it’ (the habit of robbery) ‘proceeded only from the -remains of barbarism, for he had many convincing proofs that in other -respects the dispositions of the people in these parts were generally -as benevolent, humane, and even generous, as those of any country -whatever.’[50] - -Cluny was right about the untutored mass of the people, but he was wrong -about a few educated chiefs, who encouraged and lived on an unfortunate -tradition. Thus Sir Walter Scott writes about the thief whose history we -are to narrate, Macdonnell of Barisdale: ‘He was a scholar and well-bred -gentleman. He engraved on his broadswords the well-known lines: - - Hae tibi erunt artes, pacisque imponere morem, - Parcere subjectis, et debellare superbos.’[51] - -Barisdale knew what was right; his following knew only his will. He was -the blackest of traitors; they were true as steel. - -The specially robber tribes in 1715-45 were those of the dispossessed -Macgregors, whose hand was, necessarily, against every man’s hand; of -the Macdonnells in Knoydart; and of some of the Camerons in Lochaber and -Rannoch. Old Lovat, too, discouraging schools, kept up sedulously the -ancient clan ideas. No other sections of the Highlanders are accused, -even by Whigs, of robbery. Mackays, Mackenzies, Grants, Mackintoshes, -Macphersons, Macleans are not blamed, and such gentlemen of the Camerons -and Macdonnells as Lochiel, Scothouse, and Keppoch are specially -exculpated. Lochiel was a reformer within his clan. The gallant Keppoch -had forsworn the predatory habits which, in 1689, made his people -threaten Inverness. Of Scothouse we shall hear the most excellent report. -Now, it cannot be by a mere fortuitous coincidence that all the Highland -traitors, James Mohr, Old Lovat, Glengarry, Barisdale, and some others, -come precisely from the homes of cattle thieves, and from a factitious -hothouse of old clan ideas; from the Macgregor country, Knoydart, the -worst part of Lochaber, and Rannoch. Yet, so strange was the condition of -the North, that we find Barisdale, the meanest wretch of all, recognised -as an acquaintance by so high a Lowland dame as the ‘Great Lady of the -Cat,’ the Countess of Sutherland. - -We now proceed to the story of the chief who loved a Virgilian quotation. - -In the army of Charles Edward there was no man more detested and feared -than Col Macdonell of Barisdale. According to a curious tract, ‘The Life -of Archibald Macdonell of Barisdale, who is to Suffer for High Treason -on the Twenty Second of May, at Edinburgh, By an Impartial Hand,’[52] -Col of Barisdale was son (? grandson) of the second brother of Alastair -Dubh Macdonnell of Glengarry, the hero of Sheriffmuir, being thus a -cousin of Glengarry. He was a man of prodigious muscular force, six feet -four inches in height. He is said to have caught and held a roedeer; -and, on one occasion, to have heaved a recalcitrant cow, probably -stolen property, into a boat. There lay, in the present century, on -the gravel-drive before Invergarry House, a large boulder, and beside -it a short pin of iron was fixed into the ground. Only a very powerful -man could lift the boulder on to the pin, a few inches in height, but -Barisdale could heave it up to his knees. So write, from tradition, the -two ‘Stuarts d’Albanie,’ in ‘Tales of the Century’ (1847). They add that -Barisdale’s courage did not match his strength, and that he yielded in -single combat to Cluny. - -Returning to our ‘Impartial Hand’ (by his minute local knowledge a -native of Ross or Moray), we find him nowise partial to Barisdale. -‘Colonel Ban,’ as he calls him, married a Miss Mackenzie of Fairburn, -and, having a small estate in Ross-shire, could raise two hundred of the -clan. He thus, says Murray of Broughton, declared himself independent of -Glengarry, his chief, an indolent drunkard. Being acquainted with the -Mackenzie estates, he used his knowledge in the surreptitious acquisition -of cattle. He would then throw the blame on the Camerons; and that, says -our author, is precisely the cause of the bad name for cattle-stealing -which the Camerons have unhappily acquired. One day Barisdale, with his -Tail, met Cameron of Taask, with _his_ Tail, and was charged by Cameron -with his misdeeds. Words grew high, claymores were drawn, and a finger of -Cameron’s left hand was nearly lopped off. The intrepid chieftain, acting -on the Scotch proverb, ‘Better a finger off than aye wagging,’ tore the -injured limb from his hand, bound the wound with a handkerchief, ‘and so -fell to work on Barisdale,’ whom he sliced on the pate. ‘The skin and a -lock of his hair hung down,’ and their devoted tenants, anxious observers -of the fray, separated the infuriated chieftains. Barisdale was presently -arrested on a charge of theft, but his Tail perjured themselves manfully, -and he got off on an alibi. - -The neighbours, finding the hero so stubborn, paid him ‘black meal’ -(_sic_), in return for which he promised to protect their herds. But his -genius pointed out to him a more excellent way, and Barisdale became -the Jonathan Wild (as Waverley says) of Lochaber and Knoydart. He was a -thief-catcher, and also an accomplice of thieves, as interest directed -or passion prompted.[53] He kept his tenantry, or gang, in rare order, -and ‘had machines for putting them to different sorts of punishment.’ -One machine was merely the stocks, where, outside of the chieftain’s -drawing-room windows (which commanded a fine view of the sea), many a -poor thief sat for twenty-four hours, with food temptingly placed just -out of his reach. Thus Barisdale struck terror, inspired respect, and -accumulated wealth. - -A more cruel engine than the stocks had Barisdale, a triumph of his own -invention. In ‘The Lyon in Mourning,’ Mackinnon, who helped Prince -Charles to escape from Skye, says that Captain Fergusson (noted for his -ferocity) threatened him with torture. ‘The cat or _Barisdale_ shall make -you speak,’ said the Captain. The engine is described as one in which no -man could live for an hour. The Impartial Hand’ gives this account of it: -‘The supposed criminal’ (that is, any man who would not give Barisdale a -share of his booty) ‘was tied to an iron machine, where a ring grasped -his feet, and another closed upon his neck, and his hands were received -into eyes of iron contrived for that purpose. He had a great weight upon -the back of his neck, to which, if he yielded in the least, by shrinking -downwards, a sharp spike would infallibly run into his chin, which was -kept bare for that very purpose.’ Barisdale was also apt to waylay -herring-fishers, and make them pay, as toll, a fifth of what they had -captured, alleging certain seignorial rights. - -‘It is well known,’ says the author of 1754, ‘that, from the month of -March to the middle of August, some poor upon the coast have nothing but -shell-fish, such as mussels, cockles, and the like, to support them. -Poverty reigns so much among the lower class that scarce a smile is to be -seen upon their faces.’ Barisdale also reigned upon the coast. - -Such was life in the Highlands in the golden days of the Clans, before -sheep, Lowlanders, evictions, emigration, and deer forests brought, as -we are told, discontent and destitution. The poor lived on mussels and -cockles, some tenants eked out a scanty livelihood by stealing their -neighbours’ cows, and the genial Barisdale kept all in good order. For -Barisdale’s prowess we are not obliged to rely on the ‘Impartial Hand’ -and the Gartmore MS. alone. In ‘The Highlands of Scotland: a Letter -from a Gentleman at Edinburgh to a Friend in London,’ we meet our Col -again. This manuscript[54] is in the King’s Collection, 104, in the -British Museum. The author is an _enragé_ Whig and Protestant, but a -close observer. From him we learn how cattle-stealing paid; for at first -blush it looks like the practice of those fabled islanders ‘who eke out a -livelihood by taking in each other’s washing.’ The business was extended -over a wide area; the Macdonells did not merely harry the Mackenzies and -Rosses. - -Speaking of Knoydart, our author says: ‘Coll. Macdonell of Barisdale, -cousin-german of Glengarry, took up his residence here, as a place -of undoubted security from all legal prosecution. He entered into a -confederacy with Lochgarry and the Camerons of Loch Arkaig, with some -others as great villains in Rannoch. This famous Company had the honour -to introduce theft into a regular trade; they kept a number of savages -dependent on them for the purpose, whom they out-hounded’ on predatory -expeditions. - -They robbed from Sutherlandshire to Perthshire, Stirlingshire, and -Argyle. When the thieves were successful these gentlemen had a dividend -of the spoil. When unsuccessful, the thieves lived on the country which -they traversed. To denounce them was ill work. A gentleman, known to -our author, was nearly ruined by Barisdale & Co. He caught two of the -Macdonalds, who were hanged. Fifteen years later his son, going to Fort -William, vanished. The tribe, says our author, demanded ‘blood for blood.’ - -By these devices Barisdale compelled his neighbours to pay, in blackmail, -‘above double their proportion of the land-tax in Seaforth’s, Lovat’s, -and Chisholme’s country.’ He captained a kind of ‘Watch.’ But Barisdale’s -‘Watch’ was expensive and unsatisfactory to his subscribers. As early as -1742 we have found Cluny setting up an opposition in business. Cluny’s -Watch is described at great length by the author of a kind of memoir -of the chief, written in France in 1755-1760. The writer’s object is -to show how much Cluny lost by his loyalty to the Stuarts, and how -much he deserves the encouragement of Louis XV. He established, for -the discouragement of theft, ‘a watch or safeguard of his own trusted -followers.’ The nobility and gentry ‘were surpris’d at Cluny’s success, -and enveyed so much his happiness, that they applyed to him with one -accord, to take them under his protection, and cheerfully offered to join -in a voluntary subscription....’ Among the subscribers are the Duke of -Gordon, the Earl of Airlie, the Earl of Aberdeen, Forbes of Culloden, -the Mackintosh, Grant of Grant, and even the Duke of Argyll. These facts -attest the extent of Barisdale’s raids. - -Cluny was highly successful, rescuing ‘even those who had never applyed -to him.’ The subscriptions amounted to 20,000 livres, and the Dukes of -Atholl and Perth, with Seaforth, were about to join. It was now that a -preacher, thundering against theft, was interrupted by a listener who -‘desired him to save his labour upon that point, for Mons. de Cluny alone -would gain more souls to heaven in one year, than all the priests in the -highlands could ever do in fifty.’ - -The English Ministry, hearing of Cluny’s fame, now sent him, unasked, a -captain’s commission in Loudon’s regiment, worth 6,000 livres yearly. But -he threw up his new commission when he joined Prince Charles. Cluny’s -spirited behaviour, says MS. 104, ‘took the bread out of their mouths,’ -the mouths of Barisdale & Co. But ‘Barisdale, by the former trade (theft) -and the latter expedient (blackmail), lived at a very high rate, and -mortgaged a large sum of money on Glengarry’s estate,’ where he was a -wadsetter. - -Cluny’s opposition may have led to his duel with Barisdale, as reported -by the Stuarts d’Albanie. Barisdale was, as we have seen, like Lochgarry, -a wadsetter of Glengarry’s; that is, he received from Glengarry certain -lands, redeemable after a specified interval of time, in exchange for -money paid, or bills, or perhaps for cattle, which he was skilled -in procuring. We do not find that the chief, Glengarry, could or did -exercise any authority in controlling the excesses and depredations of -his independent cousin Col. For this he is blamed by the author of the -Gartmore MS., but his Mackenzie following made Col too strong for his -chief. - -Ignorant, perhaps, of the character of Barisdale, unwilling, at least, to -dispense with his aid, Prince Charles visited him in August 1745, made -him a colonel, and gave a major’s commission to his son, young Archibald -Macdonnell of Barisdale, a lad of twenty in 1745. Our ‘Impartial -Hand’[55] declares that Coll, though at Prestonpans, was not under fire, -which seems improbable. Barisdale may have been with the Prince in the -second line (fifty yards behind the first, says the Chevalier Johnstone), -or, in the oblique advance of the first line, Lochiel and James Mohr may -have routed the English before Barisdale could engage. But, in a letter -of Thomas Wedderburn to the Earl of Sutherland, we read (September 26, -1745), ‘Three troops that were making their way for Berwick were pursued -by Barisdale, and 150 men, who all stript to their shirts, on foot, who -overtook the dragoons, I suppose by turning a hill and gaining ground -that way, and made them prisoners, for which Barisdale was made a knight -bannarett’[56]—knighted, that is, like Dalgetty, on the field. - -After Prestonpans, according to the Impartial one, confirmed by the -‘Culloden Papers,’ and by Broughton’s ‘Memorials,’ Barisdale, by -Sheridan’s advice, was sent north, to work on Old Lovat. Sheridan -reckoned that no man was likely to have so much influence with that -subtle schemer as the bluff Barisdale, with ‘his devouring looks, his -bulky strides, his awful voice, his long and tremendous sword, which he -generally wore in his hand, with a target and bonnet edged broad upon -the forehead.’ Barisdale, thus accredited, worked both on Lovat and Lord -Cromarty, who raised his peaceful tenants by threats of burning their -cottages and cattle.[57] Cromarty might have reported, like a Highland -recruiting officer in later days, ‘The volunteers are ready; they are -all lying bound hand and foot in the barn.’ Many of the Highlanders did -not want to fight, though they fought so well. Barisdale also sent ‘the -bloody cross,’ we are told, through the Frazers, who marched reluctantly -under the Master of Lovat, a St. Andrews student, himself as reluctant as -he was brave. At Falkirk, Barisdale is said to have been with the second -line, and later ‘he set out to collect the public money, the greater part -of which he kept to himself.’ - -Just before Culloden, Barisdale was engaged in the not uncongenial duty -of reducing the shires of Ross and Sutherland. In the latter county -Lord Reay, with the Mackays and the Earl of Sutherland, were for King -George; Lord Loudon also was quartered with his force in Ross-shire. Lord -Cromarty, with the Mackenzies, Mackintoshes, Mackinnons, Macgregors, and -Barisdale’s Macdonnells, did little, retiring to his own house. Barisdale -was anxious to burn the house of Ross of Balnagoun, but Lochiel, who had -arrived with Lord George Murray, intervened. At Dornoch, Barisdale went -to church, where the Rev. Mr. Kirk, a gentleman connected with the Duke -of Argyll, had the courage to pray for King George. Barisdale leaped up, -swaggered, fumed, and, it is rather absurdly said, threatened to put -Mr. Kirk in his famous engine of torture. The chivalrous Duke of Perth -protected Mr. Kirk, saying that all brave men were his friends, and -asked the clergyman to dinner.[58] Lord George Murray, finding Cromarty -incompetent, and Barisdale mainly occupied in burning granaries, now took -the command, and Loudon crossed the Firth into Sutherland. Perth then led -the Prince’s forces across the Firth, and Loudon hastened to withdraw -into central Sutherland. - -Neither side was anxious to come to blows. Macdonnell of Scotus, a man -‘brave, polite, obliging, of fine spirit and sound judgment,’ says the -Chevalier Johnstone, had a son with Lord Loudon, and was reluctant to -engage. Later, to his intense joy, he took this son a not unwilling -prisoner. Meanwhile Barisdale, on March 20, captured the Castle of -Dunrobin. The Earl of Sutherland fled, under cover of a fog, and escaped -to an English ship. The Countess stayed at home; she was a daughter of -the Earl of Wemyss by his third wife, was a young lady, of twenty-eight, -and had a young nephew, Lord Elcho, with the Prince. According to the -‘Sutherland Book’ (i. 420), one of Barisdale’s officers threatened her -with a dirk, and, some one jogging his elbow, she was actually scratched. -To this the Countess, as we shall see, herself bears witness. But it is -by no means certain that the lady, coming of a Jacobite family, was an -unwilling prisoner of the Prince’s men. It was irksome to her, no doubt, -to see her rooms littered with hay on which the Highlanders slept, and -to observe the robbery of her plate. But the two following intercepted -letters, from the Cumberland Papers, display the Countess as an adorer of -Prince Charles, and Barisdale as a _preux chevalier_. - - _Letter from The Countess of Sutherland to the Young - Pretender, written with MacDonell of Barisdale’s - own Hand._ - - ‘March 26, 1746. - - ‘The treatment I mett with Friday Last oblidges me to presume - to oCoast your Royall Hyness For a protection to prevent the - Lyke Usadge in the Future. However my Lord Sutherland Acted, - It’s known over the most of this Kingdome my particular - attachment to your Royall Hyness’ Family, and were itt - ordinaire in one of my sex to go to the Field to Fight For - my Prince and Country, I would make as aerly ane appearance - as anie, and hade not my Coch horses and sadle horses being - caryed away I woud presume the Honnaire to waith of your - Royall Hyness. Least my letter be too tediouse I will only - give one Instance of my usadge, a man holding a drawn durk to - my brest gave a scrach of a wound which merk itt well beare: - but this day Barisdale coming here, being my aquaintance, in - his presence I sent a gentleman to all the men of my Lord - Sutherland’s that were in arms desiring them to disperse and - return to their homes in order a proper Draught be made of them - For your royall Hyness service. My success I can not determine - as I can not Depend upon much assistance, but if matters were - further att my Disposall all the Fensable men in Sutherland - woud be on your Royall Hyness armie as I am quite affrighted. - From the Hylanders I beg to petition your Royall Hyness - protection how Soone pasable and I always am and ever will,’ &c. - -On March 27, 1746, from Tarbat House Lord Cromarty writes in answer to -the Countess of Sutherland, acknowledging her letter, and promising -protection to all her people who submit. - -Then we have Barisdale’s _billet_ to the lady: - - _Col McDonell to Lady Sutherlande_ - - ‘Ardmore: March 27, 1746. - - ‘My Faire Prisoner,—I presume these with the offer of my most - Respectfull humble Duty to my Lady Sutherland, my Regiment - is ordered back againe to Sutherland For which I am verrie - sorrie, if anie hardships must be used, itt shoud in the Least - Fall to my Shaire. I will have one Certaine pleasure in Itt - that it well give the oportunity of being For once more my - Lady Sutherland’s Saife guard. I Forwarded your Ladyship’s - letter by one Captt Lewlessnent, and sent itt Inclosed to - his Grace, and held Forth my Lady Sutherland’s zeall For our - Cause, and the Friendship she particullarlie expected From - him, and represented the Horses taken away, and pleaded For - her Interest to have them, att Least my Ladys Favourites, - returned. I go this Day to Inverness myself and shall talk to - His Royall Hyness in regard to what my Lady Sutherland woud - Exspect off Favours From our side, and what is Actuallie Deue - to her. After my return, shall have the pleasure of waitting - off your Ladyship att Dunrobine, and allways will be Nott onlie - your Lady’s prisoner in the strictest Confinement, but your - Ladyships most obdtt. and most humble sertt. while - - ‘COL. MCDONELL.’[59] - -An odious tale is told by the ‘Impartial Hand,’ about Barisdale’s conduct -to his wife’s young sister. We do not trust the Impartial one where -we have not corroboration, and, to his fair prisoner, Lady Sutherland, -Barisdale certainly displays a tender gallantry. But she may not have -regretted that her Barisdale was occasionally absent. Cumberland was -approaching, and, on the eve of Culloden, Lord Cromarty was captured -in ‘The Battle of Golspie,’ while dallying over his _adieux_ to ‘his -favourite Amazon,’ the Countess of Sutherland, as the Impartial one -invidiously declares. - -The Countess must have managed her diplomacy adroitly, for the -Whig author previously cited says, ‘It is a pity the present Earl -of Sutherland should be such a weak man, but his lady behaved very -honourably, though her brother (nephew) the Lord Elcho, was engaged in -the Rebellion.’[60] The lady’s letter to Prince Charles was not known to -our author. - -Barisdale, leaving his fair prisoner, marched south, and halted at -Beauly, on the night before Culloden. ‘He might easily have reached the -field, had he been any way resolute or brave.’ But like the Master of -Lovat and Cluny, Barisdale came up too late. The fugitives passed through -Inverness, under his eyes, and Barisdale also made off. - -He was at the Meeting of the Chiefs at Murlagan, on May 8, when it was -determined to rally in a week, and a treaty was made, that all should -hold together, in spite of the Prince’s defection.[61] When the week -ended, nobody came to the tryst but Lochgarry, who retired at once, -Lochiel, and Barisdale, with three or four hundred of their clans. -But the Rev. John Cameron, in ‘The Lyon in Mourning’ (i. 88) accuses -Barisdale of promising to return next day, as a blind, and of sending -instead two companies of infantry in English service, to capture Lochiel. -They were recognised by their red crosses, and Lochiel escaped, ‘which -was owing to its not being in Barisdale’s power’—to catch him, ‘rather -than to want of inclination,’ says Mr. Cameron. Murray of Broughton -represents Barisdale as accusing his cousin and enemy, Lochgarry, of -treachery, and believes that both were equally guilty, but Lochiel -was as incapable of suspecting as of being guilty of treason. In his -Letter to the Chiefs, of May 26, he says that Clanranald’s men refuse -to leave their own country, that Glengarry’s men have yielded up their -arms (induced thereto, we shall see, by Old Glengarry), that Lochgarry -promised to return, but did not, and that, ‘trusting to Lochgarry’s -information, we had almost been surprized.’ But he never hints at a -suspicion of Barisdale.[62] - -On June 10, says the ‘Impartial Hand,’ Barisdale and Young Barisdale -both surrendered to Ensign Small, in a cave. But Barisdale, it is known, -got a protection, on his promise to deliver up Prince Charles. He laid -several schemes to this end, and had two companies to seize the Prince at -Strathfillan. Sheridan, however, ‘who had a talent for reading men with -as great freedom and judgement as others do books,’ warned the Prince, -who kept out of Barisdale’s clutches.[63] So says the Impartial Hand. - -His story of the protection for Barisdale was true, as witness the -following letters from the Cumberland Papers, at Windsor Castle. - - _From G. Howard to Col. Napier, A.D.C. to D. of C._ - - ‘July 5th.... - - ‘A person passed me here yesterday morning whom I took to be - lawful Prey, but, to my great concern, he produced a Pass-port - for himself and 4 servants with their arms &c., syned by Sir - E. Faulkner: it was dated only the day before yesterday. The - person was McDonald of Barisdale, who is so particularly - zealous for hanging our officers. I asked him if he had seen - H.R.H. (Cumberland). He said no, but that a friend got him his - Protection.’ - - _Lord Albemarle to Duke of Cumberland_ - - ‘July 26th. - - ‘The Complaint is universal against Barisdale, therefore I - shall not renew his protection, but drive and burn his country - to punish him for having made such a bad use of your goodness. - Glengarry is much commended for his behaviour.’ - -Finally, Barisdale had already induced several Macdonnells to lay a -written information against Old Glengarry, their chief. - -How did Barisdale, who had played a part so conspicuous, manage to obtain -a protection from Sir Everard Faulkner? That is the point which we shall -later find him explaining with singular candour. Protected he was, and, -in pursuit of information, he had the singular impudence to venture, with -his son, in September 1746, on board the ship which was to carry the -Prince, Lochiel, Lochgarry, and other gentlemen to France. They could -not but be aware that Barisdale had made his submission, and was come -on no good errand. Lochgarry was his bitter enemy. They therefore put -Barisdale and his son in irons, shut them down under hatches, carried -them to France, and there imprisoned these gentlemen of Knoydart on a -charge of treason. Mr. Fraser Mackintosh, a very innocent writer, thus -describes the high-handed outrage: ‘Barisdale was so unpopular with -the Camerons, that, without the slightest warrant, they took it on -themselves to deport Coll Macdonnell, and his son Alexander [Archibald?] -to France.’ Mr. Fraser Mackintosh attributes this unwarrantable action to -‘the Camerons,’ with whom Barisdale was generally ‘unpopular.’ But, of -course, the seizure was warranted by Charles, Prince Regent, who is said -to have knighted Barisdale on a stricken field. The seizure was more than -justified, and was not due to poor Col’s ‘unpopularity.’ - -Col languished in a French prison till 1749. In March he ventured back -to Scotland, finding himself, after his release, very ‘unpopular’ in -Flanders. He was promptly culled like a flower by his old captor, -Ensign Small, and was brought before Erskine for examination. Erskine -writes that he found the tall bully ‘under visible terror.’ France had -imprisoned him. England was likely to give him what ‘he wad be nane the -waur o’’—a hanging. His house was left unto him desolate; he would flirt -no more with fair captive Countesses: no one trembled at his frowning -brows: it was Barisdale’s turn to tremble, as he did. He was locked up in -Edinburgh Castle, where, at least, he was safe from avenging dirks. He -there penned the following explicit confession, in hopes of a pardon, and -pay as a spy. Perhaps Cumberland refers to Barisdale’s earlier services -in this capacity, in a letter of August 2, 1749. Cumberland speaks of -‘the goodness of the intelligence’ now offered to Government. ‘On my part -I bear it witness, for I never knew it fail me in the least trifle, and -have had very material and early notices from it.’[64] - -Here, then, follows Barisdale’s confession to the Justice Clerk in -Edinburgh. It entirely disposes of Mr. Fraser Mackintosh’s suggestion -that the Camerons seized Barisdale because he was ‘unpopular.’ - - _Narrative given in by Barrisdale to the Justice Clerk_ - - (_H. O. Scotland. Bundle 41. No. 13. State Papers. Domestic_) - - April 10th, 1749. - - ‘His Royal Highness, the Duke of Cumberland, sent a protection - by Sir Alexr. Macdonald to Barisdale, upon delivering to him - of which, he told him, in Consequence of the Favours the Duke - intended for him, he should cause all such as he would have any - Influence with, surrender their arms directly, which Barisdale - did at the Barracks of Glenelg immediately thereafter; by - which the Concert of those that imagined to make any further - resistance was broke, and he gave all the Assurances Sir Alexr. - desired of him, to be a good faithful subject, yt would give - all obedience to the Government, which Since he has perform’d. - _But from that time the Jacobite party design’d to ruine - Barisdale_, and endeavoured, with all Calumny’s, to make him - odious to all partys and all Persons. The Pretender’s Son - having returned from the Isles to the Continent (mainland), Sir - Alexr. Macdonald wrote to Barisdale, desiring to inform him - of some particulars, which he did very distinctly, and soon - after his R. Highness [Cumberland] left Fort Augustus, my Lord - Albemarle, then Commander in Chief, desired Sir Aler. McDonald - to send for Barisdale to Fort Augustus. Sir Alexr. Macdonald - wrote to him, and accordingly Barisdale waited of my Lord - Albemarle at Fort Augustus, at Sir Alex. McDonald’s Lodgings, - where before Sir Alex. McDonald, his Lordship told Barisdale, - as the Pretender’s Son was now returned from the Isles to - the Continent (mainland), if he hop’d for the Continuance of - his R. Highness’s Favours, he must lay himself out in giving - Assistance to have the Person of ye Pretender’s Son sez’d. - - ‘Barisdale answered, in Sir Alexander’s Presence, that Sir - Alexr. never made any such Proposal to him from his R. Highness - (Cumberland); and if he was a Man supposed formerly in the - Jacobite Interest, and _upon getting a better Light_, to - forsake them it would be very inconsistent wth. Honour, for a - Man so supposed, to go such Lengths. But for his share, were - he to do his utmost to comply with his Lordship’s desire, he - could expect little success in it, since all the Jacobite Party - were upon their Guard, even the meanest Highlander, to give no - Intelligence to any he had Influence with. - - ‘His Lordship and he parted that Day: my Lord Loudoun, Sir - Alexr. McDonald, and Barisdale, being at a Bottle that night, - resumed all that past at that Communing—Loudoun said, “I own - what his Lordship desires of you, may not be easy for you to - perform, but such Information as you can best receive, you can - transmit to his Lordship and you can make an Observe upon each, - according to the Credite you give yourself to the Information.” - - ‘My Lord Albemarle, the next day, at Sir Alexander’s Lodgings, - insisted as the Day before; and Barisdale agreed, such - Informations as he could learn, he would transmit them, wt. - Remarks upon them of the Credite he thought they deserved—My - Lord Albemarle gave a Continuance upon the Protection for ten - Days more, which was a short time for Barisdale to go to his - country, and find Informations and then transmit them to Fort - Augustus. - - ‘However he sent two different Informations wt. Remarks upon - them: is not certain which of the two, my Lord Albemarle or - my Lord Loudoun’s Hands they came to, as the Bearer of them - brought back no Answer in writing: But at the End of the Ten - Days of my Lord Albemarle’s Protection, B. was rather more - distrest than any who were not before protected. - - ‘Some few days thereafter, being at Sir Alexr. McDonald at - Slaite, hearing two French ships coming to Ariseg, Sir Ar. - McDonald desired Barisdale to go to these Ships, in order to - learn some things he wanted to be inform’d of, and Barisdale - coming to the shore before the Ships, under Pretension of - great Friendship was invited aboard, there being at the Ships - severals he was acquainted with; But soon after he was aboard, - found his Mistake, would not be allow’d afterwards to come - ashore, was carried to St. Malos, seated upon the River La - Luare where he was prisoned about 2 years and four months. The - 7th. of February last, with a Sentence of Banishment to leave - France in a few Days, was liberated: which Sentence is now in - the hands of the Governor of Fort Augustus. - - ‘The Accusations laid against him by the Pretender’s son and - likewise laid before the Court of France were sent to Barisdale - enclosed in a Letter, wrote and signed by George Kelly, the - Pretender’s Son’s Secretary, of which there is a Copy herewith.’ - - He now offers services unconditionally[65]—‘but is sorry to - be prevented in his Design of going to London as he entended - to throw himself in his R. Highness the Duke of Cumberland’s - Hands, hoping, as he still does, for his Highness’ Protection - and Friendship, as promised to him by Sir Alexander MacDonald - in his R.H’s. Name at their first Conference, when he delivered - to him the protection, in the obtaining of which Barisdale - will be capable, as he is most willing, of doing essential - Services to his R. Highness and the Government in the North of - Scotland:—and says ‘it may appear most reasonable, however, - for the Family he is descended from, or the Clan he is of, - have been attach’d to the Pretender’s Family, that his cruel, - uncommon, and severe usage from that Family will not only - make him most faithfull to the Government, but as stiff an - Enemy as that Family have upon Earth. For it is well known the - Pretender’s Son exprest at Paris to some of the Scots, who - were sorry for Barisdale’s treatment, that while it was in his - power, Barisdale woud never recover his Liberty, at least while - he was in France, for that he was well assured, if ever he - return’d to Scotland, being well assured B. being both resolute - and Revengefull, he woud prove a very destructible Instrument - to his Interest.’ - -Here are the Jacobite charges against Barisdale:— - - _Copy of George Kelly, the P.’son’s Secretary’s Letter_ - - ‘Paris, May 3rd, 1747. - - ‘... Did you not own publickly, that upon his R.H’s. Approach - to Inverness, you advertised the Lord President and the Lord - Loudoun of the same, and advised them for their further Safety - to retire from thence?... Did you not, without asking their - Advice or Approbation, Surrender yourself to the Enemy, and - enter into certain Articles with them?... - - ‘Whether, after receiving a Protection from the Enemy, you did - not engage and promise to apprehend the Person of H.R.H. and - deliver him up to them within a limited time?... - - ‘Whether or not you did not impose on several Gentlemen of - Glengary’s Family, by asserting that he had promised to - deliver them up to the Enemy, and that he was to receive - 30_l._ sterling Premium for Each Gentleman he should put into - their Hands? Did these gentlemen sign an information against - Glengary? And were his letters ordering them to take up arms - delivered up to Lord Albemarle, upon which your Cousine, - Glengary, was apprehended?’ - -And now the whole truth is out, as concerns Col, third of Barisdale. -His cruelties, his thefts, his swaggerings, have ended in deliberate -treachery, and this worthy chieftain is found endeavouring to do what -the humblest peasant disdained even to contemplate, to deliver up the -fugitive Prince. - -Barisdale took no profit by his iniquity. The Ross people, whom he had -harried, burned his famous stocks, and his house, with its ‘eighteen -fire-rooms, and many others without fires, beautifully covered’ (roofed) -‘with blue slates.’ - -He himself died in 1750, in Edinburgh Castle; six soldiers, with no -mourners, carried his bulky and corpulent carcase to a grave ‘at the foot -of the _talus_ of the Castle.’ - -So says the Impartial Hand. Of Barisdale’s classical lore, and of his -courtesy to a fair captive, we have seen proof. For the rest, a more -worthless miscreant has seldom stained the page of history. It was time -that such a career as his should be made impossible. - -Young Barisdale skulked for years in the Highlands, a kind of Hereward, -pursued by the English troops. He was usually accompanied by five or six -of his Clan, armed, and in the prohibited Highland dress. He supported -life in his father’s fashion, mainly by robbing the herring fishers of a -fifth of their takes, under some pretence of a legal claim. His tenants, -spoiled by the English troops, probably could contribute little to his -maintenance. He is often mentioned in the Cumberland Papers, and, after -he had been the guest of young Glengarry’s uncle, Dr. Macdonnell, that -physician talked indiscreetly as follows. - -On Sept. 30, 1751, Captain Izard, of the Fusiliers, writes: ‘Dr. -Macdonald, brother of Glengarry, living at Cailles on Loch Nevis, told -that young Barisdale lay at his house the Monday before, and took boat -thence to carry his sister home, and he proposed going to the Isle of -Skey’ (Skye).[66] - -He was taken at last on July 18, 1753, in a wood near Lochourn in Morar, -and was tried in Edinburgh on a charge of High Treason, on March 11, -1754. With him was Macdonald of Morar, five or six other Macdonalds, and -Mackinnons, a MacEachan, and others. He disputed the indictment, which -described him as ‘of Barisdale,’ on the score that his grandfather had -only been ‘a moveable tenant of Glengarry’s, without any right in writing -whatsoever.’ This plea was disregarded, and he was condemned to be hanged -on May 22, bearing his sentence ‘with great composure and decency.’ Being -respited, he lay in the Castle till 1762, when he took the oaths, and was -released. - -By a curious freak of fortune, young Barisdale’s son Col, in 1788, ‘held -a Commission to regulate the Fisheries. This, in the height of the -fishing season, was no easy task, and required a firm hand. Not only -were there disputes among the fishermen themselves, but, apparently, -thieves made it a regular trade to attend, and pick up what they -could.... The poor fishermen now suffer from piracy in another form. -If there were officials like Barisdale armed with sufficient powers, -trawling within the limits would soon be extirpated,’ writes Mr. Fraser -Mackintosh.[67] The fishermen have never been fortunate. Before trawling -came in they had to do with the portentous Col of Barisdale. Perhaps, of -the two, they may prefer the trawlers. - -Thus, in a generation, the son of Archibald and grandson of Col, the -former a brigand and thief alike of cattle and herrings, became a -peaceful subject, and protector of the very class of fishermen whom his -grandsire had plundered. We may drop a tear over old romance, but reality -has its alleviating features. There is absolutely no kind of villainy of -which Col of Barisdale was not eminently guilty. Oppression, cruelty, -cowardice, theft, and treachery were all among his qualities, were all -notorious, yet, till after Culloden, Col could laugh at the law, and was -not shunned by society. - -We have seen that Col accuses Sir Alexander Macdonald of Sleat of -corrupting his honour, and advising him to sell himself. This may, or -may not, be true. The sympathies of Sir Alexander had been Jacobite, -before 1745, but Murray of Broughton states that in 1741 he was very -angry when Balhaldie put his name on a list of adherents presented to the -French Court. ‘He declared he had never given him any authority to do -so.’ A statement to the contrary effect will be found in Mr. Mackenzie’s -‘History of the Macdonalds,’ page 234. In 1744, Murray represents him as -ready to rise if French troops were landed. Murray repeats, in justice, -that Sir Alexander’s promises were purely contingent; they depended on -the existence of a ‘well-concerted scheme,’ and there was none. But -Sir Alexander not only did not come out, he was won over by Forbes of -Culloden to the Hanoverian Cause. ‘I should be sorry,’ says Murray, -‘to have so bad an opinion of mankind as to think any of them cappable -of attempting an apologie for him.’ Murray, in his examination, lied -in Sir Alexander’s interests, saying ‘he always absolutely refused to -have anything to do with the Pretender.’ But, after Preston Pans, Sir -Alexander, moved by that victory, said, in the hearing of Malcolm Macleod -of Raasay, that he would now raise 900 of his clan and march south -to fight for King James. Next morning, however, he received a letter -from Forbes of Culloden, and instantly ‘was quite upon the grave and -thoughtful, and dropt the declared resolution of his own mind.’[68] In -fact, he turned Hanoverian. - -Later, in the crisis of the Prince’s wanderings, Sir Alexander was not -at home when his wife, Lady Margaret, connived with Flora Macdonald -to secure Charles’s escape from Skye. Lady Margaret wrote to Forbes -of Culloden that Flora was ‘a foolish girl,’ and thanked God that -_she_ knew nothing of the Prince’s being in hiding near her house. Sir -Alexander, on the other hand, confessed to Forbes that Flora put his -wife ‘in the utmost distress by telling her of the cargo she had brought -from Uist.’[69] It was fortunate for everybody, himself included, that -Sir Alexander was away from home. He wrote the following letter to -Cumberland, confessing nothing:— - - _From Sir Alexander McDonald to H.R.H. giving - intelligence of Pretender’s movements_ - - ‘Sconsar, Isle of Sky, 1746. - - ‘Sir,—This morning Capt. Hodgson remitted to your R. Highness - all the intelligence I had then got; in rideing a few miles I - was informed of the Pretender’s whole progress since he landed - in this island. By the letter remitted to your R.H. he was left - at Portree, 14 miles from my house near which he landed; at - Portree he met one Donald McDonald, who was in the Rebellion, - and who put him into a boat belonging to the Isle of Rasay, - which feryd him into that island; after staying there 2 nights - he returned in the same small boat to the neighbourhood of - Portree, attended by one Malcolm McLeod. That night he and his - companion lay in a byre; next day (the Pretender in shabby - man’s apparel since he left Portree) they found their way - into a part of MacKinnon’s estate, and having found MacKinnon, - though disguised and lurking himself, he found a boat which - next day convey’d the Pretender, MacKinnon, and one John - MacKinnon, into Moror. They sail’d from this island on Saturday - last. MacKinnon was taken in Moror by a party from Sky, and - John McK. was this day seized ... they are both on board the - Furnace and confirm to a trifle the above relation. - - ‘ALEX. MACDONALD.’[70] - -The Baronet tells as little as may be; he does not implicate Flora, and, -of course, shields his wife. His own position was awkward. - -Sir Alexander died in November 1746, when about to visit Cumberland in -England. It is to his credit that he did his best to protect the loyal -Kingsburgh. But his vacillations were extreme, and if he really helped to -corrupt Barisdale, his behaviour is without excuse. ‘Were I to enumerate -the villains and villainies this country abounds in I should never have -done,’ wrote Cumberland to the Duke of Newcastle. ‘Some allowance must be -made for Sir Alexander’s behaviour in the Forty Five,’ says Mr. Fraser -Mackintosh. It was not precisely handsome. The epigram on his death, -which has variants, ran thus: - - If Heaven be glad when sinners cease to sin, - If Hell be glad when traitors enter in, - If Earth be glad when ridded of a knave, - Then all rejoice! Macdonald’s in his grave. - - - - -VI - -CLUNY’S TREASURE - - -The bayonets of Cumberland scarcely dealt a deadlier blow at Jacobitism -than the spades which, in gentle and unaccustomed hands, buried the -treasure of French gold at Loch Arkaig. About this fatal hoard, which set -clan against clan, and, literally, brother against brother, something -has been elsewhere said. But the unpublished reports given by spies and -informers in the Cumberland Papers and the Record Office throw a great -deal of unexpected light on the subject. - -Our purpose is, first to offer what may be called official statements as -to the original amount and hiding places of the treasure. Next we shall -examine the stories as to the disposition and diffusion of the money. -These will indicate that the charges of ‘embezzlement’ and ‘villainy’ -brought by Young Glengarry against men so noted for their loyalty as -Dr. Cameron and Cluny Macpherson are false. In our evidence will occur -the testimony of informers, whose names, as they were persons of no -historical importance, it seems needless to reveal. But their revelations -were employed by Government in securing the condemnation and banishment -of Lochiel’s brother, Cameron of Fassifern. - -On the whole subject of the hoard we have several statements by Murray of -Broughton. The least copious is contained in a tract which professes to -be written by a friend of Murray; really it is from his own pen.[71] - -Murray, who had been in very bad health since the Prince was in Elgin -before Culloden, found himself skulking with Lochiel in a wood near Loch -Arkaig. He heard at the same moment of Charles’s flight to the isles, -which he condemned, and of the arrival of French ships with money. Most -of the party resolved to scatter, but Lochiel declared ‘that to desert -his Clan was inconsistent with his honour and their interest,’ and, by -his desire, Murray remained with him, ‘unable to refuse the desire of -a person for whom he had such a regard, and with whom he had lived so -many years in the strictest intimacy.’ Major Kennedy, too, though, like -other officers in French service, he might have surrendered safely, most -generously clave to Lochiel. In later years Kennedy recovered for the -Prince a remnant of the French _louis d’or_. - -Murray was next carried to the bay opposite Keppoch, where the French -ships were lying. They had been attacked by British vessels of war, but -had previously landed 35,000 _louis d’or_ in six (seven?) casks. One -cask, however, was already missing. The five casks were conveyed to -Murray, and of the stolen cask all but one bag of gold was recovered. -Next day the Duke of Perth, who was dying, with his brother, Lord John -Drummond, Elcho, old Sir Thomas Sheridan, the Prince’s tutor, the younger -Lockhart of Carnwath, and others sailed for France in the ships. Murray -paid Clanranald, Barisdale, and others their arrears, with allowances -for widows and wounded men, out of the French gold. He then sent off the -remainder of the hoard under Archy Cameron’s care, and returned to Loch -Arkaig. Fifteen thousand louis were buried ‘in three several parcels in -the wood,’ and the empty casks were filled with stones, and carried about -with Murray, ‘so as to give no Jelousy to the other Clans of his having -more confidence in the Camerons’ than in them. Near the foot of Loch -Arkaig, Murray caused Dr. Cameron to bury 12,000 louis, reserving about -5,000 for expenses. - -Murray travelled south and was captured in Tweeddale. On August 27, -1746, when in the Tower, he wrote to an English official, ‘last time -I had the honour to see you, I offered to lay my hand upon the 15,000 -_louis d’or_, and am still certain I can do so, but as the season is now -advancing, and the parties will probably soon be called in, it is not in -that event impossible but the money may be raised.’ (It was ‘raised’ by -Dr. Cameron.) In his Examination (August 13, 1746) Murray had already -betrayed the secret of the casks of gold. But the English could never -discover the treasure. - -Elsewhere, in a paper of accounts, Murray tells, in defence of his -pecuniary honesty, all about the disposition of the _louis d’or_. - -He accounts for various sums, including 40_l._ to Lochiel, who, like -the gallant gentleman he was, had given every penny in his possession -‘to his own people about.’ Mr. Murray ‘chided him for being too easy to -give money to whoever asked it.’ A sum of 3,868_l._ was buried in the -garden of Mrs. Menzies of Culdairs. This, we presume, was the bulk of the -5,000 louis reserved. Murray corroborates (as in his tract) an anonymous -informant’s story, presently to be given, about the stealing of a cask -of money, and restitution made after confession to Father Harrison. The -penitent however, an Irishman, kept 700_l._, as stated in the anonymous -information. Murray reckons at 15,000_l._ a sum buried near Loch Arkaig, -by Dr. Archibald Cameron, Young Macleod of Neuck, Sir Stewart Threipland, -and Major Kennedy. There were fifteen bags containing 1,000_l._ each; -one parcel was put under a rock, in a burn, and two in holes, near at -hand, dug by the four gentlemen. Another sum of 12,000_l._, in two -parcels, was carried by Dr. Cameron and Mr. Macleod, from Lochiel’s -house of Achnacarry, and buried near the _lower_ end of Loch Arkaig. -Lochiel received 1,520_l._ for the Prince’s immediate needs, and the rest -is scrupulously accounted for the unhappy Secretary. His stories are -consistent throughout.[72] - -Another description of the arrival and burial of the gold has never been -published. It is from the Cumberland Papers, and must have been written -about 1749-1750. This is proved by the writer’s mention of Barisdale -as still alive, and in prison. Now young Barisdale (Archibald) is not -meant, for he was not taken till 1753.[73] His father, Coll Macdonnell -of Barisdale, on the other hand, was taken in March 1749, and died in -Edinburgh Castle on June 1, 1750.[74] - -We now offer this anonymous intelligence of 1749-1750, as to the arrival, -burial, and later fortunes of the French gold. - - ‘_Intelligence sent to Col. Napier from Scotland about Seven - Casks of Money for the Rebels_ - - Cumberland Papers. Memoir for Col. Napier. - - ‘Soon after the Battle of Culloden a french privateer anchored - in Loch Nonha in Arisaig, where Doctor Cameron, Brother to - Lochiel, Cameron of Dungallen, prisoner in Edr. Castle, and - many other Rebels were then sculking. One of his Majesties’ - 20 gun Ships and 2 Sloops were cruising on the West Coast, - immediately got intelligence of the privateers, and came up - and attacked them, but before the action began they had landed - 7 Casks of money and committed it to the Charge of Doctor - Cameron, who was upon the shore wth. a great many others of the - Camerons and Mc.Donalds, who flocked from all Corners to see - the engadgement, and among others Mc.Donald of Barrisdale, now - prisoner, was also present and Alexd. Mc.Lachlan in Lidderdale - and Aide-de-Camp to The Pretender. - - ‘When the action was over, The Commander of the Privateers, - having heard of the Battle of Culloden, insisted to have - the money put on board again. _But the Rebells beg’d to be - excused_, and Doctor Cameron conveyed away six of the Casks - to Loch Morrer, 3 miles from Loch Nonha: (The 7th Cask - being stole) and there he got a boat and went wth. it to - the head of ye Loch and from thence got in to Loch arkick; - And having dismissed all the Country people, He wth. Major - Kennedy, a french Officer, and Alexd. McLeod son to Mr. John - McLeod advocate, took the money out of the Casks, and put it - underground in the head of Locharkick, in the midle of a Wood. - - ‘There was £6 or 7,000 st. in each Cask, All put up in separate - Bags, £1,000 in Each bag. They afterwards carried away the - empty Casks themselves (none being present but the 3 persons - above named) and when at a considerable distance from the place - where the Money was hid, They caused the Country people put - them under ground in a different place in order to deceive. - - ‘After this was over, All persons were employed to enquire - after the Cask that was stole during the engadgement. And by - the Assistance and authority of a priest (Father Harrison) - who is great in that country (all Roman Catholics) the money - was recovered except £700, and That is still amissing, ... It - is not well known what became of this broken Cask afterwards - But Dr. Cameron had the Manadgement of it and all the rest, - and it is imagined That The money divided at the meeting with - Lovat, at the head of Loch arkick, was part of it, and £3,000 - was given to one Donald Cameron at Strontian to Conceal, wch - he again delivered to The Doctor, but got not one shilling - for himself. [Is this the money hidden at Culdares?] Severals - of the Country people got each a Louis d’or and some of their - gentlemen got each 2 or 3 and that was all the Distribution - made among the Camerons. - - ‘His Majestie’s troops afterwards search’d the woods of - Locharkick for this money, and were often round the place - where it was, and missed very narrowly finding it, for being - hid by Gentlemen, not used to work, it was very unskilfully - done, and the stamps and impression of their feet visible - about the place. But as soon as Dr. Cameron found a proper - opportunity, He went and took up the money and hid it in two - different places of the wood. In one of them he put 12,000_l._, - wch he shewed to his own son, and another man, That in case - he was taken, it might not be lost altogether, and the other - part he put in a place which he shewed to nobody. And thus it - remained till a Ship arriv’d in Loch Nonha to carry off the - Pretender &c. When the above Ship arriv’d He (the Pretender) - was sckulking in one of the Glens of Brad Badenoch where he - had been for some time conceal’d in a place under ground, with - Lochiel, Cluny Mcpherson, and some other person. Upon receiving - Intelligence of the arrival of this Ship, It seems it was - concerted That Cluny should remain in Scotland and have the - Charge of the money. And having come all together from Badenoch - to Locharkick, they got Dr. Cameron, who went and shew’d Cluny - the 2 different places where the money was: Left him in that - Country, and the rest went and embarked with the Pretender in - Loch Nonha. Whether there was any of the bags then taken up (as - is probable) carried with them, or how many, is what I am not - informed of. - - ‘But Certain it is that Cluny immediately after Carried the - £12,000 to Badenoch And there were in Company wth. him Angus - Cameron (of Downan) a Rannoch Man, brother to Gleneavis, - McPherson of Breachy (Breakachy), a brother in Law of his own, - and his piper. - - ‘The other part of the money, was shew’d to no Living but - himself, and he either did not find an opportunity, or did not - think convenient to come for it, untill a month afterwards, - when he came and carried it also away, but I am not justly - Informed who were wth. him, nor how much was of it, tho’ It is - generally believed That he got betwixt £20 and £30,000 in all. - - ‘It is said by Cluny’s Friends that the Pretender, after - embarking, sent a note to Cluny with particular instructions - how he was to manadge the money and to whom he was to give - any part of it,[75] and _they say that he has conformed in - the most exact manner to his Instructions_, but The other - Rebells in the highlands grumble egregiously That he has not - done them justice. I have only heard That he gave £100 to Lady - Keppoch[76] and have reason to think That if he made any other - distributions it was to some other of the principall Gentlemen - of The Different Clans, to be given away among their people, - and that those have thought fit to retain all to themselves. - - ‘I know it is strongly suspected that Cameron of Gleneavis, - whose Brother (Angus) was wth Cluny at Carrying away the - £12,000, has received a Large proportion by some means or - other, and there is great reason to think so, as he was almost - bankrupt before the rebellion and is now shewing away in a very - different manner, particularly This year about a month ago, - there were 120 Louis d’ors sent from him to a man in Locharkeek - to buy Cattle for him; and some of the Camerons having lately - threatened to be resented of him for his behaviour about yt - money, he met with them, and parted good friends, which is - supposed to have been done by giving them considerably. - - ‘Barrisdale tells that Cole or Major Kennedy was to embark much - about the same time yt he came from France, was to land on the - West Coast in order to meet with Cluny, and carry away the - money, but I have not yet learned any thing wth regard to him, - And am apt to believe That he has rather landed on the Eastern - Coast and my reasons for this Conjecture are: That one Samuel - Cameron (Brother to The above men’d Cameron of Gleneavis) Major - in the Regt. which was Lochiel’s in the French Service, was at - Edr. and came in a Chaise with the famous Mrs. Jean Cameron - to Stirling, where they parted, and she came to her house in - Morvern about the middle of March, and he took some different - route: It is supposed That he came over on a message wth. - regard to that money, and I the rather believe it as his two - brothers seem to have been concerned in it, and I am apt to - think that Kennedy and he have come together, but this is only - my own conjecture. Another reason which induces me to believe - That he would Chuse to land on the E. coast is That Cluny would - not probably Like to march with that money or trust himself - among the highlanders, who would probably not let it pass - without partaking liberally. - - ‘It has been said That the French Officer Cameron came to Mrs. - Jean Cameron’s, but I am certain he has not come, else I would - have got Intelligence of him, for I have had a sharp look - out for him and all others of that Kind. And I think he would - not probably venture so near the Command and specially after - hearing of Barrisdale’s fate’ (taken in March 1749). - - ‘It is said That his Two Brothers and Cluny have differed - about the money, and therefore Cluny would not see this French - Officer nor trust him wth anything and some say He is gone back - again, but how far This is true I can’t positively determine. - - ‘The above is all that I have been able to learn wth regard to - that money from first to last, and I am much convinced that the - Substance of it is true.’ - - [Unsigned.] - -Even before the probable date of this intelligence, Government knew that -Cluny’s fidelity to his trust had embittered his relations with the -Camerons of Glenevis and Glengarry’s people. There is a curious anonymous -note of January 26, 1748,[77] written by a man who could spell, and was -something of a scholar. ‘_Scyphax_,’ he says, ‘is still in the country -and there are disturbances between him and the _Dorians_ and _Ætolians_ -over the goods left by the _Young Mogul_.’ Scyphax is Cluny, the Dorians -are the Camerons, the Ætolians are the Glengarrys; the Young Mogul is -Prince Charles: ‘Nothing but stealing and plundering prevails in all -quarters here.’ The writer may have been a Presbyterian minister. - -The author of the long letter of intelligence is unknown, but he can -hardly have been an English officer, like Ensign Small, who did much -secret service in the Highlands. _His_ name is always signed to his -Reports, as when he tried to catch Lochgarry on shipboard, in 1753. -The information, however obtained, is accurate, and, so far, entirely -exculpates Cluny from the various unpleasant accusations brought by his -enemies.[78] Major Kennedy really went from France to Newcastle, and -received 6,000_l._ for Charles, a sum conveyed to him, at what peril we -may imagine, by Macpherson of Breakachy.[79] - -We now consider the various accounts given of embezzlement by Dr. Cameron -and Cluny. It is certain that, in November or December, 1749, Young -Glengarry, Lochgarry, and Dr. Cameron were in Cluny’s country, that -they handled the treasure, that they quarrelled, and that they carried -their dispute before the exiled James in Rome. Dr. Cameron accused -Young Glengarry of obtaining the money by a forged order from James; -while Glengarry charged Cluny and the Doctor with ‘embezzlement’ and -‘villainy.’ Cameron, he said, declared that the Royal Family had given -up all hopes of a restoration, and told the Highlanders that they must -now shift for themselves. He also took 6,000 louis d’or of the Prince’s -money, ‘and I am credibly informed,’ says Glengarry, ‘that he designs to -lay this money in the hands of a merchant in Dunkirk, and enter partners -with him.’[80] Again, in an undated letter to Charles, of about March -1751, Glengarry denounces the embezzlement and ‘villainy’ of Cluny and -Dr. Cameron.[81] He acknowledges having taken ‘a trifle’ himself. Another -account, clearly from a Macdonnell source, occurs in old Gask’s hand, -among his papers.[82] Dr. Cameron is here, as by Glengarry, credited -with absorbing 6,000_l._, while Cameron of Glenevis is said to have -‘intercepted’ 3,000_l._, and Cluny, ‘for his estate’ gets 10,000_l._ This -reads like a variant of Young Glengarry’s tale told to Bishop Forbes in -April 1752. According to that version, Cluny and Lochiel took security -from Charles for the full value of their estates before they joined the -Royal Standard. This full value is the 10,000_l._ which Cluny is said to -have ‘embezzled.’ - -[Illustration: _Walker & Boutall, ph. sc._ - -_Prince Charles_ - -_circ. 1747._] - -Now the only independent evidence against Dr. Cameron is contained in -a letter of his uncle, Cameron of Torcastle, to Prince Charles.[83] -In this Torcastle denies that he himself touched the money, and avers -that he knew nothing of it, till Dr. Cameron ‘told it himself at Rome, -where I happened to be at the time’ (1750). This letter is singularly -inconsistent with another unpublished letter from Douay, of August -28, 1751. The epistle was intended for Cameron of Glenevis, but was -intercepted by Colonel Crawfurd, Governor of Fort William. The Colonel -attributed its authorship to Cameron of Torcastle, and if the attribution -be correct, the letter contradicts Torcastle’s accusations of his -nephew, Dr. Cameron. Whoever the author of the Douay letter may be, he -speaks of ‘the industrious malicious designs and scandalous untruths, -publicly handed about against Lochiel’s family by Gl⸺ry.’ ‘Chalmers (Dr. -Cameron) knows very well that when truth comes out, these people will -fall with scandal into the trap they have contrived for others.... All -that Chalmers (Dr. Cameron) saw or had access to _was his expenses_.’ The -writer then speaks of the ‘unprecedented method Gl⸺ry &c. took to get att -their sinister ends,’ and about Gl⸺ry’s misrepresentations of Chalmers -to Mr. Young,’ the Prince. Singular irritation against Lochgarry is also -expressed.[84] - -On this showing Dr. Cameron got no 6,000_l._, but only his expenses. Now, -that Dr. Cameron should receive his expenses was perfectly legitimate. -But, if he took 6,000_l._, as Young Glengarry declares, his character -is lost. In 1750, 6,000_l._ was a fortune. Dr. Carlyle, writing of -that time, speaks about a minister who married a lady with a tocher of -4,000_l._, which then was equivalent to an estate. When executed in -June 1753, Dr. Cameron left his family destitute. Consequently he cannot -have helped himself to 6,000_l._, and put it into commerce, as Glengarry -alleged. That he did nothing of the sort, we have the very curious -evidence of an Informer in 1753. This man, declaring that he is afraid of -being informed against by Young Glengarry, informs against him. He says, -in his information: - -‘In Sep. 1749 Dr. Cameron told him (the Informer) he had come over to get -some money on behalf of Lochiel’s Family; That Fassfarn got from Clunie -£6,000, took it to Edinburgh the following winter, and put it in the -hands of John Mc.Farlane, W.S.[85] Dr. Cameron at the same time got £350: -and Fassfarn £400 more to be employed in making good certain claims on -the estate of Lochiel. - -‘Says he saw Dr. Cameron a day or two after, who denied either he or -Fassfarn had got any money, alledging that Cluny would not give it -without orders from the Old Pretender: That the Doctor was off to Rome -(1750) to get these, with only £100 for expenses. That the following -winter he (the Informer) met Young Glengarry, who disproved this by -giving him a copy of the Accounts in Clunie’s writing of all the money.’ - -Here follows Young Glengarry’s _alleged_ copy of Cluny’s accounts:— - -‘_A State of Clunie McPherson’s Intromissions_ - - £ s. d. - - ‘By Cash given Dr. Cameron and Fassfern, _secured - with Fassfern for use of young Lochiel_ 6,000 0 0 - ” sent to Lochiel by Angus Cameron and - Donald Drummond, brother to Bohaldie 1,000 0 0 - ” given the Dr. when last in Scotland to carry - his Charges to and from Rome 350 0 0 - ” at 2 different times by Angus Cameron to - the Clan Cameron and others needy 800 0 0 - ” charged by Clunie for his Estate 5,000 0 0 - ” ” ” for his Commission 1,000 0 0 - ” ” ” for 30 Men from September - 1746-Sep. 1749. 1,627 10 0 - ” charged by Clunie as his pay, at half a-guinea - per diem during said time 542 10 0 - ” charged by Clunie as Maintenance of his Family 1,400 0 0 - ” charged by Clunie for Brechachow (Breakachie) 800 0 0 - ” given to young Glengarry Nov. 1749 300 0 0 - ” given by Clunie to his Clan 500 0 0 - ” ” Fassfern to pay Publick Burdens - on Lochiel’s Estates, viz. Cess - and Teinds due by the Tenants 200 0 0 - ” given Fassfern to defray the Expences in - carrying on the Claims on Lochiel’s Estate 100 0 0 - ” Alleged by Clunie to be in Angus Cameron’s hands 500 0 0 - ” in Clunie’s hands 4,880 0 0 - ------------ - £25,000 0 0 - ============ - - ‘N.B.—Young Glengary got £1,900 at Edinburgh from Mr. Mc.Dougald - at the sight of Mr. John Mc.Cleod of Nuck, Advocate, of which - Glencarney got £80 and Glencoe £50. But this money had no - connection with Clunie’s Intromissions, having been carried - to the South by Mr. John Murray.’[86] [Part of the 5,000 louis - kept by Murray?] - -According to this statement, said to be produced as Cluny’s, Dr. Cameron -did _not_ receive 6,000_l._ for himself. The money went to the support of -the exiled family of Lochiel, who had died in 1748. The large claims made -by Cluny rest, as before, on the word of Young Glengarry. - -In May 1753, Fassifern himself, then a prisoner in Edinburgh Castle, -was examined. He declined to give any evidence against anybody on any -charge. He admitted that in 1749 he received 4,000_l._ from Evan Cameron -of Drumsallie, now dead, for Lochiel’s family. He asked no questions, but -deposited it with Mr. Macfarlane, W.S., who lent it out to Wedderburn of -Gosford, in Fassifern’s name. Fassifern acted as a near relation for his -exiled nephew, Lochiel’s son. - -Thus the money which Dr. Cameron is said to have seized, was used for -the support of Charles’s best friends, the family of his most renowned -adherent. So vanishes the charge that Dr. Cameron speculated with the -money.[87] - -As to Cluny’s retention of money, the same difficulty occurs as in the -case of Dr. Cameron. He arrived in France a destitute exile, when, by -Charles’s command, he ceased to skulk in the caves of Ben Alder, and -crossed to join the Prince in 1754. There is no trace of the value of an -estate in his possession, though Charles, in ordinary gratitude, owed -him much more than he is said to have claimed. Thus it is certain that -Archibald Cameron did not help himself to the Prince’s money; while the -story about Cluny is inconsistent both with his honourable poverty and -with figures, for these accounts make no allowance for 6,000 louis, -certainly conveyed to Charles by Major Kennedy. The whole scandal rests -merely on the word of Young Glengarry.[88] - - - - -VII - -THE TROUBLES OF THE CAMERONS - - -This affair of the treasure caused endless calamities, especially -involving Cameron of Glenevis, a place within two or three miles of -Fort William. The relationship of this family to the head of the clan, -Lochiel, stands thus: Archibald Cameron of Dungallon, who died in 1719, -was the husband of Isabel Cameron of Lochiel. By her he left two sons and -three daughters, of whom Jean married Dr. Archibald Cameron of Lochiel, -the last Jacobite martyr; while Mary married Alexander Cameron of Glen -Nevis.[89] Glenevis, or Glen Nevis, was not out in the Rising of 1745, -but he was imprisoned in 1746, and released in 1747.[90] - -The house of the Camerons of Glenevis, according to Mr. Mackenzie’s -‘History of the Camerons,’ was of very ancient standing. It was -‘generally at feud with Lochiel, and this feeling of antagonism came down -even to modern times. Indeed, it has been maintained that the Glenevis -family were _originally not Camerons at all, but Macdonalds_, who -settled there under the Macdonalds of the Isles, before the Camerons had -any hold on the district.’ They are also spoken of as Macsorlies. However -this genealogical point may be settled, there was no love lost between -Glenevis and Young Glengarry. - -The Glenevis family, though not overtly engaged for the Cause, suffered -from the brutalities of the victors. In spite of Glenevis’s abstinence -from the Rising, his family was persecuted. Mrs. Archibald Cameron -communicated to Bishop Forbes a lamentable story of how her sister, -Glenevis’s wife, was stripped by Cumberland’s men, under Caroline Scott, -and only permitted to keep a single petticoat. Her little son’s gold -buttons and gold lace were cut off his coat, and the child was wounded -by the knife.[91] This story, which has contemporary evidence from the -lips of Lady Glenevis’s sister, Mrs. Archibald Cameron, has received the -usual picturesque embroidery of Highland tradition. Dr. Stewart (‘Nether -Lochaber’) got the tale from some ladies named Macdonald, in this -fashion: the infuriated soldiery, finding none of the plate and jewels -which Lady Glenevis had buried, observed a bulky object under her plaid. -Slashing with swords at the plaid, to discover the supposed treasure, -they wounded the lady’s baby, a child of a few months old. Mrs. Cameron’s -less romantic version, if either, is correct.[92] The brothers of -Glenevis were Allan, who fell at Culloden—_felix opportunitate mortis_; -Angus of Dunan or Downan, in Rannoch; and that unhappy Samuel, called -Crookshanks, whom Dr. Cameron, before his execution, denounced as ‘the -basest of spies.’ He was in French service, but was drummed out, after -Dr. Cameron’s death. - -In October 1751, Colonel Crawfurd, commanding at Fort William, received -from head-quarters information about Glenevis’s and Angus’s share in -the treasure. Fassifern, Lochiel’s brother and representative, was also -denounced. The Colonel took to the duties of policeman with a will, and -the following letter from him describes his arrest of the accused:— - - _From Lieut.-Col. Crawfurd to Churchill_ - - Cumberland Papers. - - Fort William: Oct. 12, 1751. - - ... ‘When I received the Packet from the Express, I without - hesitation affected a surprise and concern at receiving the - news of our Cloaths being stranded, and pretended to consult - him about the nearest way through the Hills to Aberdeen, near - which Place I saw the misfortune had happened; this answerd - extremely well in blinding our good Neighbours in the Town of - Maryburgh,[93] who are for the greatest part ready enough to - give Intelligence to the Country, of any Movements made by the - Garrison. I then employed Captn. Jones to execute the warrant - upon Fassifarn, and that he might be at no loss in not knowing - the Man or the Country, I sent Mr. Gardiner along with him, - whose zeal and readiness to assist you are no strangers to. - They pretended to go in the German Boat on a fishing scheme, - and turning up Lochiel, they soon got to his house, and secured - him and every Thing of Paper Kind, bringing all to the Garrison. - - ‘As soon as they were set out for Fassifarn I pretended to take - a walk out of the Garrison, to see if I coud make a purchase - of Hay for my Horses, and taking Mr. Douglas, the Sheriff - substitute, out with me,[94] by way of shewing me the Road and - Country, I allowed only two more officers to accompany me, that - we might give no suspicion of our Intentions, which would have - been soon discovered had I allowed more or sent a Party. - - ‘However, notwithstanding these precautions, we were told - at going to the House, that Glen Nevis was walk’d out with - his Brother in Law, Dungallon, and still persisting that - we shoud be glad to see Glen Nevis, to talk with him about - his Hay, I prevailed on his wife to send a messenger for - him into the Fields, which having done I took care, that - no other Intelligence should go from the House, and then - proceeded to search for his Papers: but I soon perceived that - a Consciousness of Guilt, had made him secrete almost every - Paper, and the hearing that Dungallon[95] had come to his - House in the Middle of the preceeding Night, confirmed me - in my suspicions that we should see no more of Glen Eves or - Dungallon. I then ordered the Parties who were in readiness to - go round the Hill, and come down upon the Head of the Glen, - making a strict search, but it was to no purpose. You’ll please - to observe that Dungallon, by way of blinding Douglas, had - wrote him on the Wednesday, that it woud be some Days before he - coud be in this part of the Country, and yet that very night, - near the middle of it, did he come to Glen Eves’ house, and for - what Intention may be easily guessed. - - ‘It is however some satisfaction that notwithstanding the pains - they have been at, to conceal their treasonable practices, - yet by their remissness I have found some Old Letters among - Cloaths, which will greatly help to put their transactions - in a proper light, and part of wch I have now enclosed for - your perusal. [The letters enclosed are not in the Cumberland - Papers.] The Letter I have marked No. 1. is a Letter from Glen - Evis to his brother Angus Cameron, in the beginning of which - you’ll see that Fassifarn and he are not in concert, and that - Fassifarn complains of them both, as I imagine for having got - too great a share of the money, and Glen Eves’ hint to Angus - is, not to look upon Fassifarn as his friend. - - ‘In No. 2. You see Angus in his proper Colours appointing the - Congress with Cluny (in December 1749); and it would not be - amiss that the Name of the Place, Catlaick, should be well - observed on that worthy Gentleman’s Account. You see that - Loch Gary was in the Country, and on what accounts; likewise - the errand of young Glengary. Whether the “Crookshanks” there - aludes to Cluny as a Cant word for his having a wry Neck, or to - a Brother of Glen Evis [Samuel, the spy] who is an officer in - the French Service, and has crooked legs, I am not certain, but - I believe it is to the Latter. - - ‘You will likewise observe by this letter that a correction is - to be made in the key of your Intercepted Letter, that Angus is - Brother to Glen Eves and not to Fassifarn. I daresay you are no - stranger to the part that Angus has Acted from the beginning in - relation to the great Money Affair, and that no one excepting - Cluny knows more of it. I am fully persuaded that Mrs. Chalmers - (Mrs. Archibald Cameron) is charged with orders upon his Bank - stock, however unwilling he may be to part with it⸺’ - -On October 14, Glenevis tired of hiding, and surrendered himself to -Crawfurd. No harm was found in Fassifern’s papers, which had been seized, -and he, with Angus MacIan, a brother (or half-brother) of Lochgarry, was -admitted to bail. - -On October 22, Colonel Crawfurd wrote an account of Glenevis’s -examination to Churchill, who forwarded it to the Duke of Newcastle. Now -we must ask how Government, which in 1749-50 knew only the anonymous -account of the treasure already quoted, was, in 1751, informed that -Lochgarry, Young Glengarry, Cameron of Glenevis, and his brother Angus, -had meddled with the spoil in December 1749? Readers of ‘Pickle the Spy’ -will remember that Pickle (that is, _ex hypothesi_, Young Glengarry) -dates his services as a paid informer from 1750-51. Young Glengarry, -then, may have been himself the source of the intelligence about the -plunder, and that, as we shall see, was the strong opinion of Glenevis. - -In any case this is the earliest hint of suspicion against the honour -of Young Glengarry which we have encountered. The eternal feud of -Macdonnells and Camerons may have suggested the notion of Glengarry’s -treachery to the mind of Glenevis; Cluny being out of the question, and -he not knowing any one out of prison, except Young Glengarry, who had the -necessary information. Glenevis’s brother, Angus, and Angus MacIan were -in prison with himself, and Lochgarry was with his regiment in France. - -Crawfurd says of Glenevis, and his suspicions: - -‘He seems to think that all the Intelligence procured against him has -been by means of Young Glengary: this you may believe I am at no great -pains to desuade him from, as the greater Enmity gives the better chance -of your coming at truth. He does not deny but that his brother, (Angus) -Lochgary, Young Glengary, Angus Mc.Ian and he went into Badenoch in the -winter 1749, after the Troops were gone from thence, with a view of -meeting Clunie, but that while Lochgary, and young Glengary had their -Interview at a sheiling opposite to Dalwhinnie, he was desired by Clunie -to keep at the House of Dalwhinnie till sent for; and that neither Angus -nor he coud be allowd to speak with him, tho he sent repeated messages -by Clunie’s Piper, and a young Brother of Clunie’s. That he lay in the -same Room with Young Glengary at Dalwhinnie, and early in the morning, -the young Brother of Clunie brought Glengary a Bag which might contain -two or three Hundred guineas, and counted them out to him, and that he -understood Glengary got, in the whole, by that expedition about Two -Thousand;[96] he farther says that the money remitted abroad by Cluny -was carried away by his Brother in Law Mc.Pherson of Brechachie to Major -Kennedy in the North of England....’ (So Gask also says.) - -On October 31, Crawfurd again writes to Churchill. He had recommended on -October 21, that Angus Cameron ‘should be allowed the quiet enjoyment -of his treasure.’ He now remarks that Glenevis has been admitted to -bail. ‘He says, in the Scotch phrase, that _it is hard, to have both the -skaith and the scorn_’—that is, to be molested, though he has not got -much of the French gold. ‘He blames his brother Angus for having acted -a weak and foolish part in quitting (parting) with so great a share of -the money that had fallen into his hands, which, he says, did not exceed -£2,500, tho’ most people call it £3,000, and of which he knew his brother -had paid £1,000 for the use of Lochiel soon after his going to France’ -(1746). Next we find a repetition of Glenevis’s charges against Young -Glengarry, as his betrayer. The accusation, too, that Young Glengarry -forged King James’s name (alluded to by James in a letter to the Prince, -March 17, 1750, as a story reported by Archy Cameron) is urged by -Glenevis. - -‘He (Glenevis) still continues full of resentment against Young Glengary, -believing that he is the Author of all the information against him and -his Brother Angus, not being able to account for our knowledge of the -Badenoch meeting in any other way. He confirms what I wrote of the young -Gentleman in my last, only that the £2,000 was not of Clunie’s money, but -of what was left by the Secretary Murray in the hands of Mr. Mc.Douel -his brother in Law, and that his credentials for receiving the money was -from the old Pretender, _but that he was sure they were forged_.’ They -certainly _were_ forged. - -One thing is to be observed about Glenevis’s doubts of Young Glengarry. -In this year, 1751, and onwards, that hero was allowed by Government to -live in London, in Beaufort Buildings, Strand, whence he communicated -with Charles and James, as a strenuous Jacobite agent. His letters are -printed by Browne from the Stuart MSS. Yet Government, if only from -Glenevis’s evidence just given, knew that Glengarry was at least as -guilty as Glenevis and his brother of the only crime charged against them -on this occasion—namely, dealing with French gold that had been landed -for the use of Prince Charles. Where the treason to King George came in, -unless they were using the money for Jacobite purposes, or depriving his -Majesty of spoils of war, or of treasure trove, does not appear. Yet -the Camerons, Glenevis, Dunan, Fassifern, were all kept in durance at -Port William, while Young Glengarry, implicated in their vague offence, -was permitted to live, and even to make love, in London. To this point -we return later (p. 207). Government had their own reasons for sparing -Glengarry, while punishing his accomplices. These accomplices, again, -averred that Glengarry had ‘peached’ upon them, as doubtless he had. The -Camerons were released, but before very long, they and Fassifern were -all imprisoned again in Edinburgh Castle, on a charge of treasonable -dealings with the attainted. This was part of a plan of Government’s for -‘uprooting’ Fassifern, who represented the exiled Young Lochiel in the -eyes of the Clan. The action of Government makes another chapter in the -history of the sufferings after Culloden. Meanwhile the casks of louis -d’or had done their task, and sown among the Clans the dragon’s teeth -of distrust and of calumny. We cannot tell where the remainder of the -gold went, though Cluny probably took what was left over to France, in -1754, as Charles commanded him to do, getting no more for his trouble, -perhaps, than did poor Duncan Cameron in Strontian—‘not a shilling.’ As -for Glenevis and his brother, they seem to have finally been fobbed off -with the skaith and the scorn, and with very little else but the company -of Colonel Crawfurd, so anxious to talk about their hay crop. - -Such is an example of Highland life after Culloden. There are midnight -meetings at lonely sheilings, there is digging and delving by hands that -knew the claymore better than the spade. Letters are opened in the post -office, secret murmurs fly about carrying charges of indefinite guilt, -reported by unknown spies. No man can put confidence in another: each -neighbour _may_ have been bullied or bribed into babbling, and, when -the laird sees the English colonel saunter along the avenue, Highland -hospitality struggles in his heart with a natural inclination to drop -out of a back window, and steal up the glen into the hills. A gentleman -is apt to be less often on his estates than in Fort William prison or in -Edinburgh Castle. No wonder that many joined the new Highland regiments -when they were raised, and preferred King George’s pay to domiciliary -visits from King George’s colonels! - - - - -VIII - -JUSTICE AFTER CULLODEN - -_The Uprooting of Fassifern_ - - -The years 1752-1754 were full of trouble for Highlanders. The Prince was -intriguing desperately with Scotland, and with Prussia. The Elibank Plot -was matured and betrayed. Dr. Cameron and Lochgarry were stirring up -the Clans. Cluny remained as untakable as Abd-el-Kader. The Government -were alarmed at once by Pickle, by their ambassadors abroad, and by -Count Kaunitz. The Forfeited Estates had been nationalised, ‘for the -improvement of the Highlands,’ factors had been appointed to raise and -collect rents: evictions were threatened; agrarian discontent had been -aroused; Campbell of Glenure had been shot in the wood of Lettermore.[97] -The reports of all these things flew from township to township, from -strath to strath, as fleetly as the fiery cross. The Highlands, in 1752, -were boiling like a caldron. Old tenants were being turned out that men -of a hostile Whiggish clan might occupy their hereditary holdings. -Ensign Small, an officer who knew Gaelic, and was engaged in secret -service, found murmurs of a rising even in the Islands. The Duke of -Newcastle was jotting down alarmed notes, ‘to be at any expense in order -to find out where the Young Pretender is. Lord Anson to have Fregates -upon the Scotch and Irish coast.’[98] - -The consequence of this official flutter was a crowd of arrests and -trials. James Stewart, on a charge of being accessory to Glenure’s -slaying, was, to speak plain words, judicially murdered. He was confined -in Fort William, and denied access to his advisers; the charges and -evidence against him were kept from him till too late, he had a jury of -hostile Campbells at Inveraray, the Duke on the bench, and he was hanged -as accessory to a murder in which the alleged principal was not before -the Court. Political necessities and clan hatred killed James Stewart -(1752). - -In 1753 Dr. Cameron was caught, and hanged in London, denouncing as -informer his kinsman, Samuel Cameron. The famed Sergeant Mohr Cameron -was taken (by treachery, General Stuart hints and tradition proclaims; -both are right), and he ‘died for the law.’ His alleged crime was cattle -theft, but, as a sergeant in French service, he was probably regarded as -a Jacobite agent. The Sergeant was captured in mid-April, 1753: a few -days later Angus Cameron, brother of Glenevis, was taken at the same -place, his house of Dunan or Downan, in Rannoch. On May 6 Fassifern, -Charles Stewart, writer in Banavie, Fassifern’s agent, and Glenevis, -were lodged, with Angus Cameron, in Edinburgh Castle. On July 7 Young -Barisdale, Young Morar, and others, were culled like flowers at Lochourn, -while Young John Macdonnell, ‘Spanish John,’ was also arrested. - -Of all these, the most important prisoner was Fassifern. He had been -taken, as we saw, in October 1751, and released, as nothing could be -found against him in the affair of the Cluny Treasure. He was Lochiel’s -brother and representative, and consequently chief, for the time, of the -Camerons. He had not been out in Forty-five. A man of commerce, a burgess -of Glasgow, he had tried to dissuade Lochiel from exposing himself to the -dangerous charm of the Prince. But he was naturally anxious to save as -much as possible of Lochiel’s estate for the family. There were several -lawful claims on it, which Government was bound to respect and he to -press. Moreover he, with ‘Glenevegh’ (Glenevis), had been denounced -by Pickle as agents between the Southern and Northern Jacobites.[99] -In addition to all this, Fassifern was trying to keep the old Cameron -tenants, Jacobites, in their holdings, and evict tenants who had the bad -taste to be Whigs. - -As early as May 1751 he had been denounced for these offences by Captains -Johnston and Mylne, of the Buffs, in garrison at Inversnaid. ‘He falls -on ways,’ writes an informer whose letter they forward, ‘of turning out -any from their possessions, who he knows to be well affected to His -Majesty.’ He encourages Jacobites to settle near the forts, for the -purpose of a sudden assault.[100] He has ‘plenty of the Pretender’s -money’ to use for these purposes. Clan sentiment, not Jacobitism, may -have influenced Fassifern, and Glenevis, at least, was hardly the man to -play the part of Jacobite agent. - -The original charge against Fassifern in May 1753 was that of -‘correspondence with persons attainted.’ But the game of the Government -was to get rid of him on any pretext. Colonel Crawfurd had come from Fort -William to Edinburgh, and, on June 4, 1753, wrote a long letter to the -Lord Justice Clerk. ‘The uprooting of Fassifern,’ he says, with candour, -‘is what we ought chiefly to have in view.’[101] He has found witnesses, -or rather has heard of them (it seems kinder to omit the names of these -gentlemen), who avow that Fassifern tampered with them to threaten -the late Glenure’s wife, and to murder Glenure. That unlucky man was -factor for Lochiel’s as well as for Ardsheil’s forfeited estate, and was -expected to evict Cameron tenants. ‘The Lord Advocate said that, if this -did not hang Fassiefairn, it would at least send him to Nova Scotia.’ -Perhaps, the Colonel thinks, Breakachie may be induced to inform against -Fassifern! That culprit has only sent 100_l._ to Lochiel’s family in -France, and has made Lochiel’s tenants work on his estate, instead of on -the county roads. - -These last were not hanging matters. And, somehow, Breakachie, a -perfectly loyal gentleman, and kinsman of Cluny’s, did not give the -desired information. The witnesses as to the suborning of Glenure’s -murder by Fassifern would not kiss the book, or, perhaps, had never -promised their evidence at all. Angus Cameron and Glenevis were -discharged on bail, on July 3. No proof of treasonable correspondence, -or suborned murder, or anything else existed, or could be found -against Fassifern. Pickle, of course, could not be produced in Court. -The Colonel does not conceal the discomfort of his reflections, and -Government is perplexed as to the details of the process of ‘uprooting’ -the representative of Lochiel. On June 10 Fassifern and Charles Stewart -petitioned that they might be put on their trial. But what were they to -be tried for? It was an awkward situation. - -The resources of civilisation, however, were not exhausted. On August 6 -the Duke of Argyll came to Edinburgh and, next day, took his seat in the -Court of Session. - -That day the Lord Advocate sprang a fresh charge on the accused. -They might not have been holding treasonable correspondence, or even -suborning murder, but they had been mixed up in—forgery! The Lord -Advocate suspected that certain deeds had been forged, to substantiate -claims made by Fassifern on Lochiel’s estate. These claims rested on -old papers and bonds of various dates, from 1713 to 1748. There was -‘credible information’ (how obtained we shall learn) that five of these -deeds were forged. Fassifern’s lawyer, Mr. Macfarlane (husband of pretty -Mrs. Macfarlane who shot the Captain), had no longer the vouchers, the -original papers from which he drew up the claims. These vouchers had been -in a bag at Mr. Macfarlane’s house; but ‘some time in Summer’ (1752) -Fassifern (being in Edinburgh) had sent for the bag, and had returned it -in a few hours. - -The papers were no longer in it. Fassifern, being examined, could -remember having abstracted no such deeds as interested the Court. Next -day Fassifern asked for a copy of his statement, ‘as he was apprehensive -he might have inadvertently fallen into some mistakes in the hurry of -the examination, which he was extremely desirous to rectify.’ The Lords -refused his petition: he might have a copy of his examination ‘when he -is brought upon trial.’ Next day he was charged with being guilty, or -‘art and part in forging the deeds, or of using them, knowing them to be -forged.’ He was to be detained in prison till his trial. - -He protested that he had already lain in prison for three months, on -a charge (Pickle’s) of ‘being privy to unlawful designs carried on by -disaffected persons’—namely, a rising to follow on the kidnapping of -the Royal Family. He ‘has reason to believe that no such prosecution -is seriously intended,’ which is pretty obvious, Pickle not being -producible, but absent, at that very hour, in France, with Prince -Charles! Moreover Fassifern was not told on whose information he was -examined, though he was ‘heckled’ for several hours. - -The charge of forgery was, in fact, based, as usual, on the evidence of -an Informer, whom we need not name. Here is a report of his accusations:— - -‘... Says he has been certainly informed that Fassfarn caused Forge -several Grounds of Debt, in Order to be the Foundation of Claims upon the -Estate of Lochiel, some of which were written by Charles Stewart present -prisoner in the Castle, and Lochiel’s name was Forged by one Allan -Cameron of Landavrae, who could write like him, and there were Forced -Discharges by Lochiel to his Tenants for Crops in 1746 and Proceedings in -Order to prevent the Government from getting payment of the Rent of 1746 -and arrears.’ - -Says on knowing this he ‘instantly told Crawfurd’! - -Now even the Government’s plea against Fassifern says no word of ‘forged -discharges of Lochiel to his tenants!’[102] - -The interest of this case is partly the mystery—had Fassifern really -been concerned in tampering with documents?—partly the procedure, which -we know had political motives, and was iniquitous in method. As to -Fassifern’s guilt, if any, we are not likely to learn the truth; as to -the kind of justice he got—there can only be one opinion. - -On August 10 Fassifern was ‘ordained’ to receive a full copy of his -examination. He was anxious that the evidence of an aged solicitor, -Alexander Stewart, in Appin, a man over eighty, and unable to travel, -should be taken by commission. This Stewart had written, or witnessed, -several of the old disputed deeds, and was the only person alive able -to testify, of his own knowledge, to their authenticity. Fassifern also -remonstrated against being described, in the Lord Advocate’s charge, -as ‘the immediate younger brother of Donald Cameron, late of Lochiel, -attainted.’ He ‘ventures to hope that this is not meant to make a point -of dittay.’ It was obviously meant to suggest prejudice. He asked for -bail, after his already long imprisonment. Bail was refused by the Lords -of Session, nor would they examine Alexander Stewart by commission; -but they promised to remove Fassifern from the Castle to the Tolbooth. -The full charges, or ‘improbatory articles’ against him, he was not to -receive. - -On August 24 the prisoner once more protested against ‘the practice of -dropping out charges one after the other,’ which unpleasantly resembles -the system of Titus Oates. If the Government, as appears certain, had -this accusation of forgery pigeon-holed before they locked up the -prisoner in May, why did they not bring it forward at first? Fassifern’s -imprisonment, he justly remarks, ‘approaches to a kind of torture.’ He is -denied the free use of pen and ink, so necessary in his preparation of a -defence. An armed sentinel is in his room day and night. This petition -was so far successful that pen and ink were given, but what he wrote was -inspected, and even his lawyer’s chief clerk, Mr. Flockhart, could only -visit him by special license. He was allowed to take the air, under a -guard, but he seems to have been detained in the Castle, at least the -Deputy-Governor is charged to remove the armed sentinel. - -In January 1754 articles of accusation were placed before the Lords of -Session, and witnesses were examined, including old Alexander Stewart, -who was brought from Appin ‘in a chaise.’ He attested that, as early as -1713, he had written and witnessed some of the deeds, and again in 1728. -Appin (whom one of the deeds especially concerned) gave evidence as to -the authenticity of others, and quoted Lochiel’s remarks to him, in 1746, -about 1,000_l._ borrowed from Fassifern in 1741, and a bond given for the -money by himself. He averred that Charles Stewart, writer in Banavie, -accused now of forging that instrument, had really written and witnessed -it, with Torcastle (in exile) and others (Culchenna and Lundavra), now -dead. On these grounds Fassifern petitioned for bail. He had lain in -prison for ten months, and his eyes were so impaired that he could not -see to read. He must sink _sub squalore carceris_, and be ‘uprooted’ in -earnest. - -To all this plea it was replied ‘that many persons, even of those who -would not do injustice in private affairs, are too easily induced to -countenance an injustice done to the public’—that is, by getting public -money out of the forfeited estates. Fassifern, with his ‘connections and -influence, might, if at liberty, use means to prevent discoveries.’ There -is thus one law (an unpleasant law) for the rich, and another for the -poor. Finally Fassifern’s ‘coolness and silence on the loss of papers -of such consequence, notwithstanding his being confessedly a sensible -careful man, were mentioned as very suspicious circumstances.’ - -No doubt they _are_ suspicious, but that a ‘sensible careful man,’ of -the best family, should, as charged, forge a bond of 90_l._ from his -own gardener, still in his service, is also a very improbable kind of -accusation. Fassifern and Charles Stewart were, therefore, left _sub -squalore carceris_ (March 6, 1754). - -In August 1754 they again petitioned for bail. They had lain in gaol for -fifteen months on no capital charge. ‘There is not one of the deeds under -challenge that does not seem to be supported by unimpeachable evidence,’ -as of Appin, a man of honour, and old Alexander Stewart. ‘They have -suffered punishment beyond bounds already, without example, and since The -Happy Revolution, neither heard of nor dreamed of in our neighbouring -country,’ England. - -Bail was not granted, and the Lord Advocate told a very extraordinary -and, it may be said, inconsistent tale. His witnesses, he alleged, ‘have -thought fit to stand a second diligence for compelling them to appear, -and, though wrote to, have not given any answer.’ Of course there may -be two interpretations of this reluctance, or even three. The witnesses -may be coerced by local sentiment, or may not care to take oath to their -evidence, or may have reason to suppose that they are not really wanted, -as the Crown manifestly merely wishes to keep Fassifern out of his -own country. The evidence of one informer has been given as to forged -discharges of Lochiel’s. The Government, however, dropped that slander, -while keeping up other charges, not supported by evidence given in Court. - -The Advocate then carries back the origin of the trouble to the Loch -Arkaig treasure. In some quarrel about this, a person was ‘heard to -declare, that, in self defence, he would make known to persons in the -King’s service what he knew, or had learned, concerning forged deeds -prepared by Fassfern and Charles Stewart.’ This information he actually -gave to Colonel Crawfurd. This was certainly one of the witnesses who -would not answer to his subpœna, or come to the trial in spite of -repeated ‘diligences.’ Lochaber was not likely to be a happy home for -him afterwards; _Lochaber no more!_ would probably be the burden of his -song. Even Glenevis had three shots fired at him, in November 1752, -between Fort William and his own house. So he alleges in a memorial, or -petition, in the State Papers. The Colonel then sent for Charles Stewart, -who had been introduced to him as a fit person for managing prosecutions -against wearers of the philabeg. Charles Stewart, before the arrest of -Fassifern, gave Colonel Crawfurd, at Fort William, a written set of -Remarks on Fassifern’s claims, impeaching the authenticity of those to -which Appin and Charles Stewart had sworn, including the gardener’s -90_l._ But Charles Stewart, when examined before the Lords, withdrew all -this, and vowed that he had already denied it to the Colonel. When shown -the written statement, he acknowledged that it was in his hand, but that -he had written it ‘to pacify the Colonel, who was then in a great rage.’ -For, in early summer, 1752, ‘a very hot inquiry was going on touching -the murder of Glenure.’ Relations of Charles Stewart were imprisoned, -and Colonel Crawfurd, interrogating Charles on the claims of Fassifern, -told him that _he_, Charles, ‘was suspected of some accession to -Glenure’s murder, and was to be imprisoned if he did not speak out, and -make discoveries against the claims upon Lochiel’s forfeiture.’ Charles -‘cannot affirm’ that he did _not_ ‘soothe Col. Crawfurd, who appeared to -be in great passion,’ by telling tales against the claims, but rather -suspects that he did. But, if he did, he admits that he lied, ‘in the -confusion and terror he was then in.’ So far, the evidence before the -Court is that of a witness who declines to be sworn, and of a prisoner -who withdraws testimony extorted by threats. - -The Lord Advocate next quoted a letter to Fassifern, from his Edinburgh -agent, Mr. Macfarlane, of December 1751—that is, shortly after -Fassifern’s release in the affair of the treasure. Mr. Macfarlane -obscurely warns him in this letter ‘not to be carried, for the sake of a -small paultry sum of money into difficulties.’ ‘Mines were to be sprung,’ -‘odd appellations are given,’ phrases which may, or may not, refer to the -business of the French gold. - -The Advocate then told how Fassifern, in summer, 1752, a year before his -arrest in 1753, got his bag of papers from Mr. Macfarlane and returned -it, since when no mortal has seen the incriminated deeds. This, of -course, is the crucial point; but Mr. Macfarlane had himself prepared -Fassifern’s claim from the very deeds which, having disappeared, are now -said to have been recently forged. Mr. Macfarlane can have seen nothing -suspicious in them, or he would not have made them the basis of a claim -drawn up by himself. His suspicions of 1751 would have revived, and he -would have abandoned the case. He still acts daily for Fassifern, but -Fassifern has not recovered the documents, nor tried seriously to recover -them. - -On these grounds bail was again refused. - -No decision was arrived at by the Lords of Session till January 1755. By -that time all danger from Jacobitism was over. Charles was deserted by -Prussia, by the Earl Marischal, and by his English adherents. The Lords -found Fassifern guilty of abstracting his own papers, from the bag in Mr. -Macfarlane’s custody. These papers it was inferred, were forged. He was -sentenced to ten years of banishment, which he passed at Alnwick. Charles -Stewart was deprived of his office of notary public. ‘Some of the Lords -were of opinion that there was not a proof of guilt sufficient to infer -any punishment. But others were of a different opinion.’ In Fassifern’s -plea he complained of Colonel Crawfurd’s frequent examinations of Charles -Stewart, and of a present of 10_l._ made by him to that notary. - -Innocent or guilty, Fassifern was ‘uprooted, which is what we ought -chiefly to have in view,’ to quote Colonel Crawfurd. The gross -oppressiveness of the proceedings, the unexplained delays, the series -of charges ‘dropped out,’ the bullying and cajoling of prisoners under -examination, the unconcealed political motive, and the rewards of farms -which, we learn, were given to the informers, are all characteristic of -justice in Scotland after Culloden. The improbability of the charge, -against ‘a sensible careful man,’ must be set against the mystery of the -disappearance of the papers. In that disappearance the ‘uprooters’ had, -of course, no less interest than the accused. After nearly two years _sub -squalore carceris_, Fassifern was condemned for suborning the forgery of -papers not in evidence. In fact, after all the schemes for his uprooting, -he was (in cricketing phrase) ‘given out’—several of the Fifteen -dissenting—‘for obstructing the field.’ What is the legal name for this -offence? - -This affair had lingered on from May 1753 to January 1755 before the -Fifteen, the Lords of Session. It is probable that a jury, disgusted by -the military methods of extorting evidence, would have made short work -of the case, and acquitted Fassifern. Of this temper in a jury we have a -curious contemporary instance. Sir Walter Scott printed for the Bannatyne -Club the trial, in June 1754, of Duncan Terig, or Clerk, and Alexander -Bain Macdonald, for the murder of Sergeant Davies, of Guise’s regiment, -in 1749, on Christie Hill, in Braemar. There was really no doubt of the -guilt of the accused. Scott, who knew one of their counsel, says that -they themselves were convinced of the fact. But two Highland witnesses -told a story of the murdered sergeant’s ghost, which appeared to them in -1750. By making fun of this apparition, the advocates for the defence, -Scott says, secured an acquittal in face of the evidence. - -Probably the jury had another motive—namely, indignation at military -extortion of evidence. A certain Ensign Small has been mentioned. He -seems to have been an astute and energetic man. We find him everywhere -in the Cumberland Papers. He it was who, soon after Culloden, arrested -the Barisdales in a cave, and took their swords. In 1749 he arrested -Barisdale on his return from France. He pursued Lochgarry (after Dr. -Cameron’s arrest) into England, and searched the vessels leaving the -ports of the East Coast. We find him in the Islands, mixing with the -people in disguise, and reporting their murmurs and their curses on the -Chiefs and the Prince. In Knoydart he notes that the commons have lost -their taste for a rising. Small was rewarded by a factorship on the -forfeited estates of Cluny and Robertson of Strowan, and exerted himself -to procure the condemnation of the murderers of Sergeant Davies. - -Now on June 14, 1754, Mr. Alexander Lockhart, one of the counsel for the -accused, laid a complaint against Small before the Court of Session. By -Small’s instigation, Lockhart said, Terig and Macdonald were charged -with the crime. Small had sought out and privately examined witnesses, -‘giving them an obligation to stand between them and any hazard they -might incur thereby’—such protection was very necessary. ‘He endeavoured -to intimidate such as would not say such strong things as he wished, or -expected.’ Lockhart asks ‘how far these practices’ (the very practices -employed to ‘uproot’ Fassifern) ‘should be tolerated?’ Moreover, Small -had been swaggering with a sword, had stopped Lockhart in the Parliament -Close, had insulted, challenged him, and shaken a stick over his head: -‘which, if he meant to resent, he would be at no loss to find out where -the said James Small lived.’ - -Small replied that, after doing his best to bring Clerk and Macdonald to -trial, his character had been blackened by Lockhart before the jury, as -having pursued the accused for private reasons of malice. As an officer -and a gentleman, believing in his heart that the accused were guilty -(which they undoubtedly were), he had resented the license of Lockhart. - -Small was found guilty of contempt, bound over to keep the peace, and -obliged to apologise. - -Meanwhile General Bland, Governor of Edinburgh Castle, justified -Ensign Small in a letter to the English Ministry. Lockhart, the -General denounces as a ‘famous foul-mouthed Jacobite advocate.’ He -had ‘concerted’ his abuse of the Ensign in court ‘with his Jacobite -fraternity.’ The Ensign had very properly ‘taken him by the nose, and -called him a scoundrell. He took it quietly.’ If Lockhart is not warned, -his bones will be broken. The General has used his influence with the -judges to secure easy terms for the loyal Ensign.[103] - -The docile judges, ‘the Fifteen,’ had accepted evidence extorted -by military violence in what was really a political case, that of -Fassifern. But it is clear that the jury, in the case of the Sergeant’s -murder, had resented such intimidation, as denounced by Lockhart, and -this resentment, rather than the ghost story, probably procured the -acquittal of two undeniable robbers and murderers, Terig, or Clerk, and -Macdonald.[104] - -Another curious instance of the methods of Government occurs in the case -of James Mohr. It was generally suspected that Government connived at -his escape from Edinburgh Castle in the disguise of a cobbler (November -16, 1752). The Government, however, broke the lieutenants of the guard, -deprived the sergeant of his stripes, and whipped the porter. - -But we find a remarkable letter of General Churchill’s,[105] saying that -‘James Mohr had been taken up on the abduction charge,’ and was extremely -anxious to make disclosures. That his recent behaviour cannot allow him -to be believed unless he is allowed to suppose ‘his life is at stake.’ -That ‘should your Grace think proper to employ him, the great difficulty -is to bring about his liberation without raising a suspicion of the -Cause, _nor can it be so effectually done as by giveing private orders to -a Party of the Troops employed in escorting him to favour his escape_.’ - -If this suggestion was acted on later, if James was allowed to escape -from Edinburgh Castle that he might become a spy, as he did, the -lieutenants, the sergeant, and the porter were very scurvily treated. The -game of justice was not played with much scrupulousness by the English -Government. - - - - -IX - -A GENTLEMAN OF KNOYDART - - -The modern autobiographical romance of adventure has perhaps been -overdone. The hero is always very young and very brave; he is mixed up -with great affairs; he is a true lover; he marries the heroine, and he -leaves his Memoirs (at six shillings) to posterity. Stereotyped as is the -method, and mechanical as are most of the novels thus constructed, it is -interesting to compare with them a set of genuine Memoirs, which actually -are what the novels pretend to be. - -Colonel John Macdonell, the author of the Memoirs, was of the Scottos -family, a branch of the House of Glengarry. Indeed, in the male line the -chiefs of Clan Donald are now represented by the head of the Scottos -branch, not to enter on the old controversy as to the chiefship of Clan -Ranald. Our Colonel was born in 1728, and was therefore a boy of eighteen -in 1746. He had already been conversant with great adventures; he had -seen Rome and his King, had been thrice wounded in one engagement of the -Italian wars, and had relinquished his excellent prospects in the Spanish -service to fight for the White Rose. An emissary between the Duke of -York (not yet Cardinal) and the Prince, the bearer of a treasure in gold, -our hero arrived in the Highlands just after Culloden. Robbed by the -wicked Mackenzies, associated with the last rally of the loyal clans, -betrayed by a cousin to a Hanoverian dungeon, young Macdonell must needs -fall in love, at this juncture, with his future wife. He insults his -enemies, cows the traitor who denounced him (or another traitor), marries -his lady, retires to Canada, and, dying in 1810, leaves his Memoirs to -his children. - -What more can be asked from a hero? ‘Oh, Colonel Macdonell and Mr. -Robert Louis Stevenson, which of you imitated the other?’ the critic is -tempted to exclaim. But, if the real Colonel John ‘does it more natural,’ -the fictitious David Balfour ‘does it with the better grace.’ The good -Colonel never, of course, discourses to us about his contending emotions, -or dilates, like Mr. Balfour, on the various trains of casuistry which -meet in his simple soul. He never describes a place, nor a person, -not even when he meets his King, the Duke of York, or the Duc de -Fitzjames; he only describes action, vividly enough. He leaves out the -love-interest, with the merest allusion; and thus, though the Colonel -played a heroic part in romantic occurrences, he did not write a romance. -He arranges his recollections ill, ignoring essential facts, and, later, -dragging them in very awkwardly. His Memoirs are such as an elderly -warrior of his period would naturally pen; they illustrate the chaotic -condition of Highland morals and manners in 1745-54, and introduce us to -figures familiar in the Prince’s campaign of Scotland.[106] - -Scotus, Scottos, or Scothouse, the estate of the Colonel’s family, lies -in the south of Knoydart, and on the north side of the entrance to Loch -Nevis, just opposite to the Aird of Sleat in Skye. On the north of -Knoydart, and on the south shore of Loch Hourn, is Barisdale, the seat of -the Colonel’s cousin, Col of Barisdale, the tallest man and the greatest -robber, ruffian, and traitor of Clan Donald. Universal testimony, from -that of the Chevalier Johnstone to the Whig Manuscript of 1750, applauds -the family of Scottos as brave gentlemen, honest in the midst of ‘a den -of thieves’ (says our Whig author), loyal when loyalty had most to tempt -or discourage it. Our Colonel’s father was a younger son of old Scottos. -He resided at Crowlin; concerning his means of life we learn nothing, -but the Colonel was always well supplied with money in his boyhood. The -clan were Catholics, and John’s father, in 1740, sent the boy, then aged -twelve, to be educated at the Scots College in Rome. He was accompanied -by a lad of fourteen, Angus Macdonald, of the Clan Ranald family. From -Edinburgh they sailed to Boulogne, and in Paris were entertained by Mr. -George Innes, head of the Scots College and brother of Thomas Innes, the -first really critical writer on early Scottish history. From Paris the -pair of boys went, partly by water, partly in a _calèche_, to Avignon -and Marseilles, whence they embarked for Toulon. Here they met with the -following adventure, which may be given as an example of the Colonel’s -style in narrative, though it had no sequel. Most of his adventures led -to nothing, unlike the course of fiction:— - -‘One night, as we walked through the streets and were cracking nuts, -my comrade, who was somewhat roguish, observed a Monsieur with a large -powdered wig, and his hat under his arm, going past us; he took a -handful of nuts from his pocket and threw them with all his force at the -Frenchman’s head, which unfortunately disordered his wig. Monsieur turned -upon and collared him; by good luck a Spaniard was of our party, who -instantly ran to the relief of my comrade and gave the Frenchman a severe -drubbing. We then adjourned to a tavern, when our Spaniard, calling for a -bottle of wine, brought me to a private room, and after bolting the door, -to my great terror and surprise, drew a stiletto with his right hand from -his left bosom, and made me to understand by signs that with that weapon -he would have killed the Frenchman, if he had proved too strong for him. -He then took a net purse out of his pocket wherein there appeared to be -about a hundred Spanish pistoles, and made me an offer of a part: I -made him a low bow, but, not standing in need of it, would not accept of -his liberality, for I thought I had enough, being always purse-bearer -for myself and companion. My friend made sometimes free with my pockets, -merely to try if I should miss anything, and was happy to find that I -made a discovery of his tricks by immediately missing what he took in -that way.... I bought out of our stock two large folding French knives, -by way of carvers, in case of any sinister accident.’ - -Such an accident of travel presently occurred. A Mr. O’Rourk of -Tipperary, on his way to study at Rome, introduced the boys to a certain -Mr. Creach, late of the Irish brigade in Spanish service. Mr. Creach, -finding Master Macdonell alone in his room, tried to rob him. Macdonell -flew at the man; Angus Macdonald entered; the pair threw Creach on the -ground, and John had his ‘carver’ out, with a view to cutting Creach’s -throat, when O’Rourk interfered with this wild Celtic justice. Arrived in -Rome, the boys found that the fame of their exploit had preceded them and -done them good service, as they were reckoned lads of spirit. - -John, though the youngest pupil in the lowest class of the seminary, was -advancing rapidly in his studies when, in the winter of 1743, Prince -Charles rode out of Rome to a hunting-party, and, disguised as a Spanish -courier, continued his course as far as Antibes. France had invited him, -though, when he arrived, she neglected him. John now conceived that, -in the event of the Prince’s landing in England, ‘My clan would not be -the last to join the young Charles.... This set my brains agoing, which -were not very settled of themselves. I got disgusted with the life of a -student, and thought I would be much happier in the army.’ - -John, therefore, contrived to get ‘introduced to King James by noblemen -attending on that Prince, who inquired of me particularly about my -grandfather and granduncles [Glengarry and Barisdale, apparently], with -all of whom he had been acquainted personally in the year 1715,’ when -Glengarry distinguished himself so brilliantly, avenging the fallen Clan -Ranald, at Sheriffmuir. A recommendation for John was sent to General -Macdonnell (of the Antrim family), then commanding the Irish of the -Spanish forces in Italy, and, though the Cardinal Protector demurred -to John’s change of service, our hero was equipped with a sword by the -Rector of his College. ‘Presenting me with the sword, his eyes filled, -and he told me that I should lose that sword by the enemy, which was -verified in seven or eight months after.’ The Rector had the second sight! - -Mr. Macdonell, a sage of sixteen, was now horrified by the ethical ideas -which he surprised in the conversation of the young Italian gentlemen -who rode with him to join the Spanish army. They assured him that his -military value depended on his emancipation from the prudish notions of -‘a parcel of bigots,’ but he was destined to refute this theory. General -Macdonnell admitted his young clansman to his own table, and put him in -the way of seeing fire. He thus describes his first view of that element; -probably his emotions are common to recruits:— - -‘I’ll tell you the truth, I felt myself rather queer, my heart panting -very strong, not with bravery, I assure you. I thought that every bullet -would finish [me], and thought seriously to run away, a cursed thought! -I dare never see my friends or nearest relations after such dastardly -conduct. My thoughts were all at once cut short by the word of command, -“Advance quick!” We were at once within about one hundred paces of the -enemy, to whom we gave so well directed a fire, that their impetuosity -was bridled. The firing on both sides continued until dark came on, which -put a stop to the work of the evening. The enemy retreated some distance -back, and we rejoined our own army. I went to Genl. McDonnell, who asked -me if I had smelled powder to-day; I told him I had plentifully. “What, -Sir,” said he, “are you wounded?” “No, please your Excellency.” “Sir, -you will never smell powder until you are wounded.” I got great credit -from the officers commanding the party I belonged to for my undaunted -behaviour during the action, but they little knew what past within me -before it began.’ - -The smell of powder was soon in our hero’s experience. The Neapolitan -general who commanded on alternate days with the French leader, withdrew -his troops from a strong position on the heights above Velletri, which -was attacked by Prince Lobkwitz and the famous General Brown, with -forty-five thousand Austrians. There was daily fighting, and General -Macdonnell was stopped by his superior officer while in the very act of -driving the Austrians from the deserted heights, which they, of course, -had occupied. An Austrian surprise cut off Macdonell’s regiment from the -main force, and he thus describes what occurred: - -‘For my own share I was among the last that gave way, but when I once -turned my back, I imagined that the enemy all aimed at me alone, and -therefore ran with all my might, and thought there was a weight tied to -each of my legs, till I had outrun everyone, and looking behind, saw the -whole coming up. I halted and faced about, every one as he came up did -the same, we soon formed a regular line, and resolved to revenge our dead -comrades and to fight to the last; but found our situation to be as bad -as before.... Reduced to extremity we offered to capitulate on honourable -terms, but could obtain no condition except surrendering at discretion, -rather than which we resolved to fight while powder and ball remained -among the living or the dead. Our officers and men fell very fast. I -among the rest got a ball through my thigh which prevented my standing; I -crossed my firelock under my thigh and shook it, to try if the bone was -whole, which finding to be the case, dropped on one knee and continued -firing. I received another shot, which threw me down; I made once more an -attempt to help my surviving comrades, but received a third wound, which -quite disabled me. Loss of blood and no way of stopping it soon reduced -my strength, I however, griped my sword to be ready to run through the -first enemy that should insult me. - -‘All our ammunition being spent, not a single cartridge remained amongst -the living or the dead, quarters were called for by the few that were -yet alive. Many of the wounded were knocked on the head, and I did not -escape with impunity. One approached me; at first I made ready to run him -through, but observing five more close to him, I dropt the sword, and was -saluted with _Hunts-foot_,[107] accompanied with a cracking of muskets -about my head. I was only sensible of three blows and fainted; I suppose -they thought me dead. On coming to myself again, I found my clothes were -stripped off, weltering in my blood, and no one alive near me to speak -to, twisting and rolling in the dust with pain, and my skin scorched by -the sun. In this condition a Croat came up to me with a cocked pistol -in his hand, and asked for my purse in bad Italian. I told him that I -had no place to hide it in, and if he found it anywhere about me to take -it. “Is that an answer for me, you son of a b—ch?” at same time pointing -his pistol straight between my eyes. I saw no one near, but the word -_quarter_ was scarcely expressed by me, when I saw his pistol-arm seized -by a genteel young man dressed only in his waistcoat, who said to him, -“You rascal, let the man die as he pleases; you see he has enough, go and -kill some one able to resist.” The fellow went off. Previous to this a -Croat, taking my gold-laced hat and putting it upon his own head, coolly -asked me how he looked in it. He then with his sabre cut off my queue and -took it along with him.’ - -A civilised scalp! - -[Illustration: _Walker & Boutall, ph. sc._ - -_The Duke of York and Prince Charles_ - -_circ. 1735_] - -The Austrians, after all, lost the day, and a certain Miles Macdonnell -rescued our hero, and had him carried into hospital. Recovering, he -returned to Rome, and was welcomed in a flattering manner both by his -King, who presented him with a sum of money, and by the young Duke of -York. After seeing some service on the Po, young Macdonell obtained -leave to go to France and join a detachment which was to aid Prince -Charles in Scotland. At Lyons they heard of the Prince’s defeat of Hawley -at Falkirk, but at Paris the news was worse, and of all the Jacobite -volunteers (who were Irish) John Macdonell alone persevered. He urged -that, as the Prince’s affairs went ill, ‘It was ungenerous not to give -what aid we were capable of, but I could not prevail on any of them to -be of my opinion.’ In fact, it was now plain that France did not mean to -lend any solid assistance to the Cause. The Duke of York since Christmas -had been waiting at Dunkirk and Boulogne, expecting permission to sail -for England with a large force, but delay followed delay. Young Macdonell -now went to Boulogne, where he met the Duke, and was introduced by him -to the Duc de Fitzjames and to Lally Tollendal. Here the good Colonel’s -memory deceives him, for he avers that Lally wished to take him to -Pondicherry. Now Lally was deep in the Scottish rising, and did not leave -France for India till ten years after 1746.[108] Young Macdonell, in -these weeks of hope deferred, lived with the Duke of York at Boulogne, -Dunkirk, and St. Omer. Finally, he set sail from Dunkirk with several -Irish officers on the very day of Culloden, April 16. - -Here the Colonel is guilty of an artistic blunder in his narrative. It -is plain, from his later statements, that the Duke of York made him -the bearer of a letter, and a sum of 1,500_l._ or 2,000_l._ in gold, -to Prince Charles. But we do not hear, till later, of the money or the -missive. The little company with Macdonell rounded the Orkneys, landed -in Loch Broom, and at once heard the fatal news of Culloden. Macdonell’s -uncle, Scottus, had fallen with twenty of his men, ‘and nobody knew what -was become of the Prince.’ Colonel Macdonell never gives dates, but he -must have arrived in Loch Broom between May 8 and May 12, 1746. On May 8, -a meeting of chiefs was held at Murlagan, and a tryst appointed at Loch -Arkaig, in Lochiel’s country, for May 15.[109] Our hero heard something -of this at Loch Broom, and determined to join the rallied clans. He first -went to Laggy, at the head of Little Loch Broom, where he found Colin -Dearg Mackenzie of Laggy, with several other Mackenzie gentlemen, and -sixty of the clan. ‘We thought ourselves as safe [he and his friend, -Lynch, an Irish officer,] as in the heart of France.’ - -Now began the purely personal romance of the Colonel. The Mackenzies -entertained him and Captain Lynch at dinner in a dark and crowded room; -he noticed that men gathered suspiciously behind him, and he remembered -that they had remarked on the weight of his portmanteau. He therefore -rose more than once from table to inspect that valise, but, while the -company were drinking the Prince’s health, Colin Dearg walked out. -Absent, too, was the portmanteau, when the guests left the table, but -Colin explained that he had packed it on the back of our Colonel’s horse. -There, indeed, it was, but when the Colonel stopped at Dundonell, and -opened his valise in search of a pair of shoes, a canvas bag containing -1,000_l._ was missing. A gentleman of the Mackenzie clan had slashed open -the portmanteau and stolen the money of the Prince whose health they were -drinking! It was the affair of the Loch Arkaig hoard on a smaller scale. -The situation of our injured hero was the more awkward, as Dundonell, -where he found, himself, was the estate of a Mr. Mackenzie, nephew to -the thief, Colin Dearg. Mr. Mackenzie was absent; Mrs. Mackenzie was -at home, but in bed. However, she saw Macdonell, who told her what had -occurred, and entrusted to her another bag of five hundred guineas: ‘If -killed, I bequeath it to your ladyship. God be with you! I wish you a -good morning.’ Accompanied by Lynch, Macdonell now returned to Laggy. He -dared not use force against Colin Dearg, for, if he fell, Colin would win -his own pardon by producing a letter from the Duke of York to Charles, -which our hero was carrying, though he now mentions it for the first -time. Accused by Macdonell of taking the money, Colin Dearg denied all -knowledge of it, and, as he was attended by a tail of armed clansmen, -Macdonell had no resource but in retreat. - -He breakfasted at Dundonell with ‘the most amiable lady,’ took up the -500 guineas, and, after fatiguing marches, reached Loch Arkaig. On the -shores of the remote and lonely loch our Colonel met, and recognised, -his gigantic kinsman, the truculent Col of Barisdale. Col said that -Lochiel and Murray of Broughton were at Achnacarry; he himself and -Lochgarry were mustering men, ‘to try what terms could be got from the -Duke of Cumberland.’ This must have been on May 14. At Achnacarry the -wounded Lochiel received our hero kindly, and Mr. Murray of Broughton -took charge of the remaining 500 guineas and the letter from the Duke -of York to the Prince. Lest any one should think that the Colonel is -romancing, there exists documentary evidence to corroborate his tale. The -unhappy Murray of Broughton, in his accounts of the Prince’s money after -Culloden, writes: ‘From a French officer who had landed upon the East -Coast, £1,000. N.B.—This French officer was charged with 2,000 guineas, -but said he had 1,000 taken from him as he passed through the Mackenzies’ -country, and gave in an account of deductions from the other thousand.’ -Murray adds that he has charged himself with 1.000_l._, ‘tho’ he still -thinks he did not receive quite so much.’ He must have received the -500_l._ (perhaps in _louis d’or_, which he reckons as guineas), and some -loose cash. Murray was writing from memory, so was Colonel Macdonell. -Murray calls him a French officer, and really he was in French service. -There cannot have been two such officers who, at the same time, were -robbed of 1,000_l._ by the Mackenzies, and reported the loss just after -Culloden.[110] - -Macdonell slept at Achnacarry and was wakened by the pipes playing _Cogga -na si_. News had just arrived of an attempted surprise by Cumberland, -whose forces were actually in sight; Barisdale was accused of having -concerted the surprise, but the story is improbable. Eight hundred -Camerons and Macdonalds now retreated by the west end of Loch Arkaig, and -our hero, with Captain Lynch, made for Knoydart. Lynch later returned -to French service, carrying Macdonell’s report to the Duke of York, and -soon fell at the battle of Lafeldt, where the Scots and Irish nearly -captured Cumberland. As for Macdonell, ‘I had put on a resolution,’ he -says, ‘never to leave Scotland while Prince Charles was in the country.’ -The death of Macdonell’s father, and the infirmity of old Scottos, also -made his presence at home necessary to his family. So, he says, ‘I waved -the sure prospect I had of advancing myself both to riches and honour,’ -in the service of Spain. - -Knoydart, during the winter of 1746-47, must have been in a state of -anarchy. Old Glengarry, accused by Barisdale, was a prisoner in Edinburgh -Castle; Young Glengarry was in the Tower. Col Barisdale and his son were -captives in France, on a charge of treason to King James. Lochgarry had -fled to France with the Prince. Old Scottos was decrepit. No rents were -paid; the lands had been wasted by the English; clansmen were seizing -farms at will.[111] In these melancholy circumstances our Colonel marched -alone into the Mackenzie country, to hunt for the money stolen by Colin -Dearg. Then this odd adventure befell him:— - -‘I went to take a solitary turn and met a well-dressed man in Highland -clothes also taking the morning air. After civil salutations to each -other, I entered into discourse with him about former transactions in -that country. He of himself began to tell me about French officers -that came to Lochbroom—how the 1,000 guineas had been cut out of one of -their portmanteaus by Colin Dearg, Major Wm. McKenzie of Kilcoy,[112] -and Lieutenant Murdoch McKenzie from Dingwall—all officers of Lord -Cromartie’s regiment, being all equally concerned; and how not only those -who acted the scene, but all the people in that part of the country, had -been despised and ridiculed for their mean and dastardly behaviour; but -that had his (McKenzie’s, who was speaking to me) advice been taken, -there should never have been a word about the matter. The following -dialogue then ensued:—_Question._ “And pray, Sir, what did you advise?” -_Answer._ “To cut off both their heads, a very sure way indeed!” _Q._ -“What were they, or of what country?” _A._ “The oldest, and a stout-like -man, was Irish. The youngest was very strong-like, was a Macdonell of the -family of Glengarry.” _Q._ “How was the money divided?” _A._ “Colin Dearg -got 300 guineas, William Kilcoy got 300 guineas, and Lieutenant Murdoch -McKenzie got 300 guineas.” _Q._ “What became of the other hundred?” _A._ -“Two men who stood behind the Irish Captain with drawn dirks ready to -kill him, had he observed Colin Dearg cutting open the portmanteau, got -25 guineas each; and I and another man, prepared in like manner for the -young Captain Macdonell, got 25 guineas each.” _Q._ “You tell the truth, -you are sure?” _A._ “As I shall answer, I do.” _Q._ “Do you know to -whom you are speaking?” _A._ “To a friend and one of my own name.” “No, -you d—d rascal,” seizing him suddenly by the breast with my left hand, -at the same instant twitching out my dirk with the right, and throwing -him upon his back, “_I am that very Macdonell_.” I own I was within an -ace of running him through the heart, but some sudden reflection struck -me—my being alone, and in a place where I was in a manner a stranger, -among people which I had reason to distrust, I left the fellow upon his -back, and re-entered the house (Torridon) in some hurry. My landlord, -Mr. McKenzie of Torridon, met me in the entry, asked where I had been. -I answered, “Taking a turn.” “Have you met anything to vex you?” “No,” -I returned smiling. “Sir,” says he, “I ask pardon, you went out with an -innocent and harmless countenance, and you came in with a fierceness in -your aspect past all description.” “Mr. McKenzie,” said I, “none of your -scrutinizing remarks; let us have our morning!” “With all my heart,” he -replied. Soon after, being a little composed, I related to him my morning -adventure. He remarked that the man was a stranger to him, and had been a -soldier in Lord Cromartie’s regiment. That very day I quitted that part -of the country and returned home, where I continued sometime.’ - -The _some time_ must cover the years from 1747 to the autumn of 1749. Old -Glengarry was released at that date from Edinburgh Castle. To him, at -Invergarry, Colonel John told the story of his wrongs, and from his chief -he obtained an escort of five men. With these at his heels, he marched -to Dundonell, and told Mr. Mackenzie that he desired a meeting with -Colin Dearg. Colin came, but his escort consisted of some thirty-five -men armed with dirks and clubs. The Colonel, however, was determined to -beard his enemy, and devised the following tactics. He himself would sit -between Colin Dearg and Dundonell: two of his five men would slip out -and guard the door with drawn swords; meanwhile the Colonel would insult -the Mackenzies. If they raised a hand he would pistol Colin and dirk -his host, Dundonell; his three retainers would fire the house, and the -Macdonells would escape in the confusion or perish with their foes. It -was a very pretty sketch for a _camisado_. - -‘After a short pause Dundonell mentioned the cause of our present meeting -_in as becoming a manner as the subject would admit of_; to which an -evasive answer was returned by his uncle, Colin Dearg, pretending to deny -the fact. I then took him up, and proved that he himself was the very -man who with his own hands had taken the gold out of my portmanteau, -after cutting it open with some sharp instrument. This I said openly in -the hearing of all present. To which I got no other reply than that “the -money was gone and could not be accounted for.” I returned that “If the -cash was squandered the reward due to such actions was yet extant”—and -being asked what that was, I answered, “The gallows.” At this expression -the whole got up standing, and seeing them all looking towards me, I drew -my dirk and side pistol, and presenting one to my right and the other -to my left, swore that if any motion was made against my life, I would -despatch Dundonell and his uncle, who seeing me ready to put my threat -in execution, begged of their people for the love of God to be quiet, -which was directly obeyed. In the meantime my men had taken immediate -possession of the outside of the door and were prepared to act according -to my orders. I called to them to stay where they were, but none of the -people in the house knew what they had gone out for.’ - -The money was gone, no man dared to touch our hero, and he and Dundonell -went peacefully home together! Our hero had dominated and insulted the -Mackenzies and was obliged to be satisfied with that result. - -In the following years (1751-54) Knoydart and Lochaber were perfectly -demoralised. The hidden treasure of Loch Arkaig had set Macdonalds -against Camerons; cousins were betraying cousins, and brothers were -blackmailing brothers. The details (much veiled in this work) are to be -found in the Duke of Cumberland’s MSS. at Windsor Castle. The murder of -Campbell of Glenure by Allan Breck, or by Sergeant Mohr Cameron, and the -reports of Pickle, James Mohr, and a set of other spies, had alarmed -the Government with fears of a rising aided by Prussia. Consequently -arrests were frequent and no man knew whom he could trust. Col of -Barisdale, a double-dyed traitor, was dead in gaol, but his eldest son -was being hunted on island, loch, and mountain. Now in a letter from an -English officer, Captain Izard, dated September 30, 1751, and preserved -at Windsor, he says: ‘Dr. Macdonald, living at Kylles, and brother of -Glengarry, told that young Barisdale lay at his house the Monday before -and proposed going to the Isle of Skye.’ - -The giver of this information was not a man in whom to confide. Our hero, -however, confided. Disguised as a rough serving-man he went fishing for -lythe with ‘my relation, Dr. Macdonell of Kylles, an eminent physician.’ -An English vessel, the _Porcupine_, under the notorious Captain -Fergusson, came in sight. Dr. Macdonell insisted on taking our hero on -board her, and there, as he sat over his punch, informed the English -officers that the servant who accompanied him was a gentleman. Fergusson -arrested Macdonell at once on suspicion of being young Barisdale, and -he lay for some time a prisoner in Fort William. Now the Doctor may -only have blabbed in his cups, but, taken with Captain Izard’s report, -his behaviour looks very odd. Our hero, however, does not suspect his -relation, the Doctor, but denounces his cousin, Captain Allan Macdonald -of Knock, in Sleat, as his betrayer, and ‘the greatest spy and informer -in all Scotland.’ However it be, the betrayal of Colonel John was -apparently a family affair. - -A long list of charges, doubtless of Jacobite dealings, was brought -against him, and a midshipman on the _Porcupine_ assured him that Allan -Macdonald of Knock was the informer. So the Colonel was locked up in Fort -William, then, or just before, crowded with prisoners, such as Lochiel’s -uncle Fassifern, his agent, Charles Stuart, Barisdale’s second son, and -Cameron of Glenevis, with his brother Angus. The date must have been June -or July, 1753, for young Barisdale was taken in July, and the Colonel -was then a prisoner. Young Barisdale just escaped hanging; Fassifern was -exiled; Stuart was accused of the Appin murder; Sergeant Mohr Cameron -was betrayed and executed; the traitors were clansmen of the victims, -and, though our Colonel says nothing of all this, the facts gave him -good cause for anxiety. It is fair to add that no mention of his enemy, -Macdonald of Knock, seems to occur in the Cumberland Papers, where so -many spies hide their infamy. - -Our hero escaped by aid of Mr. Macleod of Ulnish, sheriff-depute of Skye, -‘being both my friend and relation as well as the friend of justice.’ -This gentleman suppressed the only good evidence against the Colonel, -which indeed merely proved his wearing the proscribed kilt. After nine -months of gaol the Colonel was released and seized the first opportunity -to challenge Knock, who would not face him. - -So ends the Colonel’s adventure. ‘I was then in love with your mother,’ -he says simply, and on this head he says no more. He had ‘kept the bird -in his bosom,’ a treasure lost by many of his kin, and among them, -one fears, by Allan of Knock. A certain Ranald Macdonell of [_in_] -Scammadale and Crowlin, who, born about 1724, married in May 1815, -and died in November of the same year, aged ninety, is said to have -‘severely punished that obnoxious person known as Allan of Knock, over -whose remains there was placed an inscription not less fulsome than -false.’[113] Allan, whether he betrayed the Colonel or not, has obviously -a bad name in Knoydart. - -The Colonel lived happily on his property till 1773, when he settled in -Schoharie County, New York. When the American rebellion broke out he -served in the King’s Royal Regiment of New York, and, after the final -collapse of the British, he retired to Cornwall in Ontario. As General -Macdonnell wrote of him in 1746, ‘He has always behaved as an honourable -gentleman and a brave officer, irreproachable in every respect.’ - - - - -X - -THE LAST YEARS OF GLENGARRY - - -Readers who have followed the adventures of Pickle the Spy may care to -know what were the later fortunes of his inseparable companion, Young -Glengarry. These fortunes were not answerable to the expectations of -the Chief. The death of Henry Pelham, in March 1754, blighted, as we -shall learn, the hopes which Glengarry, like Pickle, had founded on the -promises of the Prime Minister, and left him a debtor to Government -for claims on his lands. That Young Glengarry, on reaching his estates -in November 1754, behaved with oppressive dishonesty to his smaller -wadsetters, men holding portions of his land in pawn, we learn from the -report of Colonel Trapaud, who, for some sixty years, was Governor of -Fort Augustus. Early in 1755, we find Glengarry at Inverness, where he -signs a tack, or lease, on January 24. A copy of an undated letter from -Pickle represents Glengarry as ‘making a grand tour round several parts -of the Highlands, and having concourse of people from several clans -to wait of him.’ Glengarry himself speaks, in a letter to be quoted, -about such a gathering. In 1755, we find General Bland objecting to -Glengarry’s journeyings (when Pickle went to London), and on May 18, -1757, Captain John Macdonnell, of General Frazer’s regiment, departing -for America, makes Glengarry his ‘factor and attorney,’ also his executor -and general legatee.[114] This Captain Macdonnell was the younger -Lochgarry, who accompanied Pickle in Edinburgh, in September 1754. ‘I -hope, in case of accident, you’ll take care of Young Lochgary,’ writes -Pickle.[115] Captain Macdonnell was later Colonel of the 76th, says -General Stewart, and a previous owner of my copy of the General’s book -notes in the margin that ‘he was wounded on the Heights of Abraham.’ -Critics who think that Glengarry was personated by Pickle will observe -that Young Lochgarry knew both gentlemen and could not be deceived. He -was Pickle’s companion in Edinburgh when Pickle had just lost his father, -a Highland chief. In 1757 he makes Glengarry (who had suffered a similar -bereavement at the same time as Pickle), his factor and legatee. There -is, of course, no reason to suppose that Young Lochgarry had ever heard -of such a mysterious personage as Pickle. - -We know nothing else of Glengarry’s life from 1755 to 1757, when his -manuscript letter book throws a melancholy light on his closing years. -There is a draft of a letter of 1757 and several drafts of 1758-1759, -in a stitched folio wherein he entered the _brouillons_ of his -correspondence, not always in his own hand. On April 28, 1757, he wrote -from London, probably from his rooms in Beaufort Buildings, Strand. He -writes to his Edinburgh agent, Mr. Orme, W.S., on a variety of business. -His action in settling his estates was much impeded by the retention of -his charters and family papers by Sir Everard Falkner (or Faulkner), an -English officer. ‘I have prevailed,’ he says, ‘upon Mr. Brado, how (who) -is a principal man amongst the Jewes, to endeavour to recover my charters -from Sir Everard.’ He expects to redeem all the wadsets on his lands, and -to compound for a few of the most pressing of his father’s debts. But -he must have been disappointed, for on his death, in 1761, more of his -estate was in the hands of wadsetters than in his own. He must, however, -have secured proof of ‘my propinquity to those of my predecessors left -infeft,’ for he was formally inducted into his property before an -Inverness jury in 1758. He mentions that, when he left Scotland, ‘the -appearance of a famine threatened then the whole north,’ and ‘his friends -were buying meal in Buchan.’ A wet summer and autumn always meant dearth -in the Highlands. He alludes to some military oppression of one of his -retainers: ‘the attempt is so flagrant that it would not pass unpunished -amongst the hotentots.’ An unfinished draft appears to be addressed to -General Frazer, son of Old Lovat. With him (if it is Frazer) he wants ‘to -settle family differences _à l’aimable_.’ His correspondent is leaving -Scotland after recruiting. - -In June 1758, Glengarry was in correspondence with persons concerned -in the affairs of his sister-in-law, widow of his brother Æneas, -accidentally shot at Falkirk, in 1746. Æneas must have married very -young: he was not twenty when he died, but he left a son and a daughter. -For some unknown reason Glengarry was on ill terms with his brother’s -widow, as will appear, and she would not permit her children to visit -their uncle. To this business the following letter refers: - - ‘_To Rory McLeod._ - - ‘(Dated Greenfield, 22nd June, 1758.) - - ‘Dear Sir,—I am favour’d with yours by the last post, and am - not a little surprized to understand by it that Mr Robison - should have wrott either to Mr Drummond or you that I intended - to dispose of my nephew contrar to the present system of moral - education, all I said to Mr Robison that if I sent him abroad - I could have him educated for nothing, but that I did not - myself aprove of this frugall method, but that I would advise - with Mr Drummond how to Dispose of him when I would be at - Edinburgh, that if he inclin’d a military life, I might have - interest to get him a pair of Colours, but then I would insist - the best _moitié_ of his patrimony should be assigned to his - sister, but that what I inclined he should follow was the - law, if he had genius for that profession, and that in that - case if Mr Drummond aprovd of it, I would send him for the - sake of the language to some country schooll in England. This - was all that passed upon honour, and Desired to send over the - boy that I might make him acquaint in the country, and should - only Detain him two months, I had a Double view in this as I - had the countrey about that time all convened, it would have - been fifty pounds in his way, and this I told Mr Robison; and - at the same time, as the lassie had no English, I would Keep - her all winter with my sister so that in spring she might be - presentable, when I would send her for a little time to my - sister’s Dr Chisolme at Inverness. Mr. Robison approved of all - this, particularly of the lassy’s coming, and, that he might - not be blamed for retaining them, sent them to their Mother’s, - where the Girle has ever been, and laid the whole blame to - her charge. I have still Mr Robison’s letter, but he has his - views which I am resolved to frustrate.... I will shew you my - brother’s discharge to my father, and I have living witnesses - that delivered him Cattle in payment of interest, and part - principall, and as one of them is his father’s brother, how - would go all lengths for him, that there can be no objection to - his evidence as Discharges have been burned or Destroyed after - the Castle was blown up.... - - ‘Your affect. Cousine and humble servant, - - ‘MACKDONELL.’ - -Burt says that ‘to have the English’ was the mark, among the Highlanders, -of a gentleman’s children. Glengarry’s niece had as yet no English; her -education had doubtless been neglected in the distresses consequent on -the Rising. Probably, too, her mother was poor, her husband’s portion -having been partly paid in cattle. These very cattle may have been among -the 20,000 plundered by Cumberland’s men after Culloden, as a volunteer -writes in his little book of ‘A Journey with the Army into Scotland’ -(1747). - -In a letter to Mr. Orme, of unknown date, Glengarry says that his -sister-in-law ‘is infamous.’ On the same affair of the nephew he writes -again:— - - [No date.] - - ‘Sir,—I have been frequently since my father’s death abused - in the good opinion conceived in former days of those that - ought and were generally believed steadfast friends to this - familly, but I must confess I least of all expected it from any - of yours, and least of all from yourself personally. I had a - letter lately from Robison of Ballnicaird acquainting me that - Provost Drummond and you, despairing of the amicable agreement - twixt my nephew and me, intended to push matters to the utmost, - this was strange proceedings, without ever acquainting me, and - in any event a strange procedure between me and my nephew when - the opinion of any one or two eminent in the law might in a few - moments decide the whole without further expences, and when - they come to the age to judge for themselves I believe they - will be little oblidged to their present directors, Mr Drummond - only excepted. I sent for my nephew and niece, their not - arriving is laid to your advice, tho up to that time I little - believed it, and from that Instant foresaw Mr Robison and their - infamous mother’s drift. As Mr Drummond is so very good as take - the trouble to look after any so very near connections, least - by others’ drift he should be Deceived, I must act the needful - to have a near relation of the father’s side subjoined with - him to take care of the whole, and their Education, and bring - their Mother and Mr Robison to account for their intermissions - with his effects and moveables, most of which he received as - payment, and at his Death were very considerable, there are - still living witnesses that can prove this, and I have which - I believe may be in my Agent’s custody, his discharge or Bond - for 6000 merks, pay’d by his father of his bond of patrimony. - Should this stand in law, as it ought in equity, and Justice, - I will refer any differences of this kind to any named by Mr - Drummond, and another by me. - - ‘... Acquaintance, friendship, and blood connection might - expect a friendly demand, not by a Sheriff Officier. - - ‘But as the world has taken a turn, and that men of business - are not to mind such punctilios, I have nothing to say but - that I hope it may not be long when a blood relation and - connection with this family may be claimed both as an honour - and protection, it was so formerly, and may be still the same.’ - - (He adds that he wishes proceedings stayed still he comes to - Edinburgh, and refers to his ‘late violent indisposition.’) - - ‘Your sincere friend and affect. Cousine.’ - -This undated letter is probably of 1758, though early in 1759 Glengarry -had another very severe illness, from which it may be doubted if he ever -entirely recovered. He writes to Mr. Orme, ‘I am drinking goat-whey and -milk, that is my diet.... I shall be soon upon my leggs, and see you -soon.’ - -The following is an important letter, undated in the draft, to the Chief -of the Macleods:— - - [Undated. Really of June 21, 1758. - - ‘Dear Macleod,—I thought to have had the pleasure some months - ago of drinking a glass with you at White House. But a Severe - fitt of sickness of which I am now getting the better prevented - me. I have settled my affairs in the country as well as my - present situation and the circumstances of my tenants could - admitt, but as their whole [property] was once destroyed, and - that they have not recovered yet quite in their stock I was - oblidged to give them a longer delay than I expected.’ - -He therefore asks Macleod to ‘go conjunct with me in security for -borrowing 400_l._’—an invitation which Macleod declined. If Macleod will -not help him, ‘I cannot be active in making aplication to be discharged -of the claims the Government has against my estate, _which I was once -made sure of, but that vanished with those then at the helme_.’ - -Such a promise, broken on the change of the hand at the helm, is several -times referred to—by Pickle. He writes to the Duke of Newcastle, ‘he -bitterly complains that nothing has been done for him, of what was -promis’d him in the strongest terms, and which he believes had been -strickly performed had your most worthy Brother (Henry Pelham) his great -friend and Patron, survived till now.’[116] - -Among the many odd coincidences between Pickle and Glengarry, this is -not the least curious. Both the spy and the chief entertained great -expectations from Government, and both confess that these hopes ‘vanished -with those then at the helme,’ obviously, that is, with Henry Pelham’s -death. - -Glengarry goes on, in his letter to Macleod, ‘_but to be explicit -on this_’ (namely, on his ‘being made sure’ of the abandonment of -Government’s claims on his estate) ‘and the confusion my father and the -late unluckie troubles left this estate would draw to tow great lenth, I -will therefore reffer it till meeting.’ He ends with compliments ‘to Lady -Macleod, and the two lovely little Misses.’ - -It would have been pleasant to hear Glengarry when, over a bottle, he -was ‘explicit’ on the reasons for which Henry Pelham promised to abate -the demands on his estate. Government knew that Glengarry was in the -affair of Loch Arkaig. They arrested his accomplices in 1751, but left -him free. Government knew, by their spies, that Glengarry frequented the -Earl Marischal in Paris in 1752, and that, in 1753, he was perpetually -running over, as a Jacobite agent, to Paris. But they then arrested -Glenevis and Fassifern, while they promised to abate their claims on -Glengarry’s estate! To explain all this to Macleod ‘over a magnum,’ as -Glengarry elsewhere convivially remarks, could not be an easy task. His -letter, in the draft, is undated, but on the same page is a letter to his -solicitor, Mr. Orme, W.S., dated ‘Greenfield, 21 June, 1758.’ In this -letter he speaks of that just cited as having been sent ‘by this very -post.’ Macleod was in Edinburgh, but left before Glengarry’s appeal could -reach him. Now, without the 400_l._ the Chief could not go to town. He -therefore wrote again to Macleod, repeating his supplication, and being -‘explicit’ indeed as to his former patron in the Government, though not -as to the reasons for his patronage. - -‘An absolute discharge of the heavie claim the Government has against me -I was once promised, but those that was then at the helme _are no more_.’ - -The only person of those ‘then at the helme’ who was now, in 1758, ‘no -more’ was precisely Henry Pelham. He died in March 1754. Pickle was his -‘man.’ Pickle had received promises from him which were never fulfilled. -So, oddly enough, had Glengarry! We know what Pickle’s services to Henry -Pelham had been; we can guess at those of Glengarry. But after Henry -Pelham’s death—in fact, at the very time of his death—Prince Charles’s -party broke up for ever in England, and the Earl Marischal quarrelled -irreconcilably with the Prince. The services of Pickle were therefore -no longer needed. Pelham’s engagements with him were not kept, and the -promise to Glengarry, by a coincidence, was also broken by the faithless -English Government. - -People who maintain that Glengarry was not Pickle may be asked to produce -a theory which will account for the singular series of coincidences in -the fortunes of the Chief and the spy. Even in this new coincidence -alone, it will be interesting to see how they explain the circumstance -that Glengarry, like Pickle, found his expectations blasted, and the -promises made to him unfulfilled, in consequence of the death of -Pickle’s employer, the brother of the Duke of Newcastle. What possible -claim could a professed Jacobite agent, known for such to Government, -as young Glengarry was, have on the good offices of the First Lord of -the Treasury? It has been fondly suggested that Pickle was an unknown -miscreant, personating Glengarry. That will be shown to be physically -impossible; but, granting the hypothesis, why was Glengarry, no less than -Pickle, favoured by Henry Pelham? No other person can be meant by the -phrase ‘those at the helme,’ now ‘no more.’ Newcastle, indeed, was out of -office in 1756, if ‘no more’ is explained as ‘out of office.’ But when -Glengarry wrote to Macleod in 1758 Newcastle was again at the Treasury. - -Macleod would not back Glengarry’s bill for 400_l._ His agents advised -him against this measure. In February 1760 Pickle, who was anxious to -go to London, asked the Duke of Newcastle to send him a bill, payable -at sight, ‘for whatever little sum is judged proper for the present.’ -The Duke’s answer, with the bill payable at sight for the little sum to -defray Pickle’s travelling expenses, is to be directed by his Grace - - ‘To Alexander Mackdonell of Glengary by Foraugustus.’ - -Apparently, then, Pickle had some means of getting at Glengarry’s -correspondence. The two gentlemen spell ‘Fort Augustus’ in the same -singular way. On September 11, 1758, Glengarry wrote to Mr. Orme’s -subordinate:— - -‘Will you dow me the favour to order me the “Calledonian Mercury” -regullarly every post to the care of Mr. William Fraser, merchant at -forAugustus?’ - -The almost unvarying uniformity in bad spelling which marks Pickle and -Glengarry will be commented on later. - -The last years of Glengarry were disturbed by the legal results of an -early piece of domestic slyness. His father, old Glengarry, commonly -described as a weak, indolent man, married, first, a lady named -Mackenzie, of the Hilton family. As his eldest son was not of age in -January 1745 the marriage may have been in 1723 or 1724. After bearing -a second son, Æneas, and apparently a daughter, Isobel, Lady Glengarry -died (1727). In a deed of 1728 we find Old Glengarry already remarried -to a daughter of Gordon of Glenbucket, who in 1724 was nearly murdered -by evicted Macphersons. The stepmother of Young Glengarry was a managing -woman, and ‘factrix’ of her husband’s estates. Now, in 1738 Old Glengarry -pawned or ‘wadsetted’ his lands of Cullachy to his kinsman Lochgarry. The -wadsetter paid 2,000 merks in money and gave bills for the rest. But in -January 1745, when Alastair was in Scotland on furlough from his French -regiment, Old Glengarry formally ‘disponed’ his estates to his eldest -son. Doubtless this was done with an eye to the chances of a rising; in -any case, the transaction was kept a secret from Glengarry’s wife and -factrix. - -Hence arose trouble, for the pawned estate of Cullachy had been -redeemed. Lochgarry had been paid his 2,000 merks, or they were set -off against another debt, but his bills were not returned to him. They -lay in Lady Glengarry’s custody, and she could not be asked for them -without revealing the secret transference of the whole property to -Young Glengarry in 1745. He therefore gave Lochgarry a written promise -that the bills should never be used against him. But Lochgarry being -attainted, after 1745, and exiled, his possessions were forfeited to the -Crown. Government therefore demanded, in 1758, that Glengarry should -redeem from them Lochgarry’s wadset of Cullachy. He pleaded that it was -already redeemed before 1745, but of this he could bring no evidence. He -writes to his Agent on August 2, 1758, that he is not certain of the year -of the wadset (really 1738), as he was not then in the kingdom; he was in -France. ‘Lochgarry being more in debt to the familly than the [amount of -the] mortgage, he delivered up his contract of wadsett, which I thought -was all the seremony necessary; and the signature being tore from it was -laid, according to custom, among the family papers, which were carried -off, and are now in Sir Everard Falconer’s custody.’ He knows little of -estate affairs, ‘as I was always abroad.’ His rental of 1744 was burned -with the house of his factor, Donald McDonell, Younger of Scotus. - -After the Rebellion, he did not meddle in matters of the property, till -his father’s death (1754). ‘The tenants could hardly pay what would -subsist him.’ - -‘Every tenant took possession of what farme he pleased.’ In 1746 ‘Mrs. -Mc.Donell of Lochgary being destitute of all suport, having a numerous -family of young children, came from Badenoch, took possession of -Cullachy, and there lived untill she followed her Husband abroad.’ - -‘The lands of Cullachie was only set till lately from year to year, the -tenants were frequently removed, I know of no written rentall, it is -not customary ... Discharges were not formerly required, nor were they -necssary.’ - -Glengarry explains all this to his Agent on January 6, 1759:— - -‘When I got disposition to my Father’s estate I was then under age, at -this time Lady Glengarry, _how_ [who] then had so much to Say with her -husband, the Disposition Grant was concealed from her, and as the Bill -granted by Lochgarry was in her Custody, had they demanded it would have -Discovered the Scheme in my favours, I granted my Obligatory to Lochgery -that these Bills should never make against him.’ - -The sense can be puzzled out of the anacoloutha. - -On February 3, 1759, he repeats his story:— - -‘I will only observe that the reason of the bills not being cancelled -or retired by Lockgerry, was that they were then in Lady Glengarry’s -custody, and that the disposition of my Father’s estate in my favour was -keept secret from her, which would have been discovered had Lochgerry -demanded his bills, and this occasioned my giving him my obligation they -should never make against him.’ - -The whole affair is a specimen of the informal manner in which Highland -business was done. The frequency of ‘removals’ of tenants also throws -doubt on the theory that Evictions were a novelty introduced by the -Commissioners of Forfeited Estates. The anarchy after Culloden is shown -by the squatting of tenants on whatever farms they chose to select. -The Judges could not be induced to accept Glengarry’s account of the -redemption of Cullachy, as he had no documentary evidence, and Cullachy -appears, after the Chiefs death, among his mortgaged lands.[117] - -The latest of the drafts in Glengarry’s Letter Book are of December 1758, -January 1759. He appears much aggrieved by Colonel Trapaud, Governor -of Fort Augustus, for the following cause: his ground-steward had been -claimed, unjustly it seems, as a deserter from the army. A party of -soldiers then acted in the manner described in the following draft, which -has no date or address:— - -‘The party in the dead of night was posted round my hutt, of which I was -ignorant untill my servants were stopped from going from door to door. -Alarmed at this, I suspected some straglers were come to break open some -valts in the old Castle, which was formerly Done.’ - -The indignant chief drafts the following remonstrance to Colonel Trapaud:— - - ‘I never thought to have reason to write you in so cooll a - strain. My own Behaviour, not to mention the pollitess showen - to you by my friends in Generall since you lived in this - countrey claimd a more Gentle return, and as our Actions are - always above Board It depends upon yourself that the same - Harmony Should allways subsist, and I will be very happie still - to remain, - - Sir, - - Your sincere friend and Humble servant.’ - -Trapaud’s behaviour, Glengarry writes, is ‘picking,’ and Pickle also -spells _pique_ ‘pick.’ The worst of it is that Glengarry ‘is lick to -lose the use of his eyes,’ for at the time of this assault in his ‘hutt’ -he was exceedingly ill. ‘I am now writting,’ he says to Colonel Lambert -(January 6, 1759) ‘in this confus’d stile with only the fowrth part of -one eye open, beeing near losing my life with a plague of a distemper, -which, when recovered, seised my eyes.’ On January 15, 1759, he tells -Captain Forbes that he can hardly see. On February 24, 1759, he expresses -a civil surprise at Macleod’s refusal to back his bill for 400_l._ On -February 3, he was still ‘hardly able to crall,’ but intended to go -south; his sister Bell was going to Edinburgh. Macleod’s persistent -refusal probably made the journey to London impossible, where Glengarry -expected ‘to be off or on with the Government claim against my estate.’ - -There are no later drafts in the Letter Book, but Pickle, at all events, -had the use of _his_ eyes when he wrote to the Duke of Newcastle on -February 19, 1760,[118] offering to raise a regiment. Glengarry, six -weeks later, urged the same proposal through the Duke of Atholl. - -On April 21, 1761, Glengarry made his will. He recommends his sister and -sole executrix to seal up his cabinet, which is not to be opened ‘till -the friends of the family meet.’ The Macdonnells of Greenfield, Leek, and -Cullachy are then ‘to see all the political and useless letters among my -papers burnt and destroyed, as the preservation of them can answer no -purpose.’ - -Mr. Fraser Mackintosh, who publishes these extracts, adds, ‘why Glengarry -who lived several months after the execution of his will, did not himself -destroy the papers above alluded to, can be conjectured by people for -themselves—all that need be said here is that their destruction was a -pity, and the reason given unsatisfactory.’[119] His affairs ‘were found -to be in a deplorable state.’ It may be conjectured that Glengarry clung -to his papers, which must have been compromising enough. If his malady -again affected his eyes, he might be unable to select the documents which -it was wiser to destroy. Nor could he well endure to entrust ‘my sister -Bell’ with the task of selection. She must not know her brother’s guilt. -That secret must have oozed out, for it has left traces in tradition.[120] - -Thus closed miserably a singular career. Impoverished, dying in a ‘hutt,’ -beside the ruins of his feudal castle, distrusted, not even permitted to -see his young nephew and heir, Glengarry reaped the harvest sown by his -mysterious attendant, Pickle. - - - - -XI - -THE CASE AGAINST GLENGARRY - - -Of all the companions of Pickle, the most inseparable was Glengarry. Now, -since the appearance of ‘Pickle the Spy,’ the author has been denounced -before the Gaelic Society! Amidst ‘applause’ a Celtic gentleman, the -news-sheets say, accused me of bringing a charge of an odious nature, -_without any proofs_. Of course, if I have no proofs, nobody who thinks -so need argue against what I, myself, regard as a chain of irrefragable -circumstantial evidence. Nor am I aware that any arguments, beyond -clamour, have been advanced, in favour of Glengarry’s innocence, except -those which I shall presently examine. But first I must meet the charge -of wresting facts to suit my ‘prepossessions.’ - -I had no prepossessions: how should I? If I knew so much as that there -was any young Glengarry, before I read the Pickle letters, it was -the limit of my information. These documents were pointed out to me, -several years ago, by Sir E. Maunde Thompson, when I was in search of -a manuscript to print for the Roxburghe Club. I began to read them, -where they are to be found, scattered through five or six volumes of the -Pelham Papers, in the British Museum. They are not all in sequence in -one volume, nor in chronological order. On a first hasty examination, -nothing appeared to indicate their author. I therefore had transcripts -made of the Pickle Letters, and, after reading them, arranged them -chronologically, being helped, where dates failed, by their allusions to -public events: such as the death of Frederick, Prince of Wales, the death -of Henry Pelham, and so forth. - -On a first glance at the originals, I had no hope of detecting the spy -called Pickle. He might be a servant, secretary, or retainer of any -Jacobite family. But indications as to his identity kept occurring, -when once the papers were sorted, and the hunting instinct awoke in -the reader, the fever of the chase. Pickle was apparently no ‘paltry -vidette,’ for he was in close relations with the Prime Minister, Henry -Pelham, and, later, with the Duke of Newcastle. Now a lacquey may, as -Sir Charles Hanbury Williams’s dispatches show, report to an Ambassador, -but a Prime Minister is less easy of access. Next, Pickle was, or had -succeeded in persuading Pelham that he was, a person of the first -importance in the Highlands. A critic has replied that, of course, a -spy would pretend to be important, and, naturally, would be accepted as -such. Ministers are scarcely so gullible. They do not accept a casual -stranger’s identity without inquiry. - -Presently it appeared, from a letter of the Court Trusty, or Secret -Service man, Bruce,[121] who attended Pickle in Edinburgh, that he -now, by his father’s death, was head of a great clan. Pickle’s father’s -death occurred in September 1754. Now, on examination, it appeared -that Old Glengarry, and no other Chief, died on September 1, 1754, in -Edinburgh, where we find Pickle, with Young Lochgarry, in mid September. -Pickle, writes Bruce, the Court Trusty (signing ‘Cromwell’) is adulated -by military society in Edinburgh, where he stays for at least a month. -He is to be observed, when he goes North, by the Governor of Fort -Augustus, near which lie Glengarry’s lands. The Governor (Trapaud) writes -unfavourably of the new Glengarry (December 13, 1754), and Pickle writes -that he will, if not permitted the use of arms, prevent officers from -shooting over his lands. - -Pickle then is, or affects to be, a young Chief, just come, by his -father’s death at Edinburgh, in September, into estates near Fort -Augustus. He is also, or pretends to be, the chief of the Macdonnells, -for he says (April 1754), ‘there could be no rising in Scotland without -the Macdonnells: he is sure that he shall have the _first_ notice of -anything of the kind; and he is sure that the Young Pretender would do -nothing without him.’ Finally (as stated on p. 209), writing to the Duke -of Newcastle (Feb. 19, 1760), he speaks of Pickle in the third person, -says that he is ready to raise a Highland regiment (which only a Chief -could do), and ends, ‘Direction’ (of reply) ‘To Alexander Mackdonnell, -of Glengary, by Foraugustus.’ Before I read that line, I had said to a -Highland friend, ‘The traitor is a Macdonald.’ ‘Not Clanranald, I hope,’ -he answered, and then Pickle’s last letter gave me the clue to Glengarry. - -Thus there was, and could be, no ‘prepossession’ on my part. The -circumstances all pointed direct to Glengarry, or to a personator of his, -and to no one else. Thus it became a ‘working hypothesis’ that Pickle -either was, or was personating, Glengarry: a Chief on terms of perfect -intimacy with Prince Charles. He was, or affected to be, a Macdonnell, -a Chief, with lands near Fort Augustus, to which he succeeded by his -father’s death in September 1754, the date of the death of Old Glengarry. - -Taking Pickle’s identity, natural or feigned, with Young Glengarry, as -a working hypothesis, it became necessary to trace the career of that -chief. At every stage, in every detail and date, after 1750, whatever -was true of Young Glengarry was found to be true of Pickle. Every gleam -of light that revealed the long forgotten incidents of Young Glengarry’s -career, after 1750, fell also on the sinister features of Pickle. My -hypothesis thus ‘colligated’ all the facts. New facts from MSS. came -into view after my book was published; my hypothesis colligated these -also. Everything fell into its place: everything coincided in the -identification of Pickle with Young Glengarry. - -To upset the evidence of a long series of coincidences, all pointing in -the same direction, some hypothesis other than the hypothesis that Pickle -is Glengarry must be advanced. Only one alternative suggestion has been -ventured, as far as I am aware—namely, that Glengarry was _personated_ -throughout, for ten years, by some unknown ‘inward’ or close intimate, -calling himself ‘Pickle.’ That hypothesis I shall prove to be not only -morally but physically impossible, to demand a physical and moral -miracle. We are left, then, with the equation, Pickle = Glengarry.[122] - -To the _a priori_ objection, that it is morally inconceivable that -a Highland Chief, of character hitherto unsuspected, should sink so -low, I need hardly reply. Too many Chiefs, from the death of Malcolm -MacHeth, had been in the same _galère_. Young Glengarry, moreover, _was_ -suspected by several independent witnesses. We have also read the story -of Barisdale, Glengarry’s cousin. _A priori_ improbability there is none. -We therefore proceed to examine the career of Young Glengarry, and to -show how his comings and goings, his entrances and exits, the changes in -his fortunes, his unconsidered private letters, his spelling, and his -handwriting, all combine to identify him with the author of the Pickle -Correspondence. - -About the early years of Alastair Ruadh Macdonnell of Glengarry it is -unnecessary to write at great length. Born apparently about 1725, for -he was not of age in the beginning of 1745, Young Glengarry had one -brother of the full blood, Æneas, accidentally shot at Falkirk in 1746. -He had also a sister, Isobel. Before 1728 his mother died. Wodrow says -that she was imprisoned by her husband on an islet, and died of hunger -(1727). Young Glengarry now received a stepmother, a daughter of Gordon -of Glenbucket. He does not seem to have been attached to this lady, who -bore two sons to Old Glengarry. According to Murray of Broughton, Young -Glengarry ‘was most barbarously used by his father and mother-in-law’ (p. -441). Alastair, at all events, was sent to France as early as 1738, where -he was not likely to learn English orthography. His own, though pretty -consistent in its blunders, is of the kind which Captain Burt found -prevailing in the Highlands. - -Alastair’s boyhood was probably unluxurious. Burt tells the following -curious anecdote on this head. After 1715, the Castle of Invergarry, -which had been adorned by the father of the Glengarry of Shirramuir, was -gutted by the English soldiery. It was refurnished and made inhabitable -by the agent of a Liverpool Company, who smelted iron in the district. -Glengarry, meanwhile, ‘inhabited a miserable hut of turf, as he does to -this day’ (1735?). To this manager, a Quaker, a number of gentlemen -of the clan paid a visit. After receiving them hospitably, the Quaker -observed that they would always be welcome in ‘my house.’ - -‘God d—n you, Sir, your house! I thought it had been Glengarry’s house.’ -They then assaulted the Quaker, who was rescued by his workmen.[123] -Alastair was better lodged in France, where, in 1743, he got a Company -in the Royal Scots. In 1744 he was with Pickle’s friend, the exiled Earl -Marischal, at Dunkirk, meaning to start with the futile French expedition -from Gravelines. - -How that expedition was ‘muddled away’ we have told in the essay on the -Earl Marischal. At this time the Earl in France, and Murray of Broughton -in Scotland, gravely distrusted James’s agents in France, Sempil and -Balhaldie. Now Balhaldie was a connection of Lochiel, and was aware that -Murray held him in suspicion. He, therefore, after the collapse of the -expedition of 1744, sent over to Lochiel Young Glengarry, ‘freighted with -heavy complaints’ against Murray. Lochiel next, in the spring of 1745, -brought Murray and Young Glengarry together. The young Chief told Murray -that Balhaldie accused him of bidding the Prince come to Scotland, with -or without French assistance, and ‘seat himself on the throne, and leave -the King at Rome’ (which was precisely what James desired and Charles -repudiated).[124] Glengarry was therefore to warn the party against -Murray. Murray told Glengarry the real facts—namely, that Balhaldie -was too imaginative, and Glengarry seemed quite satisfied. Indeed, he -produced a letter to the same effect as regards Balhaldie from Æneas -Macdonald, the banker, and, later, the informer. - -Glengarry and Murray presently met at that strange tavern gathering in -Edinburgh, where, out of the company, Traquair, Lovat, Glengarry, Murray, -Macleod, and Lochiel, Lochiel alone preserved his honour. Glengarry then -went to the Highlands with letters for Sir Alexander Macdonald of Sleat -and other gentlemen. In January 1745 Glengarry had induced his father -secretly to dispone to him his lands, an action which became a serious -trouble to him later. In May 1745 Murray sent him with despatches to the -Prince in France, and with reasons why Charles should not come unless -accompanied by a French force. Late in 1745 Young Glengarry was taken at -sea, and lodged in the Tower. - -Charles, meanwhile, was loyal enough to his imprisoned adherent. On -November 4, 1746, Charles wrote to d’Argenson, ‘there are three prisoners -in London, sir, in whom I take a warm interest. These are Sir Hector -Maclean, Glengarry, and my secretary, Mr. Murray of Broughton. All three -hold French commissions, the first was born at Calais.... I implore you, -sir, to take every means to secure their exchange, and will regard it as -a personal obligation.’ - -These gentlemen, however, were not naturalised French subjects, like -Nicholas Wogan, who, after fighting when a boy at Preston in 1715, and -after losing an arm at Fontenoy, took part in the campaign of 1745, and -later saw Cumberland’s back at Laffeldt fight. Nicholas may have been -exchanged, in 1746, as a French prisoner; for Murray and Glengarry this -plea was unavailing. The Prince, however, did his best for both men, and -ill they rewarded him.[125] - -Glengarry told Bishop Forbes the same story in 1752. He was the bearer of -a letter from the Chiefs, imploring the Prince not to come over without -arms, money, and auxiliary forces.[126] But he could not find Charles, -who was incognito, ‘lurking for a spring.’ Towards the end of 1745 -Alastair was captured, as we saw, while conveying a piquet of the Royal -Scots to join the Prince. He pined in the Tower, he says, for twenty-two -months, and was then released. His fortunes were frowning. His father lay -in Edinburgh Castle, a written information having been laid against him -by a number of the gentlemen of his clan who had been out in the Rising. -His lands and cattle had been destroyed and driven away by the English -soldiery. Men squatted on what farm they chose, and could only pay rent -enough to ‘subsist’ his father. The French Government made demands on him -for money advanced to him while in the Tower, and stopped his pay. His -grant from the Scots Fund (1,800 livres) was inadequate. The Prince could -not procure for him a regiment. In these gloomy circumstances Alastair -took a step which nobody can blame in itself. He attempted to reconcile -himself to the English Government. The following letter is from a friend -sincerely anxious for his success:—[127] - - (State Papers, Domestic, Scotland, Bundle 38 (1747), No. 6.) - - ‘Roterdam, Oct. 17, 1747. - - ‘Sir,—I take this opportunity of my worthy friend an officer of - the Royals of informing you how I have had severall letters on - the following Subject from Mr. Macdonell Junior of Glengary who - desires me to charge you with this letter. He has frequently - and seriously reflected on the many good Advices given him - by you and Maj. White when he was Prisoner at the Tower, to - abandon that party and the service of France. I am thorrowly - convinced that he is determined so to do if it is agreeable - to the Ministry, and that he will give the Duke of Argyle and - them all the assurances that a man of honour can give of his - behaving as a peaceable Subject, if they will allow him to - wait upon them in London. Let me beg of you for God’s sake to - persuade these great men to accept of this young Gentleman’s - offer, by which at once you’ll detach him from that party that - has given birth to all the Calamitys that both his Clan and - Country has suffered this age past: as I shall be some months - here before my affair is Negociated you’ll have time to send me - answer, which I pray God may be favourable. Please write me as - soon as you can. I am with my Compliments to your family, - - ‘Sir, your most obedt. oblidged humble Sert. - - ‘WILL: BAILLIE. - - ‘P.S.—The young man depends very much on the Duke of Argyle’s - interest. - - ‘To Major Macdonald at London.’ - -On September 20, 1748, Glengarry wrote from Amiens, telling James that -he ‘waited an opportunity of going safely to Britain,’ on his private -affairs. In December he asked James to procure for him the colonelcy -vacant by the death of Lochiel. Young Lochiel, a boy, had been appointed. -James could do nothing, and was too poor to send money. But, on -Glengarry’s request, he dispatched ‘a duplicate of your grandfather’s -warrant to be a peer’—Lord Macdonnell and Aros. Glengarry often signs -‘Mackdonell,’ without Christian name.[128] - -On June 8, 1749, Glengarry explained his circumstances to Cardinal York -and to Lismore, James’s agent at Versailles. ‘I shall be obliged to -leave this country, if not relieved.’ Presently he went to London, with -Leslie, a priest suspected of treachery by the Jacobites.[129] Leslie -says, ‘Glengarry did not intend to appear publicly’ in London, ‘but to -have advice of some counsellors about an act of the Privy Council against -his returning to Great Britain.’ He was so poor that Leslie pledged for -him, to Clanranald, a watch of Mrs. Murray’s of Broughton, wife of the -notorious traitor. He had already ‘sold his sword and shoe-buckles.’ -This must have been the very nadir of his fortunes, and four years later -Campbell of Lochnell told Mrs. Archibald Cameron that now, in 1748 or -1749—the lady could not remember which—Glengarry offered his service, -‘in any shape they thought proper,’ to the English Government and Henry -Pelham.[130] Without pausing to discuss the value of Mrs. Cameron’s -evidence (given on January 25, 1754) we return to what is actually -known of Glengarry in 1749. He had left London, probably little the -better for his visit. On September 23, 1749, Glengarry wrote to Lismore -from Boulogne. He has been in London, by advice of his friends, ‘ces -Messieurs croyant que je ne ferai point de difficulté de me conformer aux -intentions du Gouvernement, mais étant toujours determine de ne me point -égare[r] des principes de mes Ancêtres, ne du devoir que je dois a mon -Roy je [de?] me lui tenir, je puis retire [retirais?].’ If not relieved, -he must return to England.[131] We know what his protestations of -loyalty were worth. We do not know what occurred to Glengarry, in London, -at this time. - -Starving in July or August 1749, Glengarry appears (according to Æneas -Macdonald, the banker) to ‘have plenty of cash’ at the end of the year -(December). In October his father had been released from Edinburgh -Castle, a point of no evidential importance, as several other gentlemen -were also simultaneously set free. His estates were not forfeited, though -remonstrances on this head were addressed to the English Government. They -exist in the State Papers. - -Before Æneas Macdonald met Glengarry in December, and earlier in the -winter of 1749, Young Glengarry and Archy Cameron went North, and helped -themselves to the Treasure of Cluny, the gold of Loch Arkaig.[132] On -January 16, 1750, Glengarry reported his journey to Edgar, and accused -Archibald Cameron of taking 6,000 louis d’or, and damping all hearts -in the Highlands.[133] Cameron, on his side, appears to have accused -Glengarry of obtaining the money by forging a letter from James. James, -writing to Charles about Cameron’s charge, leaves a blank for the -name (March 17, 1750). But Æneas Macdonald supplies the name of Young -Glengarry (October 12, 1751). - -That Young Glengarry was concerned in the looting of the treasure in -winter, 1749, is certain from his own admission to Charles, corroborated -by the confession of Cameron of Glenevis to Colonel Crawfurd, in October -1751. In that confession appears the earliest charge of treachery against -Glengarry, who, Cameron vows, must have betrayed him (p. 153). At about -the same time (November 30, 1751, February 14, 1752) Holker (of Ogilvie’s -French Scots Regiment) and Blair anonymously warned young Edgar against -Glengarry. He is a friend of Leslie, ‘an arrant rogue,’ and is ‘known -to be in great intimacy with Murray’—of Broughton, the traitor, an -acquaintance which is proved by Murray’s own ‘Memorials,’ already cited. -Even if we discount Mrs. Cameron’s story, with those of Archy Cameron and -Glenevis, as Camerons were at feud with Macdonnells, we have no reason to -suspect hostile animus in Young Edgar, Blair and Holker.[134] They remark -(February 14, 1752) that ‘Mr. Macdonald of Glengarrie says that he is -charged with the affaires of his Majesty,’ in London. - -Now, what was, in 1751 the real situation of Young Glengarry? He had left -Rome in September 1750. In January 1751 he was in Paris, and wrote to -Edgar, asking for money. He was confined to bed by a severe cold.[135] -At an uncertain date, probably April 1751, he was residing publicly in -London, for he thence announced to Charles his approaching marriage ‘with -a lady of a very Honourable and loyall familie in England,’ after which -he will repay his share of the Loch Arkaig gold. On this head he has -satisfied James. He discloses the embezzlements of Cluny![136] On July -15, 1751, he wrote from London to James, and to Edgar, with political -and loyal observations. Yet, in 1751, Glenevis believed, for very good -reasons, that Glengarry was already an informer. If the suspicions of -Glenevis were correct, Glengarry was an informer in 1751, the date -assigned by Pickle to the beginning of his own service is about 1750. - -Thus, in 1751, Glengarry was tolerated in London by the English -Government, though still professing loyalty to James. As late as October -1754 he had not ‘qualified’ or taken the oaths. He must, therefore, -have made his peace with England—otherwise! He had resigned his French -commission. Moreover, while his accomplices in the Loch Arkaig affair, -the Camerons, were arrested, Glengarry, the ‘unqualified,’ was allowed to -go about London, and travel to France and Scotland, though the English -Ministry knew that he was at least as guilty as Glenevis and Downan. - -The inferences are obvious. Government had a motive for sparing -Glengarry. Again, quite apart from the Pickle letters, Glengarry is -assuredly betraying one or the other party. To James he poses as an -active conspirator. To the English Government he poses as, at least, ‘one -peaceable subject,’ for they allow him to live, and love, in London, and -to go where he pleases. He was in Edinburgh in April, 1752, and dined -with Bishop Forbes. Later, he seems to have gone to Lochaber, which -Government knew, from an Informer. - -We now come to the Elibank Plot, to kidnap the Royal Family. It flickered -from November 1752 to summer, 1753. Glengarry, writing from Arras on -April 5, 1753, gives Edgar, James’s secretary, a veiled account of the -affair. ‘The day was fixt,’ on, or for, November 10, 1752, but the -English shuffled, and did not act. ‘The concert in Novr. was,’ says -Glengarry, ‘that I was to remain in London, as I had above four hundred -Brave Highlanders ready at my call, and, after matters had broke out -there to sett off directly for Scotland, as no raising would be made -amongst the Clans without my presence.’[137] He then alludes to ‘my leate -illness at Paris,’ which has left him ‘still very weake’—a phrase used at -the same time by Pickle. - -Now the Pickle letters begin on November 2, 1752, and Pickle speaks -of himself, to his English employers, in precisely the same terms as -Glengarry uses about himself when writing to Edgar. Pickle says that, -among his Jacobite friends, he explains his supplies of English money as -remittances from ‘Baron Kenady.’ Now, in Lord Advocate Craigie’s letters -of 1745,[138] we read ‘in most things Young Glengarry is advised and -directed by Baron Kennedy,’ a Baron of the Scottish Exchequer. Thus, if -Pickle is Glengarry, he would naturally represent his chief adviser, -Baron Kennedy, as the source of his supplies. He announces (Boulogne, -November 2, 1752) ‘you’l soon hear of a hurly burly,’ and he must make -a long journey, first to Paris, then South, as he writes on November 4 -to Henry Pelham.[139] The hurly burly is the Elibank Plot. ‘I will see -my friend’ (Henry Pelham) ‘or that can happen.’ To Pelham he says, ‘I -will lay before you _in person_ all I can learn.’ Pelham knew Pickle -_personally_, and could not be deceived as to his identity, as to his -being a Chief, as he represented himself. In December 1752 Pickle, in -London, informed against Archibald Cameron and Lochgarry, whom Charles -had sent to Scotland, also against Fassifern and Glenevegh (Glenevis) as -agents for Charles with the Southern Jacobites. Pickle has seen Charles, -and, in town, Lord Elibank, who ‘surprised me to the greatest degree by -telling me that all was put off for some time.’ He has promised Charles -‘to write nothing to Rome,’ which Glengarry actually did, in April 1753. -In later letters to his English employers, Pickle speaks much of a severe -illness, at Paris, which ‘nearly tripped up his hiells,’ and left him, -like Glengarry at the same date, ‘very weake.’ He had caught a cold, with -a relapse at the masked ball of the Lundi Gras, where he met the Prince. -‘They now believe Pickle could have a number of Highlanders even in -London to follow him.’ Nothing can be transacted in the Highlands without -his knowledge, as his Clan must begin the play.’[140] The scheme is a -night attack on the Palace of St. James’s. Pickle has often discussed it -with his friend, the Earl Marischal, Frederick’s ambassador to the French -Court.[141] - -Here, then, are the following points shared in common by Pickle and -Glengarry. (1.) Both in November 1752 are engaged in a deep Jacobite -Plot. (2.) Both are expected to lead a force of Highlanders, ‘even in -London.’ (3.) No rising can take place among the Clans without each of -them. (4.) Both are in correspondence with Rome. (5.) Both suffer from a -severe illness at the same time, and are left very ‘weake’. (6.) Both are -friends of Baron Kennedy. (7.) Both frequently visit the Earl Marischal -in Paris. - -That Glengarry visited the Earl in 1753 I cannot prove by independent -evidence. But I can show, by independent evidence, that he, as well as -(by his own statement) Pickle, did so at an approximate date. Glengarry -had known the Earl since 1744. Here is another spy’s undated testimony -(1752-1754) to Glengarry’s familiarity with the Earl Marischal in Paris, -about this date, when Pickle haunts the old exile.[142] - -‘Macdonald of Glengarry, goes by the first of these names, lives at a -_Baigneur’s_ in the _Rue Guenegaud_, and keeps one Servant out of Livery, -and two in Livery. When he first came to Paris he kept a _Carosse de -Remise_ by the month, but now only hires one occasionally to make his -visits, which are chiefly to - -Lord Ogilvie - -Mr. Ratcliffe - -Mrs. Carryl of Sussex - -Mrs. Hamilton (Lord Abercorn’s Cousin who has changed her Religion and -lives with Mrs. Carryl) - -The 3 Messrs. Hayes (who are cousins and lodge at the _Hotel de -Transylvanie, Rue Conde_) - - Macloud } at Roisins, a Coffee House in the Rue Vaugirard - Fitzgerald } - -Lord Pittenweemys, the Earl of Kelly’s Son, at the _Hotel d’Angleterre, -Rue Tarrane_ - -Sir James Cockburn, at the _Caffe de la Paix_, in the _Rue Tarane_. - - Lord Hallardy } at a _Baigneur’s_ on the Estrapade where - Mr. Gordon } they keep themselves conceal’d, - Mr. Mercer } - L. Cromarty } - -Frequently to the Jesuits’ College. - -‘_And never fails going to Lord Marshal_, whose Coach is often lent him -when he has none of his own. - -‘N.B.—Tuesday 9th. Janry. Macdonald waited in his own Coach from ten -o’clock at night till past eleven, in the _Rue Dauphine_, when a Person -took him up in a Chariot, who, by the description, is believed to be -Lord Marshal. It is about that time that the Pretender’s Son is suppos’d -to have been in Paris.’ - -Thus Glengarry undeniably frequented the old Earl Marischal, no less than -Pickle did, and the English Government knew it. Yet they did not arrest -him, as they arrested Glenevis, Downan, Fassifern, Archy Cameron, and -tried to arrest Lochgarry, on all of whom Pickle had informed. Moreover -Glengarry, in Paris, is not starving, but has a servant out of livery, -and two in livery, keeps or hires a carriage, or uses that of the Earl -Marischal. - -I respectfully submit that these seven common notes of Pickle and of -Glengarry cannot possibly be explained, except on one of two hypotheses. -Either Pickle is Glengarry, or he is audaciously personating Glengarry, -not only by letter, but bodily. For he promises to visit Henry Pelham ‘in -person,’ and Henry Pelham, with the English officials and police, cannot -but have known the aspect of Glengarry, a man who, for twenty-two months, -was an important state prisoner in the Tower, and had, later, lived -openly in London, though, as we shall see, under surveillance. - -That point I prove thus: on August 12, 1753, Charles, in hiding at Liège, -and elsewhere in the Netherlands, desired, as he notes in a draft, an -interview ‘with G.’[143] In August, or September, 1753, Pickle sent -in accounts of his interview with Charles, in whose company he had -travelled from Ternan to Paris. The Prince asked Pickle to allow arms to -be landed on his estate, which Pickle refused, ‘nobody knowing as yet in -what manner the forfeited estates would be settled.’[144] Pickle himself -is now in England. - -Now we know, from a report in the State Papers, that, in 1753, the -English Government received intelligence from a spy on Glengarry. ‘Mr. -McDonald of Glengarry has been several times in France within these three -weeks, and is suspected to be an agent for the Young Pretender, who, it -is believed, has been lately in Paris, incog. N.B.—The above-mentioned -Mr. McDonald lodges at the second House on the right hand side of the way -in Beaufort Buildings, in the Strand, and is a young, fair, full-made -man.’[145] - -Thus, just when Charles wishes to meet ‘G,’ Glengarry is coming and -going from France to England, suspected by a spy to be a Jacobite -agent, while Pickle is reporting to the English Government on his own -simultaneous journeys and interviews with the Prince. Yet the English -Government, though independently informed of Glengarry’s movements, and -his familiarity with the Earl Marischal (whom they know to be intriguing -for the Jacobites with Prussia), arrest Clanranald, arrest Fassifern, but -never touch Glengarry! - -This is not the limit of their favours. Far from incommoding Glengarry, -Henry Pelham promises that Government will remit all their large claims -on his estate. For this, as least, we have Glengarry’s written word, as -has been shown already in ‘The Last Days of Glengarry.’[146] - -The Celtic believers in Glengarry’s innocence may explain why, when -Pelham was arresting Jacobites all over Scotland, in 1753, he not only -allowed Glengarry, who had not ‘qualified,’ and against whom he had -copious information, to go free, but also ‘promised an absolute discharge -of the heavie claims the Government has against me.’ He made similar -promises to Pickle, who complains of their non-fulfilment. And, on the -hypothesis of Glengarry’s guilt, his motive is now transparent. In -addition to payments of ready money, sorely needed, his estates escaped -forfeiture, _and he was promised remission of the fines_. These facts, of -course, were unknown before I had access to Glengarry’s MS. Letter Book. -My hypothesis colligates the new facts as well as the old, which is the -note of a good working hypothesis. - -To the seven common points between Pickle and Glengarry, in 1752-53, -we now add an eighth: both have been disappointed by Henry Pelham’s -promises, broken after his death. Such coincidences cannot be fortuitous, -and Glengarry’s friends must explain why he, a known Jacobite agent, was -so endeared to Henry Pelham. - -At this time, the autumn of 1753, James Mohr Macgregor made his absurd -‘revelations,’ about an Irish plot to invade Scotland. He, his chief, -Balhaldie, and a Mr. Trant, were particularly concerned. Government had -also news, from Pickle, Count Kaunitz, and other sources, of Frederick’s -tampering with the Jacobites, through the Earl Marischal, the friend both -of Pickle and of Glengarry. It would have been natural to arrest and -examine Glengarry, who, as Government knew, was a familiar friend of the -Earl Marischal. In place of doing that—they consulted Pickle! The Duke of -Newcastle wrote a paper of Memoranda, proving his agitation, and making -a note that Henry Pelham should collogue with ‘the person from whom he -sometimes receives information.’[147] That person was Pickle. - -Here are Pickle’s answers! - - (_Private intelligences concerning some particular persons._) - - ‘He says Mr. Trent told him there was a Collection already made - for the Pretender of about £40,000, and that his friends here - said he should [not] want for money, tho’ it were £200,000. - - ‘Mr. Trent and he were very familiar formerly, but as he is - here grown a great man, he does not see so much of him. Trent - is not gone, but is expected to go every day. This Mr. Trent is - son of Olive Trent [once mistress of the Regent d’Orléans, and - complained of by Bolingbroke]. - - ‘He does not know, nor believe, any one has come from Lord - Marshal hither lately with authority. He is sure no Arms have - come to Scotland this year, if there had, he must have known - it. [James Mohr said arms had come.] He says Sullivan’s Brother - has been twice at Rome lately, but does not know his errand. - - ‘Bohaldie [James Mohr’s Chief] was an Agent of the Pretender - with the late Lord Temple (Sempil?), but the Irish got him - turnd off, and he is sure Lord Marshal would never trust him, - because he will never believe him. [James Mohr had alleged that - the Earl was engaged with Balhaldie.] - - ‘_MacGregor was a Spy of both sides, and will never be trusted._ - - ‘When he [Macgregor] escaped to Bulloigne he was very poor, but - Lord Strathallan etc took compassion upon him, and he knows the - Old Pretender sent him £20.’ - -This report damaged poor James Mohr; he was dismissed, and, in -a few months, died a destitute exile. General Stewart of Garth -claims our sympathy for James, who ‘rejected an employment which he -considered dishonourable in itself, and detrimental to the good of his -country.’[148] Alas! his employers rejected James! - -We now reach the crucial point of the hypothesis that Pickle _personated_ -Glengarry. ‘Whoever Pickle was, it was clearly his intention to personate -Glengarry,’ says Mr. A. H. Millar.[149] Now on this point, I need -scarcely recapitulate what is said at the beginning of this chapter. On -September 14, 1754, we find the bereaved Pickle, an orphan now, but also -a Chief, by his father’s death, in Edinburgh with Young Lochgarry, who -cannot but have known Young Glengarry, his Chief. For this presence of -the orphan in Edinburgh, we have not only his written word, but that of -Bruce (‘Cromwell’), the ‘Court Trusty’ who accompanied him. We have his -testimony to Pickle’s enhanced pride. He it is who tells us how ‘the Army -people make up to Pickle, thinking to make something of him,’ how General -Bland (unconscious of guile) suspects _him_, as a friend of Pickle’s; -how Pickle is going North, to his estates, and how the Governor of Fort -Augustus, hard by, is ‘to try his hand upon Pickle.’[150] - -All this Pickle himself confirms, in two letters of one of which only -the briefest analysis has hitherto been given.[151] But these dull -confirmatory letters may be relegated to an appendix. Briefly, we -learn from his letters how Pickle has hurried to Edinburgh, for some -reason of his own, on the news of a death which coincides with that -of Old Glengarry. Coincidently, too, Pickle’s family affairs are in -great disorder. He writes again from Edinburgh (October 10, 1754), and -this letter is in his feigned hand.[152] In his second epistle from -Edinburgh Pickle confirms all that Bruce, the Court Trusty, has said -about his approaching journey North, whence Colonel Trapaud, Governor -of Fort Augustus, gives a bad account of Glengarry as swindling his -wadsetters.[153] Pickle also confirms Bruce’s account of the jealousy of -General Bland. - -That Young Glengarry, as well as Pickle, was a week’s distance from -town after his father’s death (September 1, 1754) I now confirm by the -following letter to himself, where he is supposed to be interested in Old -Lochgarry. It is probably from the Major Macdonald who, while he was a -prisoner in 1747, persuaded him to conform to the English Government. - - ‘London: Sept. 12, 1754. - - ‘My dear Cuss,—I have duely received the Honour of yours of 3d - current. I must own that the melancholly news [Old Glengarry’s - death] gave me an inexpressible shock, the only thing that - abates my greife is that my dear late friend is so well - represented in your dear person. I pray that all the powers - above may combine to make you shine even above your noble - Ancestors. I hope that Hevon will long preserve and prosper - you for the protection of a poor name that seems at present in - a very tottering and abject condition; No doubt this accident - will naturally retard your coming to this place [London] yet I - can’t think otherwise than that your interest calls you hither - has soon you may have settled your domestique concerns. - - ‘I have a line from Samer [probably St. Omer] by which I - understand that the whole Coy [Corps?] seem’d determined to - get ride of Loch[garry] at all events surely he’s a most - incorrigible man, and if a certain person [the Prince] does not - interpose he must fall a sacrafice to his enemies’ resentment - and to his own folly. Mrs. Macdonald and the young folks join - in compliments, our friendes of Crevan street salute you, and I - ever am, My dear Cous, - - ‘Yours whilst J. M. - - ‘London: Sept. 12, 1754. - - ‘I did not receive your note dated wednesday till Thursday 12 - o’clock.’[154] - -Thus, all Pickle’s movements at this solemn hour of Old Glengarry’s -decease tally with those of Young Glengarry. Pickle is adulated by the -army people, and goes North to his estates near Fort Augustus, whence the -Governor reports on—Glengarry. - -Can Pickle, then, while Glengarry is in Scotland, after his father’s -death, be posing in Edinburgh as himself a young, newly orphaned chief, -going to his lands near Fort Augustus; personating Glengarry, in fact—for -no other Chief had just lost his father? - -Mr. Millar says: ‘Whoever Pickle was, it was clearly his intention -to personate Glengarry.... It is hardly possible to imagine that an -impostor could have deceived the Edinburgh folks, to whom Glengarry must -have been well known,’ and whom, hurrying to his father’s funeral, and -to arrange his affairs, he must just have visited, for Old Glengarry -died in Edinburgh. I venture to call such an impersonation a physical -impossibility, prolonged, as it was, for some six weeks. It is -_physically impossible_ that, both in London and Edinburgh, many men who -knew Young Glengarry should have supposed another person—Pickle—to be -that hero. Yet, if the personation was played off, it was not discovered, -then or later; for Pickle continued to be the informer, and to be the -shadow of Glengarry. As soon as it is admitted that Pickle is feigning -to be Glengarry, the case for that Chief’s innocence is given up. -The personation, among people who knew Glengarry intimately well, is -_impossible_. - -Pickle’s day of usefulness had gone by. On April 24, 1755, an official -gave in a report of a conversation with the Chief, ‘the head of a great -Clan of his name,’ who wanted money.[155] In April 1756 Pickle again came -to London, and dunned the Duke of Newcastle: ‘not the smalest article -has been perform’d, of what was expected and at first promised. I am -certain my first friend’ (Pelham) ‘mentioned me to the King....’[156] In -an undated letter he speaks of being on an ‘utstation’ in the Highlands, -and talks of Glengarry in the third person.[157] He tells of Glengarry’s -greatness, of Jacobite overtures to him, and repeats his usual fond -demands. - -In 1758, 1759, we know, from his own letters, that Glengarry was eager to -go to London, to make terms about the fines on his estate. But Macleod -would not back his bill for 400_l._ On February 19, 1760, Pickle wrote -the last letter to Newcastle extant in the Pelham Papers. He speaks -of Pickle in the third person, but he writes in Pickle’s hand. Pickle -wants to give information; Pickle wishes to raise a regiment (and so did -Glengarry), if he gets ‘the Rank of full Colonel, the nomenation of his -Officers, and suitable levie money:’ also ‘a bill payable at sight’ for -travelling expenses. He ends, ‘Mack mention of _Pickle_. His Majesty -will remember Mr. Pelham did, upon former affairs of great consequence. -Direction—_To Alexander Mackdonell of Glengary, by Foraugustus_.’[158] - -A reply from Newcastle directed to Glengarry would be opened by -Glengarry, and then, if Glengarry did not write Pickle’s epistle of -February 19, 1760, where is Pickle? Mr. Millar suggests that, ‘if Pickle -were a traitor in Glengarry’s family, he must have been in a position -to intercept the reply to this letter, or the whole plot would have -been exposed.’ This is a romantic hypothesis. There is no trace of any -gentleman (such as Pickle was) eternally in attendance on Glengarry. And -why did the hypothetical traitor offer to raise a regiment, which only -Glengarry could do? There is no conceivable motive for writing such a -letter on the part of any one but Glengarry, who was terribly pressed for -money, and could raise a regiment. Besides, the physical impossibility of -Pickle’s supposed personation has already been demonstrated. Glengarry, -who had long been in very bad health, died on December 23, 1761. The -nature of his will has been explained. - -The internal evidence of identity in the authorship of Pickle’s and -Glengarry’s letters remains to be considered. Both write the same -shambling style. In an age of bad spelling both have a long list of -blunders in common. I give a few:— - - 1. aquent acquaint. - - 2. estime esteem. - - 3. tow two. - - 4. dow do. - - 5. sow so. - - 6. triffle trifle. - - 7. { jant } jaunt. - { chant } - - 8. { utquarters out quarters. - { utstation out station. - - 9. pick pique. - - 10. { Foraugustus } Fort Augustus. - { forAugustus } - - 11. how who. - - 12. lick like. - - 13. supplay supply. - - 14. relay rely. - - 15. puish push. - -Of these, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 12, 13, 14 occur, sporadically, in other -Scotch writers of the age, as in the Gask Correspondence. Pickle combines -them all. But I have not elsewhere met 7, 8, 9, 10, 15. ‘How’ for ‘who’ -(11) I have met in Macleod of Raasay’s letters in the ‘Lyon in Mourning,’ -and in one letter of 1725, while ‘howse’ for ‘whose’ occurs in a Scotch -epistle in the Cumberland MSS. The _accumulation_ of these fifteen -mis-spellings is the common note of the orthography of Pickle and of -Glengarry. It constitutes a note of identity of authorship. - -But, believers in personation may say, ‘Pickle had carefully studied and -adroitly copied Glengarry’s orthography, as, _ex hypothesi_, he wished to -pass for that Chief.’ - -Then why did he not also imitate Glengarry’s handwriting? - -Glengarry wrote two hands; one is a sprawling scrawl, sloped much to the -right, in his rough drafts of letters, preserved in his Letter Book; the -other is merely the same hand written smaller, closer, not so sloped, in -his letters, for example, to James and Edgar. The Windsor Letters, the -neater and more careful, I could not compare with those of Pickle at the -British Museum. But I took Glengarry’s Letter Book, or folio of scrawled -drafts, thither, and Mr. Millar (author of the criticism in the _Scottish -Review_) kindly compared the two sets of documents, he having much -experience in such studies. I append what is essential in his report, -contributed to the _Dundee Advertiser_ of April 28, 1897. - - ‘Mr. Lang has come into possession of much new evidence upon - the subject. Amongst other documents he has the Letter-book - in which Glengarry frequently copied his letters with his own - hand and signed them. This book comes from an unchallengeable - source. By Mr. Lang’s invitation I had to-day the pleasure of - comparing the handwriting of Glengarry in this book with the - Pickle letters in the British Museum. At the first glance one - would say that the manuscripts are so unlike superficially - that they were not both written by the same person. Glengarry - wrote a wide, sprawling hand, with a very distinct slope - towards the right. The Pickle letters are all written in - the vertical style, and the lines are small and neat. When - examined more closely, however, there is a striking similarity - in the details. Having selected Pickle letters that contained - similar words to those in the Letter-book, I have made a - careful comparison of them minutely. It is beyond question - that whoever Pickle was he wrote in a feigned handwriting to - prevent identification should any letter miscarry. If Glengarry - wished to feign another hand than his own, the most obvious - way of effecting his purpose would be to change the sloping - style into the upright style. When Pickle wished to disguise - his hand he used the upright style. There are several letters - which Glengarry wrote in a very peculiar manner. The capital - letter “T,” for instance, was distinctly Glengarrian. But - the capital “T” written repeatedly by Pickle is absolutely - identical with that used in the Glengarry book. Such words as - “most,” “humble,” “Sir,” “I,” and “Tho’” are precisely the same - in form in both cases, the only difference being the change of - the slope. There is only one curious fact which comes out after - careful examination. When Glengarry is writing adjectives that - begin with the letter “d” he generally uses a capital. Tickle - never does this, but uses the small “d” instead, yet that small - “d” is exactly similar in form to the same letter written by - Glengarry. This is certainly minute criticism, and might not - be sufficient alone to establish the case against Glengarry; - but when the other fact is borne in mind, that Pickle and - Glengarry make the same errors in the spelling of uncommon - words, the confirmatory proof is very strong. It is not likely - that any letter exists in which Glengarry fully acknowledges - his treachery, and the main evidence must therefore be - circumstantial. If Mr. Lang had now to begin writing his book - with all the additional evidence before him which he has - obtained since its publication, he would probably find few - who would dissent from his conclusion that Pickle the Spy - was no other than Alastair Macdonnell of Glengarry. There may - be coincidences in events in the lives of two men; but it is - incredible that Pickle, when disguising his handwriting, should - fall into the same formation of many of the letters which was - peculiar to Macdonnell of Glengarry. Though begun upon a mere - surmise by Mr. Lang, extended research seems to confirm his - notion as to the identity of these two personages. It is not - a pleasant conclusion for any one who believes that all the - Highlanders engaged in the Rising of 1745 were indomitable and - patriotic heroes. There were blacklegs in the army of Prince - Charles Edward, as there are in every movement of the kind; but - there were also noble characters prepared to shed their blood - and sacrifice their prospects in support of what they believed - to be the rightful cause. Glengarry, apparently, must now take - his place among the execrated traitors.—I am, &c. - - ‘A. H. MILLAR. - - ‘London: April 26, 1897.’ - -I am no expert in handwriting, and I offer no opinion, except that -Pickle’s confessedly feigned hand is more like Glengarry’s careful hand, -in the Stuart Papers, than like his sloping scrawl, meant only for his -own eyes (and these nearly blind) in his Letter Book. The Duke of Atholl -has compared letters from Glengarry, in his possession, with those of -Pickle, and has arrived at the same conclusion as Mr. Millar. Pickle’s -hand is Glengarry’s, disguised. - -Such is my chain of evidence towards proving the personal identity of -Pickle and Glengarry. Both men, it is hardly worth while to add, had been -officers in French service. I am aware of not one discrepant feature -to discredit the identity which Pickle practically asserts, when he -declares himself (corroborated by Bruce) to have become, by his father’s -death, Chief of the Macdonnells, just when Old Glengarry died, and Young -Glengarry succeeded to the headship of the clan. To sum up the whole case: - -Young Glengarry’s conduct, as far as we know, is stainless, till, after -endeavouring to ‘conform’ in October 1747, he presently poses as a -religiously faithful subject, or devotee, of James in January 1748. He is -starving in London, which he visits in July 1749, his father being soon -after released from Edinburgh Castle. Young Glengarry, in the winter of -1749, visits Cluny at Dalwhinnie, in company with Glenevis, Lochgarry, -and Angus MacIan. Glengarry obtains, by his own admission, a share of -the treasure, and then formally charges Archy Cameron with looting 6,000 -_louis d’or_. Archy accuses him of forgery; they carry their quarrel -before James in Rome. Early in 1751 Glengarry, though he is not known -to have taken the oaths, is allowed to reside in London, and announces -his approaching marriage with an English lady. But Glengarry is already -suspected, and he knows it; for when Leslie, the priest, is charged -with treason by the Jacobites, Glengarry says that the blow is aimed -at _him_. Nothing is proved against Leslie, but stories of Glengarry’s -intimacy with Murray the traitor, and the spy Samuel Cameron, called -Crookshanks, are anonymously brought by Blair and Holker. In October 1751 -Samuel’s brother, Glenevis and Downan, arrested for their share with -Glengarry in the matter of the French gold, accuse Glengarry of informing -against them. They lie in gaol in Fort William; Glengarry (though the -Government know him to be their accomplice) lives freely in London, and -travels where he pleases. - -In November 1752, April 1753, we have the affair of the Elibank Plot. On -one side is Pickle, who is to lead Highlanders in London; Pickle, without -whom his clan, and the North, can do nothing; Pickle, a friend of Prince -Charles, and a correspondent of the exiled King in Rome; Pickle, who is -‘very weake’ after a serious illness in Paris (February-March, 1753); -Pickle, the constant associate of the Earl Marischal; and on the other -side is Glengarry, who claims every one of these notes for himself. Both -Pickle and Glengarry are friends of Baron Kennedy’s. Glengarry is known -to Government to be a trafficker with France, and with the dreaded envoy -of Prussia, the Earl Marischal, but Government consults Pickle in place -of arresting Glengarry. Pickle has had great promises made to him by his -employer, Henry Pelham, so has Glengarry. Both complain of the breach of -these promises after Pelham’s death. Pickle comes and goes to Prince -Charles in France in August 1753. Glengarry is accused, to Government, of -visiting France at the same time as a Jacobite agent. Jacobites are being -arrested all over the country, but not a finger is laid on Glengarry. - -Pickle and Glengarry both leave London for Edinburgh on the news of Old -Glengarry’s death, both are then bereaved young chiefs going to their -northern estates near Fort Augustus. In this capacity Pickle, for some -six weeks, is the centre of military attention in Edinburgh. Pickle -wishes Bruce to assist him in drawing up a judicial rent-roll. Bruce -surveys the lands of Glengarry. Pickle now, like Glengarry, remains in -the North, where both are magnates, but both are poor. Pickle offers to -raise a Highland regiment, and asks the Duke of Newcastle to direct his -answer to Glengarry. The spelling of Pickle and Glengarry is identical in -a score of peculiarities, and Pickle’s handwriting is that of Glengarry -in a simple disguise. - -What makes Pickle’s design to raise a regiment especially interesting is -the fact, now to be proved, that _Glengarry entertained the same wish at -the same moment_. He wrote to the Duke of Atholl to that effect, on April -5, 1760, and his letters are printed in the Duke of Atholl’s ‘Chronicles -of the Atholl and Tullibardine Families’ (iii. 476-477). Thus Pickle and -Glengarry were inseparable to the last. - -Whoever is unconvinced by this array of circumstantial evidence -against Glengarry must, at least, suggest an alternative hypothesis -which will colligate the facts. The hypothesis of a personation of -Glengarry by Pickle has been proved absurd and impossible. Recent -research, after the publication of ‘Pickle the Spy,’ has added to the -original evidence proof of Glengarry’s insincerity as a Jacobite; the -Glenevis affair; the promises made to Glengarry, as to Pickle, by Henry -Pelham; the identification of ‘Cromwell’ (Bruce); the relations of -Glengarry with Pickle’s friend, Baron Kennedy; a few new similarities -of Pickle-Glengarry spelling; the identity of their handwriting; and -their simultaneous desire to raise a regiment. All these facts confirm -the previous conclusion. A false hypothesis is not apt to be strongly -confirmed by facts unknown when it was framed, nor would a jury regard -the charge against Glengarry as ‘without any proof in the world.’ To -say so, as has been audaciously done, is to illustrate prejudice, not -to enlighten criticism. In truth, the game was up as soon as the person -calling himself Pickle offered to raise a clan regiment, and asked the -Duke of Newcastle to reply to Glengarry. More than one interpretation -of that fact there could not logically be. But what is logic? A Lowland -pedantry! - - - - -XII - -OLD TIMES AND NEW - - -Some years ago, when fishing in Loch Awe, I found a boatman, out of -Badenoch, who was a charming companion. It may be the experience of -others also that an English keeper usually confines his conversation, -at least with strangers, to the business in hand, whereas a Scottish -or Highland attendant will talk about Darwinism, Mr. Herbert Spencer, -history, legend, psychical research, religion, everything. The boatman -had a store of legends, and one day we fell to conversing on the old -times, in the Highlands, and the new. He voted for the old. Among the -advantages, he mentioned the game; and then, with sparkling eyes, the -plunder! Property, of old, had been _les vaches d’autrui_, the cattle of -Lowlanders and of other clans. - -Often, since that day, one has reflected on the old times and the new. -The old were not wholly what is supposed. Thus Mr. Mackenzie, in his -‘History of the Camerons,’ contrasts the manly sport of the past with -the modern driving up of deer to be shot down by ‘drawing-room’ gunners. -Stalking is more common now, but the drawing-room way was the old way! -‘The tenants drive everything before them, while the laird and his -friends are waiting with their guns to shoot the deer.’ So writes Burt, -between 1726 and 1740. ‘When the chief would have a deer only for his -household,’ he does not stalk it himself; ‘the gamekeeper and one or two -others are sent into the hills, ... where they often lie night after -night to wait an opportunity of providing venison for the family.’[159] - -I have seen in the Highlands heart-breaking destitution. I have seen an -old shivering woman gathering nettles for food near Tobermory. On one -side of a river I have seen scantily clad girls hanging about listless, -in the rain, beside hovels more like the nests of birds than human -habitations. On the other side of the water were comfortable cottages and -thriving crops. The former was the Protestant, the latter the Catholic -side of the stream, which the Reformation did not cross. In the bleak -cold of June, on Haladale, I have said, ‘Who would stay here that could -go away?’ The gillie observed that he had been in America, running the -blockade, but he vastly preferred Haladale. He numbered his horses and -kine; he was a man of substance. But, poverty for poverty, give me -nettles and shell-fish in the North, before fried fish (and too little of -that) in the New Cut. - -Moved by the extreme wretchedness in which some Highland cotters seem -to live, by the cry of ‘congested districts,’ by the laments of the -evicted, and by the belief in ‘good old times’ behind the Forty-five, -a Lowland observer naturally asks himself if the old times were really -so good? In one respect, and that essential, they bear the palm: the -people, as a rule, loved and revered their Chiefs, and the Chiefs adopted -at least the airs of popularity among the people. Even Young Glengarry, -not a model Chief, resented the oppression of tenants falsely accused, -as he maintained, of being deserters.[160] Moreover, the poor did not -live, generally speaking, in view of the luxurious rich. Clanranald and -Glengarry had castles which must have been built at the expense of the -undefined ‘services’ of their people long ago; but the warrior Glengarry -of Killiecrankie discouraged refinement and delicacy of living. The -smaller lairds lived plainly, even poorly. Occasional feasts were given -to the Clan. Every man ‘was treated as a blood relation.’ Consequently, -if destitution existed, it did not provoke social hatred and discontent. -This, at least, is quite certain. - -On the other hand, the presence of extreme poverty, of famines, by no -means rare, of exactions which Lowlanders considered tyrannical, and the -occurrence of evictions, before 1745, seem equally well established. -Ignorance was one safeguard against discontent, and in the absence of -schools, in the rarity of the Presbyterian clergy, with their innate -democratic ideas, ignorance flourished. Over-population was encouraged, -by minute subdivision of lands, for the purpose of increasing the Chief’s -military following. Thus poverty was artificially fostered, and, with it, -idleness and habits of plunder and of tippling. - -This little picture of a Highland home is given in a book of 1747:[161] -‘I have seen in their Huts, when I have been walking, and forced to -retreat thither for Shelter from the Rain, their Children, sometimes many -in a Hut, full of the Small Pox and [at?] their Heighth, they having been -lying and walking about in the Wet and Dirt, the Rain at the same time -beating through the Thatch with Violence; so that I used to get from one -End of the House to the other to keep dry; but it was all in vain, the -Rain soon following me. These children at the same time seemed hearty, -drinking Whey and Butter-milk, Wet and Cold with the Inclemency of the -weather, and yet so well!’ - -This sketch was drawn somewhere in the country between Inverness and Fort -William, after Culloden. - -The raising of the early Highland regiments (1756-62) relieved the -population, but also diffused knowledge, while the Chiefs’ power, as -sanctioned by law, was destroyed. The soldiers, who had seen the New -World, whether gentry and officers or privates, did not incline to -stay at home when rents were raised. They emigrated to America, almost -by clans, in years of famine, as in 1782. The Chiefs were alarmed and -indignant; they were also needy. They screwed up rents, introduced sheep, -moved populations to the coast, or evicted them. Voluntary emigration -(the wisest policy) was succeeded by the removal of clansmen who were -reluctant to go, or who could not afford to go, their poor goods not -being marketable. Many even sold themselves into voluntary slavery for -their passage fare. - -Some chiefs became opulent for a generation; their families were ruined -by their following of George, Prince Regent; their estates fell into -English hands, and forests were made at the expense of new evictions. - -This is a brief and gloomy account of what followed Culloden. An example -may be given in the case of the great Glengarry family. - -On the death of Glengarry, in 1761, his affairs were found, as was -natural, in a lamentable condition. To study them and the later changes -on his estate is to gain a view into the heart of Highland grievances. -Fortunately materials for this examination exist, and have been published -by Mr. Fraser Mackintosh in his ‘Antiquarian Notes’ (1897). - -Perhaps it may be best to begin by giving a brief account of the way in -which such estates as Glengarry’s were usually occupied by the clansmen. -The Chief let to tacksmen, or leaseholders, gentlemen of his clan, part -of the lands which he did not hold in his own hand. Part of his ‘tack,’ -again, the tacksman cultivated; part he let out to cotters, ‘under which -general term may be included various local denominations of _crofters_, -mailers, &c.... Frequently they have the command only of a small share of -their own time to cultivate the land allowed them for maintaining their -families. Sometimes the Tacksman allows a portion of his own tillage -field for his cotter; sometimes a small separate croft is laid off for -him, and he is likewise allowed, in general, to pasture a cow, or perhaps -two.’[162] - -‘The Tacks,’ says Dr. Johnson, ‘were long considered as hereditary,’ -but, in his time, strangers would make larger offers, and the hereditary -tacksman was apt to be dispossessed, with cotters, crofters, and all. As -to the tyrannical and oppressive conduct of the tacksmen, much will be -reported later. According to Young Barisdale’s plea (1754), Old Barisdale -held possession, from Glengarry, without a line of written paper. The -tacksmen, in war, were officers of the Clan regiment, and led, or drove, -the tenants to the field. - -Apart from tacksmen and their cotters, were ‘small tenants’ holding -direct from the Chief. They usually occupied, in townships, a farm in -common: the shares may once have been equal, but, by 1738, one man might -hold a fourth, another but a fifteenth. They dwelt in a hamlet near the -arable crofts, of which the division might vary from year to year. They -had also grazing, and, money being very scarce, their chief wealth was -their cattle. Interest and part principal of his patrimony were paid, in -cattle, to Glengarry’s younger brother Æneas.[163] Cotters, who acted as -labourers, were scattered among the little communities of small tenants. -Rents were mostly paid in kind, and in ‘services,’ little money passed. - -Another system was that of ‘wadsets.’ A chief simply _pawned_ a farm to -a clansman, say Glengarry to Lochgarry, for a certain period, and for a -certain sum of money. When he repaid the money, he recovered the farm. -The wadsetter might build and improve, but no money was returned on -redemption. The wadsetter sublet to tenants of either class, and either -he or the Chief might make the better thing of the bargain. There were -many poor wadsetters on a small scale. Colonel Trapaud accuses Glengarry -of bullying his small wadsetters in Knoydart out of their wadsetts, and -making them ‘accept of common interest.’[164] ‘The principal wadsetters -refused, on which he ordered them out of his presence.’ - -Such was the system of a Highland estate; of its working more will be -said later. On Glengarry’s death, his heir was his nephew, Duncan, a -minor: Glengarry and the boy’s mother had been on the worst terms. In -actual money, Glengarry’s rents, at the day of his death, were but -330_l._ yearly. The rent ‘uplifted’ by his wadsetters was larger. There -were heavy debts, both on the estate and personal: the amount of the -claims of Government I have nowhere found stated. Trustees ruled for -the heir, who, however, must have been of age when Morar was sold to -the Master of Lovat (Simon of the Forty-five) in 1768. This cleared the -personal debts. In 1772, the new Glengarry wedded Miss Marjory Grant, -eldest daughter of Sir Ludovick Grant of Dalvey. Mr. Fraser Mackintosh -says that ‘regardless of sufferings, she strove with success to clear off -the debts, to raise the rents, and generally to aggrandise the position -of the Glengarry family.’ - -The wadsetts were paid off: the wadsetters must now be tenants, on -increased rents, or go. Most of them emigrated to the New England States. -Bad years came: the small tenants fell into arrears. In 1782, a year -of famine, arrived the first sheep farmer from the Border. In 1785, -fifty-five tenants were warned and removed, ‘say 300 souls.’ In 1786, 500 -people emigrated under their priest, a Macdonnell of the Scothouse or -Scotos family. They settled in Canada. They had fled from famine, as much -as from increased rents. - -Duncan Macdonnell died in 1788; his son was Sir Walter Scott’s Glengarry, -‘the last of the Chiefs,’ in costume and demeanour, but, it seems, a -great evictor. The French war made Highland recruits desirable, and -emigration slackened, but there was an exodus in 1802, the settlers -peopling Glengarry County in Ontario; sentiment apart, a very happy -change. - -We have seen Alastair’s free rent in 1761; it was 330_l._ in money. -In 1802 the rental was 5,090_l._! The eccentric history of Scott’s -friend, Glengarry (for whom he wrote a Death Song) is well known. He was -accidentally killed in 1828, and Glengarry was sold some years later. -It has changed hands twice, since the first sale, and, says Mr. Fraser -Mackintosh, ‘It is a fact not less painful than preposterous that at -the present day (1894), some dozen crofters (all remaining) cannot get -sufficient land out of the tens of thousands of acres at Knoydart, to -maintain them, without the intervention of the Crofters Commission.’[165] -Yet in 1753, Lochgarry, perhaps in a sanguine way, reckoned the Macdonald -claymores, ‘by Young Glengarry’s concurrence only,’ at 2,600.[166] - -This is a typical specimen of the fortunes of a large Highland estate, -compromised in the Rising of 1745. There are, of course, happier -examples; but, in this instance, we see every stage of the revolutionary -changes in the condition of the Highland people. - -Now an Englishman, or a Lowlander, asks himself, did the good old times -contain the germs of these social maladies, exhibiting themselves in -other forms, under other conditions? To this conclusion we appear to -be forced by the evidence. If Chiefs were callous and selfish after -the Forty-five, if the land could not, or did not, support the people -properly after Culloden, these misfortunes, moral and material, existed -before the starving and ill-arrayed clansmen died on the English -bayonets. There had been no reason to expect better treatment than the -Clans have actually received, from several of the powerful families. -Extreme destitution had prevailed; evictions had occurred, and had -sometimes been bitterly avenged. There had been ‘Agrarian outrages’ -before Culloden, attacks on men, and mutilation of cattle. - -Our evidence, as to the state of the Highlands, comes from various -sources. We have Lowland, English, and Anglified witnesses. The Duke of -Argyll cites a Highlander, Forbes of Culloden, but he was a Whig, and -President of the Court of Session. Yet there was no juster, more fair, -or more wise and tolerant man in the North. We have Captain Burt, author -of ‘Letters from Scotland,’ written between the Rebellions of 1715 and -1745. Some modern Highlanders call him their foe: he certainly looks with -English eyes, but he tries to be fair, and is far from unsympathetic. His -tenderness for the poor is remarkable. We have the Gartmore MSS. (_circ._ -1748), which is Whiggish, and ‘MS. 104,’ in the King’s Library. It is, -apparently, of 1749-50. All these witnesses agree as to the oppression -of the people, their involuntary idleness, their dependence on tacksmen, -chamberlains and factors, their destitution, while their liability to -raised rents and evictions are, by some of these witnesses, insisted -upon. But all are writing from the Whig point of view; their desire to -improve the popular condition is part of their desire to reduce the power -of the Jacobite Chiefs. - -On the other side is General Stewart of Garth, enthusiastically Highland, -anxious to keep up population for military purposes, as well as from -honourable sympathy, and decidedly inclined to overlook the poverty, -plundering, enforced idleness, tippling, and blackmail of the good old -times. We have also Mr. Fraser Mackintosh, who, while he delights to -tell a story against Cluny, for example, maintains that there were no -evictions before 1745. Unluckily, we have no authoritative treatise from -the Jacobite and ‘old times’ side, written between 1747 and 1790. The -best evidence might be found in Gaelic poetry, which, in general, proves -one important point. - -Whatever the material condition of the Highland people, whatever their -lack, in many parishes, of elementary education, they possessed, in -legends, _Märchen_, traditional poems, and the living art of popular -song, a native culture—rich, dignified, and imaginative—which newspapers -merely destroy. This great element of happiness, where it survives, is -the bequest of the good old times. - -Such is our evidence; and now, having described its nature, we may turn -to the details. - -A considerable portion of the people were terribly destitute. We have -heard what the biographer of Young Barisdale says, about a diet of -shell-fish from March to August, about the faces that never wear a -smile. Franck, writing in 1654-1660, tells us how, when Monk held -Scotland, the Strathnaver crofters bled their cows in winter, and fed -on blood mixed with oatmeal.[167] Burt and Knox testify to the same -practice, a century later and more. ‘This immoderate bleeding reduces -the cattle to so low a plight that in the morning they cannot rise from -the ground, and several of the inhabitants join together to help up each -other’s cows.’[168] ‘The gentry may be said to be a handsome people, but -the commonalty much otherwise; one would hardly think, by their faces, -they were of the same species, or, at least, of the same country, which -plainly proceeds from their bad food....’[169] - -The old times were not so good; the peasants, who protected and -concealed him, could not give Lord Pitsligo salt to his porridge: -‘Salt is dear.’ But people who have seen nothing better are not -discontented. The gentry—not chiefs, but tacksmen—as we have said, did -not live luxuriously. Examples may be given. ‘Although they have been -attended at dinner by five or six servants, they have often dined upon -oat-meal varied several ways, pickled herrings, or other such cheap -and indifferent diet.... Their houses are _sometimes_ built with stone -and lime’ (like Barisdale’s palace), but other houses of the gentry -‘are built in the manner of the huts.’ Burt mentions one such house, -with beasts dwelling under the roof of the owner, or tacksman. For many -years Old Glengarry dwelt in a hut, his castle being occupied by an -English commercial gentleman. The laird’s children were ‘dirty and half -naked’—this is on hearsay—and it was a common proverb that ‘a gentleman’s -bairns are known by their speaking English.’ Glengarry’s niece, daughter -of Æneas, shot at Falkirk, ‘had no English,’ when she could not have been -under thirteen years of age.[170] - -Thus there was no very great gulf, in some cases, between gentry and -peasantry, where comfort was concerned. The difference of appearance -between them, as between beings ‘of a different species,’ is the less -intelligible. But herrings and game are more nutritious than nettles, -cows’ blood, and shell-fish, especially where all are scarce. - -As to rents, payments to chief or tacksman, how did things fare? -Conservatives, like Dr. Johnson and Sir Walter Scott, have written about -the chiefs ‘degenerating from patriarchal rulers to rapacious landlords.’ -The Duke of Argyll, on the contrary, speaks of the sub-tenants, in the -good old times, as ‘holding at the will of the lease-holders or tacksmen, -and complaining bitterly of the oppressions under which they laboured.’ -This is on the evidence of Sheriff Campbell of Stonefield, speaking of -Mull, Morven, and Tyree, in 1732.[171] ‘It was only beginning to be felt -these poor people that even a bare subsistence could not be secured when -plunder had been stopped, and before industry had begun.’ What were the -‘oppressions,’ not including, of course, such exceptional outrages as -those of Barisdale? Well, Burt tells us that a tenant’s improvements, in -1730-1740, meant an instant rise of rent. ‘What would the tenant be the -gainer of it’ (enclosures and improvements on his farm), ‘but to have -his rent raised, or his farm divided with some other?’[172] The division -would serve to recruit another swordsman for the Chief. The writer of a -MS. of 1747, in the possession of Graham of Gartmore,[173] says, ‘The -practice of letting many farms to one man’ (the tacksman, say Lochgarry -or Barisdale), ‘who, again subsetts them to a much greater number than -these can maintain, and at a much higher rent than they can afford to -pay, obliges these poor people to purchase their rents and expences by -theifts and robberys.’[174] - -In the good old days, something like the iniquitous Truck System existed, -we learn from the same authority, on some Highland estates. ‘Some of the -substantial Tacksmen play the merchant, and supply the common people.... -As the poor ignorant people have neither knowledge of the value of their -purchase, nor money to pay for it, they deliver to these dealers (the -tacksmen) ‘cattle in the beginning of May for what they have received; by -which traffick the poor wretched people are cheated out of their effects -for one half of their value.’ This is a mournful aspect of the good old -times. The MS. 104 confirms the statements, and describes the thriftless -agricultural methods. - -Each of these (the tacksmen) ‘possesses some very poor people under him, -perhaps five or six on a farm, to whom he lets out the skirts of his -possession, these people are generally the soberest and honestest of the -whole. Their food all summer is milk and whey mixed together without any -bread, the little butter or cheese they are able to make is reserved for -winter provision, they sleep away the greatest part of the summer, and -when the little Barley they sow becomes ripe, the women pull it as they -do flax, and dry it on a large wicker machine over the fire. Then burn -the straw, and grind the corn upon Quearns or hand mills. In the end of -Harvest, and During the winter they have some Flesh, Butter, and cheese, -with great scarcity of Bread. All their business is to take care of the -few Cattle they have. In spring, which is their only season in which they -work, their whole food is bread and gruel without so much as salt to -season it. - -‘About twenty years ago Lochiel erected two or three Water Mills, but by -reason of the great distance of many of the people from them, and their -natural Laziness, with the prejudice in favour of the old Custom of -burning the straw, they were made very little use of. The custom has been -given up some time except by the Camerons and Macdonalds, some McLeans, -and some of the people of Skye.’ - -It is not safe, of course, to argue from a report about the state of the -people in one part of the Highlands to a conclusion about their condition -everywhere. A river may divide comfort from destitution. And it is -certain that reports by Lowlanders, Englishmen, or Highlanders, like the -famous Forbes of Culloden, who practically defeated the Rising of 1745, -will not please some Highland reasoners.[175] - -Forbes reported in 1737 on the Duke of Argyll’s lands in Morven, Mull, -and Tyree. He speaks of the ‘tyranny’ and ‘unmerciful exactions’ of -the tacksmen, large leaseholders who sub-let to smaller tenants. Hence -the lands lie waste, and ‘above one hundred families have been reduced -to beggary and driven out of the island.’ This is precisely the modern -complaint against the bad new times, a complaint with which we all -sympathise. Tacksmen, according to Culloden, were as bad as factors. - -Culloden, therefore, suggested the granting to the sub-tenants of -nineteen years’ leases if they would ‘offer frankly for their farms such -rent as fairly and honestly they could bear.’ Such leases he had power -to offer, and did offer. ‘No takers!’ Culloden was surprised, but he -need not have been. The weight of the tacksmen would be against him; -also the conservatism of the people. A fixed rent was a new crude hard -thing: a system of shuffling along, above all as the general policy was -to find room for swordsmen—was an old endurable thing. Culloden, however, -persuaded some sub-tenants to offer. On the tacksmen he put pressure. -He had with him some tacksmen from the mainland, better acquainted with -farming methods. _They_ offered for the insular tacksmen’s farms, whereon -the insular tacksmen also offered. Fixed now were rents, and fixed the -duration of tenancy. - -One Culloden lease to a kind of village community of six people in -portions of land of different sizes is dated April 18, 1739, from Stoney -Hill.[176] The lease of 1739 is for nineteen years, ‘and that in full -satisfaction of all casualitys, and other prestations and services -whatsomever,’ except for services in repairing harbours, mending -highways, or repairing miln-leads, for the general benefite of the -Island (Mull). The tenants were to pay cesses, ministers’ stipends, -schoolmasters’ salaries, &c., ‘freeing and relieving the Duke’ from these -burdens. Failure of rent meant removal, and made the lease null and void; -the tenants having leave, however, to take over the share of a defaulter -or choose a substitute for him. - -What the sub-tenants gain is freedom from a tacksman, secure possession -while they pay, and freedom from all but the stated customary services -and ‘casualties.’ One of these was military service in a Jacobite rising. -A tenant in Mull could not now lose his holding if his tacksman ordered -him to join the Prince and he refused. As to the other ‘services,’ the -Duke of Argyll regards them as indefinite and oppressive. He selects -examples from Sinclair’s paper for the Board of Agriculture in 1795. -Rent was mainly paid in kind, chickens, cattle, grain, _plus_ ‘tilling, -dunging, sowing, and harrowing a part of an extensive farm in the -proprietor’s’ (or tacksman’s) ‘possession.’ Peats, thatching, weeding, -cartage, harvesting, and so forth, were exacted, with implements, eggs, -butter, cheese, a tithe of fish and oil, woollen yarn, and so forth. -These services might easily be made oppressive, and did not conduce to -improvement in agriculture. - -The exact weight and money value of these services must have varied -widely. The author of MS. 104 proposes that, in future, all services -shall be definitely stated in writing when a tenant takes a farm. -‘Extravagant services are still required’ (_circ._ 1750) ‘and performed, -which the landlord would be ashamed to commit to writing.’ He also, -like Culloden, advocates the compulsory granting of leases for not less -than twenty years. But he has already said that the people, accustomed -to hereditary entry on farms from father to son, refuse to take written -leases. - -As to ‘services,’ Mr. Fraser Mackintosh, on the other side, tells us how -the Lochiels, in exile, ‘regularly received part of the rent.’ That he -only sent 100_l._ to Lochiel’s children in France, and made the tenants -work on his lands instead of on the county roads, is a charge made by -Colonel Crawfurd against Lochiel’s brother, Fassifern.[177] Mr. Fraser -Mackintosh comments on the loyalty of Lochiel’s tenants, but adds ‘in -former times rent in the form of money was a minor easy consideration, -the real burden or tax being services’—especially ‘the almost intolerable -burden’ of war. Thus the exile of the Chief became ‘really no hardship -to the people,’ enabling them ‘to pay a double (money) rent now and then -with comparative ease.’[178] - -Thus, in this author’s opinion, ‘the real burden or tax’ was ‘services,’ -not money rent. Happily he gives a case of commutation of services for -money on Glengarry’s estate. The commutation was ‘apparently quite -disproportionate and oppressive. For instance, in the case of Dugald -Cameron, late cowherd to Glengarry, afterwards tenant of Boline, while -his rent was 11_l._ 4_s._ 3_d._, the converted services amounted to 3_l._ -2_s._ 8_d._’ Well, if services were ‘the real burden,’ where is the -‘oppressive disproportion’?[179] This seems absurd. - -If it be agreed that ‘services’ were the main part of rent, how -oppressive a hostile tacksman, say Barisdale, might make them is easily -conceived.[180] Whatever we may think of the advantages of a definite -Culloden rent, it is pretty plain that the people did not like it. But -the old kind of rent and services was of scarce any value to a probably -non-resident proprietor, who could get high returns on the new system -from large farmers or graziers. He did not want hens and cheese, and had -now no use for claymores. The consequences were raised rents, emigration, -evictions, the Highland grievances. - -But were there no evictions, and removals, and forced migrations in the -good old times? - -Mr. Fraser Mackintosh says, ‘The Commissioners on the Forfeited Estates, -or, more properly, their Factors, were the first evictors in the -Highlands, and they were guilty of favouritism to such a degree in -favour of strangers, that many of the tenants emigrated voluntarily.’ - -Indeed, Glenure was shot, by Allan Breck or another, because, as factor -for the forfeited estates of Lochiel and Ardsheil, he had evicted Cameron -or Stewart tenants, and preferred Campbells. But Mr. Fraser Mackintosh -ought to know that the Commissioners were _not_ the first evictors. Who -drove a hundred families from Mull and Tyree about 1738, as Culloden -tells us? Who ‘removed’ James Stewart of the Glens before Campbell of -Glenure did? Why Ardsheil, whose bastard brother he was. Who evicted some -and threatened to evict all Macphersons from the Duke of Gordon’s lands -in Badenoch in 1724? Why the Duke and his factor, Gordon of Glenbucket. - -The story is told in a letter of Cluny to the Earl Marischal.[181] -The Macphersons held lands in Badenoch ‘as feuars, woodsellers, or -kindly tenents to the Duke of Gordon.’ He however ‘vexes and reduces -us by perpetuall lawsuits,’ and ‘_has taken it into his head to root -us intearly out of our own country_.’ He therefore feued most of his -Badenoch lands to Glenbucket ‘for the half of its value, or, I may -say, a third, meerly out of design to take it out of the hands of the -Macphersons.’ Glenbucket, ‘in order to begin the work of extirpating us, -has turned out the tenants of six farms.’ Their high offers of rent -were refused, so they dirked Glenbucket, ‘in a most barbarous manner.’ -The operation can scarcely be performed in a gentle fashion. ‘They very -luckily missed their aim by the favour of a buff belt he had about him,’ -also by the favour of a claymore that, was lying convenient. The Duke now -threatened to ‘extirpate’ or evict ‘the whole name of Macpherson,’ which -he proceeded to do ‘with a body of a thousand men, foot and horse.’ All -parties were Jacobites, and King James settled _hæc certamina tanta_. -_He_ had no objections to eviction. He writes to the Duke of Gordon, -‘I am far from blaming you for any steps you may have taken which are -authorised by the law of the land, but there are only a few offenders, -and, politically, the _eviction_ disunites loyal clans.’[182] - -Indeed the more one thinks of Mr. Fraser Mackintosh’s assertion that -the Commissioners were the first evictors in the Highlands, the more -grotesque does it appear. We turn to the manuscript ‘Letter of a -Gentleman’ whose sympathies are with ‘the wretched commons,’ not with the -Chiefs.[183] ‘The gentlemen of the name of Mackenzie,’ says our author, -‘are frugal and industrious.... They have screwed up their rents to an -extravagant height, which they vitiously term improving their estates, -without putting the tenants upon a proper way of improving the ground, -to enable them to pay that rent, which makes the common people little -better than slaves and beggars.’ - -No ‘screw’ but eviction could be used by these Mackenzie landlords, -frugal and industrious. - -Here is a case among the Camerons from the same MS.:— - -‘To shew the present disposition of that Clan,’ described as ‘lazy, -silent, sly, and enterprizing people,’ ‘I will relate an instance of -their barbarity which happened since the year 1725. The possessor of a -farm belonging to the Duke of Gordon, of the tribe of the Macmartins, -about three miles to the North of Fort William, demanded an abatement of -the usual rent, which the Duke refusing, he left the farm, boasting that -no man would dare to succeed in it. For some years it was untenanted, -till at last the Duke prevailed on Mr. Skeldoich, who was then minister -of the parish, who could not find a place to reside in, to take this -farm. The former possessor lay still till the minister had plentifully -stocked the farm with cattle and built a house on it, then, with some -other rogues, finding that the cattle were carefully watched, went to -the place where the calves were kept, and with their durks cut off their -heads, and cut the skins so that they would not be of any use.’ - -They also destroyed the Duke’s salmon nets on the Lochy. Later, watching -till the minister chanced to be away from home, ‘they pulled down part -of his house, and fired several shots towards the place where his -wife lay.’ The worthy clergyman then thought it time to move into Fort -William. Our author adds that cadets of Highland houses have possessed -farms ‘for ages’ without leases, and when they are not able to pay their -rents, _and are turned out_, they look upon the person who takes the farm -after them as usurping their right. These people have often refused to -take a written lease, thinking that, by so doing, they gave up the right -of possession. - -All this, written about 1749, is hardly congruous with Mr. Fraser -Mackintosh’s bold statement that the Commissioners of Forfeited Estates -were the first evictors in the Highlands. We learn that, ‘by reason -of the great poverty and slavery of the commons,’ on the Mackenzie -estates, out of the clan levy of 3,000 men, ‘a third are but dross.’ -Let us add that the Campbells evicted the Macdonalds from Kintyre, by -cutting their throats; that every defeated clan was likely to be, more -or less, evicted; and that all the Macgregors were evicted. These were -operations of clan warfare, though not much more enjoyable for that. But -when a sub-tenant held from a tacksman, on a ‘precarious tenure,’ does -Mr. Fraser Mackintosh maintain that he was never evicted? Why did Robin -Oig shoot Macfarlane at the plough tail? He did so simply for the old -agrarian reason. - -In Prestongrange’s speech for the Crown, at the disgraceful trial which -ended in the judicial murder of James Stewart of the Glens, he says that -‘a delusion in a peculiar manner prevailing in the Highlands,’ is that -‘a cause of mortal enmity arises if a man should be removed by another -from his farm or possession which he hath no manner of title to hold or -retain.’[184] ‘The delusion,’ he says, ‘prevails elsewhere,’ but is ‘in a -particular manner prevalent in the Highlands.’ - -How could a popular delusion of this kind come into existence if the -Commissioners of Forfeited Estates were ‘the first evictors in the -Highlands’? Demonstrably they were nothing of the kind. There were -evictions in the good old times. - -On the other hand, evictions had probably not been much practised with -a view to obtaining higher rents or making improvements, but for other -reasons. Claymores, not money, had been in request from tenants before -1745. - -Once more, according to Burt, a Lowland authority, the Chief ‘must free -the necessitous from their arrears of rent, and maintain such who, by -accidents, are fallen to a total decay.’ Far from throwing a lot of -small farms into a large one, or a sheep-walk, ‘if, by increase of the -tribe, small farms are wanting for the support of such addition, he -splits others into lesser portions, because all must somehow be provided -for.’[185] - -This policy is the precise reverse of the Culloden lease, which -terminates, _ipso facto_, when rent falls into arrears. A Chief, bound -by consanguinity to treat all his tenants as gentlemen, might practise -shooting at them, like Clanranald with his famous piece, ‘the Cuckoo,’ -but certainly was not apt to evict often for arrears of rent. He lived -at home, he built a great castle like Glengarry’s (probably by aid of -‘services’), he fed on the sheep, kine, butter, milk, of his tenants, but -he shook them by the hand, perhaps forgave arrears, held clan feasts, and -was a god on earth. When he raised rents, united farms in one hand, did -not shake that of every clansman, but rather evicted them, discontent was -natural, inevitable. Holders of land, proud free men, must emigrate, or -become labourers or artisans in towns. Who does not sympathise with their -emotions? - -On the other side, the Chief must subdivide and subdivide, in the good -old times, ‘because all must somehow be provided for.’ But all could -not be and were not ‘provided for.’ We have seen the pictures of cruel -exquisite poverty from Franck in 1654, to the Gartmore MS. in 1747, and -the Culloden Report in 1738, and the ‘Life of Barisdale’ in 1754, and -Burt’s Letters of about 1735. It seems reasonable to suppose that all -arable lands were eagerly cultivated as far as the implements and skill -of the people availed to cultivate them. It was the interest of the -chiefs to increase their bands of warriors and the sentiment, if not the -interest, of the clansmen urged them to stay on the land. - -But the land could not maintain them! The younger gentry pushed their -fortunes abroad as men of the sword or in commerce. But the commons were -often at the starving point; we hear of famines. Glengarry writes of a -great scarcity, when meal had to be bought in the Lowlands. Burt tells -of no meal in Inverness. ‘A house, grass for a cow or two,’ and ‘as much -land as will sow a boll of oats,’ rocky land, needing spade culture, -was a cottar’s ‘only wages of his whole labour and service,’ says the -Gartmore MS. The author reckons that there is not in the Highlands -employment for more than half the population, even when land has been -remorselessly sub-divided. Many earned a harvest wage in the Lowlands. -Others ‘sorned’ on their kindred. Armies of tramps were supported by -the generosity of the poor; nay, Lowland beggars came North, allured -by the open hands of the Highlanders. Whisky shops were everywhere; -here men sauntered and drank. Plunder was habitual; a captain of a -‘Watch’ like Barisdale was at once thief and thief-taker. ‘They live -like lairds, and die like loons,’ says Franck, speaking not of all the -Highlands (as Macaulay quotes him), but chiefly of Lochaber. ‘Upon this -fund’—blackmail—the Captain ‘employed one half the thieves to recover -lost cattle, and the other half of them to steal.’ Lochiel laboured to -reform his clan in this respect. The exactions of tacksmen, ‘sub-letting -farms to a much greater number than they can maintain, and at a much -higher rent than they can pay, obliges these poor people to purchase -their rents and expences by theifts and robberys,’ of cattle; for the -Highland honesty about portable property is extolled by Burt. - -As to the moral iniquity of cattle robbing, all morality is local, and a -man who does not sin against the local standard is no extreme criminal. -The Macdonalds held a simple creed of communism. ‘They say that the -Cattle are God’s creatures, made for the use of man, for which the -earth yields grass and herbs in plenty, without the labour of man, and -that therefore they Ought to be common’—that is, ought to belong to the -Macdonalds.[186] The same ideas had prevailed on the Border: - - If every man had his ain cow, - A richt poor clan Buccleugh’s wad be. - -Dr. Carlyle shows that Border cattle thieves, though not encouraged by -the gentry, were a powerful class about 1740. - -This is not a picture of a golden age, and Bailie Nicol Jarvie, in -‘Rob Roy,’ sums up this theory of what the age was really like. But, -if we turn to Stewart of Garth,[187] we find the real condition of the -Highlands in times past revealed in a rosy haze. Blackmail is only -extorted from _Lowlanders_, as if Barisdale had Lowland neighbours![188] -The game and fish were ‘free to all’—a palpable error as regards salmon, -at all events, while one doubts if every clansman was made free of -Cluny’s forest. We do not read of grouse and venison in cotters’ huts. -‘Cottagers and tradesmen were discouraged from marrying.’[189] Yet -the surplus population was very large. A young amorous Highlander set -himself up for marriage by ‘thigging’—that is, by begging among friends -for cows, sheep, and seed-corn.[190] They did not discourage him. ‘The -extinction of the respectable race of tacksmen ... is a serious loss -to the people.’[191] Mr. Fraser Mackintosh, however, speaking of Skye, -says, ‘large tacksmen ... could be relied on to assist (each other) -or keep aloof, if the oppressed were below their class or set.’[192] -The author of MS. 104 would reduce the power of tacksmen by making all -tenants leaseholders for terms not under twenty years, and would pay off -all wadsetts on forfeited estates, ‘because the gentlemen who had them -were great oppressors of the Poor, and most of them, though they did not -themselves take arms, were very active in forcing the people into the -late Rebellion.’ - -An association had been made by Sutherland farmers in General Stewart’s -time to suppress sheep-stealing. He objects to the new social state which -made this association necessary. Previously ‘crimes had been so few that, -from 1747 to 1810, there was only one capital conviction for theft.’ This -may have been so in Sutherland, and the MS. Letter already cited makes -it probable. ‘The Mackays of Lord Reay’s country,’ though previously -reckoned ‘the wickedest clan,’ now ‘abhor thieving.’ But ‘the common -people who dwell along the East Coast are next to the Caithness people -for poverty, slavery, and dwarfish stature, while the people further up -the country towards Strathnaver’ (where Franck found them bleeding their -cattle for food) ‘live better.’ A third of the Earl of Sutherland’s levy -‘are mean, despicable creatures.’ Thus one county showed very different -conditions: however, like the Mackenzies, the Sutherland men ‘abhor -thieving.’ Elsewhere in the Highlands, hangings for theft occupy a good -deal of the old _Scots Magazine_. Many pretty men ‘died for the law,’ as -every one knows. - -General Stewart, objecting to the new farmers’ association, seems not to -have observed that blackmail and ‘Highland Watches’ were old-fashioned -associations for protecting property.’ Complaints are made by him of -‘cutting down farms into lots,’ as if the old Chiefs had not infinitely -subdivided the soil.[193] The old extreme poverty is left out of notice -by General Stewart, with the old tippling, loafing, ‘sorning,’ thieving, -‘thigging’ habits. Much land could be and was cultivated, he says, which -is now pasture, the harvest only failing ‘in cold and wet autumns.’[194] -These not being unknown in the Highlands, but, on the other hand, very -common, famines followed often, notably in 1782. - -If the Lowlanders, the English, and the Anglified Highlanders, like -Culloden, paint too gloomy a picture of the good old times, General -Stewart may be regarded as erring in the opposite direction. His charge -against the new Chiefs and landlords is the callous hurry with which -they seized their pecuniary advantage, ‘which proved ruinous to their -ancient tenants.’[195] This is also Scott’s opinion, in his _Quarterly -Review_ article of 1816. He, too, a Tory of the Tories, condemns the -heartless greed of evicting landlords.[196] General Stewart records -cases of delicate consideration and honourable sagacity on the side of -the landlords. But often we find either a well-meaning hurry to make -sweeping ‘improvements,’ and benefit people in a way they detest and do -not understand (as by giving them leases), or a mere hasty desire to save -such a ruined estate as war had left to Glengarry, by raising rents, -causing, with the aid of frequent famine years, wholesale emigration. -This policy was, indeed, far unlike what Burt reports: ‘the poverty of -the tenants has rendered it customary for the Chief, or Laird, to free -some of them every year from all arrears of rent; this is supposed, upon -an average, to be about one year in five of the whole estate.’ - -These habits vanished with the change in the Highlands; the old ‘arts -of popularity’ were no longer practised by the Chiefs: clan affection -became clan hatred. If we may believe a tithe of our Whig or Lowland -information, it should have done so long before 1745. Cattle, sheep, -red-deer, grouse, now occupy the place of the swords of the North: the -banker, brewer, or upholsterer shoots the Chiefs game, or misses it. - -Truly money is the root of all evil. When specie was scarce in the -North, a guinea a thing seldom seen, the fatal treasure of Loch Arkaig -produced, or evoked, the moral consequences of hatred, malice, treachery -and slander. Twenty years later the lack of money hardened the hearts -of Chiefs (which had not been so very soft before). Clansmen had to -emigrate, and they were wisest who sailed first from a land of famine. -Their descendants, or some of them, dwell happily in a realm of forests, -hills, and streams, deer and salmon, still retaining Highland courtesy, -Highland speech, Highland courage, and Highland hospitality. They seem to -have chosen the better part, and to be more fortunate than their cousins -in the new times, or their fathers in the old days that were not really -golden. - -On the whole, a distressed Highlander need not, it seems, conceive that -the old times were free from distress, or that Chiefs were really always -humane. They acted in accordance with their immediate interests. They -kept rents low when it paid to have a following, and they screwed rents -up when money was more desirable than men. The two policies might be -contemporary; this among Mackenzies, that among Macdonalds. Ensign Small -reported[197] that, among the Macdonalds, ‘the gentry are fond of a -rising, the commoners hate it.’ The author of MS. 104 represents the -Macdonalds as ‘cursing their Prince and their Chiefs.’ - -The world, to its disadvantage, allows interest to override sentiment, -which we only find here and there, as in the noble words of Lochiel. -When he arrived with Prince Charles in France, in the autumn of 1746, -he was, of course, very poor. The Prince, according to Young Glengarry, -in a conversation with Bishop Forbes, was obliged to give Lochiel a -full security for his estates before the Chief would raise his clan. -Consequently Charles felt bound, said Glengarry, to secure a French -regiment first of all for Lochiel. This, in Lochiel, would have been a -singular piece of caution! But let us hear his own words, in a letter -to King James.[198] ‘I told H.R.H. that Lord Ogilby or others might -incline to make a figure in France, but my ambition was to serve the -Crown, and serve my Country, or perish with itt. H.R.H. say’d he was -doing all he could’ (to return with forces to Scotland), ‘but persisted -in his resolution to procure me a Regiment. If it is obtained, I shall -accept it out of respect to the Prince, but I hope Yr. M. will approve -of the resolution I have taken _to share in the fate of the people I -have undone_, and, if they must be sacrificed, to fall along with them. -It is the only way I can free myself from the reproach of their blood, -and shew the disinterested zeal with which I have lived, and shall dye, -Your Majesty’s most humble, most Obedient, and most faithfull subject and -servant, - - ‘DONALD CAMERON.[199]’ - -There speaks a man who makes real the ideal of the Clan system. But -the ideal, though a hundred times illustrated in the conduct of the -commons, has left less conspicuous examples in the behaviour of some -Chiefs. ‘My brother-in-law, Major Grant, pretended that the man,’ (a -recruit) ‘I sent from this country, _I sold_, which is false,’ says Old -Lovat to Cluny.[200] Major Grant, his brother-in-law, knew Old Lovat. -He, like Barisdale, was an example of the kind of chief who, till after -1745, was not impossible. He throve wickedly on the survival of a kind -of society, the tribal society with its usages, which was in no sense -exclusively Celtic, but originally prevalent all over Europe. In parts -of the Highlands tribal society outlived its day, and gave to Lovat the -opportunities which he abused. - - - - -APPENDIX - - - - -I.—_PICKLE’S LETTERS_ - - -These two letters of Pickle’s, not published in full in _Pickle the Spy_, -illustrate ‘The Case against Glengarry’ in this volume. In the letter -dated Edinburgh, 14th September, 1754, we find that, immediately on -hearing of his father’s death, the writer sent a note to Gwynne Vaughan, -an English official, and went to Edinburgh, writing from Newcastle on his -way North. His ‘family affairs are in confusion.’ Now Old Glengarry died -in Edinburgh, on September 1, 1754, and, as has been elsewhere shown, -Young Glengarry at once repaired to the North. No reader of these letters -can doubt that their writer is, or is feigning to be, Young Glengarry. -Now no such pretence could possibly succeed in Edinburgh, where Young -Glengarry, a man eminently well known, happened to be at the moment. For -the rest, the letters are mainly concerned with the Informer’s proposed -terms of payment, now that his ‘situation is greatly altered,’ by the -death of his father, obviously Old Glengarry. Further comment seems -needless, the evidence being beyond suspicion, and capable of but one -interpretation. - - Dr. Sir,—I have receivd the pleasur of yours of 20 Septr, but - have been of late so hurried that I had no time to return a - proper answer. I thought I was pritty pointed in my last in - regard to a certain stipulation, but as by yours I imagen I was - not so well understood, I beg leave to be now more explicite. - I waited patiently four years (since 1750) without making - the least demand, but for Journy expences, which fell so fare - short that I spent all my owne ready Mony, and ran in debt - eight hundred £st. Now, Sir, I expect that your friend will pay - this sume by way of gratification, which will make me free of - all debt contracted during my several trips, for I expect to - be considered for what is past, as well as for times coming: - I _had had his worthy Brother’s[201] paroll for this as well - as a promise of his countenance, and protection, in all my - other claimes, as I will not varrie the least in my demand, - notwithstanding my situation is greatly altered_, I will only - mention £ five hundred St. yearly, twice regularly payd by - Grandpapa, for I won’t absolutely have to dow with any other. - If Mr. _Kenady_ (Duke of Newcastle) whose friendship I have a - right to Claim, in vertue of his Brother’s promise, will obtain - this for me, there is nothing honourable he can think of, but - I am able to perform. Only I beg he be not prejudic’d by that - swarm of Videts that dally infest him. The Services I can be of - are pritty well known, and as I am embark’d I am determin’d to - percevere, but then I expect that Mr. Kenady (D. of N.) will - fulfill his worthy Brother’s promise to me, which was to clear - me of the Debts contracted in my new way of lief, when that - is done, and a certain thing yearly fixt, Mr. _Kenady_ shall - dispose of me in what shape he pleases. Young Swift (Lochgarry) - is arrived, and upon his waiting of _20_ (Genl. Bland) was - not recevd as was promis’d he should. When I waited of him, - he did not receve me as I expected, haughtly refusd the use - of a fulsie without I should qualifie. I smiling answr’d, if - that was the case, I had then a right without his permission, - but that he could not take it amiss that I debar’d all under - his comand the pleasure of hunting upon my grounds, or of any - firing, which they can’t have without my permission, so that I - thought favours were reciprocall. _20_ (Genl. Bland) and his - Club pretends to be well inform’d of the minutest transaction - in the Grand Monark’s Cabinet, _O rare polliticians, Poor 21 - (Bruce) is greatly to be pityed, for my old friends are mad at - my consulting him in all my affairs, and 20 (Bland) and some - about him spoke very injurious of him to me_. I think this - ought to be put to rights. _I go North in a few days_, I hope - to prevail on _21_ (Bruce) to follow in order to assist me - in making a Judicial rent roll.[202] My stay will not exceed - a month, and his not a fortnight, so that if you expect me - up, write under _21_ (Bruce’s) cover, and I shall obey your - comands. But Mr. _Kenady_ (D. of N.), your friend, must enable - me to go about it in a proper manner, and I am sure I will - performe the business to his entire satisfaction. Young Swift, - (Lochgarry) has verbally communicated to me most of _Miss - Philips_ (Young Pretender’s) amours. She has turn’d adrift all, - or most of her former companions and galants. (This refers to - the rupture between Prince Charles and his English adherents.) - My presence is much wanted, and ardently wished for by hir, and - hir present conductors. But I cant hear any thing materiall - till old _Swift_ (Lochgarry) return from hir. What I mentiond - concerning _Black Cattel_ is fact, but I hate repetitions, and - at any rate must deffer further particulars till my return - from the North. I will expect the pleasure of hearing to - satisfaction and pointedly from you—I will beg the continuance - of your good Offices, and will conclude by making offer of my - Compts. to Mr. _Kenady_ and assures him that all now depends - upon himself, as Every thing is in his option. - - I ever remain, Dear Grandpapa - - Your most obedient and most oblidged humble Servt. - - ALEX GUTHRY. - - Edinbr. 10. Octr. 1754. - - (Pickle to G. V.) (Gwynne Vaughan) - - Add. 32,736. f. 525. - - Edinbr. 14 Septr. 1754. - - Dr. Sir,—I am vastly uneasy not to receive the least answer - to either of my letters from Newcastle, or that which I wrote - immediately upon my Father’s death;[203] but, as I have the - greatest confidence in your friendship, I perswade myself that - nothing prevents my receiving apointed answer to every article - in both my last, but the multiplicity of weighty Affairs daily - crouding upon the Duke of Newcastle; therefore without any - suspicion or diffidence I am determined to continue firm to our - Concert, untill you acquaint me if he agrees to my Proposals, - which if he does, he may safely rely upon everything in my - power, and I think I can’t give stronger proof of my sincerity - than by this offer, _in the confusion of my Family affairs, - which in its present situation, demands all my attention_. - I have heard fully from Lochgary, who acquaints me that the - Young Pretender’s affairs take a very good turn, and that he - has lately sent two expresses to Lochgary earnestly intreating - a meeting with Pickle, and upon Lochgary’s acquainting him of - the great distance Pickle was off, he commanded Lochgary to a - rendezvous, and he set out to meet me the 4th. Instant, and is - actually now with me. - - I shall very soon have a particular account of the present - plan of operation. I have now the ball at my foot, and may - give it what tune I please, as I am to be allowed largely, if - I fairly enter in co-partnership. The French King is in a very - peaceable humour, but very ready to take fire if the Jacobites - renew their address, which the Young Pretender assures him - of, and he will the readier bestirr himself, as the English - Jacobites hourly torment him. Troops, Scotch and Irish, are - daily offered to be smuggled over: _but I have positively yet - refused to admit any_. The King of Spain has lately promised - to add greatly to the Young Pretender’s patrimony, and English - Contributors are not wanting on their parts. - - I suspect that my letters of late to my friends abroad are - stopt, pray enquire, for I think it very unfair dealings. I am - in a few weeks to go north to put some order to my affairs. - I should have been put to the greatest inconveniency if _21_ - (Bruce) had not lent his friendly assistance; but as I have - been greatly out of pocket by the Jants I took for Mr. Pelham, - I shan’t be in condition to continue trade, if I am not soon - enabled to pay off the Debts then contracted. I have said on - former occasions so much upon this head to no effect that I - must now be more explicit, and I beg your friendly assistance - in properly representing it to the Duke of Newcastle. If he - thinks that my services, of which I have given convincing - proofs, will answer to his advancing directly eight hundred - Pounds, which is the least that can clear the Debts of my - former Jants, and fix me to the Certain payment yearly of - Five hundred at two several terms, he may command anything in - my power upon all occasions. I am sorry to be forced to this - explanation, in which I always expected to be prevented. I am - so far from thinking this extravagant, that I am perswaded it - will save them as many thousands, by discarding that swarm of - Videts, which never was in the least trusted. If the Duke of - Newcastle’s Constituent (the King) was acquainted with this, - I dare say he would esteem the demand reasonable, considering - what he throws away upon others of no interest or power on - either side. I beg you’ll acquaint me with the soonest of - the Duke of Newcastle’s answer, and assure him of my ready - obedience to his commands. I have referred to _21_ to enlarge - further upon this, and other subjects I have been conversing - with him some days ago, _as he can inform you of my great - hurry and confusion for this fortnight past_,[204] which will - be all the apology I will make for this hurried scrawl, and I - beg you’ll be fully convinced of the great esteem etc. etc. etc. - - P.S. Pray let me not be denied the Arms I wanted, and I hope - in case of accidents, you’ll take care of young Lochgary. I - am just this instant informed that _Mr. Nordly_ has left the - King of France for the summer season, and is residing now in - England, but can’t learn in what particular place—_21_ is - supposed to be the Watchman: whose letter will explain what he - hints of Lochgary. - -_Mr. Nordly_ is not deciphered yet. - -(Copy of Pickle’s letter to G. V. (Gwynne Vaughan) deciphered. R. Oct. -16th, 1754.) - - - - -II.—_MACLEOD_ - - -‘The Rebels had an implacable Illwill and Malice against Him (Macleod) as -they alledged, and many of them believed, that he not only deserted, but -betrayed their Cause: what truth there is in this I will not take upon -me to determine.’ So says the writer of the MS. 104, ‘The Highlands of -Scotland in 1750.’ - -‘Surely never did man so basely betray as did Macleod, whom I shall leave -for the present to the racks and tortures of a guilty conscience, and -the just and severe judgement of every good man.’ Thus writes Murray of -Broughton, after narrating how Macleod gave a written promise to aid -Prince Charles whenever he landed. What he _did_ was to send information -to Forbes of Culloden, ‘it is certain that the pretended Prince of Wales -is come into the coast of South Uist and Barra.’ He begs that his name -as informant may be kept secret.[205] - -Macleod can thus avoid the charge of betraying the Cause, only by -disproof of Murray’s allegation that he gave a written promise to rise. -But this allegation is confirmed by family tradition. ‘Miss Macleod -of Macleod, Dunvegan Castle, remembers having seen in the family -charter-chest an interesting correspondence between His Royal Highness -and Macleod, in which Norman “invited the Prince to come over, several -months before he arrived,” but the letters have since disappeared, and -the family knows nothing as to where they have gone to.’[206] - -On the showing of Miss Macleod, as reported by Mr. Mackenzie, in the -passage just cited, Murray might well cry ‘never did man betray so basely -as did Macleod.’ Despite his written promise to Prince Charles, Macleod -was the first to send information against ‘the pretended Prince of -Wales.’ After Prestonpans, ‘it would appear,’ writes Mr. Mackenzie, ‘that -Macleod was taking lessons in duplicity from Simon,’ Lord Lovat. Macleod -scarcely needed instruction in treachery; but, if Mr. Mackenzie is right, -he now meant to send Young Macleod with the clan to join the Prince, -while he stayed at home, and said that he could not help it.[207] This -domestic arrangement was not carried into effect. - -Macleod was born in 1706, and inherited the family lands with 60,000_l._ -He died in 1772, leaving 50,000_l._ of debt. He is still spoken of -in the traditional history of his family as _An Droch Dhuine_, or -‘the Wicked Man,’ partly because of his extravagance, partly ‘for his -cruel treatment of his first wife and Lady Grange.’[208] When we add -his treachery to the Prince, we see in Macleod a character far from -exemplary. His grandson speaks of him as ‘always a most beneficent and -beloved chieftain, whose necessities had lately induced him to raise his -rents.’... ‘The Jacobites treated him as an apostate, and the successful -party did not reward his loyalty.’[209] He reaped as he had sown. - - - - -FOOTNOTES - - -[1] _Literature_, July 30, 1898, p. 93. - -[2] There is a brief sketch of the Earl in his brother’s Memoirs -(Spalding Club), which cites d’Alembert, and puts the Earl’s birth in -1687. - -[3] Plaids worn by the Earl and his brother are preserved in a house in -Fifeshire. - -[4] This remark makes it probable that the Earl was really a young man. -If born in 1693, as some thought, he would be twenty-three in 1716. (As, -indeed, one of d’Alembert’s authorities says that he was.) If a year or -two older, he could scarcely have pleaded youth as a reason for silence. - -[5] Mar to ‘H. S.’ From France, February 10, 1716. - -[6] Mr. Eliot Hodgkin’s MSS., _Hist. MSS. Com._ xv. ii. Appendix, p. 230. - -[7] Add. MSS. 33,950. 1718-1719. British Museum. - -[8] There are copies of his correspondence with the would-be murderer in -the Gualterio MSS., British Museum. - -[9] The author hopes to tell the story of Mr. Wogan, a charming -character, on another occasion. - -[10] Hist. MSS. Commission, x. i. Appendix, p. 475. - -[11] Letter from Musell Stosch to d’Alembert, _Œuvres_, v. 457. - -[12] Hist. MSS. Commission, x. i. Appendix, p. 184. - -[13] Hist. MSS. Commission, x. i. Appendix, p. 452. - -[14] The Earl’s letter is in Browne, ii. 448, from the Stuart Papers. - -[15] The Rev. George Kelly was a constraint on the old Duke’s amours with -Madame de Vaucluse! - -[16] Papers from French Foreign Office. In Murray of Broughton’s -_Memorials_, pp. 499-501. - -[17] Charles to James, May 11, 1744. Stuart Papers in Murray of -Broughton’s _Memorials_, p. 368. - -[18] Stuart Papers. Browne, ii. 476. - -[19] Compare Villettes’ letter, _postea_, p. 48. - -[20] Stuart Papers, in Murray of Broughton’s _Memorials_, pp. 513-514. - -[21] James to the Duke of York. November 8, 1745. Browne, iii. 452, where -all the correspondence is printed. - -[22] The Memoirs of the exile in question, unhappily, have never been -printed, and I do not feel at liberty to anticipate any points of -interest in these curious papers. - -[23] Letters in Browne, iv. 64-66. Conceivably it was Goring who -prejudiced the Earl against Kelly; he may have conveyed the ideas of -Carte and the English party. - -[24] See Sir Charles’s letter of February 6, 1751, in _Pickle the Spy_, -p. 117. - -[25] These letters are from the printed Correspondence of Frederick. - -[26] Ewald, _Charles Edward_, ii. 223. - -[27] The story was believed, however, by a contemporary who knew the Earl -well. - -[28] Mr. Bisset has printed these letters from the originals in the Add. -MSS. British Museum. - -[29] Fidei Defensor. - -[30] From the correspondence of Hume. MSS. in the collection of the Royal -Society of Edinburgh. - -[31] Hill Burton’s _Hume_, ii. 464-6. - -[32] _See_ ‘Mlle. Luci,’ later. - -[33] In the papers of Ramsay of Ochtertyre occurs perhaps the only -unkind reference to the Earl. Ramsay reports that, being told about the -destitution of the child of his nurse (who had sold her cow and sent him -the money in 1719), he made no remark. A reference to p. 66, _supra_, -will show that silence followed by kind deeds was the Earl’s way when he -heard a story of distress. Ramsay mentions that he sold his lands cheap -when he finally left Scotland. - -[34] Murray to a lady. Quoted in _Genuine Memoirs of John Murray, Esq._ -(London: 1747), p. 9. - -[35] The diamond box has gone; the miniature, published by Mr. Fitzroy -Bell, is in my possession. - -[36] _A Collection of Loyal Songs._ Printed in the year 1750. - -[37] Browne, ii. p. 476. - -[38] Stuart Papers, in Murray of Broughton’s _Memorials_, pp. 392-395. - -[39] _Chronicles of the Atholl and Tullibardine Families_, iii. pp 8, 17. -(Privately printed: edited by the Duke of Atholl.) - -[40] Charles was nursed at Thunderton House, by Mrs. Anderson (_née_ -Dunbar) of Arradoul. In some mysterious way Charles was able to -secure for Mrs. Anderson’s son an appointment under the English -Government. So says a tradition preserved by Miss Janet Lang, a -great-great-granddaughter of Mrs. Anderson. - -[41] See ‘Cluny’s Treasure,’ _postea_. A writer in the _Athenæum_ (July -9, 1898) appears to think (as was thought at the time) that Murray now -intended to turn informer, and keep what he could of the French gold. -This is not my impression. - -[42] See ‘A Gentleman of Knoydart,’ _postea_. - -[43] Lord Justice Clerk to Newcastle, July 10, 1746. Murray’s -_Memorials_, p. 418. - -[44] _The Highlands in 1750._ Blackwood, 1898. - -[45] Leslie. Paris, May 27, 1752. Browne, iv. 101. - -[46] See ‘Account of Charge’ in Chambers’s _Rebellion_, p. 522; and, -later, ‘Cluny’s Treasure.’ - -[47] Stuart Papers. Browne, iv. 59. Mr. Fitzroy Bell does not remark on -all this evidence. - -[48] Unable, at first, to learn even the real name of Mlle. Luci, I -appealed, in despair, to a lady who occasionally sees ‘visions’ in -crystals. ‘What can you see of Mlle. Luci?’ I asked, by letter, giving -no hint of any kind as to the lady’s date or connections. The seeress -replied that, in an ink-bottle on her writing-desk, she saw a girl of -about twenty-eight, dark, handsome, rather like Madame Patti in youth. -Her dress was that of the middle of the eighteenth century. On her -shoulder was laid another lady’s hand, a long, delicate, white hand, with -a ‘marquise’ diamond ring. ‘_La Grande Main_,’ I exclaimed, ‘the hand of -La Grande Main!’—whom we later discovered to be Madame de Vassé. - -The coincidence was certainly pretty, but, unless a portrait of Mlle. -Ferrand can be discovered, we must remain ignorant as to whether she was -correctly represented in the ink-picture; whether a true refraction shone -up from the dead past, the afterglow of a romance. - -[49] _Burt’s Letters_, ii. p. 334. - -[50] MSS. in the Cluny Charter Chest. Privately printed, 1879, p. 16. - -[51] _Waverley_, i. p. 161 (1829). - -[52] London: 1754. - -[53] This is confirmed by the Gartmore MS. in Burt; by MS. 104, in the -King’s Collection; and by Murray of Broughton, in his paper on the Clans. - -[54] Published (1898) as _The Highlands in 1750_ (Blackwood). - -[55] He is a Lowlander, and avers that Scotland rarely lost a battle -except when the Highlanders were engaged, as at Flodden. - -[56] _Sutherland Book_, ii. 256. - -[57] MS. 104 says that they went out most reluctantly. - -[58] The Impartial Hand. - -[59] These letters are in the Cumberland MSS. at Windsor Castle. - -[60] MS. 104. King’s Library. - -[61] See Mr. Mackenzie’s _History of the Camerons_, pp. 233-244, where -the documents are given. - -[62] _History of the Camerons_, p. 236. - -[63] Sheridan can scarcely have been Charles’s adviser at this time. It -may have been O’Sullivan. - -[64] _Pickle_, p. 160. I at first conjectured that this letter might -refer to Pickle himself, but Barisdale, who was in touch with Cumberland -in 1746, just after Culloden, is more probably the person hinted at. - -[65] This does not look as if the Duke alluded to him in the letter of -August 9, where he talks of the price of information. - -[66] Cumberland MSS. See ‘A Gentleman of Knoydart,’ _postea_. - -[67] _Antiquarian Notes_, pp. 152, 153. - -[68] _Lyon in Mourning_, i. 147. - -[69] _Culloden Papers_, pp. 290-292. - -[70] Cumberland MSS. - -[71] _Memorials of Murray of Broughton_, p. 270, _et seq._ - -[72] Chambers’s _Rebellion_ of 1745. Appendix. But compare _Memorials_, -p. 286, where Murray represents himself as poor, though he had the 5,000 -_louis_, unless he had sent them on in front. - -[73] _Scots Magazine_, July 1753, p. 362. - -[74] _Ibid._, 1750, p. 254. - -[75] This is accurate. The note exists to this day. - -[76] This was by the Prince’s desire. - -[77] Scots Papers. Record Office. - -[78] See p. 141, note 2. - -[79] Letters between the Major and the Prince are published in _Pickle -the Spy_. - -[80] Glengarry to Edgar, Jan. 16, 1750. Browne, iv. p. 66. - -[81] Browne, iv. p. 79. - -[82] _Jacobite Lairds of Gask_, p. 276. - -[83] Nov. 21, 1753. Browne, iv. 117. - -[84] Scots Affairs. Record Office. - -[85] The husband of the lady who pistoled the English Captain after 1715. - -[86] State Papers, Scotland, 1753. - -[87] S.P.S. Bundle 44, No. 28-29. - -[88] It is plain that the account given on p. 144, and said by the -Informer to be ‘in Clunie’s writing,’ is absolutely wrong, cannot be -by Cluny, and is meant to incriminate that chief. Not only are the -6,000 louis carried to Charles by Kennedy omitted, but the ‘treasure’ -intercepted by Downan and Glenevis does not appear, while 2,000 of -the 27,000 louis are left out of the reckoning. ‘The State of Clunie -McPherson’s Intromissions,’ in short, is a fraudulent document. It bears -traces of confused manipulation in various interests. - -[89] _Lyon in Mourning_, i. 310. _Antiquarian Notes_, by C. Fraser -Mackintosh, p. 225. - -[90] _Lyon in Mourning_, i. 147. - -[91] _Lyon_, i. 309-10. - -[92] _Nether Lochaber_, pp. 188, 189. - -[93] Now Fort William. - -[94] This Mr. Douglas gets a very bad character from John Macdonnell, of -the Scotus family, in his Memoirs. - -[95] Dungallon had only been released from Edinburgh Castle in October -1749. - -[96] This includes the money got by Glengarry in Edinburgh, out of -Murray’s original 5,000 _louis_, entrusted to his brother-in-law, Mr. -Macdougal. Compare Murray’s _Memorials_, p. 304, where he denies that -Mrs. Murray brought any large sum from the Highlands. The reverse is -stated by Ramsay of Ochtertyre, and it is plain that, by Mrs. Murray’s -means, or otherwise, a large sum was conveyed by Murray to Edinburgh. - -[97] See Mr. Stevenson’s _Kidnapped_ and _Catriona_ and the printed Trial -for the Appin Murder. - -[98] Add. MSS. 32,995, 6, 33. - -[99] December 1752. _Pickle_, p. 176. - -[100] State Papers, MS., April 15, 1751. - -[101] Cumberland Papers. - -[102] _Scots Magazine_, July 1753, p. 362. - -[103] June 18, 1754, State Papers. - -[104] _Scots Magazine_, June 1754. The details of Fassifern’s -imprisonment and condemnation are taken from the _Scots Magazine_ of -1753-1754. - -[105] No. 48 S. P. S. From Churchill to Newcastle, Nov. 19, 1751. The -story of the ghostly evidence in Sergeant Davies’s case will be found in -the author’s _Book of Dreams and Ghosts_. - -[106] Written before 1810, the Memoirs are published in the _Canadian -Magazine_ of 1828. Mr. McLennan has founded on these papers his excellent -romance, _Spanish John_. - -[107] _Hunts-foot_ (_sic_), _i.e._ leg of a dog, a term of reproach with -the Germans. - -[108] Lally’s adventures were romantic, and are only touched on by M. -Humont in his _Lally Tollendal_, pp. 32-5. - -[109] Mackenzie’s _History of the Camerons_; see documents on pp. 233-44. - -[110] Murray of Broughton in Chambers’s _Rebellion of 1745_; edition of -1869, p. 515. - -[111] Letter-Book of Alastair Ruadh, MS. - -[112] William, fourth son of Donald the fifth of Kilcoy. He married Jean, -daughter of Mackenzie of Davochmaluag, and died without issue. _History -of the Mackenzies_, p. 585. - -[113] _Antiquarian Notes_, by C. Fraser Mackintosh, p. 156. - -[114] Laing MSS., Edinburgh University Library. - -[115] _Pickle_, p. 282. - -[116] February 19, 1760, _Pickle_, p. 312: also p. 266, April 8, 1754: -‘Since the loss of my worthy great friend [Henry Pelham] on whose word I -wholly relay’d, everything comes far short of my expectations.’ - -[117] _Antiquarian Notes_, p. 123. - -[118] _Pickle_, pp. 312-314. - -[119] _Antiquarian Notes_, pp. 120, 121. - -[120] The tradition of Glengarry’s treachery has reached me both from -Scotland and America, under dread secrecy! - -[121] In 1749 a Mr. Bruce was appointed to survey the forfeited and -unforfeited estates of the Highlands, including Glengarry’s. Pickle -speaks of employing ‘Cromwell’ (Bruce) to draw up for him a judicial rent -roll. The two Bruces, the surveyor and the Court Trusty, are obviously -the same man, and he is probably the writer of the tract, _The Highlands -in 1750_. (MS. 104. King’s Library.) - -[122] It is needless to consider the theory that Pickle was James Mohr -Macgregor, who died in 1754. - -[123] Burt, i. 265-267. - -[124] Murray of Broughton’s _Memorials_, p. 107. James’s letter to Louis -XV., p. 508. - -[125] Charles knew of Murray’s ‘rascality’ by April 10, 1747. Letter of -the Prince to James. Stuart Papers, _Memorials_, p. 398. - -[126] _Lyon in Mourning_, iii. 119. The anecdote is also given by Robert -Chambers in _Jacobite Memorials_. - -[127] This letter was published, from my transcript, by Mr. A. H. Millar, -in the _Scottish Review_ for April 1897. - -[128] Stuart Papers. Browne, iv. 100, iv. 22, 23, 51. - -[129] Browne, iv. 98-102. - -[130] _Ibid._ iv. 118. - -[131] _Ibid._ iv. 64. - -[132] Newton to Waters, March 18, 1750, _Pickle_, p. 93; Lord Elcho’s -Diary; Glengarry to Prince Charles, admitting the fact, 1751; Browne, iv. -79; ‘Cluny’s Treasure,’ _supra_. - -[133] Browne, iv. 66. - -[134] _Pickle_, p. 161. - -[135] Stuart Papers, Windsor Castle. - -[136] _Pickle_, p. 162. - -[137] _Pickle_, p. 180. - -[138] Jesse’s _Pretenders_, Appendix. - -[139] _Pickle_, pp. 170-175. - -[140] _Pickle_, pp. 191-194. - -[141] _Ibid._ p. 190. - -[142] MSS. 33,050; f. A25. - -[143] _Pickle_, p. 210. - -[144] _Pickle_, p. 219. - -[145] State Papers, Scotland, Bundle 44, No. 67. - -[146] Glengarry’s Letter Book, MS., p. 207, _supra_. - -[147] Add MSS. 32,955, f. 38. - -[148] _Highlanders_, ii. xvi. Appendix. - -[149] _Scottish Review_, April, 1897, p. 223. - -[150] _Pickle_, p. 283. - -[151] _Ibid._ p. 284. - -[152] See Appendix. - -[153] December 13, 1754. _Pickle_, p. 285. - -[154] This letter, with a draft of Glengarry’s reply, written on the -back, is in the possession of General Macdonald, the owner of Glengarry’s -Letter Book. - -[155] _Pickle_, pp. 288-289. - -[156] Add. MSS. 32,804, f. 137. - -[157] _Pickle_, pp. 290-291. - -[158] _Ibid._ pp. 312-314. - -[159] _Letters from the Highlands_, ii. 70 (1818). - -[160] Glengarry’s Letter Book, MS. (1758-9). - -[161] _A Journey through part of England and Scotland, Along with the -Army, &c._ By a Volunteer. Osborne, London: 1747, p. 176. - -[162] Lord Selkirk, _State of the Highlands_, p. 42 (1805). - -[163] Glengarry’s Letter Book, MS. - -[164] November-December, 1754. _Pickle_, p. 285. - -[165] _Antiquarian Notes_, pp. 120-134. - -[166] _Pickle_, p. 217. - -[167] _Northern Memoirs._ This author does not speak of drinking the -blood of the _living_ cow. See _op. cit._ p. 209, and note, p. 372. This -correction applies to p. 283. - -[168] Burt, ii. p. 31. - -[169] _Ibid._ p. 26. - -[170] Glengarry’s Letter Book, MS. - -[171] _Scotland as it was and as it is_, p. 245. - -[172] Burt, ii. 51. - -[173] The Gartmore MS. is denounced as full of ignorant Lowland -prejudice, by General Stewart of Garth. - -[174] Burt, Appendix, ii. 357. - -[175] We have another statement by Culloden: ‘From Perth to Inverness, -and thence to the Western Sea, including the Western Islands, ... no part -is in any degree cultivated, except some spots here and there in straths -or glens, by the sides of rivers, brooks, or lakes, and on the sea-coast. -The grounds that are cultivated yield small quantities of mean corns not -sufficient to feed the inhabitants, who depend for their nourishment -on milk, butter, cheese, &c., the product of their cattle.... Their -habitations are the most miserable huts that ever were seen.’ _Culloden -Papers_, p. 298. - -[176] This is the house near Musselburgh, which the wicked Colonel -Charteris lent to Culloden, who had defended him from a charge of rape. -In one room (when I was a boy) you saw in the centre a great black -blotch, and black marks as of footsteps tiptoeing out to the door. A -gruesome room! - -[177] Cumberland Papers, 1753. - -[178] _Antiquarian Notes_, p. 207. - -[179] _Antiquarian Notes_; compare pp. 126 and 207. - -[180] Here is a formal rent from Burt (ii. 56):— - - _Donald Mac Oil vic ille Challum._ - Money £8. 10. 4. Scots £0. 5. 10⅛. - Butter 3 lb. 2 oz. - Oatmeal 2 bushels 1 Peck 3 Lip. - Sheep ⅛ and ⅟₁₆. - -Other tenants paid in shares the rest of the sheep. Then there would be -‘services,’ engaging Donald’s time and labour. - -[181] ‘Cluny, May 10, 1724.’ _Stuart Papers_, p. 113, Appendix, pp. -100-105. - -[182] James to the Duke of Gordon, August 27, 1724. - -[183] British Museum. The King’s Library, 104. - -[184] _Scots Magazine_, 1753, p. 498. - -[185] Burt, ii. 5, 6. - -[186] MS. 104. - -[187] _Sketches_, 1822. - -[188] _Ibid._ i. 40. - -[189] _Op. cit._ i. 84, 85. - -[190] Burt, ii. 107. - -[191] _Sketches_, i. 185, _note_. - -[192] _Antiquarian Notes_, p. 284. - -[193] _Sketches_, i. 150. - -[194] _Ibid._ ii. Appendix, xliv. - -[195] _Sketches_, i. 139. - -[196] See also the Introduction to _The Legend of Montrose_. - -[197] Cumberland Papers, 1753. - -[198] January 16, 1747. - -[199] Browne, iii. p. 477. - -[200] March 26, 1740. _Gleanings from Cluny Charter Chest_, p. 4. - -[201] Henry Pelham’s. - -[202] One Bruce did survey the Forfeited Estates and others. - -[203] At Edinburgh, Sept. 1, died Old Glengarry. - -[204] On account of Old Glengarry’s death. - -[205] Dunvegan, August 3, 1745. _Culloden Papers_, p. 204. - -[206] _History of the Macleods._ By Alexander Mackenzie, F.S.A., p. 129. -Inverness, 1889. - -[207] _Ibid._ p. 133. - -[208] _Ibid._ p. 149. - -[209] Mackenzie, pp. 150, 151. - - - - -INDEX - - - Aberdeen, Earl of, 105 - - Ailesbury, Lord, 58 - - Airlie, Earl of, 105 - - Albemarle, Lord, 115, 118, 119, 120 - - Alberoni, Cardinal, 14, 17 - - Amelot, his warning to Murray of Broughton, 73 - - Anderson, Mrs., of Arradoul, nurses Prince Charles, 85 _note_ - - Ardsheil, his estates, 274 - - Argyll, Duke of, at Sheriffmuir, 11; - cited, 106, 162, 226, 263, 271 - - Arkaig, Loch, French gold buried at. _See_ French treasure - - Association of Scottish Jacobites, the, foundation of, 32 - - Atholl, Duke of, his comparison of Pickle’s and Glengarry’s letters, - 249 - - Atholl, James, Duke of, 82, 83, 106, 214 - - Atterbury, Bishop, urges proclamation of King James, on Anne’s death, - 8; - conspiring, 22 - - - Baillie, William, letter on Glengarry’s reconcilement to the - Government, 226 - - Balhaldie (chief of the Macgregors), 72; - his Ossianic prophecies of a French invasion, 73; - in Paris, 73; - in Flanders, 75; - working against Murray of Broughton, 76; - cited, 32, 33, 34, 36, 222, 238, 239 - - Barisdale, Colonel (grandson of Macdonell of Barisdale), 124 - - Barisdale, Macdonell of, physical powers, 100; - marriage, 101; - fight with Cameron of Taask, 101; - arrested for theft, 102; - thief-catcher, 102; - cruelty, 103; - joins a confederacy for theft, 104; - devices for levying blackmail, 105; - captain of a ‘Watch,’ 105; - wadsetter of Glengarry’s, 106; - duel with Cluny, 106; - made a colonel by Charles, 107; - at Prestonpans, 107; - made a knight banneret, 108; - raising the clans, 108; - reducing the shires of Ross and Sutherland, 109; - letter to Lady Sutherland, 112; - too late for Culloden, 113; - and Lochiel, 114; - endeavours to seize Charles, 115; - gets a ‘protection,’ 115; - his protection rescinded, 115; - with his son put in irons by Charles, 116; - in a French prison, 117; - imprisoned in Edinburgh Castle, 117; - his narrative to the Justice Clerk, 118-121; - Jacobite charges against him, 122; - dies in Edinburgh Castle, 123; - family seat, 178; - cited, 86, 87, 131, 133, 134, 138, 139, 188, 190, 195, 259 - - Barisdale, Young (son of Macdonell of Barisdale), in a French prison, - 117; - a fugitive in the Highlands, 123; - takes the oaths, 124; - cited, 160, 190, 195, 196, 259 - - Barry, Dr., betrayed by Murray of Broughton, 75, 88 - - Barrymore, Lord, 36, 38, 74, 75 - - Beaufort, Duke of, 36, 38, 74, 75 - - Berwick, Duke of, urges James to join his adherents, 9; - then advises delay, 9; - detained by the Regent Orléans in France, 9 - - Blair (an agent of James), 229 - - Bland, General, Governor of Edinburgh Castle, 174, 198, 240, 241, - 290, 291 - - Bolingbroke, 9 - - Brado, Mr. (Jew), 200 - - Breck, Allan, 194, 274 - - Bruce (Court Trusty), 217, 218, 240, 241, 291 - - Burt, Captain, 221, 263, 265 - - - Cameron, Allan (brother of Glenevis), dies at Culloden, 149 - - Cameron, Allan, of Landavrae, 164 - - Cameron, Alexander, of Glenevis, 147; - genealogy, 148; - brutality of Cumberland’s men to his wife, 148; - Colonel Crawfurd’s attempt to arrest, 150; - surrenders to Crawfurd, 152; - believes that Young Glengarry gave information against him, 153; - in Edinburgh Castle, 156; - cited, 141, 142, 146, 168, 196, 229, 230, 232 - - Cameron, Angus, of Downan, 136, 146, 149, 151, 153, 154, 156, 159, - 160, 196 - - Cameron, Archibald, of Dungallon, 133, 147, 150, 151 - - Cameron, Dr. Archibald (brother of Lochiel), entrusted with French - treasure, 131; - buries a portion at Loch Arkaig, 131; - accuses, and is accused by, Young Glengarry of embezzlement, 140, - 141; - vindicated in a letter from Douay, 142; - also by an informer, 143; - Cluny Macpherson’s alleged accounts, 144; - innocent of malversation of the Prince’s money, 146; - relationship to Lochiel, 147; - accusations from and of Young Glengarry about the French treasure, - 228; - cited, 85, 86, 132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 159, 232 - - Cameron, Donald, 135 - - Cameron, Dugald (cowherd), 272 - - Cameron, Duncan, 156 - - Cameron, Evan, of Drumsallie, 145 - - Cameron, Mrs. Archibald, 148, 227 - - Cameron, Mrs. Jean, 138 - - Cameron of Lochiel. _See_ Lochiel - - Cameron of Taask, 101 - - Cameron of Torcastle, 141, 142 - - Cameron, Rev. John, 114 - - Cameron, Samuel (brother of Cameron of Glenevis; Major in Lochiel’s - regiment in French service), 138; - cited, 149, 159 - - Cameron, Sergeant Mohr, hanged, 159; - cited, 194, 196 - - Campbell of Auchenbreck (father-in-law of Lochiel), 72, 73 - - Campbell of Glenure, murdered, 158, 161, 194, 274 - - Campbell of Lochnell, 227 - - Campbell, Sheriff, of Stonefield, 266 - - Carlyle, Dr., 142 - - Carte, the historian, 29, 37, 41 - - Caryl, Lady Elizabeth, 27 - - Cecil, Colonel, 73 - - Charles Edward, Prince, disliked by the Earl Marischal, 5; - repudiates assassination schemes, 22; - affected contempt for all religion, 25; - proposal to settle him in Corsica, 30; - offers to go alone with the Marischal to Scotland, 34; - living concealed in Paris, 35, 43; - anxious to join the French army in Flanders, 35; - implores the Earl Marischal to meet him at Venice, 40, 42; - breaks with Goring, 43; - declines to cashier his mistress, Miss Walkinshaw, 44; - his retreat in Flanders detected by the English, 44; - appeals to the Earl Marischal, 47; - his life of exile, 49; - absurd anecdote of his want of courage, 58; - story of his presence at the coronation of George III., 59; - his personal appearance, 70, 71; - Murray of Broughton’s attachment to him, 71; - Murray exposes Balhaldie and Sempil to him, 76; - avows his intention of visiting Scotland, 76; - warned against this intention, 76, 78, 79; - embarks for Scotland, 36, 80; - believes in Murray of Broughton, 81; - anger with Lord George Murray on the march southwards, 83, 84; - attacked with pneumonia, 85; - behaviour after Culloden, 85, 86; - kindness shown him by Mlle. Ferrand and Mme. de Vassé, 92-96; - makes Barisdale a colonel, 107; - warned by Sheridan against Barisdale, 115; - puts Barisdale and his son in a French prison, 116; - account of his escape from Skye, 127; - instructions about French treasure at Arkaig, 137; - directs the remainder of the French gold to be brought to France, - 156; - deserted by his adherents, 171; - invitation from France, 180; - break up of his party in England, 208; - loyalty to his adherents, 223, 224; - interview with Young Glengarry in France, 235, 236; - collection made for him, 238; - cited, 286, 291, 292, 294, 295 - - Charteris, Colonel, 270 _note_ - - Churchill, General, 175 - - Clancarty, Lord, 36, 37 - - Clanranald, after Sheriffmuir, 13, 14; - cited, 86, 131, 227, 236, 256 - - Clement XI., 21 - - Cluny’s treasure. _See_ French treasure - - Cockburn, his carelessness with the Jacobite cypher, 75 - - Cole, 138 - - Condillac, Abbé, his tribute to Mlle. Ferrand and Madame de Vassé, - 93, 94, 95 - - Conti, Princesse de, 19 - - Cope, General, 82, 83 - - Cotton, Sir John Hinde, 36, 74 - - Craigie, Lord-Advocate, 231 - - Crawfurd, Colonel (Governor of Fort William), 142; - arrests Fassifern, 149; - Glenevis surrenders to him, 152; - examines Glenevis concerning the French gold, 154, 155; - urges the ‘uprooting’ of Fassifern, 161; - induces Charles Stewart to lie about Fassifern’s claims, 169, 171; - cited, 229, 272 - - Creach (in the Irish Brigade), 180 - - Créquy, Madame de, pseudo-Memoirs of, 6; - her love affair with the Earl Marischal, 15; - fraudulent compilation of her Memoirs, 15 - - Cromarty, Lord, 108, 109, 111, 113 - - Crystal-gazing, 96 _note_ - - Culloden, 85 - - Cumberland, Duke of, 117, 118, 119, 121, 128, 189, 190 - - - D’Alembert, quoted, 4, 6, 8, 9, 10, 12, 13, 14, 18, 24, 34, 35, 47, - 60, 61, 62, 64 - - D’Argens, 60, 62 - - D’Argenson, 34, 36, 37, 223 - - D’Avenant, threatens to bombard Genoa if the Keiths are not expelled, - 21 - - Davies, Sergeant, murder of, 172, 173 - - Dawkins, Jemmy, 43 - - Dillon, General, 14, 22 - - Douglas (Sheriff-substitute), 150 - - Douglas, Sir John, 88 - - Drummond, Lord John (brother of Duke of Perth), 32, 33, 86, 131 - - Drummond, of Balhaldie. _See_ Balhaldie - - Drummond, Provost, 201, 202, 203, 204 - - Dumas the Younger, his dramatic use of an incident in Murray of - Broughton’s career, 90 - - Dunbar, Lord, 26 - - - Edgar (James’s secretary), 83, 71, 89, 228, 229, 230, 231 - - Elcho, Lord, 79, 86, 110, 131 - - Elibank, Lord, 232 - - Elibank Plot, the, 43, 231, 232 - - Emetté, Mlle. (Turkish captive), 31 - - Erskine, 117 - - - Fassifern (Lochiel’s brother), 143; - examined as to the French treasure, 145; - arrested by Colonel Crawfurd, 149; - in Edinburgh Castle, 156; - denounced by Young Glengarry, 160; - Colonel Crawfurd’s accusations, 161; - charged with suborning Glenure’s murder, 162; - accused of forging deeds of Lochiel’s estate, 163; - evidence of an informer against him, 164; - protests against points in his indictment, 165; - petitions for bail, 166, 167; - bail refused, 168; - Charles Stewart on his claims, 169; - Macfarlane’s preparation of claims from missing deeds, 170; - found guilty of abstracting his own papers, 171; - ‘uprooted,’ 171; - cited, 151, 196, 232, 235, 236 - - Faulkner, Sir Everard, 115, 116, 200, 211 - - Fergusson, Captain, 103, 195 - - Ferrand, Mademoiselle (Mlle. Luci), kindness to Charles, 92; - influence on Condillac, 93; - character, 94; - death, 95; - crystal-gazing in research of her identity, 96 _note_ - - Fire-charming, 24 - - Fitzjames, Duc de, 186 - - Fleury, Cardinal, death of, 73 - - Floyd, Captain, 41, 58 - - Floyd, David (son of Captain Floyd), 58, 59 - - Forbes, Bishop, 141, 148, 224, 231, 286 - - Forbes, Captain, 214 - - Forbes of Culloden, 106, 126, 127, 263, 269, 294 - - Fowler, Mr. (gentleman gaoler of the Tower), 89 - - Frazer, General (son of Old Lovat), 200 - - Frederick the Great, his esteem for the Earl Marischal, 4; - employs him, 40; - concerned at his health, 45; - asks the Marischal to find him a good French cook, 46; - foresees the oncoming of the Seven Years’ War, 46; - loses Marshal Keith, 50; - sends the Marischal to Spain, 51; - surety with George II. for the Marischal’s conduct, 51; - patronises Rousseau, 56; - tampers with the Jacobites, 238 - - French treasure, in aid of Charles’s expedition, 129; - Murray of Broughton’s and Archibald Cameron’s disposition of it, - 181; - burial of a portion in the garden of Mrs. Menzies of Culdairs, 132; - burial of major part at Loch Arkaig, 132; - intelligence sent to Colonel Napier about, 133-139; - Cameron’s accusation of Young Glengarry, 140; - Glengarry charges Cluny and the Doctor with embezzlement, 140, 141; - Cameron of Torcastle’s statement, 141; - a letter from Douay, 142; - evidence of an Informer, 143; - Cluny Macpherson’s intromissions, 144; - Fassifern’s admissions, 145; - Glenevis under examination concerning, 154, 155; - Young Glengarry’s dealings with it, 155, 156; - causes dissensions among the clans, 156; - Knoydart and Lochaber demoralised by it, 194 - - Froullay, Mlle. de. _See_ Créquy, Mme. de - - - Gardiner, Mr. (an agent of Crawfurd’s), 150 - - Gartmore MSS., 263 - - Gask, the Laird of, 141 - - Geoffrin, Madame, 51 - - George II., pardons the Earl Marischal, 51 - - George III., story of Charles’s presence at his coronation, 59 - - Glendarule, 17 - - Glenevis. _See_ Cameron of Glenevis - - Glengarry, Æneas (brother of Young Glengarry), 201, 221, 260 - - Glengarry, Duncan, 260 - - Glengarry of Killiecrankie, 256 - - Glengarry, Old (father of Pickle), 82, 114, 116, 181, 190, 210, 224, - 228, 266 - - Glengarry, Young. _See_ Pickle - - Glenshiel, the conflict at, 18, 19 - - Gordon, Admiral, 26 - - Gordon, Duke of, 105, 274, 275, 276 - - Gordon of Glenbucket, 86, 210, 274, 275 - - Gordon, Sir Thomas, of Earlstoun, 75 - - Goring, Henry, 40, 43, 48 - - Grant, Major, 287 - - Grant, Miss Marjory (daughter of Sir Ludovick Grant of Dalvey), 261 - - Grant, Mrs., 85 - - Grant of Grant, 106 - - Grey (English Jacobite), 22 - - - Hamilton, Duke of, 71, 72; - contributes monetary aid to Charles’s cause, 79; - accepts Charles’s commission, 81 - - Harrison, Father, 132, 135 - - Hay, John, of Restalrig, 21, 85, 86 - - Hay of Drumelzier, 72 - - Hay, William, cited, 26 - - Helvetius, 25, 58, 59 - - Highlanders, character of, 97 - - Highlands, the, the old times and the new in, 254; - deer driving, 254; - poverty, 255; - ignorance, 256; - a Highland home in 1747, 257; - emigration of the clans, 257; - the Glengarry estate a typical instance of clan holding, 258-262; - evidence concerning, 263, 264; - poetry, 264; - Strathnaver crofters, 265; - living cows’ blood mixed with oatmeal for food, 265, 283; - hardness of living, 265; - rents, 266; - the truck system, 267; - thriftless agricultural methods, 268; - tyranny of the tacksmen, 269; - Forbes of Culloden’s leases, 270; - customary services and ‘casualties,’ 271, 272; - rent paid in kind, 271; - commutation of services for money, 272; - copy of a formal rent, 273 _note_; - evictions, 273; - the eviction of the Macphersons from Badenoch, 274; - the Mackenzies as landlords, 275; - the Camerons as tenants, 276; - evictions a part of clan warfare, 277, 278; - obligations of the chiefs to the necessitous, 278, 279; - times of scarcity, 280; - blackmail, 280, 281; - the creed of communism, 281; - association of Sutherland farmers to suppress sheep-stealing, 282; - attitude of landlords, 284; - clan affection becomes clan hatred, 284; - old times contrasted with new, 285 - - Hodgson, Captain, 127 - - Holderness, Lord, 51 - - Holker (of Ogilvie’s regiment), 229 - - Howard, G., letter on Barisdale’s protection, 115 - - Hume, David, 55; - letter from Marischal concerning Rousseau, 56; - disseminates an anecdote reflecting on the courage of Charles, 58; - letters from Marischal, 59-64 - - Hunter, Mrs., of Polmood, 87 - - Huntly, 11, 13 - - - Ibrahim (the Marischal’s Turk), 31 - - Innes, George (head of the Scots College), 179 - - Innes, Thomas (historian), 179 - - Inverness, Lord, 26 - - Izard, Captain, 124, 195 - - - James (the Third, Chevalier de St. George), urged to quit France and - join his adherents, 9; - his wintry welcome at Perth, 11; - after Sheriffmuir, 12; - escapes from Scotland, 12; - at Avignon, 14; - his assassination planned by Stair, 20; - his bride, 20; - endeavours to relieve his destitute followers, 21; - pension from Spain, 26; - at the tomb of Clementina, 28; - his trust in Balhaldie, 33; - believes in ‘lying still,’ 39; - opposed to desperate ventures, 49; - deserted by the Earl Marischal, 52; - announces the French King’s resolution to help him, 75; - appealed to about the French treasure, 140; - his name forged by Young Glengarry, 155; - cited, 27, 181, 182, 222, 226, 228, 230, 275 - - Johnson, Dr., quoted, 259, 266 - - Johnston, Captain, 160 - - Johnstone, Chevalier, 107, 109, 178 - - Jones, Captain, 149 - - - Kaunitz, Count, 238 - - Keith, George, Earl Marischal of Scotland, his place in contemporary - history, 1; - ancestry, 2; - political views, 2, 3; - personal character, 4; - date of birth, 5; - parentage, 6; - Colonel and disciplinarian, 6; - neglects the chance on Anne’s death of proclaiming King James, 8; - urges James to join his adherents, 9; - induces his brother James to join the Jacobite cause, 10; - at Sheriffmuir, 11; - remains with the defeated army, 13; - ships to France, 13; - in Spain, 14; - legendary romance about Mlle. de Froullay (Créquy), 15; - portrait in 1716, 16; - at the Lewes with a Spanish force, 17; - in Holland, 19; - in Rome, 20; - communicates the Glenshiel fiasco to Alberoni, 20; - vicissitudes, 21; - friendship with the Duchess of Medina Sidonia, 24; - investigates fire-charming, 24; - religious ideas, 25; - receives from James the Order of the Thistle, 27; - dislike of Prince Charles, 5, 27; - finds the Jacobite Court at Rome no place for an honest man, 28; - at Avignon, 28; - modesty of his requirements, 29; - on the hanging of Porteous, 30; - at St. Petersburg, 30; - Turkish captives in his custody, 31; - impatient with Sempil and Balhaldie, 32; - accused of being lukewarm, 33; - appointed General of a diversion in Scotland, 34; - asked by Charles to set forth with him in a sailing boat, 34; - accused of stopping the Dunkirk expedition, 35; - tries to influence Louis XV. for French aid, 36, 37; - at odds with Sempil, 37; - averse from Charles’s unsupported expedition, 38; - disappears from the diplomatic scene, 39; - at Venice, 39; - at Berlin, 40; - in the service of Frederick the Great, 40; - distrust of George Kelly, 40, 41; - Frederick’s ambassador to Versailles, 43; - tolerance of the Elibank Plot, 43; - breaks with Charles, 43, 44; - letter from his brother, Marshal Keith, 45; - Frederick’s generous offers, 46, 47; - Prince Charles appeals to him, 47; - seeks pardon from the English Government, 48; - his judgment of Charles too severe, 49; - death of his brother, 50; - squabble with Keith’s mistress, 50; - sent by Frederick to Spain, 51; - succeeds to Lord Kintore’s estate, 51; - pardoned by George II., 51; - visits England,52; - Provost of Kintore, 52; - dislikes Scotland and returns to Neufchâtel, 53; - acquaintance with J. J. Rousseau, 53; - leaves Neufchâtel and secures Rousseau an asylum in England, 55, 56; - at Potsdam, 58; - disseminates a scandalous anecdote about Charles, 58, 59; - letters to Hume, 59-64; - his life at Berlin, 64; - attachment to Frederick, 65; - character, tastes, and habits, 66; - death, 67; - cited, 208, 223, 234, 236, 238 - - Keith, Marshal James, joins the Jacobite cause, 10; - account of Sheriffmuir, 11; - escapes to France, 13, 14; - reception by Mary of Modena, 14; - in Spain, 14, 17; - meets Tullibardine in Paris, 17; - brings a Spanish force to Scotland, 17; - defeated by the English forces, 18; - in Holland, 19; - in Rome, 20; - vicissitudes, 21; - ill in Paris, 24; - enters the Russian service, 26; - wounded, 30; - his Turkish captives, 31; - in the service of Frederick, 40; - his Livonian mistress, 42; - letter to the Earl Marischal, 45; - his death, 50 - - Keith, Sir Robert Murray, 67 - - Kelly, Rev. George (one of the Seven Men of Moidart), imprisoned in - the Tower, 19; - escapes therefrom, 29; - cited, 23, 30, 34 _note_, 38, 40, 41, 58, 121 - - Kennedy, Major, concerned with the French treasure, 86, 130, 132, - 134, 138, 140, 154 - - Keppoch, 100 - - Keppoch, Lady, 137 - - Kingsburgh, 128 - - Kintore, Lord, 51 - - Kirk, Rev. Mr., 109 - - Knyphausen, 45, 51 - - - Lambert, Colonel, 214 - - Law, founder of the Mississippi scheme, 19 - - Layer, his mob-plot, 23; - hanged, 23 - - Leslie (priest), 227 - - Lichfield, Earl of, 36 - - Liria, Duke de (son of the Duke of Berwick), 17 - - Lismore (James’s agent), 226, 227 - - Loch Arkaig, French treasure buried at. _See_ French treasure - - Lochgarry, in a thievish confederacy, 104; - accused of treachery, 114; - handling French treasure, 140; - wadsetter of Old Glengarry’s lands of Cullachy, 210-212; - possessions forfeited to the Crown, 211; - in Edinburgh with Pickle, 240, - cited, 86, 153, 172, 188, 190, 232, 235, 290, 291, 292, 294 - - Lochiel (head of the Cameron clan), extracts from Macleod of Skye a - promise to raise his clan, 77; - believes every man of honour should rise, 81; - determines to wage guerilla war after Culloden, 86; - clan relationships, 147; - cited, 32, 72, 100, 107, 109, 132, 130, 136, 141, 145, 147, 188, - 222, 223, 268, 272, 286 - - Lockhart, Alexander (counsel), 173, 174 - - Lockhart of Carnwath, 6, 72, 86 - - Lockhart of Carnwath (the younger), 131 - - Loudon, Lord, 109, 110, 119, 120 - - Louis XIV., death of, 9 - - Louis XV., induced to adopt the Jacobite cause, 34, 36 - - Lovat, Lord, one of the ‘Association,’ 72; - his betrayal of the Duke of Beaufort, 75; - after Culloden, 86, 87; - cited, 32, 99, 100, 108, 135, 257 - - Lovat, Master of, 108, 113, 261 - - Luci, Mademoiselle. _See_ Ferrand, Mademoiselle - - Lynch, Captain (Irish Jacobite), 187, 188, 189, 190 - - - Macdonald, Æneas (banker), 223, 228 - - Macdonald, Alexander Bain, trial of, for murder of Sergeant Davies, - 172, 173, 174 - - Macdonald, Angus (of the Clanranald family), 178, 179 - - Macdonald, Captain Allan, of Knock, in Sleat, 195, 196, 197 - - Macdonald, Flora, assists Charles to escape, 127 - - Macdonald, Lady Margaret, of Sleat, connives at Charles escape from - Skye, 127, 128 - - Macdonald, Major, 241 - - Macdonald of Morar, 124 - - Macdonald, Sir Alexander, of Sleat, 18; - Jacobite and Hanoverian, 126; - letter to Cumberland on Pretender’s movements, 127; - epigram on his death, 128; - cited, 118, 119, 120, 121, 223 - - Macdonell, Archibald (son of Barisdale), 107 - - Macdonell, Colonel John, of Knoydart, 176; - early life, 176; - his Memoirs, 177; - family and estate, 178; - educated in Rome, 178; - an adventure at Toulon, 179; - Creach’s attempt at robbery and his repulse, 180; - introduced to King James, 181; - presented with a sword and a prediction, 181; - horrified by the ideas of his comrades, 181; - his baptism of fire, 182; - wounded in battle with the Austrians, 183, 184; - goes in aid of Charles to Scotland, 185, 186; - arrives after Culloden, 186; - robbed of part of money destined for Charles, 187; - reaches Loch Arkaig, 188; - meets Barisdale, 188; - hands remainder of money to Murray of Broughton, 189; - makes for Knoydart, 189; - adventure while in search of money stolen by Colin Dearg, 190-192; - confronts Colin Dearg on the subject, 193, 194; - arrested by Captain Fergusson, 195; - denounces his cousin Captain Allan Macdonald, 195; - imprisoned in Fort William, 196; - released, 196; - challenges Macdonald of Knock, 196; - in America, 197 - - Macdonell, Dr., of Kylles, 195 - - Macdonell of Barisdale. _See_ Barisdale - - Macdonell, Ranald, 197 - - Macdonnell, Æneas (brother of Young Glengarry), 201, 221, 260 - - Macdonnell, Alastair Ruadh (Young Glengarry). _See_ Pickle - - Macdonnell, Dr. (Young Glengarry’s uncle), 124 - - Macdonnell, General (of the Antrim family), 181, 182, 183, 197 - - Macdonnell, Isobel (Young Glengarry’s sister), 221 - - Macdonnell, John (Spanish John), 160 - - Macdonnell, Miles, 185 - - Macdonnell of Scotus, 109 - - Macfarlane (Fassifern’s lawyer), 163, 170 - - Macgregor, James Mohr, 82, 98, 100, 107, 175, 238, 239 - - MacIan, Angus, 152, 153 - - Mackenzie, Colin Dearg, of Laggy, 187, 188, 191; - accused by Colonel John Macdonell of robbery of the Prince’s money, - 193 - - Mackenzie, Mrs. (niece of Colin Dearg), 188 - - Mackenzie of Dundonell, 193, 194 - - MacKinnon, 103, 128 - - Mackintosh, Fraser, quoted on Highland history, 116, 118, 215, 261, - 264, 272, 273, 275, 277, 282 - - Mackintosh, The, 106 - - Maclean, Sir Hector, arrested in Scotland, 79; - cited, 223 - - Macleod, Malcolm, of Raasay, 126, 127 - - Macleod, Norman, 294, 295 - - Macleod of Raasay, letters of, 246 - - Macleod of Skye, 77; - sends his forces to join Loudon’s in Hanoverian service, 77; - turns his coat, 81; - Young Glengarry asks him to join in a loan, 205; - cited, 88, 206, 207, 214, 223 - - Macleod (Young) of Neuck, 132 - - Macnaughten, John, 79, 80 - - Macpherson, Cluny, his watch or safeguard of followers, 105; - joins Prince Charles, 106; - duel with Barisdale, 106; - alleged copy of his intromissions, 144; - cited, 98, 99, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 141, 143, 154, 156, 158, 230 - - Macpherson of Brechachie, 136, 140, 154, 161, 162 - - Macrimmon (Macleod of Skye’s piper), 77 - - Mar, Earl of, defeat of, at Sheriffmuir, 10, 11, 12; - cited, 22 - - Mary of Modena, 14 - - Maxwell of Kirkconnell, 76, 81, 84 - - McDonald, Donald, 127 - - McDonell, Donald (Younger), of Scotus, 211 - - McFarlane, John, W.S., 143, 145 - - McKenzie, Lieut. Murdoch, 191 - - McKenzie, Major William, of Kilcoy, 191 - - McKenzie of Torridon, 192 - - McLachlan, Alexander, 134 - - McLeod, Alexander, 134 - - McLeod, Rory, letter from Young Glengarry, 201 - - Medina Sidonia, Duchess of, 24 - - Menzies, Mrs., of Culdairs, 132 - - Menzies of Culdairs, treasure buried in his garden, 90 - - Meston (Jacobite wit and poet), 6 - - Millar, Mr., on the handwriting of Pickle and Young Glengarry, 247-249 - - Mitchell, Sir Andrew, 51, 52, 53 - - Montesquieu, 92, 93 - - Morar, Young, 160 - - Morgan, 21, 22 - - Murray, George Siddons (great-grandson of Murray of Broughton), 70 - - Murray, John, of Broughton (traitor), connected with the Association - of Scottish Jacobites, 32; - faithful to Prince Charles Edward, 69; - his ‘Memorials,’ 70; - birth, family, and education, 70; - opinion of the Prince’s personal appearance, 70; - at Traquair, 71; - Scottish correspondent of Edgar, 71; - Jacobite organiser, 72; - his associates, 72; - reception in Paris, 73; - feud with Balhaldie, 32, 73; - betrays names of English leaders, 74; - denounces Balhaldie and Sempil to Charles, 76; - impolicy of his methods of securing adherents to Charles, 77; - on Macleod’s treason, 78; - dissuades Charles’s visits to Scotland without an armed force, 78, - 79; - his self-justification, 80; - believes in his own military skill, 81; - suspicious of Lord George Murray, 81, 82, 83; - on the march southwards with Charles, 84; - illness, 85; - after Culloden, 85; - stands by Lochiel, 86; - in charge of money for Charles, 188, 189; - arranges for the burial of the French gold, 86; - captured, 87; - justifies personal honesty in money matters, 88; - character of his confessions, 88; - betrays the secret of the Arkaig treasure, 88, 130; - accepted as King’s evidence, 89; - pardoned, 89; - tries to provoke Traquair to a duel, 89; - sells Broughton, 90; - dies in a madhouse, 90; - summary of his character, 91; - cited, 27, 101, 102 _note_, 114, 126, 221, 222, 229, 294 - - Murray, Lord George, defeated at Glenshiel, 18; - represented by Murray of Broughton as a traitor to Charles, 81; - his loyalty, 82; - equivocal action, 83; - general-in-chief of Charles’s expeditionary forces, 84; - anger with Charles after Culloden, 85; - cited, 109 - - Murray, Mrs. (wife of Murray of Broughton), 88, 89 - - Murray of Philiphaugh, the descendants of, 70 - - Murray, Sir David (father of Murray of Broughton), 70 - - Murray, William (brother of Lord George), 82 - - Mylne, Captain, 160 - - - Napier, Colonel, A.D.C. to the Duke of Cumberland, 115, 133 - - Needham, 63 - - Newcastle, Duke of, 159, 206, 209, 214, 218, 238, 290, 291, 292, 293 - - Neynho, 23 - - North (English Jacobite), 22 - - - Ogilby, Lord, 286 - - O’Niel, a follower of Charles, 85 - - Orléans, Regent, intrigues in Hanoverian interest, 9 - - Orme, Mr., W.S., 200, 203, 205 - - Ormonde, Duke of, action on Anne’s death, 8; - cited, 14, 17, 18, 23, 28, 34, 75 - - O’Rourk, Mr., of Tipperary, 180 - - Orrery, Lord, 22, 36, 74 - - O’Sullivan, a follower of Charles, 85 - - Oxford, English Jacobite, 22 - - - Parker, Lord Chief Justice, the Earl Marischal’s letter to, 7 - - Pelham, Henry, 198, 206, 207, 208, 232, 235, 237 - - Percheron, M., 15 - - Perth, Duke of, resigns the command of Charles’s expeditionary - forces, 84; - wounded, 86; - cited, 78, 79, 106, 109, 131 - - Peterborough, Lord, 14 - - Pickle (the spy; Young Glengarry), obtains from Murray of Broughton - information of the Loch Arkaig treasure, 89; - Leslie’s aid, 89; - his alleged copy of Cluny Macpherson’s Intromissions, 144; - treachery to Glenevis, 153; - forges King James’s name, 155; - permitted by the Government to reside in London, 155, 156; - denounces Fassifern, 160; - treatment of his wadsetters, 198; - Young Lochgarry’s intimacy with, 199; - letters to Mr. Orme, W. S., on business, 200, 203, 205; - letter to Rory McLeod on family matters, 201; - his niece, 203; - letter to the Chief of the Macleods asking him to go conjunct with - him in a loan, 205; - writes to the Duke of Newcastle complaining, 206; - Pelham’s promise to abate demands on his estate, 207; - those promises never fulfilled, 208; - series of coincidences in Pickle’s fortunes and those of Glengarry, - 208; - their uniformity of bad spelling, 209, 214; - Young Glengarry’s estate troubles, 210-213; - remonstrance to Colonel Trapaud, 213; - illness and bad sight, 214; - his offer to raise a regiment coincident with Young Glengarry’s, - 214; - Young Glengarry’s will, 214; - the Pickle letters, 217; - his close relations with Henry Pelham, 217; - coincidence of his father’s death with that of Old Glengarry, 218; - claims to be chief of the Macdonnells, 218; - the clue to his identity with Glengarry, 219; - his career identical with that of Glengarry, 219; - suggestion that Glengarry was personated by an unknown intimate - calling himself Pickle, 220; - his early life, 221; - usage by his stepmother, 221; - in France, 222; - meets Murray of Broughton, 222, 223; - in the Tower, 223; - released, 224; - attempts reconciliation with the Government, 225; - asks James for a colonelcy vacant by the death of Lochiel, 226; - at the nadir of his fortunes, 227; - offers his services ‘in any shape’ to the English Government, 227; - helps himself to the treasure of Cluny, 228; - earliest charge of treachery against Glengarry, 229; - Edgar warned against him, 229; - his real situation in 1751, 229, 230; - account of the Elibank Plot, 231; - he and Young Glengarry both receive remittances from Baron - Kennedy, 231; - Pelham’s personal knowledge of him, 232; - date of his illness and that of Young Glengarry, 232; - points shared in common by Pickle and Glengarry, 233; - a spy’s evidence, 233-235; - interview with Charles in France, 235; - Young Glengarry in France same date, 236; - mutual promises from Pelham, broken after Pelham’s death, 237; - consulted by Government on Frederick’s tampering with Jacobites, - 238; - the hypothesis that Pickle personated Glengarry, 239; - hurries to Edinburgh on the death of Old Glengarry, 240; - Young Glengarry near at hand on his father’s death, 241; - impersonation physically impossible, 243; - duns the Duke of Newcastle, 243, 244; - internal evidence of identity of authorship of Pickle’s and - Glengarry’s letters, 245, 246; - Mr. Millar’s criticism, 247-249; - the Duke of Atholl’s conclusion, 249; - summary of the case proving identity, 250-253; - two letters incriminatory and confirmatory, 289-294; - cited, 43, 76, 77, 78, 79, 140, 142, 143, 190, 199, 256, 286 - - Pitsligo, Lord, 83, 265 - - Podewils, Count, 45 - - Porteous, hanged by the mob, 30 - - ‘Prescot,’ suspected of intending to murder James, 14 - - Pringle, Sir John, 58 - - - Reay, Lord, 109 - - Rob Roy, letter to General Wade, 98 - - Robison of Ballnicaird, 201, 202, 203, 204 - - Ross of Balnagoun, 109 - - Rousseau, Jean Jacques, meeting with and impressions of Marischal, - 53-55; - wants to write the history of the Keiths, 55; - cited, 4, 5, 40, 41, 66 - - - Saxe, Marshal, 34 - - Scott, Sir Walter, 97, 172 - - Scott (Sir Walter’s father), his sentiment regarding John Murray of - Broughton, 69, 90 - - Scotus (Old), 190 - - Scotus (Young), 86 - - Seaforth, 11, 17, 18, 106 - - Sempil, Lord, 32, 36, 37, 38, 76, 222 - - Sheridan, Sir Thomas (Prince Charles’s tutor), 58, 85, 86, 108, 131 - - Skeldoich, Mr. (minister), 276 - - Small, Ensign, 117, 140, 159, 172, 173, 174, 285 - - Sobieska, Clementina, 20 - - Spence, cited, 8 - - Stewart, Alexander (solicitor), 165, 166, 167 - - Stewart, Charles (writer in Banavie), 160, 166, 167, 168, 169, 171 - - Stewart, General, 199, 239, 264, 281, 282, 283, 284 - - Stewart, James, hanged for the murder of Campbell of Glenure, 159; - cited, 274, 275 - - Stewart, John Roy, 86 - - Stewart of Appin, 77, 78, 166, 167, 169 - - Stonor, cited, 89, 90 - - Strathnaver crofters, bleeding their cows for sustenance, 265 - - Sutherland, Earl of, 107, 109, 110, 113 - - Sutherland, Countess of, letter to the Young Pretender, 110; - Barisdale’s letter to her, 112; - her clever diplomacy, 113 - - Stuart, Charles (Fassifern’s agent), 196 - - - Tacksmen, 259, 268, 269, 282 - - Talmond, Madame de, Charles’s mistress, 95 - - Tencin, Cardinal, 73 - - Terig (or Clerk), Duncan, 172, 173, 174 - - Thompson, Sir E. Maunde, 216 - - Threipland, Sir Stewart, 132 - - Thurot, M., 52 - - ‘Toboso,’ the Order of, 26 - - Tollendal, Lally, 186 - - Trant, Mr., 238 - - Trapaud, Colonel (Governor of Fort Augustus), 198, 213, 218, 241, 260 - - Traquair, Lord, feebleness of his Jacobite sentiment, 71; - one of the ‘Association,’ 72; - responsible for Scotland south of Forth, 73; - in London, 73, 74; - skulks from the rising, 77; - fails to transmit the warning to Charles against his visit to - Scotland, 78, 79; - causes Murray of Broughton to be arrested for breach of peace, 90; - cited, 32, 88, 223 - - Tullibardine, William (brother of Lord George Murray), 17, 18, 82 - - - Urquhart, Colonel, Scottish correspondent of Edgar, 71 - - - Vassé, Madame de (La Grande Main), 64, 92, 93 - - Vaughan, Gwynne, 289, 292 - - Villettes, Arthur, 48 - - Voltaire, 42, 47, 61 - - - Wade, General, 98 - - Wadsets, 260 - - Walkinshaw, Miss, Charles Edward’s mistress, 44 - - Wall, General, 48 - - Wedderburn, of Gosford, 145 - - Wedderburn, Thomas, 107 - - Wemyss, Earl of, 78, 110 - - White, Major, 225 - - Williams, Sir Charles Hanbury, 42 - - Wingfeild, Thomas (trooper), 7 - - Wodrow, cited, 10 - - Wogan, Charles, 20 - - Wogan, Nicholas, 21, 22, 23, 224 - - Wynne, Sir Watkin Williams, 36, 38, 74, 75 - - - York, Duke of, 38, 185, 186, 188 - - - PRINTED BY - SPOTTISWOODE AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARE - LONDON - -*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE COMPANIONS OF PICKLE *** - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the -United States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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-} - -.x-ebookmaker img { - max-width: 100%; - width: auto; - height: auto; -} - -.x-ebookmaker .poetry { - display: block; - margin-left: 1.5em; -} - -.x-ebookmaker .blockquote { - margin: 1.5em 5%; -} - -/* Illustration classes */ -.illowp100 {width: 100%;} -.illowp50 {width: 50%;} -.x-ebookmaker .illowp50 {width: 100%;} -.illowp75 {width: 75%;} -.x-ebookmaker .illowp75 {width: 100%;} - - /* ]]> */ </style> - </head> -<body> -<p style='text-align:center; font-size:1.2em; font-weight:bold'>The Project Gutenberg eBook of The companions of Pickle, by Andrew Lang</p> -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online -at <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. If you -are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the -country where you are located before using this eBook. -</div> - -<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Title: The companions of Pickle</p> -<p style='display:block; margin-left:2em; text-indent:0; margin-top:0; margin-bottom:1em;'>Being a sequel to 'Pickle the spy'</p> -<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Author: Andrew Lang</p> -<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Release Date: September 10, 2022 [eBook #68956]</p> -<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Language: English</p> - <p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em; text-align:left'>Produced by: MWS and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.)</p> -<div style='margin-top:2em; margin-bottom:4em'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE COMPANIONS OF PICKLE ***</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_i"></a>[i]</span></p> - -<p class="titlepage larger"><span class="smaller">THE</span><br /> -COMPANIONS OF PICKLE</p> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter max30"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_ii"></a>[ii]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak">BY THE SAME AUTHOR.</h2> - -<p class="hanging">PICKLE THE SPY; or, The Incognito of Prince Charles. -With 6 Portraits. 8vo. 18<i>s.</i></p> - -<p class="hanging">ST. ANDREWS. With 8 Plates and 24 Illustrations in the -Text by T. Hodge. 8vo. 15<i>s.</i> <i>net</i>.</p> - -<p class="hanging">THE MAKING OF RELIGION. 8vo. 12<i>s.</i></p> - -<p class="hanging">MODERN MYTHOLOGY: a Reply to Professor Max Müller. -8vo. 9<i>s.</i></p> - -<p class="hanging">HOMER AND THE EPIC. Crown 8vo. 9<i>s.</i> <i>net</i>.</p> - -<p class="hanging">CUSTOM AND MYTH: Studies of Early Usage and Belief. -With 15 Illustrations. Crown 8vo. 3<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p> - -<p class="hanging">LETTERS TO DEAD AUTHORS. Fcp. 8vo. 2<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i> <i>net</i>.</p> - -<p class="hanging">BOOKS AND BOOKMEN. With 2 Coloured Plates and 17 -Illustrations. Fcp. 8vo. 2<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i> <i>net</i>.</p> - -<p class="hanging">OLD FRIENDS. Fcp. 8vo. 2<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i> <i>net</i>.</p> - -<p class="hanging">LETTERS ON LITERATURE. Fcp. 8vo. <i>2s.</i> 6<i>d.</i> <i>net</i>.</p> - -<p class="hanging">GRASS OF PARNASSUS. Fcp. 8vo. 2<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i> <i>net</i>.</p> - -<p class="hanging">ESSAYS IN LITTLE. With Portrait of the Author. Crown -8vo. 2<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p> - -<p class="hanging">COCK LANE AND COMMON-SENSE. Crown 8vo. 3<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p> - -<p class="hanging">THE BOOK OF DREAMS AND GHOSTS. Crown 8vo. 6<i>s.</i></p> - -<p class="hanging">ANGLING SKETCHES. With 20 Illustrations. Crown -8vo. 3<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p> - -<p class="hanging">A MONK OF FIFE: a Story of the Days of Joan of Arc. -With 13 Illustrations by <span class="smcap">Selwyn Image</span>. Crown 8vo. 3<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p> - -<p class="titlepage">LONGMANS, GREEN, & CO., 39 Paternoster Row, London<br /> -New York and Bombay.</p> - -</div> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_iii"></a>[iii]</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter illowp50" id="illus1" style="max-width: 29.6875em;"> - <img class="w100" src="images/illus1.jpg" alt="" /> - <p class="caption-r"><i>Walker & Boutall, ph. sc.</i></p> - <p class="caption"><i>The Earl Marischal</i></p> - <p class="caption"><i>1717.</i></p> -</div> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_iv"></a>[iv]</span></p> - -<p class="titlepage larger"><span class="smaller">THE</span><br /> -COMPANIONS OF PICKLE</p> - -<p class="center"><i>BEING A SEQUEL TO ‘PICKLE THE SPY’</i></p> - -<p class="titlepage"><span class="smaller">BY</span><br /> -ANDREW LANG</p> - -<p class="titlepage">WITH FOUR ILLUSTRATIONS</p> - -<p class="titlepage">LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO.<br /> -<span class="smaller">39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON<br /> -NEW YORK AND BOMBAY<br /> -1898</span></p> - -<p class="titlepage smaller">All rights reserved</p> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_v"></a>[v]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak">PREFACE</h2> - -<div class="figcenter illowp100" style="max-width: 9.375em;"> - <img class="w100" src="images/line.jpg" alt="" /> -</div> - -</div> - -<p>The appearance of ‘Pickle the Spy’ was welcomed -by a good deal of clamour on the part of some Highland -critics. It was said that I had brought a -disgraceful charge, without proof, against a Chief of -unstained honour. Scarcely any arguments were -adduced in favour of Glengarry. What could be -said in suspense of judgment was said in the <i>Scottish -Review</i>, by Mr. A. H. Millar. That gentleman, however, -was brought round to my view, as I understand, -when he compared the handwriting of Pickle -with that of Glengarry. Mr. Millar’s letter on the -subject will be found in this book (<a href="#Page_247">pp. 247, 248</a>).</p> - -<p>The doubts and opposition which my theory -encountered made it desirable to examine fresh -documents in the Record Office, the British Museum, -and the Royal Library at Windsor Castle, while -General Alastair Macdonald (whose family recently -owned Lochgarry) has kindly permitted me to read -Glengarry’s MS. Letter Book, in his possession. The -results will be found in the following pages.</p> - -<p>Being engaged on the subject, I made a series of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_vi"></a>[vi]</span> -studies of persons connected with Prince Charles, -and with the Jacobite movement. Of these the Earl -Marischal was the most important, and, by reason of -his long life and charming character—a compound -of ‘Aberdeen and Valencia’—the most interesting. -As a foil to the good Earl, who finally abandoned the -Jacobite party, I chose Murray of Broughton, who, -though he turned informer, remained true in sentiment, -I believe, to his old love. His character may, -perhaps, be read otherwise, but such is the impression -left on me by his ‘Memorials,’ documents edited -recently for the Scottish History Society by Mr. -Fitzroy Bell.</p> - -<p>In Barisdale, whose treachery was perfectly well -known at the time, and was punished by both parties, -we have a picture of the Highlander at his worst. -Culloden made such a career as that of Barisdale for -ever impossible.</p> - -<p>In the chapters on ‘Cluny’s Treasure’ and ‘The -Troubles of the Camerons’ I have, I hope, redeemed -the characters of Cluny and Dr. Archibald Cameron -from the charges of flagrant dishonesty brought -against them by young Glengarry. Both gentlemen -were reduced to destitution, which by itself is incompatible -with the allegations of their common enemy.</p> - -<p>‘The Uprooting of Fassifern’ illustrates the -unscrupulous nature of judicial proceedings in Scotland -after Culloden. A part of Fassifern’s conduct -is not easily explained in a favourable sense, but he -was persecuted in a strangely unjust and intolerable<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_vii"></a>[vii]</span> -manner. Incidentally it appears that public indignation -against this sort of procedure, rather than -distrust of ‘what the soldier said’ in his ghostly -apparitions, procured the acquittal of the murderers -of Sergeant Davies.</p> - -<p>‘The Last Days of Glengarry’ is based on a study -of his MS. Letter Book, while ‘The Case against -Glengarry’ sums up the old and re-states the new -evidence that identifies him with Pickle the Spy.</p> - -<p>The last chapter is an attempt to estimate the -social situation created in the Highlands by the -collapse of the Clan system.</p> - -<p>I have inserted, in ‘A Gentleman of Knoydart,’ -an account of a foil to Barisdale, derived from the -Memoirs of a young member of his clan, John -Macdonell, of the Scotus family. The editor of -<i>Macmillan’s Magazine</i> has kindly permitted me to -reprint this article from his serial for June 1898.</p> - -<p>A note on ‘Mlle. Luci’ corrects an error about -Montesquieu into which I had fallen when writing -‘Pickle the Spy,’ and throws fresh light on Mlle. -Ferrand.</p> - -<p>It is, or should be, superfluous to disclaim an -enmity to the Celtic race, and rebut the charge of -‘not leaving unraked a dunghill in search for a -cudgel wherewith to maltreat the Highlanders, particularly -those who rose in the Forty-five.’ This -elegant extract is from a Gaelic address by a minister -to the Gaelic Society of Inverness.<a id="FNanchor_1" href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> I have not<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_viii"></a>[viii]</span> -raked dunghills in search of cudgels, nor are my -sympathies hostile to the brave men, Highland or -Lowland, who died on the field or scaffold in 1745-53. -The perfidy of which so many proofs come to light -was in no sense peculiarly Celtic. The history of -Scotland, till after the Reformation, is full of -examples in which Lowlanders unscrupulously used -the worst weapons of the weak. Historical conditions, -not race, gave birth to the Douglases and -Brunstons whom Barisdale, Glengarry, and others -imitated on a smaller scale. These men were the -exceptions, the rare exceptions, in a race illustrious -for loyalty. I have tried to show the historical and -social sources of their demoralisation, so extraordinary -when found among the countrymen of -Keppoch, Clanranald, Glenaladale, Scotus, and -Lochiel.</p> - -<p>I must apologise for occasional repetitions which -I have been unable to avoid in a set of separate -studies of characters engaged in the same set of -circumstances.</p> - -<p>My most respectful thanks are due to Her -Majesty for her gracious permission to study the -collection of Cumberland Papers in her library at -Windsor Castle. Only a small portion of these -valuable documents has been examined for the -present purpose. Mr. Richard Holmes, Her Majesty’s -Librarian, lent his kind advice, and Miss Violet -Simpson aided me in examining and copying these -and other papers referred to in their proper places. -Indeed I cannot overestimate my debt to the research -and acuteness of this lady.</p> - -<p>To General Macdonald I have to repeat my -thanks for the use of his papers, and the Duke of -Atholl has kindly permitted me to cite his privately -printed collections, where they illustrate the matter -in hand.</p> - -<p>Sir Thomas Gibson Carmichael was good enough -to lend me, for reproduction, his miniature of the -Duke of York and Prince Charles.</p> - -<p>The earlier portrait of the Earl Marischal is from -the Scottish National Museum, the later (of 1752?) -is from the National Portrait Gallery. It gives -a likeness of one of the good Earl’s menagerie of -young heathens. The miniature of Prince Charles -(<a href="#illus3">p. 140</a>) is a copy or replica of one given by him to a -Macleod of the Raasay house in September, 1746. -The Royal Society of Edinburgh kindly permitted -me to have copies made of several of the Earl Marischal’s -letters to David Hume, in their possession. -In some of these (unprinted) the Earl touches on -a theme for which <i>le bon David</i> frankly expresses his -affection in a letter to the Lord Advocate.</p> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CORRIGENDA"><i>CORRIGENDA</i></h2> - -</div> - -<p>P. 12, note, <i>for</i> twenty-two in 1716, <i>read</i> twenty-three</p> - -<p>P. 17, note, <i>for</i> 33,900 <i>read</i> 33,950</p> - -<div class="transnote"> - -<p>Transcriber’s Note: These corrections didn’t need making: presumably the -printers did it, but neglected to remove this list.</p> - -</div> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="nobreak">CONTENTS</h2> - -<div class="figcenter illowp100" style="max-width: 9.375em;"> - <img class="w100" src="images/line.jpg" alt="" /> -</div> - -</div> - -<table> - <tr> - <td class="tdr"></td> - <td></td> - <td class="tdpg smaller">PAGE</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">I.</td> - <td>THE LAST EARL MARISCHAL</td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#I">1</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">II.</td> - <td>THE EARL IN RUSSIAN SERVICE</td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#II">42</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">III.</td> - <td>MURRAY OF BROUGHTON</td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#III">69</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">IV.</td> - <td>MADEMOISELLE LUCI</td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#IV">92</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">V.</td> - <td>THE ROMANCE OF BARISDALE</td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#V">97</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">VI.</td> - <td>CLUNY’S TREASURE</td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#VI">129</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">VII.</td> - <td>THE TROUBLES OF THE CAMERONS</td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#VII">147</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">VIII.</td> - <td>JUSTICE AFTER CULLODEN</td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#VIII">158</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">IX.</td> - <td>A GENTLEMAN OF KNOYDART</td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#IX">176</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">X.</td> - <td>THE LAST YEARS OF GLENGARRY</td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#X">198</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">XI.</td> - <td>THE CASE AGAINST GLENGARRY</td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#XI">216</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">XII.</td> - <td>OLD TIMES AND NEW</td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#XII">254</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="3" class="tdc">APPENDIX</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">I.</td> - <td>PICKLE’S LETTERS</td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#I_PICKLES_LETTERS">289</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">II.</td> - <td>MACLEOD</td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#II_MACLEOD">294</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr"></td> - <td>INDEX</td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#INDEX">297</a></td> - </tr> -</table> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="nobreak">ILLUSTRATIONS</h2> - -</div> - -<table> - <tr> - <td>THE EARL MARISCHAL (1717)</td> - <td colspan="2" class="tdpg"><a href="#illus1"><i>Frontispiece</i></a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>THE EARL MARISCHAL (<i>circ.</i> 1750)</td> - <td><i>to face</i></td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus2">p. 60</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>PRINCE CHARLES (<i>circ.</i> 1744)</td> - <td class="center">”</td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus3">140</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>THE DUKE OF YORK AND PRINCE CHARLES (<i>circ.</i> 1735)</td> - <td class="center">”</td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus4">184</a></td> - </tr> -</table> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_1"></a>[1]</span></p> - -<h1><span class="smaller">THE</span><br /> -COMPANIONS OF PICKLE</h1> - -<div class="figcenter illowp100" style="max-width: 9.375em;"> - <img class="w100" src="images/line.jpg" alt="" /> -</div> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="I">I<br /> -<span class="smaller">THE LAST EARL MARISCHAL</span></h2> - -</div> - -<p>In a work where we must make the acquaintance of -some very unfortunate characters, it is well to begin -with a <i>preux chevalier</i>. If there was a conspicuously -honest man in the eighteenth century, one ‘whose -conscience might gild the walls of a dungeon,’ as an -observer of his conduct declared, that man was the -Earl Marischal, George Keith. The name of the last -Earl Marischal of Scotland haunts the reader of the -history of the eighteenth century. He appears in -battles for the Stuart cause in 1715 and 1719, he -figures dimly in the records of 1745, and of Charles -Edward, after the ruin of Culloden. We find him in -the correspondence of Voltaire, Rousseau, Hume, and -Frederick the Great, and even in Casanova. He is -obscurely felt in the diplomacy which ended in Pitt’s -resignation of office. Many travellers describe his -old age at Potzdam, and d’Alembert wrote his <i>Éloge</i>.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_2"></a>[2]</span> -He was the last direct representative of that historical -house of Keith whose laurels were first won in -the decisive charge of Bruce’s handful of cavalry on -the English archers at Bannockburn. Though the -Earl Marischal of the confused times after the death -of James V. was a pensioner of Henry VIII., like so -many of the Scottish <i>noblesse</i>, the House was Royalist, -and national as a rule. Yet, after a long life of exile -as a Jacobite, the last Earl Marischal, always at heart -a Republican, reconciled himself to the House of -Hanover. The biography of the Earl has never been -written, though few Scottish worthies have better -deserved this far from uncommon honour.</p> - -<p>Materials for a complete life of the Earl do not -exist. We are obliged to follow him by aid of slight -traces in historical manuscripts, biographies, memoirs, -and letters, published or unpublished. Even in this -unsatisfactory way, the Earl is worth pursuing: for if -he left slight traces on history, and was never successful -in action, he was a man, and a humourist, of -singular merit and charm, a person almost universally -honoured and beloved through three generations. -This last of the Earls Marischal of Scotland was certainly -one of the most original and one of the most -typical characters of the eighteenth century. Losing -home, lands, and rank for the cause of Legitimism, -the Earl was the reverse of a fanatical Royalist; -indeed he seems to have become a Jacobite from -Republican principles. These were strengthened, no -doubt, by his great experience of kings; but even when<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_3"></a>[3]</span> -he was a young man his bookplate bore the motto -<i>Manus hæc inimica tyrannis</i>. Then probably, as certainly -in later life, he loved to praise Sidney, and others -who (in his opinion) died for freedom. Yet the Earl -was ‘out,’ for no Liberal cause, in 1715, and in 1719: -while he was plotting against King George and for King -James, till 1745. He was admitted to the secret of the -rather Fenian Elibank Plot in 1752, and only reconciled -himself with the English Government in 1759. -On his death-bed he called himself ‘an old Jacobite,’ -while, for twenty years at least, his favourite companions -had been the advanced thinkers, prelusive to -the Revolution, Rousseau, Hume, d’Alembert, Voltaire, -Helvetius.</p> - -<p>All this appears the reverse of consistent. The -Earl gave up everything, and risked his life often, -for the White Rose, while his opinions, religious and -political, tended in the direction of the Red Cap of -Liberty and the Rights of Man. The explanation is -that the Earl, when young, a patriotic Scot, and a -persecuted Episcopalian, saw ‘freedom’ in the emancipation -of Scotland from a foreign tyrant, the Elector -of Hanover; in the Repeal of the Union, and in the -relief of his religious body from the tyranny of the -Kirk. Till his death he was all for liberty, and -could not bear to see even a caged bird. These -were the unusual motives (these, and the influence of -his mother, a Jacobite by family and sentiment) -which converted a born Liberal into a partisan of -the King over the Water. Thus this representative<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_4"></a>[4]</span> -of traditional and romantic Scottish loyalty to the -Stuarts was essentially a child of the advanced, and -emancipated, and enlightened century which succeeded -that into which he was born.</p> - -<p>Original in his political conduct, the Earl was no -less unusual in personal character. He was one of -those who, as Plato says, are ‘naturally good,’ naturally -examples of righteousness in a naughty world. -Nature made him temperate, contented, kind, charitable, -brave, and humorous—one who, as Montaigne -advises, never ‘made a marvel of his own fortunes.’ -His virtue, as far as can be learned, owed nothing to -religion. He was ‘born to be so,’ as another man is -born to be a poet. He had a native genius for excellence.</p> - -<p>He was ruined without rancour, and all the -buffets of unhappy fortune, all the political and -social vicissitudes of nearly a century, could not -cloud his content, or diminish his pleasure in life -and the sun. He was true to his exiled Princes, -till they, or one of them at least, ceased to be true -to themselves. He was perhaps the only friend -whom Rousseau could not drag into a quarrel or -estrange, and the only companion whom Frederick -the Great loved so well that he never made experiments -on him in the art of tyrannical tormenting. -Familiar, rather than respectful, with Voltaire, the -Earl, who remembered Swift in his prime, was fond -of gossiping with Hume and of bantering d’Alembert. -Kind and charitable to all men, he was especially<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_5"></a>[5]</span> -considerate and indulgent to the young, from the -little exiled Duke of York to the soured Elcho, and -the still unsuspected Glengarry. One exception alone -did the Earl make (unless we believe Rousseau): he -could not endure, and would not be reconciled to, -Prince Charles. If in this he may seem severe, no -other offence is laid to his charge, though modern -opinion may condemn his cool acquiescence in desperate -plots which he probably never expected to -be carried into action. Otherwise the Earl presents -the ideal of a good and wise man of the world, -saved from all excess, and all disappointment, by -the gifts of humour and good-humour. When we -add that ‘the violet of a legend,’ of unfortunate but -life-long love, blows on the grave of the good Earl, -it will be plain that, though not a hero, like his -brother, Marshal Keith, he was a character of no -common distinction and charm. His life, too, is -almost an epitome of the Jacobite struggle from 1715 -to 1757. The Earl was ever behind the scenes.</p> - -<p>Though tenth Earl (the first of the hereditary -Marischals to be ‘belted earl’ was William, in 1458), -George Keith was apt to mock at hereditary <i>noblesse</i>. -<i>Stemmata quid faciunt?</i> He had a story of a laird -who grumbled, during a pestilence, ‘In such times a -gentleman is not sure of his life.’ The date of his -birth was never known. In old age he cast an -agreeable mystery about this point. He was once -heard to say that he was twenty-seven in 1712; if -so, he died at ninety-three (1778). Others date his<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_6"></a>[6]</span> -birth in 1693, others in 1689; d’Alembert says (on -the authority of one who had the fact from Ormonde) -that he was <i>premier brigadier</i> of that general’s army -in 1712. An engraving from a portrait of the Earl -as a young man represents him as then twenty-three -years of age. If the engraving was done in Paris, -as seems probable, in 1716, he would be born in -1693. Oddly enough the pseudo-Memoirs of Madame -de Créquy (who is made to speak of him as her true -love) throw a similar cloud over the year of her -birth. Concerning the Earl’s father, Lockhart of -Carnwath writes that he had great vivacity of wit, -an undaunted courage, and a soul capable of great -things, ‘but no seriousness.’ His mother, of the -house of Perth, was necessarily by birth a Jacobite. -The song makes her say:</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse indent0">I’ll be Lady Keith again</div> - <div class="verse indent6">The day the King comes o’er the water.</div> - </div> -</div> -</div> - -<p class="noindent">The Earl’s tutor was probably Meston, the Jacobite -wit and poet.</p> - -<p>The Earl succeeded his father in 1712. His own -first youth had been passed in Marlborough’s wars; -from 1712 to the death of Queen Anne, and the -overthrow of hopes of a Restoration by the Tories, -he lived about town, a brilliant colonel of Horse -Guards, short in stature and slight in build, but -with a beautiful face, and dark, large eyes. So we -see him in the portrait of about 1716.</p> - -<p>The following letter, the earliest known letter of -the Earl, displays him as a disciplinarian. Conceivably<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_7"></a>[7]</span> -the mutinous Wingfeild was a Jacobite, but, by -September 12, 1714, the chance for a rising of the -Guards for King James had passed, Queen Anne -was dead, and the Earl was still colonel in the army -of George I.</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="center"><i>To Lord Chief Justice Parker</i></p> - -<p class="smaller">Stowe MSS. 750, f. 58.</p> - -<p class="right smaller">‘September 12, 1714.</p> - -<p>‘My Lord,—As soon as I heard that your Lordship -had granted a Habeas Corpus for Thomᵃˢ Wingfeild -one of the private men of His Majesties Second -Troop of Horse Grenadier Guards under my Command, -I sent a Gentleman to wait upon your Lordship -and to acquaint you with the reasons for my -ordering Wingfeild to be confin’d to the Marshall of -the Horse Guards according to the practice of the -Army, but your Lordship was not then at your -Chambers; I now take the liberty to inform you -that the Prisoner has not only been guilty of uttering -menacing words & insolently refusing to comply -with the establisht Regulations of the Troop, (to -which Regulations he has subscribd) but has also -been endeavouring to raise a mutiny therein, which -crimes among Soldiers being of dangerous Consequences -I did intend to have him try’d by a General -Court Martial, that he might have been exemplarily -punisht as far as the Law allows to deter others -from the like practices: but as there is no warrant -for holding a Court Martial for the Horse -Guards extant, & I being unwilling to trouble their<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_8"></a>[8]</span> -Excellᶜⁱᵉˢ the Lords Justices on this occasion, I had -ordered my officers to hold a Regimental Court -Martial upon him yesterday in order to break him -at the head of the Troop, which is the only punishment -they can inflict, but they did not proceed then -on accoᵗ of the Habeas Corpus; this I thought fit -to acquaint your Lordship with and to assure you -that I am &c.</p> - -<p class="right">‘<span class="smcap">Marischall.</span>’</p> - -</div> - -<p>From Lockier, Spence got the familiar anecdote -of the Earl’s conduct at Queen’s Anne’s death, before -the projects for a Restoration of the Chevalier were -completed. Ormonde, Atterbury, and the Earl met, -when Atterbury bade Marischal go out (with the -Horse Guards) and proclaim King James. Ormonde -wished to consult the Council. ‘Damn it,’ says -Atterbury in a great heat (for he did not value -swearing), ‘you very well know that things have -not been concerted enough for that yet, and that we -have not a moment to lose.’ That moment they -lost, and a vague anecdote represents the Earl as -weeping, after the battle of Sheriffmuir, over the -many dead men who might have been alive had -he taken Atterbury’s advice. D’Alembert, who does -not mention Atterbury, attributes the idea of an -instant stroke for the King to the Earl himself.<a id="FNanchor_2" href="#Footnote_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a></p> - -<p>When the rising of 1715 was in preparation,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_9"></a>[9]</span> -the Earl, according to d’Alembert, wrote to James, -telling him that ‘a sovereign deprived of his -own must share the dangers of those who risked -their lives for his sake,’ and so made him ‘leave -his retreat’ at Bar-le-Duc. But James’s natural -brother, the Duke of Berwick, on July 16, 1715, -had already given the same advice. ‘Your honour -is at stake, your friends will give over the game -if they think you backward.’ James replied that -he hoped to be at Dieppe by the 30th of the month. -Within five days Berwick was crying off from the -task of accompanying his brother, who replied with -a repressed emotion, ‘You know what you owe to -me, what you owe to your own reputation and -honour, what you have promised to the Scotch -and to me.... I shall not, therefore, bid you -adieu, for I expect that we shall soon meet.’</p> - -<p>It was now not the King who turned laggard, -but Berwick who advised delay. ‘<i>I find Rancourt</i>’ -(the King), he says, ‘very much set on his <i>journey</i>.’ -In brief, it was Berwick and Bolingbroke who kept -James back, though with great difficulty. He -needed no urging (as d’Alembert suggests) by our -Earl. ‘I fear I shall scarce be able to hinder him -from passing the sea,’ says Berwick (August 6).</p> - -<p>Then Louis XIV. died, all was confusion, and -the Regent Orléans detained Berwick in France, -exactly at the time when Mar went to raise the -Highlands. What with Bolingbroke, Berwick, the -death of Louis XIV., and the intrigues of Orléans in<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_10"></a>[10]</span> -the Hanoverian interest, James, travelling disguised -through an Odyssey of perils, did not leave France -for Scotland till mid-December. A month before -(November 13) Mar had been practically defeated at -Sheriffmuir, and Forster, Mackintosh, Derwentwater -and Kenmure had surrendered at Preston. The -King thus came far too late, but certainly by no lack -of readiness on his part.</p> - -<p>D’Alembert makes the Earl utter a fine constitutional -speech on the duties of a king when he -proclaimed James at Edinburgh. Unluckily, on -this occasion James was never proclaimed at Edinburgh -by anybody. The <i>Éloge</i> of d’Alembert is -eloquent, but it is not history. It has been the -chief source for the Earl’s biography.</p> - -<p>The Earl had doubtless been won over by Mar -to resign his English commission, and desert King -George for King James. The story is told that, as -he rode North from London in 1715 to join Mar in -the Highlands, he met his young brother James riding -South to take service with King George. He easily -induced his brother to share his own fortunes, and -Prussia ultimately gained the great soldier thus lost -to England. The Covenanting historian, Wodrow, -avers that ‘Marischal was bankrupt,’ and therefore -eager for <i>res novæ</i>. But he would have been a -Jacobite in any case. As to the Earl’s conduct -when Mar’s ill-organised and ill-supplied rising drew -fatally to a head at Sheriffmuir, his brother, the -Field-Marshal of Prussia, in his fragmentary Memoir,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_11"></a>[11]</span> -tells all that we know. The Earl, with ‘his own -squadron of horse’ and some Macdonalds, was sent -to occupy a rising ground, the enemy being, as was -thought, in Dunblane. From the height, however, -the whole hostile army was seen advancing, and the -Earl sent to bid Mar bring up his forces. There -was much confusion, and the Earl’s squadron of -horse was left in the centre of the line. Mar’s right -with the Earl routed Argyll’s left, while Argyll’s -left routed Mar’s right. ‘In the affair neither side -gained much honour,’ says Keith, ‘but it was the -entire ruin of our party.’ Half of Mar’s force, -having thrown down their plaids,<a id="FNanchor_3" href="#Footnote_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> were now unclothed: -many had deserted; the evil news of the -Preston surrender came, the leaders were at odds -among themselves, 6,000 Dutch troops were advancing -from England. Seaforth and Huntly took their -followers back to the North, and when King James -arrived at Perth, late in December, he found a -wintry welcome, soldiers few and dispirited, and -dissensions among the officers. The army wasted -away while Cadogan, Argyll, and the Dutch troops, -greatly outnumbering the Jacobites, advanced on -Perth through the snow.</p> - -<p>James’s army now beat a retreat, with no point to -make for, as Inverness was in the hands of the enemy. -Mar, therefore, advised James, who had not ammunition -enough for one day’s fight (thanks to Bolingbroke,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_12"></a>[12]</span> -said the Jacobites), to take ship at Montrose. If he -stayed, the enemy would make their utmost efforts -to come up with and capture him. If he departed, -the retreating Highlanders would be less hotly pursued. -James consulted Marischal, who wished to -offer no opinion, alleging ‘his age and want of experience,’ -says Keith.<a id="FNanchor_4" href="#Footnote_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> Finally, he privately admitted to -Mar that ‘he did not think it for the King’s honour, -nor for that of the nation, to give up the game without -putting it to a tryall.’ Powder enough for one day’s -fight could be got at Aberdeen; he hoped to gain -recruits as they went North, and, at worst, James, -if beaten, could escape from the West coast. ‘Mar -seemed to be convinced of the truth of this’ (very -like Bobbing John); ‘however, a ship was already -provided,’ and James, with Mar, Melfort, and others, -eloped; the King characteristically leaving all his -money to recompense the peasants who had suffered -by the war. James was no coward, he had charged -the English lines repeatedly, at the head of the Royal -Household, in the battle of Malplaquet, where he -was wounded. In his journey from Lorraine to the -coast he had run the gauntlet of Stair’s cut-throats. -But a Scottish winter, a starveling force, no powder, -and Mar’s advice, had taken the heart out of the -adventurer.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_13"></a>[13]</span></p> - -<p>According to Mar, the Earl had orders to sail with -the King, ‘who waited on the ship above an hour -and a half, but, by what accident we yet know not, -they did not come, and there was no waiting longer.’<a id="FNanchor_5" href="#Footnote_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> -‘The King and we are in no small pain to know what -is become of our friends wee left behind.’ D’Alembert -says that the Earl refused to sail. ‘Your Majesty is -to protect yourself for your friends. I shall share -the sorrows of those who remain true to you in Scotland, -I shall gather them, and shall not leave without -them.’ If Mar tells truth, the Earl can have -made no such speech. A modest man, he remained -at his duty without rhetoric.</p> - -<p>The dispirited and deserted Highland army moved -North, and the Earl was sent to ask Huntly whether -he would join them—in which case they would -fight at Inverness—or not. ‘He easily perceived -by Huntly’s answer that nothing was to be expected -from him.’ They, therefore, marched to Ruthven, -whence they scattered, Keith and the Earl fared -westwards with Clanranald’s men, and made for -the Islands. Hence they sailed in a French ship -on May 1, and reached St. Pol de Léon on -May 12. There were a hundred officers of them together, -and all this destroys d’Alembert’s romance, -modelled on the adventures of Prince Charles, about -the Earl’s dangers and the noble behaviour of the -crofters among whom he was wandering. An English -force was, indeed, at one time within thirty miles of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_14"></a>[14]</span> -the fugitives, but there was nobody to whom Clanranald’s -men could have been betrayed, not that -any one was likely to betray them, and the Earl -Marischal and James Keith with them. In truth, -d’Alembert confused this occasion with another, after -Glenshiel fight, in 1719.</p> - -<p>Many of the fugitives went to James at Avignon, -but Keith stayed in Paris, where Mary of Modena -received him well. ‘Had I conquered a kingdom -for her she could not have said more.’ She gave him -1,000 livres, while James granted what he could, -200 crowns yearly. Keith does not say that the -Earl was in Paris, where his portrait was probably -painted at this date. There, however (as is known -from an unpublished MS.), he certainly was, and he -might even, by Stair’s mediation, have obtained his -pardon. But he supposed that the cause would presently -triumph, and declined to make any advances -to George I. He was now in correspondence with -General Dillon, James’s military representative in -Paris. In August, 1717, Dillon writes to him about -one ‘Prescot,’ who is suspected of intending to murder -James in Italy; he refers to Lord Peterborough, who -was arrested on this impossible charge at Bologna in -September 1717.<a id="FNanchor_6" href="#Footnote_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> In 1719 the Earl and his brother -went to Spain. There was then war between Spain -and England, Ormonde was with Alberoni, and was -to be employed. Keith would have gone thither<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_15"></a>[15]</span> -earlier, but ‘I was then too much in love to think of -quitting Paris.’</p> - -<p>Here, in Paris, 1717-18, if ever, would have to be -fixed the Earl’s legendary romance with Mademoiselle -de Froullay (Madame de Créquy). The story, a very -pretty one, is given in this lady’s Mémoires, an ingenious -but fraudulent compilation.</p> - -<p>An author best known for his plagiarisms seized -on Madame de Créquy as a likely old person to have -left memoirs behind her. By aid of gossip and books -he patched up the amusing but mythical records -which he attributed to the lady. Why he selected -the Earl as the lover of her girlhood we can only -guess; but dates and facts make the pretty tale -incredible, though it has found its way into Chambers’s -account of the Earl’s career. Thus, for example, it is -averred by Sainte-Beuve, on the authority of her man -of business, M. Percheron, that Madame de Créquy -was born in 1714. The love story of 1717, told in -her Memoirs, beginning in the Earl’s attempt to teach -her Spanish and English, and interrupted by the fact -that he was a ‘Calvinist,’ is therefore improbable. -The lady was but three years old when her affections, -according to her apocryphal Memoirs, were blighted. -The lovers met again, when the Earl was Prussian -Ambassador at Versailles in 1753. ‘We had not -had the time to discover each other’s faults, we had -not suffered each by the other’s imperfections, both -remained under that illusion which experience destroyed -not: we were happy in the sweet thought of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_16"></a>[16]</span> -ineffable excellence, and when we met in the wane of -life, and either saw the other’s white hair, we felt -an emotion so pure, so tender, and so solemn, that -no other sentiment, no other impression known to -mortals, can be compared to it.’ All this is charming, -but it cannot conceivably be true! The Earl -composed his one madrigal under the influence of -this elderly emotion (say the pseudo-Memoirs), a -tear stole down his withered cheek, and he assured -Madame de Créquy that they would meet in Heaven. -‘I loved you too much not to embrace your religion.’ -So runs the romance of the pseudo-Madame Créquy.</p> - -<p>In fact, the Earl remained a member of the persecuted -Episcopal Church in Scotland. In Rome a -priest tried to convert him, beginning with the -Trinity. ‘Your Lordship believes in the Trinity?’ -‘I do,’ said the Earl; ‘but that just fills up my -measure. A drop more and I spill all.’</p> - -<p>Madame de Créquy’s Mémoires are obviously a -daring forgery, but the ‘violet of a legend’ has a -fragrance of its own. The Earl was in 1716, as his -portrait shows, a singularly handsome young man, -with large hazel eyes and an eager face, with a -complexion like a girl’s beneath his brown curls. -Madame de Créquy is made to say, by way of giving -local colour, that he greatly resembled a portrait of <i>le -beau Caylus</i>, a favourite of Henri III. The portrait -was in her family.</p> - -<p>In 1719, to return to facts, the two Keiths were -received in Spain by the Duc de Liria, son of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_17"></a>[17]</span> -Duke of Berwick, who had heard of an intended -expedition to England. In Barcelona the splendour -of their welcome, they travelling incognito, amazed -them. They had been, in fact, mistaken for their -rightful King and one of his officers, who were -expected. From Barcelona they went to Madrid, -whence Alberoni sent the Earl posting all about the -country after Ormonde, who was to command the -invading forces. Ormonde was a kind of figure-head -of Jacobite respectability. He was presumed to be the -idol of the British army at the time of Queen Anne’s -death; he had added his mess to the general chaos -of Tory imbecility in 1714, and, in place of playing -Monk’s part in a new Restoration, had fled abroad. -A few of his letters of 1719 to the Earl survive: he -hopes for ‘the justice which the Cause deserves,’ and -when his fleet is scattered in the usual way, reports -the uneasiness of James about the Earl.<a id="FNanchor_7" href="#Footnote_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a></p> - -<p>The Earl in Spain arranged what he could -with the Cardinal, while Keith passed through -France, then hostile to Spain, and met the exiled -Tullibardine in Paris. Here all was confusion, -the Jacobites—Seaforth, Glendarule, and Tullibardine—being -deep in the accustomed jealousies. -They sailed, however, and reached the Lewes, -where Keith met his brother, the Earl; but here -divided counsels and squabbles about rank and commissions -arose. The Earl succeeded in bringing the -Spanish auxiliary forces to the mainland, and was<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_18"></a>[18]</span> -for marching at once against Inverness. The other -faction, that of Seaforth and Tullibardine, dallied: -the ammunition, stored in a ruinous old castle on an -island, was mostly seized by English vessels. News -arrived that Ormonde’s fleet, sailing from Spain, had -been dispersed on the seas, and the Highlanders -came in very reluctantly. The Jacobites landed at -the head of Loch Duich, and were posted on a hillside -in Glenshiel, commanding the road to Inverness. -Hence the English forces drove them to the summit -of the mountain, and night fell. They had neither -food, powder, nor any confidence in their men, so the -Spaniards surrendered, the Highlanders dispersed, -and Keith thus began his glorious military career in -a style somewhat discouraging.</p> - -<p>Lord George Murray, later the general in the -Rising of 1745, was also in this rather squalid -engagement. Keith was suffering from a fever, and -he with his brother ‘lurcked in the mountains.’ On -this occasion, no doubt, the Earl profited by the -loyalty of his countrymen, among whom (says an -anonymous informant of d’Alembert’s) he moved -without disguise. He is even said to have been -present when a proclamation was read aloud offering -a reward for his apprehension. His adventures -increased his love for his own people: indeed, he -certainly espoused the Jacobite cause as a national -Scottish patriot, not for dynastic reasons.</p> - -<p>Keith and his brother, after ‘lurcking’ for months -in the Northern wilds, escaped from Aberdeen to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_19"></a>[19]</span> -Holland, in September 1719. Thence they made for -Spain, intending to enter France by Sedan. But as -they had no passports they were stopped in France -and imprisoned. Keith hit on an ingenious way of -getting rid of their Spanish commissions, which -would have been compromising, and a letter to the -Earl from the Princesse de Conti served as a voucher -for their respectability, and procured their release. -They reached Paris when the fever of the Mississippi -Scheme was at its height. Jacobites as needy as -they, the Oglethorpe girls and George Kelly, probably -got hints from Law, the great financial adventurer, -and founder of the Mississippi Scheme. The -young Jacobite ladies bought in at par and sold at a -huge premium. They thus won their own <i>dots</i>, and -married great French nobles. Even poor George -Kelly had a success in speculation. He was, at this -time, Atterbury’s secretary, and being involved in -his fall, passed fourteen years in the Tower. In -1745 he was one of the famed Seven Men of Moidart, -but none the dearer on that account to the Earl, -who never trusted him, and, in 1750, caused him -to be banished from the service of the Prince. All -these adventurers, Law, the Oglethorpes, Olive -Trant, Kelly, and the Keiths, may have met in Paris, -after Glenshiel. But the Earl and his brother did -not make their fortunes in the Mississippi Scheme. -They had no money, and Keith frankly expresses his -contempt for the speculations after which all the -world was running mad. The brothers passed to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_20"></a>[20]</span> -Montpellier, Keith attempted to enter Spain by Toulouse, -the Earl by the Pyrenees. Months later Keith -tried the Pyrenees passes, and there, at an inn, met -his brother, who had been arrested and imprisoned -for six weeks. The King of France had just set him -free, with orders to leave the kingdom, and the -wandering pair of exiles went to Genoa, then a focus -of Jacobite intrigue, whence they sailed to Rome, to -see ‘the King, our Master.’</p> - -<p>Jacobites lived in an eternal hurry-scurry. -James had been driven from France to Lorraine; -then to Avignon, where Stair planned his assassination;<a id="FNanchor_8" href="#Footnote_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> -then to Urbino, Bologna, and Rome. Sailing -for Spain, in 1719, he had been obliged to put in -near Hyères, and there to dance all night—the -melancholy monarch—at a ball in a rural inn. -Spain could do nothing for him, and he returned to -Rome, whither Charles Wogan brought him a bride, -fair, unhappy Clementina Sobieska, just rescued from -an Austrian prison. Keith says nothing of her, but -tells how, at Cestri de Levanti, his brother called on -Cardinal Alberoni, now fallen from power and in -exile. The Earl, with some lack of humour, wanted -to tell the Cardinal all about the Glenshiel fiasco, but -was informed that the statesman had no longer the -faintest concern with the affairs of Spain or interest -in the gloomy theme.</p> - -<p>From Leghorn the brothers went by land<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_21"></a>[21]</span> -through Pisa, Florence, and Siena to Rome. The -King, ‘who knew we were in want of money,’ sent -Hay to borrow 1,000 crowns from the Pope, ‘which -was refused on pretence of poverty; this I mention -only to shew the genious of Clement XI., and how -little regard Churchmen has for those who has -abandoned all for religion.’ His Majesty, therefore, -raised the money from a banker. The exiled King’s -chief occupation was providing for his destitute -subjects: most of his letters were begging letters.</p> - -<p>The point for which the Keiths had been making -ever since their escape from Scotland was Spain. -Baffled in attempting to cross the Pyrenees, and -penniless, they reached Spain by taking Rome on -their way, James providing the funds with the difficulty -which has been described. From Civita -Vecchia they sailed back to Genoa. Now, Jacobite -privateers, under Morgan, Nick Wogan, and other -wandering knights, were rendering Genoa unluckily -conspicuous by making the harbour their head-quarters. -The tiny squadron for years hung about -all coasts to aid in a new rising.</p> - -<p>The English Minister, D’Avenant, threatened to -bombard the town if the Keiths were not expelled, -while, if they <i>were</i>, the Spanish Minister said that he -would insist on the banishment of all the Catalan -refugees in Genoa. To oblige the Senate of Genoa -in their awkward position, Keith and the Earl -departed, and coasted from the town to Valentia in -a felucca, sleeping on shore every night.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_22"></a>[22]</span></p> - -<p>It is probable that the brothers were suspected -of a part in that form of the Jacobite plot which -chanced to exist at the moment. From 1688 to -1760, or later, there had been really but one plot, -handed on from scheming sire to son, and adapting -itself to new conditions as they happened to arise. -The study of the plot is, indeed, a pretty exercise -in evolution. The object being a Restoration, the -most obvious plan is a landing of foreign troops in -England, with a simultaneous rising of the faithful. -First France is to send the foreign troops; and she -did actually despatch them, or try to despatch them, -at various times—witness La Hogue, Dunkirk, and -Quiberon Bay. When France will not stir, other -Powers are approached. Sweden would have played -this part, in 1718, but for the death of Charles XII. -Then Spain made her effort, in 1719, with the usual -results. There were hopes, again, from Russia, as -from Sweden, and from Prussia in 1753.</p> - -<p>After each failure in this kind, the Jacobites -tried ‘to do the thing themselves,’ as Prince Charles -said, either by assassination schemes (which Charles -Edward invariably set his foot on), or by a simultaneous -rising in London and the Highlands, or by -such a rising aided by Scots or Irish troops in -foreign service landed on the coast. From the -failure at Glenshiel to 1722 this was the aspect of -the plot. Atterbury, Oxford, Orrery, and North and -Grey were managers in England, Mar and Dillon in -Paris, while Morgan and Nick Wogan commanded<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_23"></a>[23]</span> -the poor little fleet.<a id="FNanchor_9" href="#Footnote_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> Ormonde, in Spain, was to -carry over Irish regiments in Spanish service. The -Jacobites had the ship prepared years before for the -expedition of Charles XII., with two or three other -vessels. The gallant Nick Wogan, who, as a mere -boy, had been pardoned, after Preston, for rescuing -a wounded Hanoverian officer under fire, was hovering -on the seas from Genoa to the Groin. George -Kelly was going to and fro between Paris and -London, ‘a man of far more temper, discretion, and -real art’ than Atterbury, says Speaker Onslow.</p> - -<p>When the scheme for Ormonde’s amateur invasion -failed, a mob-plot of Layer’s followed it; but all -was revealed. Kelly and Atterbury were seized; -Atterbury was exiled, Kelly lay in the Tower, and -Layer was hanged.</p> - -<p>Keith says nothing of any part borne by his -brother or himself in these feeble conspiracies. One -Neynho, arrested in London, averred that the Earl -Marischal had been in town on this business, in -disguise, and had shared his room. Neynho merely -guessed that his companion was the Earl, who certainly -was on friendly terms with Atterbury. Long -afterwards he wrote (1737): ‘I was told in Italy -that Pope had thought of publishing a collection -of familliair letters, particularly of ye Bishop; as -I was honoured with Many, I sent copys of a -part and parts (<i>sic</i>) to Pope.’ These, however,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_24"></a>[24]</span> -could not have been political epistles. The originals -must have perished when the Earl burned -all his papers, as d’Alembert’s authorities report, -in 1745.<a id="FNanchor_10" href="#Footnote_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a></p> - -<p>On the whole, it seems certain that Keith, at -least, was not in the plots of 1720-22; Keith, -indeed, lay ill in Paris in 1723-24, suffering from a -tumour. The Earl now held a commission from -Spain, which secured for him a pension, irregularly -paid; but, being a Protestant, he never received an -active command, except once, in an affair with the -Moors. There was no harm, it seemed, in sending a -heretic to fight against infidels. His great friend in -Spain was the Duchess of Medina Sidonia, who was -anxious to convert him.</p> - -<p>‘She spoke to him of a certain miracle, of daily -occurrence in her country. There is a family, or -caste, which, from father to son, have the power of -going into the flames without being burned, and who -by dint of charms permitted by the Inquisition can -extinguish fires. The Earl promised to surrender to -a proof so evident, if he might be present and light -the fire himself. The lady agreed, but the <i>questadore</i>, -as these people are called, would never try the -experiment, though he had done so on a former -occasion; he said that fire had been made by a -heretic, who mingled charms with it, and that he -felt them from afar.’</p> - -<p>This was unlucky, as these families whom fire<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_25"></a>[25]</span> -does not take hold on exist to-day in Fiji, as of old -among the Hirpi of Mount Soracte.</p> - -<p>The Earl had no trouble with the Inquisition, being -allowed to have what books he pleased, as long as he -did not lend them to Spanish subjects. ‘His religious -ideas were far from strict ... but he could not -endure to hear these questions touched on when -women were present, or the poor in spirit: it was a -kind of talk which in general he carefully avoided,’—except -among <i>philosophes</i>.<a id="FNanchor_11" href="#Footnote_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> Hume tells us that -the Earl Marischal and Helvetius thought they were -ascribing an excellent quality to Prince Charles -when they said that he ‘had learned from the philosophers -at Paris to affect a contempt of all religion.’ -It seems improbable that the Earl was more ‘emancipated’ -than Hume, but his wandering life had made -him acquainted with the extremes of Scottish Presbyterianism, -with the Inquisition in Spain, the devotions -of his King in Rome, the levities of Voltaire and -Frederick, and all the contemptuous certainties of the -Encyclopédistes. The Earl rather loved a bold jest -or two, in philosophic company, and his <i>mots</i> were -not always in good taste. As a Norseman’s religion -was mainly that of his sword, the Earl’s appears to -have been that of his character, which was instinctively -affectionate, indulgent, and charitable. If he -had neither Faith nor Hope, which we cannot assume, -he was rich in Charity.</p> - -<p>It is, perhaps, no longer possible to trace all the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_26"></a>[26]</span> -wanderings of the Earl after his brother entered the -Russian service in 1728. In those years the exiles -were mainly concerned about the quarrels between -James and his wife, which had an ill effect on their -Royal reputation in Europe. The Courts chiefly -solicited for aid at this period were those of Moscow -and Vienna. Spain did not pay her pension to James -with regularity, and the Earl Marischal, then as later, -may have suffered from the same inconvenience. This -may account for his return to Rome, where he resided -in James’s palace, about 1730-34. ‘He has the -esteem of all that has the honour to be known to -him, and may be justly styled the honour of our -Cause,’ writes William Hay to Admiral Gordon, who -represented Jacobite interests in Russia (Feb. 2, 1732). -The little Court at Rome was as full of jealousies as -if it had been at St. James’s. Murray, brother of -Lord Mansfield, was Minister, under the title of Lord -Dunbar, while James’s other ‘favourite’ Hay (Lord -Inverness) was at Avignon out of favour, and had -turned Catholic. The pair were generally detested -by the other mock-courtiers. These gentlemen had -formed themselves into an Order of Chivalry, ‘The -Order of Toboso,’ alluding to their Quixotry. Prince -Charles (aged twelve) and the Duke of York (a hero -of seven) were the patrons. ‘They are the most lively -and engaging two boys this day on earth,’ writes -William Hay. The Knights of the Order sent to -Gordon in Russia their cheerful salutations, signed -by ‘Don Ezekiel del Toboso’ (Zeky Hamilton),<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_27"></a>[27]</span> -‘Don George Keith’ (the Earl), and so on. They -declined to elect Murray, because he had ‘the insolence -to fail in his respect to a right honourable -lady who is the ever honoured protectress of the -most illustrious Order of Toboso,’ Lady Elizabeth -Caryl. A number of insults to Murray follow in the -epistle.<a id="FNanchor_12" href="#Footnote_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a></p> - -<p>All this was rather dull, distasteful work for the -Earl. He received from James the Order of the Thistle -(‘the green ribbon’); but, except perhaps at Rome, -he would not wear a decoration not more imposing -than that of the Toboso Order. Writing to his brother, -he drew a pretty picture of the little Duke of York, -who was fond of the Earl, and used to bring his -weekly Report on Conduct to be criticised and sent -on to Keith, far away in Russia. Keith was asked to -comment on it, or, if he did not, the Earl was diplomatist -enough to do so in his name. Prince Charles -the Earl seems to have disliked from the first. He -had already, at the age of thirteen, ‘got out of the -hands of his governors,’ the Earl writes, and indeed -the Prince’s spelling alone proves the success with -which he evaded instruction. But, to please the -little Duke, the Earl sent for a sword from Russia. -The Duke was a pretty child, and wept from disappointment -when his elder brother, in 1734, went off -to the siege of Gaeta, while he, a warrior of nine, -remained in Rome.</p> - -<p>The Earl disliked the tiny jealous Court; the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_28"></a>[28]</span> -impotent cabals, the priests who tried to convert him. -Writing to David Hume long afterwards, in 1762, he -said, ‘I wish I could see you, to answer honestly all -your [historical] questions: for, though I had my -share of folly with others, yet, as my intentions were -at bottom honest, I should open to you my whole -budget.’ When he wrote thus he had made his -peace with England. Why he did so we shall try -to point out later.</p> - -<p>Always scrupulously honest (except when -diplomatic duties forbade, and even then he hated -lying), the Earl told his brother that he found the -Jacobite Court at Rome no place for an honest man. -He does not give details, but he seems to hint at -some enterprise which, in his opinion, was not -honourable. James, moreover, was sunk in devotion, -weeping and praying at the tomb of Clementina. -From this uncongenial society the Earl departed, -and took up his abode at the Papal city of Avignon, -where Ormonde now resided. He liked the charming -old place, and thought it especially rich in -original characters. By 1736, however, he had -returned to Spain, where, as he said, he was always -sure to find ‘his old friend, the Sun.’ News of the -Earl comes through some very harmless correspondence, -intercepted at Leyden, in 1736, by an unidentified -spy.<a id="FNanchor_13" href="#Footnote_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> Don Ezekiel del Toboso (Hamilton) -was now out of favour with James, which, judging -by his very foolish letters, is no marvel. He resided<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_29"></a>[29]</span> -at Leyden, corresponding with Ormonde and George -Kelly. George, after fourteen years of the Tower, -since Atterbury’s Plot, had escaped in a manner at -once ingenious, romantic, and strictly honourable. -Carte, the historian, was another correspondent; but -gossip was the staple of their budgets—gossip and -abuse of James’s favourites, Dunbar and Inverness. -In Spain the Earl officially represented James, but -his chief employments were shooting and reading. -His Spanish pension was unpaid (he had a small -allowance from the Duke of Hamilton), and he was -minded ‘to live contentedly upon a small matter,’ he -says, rather than to ‘pay court in anti-chambers to -under Ministers whom I despise.’ ‘I wo na gie an inch -o’ my will for an ell o’ my wealth,’ he remarks, in -the Scots proverbial phrase. A Protestant canton -in Switzerland would suit him best, where a little -money will furnish all that he requires. ‘I am -naturally sober enough, as to my eating, more as to -my drinking, I do not game, and am a Knight -Errant <i>sin amor</i>, so that I need not great sums for -my maintenance.’ A Knight <i>sin amor</i> the Earl seems -usually to have been. He must have been over -forty at this time, and he had not yet acquired his -celebrated fair Turkish captive. The Earl, however, -had not given up all hope of active Jacobite service. -‘I propose to try if I can still do anything, or have -even the hopes of doing something.’ He had a -‘project,’ and, as far as the hints in his letters can -now be deciphered, it was to remove James, or, at<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_30"></a>[30]</span> -all events, Prince Charles, from Rome (a place distrusted -by Protestant England), and to settle one or -both of them—in Corsica!</p> - -<p>The Earl was interested, as a patriotic Scot, in -the hanging of Porteous by the Edinburgh mob. -‘It’s certain that Porteous was a most brutal fellow; -his last works at the head of his Guard was not the -first time he had ordered his men to fire on the -people. I will not call them Mobb, who made so -orderly an Execution.’</p> - -<p>To this extent may Radical principles carry a -good Jacobite! The Earl should have written the -work contemplated by Swift, ‘A Modest Defence of -the Proceedings of the Rabble, in All Ages.’</p> - -<p>A quarrel with the Spanish Treasurer, who was -short of treasure, ended in somebody assuring the -official that the Earl was a man of honour, ‘who -would go afoot eating bread and water from this to -Tartary <i>con un doblon</i>.’ To Tartary, or near it, the -Earl was to go, though he had been invited by -Ormonde to Avignon. Till the end of the year -1737, Kelly and others hoped to settle Prince -Charles in Corsica, with the Earl for his Minister. -Marischal was expected by Ormonde at Avignon, in -the last week of December, and thither he went for -a month or two, leaving for St. Petersburg in March, -to visit his brother. Keith had been severely -wounded at the assault on Oczakow, and the Earl -found him insisting that he would not have his leg -amputated. The Earl took his part, and brought<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_31"></a>[31]</span> -Keith to Paris, where the surgeons saved his leg, but -where he had to suffer another serious operation. -Thence the devoted brothers went to Barège, where -Keith recovered health. He returned to Russia, -leaving in the Earl’s care Mademoiselle Emetté, -a pretty Turkish captive child, rescued by him at -the sack of Oczakow, and Ibrahim, another True -Believer. These slaves, says a friend who gave -information to d’Alembert, were treated by the Earl -as his children. He educated them, he invested -money in their names (probably when he was in the -service of Frederick the Great), and he cherished -a menagerie of young heathens, whom his brother -had rescued in sieges and storms of towns. One, -Stepan, was a Tartar: another is declared to have -been a Thibetan, and related to the Grand Lama. -The Earl was no proselytiser, and did not convert -his Pagans and Turks. It is said that he was not -insensible to the charms of pretty Emetté.</p> - -<p>‘Can I never inspire you with what I feel?’ he -asked.</p> - -<p>‘<i>Non!</i>’ replied the girl, and there it ended.</p> - -<p>The Earl made a will in her favour, in 1741, -and she later—much later—married M. de Fromont. -The love story is not very plausible, before 1741, as -Emetté was still a girl when she accompanied the -Earl to Paris, during his Embassy, in 1751.</p> - -<p>The movements of the Earl are obscure at this -period, but in 1742-43 he was certainly engaged for -the Jacobite interest in France, residing now at Paris,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_32"></a>[32]</span> -now at Boulogne. The unhappy ‘Association’ of -Scottish Jacobites had been founded in 1741. Its -promoters were the inveterate traitor, Lovat, and -William Macgregor, of Balhaldie, who, since 1715, -had lived chiefly in France, and was a trusted agent -of James. Balhaldie’s character has been much -assailed by Murray of Broughton, who was himself -connected with the Association. As far as can be -discovered Balhaldie was sanguine, and even of a -visionary enthusiasm, when enterprises concocted by -himself were in question. The adventures of other -leaders, especially adventures not supported by -France, he distrusted and thwarted. The loyal -Lochiel and the timid Traquair were also of the -Association, which Balhaldie amused in 1742 with -hopes of a French descent under the Earl Marischal. -Balhaldie had promised to the French Court ‘mountains -and marvels’ in the way of Scottish assistance, -and the Earl ‘treated his assertion with the contempt -and ridicule it deserved,’ says Murray of Broughton. -The Earl’s own letters show impatience with Balhaldie -and Lord Sempil, James’s other agent in Paris. Thus, -on February 12, 1743, the Earl writes from Boulogne -to Lord John Drummond, whose chief business was -to get Highland clothes wherein the Duke of York -might dance at the Carnival. The Earl protests, in -answer to a remark of Sempil’s, that he ‘has more -than bare curiosity in a subject where the interest -of my King and native country is so nearly concerned -(not to speak of my own), where I see a noble<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_33"></a>[33]</span> -spirit, and where I am sensible a great deal of -honour is done me, and I add, that I still hope -these gentlemen will do me the honour and justice to -believe that I shall never fail either in my duty to -my King and country, my gratitude to them for their -good opinion, or in my best endeavours to serve.’ -All this was in reply to Sempil’s insinuation that -the Scottish Jacobites thought the Earl lukewarm. -Murray confirms the Earl by telling how Balhaldie -tried to stir strife between the Earl and the Scots, -who revered him, though Balhaldie styled him ‘an -honourable fool.’<a id="FNanchor_14" href="#Footnote_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a></p> - -<p>Lord John Drummond suggested to James’s -secretary, Edgar, that the Earl should supersede -Balhaldie, ‘who had been obliged to fly the country -in danger of being taken up for a Fifty pound note.’ -Lord John’s advice was excellent. The Earl, and he -alone, was the right man to deal with the party in -Scotland, who could trust his sense, zeal, and honour. -But James, far away in Rome, could never settle -these distant and embroiled affairs. He went on -trusting Balhaldie, who was also accepted by the -party in England. Had James cashiered Balhaldie -and instated the Earl, matters would have been -managed with discretion and confidence. The Earl -was determined not to beguile France into an endeavour -based on the phantom hosts of Balhaldie’s -imagination. Had he been minister, it is highly -probable that nothing would have been done at all,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_34"></a>[34]</span> -and that Prince Charles would never have left Italy. -For Balhaldie continued to represent James in France, -and Balhaldie it was, with Sempil, who induced -Louis XV. to adopt the Jacobite cause, and brought -the Prince to France in 1744. While his father -lived, Charles never returned to Rome.</p> - -<p>On December 23, 1743, James sent to the Duke -of Ormonde, an elderly amorist at Avignon,<a id="FNanchor_15" href="#Footnote_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> his commissions -as General of an expedition to England and -as Regent till the Prince should join. The Earl received -a similar commission as General of a diversion, -‘with some small assistance,’ to be made in Scotland. -The Earl was at Dunkirk, eager to sail for Scotland, -by March 7, 1744, and Charles was somewhere, -<i>incognito</i>, in the neighbourhood. But the Earl, as he -wrote to d’Argenson, had neither definite orders nor -money enough; in short, as usual, everything was -rendered futile by French shilly-shallying and by the -accustomed tempest. D’Alembert and others assert -that Charles asked the Earl to set forth with him -alone in a sailing-boat, to which the Earl replied that, -if he went, it would be to dissuade the Scottish from -joining a Prince so brave but so ill-supported. It is -certain that d’Argenson told Marshal Saxe that the -Prince ought to retire to a villa of the Bishop of -Soissons, with the Earl for his <i>chaperon</i>. The Earl -was still anxious for an expedition in force, but -d’Argenson distrusted his information on all points.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_35"></a>[35]</span> -Charles declined to go and skulk at the Bishop’s, and -wrote that ‘if he knew his presence unaided would -be useful in England he would cross in an open boat.’<a id="FNanchor_16" href="#Footnote_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a></p> - -<p>On this authentic evidence the Earl was anxious -to make an effort, and Charles’s remark about going -alone in an open boat was conditional—<i>s’il savait que -sa présence seule fut utile en Angleterre</i>. But no energy, -no hopes, no courage, could conquer the irresolution -of France. By April Prince Charles was living, <i>très -caché</i>, in Paris. Thus his long habit of hiding arose -in the <i>incognito</i> forced on him by the Ministers of -Louis XV. The Prince, as he writes to his father -(April 3, 1744), was ‘goin about with a single servant -bying fish and other things, and squabling for -a peney more or less.’ He was anxious to make -the campaign in Flanders with the French army, -‘and it will certainly be so if Lord Marschal dose -not hinder it.... He tels them that serving in -the Army in flanders, it would disgust entirely the -English,’ in which opinion the Earl may have been -wrong. Charles accuses the Earl of stopping the -Dunkirk expedition (and here d’Alembert confirms), -‘by saying things that discouraged them to the last -degree: I was plagued with his letters, which were -rather Books, and had the patience to answer them, -article by article, striving to make him act reasonably, -but all to no purpose.’<a id="FNanchor_17" href="#Footnote_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_36"></a>[36]</span></p> - -<p>It was not easy to ‘act reasonably,’ where all -was a chaos of futile counsels and half-hearted -French schemes. They would and they would not, -in the affair of the expedition of March 1744. We -find the Earl now urging despatch, now discouraging -the French, and, on September 5, 1744, he writes to -James, from Avignon, ‘there was not only no design -to employ me, but there was none to any assistance -in Scotland.’<a id="FNanchor_18" href="#Footnote_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> The Earl believed that the Prince’s -incognito was really imposed on him by the devices -of Balhaldie and Sempil, ‘to keep him from seeing -such as from honour and duty would tell him truth.’</p> - -<p>Through such tortuous misunderstandings and -suspicions on every side, matters dragged on till -Charles forced the game by embarking for Scotland -secretly in June 1745. The Earl Marischal was the -man whom he sent to report this step to Louis XV. -‘I hope,’ Charles writes to d’Argenson, ‘you will -receive the Earl as a person of the first quality, in -whom I have full confidence.’ The Earl undertook -the commission.<a id="FNanchor_19" href="#Footnote_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> On August 20, 1745, he sent in a -<i>Mémoire</i> to the French Court. Lord Clancarty had -arrived, authorised (says the Earl) to speak for the -English Jacobite leaders, the Duke of Beaufort, the -Earl of Lichfield, Lord Orrery, Lord Barrymore, -Sir Watkin Williams Wynne, and Sir John Hinde -Cotton. They offered to raise the standard as soon -as French troops landed in England. When they<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_37"></a>[37]</span> -made the offer, the English Jacobites (who asked -for 10,000 infantry, arms for 30,000, guns, and pay) -did not know that Charles had landed in Scotland. -D’Argenson naturally asked for the seals and signatures -of the English leaders, as warrants of their -sincerity. He could not send a <i>corps d’armée</i> across -the Channel on the word of one individual, and such -an individual as the profane, drunken, slovenly, one-eyed -Clancarty. The Earl, on October 23, 1745, -tried to overcome the scruples of d’Argenson, but in -vain.<a id="FNanchor_20" href="#Footnote_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a> Clancarty, it is pretty clear, came over as a -result of the persuasions of Carte, the historian, in -whom the leading English Jacobites had no confidence. -‘The wise men among them would neither -trust Lord Clancarty’s nor Mr. Carte’s discretion in -any scheme of business,’ says Sempil to James (September -13, 1745).</p> - -<p>Sempil was ever at odds with the Earl, who, says -Sempil, ‘insists on great matters.’ French policy -was to keep sending small supplies of money and -men to support agitation in Scotland. The Earl did -not want mere agitation and a feeble futile rising; -he wanted strong measures, which might have a -chance of success. ‘He can trust nobody,’ says -Sempil, ‘and is persuaded that the French Court -will sacrifice our country, if his firmness does not -prevent it.’ The Earl was right; what he foresaw -occurred. Sempil, however, was not far wrong, -when he observed that the Prince was already<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_38"></a>[38]</span> -engaged, and a little help was better than none. ‘I -am sorry to see my old friend so very unfit for great -affairs,’ writes Sempil. The Earl had ever been -adverse to a wild attempt by the Prince, as a mere -cause of misery and useless bloodshed. He probably -thought that no French support and a speedy collapse -of the rising were better than trivial aid, which -kept up the hearts of the Highlanders, and urged -them to extremes.</p> - -<p>By October 19 the Duke of York was flattered -with hopes of sailing at the head of a large French -force. The force hung about Dunkirk for six -months, doing nothing, and then came Culloden. -The Duke was prejudiced against Sempil and his -friend Balhaldie, and already there was a split in the -party, Sempil on one side, the Earl Marischal on -the other. George Kelly returned from Scotland, -as an envoy to France, but Sempil would not trust -him even with the names of the leading English Jacobites. -The secrecy insisted on by Sir Watkin Williams -Wynne, Lord Barrymore, the Duke of Beaufort, and -the others was kept up by Sempil even against Prince -Charles himself. This naturally irritated the Earl, -and, what with Jacobite divisions in France, and -French irresolution, Marischal had to play a tedious -and ungrateful part. James expected him to join the -Prince, but he, for his part, gave James very little -hope of the success of the adventure.<a id="FNanchor_21" href="#Footnote_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> James himself,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_39"></a>[39]</span> -with surprising mental detachment, admitted -that the best plan for the English Jacobites was ‘to -lie still,’ and make no attempt without the assistance -from France which never came.</p> - -<p>The Earl disappears from the diplomatic scene, -on which he had done no good, in the end of 1745. -He obviously attempted to settle quietly in Russia -with his brother. But the Empress ‘would not so -much as allow Lord Marischal to stay in her country,’ -wrote James to Charles, in April 1747. Ejected -from the North, he sought ‘his old friend, the -sun,’ in the South, at Treviso, and at Venice. The -Prince, in August 1747, wrote from Paris imploring -the Earl to join him, for the need of a trustworthy -adviser was bitterly felt. The Earl replied with -respect, but with Republican brevity, pleading his -‘broken health,’ and adding, ‘I did not retire from -all affairs without a certainty how useless I was, and -always must be.’</p> - -<p>At Venice the Earl entertained a moody young -exile, who tells a story illustrating at once his host’s -knowledge of life, the strictness of his morality, -and his freedom from a tendency to censure the -young and enterprising.<a id="FNanchor_22" href="#Footnote_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a></p> - -<p>From Venice the much-wandering Earl retired -to his most sure and hospitable retreat. He joined -his brother, who had now entered the service of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_40"></a>[40]</span> -Frederick the Great. He reached Berlin in January -1748. Frederick, asking first whether his estates -had been confiscated, made him a pension of 2,000 -crowns. Frederick loved, esteemed, sheltered, and -employed the veteran, ‘unfit for affairs’ as he -thought himself. No doubt Frederick’s first aim -was to attach to himself so valuable an officer as -Keith, by showing kindness to his brother. But the -Earl presently became personally dear to him, as a -friend without subservience, and a philosopher without -vanity or pretence. In his new retreat the Earl -was not likely to listen to the prayers of Prince -Charles, who, being now a homeless exile, implored -the old Jacobite to meet him at Venice. Henry -Goring carried the letters, in April 1749, and probably -took counsel with the veteran. Nothing came -of it, except the expulsion from the Prince’s household -at Avignon of poor George Kelly, a staunch -and astute friend, who was obnoxious to the English -Jacobites. Since 1717 Kelly had served the Cause, -first under Atterbury, then—after fourteen years’ imprisonment—in -France, Scotland, and as the Prince’s -secretary. He had been Lord Marischal’s ally in -1745, but Rousseau says that the Earl’s failing was -to be easily prejudiced against a man, and never to -return from his prejudice. Kelly’s letter to Charles -might have disarmed him. ‘Nobody ever had less -reason or worse authority than Lord Marischal for -such an accusation; for your Royal Highness knows -well I always acted the contrary part, and never<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_41"></a>[41]</span> -failed representing the advantage and even necessity -of having him at the head of your affairs.... His -Lordship may think of me what he pleases, but my -opinion of him is still the same.’ There seems to be -no doubt that the Earl had written to Floyd (whom he -commends to Hume as an honest witness) to say that -‘from a good hand’ he learned that Kelly ‘opposed -his coming near the Prince,’ and had spoken of him -as ‘a Republican, a man incapable of cultivating -princes.’ The Earl <i>was</i> ‘incapable of cultivating -princes,’ and Rousseau esteemed him for the same. -But it was under Kelly’s influence that Charles, in -1747, tried to secure the society and services of the -Earl. He had been prejudiced (as Rousseau says -he was capable of being), probably by Carte the -historian. Years afterwards, when the Earl had -disowned Charles, Kelly returned to the Prince’s -household. He never had a stauncher adherent -than this Irish clergyman of exactly the same age -as his father. History, like the Earl Marischal, -has been unduly prejudiced against honest George -Kelly.<a id="FNanchor_23" href="#Footnote_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a></p> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_42"></a>[42]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="II">II<br /> -<span class="smaller">THE EARL IN PRUSSIAN SERVICE</span></h2> - -</div> - -<p>About the Earl’s first years in the company of the -great Frederick little is known or likely to be known. -<i>Deus nobis hæc otia fecit</i>, he may have murmured -to himself while he refused the Prince’s insistent -prayers for his service, and put his Royal Highness -off in a truly Royal way, with his miniature in a -snuff-box of mother-of-pearl. The old humourist -may have reflected that men had given lands and -gear for the cause, and now, like the representative -of Lochgarry, have nothing material to show for -their loyalty, save an inexpensive snuff-box of agate -and gold. No, the Earl would not travel from -Venice in 1749 to meet the Prince.</p> - -<p>His name occurs in brief notes of Voltaire, then -residing with Frederick, and quarrelling with his -Royal host. Voltaire kept borrowing books from the -Scottish exile, books chiefly on historical subjects. -If we may believe Sir Charles Hanbury Williams, -then at Berlin, the celebrated Livonian mistress of -Keith caused quarrels between him and his brother, -and even obliged them to live separately.<a id="FNanchor_24" href="#Footnote_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> The<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_43"></a>[43]</span> -Earl gave much good advice to Henry Goring, the -Prince’s envoy at that time, and if he was indeed on -bad terms with his brother (these bad terms cannot -have lasted long), he may have been all the better -pleased to go as Frederick’s ambassador to Versailles -in August 1751. Thither he took his pretty Turkish -captive, and all his household of Pagans, Mussulmans, -Buddhists, and so forth. I have elsewhere described -the Earl’s relations with Prince Charles, then lurking -in or near Paris; his furtive meetings with Goring at -lace shops and in gardens, his familiarity with Young -Glengarry, who easily outwitted the Earl, and his -unprejudiced tolerance of a perfectly Fenian plot—the -Elibank Plot—for kidnapping George II., Prince -Fecky, and the rest of the Royal Family. The Earl -merely looked on. He gave no advice. His ancient -memories could not enlighten him as to how the -Guards were now posted. ‘What opinion, Mr. -Pickle,’ he said to Glengarry, ‘can I entertain of -people that proposed I should abandon my Embassy -and embark headlong with them?’ The Earl had -found a haven at last in Frederick’s favour. He was -willing to help the cause diplomatically, to send -Jemmy Dawkins to Berlin, to sound Frederick, -and suggest that, in a quarrel with England, the -Jacobites might be useful. He was ready enough -to dine with the exiles on St. Andrew’s Day, but not -to go further. When Charles broke with the faithful -Goring in the spring of 1754, the Earl broke with -<i>him</i>, rebuked him severely, and never forgave him.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_44"></a>[44]</span> -He had never loved Charles; he now regarded him -as impossible, even treacherous, and ceased to be a -Jacobite.</p> - -<p>The nature of his charges against the Prince -will appear later. Meanwhile, as the Prince had -behaved ill to Goring, who fell under his new mania -of suspicion, as he declined to cashier his mistress, -Miss Walkinshaw, in deference to English and Scottish -requests, as he was a battered, broken wanderer, -<i>sans feu ni lieu</i>, the Earl abandoned him to his -fate, and even, it seems, officially ‘warned the party -against being concerned with him.’ After forty years -of faithful though perfectly fruitless service, the Earl -apparently made up his mind to be reconciled, if possible, -to the English Government. Though his appointment -as ambassador had been a direct insult to -Frederick’s uncle, George II., the great diplomatic -revolution which brought Prussia and England into -alliance was favourable to the Earl’s prospects of -pardon.</p> - -<p>He probably accepted the Embassy not without -hopes of being able to do something for the Cause. -James certainly took this view of the appointment. -But the end had come. The retreat of Charles in -Flanders had been detected at last by the English. -The English dread of Miss Walkinshaw, and the -quarrel over that poor lady, made themselves heard -of in the end of 1753. By January 17, 1754, we -find Frederick writing to the Earl that he ‘will -secretly be delighted to see him again.’ Frederick<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_45"></a>[45]</span> -bade Marshal Keith send an itinerary of the route -which the Earl ‘will do well to follow’ on his return -to Prussia. On the same day Keith wrote to his -brother the following letter, which shows that their -affection, if really it had been impaired, was now -revived:—<a id="FNanchor_25" href="#Footnote_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a></p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="right smaller">‘17 January, 1754.</p> - -<p>‘I’m glad my dearest brother says nothing of his -health in the letter ... 27th Dec., for Count -Podewils had alarmed me a good deal by telling -me that you had been obliged more than once to -send Mr. Knyphausen in your place to Versailles, on -occasion of incommoditys; and tho’ I hope you -would not disguise to me the state of your health ... yet -a conversation I had some days ago with -the King gives me still reason to suspect that it is -not so good as I ought to wish it. He told me that -for some time past you had solicitated him to allow -you to retire ... and at your earnest desire he had -granted your request, but at the same time had -acquainted you how absolutely necessary it was for -his interest that you should continue in the same -post till the end of harvest, by which time he must -think of some other to replace you; he asked me at -the same time if your intention was to return here; -to which I answer’d ... it was, tho’ I said this -without any authority from you ... he told me -that in that case he thought you should keep the -time of your journey and route as private as possible,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_46"></a>[46]</span> -and that after taking leave of the Court of France -you should give it out that your health required -your going for some time to the S. of France, that -it was easy on the way to take a cross road to Strasbourg -and Francfort, and after passing the Hessian -dominions to turn into Saxony, by which you would -evite all the Hanoverian Territories and arrive -safely here. Everything he said was more like a -friend than a sovereign, and showed a real tenderness -for your preservation....’</p> - -</div> - -<p>Frederick did not wish his friend to run any -risk of being kidnapped in Hanoverian territory, by -the minions of the Elector. The Earl could not be -allowed to return at once, for the clouds over Anglo-Prussian -relations were clearing, while England was -at odds with France, both about the secret fortifying -of Dunkirk, contrary to treaty, about the East Indies, -and about North America. So Frederick philosophised, -in letters to the Earl, concerning the disagreeable -yoke he had still to bear, and about the inevitable -hardships of mortal life in general. He also asked -the Earl to find him a truly excellent French cook. -On March 31, Frederick offered the Earl the choice -of any place of residence he liked, and expressed a -wish that he could retire from politics. He foresaw -the crucial struggle of his life, the Seven Years’ War. -‘But every machine is made for its special end: the -clock to mark time, the spit to roast meat, the -mill to grind. Let us grind then, since such is my<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_47"></a>[47]</span> -fate, but believe that while I turn and turn by no -will of my own, nobody is more interested in your -philosophical repose than your friend to all time and -in all situations where you may find yourself.’</p> - -<p>Frederick is never so amiable as in his correspondence -with the old Jacobite exile.</p> - -<p>At this period, Frederick gave the Earl information -of Austrian war preparations, for the service of -the French Ministry. Saxony and Vienna excited -his suspicions. He did not yet know that he was to -be opposed also to France. He was occupied with -dramatists and actors, ‘more amusing than all the -clergy in Europe, with the Pope and the Cardinals at -their head.’ He has to diplomatise between Signor -Crica and Signora Paganini, but hopes to succeed -before King George has had time to corrupt his new -Parliament. Happier letters were these to receive -than the heart-broken appeals which rained in from -Prince Charles, letters which the Earl had hoped to -escape by retiring from his Embassy. Here his negotiations -‘had embroiled him with the cooks of Paris,’ -but he had acquired the friendship of d’Alembert, -whom he introduced to Frederick. The King thought -d’Alembert ‘an honest man,’ and agreed with the -Earl’s preference for heart above wit. ‘They who -play with monkeys will get bitten,’ which refers to -Frederick’s quarrel with Voltaire. The Earl warned -the wit that some big Prussian officer would probably -box his ears if he persisted in satirising his late host. -‘Rare it is,’ says Frederick, ‘to find, as in you, the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_48"></a>[48]</span> -combination of wit, character, and knowledge, and -it is natural that I should value you all the more -highly.’</p> - -<p>In May 1754, the Earl, while still pressing to be -relieved from duty, was eager to undertake any -negotiations as to an <i>entente</i> between Prussia and -Spain, a country which he loved. There was an -opportunity—General Wall, of an Irish Jacobite -house, being now minister in the Peninsula.</p> - -<p>The Earl left Paris in the end of June (carrying -with him to Berlin poor Henry Goring, who was near -death), and accepted the Government of Neufchâtel. -While (February 8, 1756) Frederick’s throne was -‘threatened by Voltaire, an earthquake, a comet, -and Madame Denis,’ the Earl was trying to soothe -Protestant fanaticism, then raging in his little realm.</p> - -<p>‘They will tell you, my dear Lord,’ writes -Frederick, ‘that I am rather less Jacobite than of -old. Don’t detest me on that account.’ It is known, -from a letter of Arthur Villettes, at Berne (May 28, -1756), to the English Government, that the Earl was -making no secret of his desire to be pardoned.<a id="FNanchor_26" href="#Footnote_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> The -Earl spoke of the Prince, now, with ‘the utmost -horror and detestation,’ declaring that since 1744 -‘his life had been one continued scene of falsehood, -ingratitude and villainy, and his father’s was little -better.’</p> - -<p>Such, alas! are the possibilities of prejudice. -The Earl accused Charles of telling the Scots, previous<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_49"></a>[49]</span> -to his expedition in 1745, that the Earl approved of -it. There is no evidence in Murray of Broughton -that Charles ever hinted at anything of the kind. -Charles’s life, from 1744 till he returned to France, -is minutely known. He had not been false and -villainous. He had been deceived on many hands, -by Balhaldie (as the Earl strenuously asserted), by -France, by Macleod, Traquair, Nithsdale, Kenmure, -by Murray of Broughton, and he inevitably acquired -a habit of suspicion. Lonely exile, bitter solitude, -then corrupted and depraved him; but the Earl’s -remarks are much too sweeping to be accurate, where -we can test them. In the case of James we can test -them by his copious correspondence. His letters are -not, indeed, those of a hero, but of a kind and loving -father, who continually impresses on Charles the -absolute necessity of the strictest justice and honour, -especially in matters of money, ‘for in these matters -both justice and honour is concerned’ (‘Memorials,’ -p. 372, Aug. 14, 1744). As to politics, James was -absolutely opposed to any desperate adventure, -any hazarding, on a slender chance, of the lives and -fortunes of his subjects. His temper, schooled by -long adversity, made him even applaud the reserve -of his English adherents, and excuse, wherever it -could be excused, the conduct of France, and attempt, -by a mild tolerance, to soothe the fatal jealousies of -his agents. No Prince has been more ruthlessly and -ignorantly calumniated than he whose ‘ails’ and -sorrows had converted him into a philosopher no<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_50"></a>[50]</span> -longer eager for a crown too weighty for him, into -a devout Christian devoid of intolerance, and disinclined -to preach.</p> - -<p>The Earl was justified in forsaking a Cause -which Charles had made morally impossible. But he -believed, in spite of Charles’s contradiction, that he -had threatened to betray his adherents. This prejudice -is the single blot on a character which, once -animated against a man, never forgave.</p> - -<p>The correspondence of Frederick with his Governor -of Neufchâtel is scanty: he had other business -in hand—the struggle for existence. On July 8, 1757, -he writes from Leitmentz, thanking the Earl for a -present of peas and chocolate. On October 19, 1758, -he sends the bitter news of the glorious death of -Marshal Keith, and on November 23 offers his condolences, -and speaks of his unfortunate campaign.</p> - -<p><i>Probus vixit, fortis obiit</i>, was the Earl’s brief epitaph -on his brother. His one close tie to life was broken. -That younger brother, who had fished and shot with -him, had fought at his side at Sheriffmuir, had shared -the dangers of Glenshiel and the outlaw life, who had -voyaged with him in so many desperate wanderings, -to save whom he had crossed Europe—the brother who -had secured for him his ‘philosophic repose’—was -gone, leaving how many dear memories of boyhood -in Scotland, of common perils, and common labours -for a fallen Cause!</p> - -<p>And there followed—oh philosophy!—a squabble -with Keith’s mistress about the frugal inheritance of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_51"></a>[51]</span> -one who scorned to enrich himself! ‘My brother -had just held Bohemia to ransom, and he leaves me -sixty ducats,’ wrote the Earl to Madame Geoffrin. In -December 1758, Frederick determined to send the -Earl to Spain, where ‘nobody is so capable as you -of making himself beloved.’ He wanted peace, but -peace with honour. The Earl was merely to watch -over Frederick’s interests, and to sound Spain as to -her mediation. The King feared a separate Anglo-French -peace, with Prussia left out.</p> - -<p>By January 6, 1759, Frederick was trying to -secure the Earl’s pardon in England, and wrote to -Knyphausen and Michell in London. The death of -Lord Kintore, the Earl’s cousin, devolved an estate -upon him. This Marischal wished to obtain, but he -had not changed sides in hope of gaining these lands. -Andrew Mitchell wrote to Lord Holderness, on January -8, 1759, from Breslau, saying that Frederick had -remarked, ‘I know Lord Marischal to be so thorough -an honest man that I am willing to be surety for his -future conduct.’ He enclosed a letter to be discreetly -submitted to George II., submitting Frederick’s desire -for the Earl’s pardon. By February 5, news reached -Prussia that George had graciously consented.</p> - -<p>There must have been a delay caused by formalities, -for the Earl did not send his letter of thanks -from Madrid to Sir Andrew Mitchell ‘gratefully -acknowledging the goodness of the King’ till -August 24, 1759.</p> - -<p>So there was ‘the end of an auld sang.’ Charles<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_52"></a>[52]</span> -was hanging about the French coast, for the expedition -under Conflans was preparing to carry him, as -he hoped, to England: James, in Rome, was receiving -his sanguine letters. It was 1744 over again; -but the Earl was now of the other party, and -James must have felt the loss severely. The bell -which was regularly rung at home for the Earl’s -birthday, cracked when the news came to Aberdeenshire. -‘I’ll never say “cheep” for <i>you</i> again, Earl -Marischal!’—so some local Jacobite translated the -broken voice of the old bell. But the Earl manifestly -did not win his pardon by discovering and -betraying the secret of the family compact between -France and Spain, as historians have conjectured. -Dates render this, happily, impossible.<a id="FNanchor_27" href="#Footnote_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a></p> - -<p>The Earl took a humorous view of Jacobite -French adventures. ‘The conquest of Ireland by -M. Thurot has miscarried,’ he writes to Mitchell -(April 2, 1760).<a id="FNanchor_28" href="#Footnote_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a> Thurot had but two small ships.</p> - -<p>The Earl now desired to visit England on his -private affairs, and Frederick granted permission. -He went in peace, where he had gone in war, but -Scotland no longer pleased him. True, his Bill was -carried through Parliament, admitting him to the -Kintore estates, and, from the Edinburgh newspapers, -he heard of a new honour—he was elected Provost of -Kintore!</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_53"></a>[53]</span></p> - -<p>‘I had for me all the blew bonnets to a man, and -a Lady whose good heart I respect still more than -her birth, tho it be the very highest, she made -press me (<i>sic</i>) to ask a pension, assuring me it -would cost but one word. I excused myself as -having no pretention to merit it. She bid me not -name her, in leaving you to guess I do not injure her. -She said the same also to Baron Kniphausen.’</p> - -<p>Years later, from Neufchâtel, he wrote to Andrew -Mitchell, ‘The Provost of Kintore presents his compliments,’ -adding some congratulations on Mitchell’s -pension.</p> - -<p>Not even the Provostship of Kintore reconciled the -Earl, a changed man, to a changed Scotland. Conceivably -he was not welcomed by the Jacobite -remnant around the cracked bell. Bigotry, hypocrisy, -and intolerable sabbatarianism were what the -Earl disliked in his own country. He was also resolute -against marrying, declined <i>faire l’étalon</i>, as -Frederick delicately put it. Early in 1761, he -made up his mind to return to Neufchâtel, and to -compose the quarrels of Protestants and heretics. -At Neufchâtel the Earl made an acquaintance rather -disagreeable to most English tastes, the moral and -sensible Jean-Jacques Rousseau. The philosopher’s -account of the Earl is in his ‘Confessions.’ According -to him, Marischal, beginning life as a Jacobite, -‘se dégoûta bientôt,’ which is not historically accurate. -‘La grande âme de ce digne homme toute -républicaine’ could not endure ‘l’esprit injuste et<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_54"></a>[54]</span> -tyrannique’ of King James! The wicked people of -Neufchâtel, whom the Earl ‘tried to make happy,’ -‘kicked against his benevolent cares.’ A preacher -‘was expelled for not wanting many persons to be -eternally damned.’</p> - -<p>Rousseau went to Neufchâtel to escape the persecution -which never ceased to attack this virtuous -man. Frederick allowed him to hide his virtues in -this hermitage, and made some rather slender offers -of provision (twelve <i>louis</i>, says Rousseau), which -exasperated the sage. On seeing the Earl his first -idea was to weep (Jean-Jacques perhaps followed -Richardson in his tearfulness), so extremely emaciated -was the worthy peer. Conquering his ‘great -inclinations to cry,’ with an effort, Rousseau -admired the Earl’s ‘open, animated, and noble -physiognomy.’ Without ceremony, and acting as a -Child of Nature, Jean-Jacques went and sat down -beside the Earl on his sofa. In his noble eye Rousseau -detected ‘something fine, piercing, yet in a way -caressing.’ He became quite fond of the Earl. -Wordsworth has justly remarked that you seldom -see a grown-up male weeping freely on the -public highway. But, had you been on the road -between Rousseau’s house and the Earl’s you might -have seen the author of the ‘Nouvelle Héloïse’ blubbering -as he walked, shedding <i>larmes d’attendrissement</i>, -as he contemplated the ‘paternal kindnesses, -amiable virtues, and mild philosophy of the respectable -old man.’</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_55"></a>[55]</span></p> - -<p>I know not whether I express a common British -sentiment, but the tears of Jean-Jacques over our -Scottish stoic awaken in me a considerable impatience. -The Earl was incapable, for his part, of lamentations. -Jean-Jacques was too ‘independent’ to be the Earl’s -guest. Later, he conceived in that bosom tingling -with sensibility that the Earl had been ‘set against -him’ by Hume—‘Ils vous ont trompé, ces barbares; -mais ils ne vous ont pas changé.’ It was true, the -Earl could break Prince Charles’s heart, but he always -made allowances for Jean-Jacques. Rousseau, not -knowing that the Earl’s heart was true to him, -writes: ‘Il se laisse abuser, quelquefois, et n’en revient -jamais.... Il a l’humeur singulière, quelque chose -de bizarre et étrange dans son tour d’esprit. Ses -cadeaux sont de fantaisie, et non de convenance. Il -donne ou envoie à l’instant ce qui lui passe par tête, -de grand prix, ou de nulle valeur indifféremment.’ -Nevertheless the Earl was the cause of Rousseau’s -‘last happy memories.’</p> - -<p>The Earl left Neufchâtel; he arranged for Rousseau’s -refuge in England. David Hume, who was -dear to the Earl, arranged the reception of Rousseau -in England, and every one has heard of Rousseau’s -insane behaviour, and of the quarrel with Hume. -Rousseau wanted to write the History of the Keiths, -and asked the Earl for documents. Jean-Jacques -was hardly the man to write Scottish family history, -and the documents were never entrusted to -him.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_56"></a>[56]</span></p> - -<p>Here follows the letter on the topic of Rousseau, -which the Earl wrote to Hume:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>‘Jean Jaques Rousseau persecuted for having -writ what he thinks good, or rather, as some folks -think, for having displeased persons in great power -who attributed to him what he never meant, came -here to seek retreat, which I readily granted, and the -King of Prussia not only approved of my so doing, -but gave me orders to furnish him his small necessarys, -if he would accept them; and tho that King’s -philosophy be very different from that of Jean -Jaques, yet he does not think that a man of an -irreprochable life is to be persecuted because his -sentiments are singular, he designs to build him a -hermitage with a little garden, which I find he will -not accept, nor perhaps the rest which I have not yet -offered to him. He is gay in company, polite, and -what the French call <i>aimable</i>, and gains ground dayly -in the opinion of even the clergy here; his enemys -else where continue to persecute him, he is pelted -with anonimous letters, this is not a country for him, -his attachment and love to his native Toune is a -strong tye to its neigbourhood, the liberty of England, -and the character of my good and honored -friend D. Hume F⸺i D⸺r<a id="FNanchor_29" href="#Footnote_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> (perhaps more -singular than that of Jean Jaques, for I take him to -be the only historian impartial) draws his inclinations -to be near to the F⸺i D⸺r, for my part, -tho it be to me a very great pleasure to converse<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_57"></a>[57]</span> -with the honest savage, yet I advise him to go to -England, where he will enjoy <i>Placidam sub libertate -quietem</i>. He wishes to know, if he can print all his -works, and make some profit, merely to live, from -such an edition. I entreat you will let me know -your thoughts on this, and if you can be of use to -him in finding him a bookseller to undertake the -work, you know he is not interested, and little will -content him. If he goes to Brittain, he will be a -treasure to you, and you to him, and perhaps both -to me (if I were not so old).</p> - -<p>‘I have offered him lodging in Keith Hall. I am -ever with the greatest regard your most obedient -servant</p> - -<p class="right">M.<a id="FNanchor_30" href="#Footnote_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a></p> - -<p class="smaller">‘Oct. 2, 1762.’</p> - -</div> - -<p>Rousseau never went so far north, never took -Keith Hall for a hermitage, nor scandalised the Kirk -Session. After his quarrel with Hume, the Earl -did not write freely to him, saying that he wrote -little to anyone. He thought, he tells another -correspondent, of ‘turning bankrupt in letters.’ -‘My heart is not the dupe of these pretences,’ -sighs Rousseau. He took money from the Earl, -he took money at many hands. He sent a long -deplorable lamentation to Marischal: the Earl has -been deceived, a phantom has been exhibited to him -as his fond J.-J. R. Probably there was no answer, but<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_58"></a>[58]</span> -the Earl bequeathed to him his watch as a <i>souvenir</i>. -‘Jean Jacques est trop honête home pour ce monde, -qui tâche a tourner en ridicule sa delicatesse,’ so the -Earl had written from London to Hume in Paris.</p> - -<p>He appears, when in England, to have met Hume -at Mitcham, and he was devoted to the stout, smiling -sceptic, whom he called ‘<i>Defensor Fidei</i>.’</p> - -<p>In 1764 the Earl left Neufchâtel for Potsdam, -where Frederick built him a house. This he describes -in a letter to Hume. The following note -(1765) clearly refers to Hume’s report of Helvetius’s -absurd anecdote, that Prince Charles showed the -white feather on starting for Scotland, and had to be -carried on board, tied hands and feet, by Sheridan, -George Kelly, and others of the Seven Men of Moidart. -Hume repeated this incredible nonsense in a letter to -Sir John Pringle, who clearly distrusted the evidence.<a id="FNanchor_31" href="#Footnote_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a> -This appears to be the ‘certain history’ which the -Earl asks Hume to get from Helvetius, who had -been ‘assured of the fact.’ By whom?</p> - -<p>To disseminate this fourth-hand scandal of his -former master—scandal which, if true, he himself -was in a better position to have heard than Helvetius—was -perhaps the least worthy act of the -Earl.</p> - -<p>The David Floyd of whom he writes occurs often -in the Stuart Correspondence. He was of the old -St. Germains set, being the son of that Captain -Floyd, so much disliked by Lord Ailesbury, who<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_59"></a>[59]</span> -came and went from England to James II., after -1688.</p> - -<p>In another letter the Earl advises Hume to -consult Floyd on events ‘of which you took a confused -note from me at Mitcham.’ Among these -facts may be the story, given by Hume on the Earl’s -authority, of Charles’s presence at the coronation -of George III. No other evidence of this adventure -exists.</p> - -<p>Here follows the letter:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="right smaller">‘29 Aprile.</p> - -<p>‘In answer to your question, the Don quixotisme -you mention never entered into my head. I wish I -could see you to answer honestly all your questions, -for tho I had my share of follys with others, yet as -my intentions were at bottom honest, I should open -to you my whole budget, and lett you know many -things which are perhaps not all represented, I mean -not truly. I remember to have recommended to -your acquaintance Mr. Floyd, son to old David -Floyd, at St. Germains, as a man of good sense, -honor, and honesty: I fear he is dead, he would -have been of great service to you in a part of your -history since 1688. <i>A propos of history when you -see Helvetius, tell I desired you to enquire of him -concerning a certain history.</i> I fancy he will answer -you with his usuall Frankness.’</p> - -</div> - -<p>This, then, must refer to Helvetius’s lie about the -Prince’s cowardice.</p> - -<div class="figcenter illowp50" id="illus2" style="max-width: 29.6875em;"> - <img class="w100" src="images/illus2.jpg" alt="" /> - <p class="caption-r"><i>Walker & Boutall, ph. sc.</i></p> - <p class="caption"><i>The Earl Marischal</i></p> - <p class="caption"><i>circ. 1750.</i></p> -</div> - -<p>The following letters to Hume illustrate the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_60"></a>[60]</span> -rather blasphemous <i>bonhomie</i> of the Earl, who, -because of Hume’s genius and fatness, was wont -to speak of him as ‘<i>verbum caro factum</i>.’ He writes -of his new hermitage at Potsdam, of his garden, his -favourite books (just what we might expect them -to be—Montaigne, Swift, Ariosto), of Voltaire, -d’Argens, and d’Alembert. He incidentally shows, -<i>à propos</i> of a fabled discovery, that Mr. Darwin’s -theory would not have astonished him much:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="right smaller">‘Potsdam, ce 11 Sep. 1764.</p> - -<p>‘Le plaisir de votre lettre, et l’assurance d’amitié -de Madame Geauffrin et de Monsieur d’Alembert, a -été bien rabattu par ce que vous me dites de l’etat -de la santé de M. d’Alembert; sobre comme il est a -table, comment peut il avoir des meaux d’estomac: -il faut qu’il travaille trop de la tête à des calculs, -ou qu’il allume sa chandelle par les deux bouts, c’est -cela sans doute. Renvoyez-le ici a mon hermitage, -je le rendray à sa, ou ses, belles frais, reposé, se -portant a merveille.</p> - -<p>‘A propos de mon hermitage dont Mʳ de Malsan -vous a fait la description, il a voyagé avec Panurge, -et a été chez <i>Oui-dire tenant école de temoignerie</i>, -primo, ma petite maison ne subsiste pas, par consequence -mon grand hôte ne pouvoit m’y honorer de -sa presence.</p> - -<p>‘2ᵒ. Elle ne sera pas si petite, ayant 89. pieds de -façade, avec deux ailes de 45. pieds de long; le -jardin est petit, assez grand cependant pour moy, et<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_61"></a>[61]</span> -j’ay une clef pour entrer aux jardins de Sans-Soucy. -Il y aura une belle salle avec une vestibule, et un -cabinet assez grand pour y mettre un lit, tout a part -des autres appartements, si d’Alembert venoit il -pouvoit y loger et prendre les eaux, mais il est plus -que probable que le Grand Hôte me disputeroit et -emporteroit cet avantage. En attendant son arrivee, -j’y logerais mon ancien ami Michel de Montagne, -Arioste, Voltaire, Swift, et quelques autres.</p> - -<p>‘Saul et David y seront aussi, quoyque j’aimerais -mieux David F⸺i D⸺r—m, surtout en persone, car -le Verbum j’ay, la Caro me manque. Je regrette -bien de n’avoir pas sçu que Mᵉ de Boufflers étoit en -hollande quand j’y ay passé, j’aurois été heureux de -la connoitre, par tout le bien que tout le monde dit -d’elle. Son ami et le mien Jean Jaques à été en -chemin pour les eaux en Savoye.</p> - -<p>‘Voltaire est un antichretien entousiaste, j’en ay -connu plus d’un et qui plus est sans étre poête: je -ne sais rien de son dictionaire que j’ay cherché ici -inutilement, il viendra, toutes les choses nous vienent, -un peu plus tard a la vérité par ou vous étes; mais -la Société dont vous avez le bonheur de jouir ne -nous viendra pas: comme je suis tres vieux, lourd, -pesant, bon a rien, il ne faut que Placidam sub -libertate Quietem; mon hôte, pour me la donner -plus entierement, me batit ma maison; elle sera -achevée en trois mois; meublée au printems: et j’y -pourray loger Octobre 1765.</p> - -<p>‘Faites moy envisager comme pas impossible que<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_62"></a>[62]</span> -vous pourriez y venir, que je serois bien content, -bon soir.</p> - -<p>‘Mes respects a Madame Geauffrin.</p> - -<p>‘Dites a d’Alembert que j’ay une vache pour lui -donner de bon lait, cela le tentera plus que le cent -mil roubles qu’on lui à offert. N’a pas bon lait qui -veut, et vir sapiens non abhorrebit eam, come disoit -Maitre Janotus de ses chausses....</p> - -<p>‘d’Argens est parti hier chercher le soleil de -Provence, avant que de se mettre en voyage, il se fit -tâter le poux par son medecin a plusieures reprises, -le priant toujours bien fort de le dire de bon foye -s’il etoit en etat de faire le voyage, les chevaux -étoient deja au carosse. Il dit qu’il reviendra, et -n’en sait rien; le soleil ne le guerira pas de sa -hipocondrie, il reviendra chercher le froid, s’il ne -creve pas, ce qui est a craindre, son corps est trop -delabré. Son frere, grand Jesuite, sa vieille mere, et -les Jansenistes Provençeaux tout cela le genera, il -soupirera aprés la liberté de philosopher a Sans-Soucy, -quoiqu’il se plaint quand il y est; si on lui -dit qu’il se porte bien surtout il se fache. Il seroit -fort a souhaiter que votre plume fusse employée a -nous instruire de la verité, au lieu des disputes sur -l’I(l)e de la Tortuga, que je crois l’occupe un pen a -présent, mais si vous ne vous mettez pas a écrire de -votre proprement mouvement, et non pas par complesance -pour un autre, ne faites rien; il faut y étre -tout entier.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_63"></a>[63]</span></p> - -<p>‘Le Chevalier Stuart m’a parlé des decouvertes -par le Microscope, par un certain Needham, prêtre, -j’ay cherché inutilement cette brochure. Voici le -fait come le chevalier Stuart me l’a dit. Il prit un -gigot de mouton, le fit rotir presqu’a brûler, pour -detruire les animalcules ou leur œufs qui pouvoient -y étre: il en pris le jus, le mit dans une bouteille -bien bouchée, le fit cuire des heures dans l’eau -bouillante, pour detruire toute animalcule ou œuf -que pouvoit si étre introduite par l’air en mettant le -jus dans la bouteille: au bout de quelque tems le jus -fermenta, et produisit des animalcules.</p> - -<p>‘Needham pretend que toute generation ne vient -qu de fermentation. Je vous dis mon autheur, vous -le connoissez; il ne parle legerment.</p> - -<p>‘Cette decouverte me paroit valoir la peine a -examiner; ce pourroit étre du gibier, come dit -Montagne, de M. Diderot. Si la fermentation dans -une petite bouteille produit un tres petit animal: -celle de tous les élements de notre globe, ne pourroit -elle produire, un chêne, un élephant. Je proteste -que je parle avec toute soumission à David Hume -F—i D⸺i, et à la sainte Inquisition, s’il trouve -que quelque chose cloche dans ce sistême, que je ne -fais que raporter. bon soir.’</p> - -</div> - -<p>Other letters to Hume occur in 1765, and are -preserved in the Library of the Royal Society of Edinburgh. -‘I am going down hill very fast, but easily, -as one that descends the Mont Cenis <i>ramassé</i>, without<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_64"></a>[64]</span> -pain or trouble.’ He mentions the frost and snow at -Berlin as severe to <i>un pobre viejo Cristiano Español</i>. -He sends turnip seed, a bucolic gift, to Helvetius, -and to Madame de Vassé, the lady who concealed -Prince Charles in the Convent of St. Joseph.<a id="FNanchor_32" href="#Footnote_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a></p> - -<p>He mentions that he sups every night with the -King, and wishes Hume to share these festivals.</p> - -<p>The Earl was infinitely happier with Frederick -and the gay freethinkers at Potsdam than in Scotland, -where so many friendly heads had fallen, where -every sight recalled unhappy things; where the lairds -drank too much, and the ministers preached too long, -and wits were scarce, and people wanted him to -marry and beget heirs (here he had Frederick’s sympathy), -and still the cracked old bell kept up its -peevish lament, <i>Disloyal, Loyal, Loyal, Disloyal!</i></p> - -<p>Such was the Earl’s correspondence with Hume; -they are the letters of a kind, good, humorous old -pagan. To d’Alembert also he wrote freely. ‘I -have read with much pleasure four volumes of your -works, and was really pleased with myself when I -found that I could understand them. I want to use -my rights as an old fellow, and tell anecdotes.’ Then -he gives a Scotch story, which would be more amusing -in Scots than in his French. Of Frederick, he -says that (unlike Carlyle) he is ‘gey easy to live wi’,’ -<i>l’homme du monde le plus aisé à vivre</i>. He announces -‘David Hume is elevated to the sublime dignity of -a Saint, by public acclamation: the street where he<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_65"></a>[65]</span> -dwells is entitled La rue de <i>St. David</i>. Vox populi, -vox Dei. Amen.’ Again,—the old sinner!—</p> - -<p>‘I have received an inestimable treasure, plenary -indulgences <i>in articulo mortis</i>, with power to bestow -some of them on twelve elect souls. One I send to -good David Hume; as I wish you all good things in -both worlds, I offer you a place among my chosen.’</p> - -<p>The philosopher took a simple pleasure in drolleries -which no longer tempt us—we have now been so -long emancipated.</p> - -<p>The Earl said that in Spain he would have felt -obliged to denounce Frederick to the Inquisition. -Frederick has given the old exile medicines to make -him love him, as Prince Hal did to Falstaff. ‘If he -had not bewitched me, would I stay here, where I -only see a spectre of the sun, when I might live and -die in the happy climate of Valencia?’</p> - -<p>So he slipped down the hill in a happy, kind old -age. In summer he rose at five, read for an hour, -wrote his letters, and burned most of those which he -received. Then he had his head shaved, and washed -in cold water, dressed, took a drive, or pottered in -his garden. Heaven made gardens, surely, for the -pottering peace of virtuous eld. At twelve he dined, -chiefly on vegetables, taking but one glass of sherry. -He had always four or five guests, and, after dinner, -left them ‘to make the coffee’—that is, to enjoy a -<i>siesta</i>. He never remembered to have remained -awake a moment when once his head touched the -pillow. Then he took coffee, played piquet, pottered<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_66"></a>[66]</span> -again in the garden, supped on chocolate, and so to -bed early. He read much, and thanked a slight loss -of memory for the pleasure of being able to read -all his favourite authors over again. Rabelais, Montaigne, -and Molière were his favourites in French, in -English, Shakspeare and the old dramatists. Terence -and Plautus he studied in Latin, the Greek writers -‘in cribs.’ Tragedy he could not abide; mirth he -loved, and d’Alembert’s informant had come on him -laughing aloud when alone. He was full of anecdote, -and, having known everybody of note for some -seventy years, his talk was delightful. For music, -he preferred the pibroch in a strange land, as -did Charles, alone and old in Italy. One touch of -nature!</p> - -<p>He was kindness itself, and loved giving; from -Rousseau he met, we are told, the usual amount of -gratitude after the quarrel with Hume. But, judging -from what Rousseau himself says, on this occasion he -was not ungrateful. If he heard, in conversation, a -tale of misery, he made no remark, but sought out -and succoured the person in distress. To every one -who visited him he insisted on making some little -present. He maintained a poor woman in comfort; -nay, ‘down to spiders and frogs, he was the friend of -all created things.’ Being a piquet player of the -first force, he would only stake halfpence, and, when -his winnings accumulated, laid them out in a feast of -fat things for Snell, his big dog. Like Lionardo da -Vinci, he could not bear to see a caged bird.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_67"></a>[67]</span></p> - -<p>In his last years he was drawn about in a garden -chair, his legs failing him. His mortal agony was -long and patiently borne: never before had he been -ill. ‘Can your physic take fifty years off my life?’ -he asked the doctor. He died merely of long -life, on May 25, 1778. In 1770 he had described -himself to his kinsman, Sir Robert Murray Keith, as -‘nearly eighty.’ In 1778, then, he cannot have been -ninety-two, as Mr. Carlyle supposed—probably he was -about eighty-five. Years of trouble and sorrow these -years would have been to another, but ‘a merry heart -goes all the way.’ Physically, and mentally, and -morally, the Earl had ever been an example of -soundness. In his latest illness he was never peevish. -Once ‘he wished he were among the Eskimo, for they -knock old men on the head.’</p> - -<p>The Earl was not a great man. In conspiracy, in -war, in government, in diplomacy, he was a rather -oddly ineffectual man. He had, in short, a genius for -goodness, and an independence of spirit, a perfect -disinterestedness, an inability to blind himself to -disagreeable facts, and to the merits of the opposite -side—a balance, in fact, of temperament and of humour—which -are inconsistent with political success. -We may wish that his taste in jokes had been less that -of the <i>philosophes</i>. We may wish that, if the Cause -was indeed hopeless, he had deserted it without reproaching -his old master. He might have abstained -from disseminating the tattle of Helvetius. There is -very little else which mortal judgment can find to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_68"></a>[68]</span> -reprehend in brave, honest, generous, humorous, kind -George Keith, who was, without Christian faith, the -pattern of all the Christian virtues. He was of two -worlds—the old Royalist world, and the Age of Revolution—yet -undisturbed in heart he lived and -died,</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse indent4">Vetustæ vitæ imago,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Et specimen venientis ævi.<a id="FNanchor_33" href="#Footnote_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a></div> - </div> -</div> -</div> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_69"></a>[69]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="III">III<br /> -<span class="smaller">MURRAY OF BROUGHTON</span></h2> - -</div> - -<p>In black contrast to the name, the character, the -happy life and peaceful, kindly end of the good -Earl Marischal stand the infamy, the ruined soul, -the wretched existence and miserable death of John -Murray of Broughton. ‘No lip of me or mine comes -after Broughton’s!’ said the Whig father of Sir -Walter Scott, as he threw out of window the teacup -from which the traitor had drunk. Murray was -poisonous; was shunned like a sick, venomed beast. -His name was blotted out of the books of the -Masons’ lodge to which he belonged; even the -records of baptisms in his Episcopal chapel attest -the horror in which he was held for thirty years, for -half his life. Yet this informer remained, through -that moiety of his degraded existence, true in heart -to the Cause which the Earl Marischal forsook and -disdained, true to his affection for his Prince; and it -is even extremely probable that, after he became -titular King, Charles, on a secret expedition to England, -visited Murray in his London house.</p> - -<p>The vacant, contemned years, when his beautiful -wife had ceased to share his infamy, were partly<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_70"></a>[70]</span> -beguiled in the composition of the ‘Memorials,’ -which Mr. Fitzroy Bell has edited, with reinforcements -from the Stuart MSS., the papers in the -Record Office, and the archives of the Quai d’Orsay. -In these we find a spectacle which is rare: a -traitor convicted, exposed, detested, yet still clinging -to the Cause which he wrought for and sold, -still striving to batter himself into his own self-respect, -and to extenuate or bluster out his own -dishonour. The Earl Marischal has left us no -memoirs; a manuscript which he gave to Sir Robert -Murray Keith has been lost. But Murray’s papers -are still in the possession of his great-grandson by a -second marriage, Mr. George Siddons Murray, who -has generously sanctioned their publication.</p> - -<p>John Murray, of Broughton, in Peeblesshire, was -born in 1715, being descended from a cadet of the -house of Murray of Philiphaugh. His father, Sir -David Murray, was out in the Fifteen, but afterwards -lived peacefully, developed the lead mines of -Strontian, and died before the Forty-five. His son, -educated at Edinburgh and Leyden Universities, -visited Rome in 1737-8, carried thither his ancestral -politics, and inflamed them at the light of Prince -Charles’s eyes, ‘the finest I ever saw.’<a id="FNanchor_34" href="#Footnote_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a> He found -Charles ‘the most surprizingly handsome person of -the age,’ a description not borne out by the miniature -in enamel which he gave to his admirer in a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_71"></a>[71]</span> -diamond snuff-box.<a id="FNanchor_35" href="#Footnote_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a> Here we see ‘the complection -that has in it somewhat of an uncommon delicacy;’ -we see large brown eyes, an oval face, and the bright -hair hanging down below the perruque, that hair -which is treasured in a hundred rings, sleeve-links, -and lockets. But genuine portraits of the Prince do -not account for his epithet of ‘bonnie,’ and for his -almost involuntary successes with women. He had -‘an air,’ and was, indeed, a good-looking boy enough; -but he was no Adonis, the lower part of his face -tending early to overfulness. However, he won -Murray’s heart, and he never lost it.</p> - -<p>Returning, in 1738, to Broughton, on the Tweed, -Murray found himself a near neighbour of Lord -Traquair, then residing in his ancient château, which -lent its bears to Tully Veolan. The house has a -legend of an avenue gate never to be opened till the -King comes again; but Lord Traquair, a Jacobite -from vanity, did nothing to promote a Restoration. -He feebly caballed, and at Traquair Murray may -have drunk loyal healths enough to float a ship. -Inclined for more active measures, he succeeded old -Colonel Urquhart as Scottish correspondent of Edgar, -the King’s secretary in Rome. The appointment was -approved of by the Duke of Hamilton, who, dying in -1743, left the Garter, the gift of King George, and -the Thistle, the gift of King James! The new Duke -was Jacobite enough to subscribe 1,500<i>l.</i> to the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_72"></a>[72]</span> -Cause and to accept James’s commission just before -the Prince landed, but he held aloof from the Rising.</p> - -<p>Murray went into his business as Jacobite -organiser with a cool and clear head. He knew the -value of documentary evidence, and when he could -he secured the signatures of adherents. In 1741 the -‘Association’ was formed, by Traquair, Lovat, Macgregor -or Drummond of Balhaldie (described in the -essay on the Earl Marischal), the bankrupt Campbell -of Auchenbreck, father-in-law of Lochiel, and Lochiel -himself, the only honest man of the cabal. In -March 1741, Murray was introduced to Balhaldie. -That chief promised mountains and marvels, including -20,000 stand of arms already stocked. Visionary -weapons were these, as the swords which fell from -heaven into Clydesdale in 1684. Murray was invited -to trust Lovat, which he was disinclined to do, having -heard from Lochiel and from general rumour of that -rogue’s unfathomable and capricious treachery. -Murray yielded, however, and the Association was -launched. First came the question of supplies. -The Scots were loyal, but, as a rule, would not part -with a bawbee. Hay of Drumelzier kept a good -grip of the gear; Lockhart of Carnwath had no -money by him; the Duke of Hamilton evaded the -question; and Lovat and Balhaldie opposed the -recruiting of new associates, who, if brought in, -would have rebelled against such incompetent or -treacherous managers.</p> - -<p>Nothing occurred till, in December 1742, Balhaldie<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_73"></a>[73]</span> -sent some of his Ossianic prophecies of a French -invasion to Traquair. Murray did not believe in the -predictions, and only the feeblest attempts at organising -the country into districts were made. Auchenbreck -was to manage Argyllshire, Traquair was responsible -for Scotland south of Forth. Neither brought in -an adherent. Weapons were lacking, and Balhaldie -gave no information about a plan of campaign. It -was absolutely necessary to know what France really -intended, and, at the end of 1712, Murray himself set -out for Paris. In London he heard of the death of -Cardinal Fleury—a great blow to the cause. He -found in Paris that Balhaldie was beguiling France -with exaggerated accounts of what the stingy and -disorganised Scots were prepared to do. Murray -was merely mocked by Cardinal Tencin, and from -Amelot got only vague expressions of goodwill, and -the warning that ‘such enterprizes were dangerous -and precarious.’ Yet Balhaldie seemed much elated, -and returned to England with Murray to put heart -into the English adherents. In England Murray -found Colonel Cecil as little satisfied with Balhaldie -as himself, but the Celt hurried about with a great -air of business, and sent for Traquair to come to town.</p> - -<p>Traquair did go to town, carrying a letter of -Murray’s, to be forwarded to the Earl Marischal. By -the advice of Balhaldie (who was the last man that -ought to have seen the letter) Traquair burned it. -This was a new offence, and, in brief, the feud between -Murray and Balhaldie became inveterate.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_74"></a>[74]</span></p> - -<p>In London Traquair did nothing. He never wrote -to the party in Scotland, and he brought back nothing -but the names of the English leaders, the Duke of -Beaufort, Lord Orrery, Lord Barrymore, Sir John -Hinde Cotton, and Sir Watkin Williams Wynne. -When Murray, in turning informer, divulged these -names, except that of Beaufort, he told Government -nothing which every man who cared did not know. -But the English were thrown ‘into a mortal fright,’ -as Balhaldie found so late as 1749. They were -always in a mortal fright, always insisted that their -Scottish allies should not even know who they -were. Thus concerted movements were made impossible. -Murray was dashed by the discovery that -the English party was a mere set of five or six -<i>nominum umbræ</i>. Doubtless there were plenty of -Squire Westerns, who were ready to drink healths.</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse indent0">Were our glasses turned into swords,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Or our actions half as great as our words,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Were our enemies turned to quarts,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">How nobly we should play our parts.</div> - <div class="verse indent0">The least that we would do, each man should kill his two,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Without the help of France or Spain,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">The Whigs should run a tilt, and their dearest blood be spilt,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">And the King should enjoy his own again!<a id="FNanchor_36" href="#Footnote_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a></div> - </div> -</div> -</div> - -<p>There may have been more serious intentions. -In a Devonshire house I saw, once, a fine portrait of -James III., and learned that the great-grandfather -of the owner had burned compromising papers. Such<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_75"></a>[75]</span> -papers of English Jacobites, if any existed, seem -always to have been destroyed.</p> - -<p>Traquair had done nothing; from Barrymore he -got a promise of 10,000<i>l.</i>, from the rich Welsh baronet -he got only excuses. Lovat, according to Murray, -said, in the Tower, that Beaufort had promised to raise -12,000 men, ‘whereby he exposed before the warders -a nobleman to the resentment of Government whom -I had been at great pains to represent ... as no -ways privy to or concerned in our scheme.’</p> - -<p>The year 1743 ended, and at its close (December -23) James announced to Ormonde and to the -Earl Marischal the French King’s resolution to help -him. Balhaldie brought the Prince to France, early -in 1744. Nothing was done, nothing was concerted. -An attempt to engage the Cameronians, through -Kenmure and Sir Thomas Gordon of Earlstoun, -was a predestined failure. After Midsummer, 1744, -Murray determined to visit France, watch Balhaldie, -and see the Prince. He casually discovered that a -Mr. Cockburn left the Jacobite cypher lying loose on -his window seat, or under a dictionary! These -were pretty characters to manage a conspiracy; but -we have seen equal stupidity in ‘Jameson’s Raid.’ -In London Murray saw Dr. Barry, whom he later -betrayed, as far as in him lay. He crossed to -Flanders, and met Balhaldie gambling in the Sun -tavern at Rotterdam. Balhaldie vapoured about -buying arms, though ‘he had not credit for a -<i>louis d’or</i>,’ and bragged about the travelling chaise<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_76"></a>[76]</span> -(the Prince’s famous <i>chese</i>) which he had designed for -his Royal Highness. Not to pursue these chicaneries, -Murray exposed Balhaldie and Sempil to -Charles, whom he met secretly behind the stables of -the Tuileries. The Prince took it very coolly, without -loss of temper or excitement, but announced -his intention to visit Scotland next summer (1745) if -he came with a single servant. Murray replied that -his arrival would ever be welcome, ‘but I hoped it -would not be without a body of troops.’ Murray -then pointed out that, in such an adventure, ‘he -could not positively depend on more than 4,000 -Highlanders, <i>if so many</i>,’ and that even these would -infinitely regret the measure.</p> - -<p>Murray has been accused, by Maxwell of Kirkconnell, -of putting Charles upon this enterprise. In -fact, his error lay in not formally and explicitly -warning the Prince from the first. Later he did send -warning letters, but Traquair did not try to deliver -them, and Young Glengarry failed in the attempt.</p> - -<p>The result of Murray’s disclosures, and of a -written Memorial which he sent in, was to undeceive -Charles as to Sempil and Balhaldie. His letters to -James are proofs of this, and now the split in the -party was incurable. Murray went to and fro, -undermining Balhaldie. Balhaldie, at the end of -1744, sent Young Glengarry from France, to work -against Murray on the mind of Lochiel. That chief -brought the two future traitors, Glengarry and -Murray, together, and the Celt came into the Lowlander’s<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_77"></a>[77]</span> -bad opinion of Balhaldie. This was early in -1745. Murray now made the mistake of trying to -pin men to a declaration, in writing, that they would -join Charles, even if he came alone. His duty was -to discourage any such enterprise, which, unaided by -France, could only mean ruin. On the other hand, -he actually engaged Macleod, the chief of the Skye -men. With Stewart of Appin, Macleod chanced to -be in Edinburgh. Murray gave him a letter from -Charles, and described the character of that Prince. -‘Macleod declared, in a kind of rapture, that he -would make it his business to advance his interest as -much as was in his power, and would join him, let -him come when he would.’ This occurred at a -meeting in a tavern attended by the persons already -mentioned, with Traquair, Glengarry, and Lochiel. Of -these men, Appin did not come out, Traquair skulked, -Macleod turned his coat, Glengarry became a spy, -Murray was Murray, and only Lochiel saved his -honour. Next day, by Murray’s desire, Lochiel -extracted from Macleod a written promise to raise -his clan, even if Charles came unaided and alone.</p> - -<p>How Macleod kept his promise we know. He -sent his forces to join Loudon’s detachment in -Hanoverian service; the whole array was frightened -back in an attempt to surprise and capture Charles. -They all ran like hares from the blacksmith of Moy, -with one or two gardeners and other retainers of -Lady Mackintosh, and the only man slain was -Macrimmon, Macleod’s piper, the composer of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_78"></a>[78]</span> -prophetic lament, ‘Macleod shall return, but Macrimmon -shall never!’ Murray comments with great -severity on Macleod’s treason, and, in his promise, -and that of others, finds justification for Charles’s -adventure, and an answer to the question, ‘Why he -made an attempt of such consequence with so small -a force?’ All this leaves Murray in a quandary.... To -send such promises (as he did) was to encourage -Charles in a desperate project. To be sure Murray, -later, did attempt to stop Charles; but he should -never have sent him these signed encouragements, -both from Macleod and Stewart of Appin. But -Murray, he says, now changed his mind; he made out a -journal of all his proceedings, showing Charles (most -inconsistently) that all the party, except the Duke of -Perth, ‘were unanimous against his coming without -a force.’ These papers Murray entrusted, for Charles, -to Traquair, who was going to England, and meant -to proceed to France, using this very singular expression, -‘that he would see the Prince, <i>though in -a bawdy house</i>. The present Earl of Weymss and -Laird of Glengarry [Pickle] can vouch this. The -latter has since repeated it to me in my house in -London.’</p> - -<p>Traquair now went to London, but he never -went to France, nor did he transmit the warning to -Charles. Meanwhile Murray extracted 1,500<i>l.</i> from -the new Duke of Hamilton (a new fact), and the -Duke of Perth paid an equal sum, and even offered -to mortgage his estate. Hamilton also gave a verbal<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_79"></a>[79]</span> -promise to join Charles ‘with all the forces he could -raise.’ Murray again wrote to Charles, saying that -he must bring at least 6,000 men. Perth, Elcho, and -Lochiel signed this letter. This letter was sent by -one John Macnaughten. Did it ever arrive? In the -Stuart Papers is a letter signed ‘J. Barclay,’ and -undated. It is clearly from Murray to Charles, and -announces the journal entrusted to Traquair, but -contains no warning.<a id="FNanchor_37" href="#Footnote_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a></p> - -<p>In a letter of March 14, 1745, to James, Charles -refers to this letter announcing the journal and other -despatches, which had not arrived—as Traquair -never sent them. On April 9, Charles appears to -refer to Macnaughten’s budget of letters as not yet -deciphered.<a id="FNanchor_38" href="#Footnote_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a></p> - -<p>From London Traquair sent only a note of doubtful -and, at best, of insignificant meaning. Nothing -whatever was settled or arranged. Then came Sir -Hector, chief of the Macleans, to Scotland, where he -was arrested. Now, Murray reflected that the epistle -sent by Macnaughten ‘contained rather a wish than -an advice, and might not be sufficient to prevent the -Prince’s coming.’ Murray therefore sent, as a final -warning, that set of papers which Traquair had not -forwarded, entrusting it to Young Glengarry, at the -end of May 1745. But Glengarry did not succeed -in seeing Charles, who was thus left without warning -not to come. Perhaps no warning would have stopped<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_80"></a>[80]</span> -him; at all events he received none, and the die was -cast. The Prince embarked on June 22.</p> - -<p>Murray’s whole book is one of self-justification. -He may clear himself of having suggested the unaided -enterprise to Charles. But, partly through the frivolity -of Traquair, partly through the zeal of Murray, -Charles was left without decisive admonition. He saw -his party distracted: for a year and a half France had -treated him ‘scandalously’ (as even the patient James -averred), and he determined to force the hands both -of France and the Jacobites. He pawned the Sobieski -rubies—‘the Prince would wear them with a very sore -heart on this side of the water’—he put his life to the -hazard. If ever an attempt was to be made at all, -Charles did well. England was empty of troops. A -success or two, the Prince reckoned, must unite the -distracted party on the one hand, and tempt or compel -France to action on the other. His motto was <i>de -l’audace</i>! If all men had been Lochiels, if the Duke -of Hamilton, Macleod, Traquair, Lovat, Beaufort, -Barrymore, Orrery, and the rest, had honour and -truth, if France had such a thing as a policy, and -could seize an opportunity, Charles would have won -the Crown. But many men are not Lochiels, and, if -France had a policy, it was not to restore the Stuarts, -but to use them as a mere diversion.</p> - -<p>By the end of May Macnaughten returned, with -news that Charles would be in Scotland by July. -This caused Murray much chagrin, but he at once -warned Perth, Lochiel, and Macleod. To the Duke<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_81"></a>[81]</span> -of Hamilton he gave the Prince’s commission, ‘which -he accepted with great cheerfulness.’ Murray then -went to Lochiel, who remarked that every man of -honour was bound to rise, and who quite trusted -Lovat and Macleod. He leaned on broken reeds. -Lovat temporised, Macleod turned his coat. Here -Murray’s MS. breaks off, and he continues the history -of the Rising ‘from Moidart to Derby.’</p> - -<p>The military part of Murray’s ‘Memorials’ is full -of reflections on Charles’s ‘unparalleled good nature -and humanity,’ and his strategic skill. Murray had -desired to be an aide-de-camp: he clearly thinks himself -a good judge of warfare. He was obliged to be -Secretary, but did not covet that office. He, alone, -had any previous personal knowledge of Charles, with -whom he was such a favourite as to excite the -jealousy of Lord George Murray and of Maxwell of -Kirkconnell. These jealousies were of perilous consequence. -Maxwell, writing after Murray was the -most detested man on earth, charges heavily against -him: ‘He began by representing Lord George as a -traitor to the Prince; he assured him that he had -joined on purpose to have an opportunity of delivering -him up to Government.’ Lord George heard of this, -and was deeply affected. Prestonpans nearly opened -Charles’s eyes, but Lord George’s ‘haughty and overbearing -manner prevented a thorough reconciliation, -and seconded the malicious insinuations of his rival.... He -now and then broke into such violent -sallies as the Prince could not digest....’</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_82"></a>[82]</span></p> - -<p>Now the loyalty of Lord George is beyond all -shadow of suspicion. Till his death, in 1760, he was -the faithful and devoted subject of King James. Even -Murray, in his MSS., does not breathe a word -against him. But, if Murray did, at first, conceive -suspicions, and suggest precautions, it is impossible -to blame him. What was Lord George’s position? -He had been out, at Glenshiel, in 1719, with his -brother, Tullibardine. He was pardoned, and was residing -in Scotland. He never appears as a Jacobite in -the negotiations of 1740-45. His brother William, -who, but for his steady Jacobitism, would have been -Duke of Atholl, came over with Charles. The -actual Duke, <i>de facto</i>, Lord George’s brother James, -deserted Blair Atholl on the approach of the Highlanders, -and went to London. Tullibardine (William) -assumed the title of Duke, and occupied Blair. -Lord George also joined the Prince. But Murray -had to ask himself, was Lord George in earnest? -Murray knew the treachery of the times, and had -employed James Mohr Macgregor, known to be a -Hanoverian spy, to beguile Cope and the Lord Chief -Justice. Was Lord George, Murray would think, -playing James Mohr’s part on the other side?</p> - -<p>Murray had reason for suspicion. As late as -August 20, 1745, after the standard was raised at -Glenfinnan, Lord George wrote to the Lord Advocate -from Dunkeld. He announced that, on the -following day, he and Old Glengarry would wait on -Cope at Crieff. Cope was marching North to fight<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_83"></a>[83]</span> -the Prince. Lord George talked of ‘the Pretender,’ -and sent information. He <i>did</i> wait on Cope. -As late as September 1, he was corresponding -with his Hanoverian brother, Duke James, but, -on September 3, he announced to his brother that -he was about to join the Prince. ‘Duty to King -and Country overweighs everything.’<a id="FNanchor_39" href="#Footnote_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a></p> - -<p>As a matter of fact, Lord George simply, if -rather suddenly, changed his mind, engaging, like -Lord Pitsligo, ‘without enthusiasm,’ and it seems -without hope. He thought that honour called him. -But to Murray Lord George’s conduct in first -colloguing with Cope, and then rallying to Charles, -must have seemed suspicious. It <i>was</i> suspicious: -to Cope it must have appeared the blackest treason. -‘Lord George,’ Murray would say, ‘is betraying -somebody; now, whom is he betraying?’</p> - -<p>A curious piece of gossip has lately come to light. -It was said that one of the Highland army, in -England, had a squabble with a wayfaring man, and -broke his staff, in which was found a letter from the -Whig brother Duke James, to Lord George, suggesting -that, in a battle, he should desert, carrying over the -Atholl men. Probably the story is false, and based on -the sending <i>to</i> Duke James of letters, by one of his -servants, concealed in the shank of a whip. In any -case, Lord George was never really reconciled to -Murray, and Charles (after Lord George counselled<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_84"></a>[84]</span> -retreat at Derby, retreat at Stirling, and the abandonment -of the surprise at Nairn) never trusted, -never forgave him, wished to imprison him in France, -and shut his door against him. James in vain remonstrated, -Charles was implacable.</p> - -<p>At Carlisle, on the march southwards, there was -a great quarrel. Lord George resigned his commission, -offering to serve as a volunteer. Charles -accepted the resignation. The Duke of Perth was -acting as commander-in-chief. He was a Catholic, -and Lord George deemed that this would have an -ill effect, besides he himself was a much senior and -infinitely more experienced officer. Lord George -also urged that Murray ‘took everything upon him, -both as to civil and military.’ The Duke of Perth -then resigned his command, apparently on the advice -of Maxwell of Kirkconnell, who praises his magnanimity. -Murray also, he himself tells us, withdrew -from the councils of war, ‘which seemed to quiet -Lord George a good deal.’ Lord George became -general in chief, and distinguished himself by skill -and personal bravery. But the quarrel was -never reconciled. Unluckily Murray gives no -account of the decision to retreat from Derby. -Then no more councils were held, and ‘little -people’ (that is, Murray) were allowed to advise: -till Lord George and the chiefs sent in a -remonstrance.</p> - -<p>Murray breaks off in his narrative at Derby, and -does not resume it till after Culloden. He had fallen<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_85"></a>[85]</span> -ill at Elgin, in March 1746, where Charles also had a -severe attack of pneumonia.<a id="FNanchor_40" href="#Footnote_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a></p> - -<p>Murray was carried across country to Mrs. -Grant’s house in Glenmoriston. Everything fell into -worse confusion after his departure, his successor, -John Hay of Restalrig, being incompetent. At -Glenmoriston Murray heard from Archibald Cameron -of the defeat at Culloden. In the shape of a letter -from a friend of Mr. Murray of Broughton, he describes -and justifies his own conduct after ‘the wicked -day of destiny.’</p> - -<p>It is, perhaps, less easy to justify the conduct -of his master. The irredeemable point in Charles’s -behaviour in Scotland was his withdrawal from the -remnant of his army, which met at Ruthven. There -is much obscurity as to the details, as to whether a -place of rendezvous had been fixed upon or not. But -Charles knew where the army and officers were; he -received a scolding letter from Lord George, and -he declined to return to the forces. His distrust of -Lord George had revived; he knew that there were -men who would not scruple to win their pardon by -betraying him, and, with Sheridan, O’Sullivan, O’Niel, -and others, he made for the islands.</p> - -<p>Murray, after news came of the defeat, was carried -to Fort Augustus, and thence to Lochgarry’s house.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_86"></a>[86]</span> -Hoping even yet to rally a force, he met the wounded -and outworn Duke of Perth at Invergarry, to no -result. He then was carried to Lochiel’s country, -and Lochiel determined to wage a guerilla war in -the hills, expecting French assistance. Murray sent -Archy Cameron to Arisaig to get news of Charles, -but Archy learned from Hay of Restalrig that the -Prince had already taken boat for the Isles. Archy -disbelieved Hay, but Charles had really gone, or was -on the very point of going (April 26). Certain news -reached Murray and Lochiel; the chief determined to -remain with his clan, on a point of honour, and -Murray stood by Lochiel, as also did Major Kennedy. -They could have fled in the French vessels which -landed the gold of the fatal treasure, but they were -resolute to stand by each other.<a id="FNanchor_41" href="#Footnote_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a> Those who departed -were the dying Duke of Perth, a sacrifice to his own -chivalrous devotion: Lord Elcho, who presently tried -to gain his pardon; old Sir Thomas Sheridan, who -soon afterwards died, heart-broken, at Rome; Lord -John Drummond, Lockhart of Carnwath, and Hay of -Restalrig.</p> - -<p>Murray now arranged for the burial of the French -gold, and then Glenbucket, with the poet-soldier -John Roy Stewart, Clanranald, Lochgarry, Barisdale, -Young Scotus, and Lovat, held a council. Lovat -proposed holding out in the hills, and promised the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_87"></a>[87]</span> -aid of his son, Simon, and 400 Frazers. Murray -suspected the old fox, and proposed that all should -sign a ‘band’ of mutual fidelity. Lovat would not -sign!</p> - -<p>The allies were to rendezvous in ten days at Loch -Arkaig, and, later, the meeting was deferred for -another week. But the Master of Lovat ‘was never -so much as heard of’ at the tryst; Lochgarry brought -but 100 men, and Murray accuses him of treacherous -intentions, this on the suggestion of Barisdale. Now -Lochgarry left, and did not return, nor did his -sentinels bring in news of an approaching English -force. Of all this Lochgarry says nothing in his -report to Young Glengarry, published by Mr. Blaikie. -But, as we know with absolute certainty that Barisdale -was an infamous coward, liar, and traitor, while -Lochgarry was loyal to his death, we need not accept -Barisdale’s evidence against a cousin whom he -detested. However it happened, no news came from -Lochgarry, and, if Murray himself had not sent out -scouts, the whole party, with Lochiel, would have -been taken near Loch Arkaig.<a id="FNanchor_42" href="#Footnote_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a></p> - -<p>The game being now up, Murray made his way -South, in exceedingly bad health, aggravated by exposure -and fatigue. His idea was to get a ship on -the East Coast, where Lochiel would join him, and -to escape. But Murray was captured, through information -given by a herd-boy, at the house of his -sister, Mrs. Hunter of Polmood. He certainly did<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_88"></a>[88]</span> -not intend to be captured, and he says that, even -after he was taken, he tried to arrange about a ship -for Lochiel. He also vindicates the conduct of his -wife, who was about to bear a child, and he justifies -his honesty in money matters. Now in money -matters Murray’s hands were clean, and there is -no real ground for the charges against poor -Mrs. Murray. But what Murray does not say, is -that, as soon as he was approached, after his capture, -by the Lord Justice Clerk, he promised ‘to -discover all he knew.’<a id="FNanchor_43" href="#Footnote_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a> He did not tell <i>all</i> he -knew, but on August 13, being examined in the -Tower, he told a great deal. About Traquair he -spoke out: he named the English Jacobite leaders, he -told his tale about Macleod in the tavern meeting, -he sheltered Macdonald of Sleat, and even screened -Lovat as far as he dared: in fact, he took revenge -on half-hearted Jacobites, and, for some reason, did -his best to hang Sir John Douglas. He sent in an -account of the Clans, in substance much like that in -the MS. of 1750.<a id="FNanchor_44" href="#Footnote_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a> He betrayed the secret of the -Loch Arkaig treasure, and asked to be allowed to -go to the spot, and point it out to the agents of -Government. In reply to Murray, Traquair and Dr. -Barry lied firmly, under examination, and Sir John -Douglas refused to answer any questions. They -suffered imprisonment, but escaped with life for lack<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_89"></a>[89]</span> -of corroboration. Some legal jugglery was needed -before Murray could be accepted as King’s Evidence, -but the trick was played, and the Laird of Broughton -publicly ‘peached’ at Lovat’s trial. He declares -that he peached with economy. ‘The utmost care -was taken to conceal everything that was not known -by his own letters, of which he was so sensible that -he sent me thanks by Mr. Fowler (Gentleman -Gaoler of the Tower), for my forbearance, and said -he was not the least hurt or offended by anything I -had said.’</p> - -<p>Such are Murray’s excuses. He could have told -more, and Lovat might have died without his testimony, -on the evidence of various Frazers. Murray -was pardoned in June 1748. He tried to provoke -Traquair to a duel and vapoured with cloak and -sword behind Montague House. He associated with -Young Glengarry, whom he very probably thought -an honest man, and his visits a privilege. Glengarry -doubtless got from Murray information about the -Loch Arkaig treasure, and, perhaps, picked up a few -crumbs of intelligence for his employers. His wife -had not left Murray, in 1749, when he reconciled his -lady to the loss of her repeater, pawned by a priest -named Leslie for the relief of Young Glengarry, who -was starving.<a id="FNanchor_45" href="#Footnote_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a> When Mrs. Murray left her intolerable -lord is not exactly known, nor is anything -certain about her later fortunes. In May 1749, -Stonor tells Edgar that Murray’s ‘late actions have<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_90"></a>[90]</span> -not only the appearance of a knave but a madman, -and it is the opinion of most people he is really also -the latter, several of his family having been disordered -in their senses, and his present situation -sufficient to cause it in him, as he can’t but feel the -sting of such a conscience, finds himself the outcast -of mankind, and <i>is in circumstances extremely indigent</i>.’ -It follows that he did not keep the money -buried in the garden of Menzies of Culdares, some -4,000<i>l.</i><a id="FNanchor_46" href="#Footnote_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a> Traquair had Murray arrested by a warrant -of the Lord Chief Justice, for provoking a breach of -the peace.<a id="FNanchor_47" href="#Footnote_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a></p> - -<p>In 1764, Murray sold Broughton. His agent was -Sir Walter Scott’s father, and, as we all know, Mr. -Scott threw the cup from which Murray had drunk -out of the window. The younger Dumas, probably -by a chance coincidence, uses this in his play, -‘L’Étrangère.’ After selling Broughton, Murray is -said to have lived in London, and family tradition -avers that he was visited by Charles, whom he introduced -to his little boy as ‘your <i>King</i>.’ This ought, -then, to be dated 1766, or later. Murray is said to -have justified Stonor’s letter, already cited, by dying -in a madhouse, on December 6, 1777. He was sane -enough, certainly, when he wrote his ‘Memorials.’ -Such was Murray of Broughton, in spite of his -treachery a devoted believer in the Cause; till his<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_91"></a>[91]</span> -capture, a brave, loyal, and constant supporter of the -Cause; a man by nature honourable, and a lover of -honour in others, as in Lochiel and the Duke of -Perth. He sinned, when he did sin, in violation of -every tradition of education, and, in turning Informer, -wrenched every fibre of his moral nature. His servant, -a poet of the time remarks, set his master an -example.</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse indent0">Behold, the menial hand that broke your bread,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">That wiped your shoes, and with your crumbs was fed,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">When life and riches, proffered to his view,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Before his eyes the strong temptation threw,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Rather than quit integrity of heart,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Or act, like you, th’unmanly traytor’s part,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Disdains the purchase of a worthless life,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">And bares his bosom to the butcher’s knife.</div> - </div> -</div> -</div> - -<p>But Murray renounced honour and lingered on -the scene.</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse indent0">And whither, whither, can the guilty fly</div> - <div class="verse indent0">From the devouring worms that never die?</div> - </div> -</div> -</div> - -<p>‘Lead us not into temptation.’ The view of death -brought Murray face to face with a self in his breast, -which, it is probable, he had never known to exist: -that awful contradictory self to which each of us has -yielded, though few in such extremity of surrender.</p> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_92"></a>[92]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="IV">IV<br /> -<span class="smaller">MADEMOISELLE LUCI</span></h2> - -</div> - -<p>In ‘Pickle the Spy’ mention was frequently made -of ‘Mademoiselle Luci,’ the mysterious young lady -who, from 1749 to her death in 1752, was the -French Egeria of Prince Charles. An exile, without -a roof to cover his head in any land but the States -of the Pope, to which he declined to go, the Prince -was sheltered in the Parisian convent of St. Joseph -by Mlle. Luci and the lady styled <i>La Grande Main</i> -in the cypher of the Prince’s correspondence. By -dint of some research, I discovered that Mlle. Luci -was Mlle. Ferrand, while La Grande Main was her -devoted friend, Madame de Vassé. Both were very -intimate with a person always alluded to in the -Prince’s correspondence as <i>le philosophe</i>. As Montesquieu -lived in the same street (the Rue Dominique) -as these ladies (who directed the Prince’s philosophical -studies), as he was on friendly terms with -Charles, Lord Elibank, Bulkeley, and other Jacobites, -I concluded that the <i>philosophe</i> of the correspondence -was probably the author of ‘L’Esprit des Lois.’ -This was a blunder which criticism should have<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_93"></a>[93]</span> -detected. The <i>philosophe</i> was not Montesquieu, but -the Abbé Condillac. The proof is in the preliminary -chapter of his ‘Traité des Sensations;’ he there -dedicates that important psychological work to -Madame de Vassé, and deplores the death of their -beloved Mlle. Ferrand. Condillac, clearly, was their -friend, <i>le philosophe</i>. Mlle. Ferrand, it seems, was the -instructor of Condillac, as well as the protector and -literary adviser of Prince Charles.</p> - -<p>‘You know, Madame,’ says Condillac to Madame -de Vassé, ‘to whom I owe the light which at length -scattered my prejudices. You know what part she -had in this book, that lady so justly dear to you, so -worthy of your friendship and esteem. I consecrate -my work to her memory, and I address you that I -may share the pleasure of speaking about her and -the pain of our common sorrow. May this book be -the monument of your friendship, and preserve it -unforgotten.’</p> - -<p>A volume on the relations of sense and thought, -like Condillac’s, is not the place to which one -naturally turns in search of information about a girl -who loyally served a proscribed Prince and a forsaken -Cause. Yet it is Condillac who attests for us -‘the keenness, the just balance, of Mlle. Ferrand’s -intellect, and the vivacity of her imagination, qualities -apparently incompatible, when carried to the -pitch at which she displayed them.’</p> - -<p>The scheme of Condillac’s psychology cannot be -discussed in this place, but he says that he owed everything<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_94"></a>[94]</span> -to Prince Charles’s friend. ‘She enlightened me -as to the principles, the plan, and the most minute -details, and I ought to be the more grateful, as she -had no idea of instructing me, or of making a book. -She did not remark that she was becoming an author, -having no design beyond that of conversing with me -on the topics in which I was interested.... Had -she taken up the pen, this work would be a better -proof of her genius. But there was in her a delicacy -which forbade her even to contemplate authorship.... -This treatise is, unhappily, but the result of -conversations with her, and I fear that I may have -sometimes failed to place her ideas in their true -light.’</p> - -<p>Had Mlle. Ferrand survived, Condillac thinks that -she would not have allowed him to acknowledge her -influence on his work. ‘But how can I, to-day, deny -myself the pleasure of this act of justice? Nothing -but this remains to me, in our loss of a wise adviser, -an enlightened critic, and a true friend. You, Madame, -will share the pleasure with me, you who will not -cease to regret her while you live.’ The philosopher -speaks of ‘the intellect, the loyalty, the courage, -which formed these ladies for each other.’ Loyalty, -courage, wit, these women laid them at the feet of -a Prince not their own, and solely recommended to -their tenderness by his misfortunes.</p> - -<p>‘Your friend, in dying, had this one consolation, -Madame, that she was not to survive you. I have<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_95"></a>[95]</span> -seen her happy in this reflection. “Speak sometimes -of me with Madame de Vassé,” she said to me, “and -let it be with a kind of pleasure.”’ Such was the girl, -so brilliantly endowed, so brave, so affectionate, who -did Prince Charles’s marketing, bought him novels and -razors, directed his choice of books, was the channel -through which his secret correspondence passed, was -jealously regarded by his mistress, Madame de Talmond, -and died before the end of all hope had come, -before the Prince was renounced even by his own. -To the angry Madame de Talmond she wrote, ‘I am -strongly attached to your friend [the Prince] and for -him would do and suffer anything short of stooping -to an act of baseness.’</p> - -<p>There must have been something in Charles, -beyond his misfortunes, to win so much devotion -from a woman of the highest intellect.</p> - -<p>Mlle. Ferrand died, after a long illness, in October -1752. Her memory is preserved only by a note in -Grimm’s correspondence, by the touching tribute of -Condillac, and by the discovery of her kindness to a -proscribed Prince. While she protected and advised -him, she was inspiring a renowned philosopher, and -keeping a secret which every diplomatist in Europe -was eager to learn. We naturally desire to know -whether Mlle. Ferrand was beautiful as well as talented -and kind. But researches in France have not brought -to light any portrait either of Mlle. Ferrand, or of -Madame de Vassé, who long survived her friend, and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_96"></a>[96]</span> -was in correspondence, about 1760, with the Earl -Marischal.<a id="FNanchor_48" href="#Footnote_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a></p> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_97"></a>[97]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="V">V<br /> -<span class="smaller">THE ROMANCE OF BARISDALE</span></h2> - -</div> - -<p>While the Lowlanders, for nearly fifteen hundred -years, had cast on Highland robbers the eyes of -hatred and contempt, Sir Walter Scott suddenly -taught men to think a cateran a very fine fellow. -The unanimity of a non-Highland testimony had previously -been wonderful. ‘The Highlanders are great -thieves,’ says Dio Cassius, speaking for civilisation as -early as <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 200-230. Gildas, in the sixth century, -calls the Highlanders (Picti) ‘a set of bloody free -booters, with more hair on their thieves’ faces than -clothes to cover their nakedness.’ Early mediæval -writers talk of the <i>bestiales Picts</i> (‘the beastly Picts’), -and later Lowland opinions to a similar effect are -too familiar for quotation. To Scott was left the -discovery of the virtues of the honest cateran, who -looked on cattle-stealing as an ennobling occupation -in the intervals of war.</p> - -<p>Sir Walter’s opinion ran through Europe like the -Fiery Cross. His grandson, Hugh Littlejohn, stirred -up by the ‘Tales of a Grandfather,’ dirked his small -brother slightly with a pair of scissors in a childish -enthusiasm! Even the moral Wordsworth, moved by<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_98"></a>[98]</span> -Scott, had a good word for Rob Roy. Yet about that -hero Sir Walter cherished no illusions. He knew -Rob’s Letter of Submission to General Wade, after -1715. Rob, of course, had been out for King James, -but he coolly says to Wade: ‘I not only avoided -acting offensively against his Majesty’s’ (King -George’s) ‘forces, but, on the contrary, sent His -Grace the Duke of Argyle all the intelligence I could -from time to time of the strength and situation of -the Rebels; which I hope his Grace will do me the -justice to acknowledge.’</p> - -<p>‘All the <i>demerits</i> ascribed to him by his enemies -are less to his discredit than this one <i>merit</i> which he -assumes to himself,’ says Jamieson.<a id="FNanchor_49" href="#Footnote_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a> The double-faced -traitor, Rob’s son, James Mohr, one of the -bravest of men, <i>chassa de race</i>. The truth is that a -life of plunder, however romantic and however little -regarded as immoral or degrading by Highland -opinion, really did foster, in educated men, the most -astonishing perfidy. This is the last vice we look -for in the generous cateran; and, indeed, the outlaws -of Glen Moriston were as loyal to their Prince as -Lochiel. But the prevalent opinion that robbery, -sanctioned by tradition, does not degrade the general -character, can be proved to be an error. We read -about Cluny that, in 1742-5, he held the usual -belief. ‘He was certain it’ (the habit of robbery) -‘proceeded only from the remains of barbarism, for -he had many convincing proofs that in other respects<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_99"></a>[99]</span> -the dispositions of the people in these parts were -generally as benevolent, humane, and even generous, -as those of any country whatever.’<a id="FNanchor_50" href="#Footnote_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a></p> - -<p>Cluny was right about the untutored mass of the -people, but he was wrong about a few educated chiefs, -who encouraged and lived on an unfortunate tradition. -Thus Sir Walter Scott writes about the thief -whose history we are to narrate, Macdonnell of -Barisdale: ‘He was a scholar and well-bred gentleman. -He engraved on his broadswords the well-known -lines:</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse indent0">Hae tibi erunt artes, pacisque imponere morem,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Parcere subjectis, et debellare superbos.’<a id="FNanchor_51" href="#Footnote_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a></div> - </div> -</div> -</div> - -<p class="noindent">Barisdale knew what was right; his following knew -only his will. He was the blackest of traitors; they -were true as steel.</p> - -<p>The specially robber tribes in 1715-45 were -those of the dispossessed Macgregors, whose hand -was, necessarily, against every man’s hand; of the -Macdonnells in Knoydart; and of some of the -Camerons in Lochaber and Rannoch. Old Lovat, -too, discouraging schools, kept up sedulously the -ancient clan ideas. No other sections of the Highlanders -are accused, even by Whigs, of robbery. -Mackays, Mackenzies, Grants, Mackintoshes, Macphersons, -Macleans are not blamed, and such gentlemen -of the Camerons and Macdonnells as Lochiel, -Scothouse, and Keppoch are specially exculpated.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_100"></a>[100]</span> -Lochiel was a reformer within his clan. The gallant -Keppoch had forsworn the predatory habits which, -in 1689, made his people threaten Inverness. Of -Scothouse we shall hear the most excellent report. -Now, it cannot be by a mere fortuitous coincidence -that all the Highland traitors, James Mohr, Old -Lovat, Glengarry, Barisdale, and some others, come -precisely from the homes of cattle thieves, and from -a factitious hothouse of old clan ideas; from the -Macgregor country, Knoydart, the worst part of -Lochaber, and Rannoch. Yet, so strange was the -condition of the North, that we find Barisdale, the -meanest wretch of all, recognised as an acquaintance -by so high a Lowland dame as the ‘Great Lady of -the Cat,’ the Countess of Sutherland.</p> - -<p>We now proceed to the story of the chief who -loved a Virgilian quotation.</p> - -<p>In the army of Charles Edward there was no man -more detested and feared than Col Macdonell of -Barisdale. According to a curious tract, ‘The Life -of Archibald Macdonell of Barisdale, who is to Suffer -for High Treason on the Twenty Second of May, at -Edinburgh, By an Impartial Hand,’<a id="FNanchor_52" href="#Footnote_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a> Col of Barisdale -was son (? grandson) of the second brother of -Alastair Dubh Macdonnell of Glengarry, the hero of -Sheriffmuir, being thus a cousin of Glengarry. He -was a man of prodigious muscular force, six feet -four inches in height. He is said to have caught -and held a roedeer; and, on one occasion, to have<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_101"></a>[101]</span> -heaved a recalcitrant cow, probably stolen property, -into a boat. There lay, in the present century, on -the gravel-drive before Invergarry House, a large -boulder, and beside it a short pin of iron was fixed -into the ground. Only a very powerful man could -lift the boulder on to the pin, a few inches in height, -but Barisdale could heave it up to his knees. So -write, from tradition, the two ‘Stuarts d’Albanie,’ -in ‘Tales of the Century’ (1847). They add that -Barisdale’s courage did not match his strength, and -that he yielded in single combat to Cluny.</p> - -<p>Returning to our ‘Impartial Hand’ (by his minute -local knowledge a native of Ross or Moray), we find -him nowise partial to Barisdale. ‘Colonel Ban,’ as -he calls him, married a Miss Mackenzie of Fairburn, -and, having a small estate in Ross-shire, could raise -two hundred of the clan. He thus, says Murray of -Broughton, declared himself independent of Glengarry, -his chief, an indolent drunkard. Being -acquainted with the Mackenzie estates, he used his -knowledge in the surreptitious acquisition of cattle. -He would then throw the blame on the Camerons; -and that, says our author, is precisely the cause of -the bad name for cattle-stealing which the Camerons -have unhappily acquired. One day Barisdale, with -his Tail, met Cameron of Taask, with <i>his</i> Tail, and -was charged by Cameron with his misdeeds. Words -grew high, claymores were drawn, and a finger of -Cameron’s left hand was nearly lopped off. The -intrepid chieftain, acting on the Scotch proverb,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_102"></a>[102]</span> -‘Better a finger off than aye wagging,’ tore the -injured limb from his hand, bound the wound with -a handkerchief, ‘and so fell to work on Barisdale,’ -whom he sliced on the pate. ‘The skin and a lock -of his hair hung down,’ and their devoted tenants, -anxious observers of the fray, separated the infuriated -chieftains. Barisdale was presently arrested -on a charge of theft, but his Tail perjured themselves -manfully, and he got off on an alibi.</p> - -<p>The neighbours, finding the hero so stubborn, -paid him ‘black meal’ (<i>sic</i>), in return for which he -promised to protect their herds. But his genius -pointed out to him a more excellent way, and Barisdale -became the Jonathan Wild (as Waverley says) -of Lochaber and Knoydart. He was a thief-catcher, -and also an accomplice of thieves, as interest directed -or passion prompted.<a id="FNanchor_53" href="#Footnote_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a> He kept his tenantry, or -gang, in rare order, and ‘had machines for putting -them to different sorts of punishment.’ One machine -was merely the stocks, where, outside of the -chieftain’s drawing-room windows (which commanded -a fine view of the sea), many a poor thief -sat for twenty-four hours, with food temptingly -placed just out of his reach. Thus Barisdale struck -terror, inspired respect, and accumulated wealth.</p> - -<p>A more cruel engine than the stocks had Barisdale, -a triumph of his own invention. In ‘The Lyon<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_103"></a>[103]</span> -in Mourning,’ Mackinnon, who helped Prince Charles -to escape from Skye, says that Captain Fergusson -(noted for his ferocity) threatened him with torture. -‘The cat or <i>Barisdale</i> shall make you speak,’ said -the Captain. The engine is described as one in -which no man could live for an hour. The Impartial -Hand’ gives this account of it: ‘The -supposed criminal’ (that is, any man who would not -give Barisdale a share of his booty) ‘was tied to an -iron machine, where a ring grasped his feet, and -another closed upon his neck, and his hands were -received into eyes of iron contrived for that purpose. -He had a great weight upon the back of his neck, to -which, if he yielded in the least, by shrinking downwards, -a sharp spike would infallibly run into his -chin, which was kept bare for that very purpose.’ -Barisdale was also apt to waylay herring-fishers, and -make them pay, as toll, a fifth of what they had -captured, alleging certain seignorial rights.</p> - -<p>‘It is well known,’ says the author of 1754, ‘that, -from the month of March to the middle of August, -some poor upon the coast have nothing but shell-fish, -such as mussels, cockles, and the like, to support -them. Poverty reigns so much among the lower -class that scarce a smile is to be seen upon their -faces.’ Barisdale also reigned upon the coast.</p> - -<p>Such was life in the Highlands in the golden -days of the Clans, before sheep, Lowlanders, evictions, -emigration, and deer forests brought, as we -are told, discontent and destitution. The poor lived<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_104"></a>[104]</span> -on mussels and cockles, some tenants eked out a -scanty livelihood by stealing their neighbours’ cows, -and the genial Barisdale kept all in good order. For -Barisdale’s prowess we are not obliged to rely on the -‘Impartial Hand’ and the Gartmore MS. alone. In -‘The Highlands of Scotland: a Letter from a Gentleman -at Edinburgh to a Friend in London,’ we meet -our Col again. This manuscript<a id="FNanchor_54" href="#Footnote_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a> is in the King’s -Collection, 104, in the British Museum. The author -is an <i>enragé</i> Whig and Protestant, but a close observer. -From him we learn how cattle-stealing paid; -for at first blush it looks like the practice of those -fabled islanders ‘who eke out a livelihood by taking -in each other’s washing.’ The business was extended -over a wide area; the Macdonells did not merely -harry the Mackenzies and Rosses.</p> - -<p>Speaking of Knoydart, our author says: ‘Coll. -Macdonell of Barisdale, cousin-german of Glengarry, -took up his residence here, as a place of undoubted -security from all legal prosecution. He entered into -a confederacy with Lochgarry and the Camerons of -Loch Arkaig, with some others as great villains in -Rannoch. This famous Company had the honour to -introduce theft into a regular trade; they kept a -number of savages dependent on them for the -purpose, whom they out-hounded’ on predatory expeditions.</p> - -<p>They robbed from Sutherlandshire to Perthshire, -Stirlingshire, and Argyle. When the thieves were<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_105"></a>[105]</span> -successful these gentlemen had a dividend of the -spoil. When unsuccessful, the thieves lived on the -country which they traversed. To denounce them -was ill work. A gentleman, known to our author, -was nearly ruined by Barisdale & Co. He caught -two of the Macdonalds, who were hanged. Fifteen -years later his son, going to Fort William, vanished. -The tribe, says our author, demanded ‘blood for -blood.’</p> - -<p>By these devices Barisdale compelled his neighbours -to pay, in blackmail, ‘above double their -proportion of the land-tax in Seaforth’s, Lovat’s, -and Chisholme’s country.’ He captained a kind of -‘Watch.’ But Barisdale’s ‘Watch’ was expensive -and unsatisfactory to his subscribers. As early as -1742 we have found Cluny setting up an opposition -in business. Cluny’s Watch is described at great -length by the author of a kind of memoir of the -chief, written in France in 1755-1760. The writer’s -object is to show how much Cluny lost by his loyalty -to the Stuarts, and how much he deserves the encouragement -of Louis XV. He established, for the -discouragement of theft, ‘a watch or safeguard of -his own trusted followers.’ The nobility and gentry -‘were surpris’d at Cluny’s success, and enveyed so -much his happiness, that they applyed to him with -one accord, to take them under his protection, and -cheerfully offered to join in a voluntary subscription....’ -Among the subscribers are the Duke of -Gordon, the Earl of Airlie, the Earl of Aberdeen,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_106"></a>[106]</span> -Forbes of Culloden, the Mackintosh, Grant of Grant, -and even the Duke of Argyll. These facts attest -the extent of Barisdale’s raids.</p> - -<p>Cluny was highly successful, rescuing ‘even those -who had never applyed to him.’ The subscriptions -amounted to 20,000 livres, and the Dukes of Atholl -and Perth, with Seaforth, were about to join. It -was now that a preacher, thundering against theft, -was interrupted by a listener who ‘desired him to -save his labour upon that point, for Mons. de Cluny -alone would gain more souls to heaven in one year, -than all the priests in the highlands could ever do -in fifty.’</p> - -<p>The English Ministry, hearing of Cluny’s fame, -now sent him, unasked, a captain’s commission in -Loudon’s regiment, worth 6,000 livres yearly. But -he threw up his new commission when he joined -Prince Charles. Cluny’s spirited behaviour, says MS. -104, ‘took the bread out of their mouths,’ the mouths -of Barisdale & Co. But ‘Barisdale, by the former -trade (theft) and the latter expedient (blackmail), -lived at a very high rate, and mortgaged a large sum -of money on Glengarry’s estate,’ where he was a -wadsetter.</p> - -<p>Cluny’s opposition may have led to his duel with -Barisdale, as reported by the Stuarts d’Albanie. -Barisdale was, as we have seen, like Lochgarry, a -wadsetter of Glengarry’s; that is, he received from -Glengarry certain lands, redeemable after a specified -interval of time, in exchange for money paid, or bills,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_107"></a>[107]</span> -or perhaps for cattle, which he was skilled in procuring. -We do not find that the chief, Glengarry, -could or did exercise any authority in controlling -the excesses and depredations of his independent -cousin Col. For this he is blamed by the author of -the Gartmore MS., but his Mackenzie following made -Col too strong for his chief.</p> - -<p>Ignorant, perhaps, of the character of Barisdale, -unwilling, at least, to dispense with his aid, Prince -Charles visited him in August 1745, made him a -colonel, and gave a major’s commission to his son, -young Archibald Macdonnell of Barisdale, a lad of -twenty in 1745. Our ‘Impartial Hand’<a id="FNanchor_55" href="#Footnote_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a> declares that -Coll, though at Prestonpans, was not under fire, -which seems improbable. Barisdale may have been -with the Prince in the second line (fifty yards behind -the first, says the Chevalier Johnstone), or, in the -oblique advance of the first line, Lochiel and James -Mohr may have routed the English before Barisdale -could engage. But, in a letter of Thomas Wedderburn -to the Earl of Sutherland, we read (September -26, 1745), ‘Three troops that were making -their way for Berwick were pursued by Barisdale, -and 150 men, who all stript to their shirts, on foot, -who overtook the dragoons, I suppose by turning a -hill and gaining ground that way, and made them -prisoners, for which Barisdale was made a knight<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_108"></a>[108]</span> -bannarett’<a id="FNanchor_56" href="#Footnote_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a>—knighted, that is, like Dalgetty, on the -field.</p> - -<p>After Prestonpans, according to the Impartial -one, confirmed by the ‘Culloden Papers,’ and by -Broughton’s ‘Memorials,’ Barisdale, by Sheridan’s -advice, was sent north, to work on Old Lovat. -Sheridan reckoned that no man was likely to have -so much influence with that subtle schemer as the -bluff Barisdale, with ‘his devouring looks, his bulky -strides, his awful voice, his long and tremendous -sword, which he generally wore in his hand, with a -target and bonnet edged broad upon the forehead.’ -Barisdale, thus accredited, worked both on Lovat -and Lord Cromarty, who raised his peaceful tenants -by threats of burning their cottages and cattle.<a id="FNanchor_57" href="#Footnote_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a> -Cromarty might have reported, like a Highland -recruiting officer in later days, ‘The volunteers are -ready; they are all lying bound hand and foot in -the barn.’ Many of the Highlanders did not want -to fight, though they fought so well. Barisdale also -sent ‘the bloody cross,’ we are told, through the -Frazers, who marched reluctantly under the Master -of Lovat, a St. Andrews student, himself as reluctant -as he was brave. At Falkirk, Barisdale is said to -have been with the second line, and later ‘he set out -to collect the public money, the greater part of -which he kept to himself.’</p> - -<p>Just before Culloden, Barisdale was engaged in<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_109"></a>[109]</span> -the not uncongenial duty of reducing the shires of -Ross and Sutherland. In the latter county Lord -Reay, with the Mackays and the Earl of Sutherland, -were for King George; Lord Loudon also was -quartered with his force in Ross-shire. Lord Cromarty, -with the Mackenzies, Mackintoshes, Mackinnons, -Macgregors, and Barisdale’s Macdonnells, -did little, retiring to his own house. Barisdale was -anxious to burn the house of Ross of Balnagoun, but -Lochiel, who had arrived with Lord George Murray, -intervened. At Dornoch, Barisdale went to church, -where the Rev. Mr. Kirk, a gentleman connected -with the Duke of Argyll, had the courage to pray -for King George. Barisdale leaped up, swaggered, -fumed, and, it is rather absurdly said, threatened to -put Mr. Kirk in his famous engine of torture. The -chivalrous Duke of Perth protected Mr. Kirk, saying -that all brave men were his friends, and asked the -clergyman to dinner.<a id="FNanchor_58" href="#Footnote_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a> Lord George Murray, finding -Cromarty incompetent, and Barisdale mainly occupied -in burning granaries, now took the command, -and Loudon crossed the Firth into Sutherland. -Perth then led the Prince’s forces across the Firth, -and Loudon hastened to withdraw into central -Sutherland.</p> - -<p>Neither side was anxious to come to blows. -Macdonnell of Scotus, a man ‘brave, polite, obliging, -of fine spirit and sound judgment,’ says the Chevalier -Johnstone, had a son with Lord Loudon, and was<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_110"></a>[110]</span> -reluctant to engage. Later, to his intense joy, he -took this son a not unwilling prisoner. Meanwhile -Barisdale, on March 20, captured the Castle of Dunrobin. -The Earl of Sutherland fled, under cover of -a fog, and escaped to an English ship. The Countess -stayed at home; she was a daughter of the Earl of -Wemyss by his third wife, was a young lady, of -twenty-eight, and had a young nephew, Lord Elcho, -with the Prince. According to the ‘Sutherland -Book’ (i. 420), one of Barisdale’s officers threatened -her with a dirk, and, some one jogging his elbow, -she was actually scratched. To this the Countess, -as we shall see, herself bears witness. But it is by no -means certain that the lady, coming of a Jacobite -family, was an unwilling prisoner of the Prince’s -men. It was irksome to her, no doubt, to see her -rooms littered with hay on which the Highlanders -slept, and to observe the robbery of her plate. But -the two following intercepted letters, from the Cumberland -Papers, display the Countess as an adorer -of Prince Charles, and Barisdale as a <i>preux chevalier</i>.</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="center"><i>Letter from The Countess of Sutherland to the Young Pretender, written with MacDonell of Barisdale’s own Hand.</i></p> - -<p class="right smaller">‘March 26, 1746.</p> - -<p>‘The treatment I mett with Friday Last oblidges -me to presume to oCoast your Royall Hyness For a -protection to prevent the Lyke Usadge in the Future. -However my Lord Sutherland Acted, It’s known over<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_111"></a>[111]</span> -the most of this Kingdome my particular attachment -to your Royall Hyness’ Family, and were itt ordinaire -in one of my sex to go to the Field to Fight For -my Prince and Country, I would make as aerly ane -appearance as anie, and hade not my Coch horses -and sadle horses being caryed away I woud presume -the Honnaire to waith of your Royall Hyness. Least -my letter be too tediouse I will only give one Instance -of my usadge, a man holding a drawn durk to my -brest gave a scrach of a wound which merk itt -well beare: but this day Barisdale coming here, -being my aquaintance, in his presence I sent a -gentleman to all the men of my Lord Sutherland’s -that were in arms desiring them to disperse and -return to their homes in order a proper Draught be -made of them For your royall Hyness service. My -success I can not determine as I can not Depend -upon much assistance, but if matters were further -att my Disposall all the Fensable men in Sutherland -woud be on your Royall Hyness armie as I am quite -affrighted. From the Hylanders I beg to petition -your Royall Hyness protection how Soone pasable -and I always am and ever will,’ &c.</p> - -</div> - -<p>On March 27, 1746, from Tarbat House Lord -Cromarty writes in answer to the Countess of Sutherland, -acknowledging her letter, and promising protection -to all her people who submit.</p> - -<p>Then we have Barisdale’s <i>billet</i> to the lady:</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_112"></a>[112]</span></p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="center"><i>Col McDonell to Lady Sutherlande</i></p> - -<p class="right smaller">‘Ardmore: March 27, 1746.</p> - -<p>‘My Faire Prisoner,—I presume these with the -offer of my most Respectfull humble Duty to my -Lady Sutherland, my Regiment is ordered back -againe to Sutherland For which I am verrie sorrie, -if anie hardships must be used, itt shoud in the -Least Fall to my Shaire. I will have one Certaine -pleasure in Itt that it well give the oportunity of -being For once more my Lady Sutherland’s Saife -guard. I Forwarded your Ladyship’s letter by one -Captt Lewlessnent, and sent itt Inclosed to his Grace, -and held Forth my Lady Sutherland’s zeall For our -Cause, and the Friendship she particullarlie expected -From him, and represented the Horses taken away, -and pleaded For her Interest to have them, att Least -my Ladys Favourites, returned. I go this Day to -Inverness myself and shall talk to His Royall Hyness -in regard to what my Lady Sutherland woud Exspect -off Favours From our side, and what is Actuallie -Deue to her. After my return, shall have the -pleasure of waitting off your Ladyship att Dunrobine, -and allways will be Nott onlie your Lady’s prisoner -in the strictest Confinement, but your Ladyships -most obdtt. and most humble sertt. while</p> - -<p class="right">‘<span class="smcap">Col. McDonell</span>.’<a id="FNanchor_59" href="#Footnote_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>An odious tale is told by the ‘Impartial Hand,’ -about Barisdale’s conduct to his wife’s young sister.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_113"></a>[113]</span> -We do not trust the Impartial one where we have -not corroboration, and, to his fair prisoner, Lady -Sutherland, Barisdale certainly displays a tender -gallantry. But she may not have regretted that her -Barisdale was occasionally absent. Cumberland was -approaching, and, on the eve of Culloden, Lord -Cromarty was captured in ‘The Battle of Golspie,’ -while dallying over his <i>adieux</i> to ‘his favourite -Amazon,’ the Countess of Sutherland, as the -Impartial one invidiously declares.</p> - -<p>The Countess must have managed her diplomacy -adroitly, for the Whig author previously cited says, -‘It is a pity the present Earl of Sutherland should -be such a weak man, but his lady behaved very -honourably, though her brother (nephew) the Lord -Elcho, was engaged in the Rebellion.’<a id="FNanchor_60" href="#Footnote_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a> The lady’s -letter to Prince Charles was not known to our -author.</p> - -<p>Barisdale, leaving his fair prisoner, marched -south, and halted at Beauly, on the night before -Culloden. ‘He might easily have reached the field, -had he been any way resolute or brave.’ But like -the Master of Lovat and Cluny, Barisdale came up -too late. The fugitives passed through Inverness, -under his eyes, and Barisdale also made off.</p> - -<p>He was at the Meeting of the Chiefs at Murlagan, -on May 8, when it was determined to rally in a week, -and a treaty was made, that all should hold together,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_114"></a>[114]</span> -in spite of the Prince’s defection.<a id="FNanchor_61" href="#Footnote_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a> When the week -ended, nobody came to the tryst but Lochgarry, who -retired at once, Lochiel, and Barisdale, with three -or four hundred of their clans. But the Rev. John -Cameron, in ‘The Lyon in Mourning’ (i. 88) accuses -Barisdale of promising to return next day, as a blind, -and of sending instead two companies of infantry -in English service, to capture Lochiel. They were -recognised by their red crosses, and Lochiel escaped, -‘which was owing to its not being in Barisdale’s -power’—to catch him, ‘rather than to want of -inclination,’ says Mr. Cameron. Murray of Broughton -represents Barisdale as accusing his cousin and -enemy, Lochgarry, of treachery, and believes that -both were equally guilty, but Lochiel was as incapable -of suspecting as of being guilty of treason. In -his Letter to the Chiefs, of May 26, he says that -Clanranald’s men refuse to leave their own country, -that Glengarry’s men have yielded up their arms -(induced thereto, we shall see, by Old Glengarry), -that Lochgarry promised to return, but did not, and -that, ‘trusting to Lochgarry’s information, we had -almost been surprized.’ But he never hints at a -suspicion of Barisdale.<a id="FNanchor_62" href="#Footnote_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a></p> - -<p>On June 10, says the ‘Impartial Hand,’ Barisdale -and Young Barisdale both surrendered to Ensign -Small, in a cave. But Barisdale, it is known, got<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_115"></a>[115]</span> -a protection, on his promise to deliver up Prince -Charles. He laid several schemes to this end, and -had two companies to seize the Prince at Strathfillan. -Sheridan, however, ‘who had a talent for -reading men with as great freedom and judgement as -others do books,’ warned the Prince, who kept out -of Barisdale’s clutches.<a id="FNanchor_63" href="#Footnote_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a> So says the Impartial Hand.</p> - -<p>His story of the protection for Barisdale was -true, as witness the following letters from the Cumberland -Papers, at Windsor Castle.</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="center"><i>From G. Howard to Col. Napier, A.D.C. to D. of C.</i></p> - -<p class="right smaller">‘July 5th....</p> - -<p>‘A person passed me here yesterday morning -whom I took to be lawful Prey, but, to my great -concern, he produced a Pass-port for himself and -4 servants with their arms &c., syned by Sir E. -Faulkner: it was dated only the day before yesterday. -The person was McDonald of Barisdale, who is -so particularly zealous for hanging our officers. I -asked him if he had seen H.R.H. (Cumberland). He -said no, but that a friend got him his Protection.’</p> - -</div> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="center"><i>Lord Albemarle to Duke of Cumberland</i></p> - -<p class="right smaller">‘July 26th.</p> - -<p>‘The Complaint is universal against Barisdale, -therefore I shall not renew his protection, but drive<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_116"></a>[116]</span> -and burn his country to punish him for having made -such a bad use of your goodness. Glengarry is much -commended for his behaviour.’</p> - -</div> - -<p>Finally, Barisdale had already induced several -Macdonnells to lay a written information against Old -Glengarry, their chief.</p> - -<p>How did Barisdale, who had played a part so -conspicuous, manage to obtain a protection from -Sir Everard Faulkner? That is the point which we -shall later find him explaining with singular candour. -Protected he was, and, in pursuit of information, -he had the singular impudence to venture, -with his son, in September 1746, on board the ship -which was to carry the Prince, Lochiel, Lochgarry, -and other gentlemen to France. They could not -but be aware that Barisdale had made his submission, -and was come on no good errand. Lochgarry -was his bitter enemy. They therefore put Barisdale -and his son in irons, shut them down under hatches, -carried them to France, and there imprisoned these -gentlemen of Knoydart on a charge of treason. Mr. -Fraser Mackintosh, a very innocent writer, thus -describes the high-handed outrage: ‘Barisdale was -so unpopular with the Camerons, that, without the -slightest warrant, they took it on themselves to deport -Coll Macdonnell, and his son Alexander [Archibald?] -to France.’ Mr. Fraser Mackintosh attributes this -unwarrantable action to ‘the Camerons,’ with whom -Barisdale was generally ‘unpopular.’ But, of course,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_117"></a>[117]</span> -the seizure was warranted by Charles, Prince Regent, -who is said to have knighted Barisdale on a stricken -field. The seizure was more than justified, and was -not due to poor Col’s ‘unpopularity.’</p> - -<p>Col languished in a French prison till 1749. In -March he ventured back to Scotland, finding himself, -after his release, very ‘unpopular’ in Flanders. He -was promptly culled like a flower by his old captor, -Ensign Small, and was brought before Erskine for -examination. Erskine writes that he found the tall -bully ‘under visible terror.’ France had imprisoned -him. England was likely to give him what ‘he wad -be nane the waur o’’—a hanging. His house was left -unto him desolate; he would flirt no more with fair -captive Countesses: no one trembled at his frowning -brows: it was Barisdale’s turn to tremble, as he did. -He was locked up in Edinburgh Castle, where, at -least, he was safe from avenging dirks. He there -penned the following explicit confession, in hopes of -a pardon, and pay as a spy. Perhaps Cumberland -refers to Barisdale’s earlier services in this capacity, -in a letter of August 2, 1749. Cumberland speaks -of ‘the goodness of the intelligence’ now offered to -Government. ‘On my part I bear it witness, for I -never knew it fail me in the least trifle, and have -had very material and early notices from it.’<a id="FNanchor_64" href="#Footnote_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a></p> - -<p>Here, then, follows Barisdale’s confession to the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_118"></a>[118]</span> -Justice Clerk in Edinburgh. It entirely disposes of -Mr. Fraser Mackintosh’s suggestion that the Camerons -seized Barisdale because he was ‘unpopular.’</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="center"><i>Narrative given in by Barrisdale to the Justice Clerk</i></p> - -<p class="smaller">(<i>H. O. Scotland. Bundle 41. No. 13. State Papers. Domestic</i>)</p> - -<p class="right smaller">April 10th, 1749.</p> - -<p>‘His Royal Highness, the Duke of Cumberland, -sent a protection by Sir Alexr. Macdonald to -Barisdale, upon delivering to him of which, he told -him, in Consequence of the Favours the Duke -intended for him, he should cause all such as he -would have any Influence with, surrender their arms -directly, which Barisdale did at the Barracks of -Glenelg immediately thereafter; by which the Concert -of those that imagined to make any further -resistance was broke, and he gave all the Assurances -Sir Alexr. desired of him, to be a good faithful subject, -yt would give all obedience to the Government, -which Since he has perform’d. <i>But from that time the -Jacobite party design’d to ruine Barisdale</i>, and endeavoured, -with all Calumny’s, to make him odious to all -partys and all Persons. The Pretender’s Son having -returned from the Isles to the Continent (mainland), -Sir Alexr. Macdonald wrote to Barisdale, desiring to -inform him of some particulars, which he did very -distinctly, and soon after his R. Highness [Cumberland] -left Fort Augustus, my Lord Albemarle, then -Commander in Chief, desired Sir Aler. McDonald to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_119"></a>[119]</span> -send for Barisdale to Fort Augustus. Sir Alexr. Macdonald -wrote to him, and accordingly Barisdale -waited of my Lord Albemarle at Fort Augustus, -at Sir Alex. McDonald’s Lodgings, where before Sir -Alex. McDonald, his Lordship told Barisdale, as the -Pretender’s Son was now returned from the Isles to -the Continent (mainland), if he hop’d for the Continuance -of his R. Highness’s Favours, he must lay -himself out in giving Assistance to have the Person -of ye Pretender’s Son sez’d.</p> - -<p>‘Barisdale answered, in Sir Alexander’s Presence, -that Sir Alexr. never made any such Proposal to -him from his R. Highness (Cumberland); and if he -was a Man supposed formerly in the Jacobite -Interest, and <i>upon getting a better Light</i>, to forsake them -it would be very inconsistent wth. Honour, for a Man -so supposed, to go such Lengths. But for his share, -were he to do his utmost to comply with his Lordship’s -desire, he could expect little success in it, -since all the Jacobite Party were upon their Guard, -even the meanest Highlander, to give no Intelligence -to any he had Influence with.</p> - -<p>‘His Lordship and he parted that Day: my Lord -Loudoun, Sir Alexr. McDonald, and Barisdale, -being at a Bottle that night, resumed all that past -at that Communing—Loudoun said, “I own what his -Lordship desires of you, may not be easy for you -to perform, but such Information as you can best -receive, you can transmit to his Lordship and you -can make an Observe upon each, according to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_120"></a>[120]</span> -the Credite you give yourself to the Information.”</p> - -<p>‘My Lord Albemarle, the next day, at Sir -Alexander’s Lodgings, insisted as the Day before; -and Barisdale agreed, such Informations as he could -learn, he would transmit them, wt. Remarks upon -them of the Credite he thought they deserved—My -Lord Albemarle gave a Continuance upon the -Protection for ten Days more, which was a short -time for Barisdale to go to his country, and find -Informations and then transmit them to Fort -Augustus.</p> - -<p>‘However he sent two different Informations wt. -Remarks upon them: is not certain which of the two, -my Lord Albemarle or my Lord Loudoun’s Hands -they came to, as the Bearer of them brought back no -Answer in writing: But at the End of the Ten Days of -my Lord Albemarle’s Protection, B. was rather more -distrest than any who were not before protected.</p> - -<p>‘Some few days thereafter, being at Sir Alexr. -McDonald at Slaite, hearing two French ships coming -to Ariseg, Sir Ar. McDonald desired Barisdale to go -to these Ships, in order to learn some things he -wanted to be inform’d of, and Barisdale coming to -the shore before the Ships, under Pretension of great -Friendship was invited aboard, there being at the -Ships severals he was acquainted with; But soon -after he was aboard, found his Mistake, would not -be allow’d afterwards to come ashore, was carried to -St. Malos, seated upon the River La Luare where he<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_121"></a>[121]</span> -was prisoned about 2 years and four months. The -7th. of February last, with a Sentence of Banishment -to leave France in a few Days, was liberated: which -Sentence is now in the hands of the Governor of -Fort Augustus.</p> - -<p>‘The Accusations laid against him by the Pretender’s -son and likewise laid before the Court of -France were sent to Barisdale enclosed in a Letter, -wrote and signed by George Kelly, the Pretender’s -Son’s Secretary, of which there is a Copy herewith.’</p> - -<p>He now offers services unconditionally<a id="FNanchor_65" href="#Footnote_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a>—‘but is -sorry to be prevented in his Design of going to -London as he entended to throw himself in his R. -Highness the Duke of Cumberland’s Hands, hoping, -as he still does, for his Highness’ Protection and -Friendship, as promised to him by Sir Alexander -MacDonald in his R.H’s. Name at their first Conference, -when he delivered to him the protection, in -the obtaining of which Barisdale will be capable, as -he is most willing, of doing essential Services to his -R. Highness and the Government in the North of -Scotland:—and says ‘it may appear most reasonable, -however, for the Family he is descended from, or the -Clan he is of, have been attach’d to the Pretender’s -Family, that his cruel, uncommon, and severe usage -from that Family will not only make him most faithfull -to the Government, but as stiff an Enemy as that Family -have upon Earth. For it is well known the Pretender’s<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_122"></a>[122]</span> -Son exprest at Paris to some of the Scots, -who were sorry for Barisdale’s treatment, that while -it was in his power, Barisdale woud never recover -his Liberty, at least while he was in France, for that -he was well assured, if ever he return’d to Scotland, -being well assured B. being both resolute and -Revengefull, he woud prove a very destructible -Instrument to his Interest.’</p> - -</div> - -<p>Here are the Jacobite charges against Barisdale:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="center"><i>Copy of George Kelly, the P.’son’s Secretary’s Letter</i></p> - -<p class="right smaller">‘Paris, May 3rd, 1747.</p> - -<p>‘... Did you not own publickly, that upon his -R.H’s. Approach to Inverness, you advertised the -Lord President and the Lord Loudoun of the same, -and advised them for their further Safety to retire -from thence?... Did you not, without asking their -Advice or Approbation, Surrender yourself to the -Enemy, and enter into certain Articles with them?...</p> - -<p>‘Whether, after receiving a Protection from the -Enemy, you did not engage and promise to apprehend -the Person of H.R.H. and deliver him up to -them within a limited time?...</p> - -<p>‘Whether or not you did not impose on several -Gentlemen of Glengary’s Family, by asserting that -he had promised to deliver them up to the Enemy, -and that he was to receive 30<i>l.</i> sterling Premium for -Each Gentleman he should put into their Hands? -Did these gentlemen sign an information against -Glengary? And were his letters ordering them to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_123"></a>[123]</span> -take up arms delivered up to Lord Albemarle, upon -which your Cousine, Glengary, was apprehended?’</p> - -</div> - -<p>And now the whole truth is out, as concerns -Col, third of Barisdale. His cruelties, his thefts, his -swaggerings, have ended in deliberate treachery, -and this worthy chieftain is found endeavouring to -do what the humblest peasant disdained even to -contemplate, to deliver up the fugitive Prince.</p> - -<p>Barisdale took no profit by his iniquity. The -Ross people, whom he had harried, burned his famous -stocks, and his house, with its ‘eighteen fire-rooms, -and many others without fires, beautifully covered’ -(roofed) ‘with blue slates.’</p> - -<p>He himself died in 1750, in Edinburgh Castle; -six soldiers, with no mourners, carried his bulky and -corpulent carcase to a grave ‘at the foot of the <i>talus</i> -of the Castle.’</p> - -<p>So says the Impartial Hand. Of Barisdale’s -classical lore, and of his courtesy to a fair captive, -we have seen proof. For the rest, a more worthless -miscreant has seldom stained the page of history. -It was time that such a career as his should be made -impossible.</p> - -<p>Young Barisdale skulked for years in the Highlands, -a kind of Hereward, pursued by the English -troops. He was usually accompanied by five or six -of his Clan, armed, and in the prohibited Highland -dress. He supported life in his father’s fashion, -mainly by robbing the herring fishers of a fifth of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_124"></a>[124]</span> -their takes, under some pretence of a legal claim. -His tenants, spoiled by the English troops, probably -could contribute little to his maintenance. He is -often mentioned in the Cumberland Papers, and, -after he had been the guest of young Glengarry’s -uncle, Dr. Macdonnell, that physician talked indiscreetly -as follows.</p> - -<p>On Sept. 30, 1751, Captain Izard, of the Fusiliers, -writes: ‘Dr. Macdonald, brother of Glengarry, living -at Cailles on Loch Nevis, told that young Barisdale -lay at his house the Monday before, and took boat -thence to carry his sister home, and he proposed -going to the Isle of Skey’ (Skye).<a id="FNanchor_66" href="#Footnote_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a></p> - -<p>He was taken at last on July 18, 1753, in a wood -near Lochourn in Morar, and was tried in Edinburgh -on a charge of High Treason, on March 11, 1754. -With him was Macdonald of Morar, five or six other -Macdonalds, and Mackinnons, a MacEachan, and -others. He disputed the indictment, which described -him as ‘of Barisdale,’ on the score that his grandfather -had only been ‘a moveable tenant of Glengarry’s, without -any right in writing whatsoever.’ This plea was -disregarded, and he was condemned to be hanged on -May 22, bearing his sentence ‘with great composure -and decency.’ Being respited, he lay in the Castle -till 1762, when he took the oaths, and was released.</p> - -<p>By a curious freak of fortune, young Barisdale’s -son Col, in 1788, ‘held a Commission to regulate -the Fisheries. This, in the height of the fishing<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_125"></a>[125]</span> -season, was no easy task, and required a firm hand. -Not only were there disputes among the fishermen -themselves, but, apparently, thieves made it a regular -trade to attend, and pick up what they could.... -The poor fishermen now suffer from piracy in another -form. If there were officials like Barisdale armed -with sufficient powers, trawling within the limits -would soon be extirpated,’ writes Mr. Fraser -Mackintosh.<a id="FNanchor_67" href="#Footnote_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a> The fishermen have never been fortunate. -Before trawling came in they had to do with -the portentous Col of Barisdale. Perhaps, of the -two, they may prefer the trawlers.</p> - -<p>Thus, in a generation, the son of Archibald and -grandson of Col, the former a brigand and thief -alike of cattle and herrings, became a peaceful -subject, and protector of the very class of fishermen -whom his grandsire had plundered. We may drop -a tear over old romance, but reality has its alleviating -features. There is absolutely no kind of villainy -of which Col of Barisdale was not eminently guilty. -Oppression, cruelty, cowardice, theft, and treachery -were all among his qualities, were all notorious, yet, -till after Culloden, Col could laugh at the law, and -was not shunned by society.</p> - -<p>We have seen that Col accuses Sir Alexander -Macdonald of Sleat of corrupting his honour, and -advising him to sell himself. This may, or may not, -be true. The sympathies of Sir Alexander had been<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_126"></a>[126]</span> -Jacobite, before 1745, but Murray of Broughton -states that in 1741 he was very angry when Balhaldie -put his name on a list of adherents presented to the -French Court. ‘He declared he had never given him -any authority to do so.’ A statement to the contrary -effect will be found in Mr. Mackenzie’s ‘History of the -Macdonalds,’ page 234. In 1744, Murray represents -him as ready to rise if French troops were landed. -Murray repeats, in justice, that Sir Alexander’s promises -were purely contingent; they depended on the -existence of a ‘well-concerted scheme,’ and there was -none. But Sir Alexander not only did not come out, -he was won over by Forbes of Culloden to the -Hanoverian Cause. ‘I should be sorry,’ says Murray, -‘to have so bad an opinion of mankind as to think -any of them cappable of attempting an apologie for -him.’ Murray, in his examination, lied in Sir Alexander’s -interests, saying ‘he always absolutely refused -to have anything to do with the Pretender.’ -But, after Preston Pans, Sir Alexander, moved by -that victory, said, in the hearing of Malcolm Macleod -of Raasay, that he would now raise 900 of his clan -and march south to fight for King James. Next -morning, however, he received a letter from Forbes -of Culloden, and instantly ‘was quite upon the grave -and thoughtful, and dropt the declared resolution of -his own mind.’<a id="FNanchor_68" href="#Footnote_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a> In fact, he turned Hanoverian.</p> - -<p>Later, in the crisis of the Prince’s wanderings, -Sir Alexander was not at home when his wife, Lady<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_127"></a>[127]</span> -Margaret, connived with Flora Macdonald to secure -Charles’s escape from Skye. Lady Margaret wrote -to Forbes of Culloden that Flora was ‘a foolish girl,’ -and thanked God that <i>she</i> knew nothing of the -Prince’s being in hiding near her house. Sir Alexander, -on the other hand, confessed to Forbes that -Flora put his wife ‘in the utmost distress by telling -her of the cargo she had brought from Uist.’<a id="FNanchor_69" href="#Footnote_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a> It was -fortunate for everybody, himself included, that Sir -Alexander was away from home. He wrote the -following letter to Cumberland, confessing nothing:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="center"><i>From Sir Alexander McDonald to H.R.H. giving intelligence of Pretender’s movements</i></p> - -<p class="right smaller">‘Sconsar, Isle of Sky, 1746.</p> - -<p>‘Sir,—This morning Capt. Hodgson remitted to -your R. Highness all the intelligence I had then got; -in rideing a few miles I was informed of the Pretender’s -whole progress since he landed in this island. -By the letter remitted to your R.H. he was left at -Portree, 14 miles from my house near which he -landed; at Portree he met one Donald McDonald, -who was in the Rebellion, and who put him into a -boat belonging to the Isle of Rasay, which feryd him -into that island; after staying there 2 nights he returned -in the same small boat to the neighbourhood -of Portree, attended by one Malcolm McLeod. That -night he and his companion lay in a byre; next day -(the Pretender in shabby man’s apparel since he left<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_128"></a>[128]</span> -Portree) they found their way into a part of MacKinnon’s -estate, and having found MacKinnon, though -disguised and lurking himself, he found a boat which -next day convey’d the Pretender, MacKinnon, and -one John MacKinnon, into Moror. They sail’d from -this island on Saturday last. MacKinnon was taken -in Moror by a party from Sky, and John McK. was -this day seized ... they are both on board the -Furnace and confirm to a trifle the above relation.</p> - -<p class="right">‘<span class="smcap">Alex. MacDonald.</span>’<a id="FNanchor_70" href="#Footnote_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>The Baronet tells as little as may be; he does not -implicate Flora, and, of course, shields his wife. His -own position was awkward.</p> - -<p>Sir Alexander died in November 1746, when -about to visit Cumberland in England. It is to his -credit that he did his best to protect the loyal Kingsburgh. -But his vacillations were extreme, and if he -really helped to corrupt Barisdale, his behaviour is -without excuse. ‘Were I to enumerate the villains -and villainies this country abounds in I should never -have done,’ wrote Cumberland to the Duke of Newcastle. -‘Some allowance must be made for Sir -Alexander’s behaviour in the Forty Five,’ says Mr. -Fraser Mackintosh. It was not precisely handsome. -The epigram on his death, which has variants, ran -thus:</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse indent0">If Heaven be glad when sinners cease to sin,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">If Hell be glad when traitors enter in,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">If Earth be glad when ridded of a knave,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Then all rejoice! Macdonald’s in his grave.</div> - </div> -</div> -</div> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_129"></a>[129]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="VI">VI<br /> -<span class="smaller">CLUNY’S TREASURE</span></h2> - -</div> - -<p>The bayonets of Cumberland scarcely dealt a deadlier -blow at Jacobitism than the spades which, in gentle -and unaccustomed hands, buried the treasure of -French gold at Loch Arkaig. About this fatal hoard, -which set clan against clan, and, literally, brother -against brother, something has been elsewhere said. -But the unpublished reports given by spies and informers -in the Cumberland Papers and the Record -Office throw a great deal of unexpected light on the -subject.</p> - -<p>Our purpose is, first to offer what may be called -official statements as to the original amount and -hiding places of the treasure. Next we shall examine -the stories as to the disposition and diffusion of the -money. These will indicate that the charges of ‘embezzlement’ -and ‘villainy’ brought by Young Glengarry -against men so noted for their loyalty as Dr. -Cameron and Cluny Macpherson are false. In our -evidence will occur the testimony of informers, whose -names, as they were persons of no historical importance, -it seems needless to reveal. But their revelations -were employed by Government in securing the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_130"></a>[130]</span> -condemnation and banishment of Lochiel’s brother, -Cameron of Fassifern.</p> - -<p>On the whole subject of the hoard we have -several statements by Murray of Broughton. The -least copious is contained in a tract which professes -to be written by a friend of Murray; really it is from -his own pen.<a id="FNanchor_71" href="#Footnote_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a></p> - -<p>Murray, who had been in very bad health since -the Prince was in Elgin before Culloden, found himself -skulking with Lochiel in a wood near Loch -Arkaig. He heard at the same moment of Charles’s -flight to the isles, which he condemned, and of the -arrival of French ships with money. Most of the -party resolved to scatter, but Lochiel declared ‘that -to desert his Clan was inconsistent with his honour -and their interest,’ and, by his desire, Murray remained -with him, ‘unable to refuse the desire of a -person for whom he had such a regard, and with -whom he had lived so many years in the strictest -intimacy.’ Major Kennedy, too, though, like other -officers in French service, he might have surrendered -safely, most generously clave to Lochiel. In later -years Kennedy recovered for the Prince a remnant of -the French <i>louis d’or</i>.</p> - -<p>Murray was next carried to the bay opposite -Keppoch, where the French ships were lying. They -had been attacked by British vessels of war, but had -previously landed 35,000 <i>louis d’or</i> in six (seven?)<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_131"></a>[131]</span> -casks. One cask, however, was already missing. -The five casks were conveyed to Murray, and of the -stolen cask all but one bag of gold was recovered. -Next day the Duke of Perth, who was dying, with -his brother, Lord John Drummond, Elcho, old Sir -Thomas Sheridan, the Prince’s tutor, the younger -Lockhart of Carnwath, and others sailed for France -in the ships. Murray paid Clanranald, Barisdale, -and others their arrears, with allowances for widows -and wounded men, out of the French gold. He then -sent off the remainder of the hoard under Archy -Cameron’s care, and returned to Loch Arkaig. -Fifteen thousand louis were buried ‘in three several -parcels in the wood,’ and the empty casks were filled -with stones, and carried about with Murray, ‘so as -to give no Jelousy to the other Clans of his having -more confidence in the Camerons’ than in them. -Near the foot of Loch Arkaig, Murray caused Dr. -Cameron to bury 12,000 louis, reserving about 5,000 -for expenses.</p> - -<p>Murray travelled south and was captured in -Tweeddale. On August 27, 1746, when in the -Tower, he wrote to an English official, ‘last time I -had the honour to see you, I offered to lay my hand -upon the 15,000 <i>louis d’or</i>, and am still certain I can -do so, but as the season is now advancing, and -the parties will probably soon be called in, it is not -in that event impossible but the money may be -raised.’ (It was ‘raised’ by Dr. Cameron.) In his<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_132"></a>[132]</span> -Examination (August 13, 1746) Murray had already -betrayed the secret of the casks of gold. But the -English could never discover the treasure.</p> - -<p>Elsewhere, in a paper of accounts, Murray tells, -in defence of his pecuniary honesty, all about the -disposition of the <i>louis d’or</i>.</p> - -<p>He accounts for various sums, including 40<i>l.</i> to -Lochiel, who, like the gallant gentleman he was, had -given every penny in his possession ‘to his own -people about.’ Mr. Murray ‘chided him for being -too easy to give money to whoever asked it.’ A sum -of 3,868<i>l.</i> was buried in the garden of Mrs. Menzies -of Culdairs. This, we presume, was the bulk of the -5,000 louis reserved. Murray corroborates (as in his -tract) an anonymous informant’s story, presently to -be given, about the stealing of a cask of money, and -restitution made after confession to Father Harrison. -The penitent however, an Irishman, kept 700<i>l.</i>, as -stated in the anonymous information. Murray -reckons at 15,000<i>l.</i> a sum buried near Loch Arkaig, -by Dr. Archibald Cameron, Young Macleod of Neuck, -Sir Stewart Threipland, and Major Kennedy. There -were fifteen bags containing 1,000<i>l.</i> each; one -parcel was put under a rock, in a burn, and two in -holes, near at hand, dug by the four gentlemen. -Another sum of 12,000<i>l.</i>, in two parcels, was carried -by Dr. Cameron and Mr. Macleod, from Lochiel’s -house of Achnacarry, and buried near the <i>lower</i> end -of Loch Arkaig. Lochiel received 1,520<i>l.</i> for the -Prince’s immediate needs, and the rest is scrupulously<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_133"></a>[133]</span> -accounted for the unhappy Secretary. His stories -are consistent throughout.<a id="FNanchor_72" href="#Footnote_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a></p> - -<p>Another description of the arrival and burial of -the gold has never been published. It is from the -Cumberland Papers, and must have been written -about 1749-1750. This is proved by the writer’s -mention of Barisdale as still alive, and in prison. -Now young Barisdale (Archibald) is not meant, for -he was not taken till 1753.<a id="FNanchor_73" href="#Footnote_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a> His father, Coll -Macdonnell of Barisdale, on the other hand, was -taken in March 1749, and died in Edinburgh Castle -on June 1, 1750.<a id="FNanchor_74" href="#Footnote_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a></p> - -<p>We now offer this anonymous intelligence of -1749-1750, as to the arrival, burial, and later -fortunes of the French gold.</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="center">‘<i>Intelligence sent to Col. Napier from Scotland about Seven Casks of Money for the Rebels</i></p> - -<p class="smaller">Cumberland Papers. Memoir for Col. Napier.</p> - -<p>‘Soon after the Battle of Culloden a french -privateer anchored in Loch Nonha in Arisaig, where -Doctor Cameron, Brother to Lochiel, Cameron of -Dungallen, prisoner in Edr. Castle, and many other -Rebels were then sculking. One of his Majesties’ -20 gun Ships and 2 Sloops were cruising on the West -Coast, immediately got intelligence of the privateers,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_134"></a>[134]</span> -and came up and attacked them, but before the -action began they had landed 7 Casks of money -and committed it to the Charge of Doctor Cameron, -who was upon the shore wth. a great many others -of the Camerons and Mc.Donalds, who flocked from -all Corners to see the engadgement, and among -others Mc.Donald of Barrisdale, now prisoner, was -also present and Alexd. Mc.Lachlan in Lidderdale -and Aide-de-Camp to The Pretender.</p> - -<p>‘When the action was over, The Commander of -the Privateers, having heard of the Battle of Culloden, -insisted to have the money put on board again. <i>But -the Rebells beg’d to be excused</i>, and Doctor Cameron -conveyed away six of the Casks to Loch Morrer, 3 -miles from Loch Nonha: (The 7th Cask being stole) -and there he got a boat and went wth. it to the head -of ye Loch and from thence got in to Loch arkick; -And having dismissed all the Country people, He -wth. Major Kennedy, a french Officer, and Alexd. -McLeod son to Mr. John McLeod advocate, took the -money out of the Casks, and put it underground in -the head of Locharkick, in the midle of a Wood.</p> - -<p>‘There was £6 or 7,000 st. in each Cask, All put up -in separate Bags, £1,000 in Each bag. They afterwards -carried away the empty Casks themselves (none being -present but the 3 persons above named) and when -at a considerable distance from the place where the -Money was hid, They caused the Country people -put them under ground in a different place in order -to deceive.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_135"></a>[135]</span></p> - -<p>‘After this was over, All persons were employed -to enquire after the Cask that was stole during the -engadgement. And by the Assistance and authority -of a priest (Father Harrison) who is great in that -country (all Roman Catholics) the money was -recovered except £700, and That is still amissing, ... -It is not well known what became of this -broken Cask afterwards But Dr. Cameron had the -Manadgement of it and all the rest, and it is imagined -That The money divided at the meeting with Lovat, -at the head of Loch arkick, was part of it, and -£3,000 was given to one Donald Cameron at Strontian -to Conceal, wch he again delivered to The Doctor, -but got not one shilling for himself. [Is this the -money hidden at Culdares?] Severals of the Country -people got each a Louis d’or and some of their -gentlemen got each 2 or 3 and that was all the -Distribution made among the Camerons.</p> - -<p>‘His Majestie’s troops afterwards search’d the -woods of Locharkick for this money, and were often -round the place where it was, and missed very -narrowly finding it, for being hid by Gentlemen, not -used to work, it was very unskilfully done, and the -stamps and impression of their feet visible about the -place. But as soon as Dr. Cameron found a proper -opportunity, He went and took up the money and -hid it in two different places of the wood. In one of -them he put 12,000<i>l.</i>, wch he shewed to his own -son, and another man, That in case he was taken, -it might not be lost altogether, and the other part<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_136"></a>[136]</span> -he put in a place which he shewed to nobody. And -thus it remained till a Ship arriv’d in Loch Nonha -to carry off the Pretender &c. When the above Ship -arriv’d He (the Pretender) was sckulking in one of the -Glens of Brad Badenoch where he had been for some -time conceal’d in a place under ground, with Lochiel, -Cluny Mcpherson, and some other person. Upon -receiving Intelligence of the arrival of this Ship, It -seems it was concerted That Cluny should remain -in Scotland and have the Charge of the money. And -having come all together from Badenoch to Locharkick, -they got Dr. Cameron, who went and shew’d Cluny -the 2 different places where the money was: Left him -in that Country, and the rest went and embarked -with the Pretender in Loch Nonha. Whether there -was any of the bags then taken up (as is probable) -carried with them, or how many, is what I am not -informed of.</p> - -<p>‘But Certain it is that Cluny immediately after -Carried the £12,000 to Badenoch And there were in -Company wth. him Angus Cameron (of Downan) a -Rannoch Man, brother to Gleneavis, McPherson of -Breachy (Breakachy), a brother in Law of his own, -and his piper.</p> - -<p>‘The other part of the money, was shew’d to no -Living but himself, and he either did not find an -opportunity, or did not think convenient to come for -it, untill a month afterwards, when he came and -carried it also away, but I am not justly Informed -who were wth. him, nor how much was of it, tho’ It<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_137"></a>[137]</span> -is generally believed That he got betwixt £20 and -£30,000 in all.</p> - -<p>‘It is said by Cluny’s Friends that the Pretender, -after embarking, sent a note to Cluny with particular -instructions how he was to manadge the money and -to whom he was to give any part of it,<a id="FNanchor_75" href="#Footnote_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a> and <i>they say -that he has conformed in the most exact manner to his -Instructions</i>, but The other Rebells in the highlands -grumble egregiously That he has not done them -justice. I have only heard That he gave £100 to -Lady Keppoch<a id="FNanchor_76" href="#Footnote_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a> and have reason to think That if he -made any other distributions it was to some other of -the principall Gentlemen of The Different Clans, to be -given away among their people, and that those have -thought fit to retain all to themselves.</p> - -<p>‘I know it is strongly suspected that Cameron of -Gleneavis, whose Brother (Angus) was wth Cluny at -Carrying away the £12,000, has received a Large -proportion by some means or other, and there is -great reason to think so, as he was almost bankrupt -before the rebellion and is now shewing away in a -very different manner, particularly This year about a -month ago, there were 120 Louis d’ors sent from -him to a man in Locharkeek to buy Cattle for him; -and some of the Camerons having lately threatened -to be resented of him for his behaviour about yt -money, he met with them, and parted good friends,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_138"></a>[138]</span> -which is supposed to have been done by giving them -considerably.</p> - -<p>‘Barrisdale tells that Cole or Major Kennedy -was to embark much about the same time yt he -came from France, was to land on the West Coast in -order to meet with Cluny, and carry away the -money, but I have not yet learned any thing wth -regard to him, And am apt to believe That he has -rather landed on the Eastern Coast and my reasons -for this Conjecture are: That one Samuel Cameron -(Brother to The above men’d Cameron of Gleneavis) -Major in the Regt. which was Lochiel’s in the -French Service, was at Edr. and came in a Chaise -with the famous Mrs. Jean Cameron to Stirling, -where they parted, and she came to her house in -Morvern about the middle of March, and he took -some different route: It is supposed That he came -over on a message wth. regard to that money, and I -the rather believe it as his two brothers seem to -have been concerned in it, and I am apt to think -that Kennedy and he have come together, but this -is only my own conjecture. Another reason which -induces me to believe That he would Chuse to land -on the E. coast is That Cluny would not probably -Like to march with that money or trust himself -among the highlanders, who would probably not let -it pass without partaking liberally.</p> - -<p>‘It has been said That the French Officer Cameron -came to Mrs. Jean Cameron’s, but I am certain he -has not come, else I would have got Intelligence of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_139"></a>[139]</span> -him, for I have had a sharp look out for him and all -others of that Kind. And I think he would not -probably venture so near the Command and specially -after hearing of Barrisdale’s fate’ (taken in March -1749).</p> - -<p>‘It is said That his Two Brothers and Cluny have -differed about the money, and therefore Cluny would -not see this French Officer nor trust him wth anything -and some say He is gone back again, but how -far This is true I can’t positively determine.</p> - -<p>‘The above is all that I have been able to learn -wth regard to that money from first to last, and -I am much convinced that the Substance of it is -true.’</p> - -<p class="right">[Unsigned.]</p> - -</div> - -<p>Even before the probable date of this intelligence, -Government knew that Cluny’s fidelity to his trust -had embittered his relations with the Camerons of -Glenevis and Glengarry’s people. There is a curious -anonymous note of January 26, 1748,<a id="FNanchor_77" href="#Footnote_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a> written by a -man who could spell, and was something of a -scholar. ‘<i>Scyphax</i>,’ he says, ‘is still in the country -and there are disturbances between him and the -<i>Dorians</i> and <i>Ætolians</i> over the goods left by the -<i>Young Mogul</i>.’ Scyphax is Cluny, the Dorians are -the Camerons, the Ætolians are the Glengarrys; the -Young Mogul is Prince Charles: ‘Nothing but stealing<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_140"></a>[140]</span> -and plundering prevails in all quarters here.’ -The writer may have been a Presbyterian minister.</p> - -<p>The author of the long letter of intelligence is -unknown, but he can hardly have been an English -officer, like Ensign Small, who did much secret -service in the Highlands. <i>His</i> name is always signed -to his Reports, as when he tried to catch Lochgarry -on shipboard, in 1753. The information, however -obtained, is accurate, and, so far, entirely exculpates -Cluny from the various unpleasant accusations -brought by his enemies.<a id="FNanchor_78" href="#Footnote_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a> Major Kennedy really -went from France to Newcastle, and received 6,000<i>l.</i> -for Charles, a sum conveyed to him, at what peril -we may imagine, by Macpherson of Breakachy.<a id="FNanchor_79" href="#Footnote_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a></p> - -<p>We now consider the various accounts given -of embezzlement by Dr. Cameron and Cluny. It -is certain that, in November or December, 1749, -Young Glengarry, Lochgarry, and Dr. Cameron were -in Cluny’s country, that they handled the treasure, -that they quarrelled, and that they carried their -dispute before the exiled James in Rome. Dr. -Cameron accused Young Glengarry of obtaining the -money by a forged order from James; while Glengarry -charged Cluny and the Doctor with ‘embezzlement’ -and ‘villainy.’ Cameron, he said, declared -that the Royal Family had given up all hopes of a -restoration, and told the Highlanders that they must<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_141"></a>[141]</span> -now shift for themselves. He also took 6,000 louis -d’or of the Prince’s money, ‘and I am credibly -informed,’ says Glengarry, ‘that he designs to lay -this money in the hands of a merchant in Dunkirk, -and enter partners with him.’<a id="FNanchor_80" href="#Footnote_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a> Again, in an undated -letter to Charles, of about March 1751, Glengarry -denounces the embezzlement and ‘villainy’ of -Cluny and Dr. Cameron.<a id="FNanchor_81" href="#Footnote_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a> He acknowledges having -taken ‘a trifle’ himself. Another account, clearly -from a Macdonnell source, occurs in old Gask’s hand, -among his papers.<a id="FNanchor_82" href="#Footnote_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a> Dr. Cameron is here, as by Glengarry, -credited with absorbing 6,000<i>l.</i>, while Cameron -of Glenevis is said to have ‘intercepted’ 3,000<i>l.</i>, -and Cluny, ‘for his estate’ gets 10,000<i>l.</i> This reads -like a variant of Young Glengarry’s tale told to -Bishop Forbes in April 1752. According to that -version, Cluny and Lochiel took security from Charles -for the full value of their estates before they joined -the Royal Standard. This full value is the 10,000<i>l.</i> -which Cluny is said to have ‘embezzled.’</p> - -<div class="figcenter illowp50" id="illus3" style="max-width: 29.6875em;"> - <img class="w100" src="images/illus3.jpg" alt="" /> - <p class="caption-r"><i>Walker & Boutall, ph. sc.</i></p> - <p class="caption"><i>Prince Charles</i></p> - <p class="caption"><i>circ. 1747.</i></p> -</div> - -<p>Now the only independent evidence against Dr. -Cameron is contained in a letter of his uncle, -Cameron of Torcastle, to Prince Charles.<a id="FNanchor_83" href="#Footnote_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a> In this -Torcastle denies that he himself touched the money, -and avers that he knew nothing of it, till Dr. -Cameron ‘told it himself at Rome, where I happened -to be at the time’ (1750). This letter is singularly<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_142"></a>[142]</span> -inconsistent with another unpublished letter from -Douay, of August 28, 1751. The epistle was intended -for Cameron of Glenevis, but was intercepted -by Colonel Crawfurd, Governor of Fort William. -The Colonel attributed its authorship to Cameron of -Torcastle, and if the attribution be correct, the letter -contradicts Torcastle’s accusations of his nephew, -Dr. Cameron. Whoever the author of the Douay letter -may be, he speaks of ‘the industrious malicious -designs and scandalous untruths, publicly handed -about against Lochiel’s family by Gl⸺ry.’ -‘Chalmers (Dr. Cameron) knows very well that when -truth comes out, these people will fall with scandal -into the trap they have contrived for others.... -All that Chalmers (Dr. Cameron) saw or had access -to <i>was his expenses</i>.’ The writer then speaks of the -‘unprecedented method Gl⸺ry &c. took to get -att their sinister ends,’ and about Gl⸺ry’s misrepresentations -of Chalmers to Mr. Young,’ the -Prince. Singular irritation against Lochgarry is also -expressed.<a id="FNanchor_84" href="#Footnote_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a></p> - -<p>On this showing Dr. Cameron got no 6,000<i>l.</i>, but -only his expenses. Now, that Dr. Cameron should -receive his expenses was perfectly legitimate. But, -if he took 6,000<i>l.</i>, as Young Glengarry declares, his -character is lost. In 1750, 6,000<i>l.</i> was a fortune. Dr. -Carlyle, writing of that time, speaks about a minister -who married a lady with a tocher of 4,000<i>l.</i>, which -then was equivalent to an estate. When executed<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_143"></a>[143]</span> -in June 1753, Dr. Cameron left his family destitute. -Consequently he cannot have helped himself to -6,000<i>l.</i>, and put it into commerce, as Glengarry -alleged. That he did nothing of the sort, we have -the very curious evidence of an Informer in 1753. -This man, declaring that he is afraid of being -informed against by Young Glengarry, informs -against him. He says, in his information:</p> - -<p>‘In Sep. 1749 Dr. Cameron told him (the Informer) -he had come over to get some money on -behalf of Lochiel’s Family; That Fassfarn got from -Clunie £6,000, took it to Edinburgh the following -winter, and put it in the hands of John Mc.Farlane, -W.S.<a id="FNanchor_85" href="#Footnote_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a> Dr. Cameron at the same time got £350: and -Fassfarn £400 more to be employed in making good -certain claims on the estate of Lochiel.</p> - -<p>‘Says he saw Dr. Cameron a day or two after, -who denied either he or Fassfarn had got any -money, alledging that Cluny would not give it without -orders from the Old Pretender: That the Doctor -was off to Rome (1750) to get these, with only £100 -for expenses. That the following winter he (the -Informer) met Young Glengarry, who disproved this -by giving him a copy of the Accounts in Clunie’s -writing of all the money.’</p> - -<p>Here follows Young Glengarry’s <i>alleged</i> copy of -Cluny’s accounts:—</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_144"></a>[144]</span></p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="center">‘<i>A State of Clunie McPherson’s Intromissions</i></p> - -<table> - <tr> - <th></th> - <th></th> - <th>£</th> - <th>s.</th> - <th>d.</th> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>‘By Cash</td> - <td>given Dr. Cameron and Fassfern, <i>secured with Fassfern for use of young Lochiel</i></td> - <td class="tdpg">6,000</td> - <td class="tdpg">0</td> - <td class="tdpg">0</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="center">”</td> - <td>sent to Lochiel by Angus Cameron and Donald Drummond, brother to Bohaldie</td> - <td class="tdpg">1,000</td> - <td class="tdpg">0</td> - <td class="tdpg">0</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="center">”</td> - <td>given the Dr. when last in Scotland to carry his Charges to and from Rome</td> - <td class="tdpg">350</td> - <td class="tdpg">0</td> - <td class="tdpg">0</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="center">”</td> - <td>at 2 different times by Angus Cameron to the Clan Cameron and others needy</td> - <td class="tdpg">800</td> - <td class="tdpg">0</td> - <td class="tdpg">0</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="center">”</td> - <td>charged by Clunie for his Estate</td> - <td class="tdpg">5,000</td> - <td class="tdpg">0</td> - <td class="tdpg">0</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="center">”</td> - <td><span class="ditto">”</span> <span class="ditto">”</span> for his Commission</td> - <td class="tdpg">1,000</td> - <td class="tdpg">0</td> - <td class="tdpg">0</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="center">”</td> - <td><span class="ditto">”</span> <span class="ditto">”</span> for 30 Men from September 1746-Sep. 1749.</td> - <td class="tdpg">1,627</td> - <td class="tdpg">10</td> - <td class="tdpg">0</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="center">”</td> - <td>charged by Clunie as his pay, at half a-guinea per diem during said time</td> - <td class="tdpg">542</td> - <td class="tdpg">10</td> - <td class="tdpg">0</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="center">”</td> - <td>charged by Clunie as Maintenance of his Family</td> - <td class="tdpg">1,400</td> - <td class="tdpg">0</td> - <td class="tdpg">0</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="center">”</td> - <td>charged by Clunie for Brechachow (Breakachie)</td> - <td class="tdpg">800</td> - <td class="tdpg">0</td> - <td class="tdpg">0</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="center">”</td> - <td>given to young Glengarry Nov. 1749</td> - <td class="tdpg">300</td> - <td class="tdpg">0</td> - <td class="tdpg">0</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="center">”</td> - <td>given by Clunie to his Clan</td> - <td class="tdpg">500</td> - <td class="tdpg">0</td> - <td class="tdpg">0</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="center">”</td> - <td><span class="ditto">”</span> Fassfern to pay Publick Burdens on Lochiel’s Estates, viz. Cess and Teinds due by the Tenants</td> - <td class="tdpg">200</td> - <td class="tdpg">0</td> - <td class="tdpg">0</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="center">”</td> - <td>given Fassfern to defray the Expences in carrying on the Claims on Lochiel’s Estate</td> - <td class="tdpg">100</td> - <td class="tdpg">0</td> - <td class="tdpg">0</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="center">”</td> - <td>Alleged by Clunie to be in Angus Cameron’s hands</td> - <td class="tdpg">500</td> - <td class="tdpg">0</td> - <td class="tdpg">0</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="center">”</td> - <td>in Clunie’s hands</td> - <td class="tdpg">4,880</td> - <td class="tdpg">0</td> - <td class="tdpg">0</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="center"></td> - <td></td> - <td class="tdpg total">£25,000</td> - <td class="tdpg total">0</td> - <td class="tdpg total">0</td> - </tr> -</table> - -<p>‘N.B.—Young Glengary got £1,900 at Edinburgh -from Mr. Mc.Dougald at the sight of Mr. John -Mc.Cleod of Nuck, Advocate, of which Glencarney -got £80 and Glencoe £50. But this money had no -connection with Clunie’s Intromissions, having been -carried to the South by Mr. John Murray.’<a id="FNanchor_86" href="#Footnote_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a> [Part of -the 5,000 louis kept by Murray?]</p> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_145"></a>[145]</span></p> - -<p>According to this statement, said to be produced -as Cluny’s, Dr. Cameron did <i>not</i> receive 6,000<i>l.</i> for -himself. The money went to the support of the -exiled family of Lochiel, who had died in 1748. -The large claims made by Cluny rest, as before, -on the word of Young Glengarry.</p> - -<p>In May 1753, Fassifern himself, then a prisoner -in Edinburgh Castle, was examined. He declined to -give any evidence against anybody on any charge. -He admitted that in 1749 he received 4,000<i>l.</i> from -Evan Cameron of Drumsallie, now dead, for Lochiel’s -family. He asked no questions, but deposited it -with Mr. Macfarlane, W.S., who lent it out to -Wedderburn of Gosford, in Fassifern’s name. Fassifern -acted as a near relation for his exiled nephew, -Lochiel’s son.</p> - -<p>Thus the money which Dr. Cameron is said to -have seized, was used for the support of Charles’s -best friends, the family of his most renowned adherent. -So vanishes the charge that Dr. Cameron -speculated with the money.<a id="FNanchor_87" href="#Footnote_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a></p> - -<p>As to Cluny’s retention of money, the same -difficulty occurs as in the case of Dr. Cameron. -He arrived in France a destitute exile, when, by -Charles’s command, he ceased to skulk in the caves -of Ben Alder, and crossed to join the Prince in 1754. -There is no trace of the value of an estate in his -possession, though Charles, in ordinary gratitude, -owed him much more than he is said to have<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_146"></a>[146]</span> -claimed. Thus it is certain that Archibald Cameron -did not help himself to the Prince’s money; while -the story about Cluny is inconsistent both with -his honourable poverty and with figures, for these -accounts make no allowance for 6,000 louis, certainly -conveyed to Charles by Major Kennedy. The -whole scandal rests merely on the word of Young -Glengarry.<a id="FNanchor_88" href="#Footnote_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a></p> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_147"></a>[147]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="VII">VII<br /> -<span class="smaller">THE TROUBLES OF THE CAMERONS</span></h2> - -</div> - -<p>This affair of the treasure caused endless calamities, -especially involving Cameron of Glenevis, a place -within two or three miles of Fort William. The -relationship of this family to the head of the clan, -Lochiel, stands thus: Archibald Cameron of Dungallon, -who died in 1719, was the husband of Isabel -Cameron of Lochiel. By her he left two sons and -three daughters, of whom Jean married Dr. Archibald -Cameron of Lochiel, the last Jacobite martyr; -while Mary married Alexander Cameron of Glen -Nevis.<a id="FNanchor_89" href="#Footnote_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a> Glenevis, or Glen Nevis, was not out in the -Rising of 1745, but he was imprisoned in 1746, and -released in 1747.<a id="FNanchor_90" href="#Footnote_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a></p> - -<p>The house of the Camerons of Glenevis, according -to Mr. Mackenzie’s ‘History of the Camerons,’ -was of very ancient standing. It was ‘generally at -feud with Lochiel, and this feeling of antagonism -came down even to modern times. Indeed, it has -been maintained that the Glenevis family were<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_148"></a>[148]</span> -<i>originally not Camerons at all, but Macdonalds</i>, who -settled there under the Macdonalds of the Isles, -before the Camerons had any hold on the district.’ -They are also spoken of as Macsorlies. However -this genealogical point may be settled, there was no -love lost between Glenevis and Young Glengarry.</p> - -<p>The Glenevis family, though not overtly engaged -for the Cause, suffered from the brutalities of the -victors. In spite of Glenevis’s abstinence from -the Rising, his family was persecuted. Mrs. Archibald -Cameron communicated to Bishop Forbes a -lamentable story of how her sister, Glenevis’s -wife, was stripped by Cumberland’s men, under -Caroline Scott, and only permitted to keep a single -petticoat. Her little son’s gold buttons and gold -lace were cut off his coat, and the child was -wounded by the knife.<a id="FNanchor_91" href="#Footnote_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a> This story, which has contemporary -evidence from the lips of Lady Glenevis’s -sister, Mrs. Archibald Cameron, has received -the usual picturesque embroidery of Highland tradition. -Dr. Stewart (‘Nether Lochaber’) got the tale -from some ladies named Macdonald, in this fashion: -the infuriated soldiery, finding none of the plate and -jewels which Lady Glenevis had buried, observed -a bulky object under her plaid. Slashing with -swords at the plaid, to discover the supposed treasure, -they wounded the lady’s baby, a child of a few -months old. Mrs. Cameron’s less romantic version, -if either, is correct.<a id="FNanchor_92" href="#Footnote_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a> The brothers of Glenevis were<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_149"></a>[149]</span> -Allan, who fell at Culloden—<i>felix opportunitate mortis</i>; -Angus of Dunan or Downan, in Rannoch; and that -unhappy Samuel, called Crookshanks, whom Dr. -Cameron, before his execution, denounced as ‘the -basest of spies.’ He was in French service, but was -drummed out, after Dr. Cameron’s death.</p> - -<p>In October 1751, Colonel Crawfurd, commanding -at Fort William, received from head-quarters -information about Glenevis’s and Angus’s share in -the treasure. Fassifern, Lochiel’s brother and representative, -was also denounced. The Colonel took to -the duties of policeman with a will, and the following -letter from him describes his arrest of the accused:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="center"><i>From Lieut.-Col. Crawfurd to Churchill</i></p> - -<p class="smaller">Cumberland Papers.</p> - -<p class="right smaller">Fort William: Oct. 12, 1751.</p> - -<p>... ‘When I received the Packet from the -Express, I without hesitation affected a surprise and -concern at receiving the news of our Cloaths being -stranded, and pretended to consult him about the -nearest way through the Hills to Aberdeen, near -which Place I saw the misfortune had happened; -this answerd extremely well in blinding our good -Neighbours in the Town of Maryburgh,<a id="FNanchor_93" href="#Footnote_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a> who are for -the greatest part ready enough to give Intelligence -to the Country, of any Movements made by the -Garrison. I then employed Captn. Jones to execute -the warrant upon Fassifarn, and that he might be -at no loss in not knowing the Man or the Country, I<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_150"></a>[150]</span> -sent Mr. Gardiner along with him, whose zeal and -readiness to assist you are no strangers to. They -pretended to go in the German Boat on a fishing -scheme, and turning up Lochiel, they soon got to his -house, and secured him and every Thing of Paper -Kind, bringing all to the Garrison.</p> - -<p>‘As soon as they were set out for Fassifarn I -pretended to take a walk out of the Garrison, to see -if I coud make a purchase of Hay for my Horses, -and taking Mr. Douglas, the Sheriff substitute, out -with me,<a id="FNanchor_94" href="#Footnote_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a> by way of shewing me the Road and -Country, I allowed only two more officers to accompany -me, that we might give no suspicion of our -Intentions, which would have been soon discovered -had I allowed more or sent a Party.</p> - -<p>‘However, notwithstanding these precautions, we -were told at going to the House, that Glen Nevis -was walk’d out with his Brother in Law, Dungallon, -and still persisting that we shoud be glad to see -Glen Nevis, to talk with him about his Hay, I prevailed -on his wife to send a messenger for him into -the Fields, which having done I took care, that no -other Intelligence should go from the House, and -then proceeded to search for his Papers: but I soon -perceived that a Consciousness of Guilt, had made -him secrete almost every Paper, and the hearing -that Dungallon<a id="FNanchor_95" href="#Footnote_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a> had come to his House in the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_151"></a>[151]</span> -Middle of the preceeding Night, confirmed me in my -suspicions that we should see no more of Glen Eves -or Dungallon. I then ordered the Parties who were -in readiness to go round the Hill, and come down -upon the Head of the Glen, making a strict search, -but it was to no purpose. You’ll please to observe -that Dungallon, by way of blinding Douglas, had -wrote him on the Wednesday, that it woud be some -Days before he coud be in this part of the Country, -and yet that very night, near the middle of it, did he -come to Glen Eves’ house, and for what Intention -may be easily guessed.</p> - -<p>‘It is however some satisfaction that notwithstanding -the pains they have been at, to conceal their -treasonable practices, yet by their remissness I have -found some Old Letters among Cloaths, which will -greatly help to put their transactions in a proper -light, and part of wch I have now enclosed for your -perusal. [The letters enclosed are not in the Cumberland -Papers.] The Letter I have marked No. 1. -is a Letter from Glen Evis to his brother Angus -Cameron, in the beginning of which you’ll see that -Fassifarn and he are not in concert, and that Fassifarn -complains of them both, as I imagine for having -got too great a share of the money, and Glen Eves’ -hint to Angus is, not to look upon Fassifarn as his -friend.</p> - -<p>‘In No. 2. You see Angus in his proper Colours -appointing the Congress with Cluny (in December -1749); and it would not be amiss that the Name of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_152"></a>[152]</span> -the Place, Catlaick, should be well observed on that -worthy Gentleman’s Account. You see that Loch -Gary was in the Country, and on what accounts; -likewise the errand of young Glengary. Whether -the “Crookshanks” there aludes to Cluny as a Cant -word for his having a wry Neck, or to a Brother -of Glen Evis [Samuel, the spy] who is an officer in -the French Service, and has crooked legs, I am not -certain, but I believe it is to the Latter.</p> - -<p>‘You will likewise observe by this letter that a -correction is to be made in the key of your Intercepted -Letter, that Angus is Brother to Glen Eves -and not to Fassifarn. I daresay you are no stranger -to the part that Angus has Acted from the beginning -in relation to the great Money Affair, and that no -one excepting Cluny knows more of it. I am fully -persuaded that Mrs. Chalmers (Mrs. Archibald -Cameron) is charged with orders upon his Bank -stock, however unwilling he may be to part with -it⸺’</p> - -</div> - -<p>On October 14, Glenevis tired of hiding, and -surrendered himself to Crawfurd. No harm was -found in Fassifern’s papers, which had been seized, -and he, with Angus MacIan, a brother (or half-brother) -of Lochgarry, was admitted to bail.</p> - -<p>On October 22, Colonel Crawfurd wrote an account -of Glenevis’s examination to Churchill, who -forwarded it to the Duke of Newcastle. Now we -must ask how Government, which in 1749-50 knew -only the anonymous account of the treasure already<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_153"></a>[153]</span> -quoted, was, in 1751, informed that Lochgarry, Young -Glengarry, Cameron of Glenevis, and his brother -Angus, had meddled with the spoil in December 1749? -Readers of ‘Pickle the Spy’ will remember that Pickle -(that is, <i>ex hypothesi</i>, Young Glengarry) dates his services -as a paid informer from 1750-51. Young Glengarry, -then, may have been himself the source of the -intelligence about the plunder, and that, as we shall -see, was the strong opinion of Glenevis.</p> - -<p>In any case this is the earliest hint of suspicion -against the honour of Young Glengarry which we -have encountered. The eternal feud of Macdonnells -and Camerons may have suggested the notion of -Glengarry’s treachery to the mind of Glenevis; Cluny -being out of the question, and he not knowing any -one out of prison, except Young Glengarry, who -had the necessary information. Glenevis’s brother, -Angus, and Angus MacIan were in prison with himself, -and Lochgarry was with his regiment in France.</p> - -<p>Crawfurd says of Glenevis, and his suspicions:</p> - -<p>‘He seems to think that all the Intelligence procured -against him has been by means of Young -Glengary: this you may believe I am at no great -pains to desuade him from, as the greater Enmity -gives the better chance of your coming at truth. -He does not deny but that his brother, (Angus) Lochgary, -Young Glengary, Angus Mc.Ian and he went -into Badenoch in the winter 1749, after the Troops -were gone from thence, with a view of meeting -Clunie, but that while Lochgary, and young Glengary<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_154"></a>[154]</span> -had their Interview at a sheiling opposite to -Dalwhinnie, he was desired by Clunie to keep at the -House of Dalwhinnie till sent for; and that neither -Angus nor he coud be allowd to speak with him, -tho he sent repeated messages by Clunie’s Piper, -and a young Brother of Clunie’s. That he lay in the -same Room with Young Glengary at Dalwhinnie, and -early in the morning, the young Brother of Clunie -brought Glengary a Bag which might contain two or -three Hundred guineas, and counted them out to -him, and that he understood Glengary got, in the -whole, by that expedition about Two Thousand;<a id="FNanchor_96" href="#Footnote_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a> he -farther says that the money remitted abroad by Cluny -was carried away by his Brother in Law Mc.Pherson -of Brechachie to Major Kennedy in the North of -England....’ (So Gask also says.)</p> - -<p>On October 31, Crawfurd again writes to Churchill. -He had recommended on October 21, that Angus -Cameron ‘should be allowed the quiet enjoyment of -his treasure.’ He now remarks that Glenevis has -been admitted to bail. ‘He says, in the Scotch -phrase, that <i>it is hard, to have both the skaith and the -scorn</i>’—that is, to be molested, though he has not got -much of the French gold. ‘He blames his brother -Angus for having acted a weak and foolish part in<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_155"></a>[155]</span> -quitting (parting) with so great a share of the money -that had fallen into his hands, which, he says, did not -exceed £2,500, tho’ most people call it £3,000, and -of which he knew his brother had paid £1,000 for the -use of Lochiel soon after his going to France’ (1746). -Next we find a repetition of Glenevis’s charges -against Young Glengarry, as his betrayer. The -accusation, too, that Young Glengarry forged King -James’s name (alluded to by James in a letter to the -Prince, March 17, 1750, as a story reported by Archy -Cameron) is urged by Glenevis.</p> - -<p>‘He (Glenevis) still continues full of resentment -against Young Glengary, believing that he is the -Author of all the information against him and his -Brother Angus, not being able to account for our -knowledge of the Badenoch meeting in any other -way. He confirms what I wrote of the young Gentleman -in my last, only that the £2,000 was not of Clunie’s -money, but of what was left by the Secretary Murray -in the hands of Mr. Mc.Douel his brother in Law, and -that his credentials for receiving the money was from -the old Pretender, <i>but that he was sure they were -forged</i>.’ They certainly <i>were</i> forged.</p> - -<p>One thing is to be observed about Glenevis’s -doubts of Young Glengarry. In this year, 1751, and -onwards, that hero was allowed by Government to -live in London, in Beaufort Buildings, Strand, whence -he communicated with Charles and James, as a -strenuous Jacobite agent. His letters are printed by -Browne from the Stuart MSS. Yet Government, if<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_156"></a>[156]</span> -only from Glenevis’s evidence just given, knew that -Glengarry was at least as guilty as Glenevis and his -brother of the only crime charged against them on -this occasion—namely, dealing with French gold that -had been landed for the use of Prince Charles. Where -the treason to King George came in, unless they were -using the money for Jacobite purposes, or depriving -his Majesty of spoils of war, or of treasure trove, -does not appear. Yet the Camerons, Glenevis, Dunan, -Fassifern, were all kept in durance at Port William, -while Young Glengarry, implicated in their vague -offence, was permitted to live, and even to make love, -in London. To this point we return later (p. 207). -Government had their own reasons for sparing Glengarry, -while punishing his accomplices. These accomplices, -again, averred that Glengarry had ‘peached’ -upon them, as doubtless he had. The Camerons were -released, but before very long, they and Fassifern -were all imprisoned again in Edinburgh Castle, on a -charge of treasonable dealings with the attainted. -This was part of a plan of Government’s for ‘uprooting’ -Fassifern, who represented the exiled Young -Lochiel in the eyes of the Clan. The action of -Government makes another chapter in the history of -the sufferings after Culloden. Meanwhile the casks -of louis d’or had done their task, and sown among -the Clans the dragon’s teeth of distrust and of -calumny. We cannot tell where the remainder of -the gold went, though Cluny probably took what was -left over to France, in 1754, as Charles commanded<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_157"></a>[157]</span> -him to do, getting no more for his trouble, perhaps, -than did poor Duncan Cameron in Strontian—‘not a -shilling.’ As for Glenevis and his brother, they seem -to have finally been fobbed off with the skaith and the -scorn, and with very little else but the company of -Colonel Crawfurd, so anxious to talk about their hay -crop.</p> - -<p>Such is an example of Highland life after -Culloden. There are midnight meetings at lonely -sheilings, there is digging and delving by hands that -knew the claymore better than the spade. Letters -are opened in the post office, secret murmurs fly -about carrying charges of indefinite guilt, reported -by unknown spies. No man can put confidence in -another: each neighbour <i>may</i> have been bullied or -bribed into babbling, and, when the laird sees the -English colonel saunter along the avenue, Highland -hospitality struggles in his heart with a natural inclination -to drop out of a back window, and steal up -the glen into the hills. A gentleman is apt to be less -often on his estates than in Fort William prison or -in Edinburgh Castle. No wonder that many joined -the new Highland regiments when they were raised, -and preferred King George’s pay to domiciliary visits -from King George’s colonels!</p> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_158"></a>[158]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="VIII">VIII<br /> -<span class="smaller">JUSTICE AFTER CULLODEN<br /> -<i>The Uprooting of Fassifern</i></span></h2> - -</div> - -<p>The years 1752-1754 were full of trouble for Highlanders. -The Prince was intriguing desperately with -Scotland, and with Prussia. The Elibank Plot was -matured and betrayed. Dr. Cameron and Lochgarry -were stirring up the Clans. Cluny remained as untakable -as Abd-el-Kader. The Government were -alarmed at once by Pickle, by their ambassadors -abroad, and by Count Kaunitz. The Forfeited -Estates had been nationalised, ‘for the improvement -of the Highlands,’ factors had been appointed to -raise and collect rents: evictions were threatened; -agrarian discontent had been aroused; Campbell -of Glenure had been shot in the wood of Lettermore.<a id="FNanchor_97" href="#Footnote_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a> -The reports of all these things flew from -township to township, from strath to strath, as -fleetly as the fiery cross. The Highlands, in 1752, -were boiling like a caldron. Old tenants were -being turned out that men of a hostile Whiggish -clan might occupy their hereditary holdings.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_159"></a>[159]</span> -Ensign Small, an officer who knew Gaelic, and was -engaged in secret service, found murmurs of a rising -even in the Islands. The Duke of Newcastle was -jotting down alarmed notes, ‘to be at any expense -in order to find out where the Young Pretender is. -Lord Anson to have Fregates upon the Scotch and -Irish coast.’<a id="FNanchor_98" href="#Footnote_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a></p> - -<p>The consequence of this official flutter was a -crowd of arrests and trials. James Stewart, on a -charge of being accessory to Glenure’s slaying, was, -to speak plain words, judicially murdered. He was -confined in Fort William, and denied access to his -advisers; the charges and evidence against him were -kept from him till too late, he had a jury of hostile -Campbells at Inveraray, the Duke on the bench, and -he was hanged as accessory to a murder in which -the alleged principal was not before the Court. -Political necessities and clan hatred killed James -Stewart (1752).</p> - -<p>In 1753 Dr. Cameron was caught, and hanged in -London, denouncing as informer his kinsman, Samuel -Cameron. The famed Sergeant Mohr Cameron was -taken (by treachery, General Stuart hints and -tradition proclaims; both are right), and he ‘died -for the law.’ His alleged crime was cattle theft, -but, as a sergeant in French service, he was probably -regarded as a Jacobite agent. The Sergeant -was captured in mid-April, 1753: a few days later -Angus Cameron, brother of Glenevis, was taken at<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_160"></a>[160]</span> -the same place, his house of Dunan or Downan, in -Rannoch. On May 6 Fassifern, Charles Stewart, -writer in Banavie, Fassifern’s agent, and Glenevis, -were lodged, with Angus Cameron, in Edinburgh -Castle. On July 7 Young Barisdale, Young Morar, -and others, were culled like flowers at Lochourn, -while Young John Macdonnell, ‘Spanish John,’ was -also arrested.</p> - -<p>Of all these, the most important prisoner was -Fassifern. He had been taken, as we saw, in -October 1751, and released, as nothing could be -found against him in the affair of the Cluny Treasure. -He was Lochiel’s brother and representative, and consequently -chief, for the time, of the Camerons. He -had not been out in Forty-five. A man of commerce, a -burgess of Glasgow, he had tried to dissuade Lochiel -from exposing himself to the dangerous charm of -the Prince. But he was naturally anxious to save as -much as possible of Lochiel’s estate for the family. -There were several lawful claims on it, which -Government was bound to respect and he to press. -Moreover he, with ‘Glenevegh’ (Glenevis), had been -denounced by Pickle as agents between the Southern -and Northern Jacobites.<a id="FNanchor_99" href="#Footnote_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a> In addition to all this, -Fassifern was trying to keep the old Cameron -tenants, Jacobites, in their holdings, and evict tenants -who had the bad taste to be Whigs.</p> - -<p>As early as May 1751 he had been denounced -for these offences by Captains Johnston and Mylne,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_161"></a>[161]</span> -of the Buffs, in garrison at Inversnaid. ‘He falls on -ways,’ writes an informer whose letter they forward, -‘of turning out any from their possessions, who he -knows to be well affected to His Majesty.’ He -encourages Jacobites to settle near the forts, for the -purpose of a sudden assault.<a id="FNanchor_100" href="#Footnote_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a> He has ‘plenty of -the Pretender’s money’ to use for these purposes. -Clan sentiment, not Jacobitism, may have influenced -Fassifern, and Glenevis, at least, was hardly the man -to play the part of Jacobite agent.</p> - -<p>The original charge against Fassifern in May -1753 was that of ‘correspondence with persons -attainted.’ But the game of the Government was to -get rid of him on any pretext. Colonel Crawfurd -had come from Fort William to Edinburgh, and, on -June 4, 1753, wrote a long letter to the Lord Justice -Clerk. ‘The uprooting of Fassifern,’ he says, with -candour, ‘is what we ought chiefly to have in view.’<a id="FNanchor_101" href="#Footnote_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a> -He has found witnesses, or rather has heard of them -(it seems kinder to omit the names of these gentlemen), -who avow that Fassifern tampered with them -to threaten the late Glenure’s wife, and to murder -Glenure. That unlucky man was factor for -Lochiel’s as well as for Ardsheil’s forfeited estate, -and was expected to evict Cameron tenants. ‘The -Lord Advocate said that, if this did not hang Fassiefairn, -it would at least send him to Nova Scotia.’ -Perhaps, the Colonel thinks, Breakachie may be<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_162"></a>[162]</span> -induced to inform against Fassifern! That culprit -has only sent 100<i>l.</i> to Lochiel’s family in France, -and has made Lochiel’s tenants work on his estate, -instead of on the county roads.</p> - -<p>These last were not hanging matters. And, somehow, -Breakachie, a perfectly loyal gentleman, and -kinsman of Cluny’s, did not give the desired information. -The witnesses as to the suborning of Glenure’s -murder by Fassifern would not kiss the book, or, -perhaps, had never promised their evidence at all. -Angus Cameron and Glenevis were discharged on -bail, on July 3. No proof of treasonable correspondence, -or suborned murder, or anything else -existed, or could be found against Fassifern. -Pickle, of course, could not be produced in Court. -The Colonel does not conceal the discomfort of his -reflections, and Government is perplexed as to the -details of the process of ‘uprooting’ the representative -of Lochiel. On June 10 Fassifern and Charles -Stewart petitioned that they might be put on their -trial. But what were they to be tried for? It was -an awkward situation.</p> - -<p>The resources of civilisation, however, were not -exhausted. On August 6 the Duke of Argyll came -to Edinburgh and, next day, took his seat in the -Court of Session.</p> - -<p>That day the Lord Advocate sprang a fresh charge -on the accused. They might not have been holding -treasonable correspondence, or even suborning -murder, but they had been mixed up in—forgery!<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_163"></a>[163]</span> -The Lord Advocate suspected that certain deeds -had been forged, to substantiate claims made by -Fassifern on Lochiel’s estate. These claims rested -on old papers and bonds of various dates, from 1713 -to 1748. There was ‘credible information’ (how -obtained we shall learn) that five of these deeds -were forged. Fassifern’s lawyer, Mr. Macfarlane -(husband of pretty Mrs. Macfarlane who shot the -Captain), had no longer the vouchers, the original -papers from which he drew up the claims. These -vouchers had been in a bag at Mr. Macfarlane’s -house; but ‘some time in Summer’ (1752) Fassifern -(being in Edinburgh) had sent for the bag, and had -returned it in a few hours.</p> - -<p>The papers were no longer in it. Fassifern, -being examined, could remember having abstracted -no such deeds as interested the Court. Next day -Fassifern asked for a copy of his statement, ‘as he -was apprehensive he might have inadvertently fallen -into some mistakes in the hurry of the examination, -which he was extremely desirous to rectify.’ The -Lords refused his petition: he might have a copy of -his examination ‘when he is brought upon trial.’ -Next day he was charged with being guilty, or ‘art -and part in forging the deeds, or of using them, -knowing them to be forged.’ He was to be detained -in prison till his trial.</p> - -<p>He protested that he had already lain in prison -for three months, on a charge (Pickle’s) of ‘being -privy to unlawful designs carried on by disaffected<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_164"></a>[164]</span> -persons’—namely, a rising to follow on the kidnapping -of the Royal Family. He ‘has reason to believe that -no such prosecution is seriously intended,’ which -is pretty obvious, Pickle not being producible, but -absent, at that very hour, in France, with Prince -Charles! Moreover Fassifern was not told on -whose information he was examined, though he was -‘heckled’ for several hours.</p> - -<p>The charge of forgery was, in fact, based, as usual, -on the evidence of an Informer, whom we need not -name. Here is a report of his accusations:—</p> - -<p>‘... Says he has been certainly informed that -Fassfarn caused Forge several Grounds of Debt, in -Order to be the Foundation of Claims upon the -Estate of Lochiel, some of which were written by -Charles Stewart present prisoner in the Castle, and -Lochiel’s name was Forged by one Allan Cameron of -Landavrae, who could write like him, and there were -Forced Discharges by Lochiel to his Tenants for -Crops in 1746 and Proceedings in Order to prevent -the Government from getting payment of the Rent -of 1746 and arrears.’</p> - -<p>Says on knowing this he ‘instantly told Crawfurd’!</p> - -<p>Now even the Government’s plea against Fassifern -says no word of ‘forged discharges of Lochiel to -his tenants!’<a id="FNanchor_102" href="#Footnote_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a></p> - -<p>The interest of this case is partly the mystery—had -Fassifern really been concerned in tampering<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_165"></a>[165]</span> -with documents?—partly the procedure, which we -know had political motives, and was iniquitous in -method. As to Fassifern’s guilt, if any, we are not -likely to learn the truth; as to the kind of justice he -got—there can only be one opinion.</p> - -<p>On August 10 Fassifern was ‘ordained’ to receive -a full copy of his examination. He was anxious -that the evidence of an aged solicitor, Alexander -Stewart, in Appin, a man over eighty, and unable to -travel, should be taken by commission. This Stewart -had written, or witnessed, several of the old disputed -deeds, and was the only person alive able to testify, -of his own knowledge, to their authenticity. Fassifern -also remonstrated against being described, in -the Lord Advocate’s charge, as ‘the immediate -younger brother of Donald Cameron, late of Lochiel, -attainted.’ He ‘ventures to hope that this is not -meant to make a point of dittay.’ It was obviously -meant to suggest prejudice. He asked for bail, after -his already long imprisonment. Bail was refused by -the Lords of Session, nor would they examine Alexander -Stewart by commission; but they promised to -remove Fassifern from the Castle to the Tolbooth. -The full charges, or ‘improbatory articles’ against -him, he was not to receive.</p> - -<p>On August 24 the prisoner once more protested -against ‘the practice of dropping out charges one -after the other,’ which unpleasantly resembles the -system of Titus Oates. If the Government, as appears -certain, had this accusation of forgery pigeon-holed<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_166"></a>[166]</span> -before they locked up the prisoner in May, why did -they not bring it forward at first? Fassifern’s imprisonment, -he justly remarks, ‘approaches to a kind -of torture.’ He is denied the free use of pen and ink, -so necessary in his preparation of a defence. An -armed sentinel is in his room day and night. This -petition was so far successful that pen and ink were -given, but what he wrote was inspected, and even -his lawyer’s chief clerk, Mr. Flockhart, could only -visit him by special license. He was allowed to take -the air, under a guard, but he seems to have been -detained in the Castle, at least the Deputy-Governor -is charged to remove the armed sentinel.</p> - -<p>In January 1754 articles of accusation were -placed before the Lords of Session, and witnesses -were examined, including old Alexander Stewart, -who was brought from Appin ‘in a chaise.’ He -attested that, as early as 1713, he had written and -witnessed some of the deeds, and again in 1728. -Appin (whom one of the deeds especially concerned) -gave evidence as to the authenticity of others, and -quoted Lochiel’s remarks to him, in 1746, about -1,000<i>l.</i> borrowed from Fassifern in 1741, and a bond -given for the money by himself. He averred that -Charles Stewart, writer in Banavie, accused now of -forging that instrument, had really written and witnessed -it, with Torcastle (in exile) and others (Culchenna -and Lundavra), now dead. On these grounds -Fassifern petitioned for bail. He had lain in prison -for ten months, and his eyes were so impaired that he<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_167"></a>[167]</span> -could not see to read. He must sink <i>sub squalore -carceris</i>, and be ‘uprooted’ in earnest.</p> - -<p>To all this plea it was replied ‘that many persons, -even of those who would not do injustice in private -affairs, are too easily induced to countenance an injustice -done to the public’—that is, by getting public -money out of the forfeited estates. Fassifern, with his -‘connections and influence, might, if at liberty, use -means to prevent discoveries.’ There is thus one law -(an unpleasant law) for the rich, and another for the -poor. Finally Fassifern’s ‘coolness and silence on the -loss of papers of such consequence, notwithstanding -his being confessedly a sensible careful man, were -mentioned as very suspicious circumstances.’</p> - -<p>No doubt they <i>are</i> suspicious, but that a ‘sensible -careful man,’ of the best family, should, as charged, -forge a bond of 90<i>l.</i> from his own gardener, still in -his service, is also a very improbable kind of accusation. -Fassifern and Charles Stewart were, therefore, -left <i>sub squalore carceris</i> (March 6, 1754).</p> - -<p>In August 1754 they again petitioned for bail. -They had lain in gaol for fifteen months on no capital -charge. ‘There is not one of the deeds under challenge -that does not seem to be supported by unimpeachable -evidence,’ as of Appin, a man of honour, -and old Alexander Stewart. ‘They have suffered -punishment beyond bounds already, without example, -and since The Happy Revolution, neither heard of -nor dreamed of in our neighbouring country,’ England.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_168"></a>[168]</span></p> - -<p>Bail was not granted, and the Lord Advocate told -a very extraordinary and, it may be said, inconsistent -tale. His witnesses, he alleged, ‘have thought fit -to stand a second diligence for compelling them to -appear, and, though wrote to, have not given any -answer.’ Of course there may be two interpretations -of this reluctance, or even three. The witnesses -may be coerced by local sentiment, or may not care -to take oath to their evidence, or may have reason -to suppose that they are not really wanted, as the -Crown manifestly merely wishes to keep Fassifern -out of his own country. The evidence of one informer -has been given as to forged discharges of -Lochiel’s. The Government, however, dropped that -slander, while keeping up other charges, not supported -by evidence given in Court.</p> - -<p>The Advocate then carries back the origin of -the trouble to the Loch Arkaig treasure. In some -quarrel about this, a person was ‘heard to declare, -that, in self defence, he would make known to persons -in the King’s service what he knew, or had learned, -concerning forged deeds prepared by Fassfern and -Charles Stewart.’ This information he actually gave -to Colonel Crawfurd. This was certainly one of the -witnesses who would not answer to his subpœna, or -come to the trial in spite of repeated ‘diligences.’ -Lochaber was not likely to be a happy home for him -afterwards; <i>Lochaber no more!</i> would probably be -the burden of his song. Even Glenevis had three -shots fired at him, in November 1752, between Fort<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_169"></a>[169]</span> -William and his own house. So he alleges in a -memorial, or petition, in the State Papers. The -Colonel then sent for Charles Stewart, who had been -introduced to him as a fit person for managing -prosecutions against wearers of the philabeg. Charles -Stewart, before the arrest of Fassifern, gave Colonel -Crawfurd, at Fort William, a written set of Remarks -on Fassifern’s claims, impeaching the authenticity of -those to which Appin and Charles Stewart had sworn, -including the gardener’s 90<i>l.</i> But Charles Stewart, -when examined before the Lords, withdrew all this, -and vowed that he had already denied it to the -Colonel. When shown the written statement, he -acknowledged that it was in his hand, but that he -had written it ‘to pacify the Colonel, who was then in -a great rage.’ For, in early summer, 1752, ‘a very -hot inquiry was going on touching the murder of -Glenure.’ Relations of Charles Stewart were imprisoned, -and Colonel Crawfurd, interrogating Charles -on the claims of Fassifern, told him that <i>he</i>, Charles, -‘was suspected of some accession to Glenure’s murder, -and was to be imprisoned if he did not speak out, and -make discoveries against the claims upon Lochiel’s -forfeiture.’ Charles ‘cannot affirm’ that he did <i>not</i> -‘soothe Col. Crawfurd, who appeared to be in great -passion,’ by telling tales against the claims, but rather -suspects that he did. But, if he did, he admits -that he lied, ‘in the confusion and terror he was -then in.’ So far, the evidence before the Court is -that of a witness who declines to be sworn, and of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_170"></a>[170]</span> -a prisoner who withdraws testimony extorted by -threats.</p> - -<p>The Lord Advocate next quoted a letter to Fassifern, -from his Edinburgh agent, Mr. Macfarlane, of -December 1751—that is, shortly after Fassifern’s release -in the affair of the treasure. Mr. Macfarlane -obscurely warns him in this letter ‘not to be carried, -for the sake of a small paultry sum of money into -difficulties.’ ‘Mines were to be sprung,’ ‘odd appellations -are given,’ phrases which may, or may not, -refer to the business of the French gold.</p> - -<p>The Advocate then told how Fassifern, in summer, -1752, a year before his arrest in 1753, got his bag of -papers from Mr. Macfarlane and returned it, since -when no mortal has seen the incriminated deeds. -This, of course, is the crucial point; but Mr. Macfarlane -had himself prepared Fassifern’s claim from the -very deeds which, having disappeared, are now said -to have been recently forged. Mr. Macfarlane can -have seen nothing suspicious in them, or he would -not have made them the basis of a claim drawn up -by himself. His suspicions of 1751 would have revived, -and he would have abandoned the case. He -still acts daily for Fassifern, but Fassifern has not -recovered the documents, nor tried seriously to recover -them.</p> - -<p>On these grounds bail was again refused.</p> - -<p>No decision was arrived at by the Lords of -Session till January 1755. By that time all danger -from Jacobitism was over. Charles was deserted by<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_171"></a>[171]</span> -Prussia, by the Earl Marischal, and by his English -adherents. The Lords found Fassifern guilty of -abstracting his own papers, from the bag in Mr. -Macfarlane’s custody. These papers it was inferred, -were forged. He was sentenced to ten years of -banishment, which he passed at Alnwick. Charles -Stewart was deprived of his office of notary public. -‘Some of the Lords were of opinion that there was -not a proof of guilt sufficient to infer any punishment. -But others were of a different opinion.’ In Fassifern’s -plea he complained of Colonel Crawfurd’s frequent -examinations of Charles Stewart, and of a present of -10<i>l.</i> made by him to that notary.</p> - -<p>Innocent or guilty, Fassifern was ‘uprooted, which -is what we ought chiefly to have in view,’ to quote -Colonel Crawfurd. The gross oppressiveness of the -proceedings, the unexplained delays, the series of -charges ‘dropped out,’ the bullying and cajoling of -prisoners under examination, the unconcealed political -motive, and the rewards of farms which, we -learn, were given to the informers, are all characteristic -of justice in Scotland after Culloden. The -improbability of the charge, against ‘a sensible -careful man,’ must be set against the mystery of the -disappearance of the papers. In that disappearance -the ‘uprooters’ had, of course, no less interest than -the accused. After nearly two years <i>sub squalore -carceris</i>, Fassifern was condemned for suborning the -forgery of papers not in evidence. In fact, after all -the schemes for his uprooting, he was (in cricketing<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_172"></a>[172]</span> -phrase) ‘given out’—several of the Fifteen dissenting—‘for -obstructing the field.’ What is the legal name -for this offence?</p> - -<p>This affair had lingered on from May 1753 to -January 1755 before the Fifteen, the Lords of -Session. It is probable that a jury, disgusted by the -military methods of extorting evidence, would have -made short work of the case, and acquitted Fassifern. -Of this temper in a jury we have a curious contemporary -instance. Sir Walter Scott printed for the -Bannatyne Club the trial, in June 1754, of Duncan -Terig, or Clerk, and Alexander Bain Macdonald, for -the murder of Sergeant Davies, of Guise’s regiment, -in 1749, on Christie Hill, in Braemar. There was -really no doubt of the guilt of the accused. Scott, -who knew one of their counsel, says that they themselves -were convinced of the fact. But two Highland -witnesses told a story of the murdered sergeant’s ghost, -which appeared to them in 1750. By making fun of -this apparition, the advocates for the defence, Scott -says, secured an acquittal in face of the evidence.</p> - -<p>Probably the jury had another motive—namely, -indignation at military extortion of evidence. A -certain Ensign Small has been mentioned. He seems -to have been an astute and energetic man. We find -him everywhere in the Cumberland Papers. He it -was who, soon after Culloden, arrested the Barisdales -in a cave, and took their swords. In 1749 he arrested -Barisdale on his return from France. He pursued -Lochgarry (after Dr. Cameron’s arrest) into England,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_173"></a>[173]</span> -and searched the vessels leaving the ports of the East -Coast. We find him in the Islands, mixing with the -people in disguise, and reporting their murmurs and -their curses on the Chiefs and the Prince. In Knoydart -he notes that the commons have lost their taste -for a rising. Small was rewarded by a factorship -on the forfeited estates of Cluny and Robertson of -Strowan, and exerted himself to procure the condemnation -of the murderers of Sergeant Davies.</p> - -<p>Now on June 14, 1754, Mr. Alexander Lockhart, -one of the counsel for the accused, laid a complaint -against Small before the Court of Session. By Small’s -instigation, Lockhart said, Terig and Macdonald were -charged with the crime. Small had sought out and -privately examined witnesses, ‘giving them an obligation -to stand between them and any hazard they -might incur thereby’—such protection was very -necessary. ‘He endeavoured to intimidate such as -would not say such strong things as he wished, or -expected.’ Lockhart asks ‘how far these practices’ -(the very practices employed to ‘uproot’ Fassifern) -‘should be tolerated?’ Moreover, Small had been -swaggering with a sword, had stopped Lockhart in -the Parliament Close, had insulted, challenged him, -and shaken a stick over his head: ‘which, if he -meant to resent, he would be at no loss to find out -where the said James Small lived.’</p> - -<p>Small replied that, after doing his best to bring -Clerk and Macdonald to trial, his character had been -blackened by Lockhart before the jury, as having<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_174"></a>[174]</span> -pursued the accused for private reasons of malice. -As an officer and a gentleman, believing in his heart -that the accused were guilty (which they undoubtedly -were), he had resented the license of Lockhart.</p> - -<p>Small was found guilty of contempt, bound over -to keep the peace, and obliged to apologise.</p> - -<p>Meanwhile General Bland, Governor of Edinburgh -Castle, justified Ensign Small in a letter to the -English Ministry. Lockhart, the General denounces as -a ‘famous foul-mouthed Jacobite advocate.’ He had -‘concerted’ his abuse of the Ensign in court ‘with -his Jacobite fraternity.’ The Ensign had very properly -‘taken him by the nose, and called him a scoundrell. -He took it quietly.’ If Lockhart is not warned, his -bones will be broken. The General has used his -influence with the judges to secure easy terms for the -loyal Ensign.<a id="FNanchor_103" href="#Footnote_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a></p> - -<p>The docile judges, ‘the Fifteen,’ had accepted -evidence extorted by military violence in what was -really a political case, that of Fassifern. But it is -clear that the jury, in the case of the Sergeant’s -murder, had resented such intimidation, as denounced -by Lockhart, and this resentment, rather -than the ghost story, probably procured the acquittal -of two undeniable robbers and murderers, Terig, or -Clerk, and Macdonald.<a id="FNanchor_104" href="#Footnote_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a></p> - -<p>Another curious instance of the methods of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_175"></a>[175]</span> -Government occurs in the case of James Mohr. It -was generally suspected that Government connived -at his escape from Edinburgh Castle in the disguise -of a cobbler (November 16, 1752). The Government, -however, broke the lieutenants of the guard, deprived -the sergeant of his stripes, and whipped the porter.</p> - -<p>But we find a remarkable letter of General -Churchill’s,<a id="FNanchor_105" href="#Footnote_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a> saying that ‘James Mohr had been -taken up on the abduction charge,’ and was extremely -anxious to make disclosures. That his -recent behaviour cannot allow him to be believed -unless he is allowed to suppose ‘his life is at stake.’ -That ‘should your Grace think proper to employ -him, the great difficulty is to bring about his liberation -without raising a suspicion of the Cause, <i>nor can -it be so effectually done as by giveing private orders to a -Party of the Troops employed in escorting him to favour -his escape</i>.’</p> - -<p>If this suggestion was acted on later, if James -was allowed to escape from Edinburgh Castle that he -might become a spy, as he did, the lieutenants, the -sergeant, and the porter were very scurvily treated. -The game of justice was not played with much scrupulousness -by the English Government.</p> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_176"></a>[176]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="IX">IX<br /> -<span class="smaller">A GENTLEMAN OF KNOYDART</span></h2> - -</div> - -<p>The modern autobiographical romance of adventure -has perhaps been overdone. The hero is always -very young and very brave; he is mixed up with -great affairs; he is a true lover; he marries the -heroine, and he leaves his Memoirs (at six shillings) -to posterity. Stereotyped as is the method, and -mechanical as are most of the novels thus constructed, -it is interesting to compare with them a set -of genuine Memoirs, which actually are what the -novels pretend to be.</p> - -<p>Colonel John Macdonell, the author of the -Memoirs, was of the Scottos family, a branch of the -House of Glengarry. Indeed, in the male line the -chiefs of Clan Donald are now represented by the -head of the Scottos branch, not to enter on the old -controversy as to the chiefship of Clan Ranald. Our -Colonel was born in 1728, and was therefore a boy -of eighteen in 1746. He had already been conversant -with great adventures; he had seen Rome -and his King, had been thrice wounded in one -engagement of the Italian wars, and had relinquished -his excellent prospects in the Spanish service to fight<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_177"></a>[177]</span> -for the White Rose. An emissary between the Duke -of York (not yet Cardinal) and the Prince, the bearer -of a treasure in gold, our hero arrived in the Highlands -just after Culloden. Robbed by the wicked -Mackenzies, associated with the last rally of the loyal -clans, betrayed by a cousin to a Hanoverian dungeon, -young Macdonell must needs fall in love, at this -juncture, with his future wife. He insults his -enemies, cows the traitor who denounced him (or -another traitor), marries his lady, retires to Canada, -and, dying in 1810, leaves his Memoirs to his -children.</p> - -<p>What more can be asked from a hero? ‘Oh, -Colonel Macdonell and Mr. Robert Louis Stevenson, -which of you imitated the other?’ the critic is -tempted to exclaim. But, if the real Colonel John -‘does it more natural,’ the fictitious David Balfour -‘does it with the better grace.’ The good Colonel -never, of course, discourses to us about his contending -emotions, or dilates, like Mr. Balfour, on the -various trains of casuistry which meet in his simple -soul. He never describes a place, nor a person, not -even when he meets his King, the Duke of York, -or the Duc de Fitzjames; he only describes action, -vividly enough. He leaves out the love-interest, -with the merest allusion; and thus, though the -Colonel played a heroic part in romantic occurrences, -he did not write a romance. He arranges his recollections -ill, ignoring essential facts, and, later, -dragging them in very awkwardly. His Memoirs<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_178"></a>[178]</span> -are such as an elderly warrior of his period would -naturally pen; they illustrate the chaotic condition -of Highland morals and manners in 1745-54, and -introduce us to figures familiar in the Prince’s campaign -of Scotland.<a id="FNanchor_106" href="#Footnote_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a></p> - -<p>Scotus, Scottos, or Scothouse, the estate of the -Colonel’s family, lies in the south of Knoydart, and -on the north side of the entrance to Loch Nevis, just -opposite to the Aird of Sleat in Skye. On the north -of Knoydart, and on the south shore of Loch Hourn, -is Barisdale, the seat of the Colonel’s cousin, Col of -Barisdale, the tallest man and the greatest robber, -ruffian, and traitor of Clan Donald. Universal testimony, -from that of the Chevalier Johnstone to the -Whig Manuscript of 1750, applauds the family of -Scottos as brave gentlemen, honest in the midst of ‘a -den of thieves’ (says our Whig author), loyal when -loyalty had most to tempt or discourage it. Our -Colonel’s father was a younger son of old Scottos. -He resided at Crowlin; concerning his means of life -we learn nothing, but the Colonel was always well -supplied with money in his boyhood. The clan were -Catholics, and John’s father, in 1740, sent the boy, -then aged twelve, to be educated at the Scots College -in Rome. He was accompanied by a lad of fourteen, -Angus Macdonald, of the Clan Ranald family. From -Edinburgh they sailed to Boulogne, and in Paris were<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_179"></a>[179]</span> -entertained by Mr. George Innes, head of the Scots -College and brother of Thomas Innes, the first really -critical writer on early Scottish history. From Paris -the pair of boys went, partly by water, partly in a -<i>calèche</i>, to Avignon and Marseilles, whence they -embarked for Toulon. Here they met with the following -adventure, which may be given as an example -of the Colonel’s style in narrative, though it had no -sequel. Most of his adventures led to nothing, unlike -the course of fiction:—</p> - -<p>‘One night, as we walked through the streets and -were cracking nuts, my comrade, who was somewhat -roguish, observed a Monsieur with a large powdered -wig, and his hat under his arm, going past us; he -took a handful of nuts from his pocket and threw -them with all his force at the Frenchman’s head, -which unfortunately disordered his wig. Monsieur -turned upon and collared him; by good luck a -Spaniard was of our party, who instantly ran to the -relief of my comrade and gave the Frenchman a -severe drubbing. We then adjourned to a tavern, -when our Spaniard, calling for a bottle of wine, -brought me to a private room, and after bolting the -door, to my great terror and surprise, drew a stiletto -with his right hand from his left bosom, and made -me to understand by signs that with that weapon he -would have killed the Frenchman, if he had proved -too strong for him. He then took a net purse out of -his pocket wherein there appeared to be about a -hundred Spanish pistoles, and made me an offer of a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_180"></a>[180]</span> -part: I made him a low bow, but, not standing in -need of it, would not accept of his liberality, for I -thought I had enough, being always purse-bearer for -myself and companion. My friend made sometimes -free with my pockets, merely to try if I should miss -anything, and was happy to find that I made a discovery -of his tricks by immediately missing what he -took in that way.... I bought out of our stock -two large folding French knives, by way of carvers, -in case of any sinister accident.’</p> - -<p>Such an accident of travel presently occurred. -A Mr. O’Rourk of Tipperary, on his way to study at -Rome, introduced the boys to a certain Mr. Creach, -late of the Irish brigade in Spanish service. Mr. -Creach, finding Master Macdonell alone in his room, -tried to rob him. Macdonell flew at the man; Angus -Macdonald entered; the pair threw Creach on the -ground, and John had his ‘carver’ out, with a view -to cutting Creach’s throat, when O’Rourk interfered -with this wild Celtic justice. Arrived in Rome, the -boys found that the fame of their exploit had preceded -them and done them good service, as they -were reckoned lads of spirit.</p> - -<p>John, though the youngest pupil in the lowest -class of the seminary, was advancing rapidly in his -studies when, in the winter of 1743, Prince Charles -rode out of Rome to a hunting-party, and, disguised -as a Spanish courier, continued his course as far as -Antibes. France had invited him, though, when he -arrived, she neglected him. John now conceived<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_181"></a>[181]</span> -that, in the event of the Prince’s landing in England, -‘My clan would not be the last to join the young -Charles.... This set my brains agoing, which were -not very settled of themselves. I got disgusted with -the life of a student, and thought I would be much -happier in the army.’</p> - -<p>John, therefore, contrived to get ‘introduced to -King James by noblemen attending on that Prince, -who inquired of me particularly about my grandfather -and granduncles [Glengarry and Barisdale, -apparently], with all of whom he had been acquainted -personally in the year 1715,’ when Glengarry distinguished -himself so brilliantly, avenging the fallen -Clan Ranald, at Sheriffmuir. A recommendation for -John was sent to General Macdonnell (of the Antrim -family), then commanding the Irish of the Spanish -forces in Italy, and, though the Cardinal Protector -demurred to John’s change of service, our hero was -equipped with a sword by the Rector of his College. -‘Presenting me with the sword, his eyes filled, and -he told me that I should lose that sword by the -enemy, which was verified in seven or eight months -after.’ The Rector had the second sight!</p> - -<p>Mr. Macdonell, a sage of sixteen, was now horrified -by the ethical ideas which he surprised in the -conversation of the young Italian gentlemen who -rode with him to join the Spanish army. They -assured him that his military value depended on his -emancipation from the prudish notions of ‘a parcel -of bigots,’ but he was destined to refute this theory.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_182"></a>[182]</span> -General Macdonnell admitted his young clansman to -his own table, and put him in the way of seeing fire. -He thus describes his first view of that element; -probably his emotions are common to recruits:—</p> - -<p>‘I’ll tell you the truth, I felt myself rather queer, -my heart panting very strong, not with bravery, -I assure you. I thought that every bullet would -finish [me], and thought seriously to run away, a -cursed thought! I dare never see my friends or -nearest relations after such dastardly conduct. My -thoughts were all at once cut short by the word of -command, “Advance quick!” We were at once -within about one hundred paces of the enemy, to -whom we gave so well directed a fire, that their -impetuosity was bridled. The firing on both sides -continued until dark came on, which put a stop to -the work of the evening. The enemy retreated some -distance back, and we rejoined our own army. I -went to Genl. McDonnell, who asked me if I had -smelled powder to-day; I told him I had plentifully. -“What, Sir,” said he, “are you wounded?” “No, -please your Excellency.” “Sir, you will never smell -powder until you are wounded.” I got great credit -from the officers commanding the party I belonged -to for my undaunted behaviour during the action, -but they little knew what past within me before it -began.’</p> - -<p>The smell of powder was soon in our hero’s experience. -The Neapolitan general who commanded on -alternate days with the French leader, withdrew his<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_183"></a>[183]</span> -troops from a strong position on the heights above -Velletri, which was attacked by Prince Lobkwitz -and the famous General Brown, with forty-five -thousand Austrians. There was daily fighting, and -General Macdonnell was stopped by his superior -officer while in the very act of driving the Austrians -from the deserted heights, which they, of course, had -occupied. An Austrian surprise cut off Macdonell’s -regiment from the main force, and he thus describes -what occurred:</p> - -<p>‘For my own share I was among the last that -gave way, but when I once turned my back, I -imagined that the enemy all aimed at me alone, and -therefore ran with all my might, and thought there -was a weight tied to each of my legs, till I had outrun -everyone, and looking behind, saw the whole -coming up. I halted and faced about, every one as -he came up did the same, we soon formed a regular -line, and resolved to revenge our dead comrades and -to fight to the last; but found our situation to be as -bad as before.... Reduced to extremity we offered -to capitulate on honourable terms, but could obtain -no condition except surrendering at discretion, rather -than which we resolved to fight while powder and -ball remained among the living or the dead. Our -officers and men fell very fast. I among the rest -got a ball through my thigh which prevented my -standing; I crossed my firelock under my thigh and -shook it, to try if the bone was whole, which finding -to be the case, dropped on one knee and continued<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_184"></a>[184]</span> -firing. I received another shot, which threw me -down; I made once more an attempt to help my -surviving comrades, but received a third wound, -which quite disabled me. Loss of blood and no way -of stopping it soon reduced my strength, I however, -griped my sword to be ready to run through the first -enemy that should insult me.</p> - -<p>‘All our ammunition being spent, not a single -cartridge remained amongst the living or the dead, -quarters were called for by the few that were yet -alive. Many of the wounded were knocked on the -head, and I did not escape with impunity. One -approached me; at first I made ready to run him -through, but observing five more close to him, I -dropt the sword, and was saluted with <i>Hunts-foot</i>,<a id="FNanchor_107" href="#Footnote_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a> -accompanied with a cracking of muskets about my -head. I was only sensible of three blows and -fainted; I suppose they thought me dead. On -coming to myself again, I found my clothes were -stripped off, weltering in my blood, and no one alive -near me to speak to, twisting and rolling in the dust -with pain, and my skin scorched by the sun. In -this condition a Croat came up to me with a cocked -pistol in his hand, and asked for my purse in bad -Italian. I told him that I had no place to hide it in, -and if he found it anywhere about me to take it. -“Is that an answer for me, you son of a b—ch?” at -same time pointing his pistol straight between my<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_185"></a>[185]</span> -eyes. I saw no one near, but the word <i>quarter</i> was -scarcely expressed by me, when I saw his pistol-arm -seized by a genteel young man dressed only in his -waistcoat, who said to him, “You rascal, let the man -die as he pleases; you see he has enough, go and -kill some one able to resist.” The fellow went off. -Previous to this a Croat, taking my gold-laced hat -and putting it upon his own head, coolly asked me -how he looked in it. He then with his sabre cut off -my queue and took it along with him.’</p> - -<p>A civilised scalp!</p> - -<div class="figcenter illowp75" id="illus4" style="max-width: 43.75em;"> - <img class="w100" src="images/illus4.jpg" alt="" /> - <p class="caption-r"><i>Walker & Boutall, ph. sc.</i></p> - <p class="caption"><i>The Duke of York and Prince Charles</i></p> - <p class="caption"><i>circ. 1735</i></p> -</div> - -<p>The Austrians, after all, lost the day, and a -certain Miles Macdonnell rescued our hero, and had -him carried into hospital. Recovering, he returned -to Rome, and was welcomed in a flattering manner -both by his King, who presented him with a sum of -money, and by the young Duke of York. After -seeing some service on the Po, young Macdonell -obtained leave to go to France and join a detachment -which was to aid Prince Charles in Scotland. -At Lyons they heard of the Prince’s defeat of Hawley -at Falkirk, but at Paris the news was worse, and of -all the Jacobite volunteers (who were Irish) John -Macdonell alone persevered. He urged that, as the -Prince’s affairs went ill, ‘It was ungenerous not to -give what aid we were capable of, but I could not -prevail on any of them to be of my opinion.’ In -fact, it was now plain that France did not mean to -lend any solid assistance to the Cause. The Duke of -York since Christmas had been waiting at Dunkirk<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_186"></a>[186]</span> -and Boulogne, expecting permission to sail for -England with a large force, but delay followed delay. -Young Macdonell now went to Boulogne, where he -met the Duke, and was introduced by him to the -Duc de Fitzjames and to Lally Tollendal. Here the -good Colonel’s memory deceives him, for he avers -that Lally wished to take him to Pondicherry. Now -Lally was deep in the Scottish rising, and did not -leave France for India till ten years after 1746.<a id="FNanchor_108" href="#Footnote_108" class="fnanchor">[108]</a> -Young Macdonell, in these weeks of hope deferred, -lived with the Duke of York at Boulogne, Dunkirk, -and St. Omer. Finally, he set sail from Dunkirk -with several Irish officers on the very day of Culloden, -April 16.</p> - -<p>Here the Colonel is guilty of an artistic blunder -in his narrative. It is plain, from his later statements, -that the Duke of York made him the bearer -of a letter, and a sum of 1,500<i>l.</i> or 2,000<i>l.</i> in gold, -to Prince Charles. But we do not hear, till later, of -the money or the missive. The little company with -Macdonell rounded the Orkneys, landed in Loch -Broom, and at once heard the fatal news of Culloden. -Macdonell’s uncle, Scottus, had fallen with twenty of -his men, ‘and nobody knew what was become of the -Prince.’ Colonel Macdonell never gives dates, but he -must have arrived in Loch Broom between May 8 and -May 12, 1746. On May 8, a meeting of chiefs was -held at Murlagan, and a tryst appointed at Loch<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_187"></a>[187]</span> -Arkaig, in Lochiel’s country, for May 15.<a id="FNanchor_109" href="#Footnote_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a> Our hero -heard something of this at Loch Broom, and determined -to join the rallied clans. He first went to -Laggy, at the head of Little Loch Broom, where he -found Colin Dearg Mackenzie of Laggy, with several -other Mackenzie gentlemen, and sixty of the clan. -‘We thought ourselves as safe [he and his friend, -Lynch, an Irish officer,] as in the heart of France.’</p> - -<p>Now began the purely personal romance of the -Colonel. The Mackenzies entertained him and Captain -Lynch at dinner in a dark and crowded room; -he noticed that men gathered suspiciously behind -him, and he remembered that they had remarked on -the weight of his portmanteau. He therefore rose -more than once from table to inspect that valise, but, -while the company were drinking the Prince’s health, -Colin Dearg walked out. Absent, too, was the portmanteau, -when the guests left the table, but Colin -explained that he had packed it on the back of our -Colonel’s horse. There, indeed, it was, but when the -Colonel stopped at Dundonell, and opened his valise -in search of a pair of shoes, a canvas bag containing -1,000<i>l.</i> was missing. A gentleman of the Mackenzie -clan had slashed open the portmanteau and stolen the -money of the Prince whose health they were drinking! -It was the affair of the Loch Arkaig hoard on -a smaller scale. The situation of our injured hero -was the more awkward, as Dundonell, where he<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_188"></a>[188]</span> -found, himself, was the estate of a Mr. Mackenzie, -nephew to the thief, Colin Dearg. Mr. Mackenzie -was absent; Mrs. Mackenzie was at home, but in bed. -However, she saw Macdonell, who told her what had -occurred, and entrusted to her another bag of five -hundred guineas: ‘If killed, I bequeath it to your -ladyship. God be with you! I wish you a good -morning.’ Accompanied by Lynch, Macdonell now -returned to Laggy. He dared not use force against -Colin Dearg, for, if he fell, Colin would win his own -pardon by producing a letter from the Duke of York -to Charles, which our hero was carrying, though he -now mentions it for the first time. Accused by Macdonell -of taking the money, Colin Dearg denied all -knowledge of it, and, as he was attended by a tail of -armed clansmen, Macdonell had no resource but in -retreat.</p> - -<p>He breakfasted at Dundonell with ‘the most -amiable lady,’ took up the 500 guineas, and, after -fatiguing marches, reached Loch Arkaig. On the -shores of the remote and lonely loch our Colonel -met, and recognised, his gigantic kinsman, the truculent -Col of Barisdale. Col said that Lochiel and -Murray of Broughton were at Achnacarry; he -himself and Lochgarry were mustering men, ‘to -try what terms could be got from the Duke of -Cumberland.’ This must have been on May 14. -At Achnacarry the wounded Lochiel received our -hero kindly, and Mr. Murray of Broughton took -charge of the remaining 500 guineas and the letter<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_189"></a>[189]</span> -from the Duke of York to the Prince. Lest any one -should think that the Colonel is romancing, there -exists documentary evidence to corroborate his tale. -The unhappy Murray of Broughton, in his accounts -of the Prince’s money after Culloden, writes: ‘From -a French officer who had landed upon the East Coast, -£1,000. N.B.—This French officer was charged with -2,000 guineas, but said he had 1,000 taken from him -as he passed through the Mackenzies’ country, and -gave in an account of deductions from the other -thousand.’ Murray adds that he has charged himself -with 1.000<i>l.</i>, ‘tho’ he still thinks he did not receive -quite so much.’ He must have received the 500<i>l.</i> -(perhaps in <i>louis d’or</i>, which he reckons as guineas), -and some loose cash. Murray was writing from -memory, so was Colonel Macdonell. Murray calls -him a French officer, and really he was in French -service. There cannot have been two such officers -who, at the same time, were robbed of 1,000<i>l.</i> by the -Mackenzies, and reported the loss just after Culloden.<a id="FNanchor_110" href="#Footnote_110" class="fnanchor">[110]</a></p> - -<p>Macdonell slept at Achnacarry and was wakened -by the pipes playing <i>Cogga na si</i>. News had just -arrived of an attempted surprise by Cumberland, -whose forces were actually in sight; Barisdale was -accused of having concerted the surprise, but the -story is improbable. Eight hundred Camerons and -Macdonalds now retreated by the west end of Loch -Arkaig, and our hero, with Captain Lynch, made for<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_190"></a>[190]</span> -Knoydart. Lynch later returned to French service, -carrying Macdonell’s report to the Duke of York, and -soon fell at the battle of Lafeldt, where the Scots and -Irish nearly captured Cumberland. As for Macdonell, -‘I had put on a resolution,’ he says, ‘never -to leave Scotland while Prince Charles was in the -country.’ The death of Macdonell’s father, and the -infirmity of old Scottos, also made his presence at -home necessary to his family. So, he says, ‘I waved -the sure prospect I had of advancing myself both to -riches and honour,’ in the service of Spain.</p> - -<p>Knoydart, during the winter of 1746-47, must -have been in a state of anarchy. Old Glengarry, -accused by Barisdale, was a prisoner in Edinburgh -Castle; Young Glengarry was in the Tower. Col -Barisdale and his son were captives in France, on a -charge of treason to King James. Lochgarry had -fled to France with the Prince. Old Scottos was -decrepit. No rents were paid; the lands had been -wasted by the English; clansmen were seizing farms -at will.<a id="FNanchor_111" href="#Footnote_111" class="fnanchor">[111]</a> In these melancholy circumstances our -Colonel marched alone into the Mackenzie country, -to hunt for the money stolen by Colin Dearg. Then -this odd adventure befell him:—</p> - -<p>‘I went to take a solitary turn and met a well-dressed -man in Highland clothes also taking the -morning air. After civil salutations to each other, I -entered into discourse with him about former transactions -in that country. He of himself began to tell<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_191"></a>[191]</span> -me about French officers that came to Lochbroom—how -the 1,000 guineas had been cut out of one of -their portmanteaus by Colin Dearg, Major Wm. -McKenzie of Kilcoy,<a id="FNanchor_112" href="#Footnote_112" class="fnanchor">[112]</a> and Lieutenant Murdoch -McKenzie from Dingwall—all officers of Lord Cromartie’s -regiment, being all equally concerned; and -how not only those who acted the scene, but all the -people in that part of the country, had been despised -and ridiculed for their mean and dastardly behaviour; -but that had his (McKenzie’s, who was speaking to -me) advice been taken, there should never have been a -word about the matter. The following dialogue then -ensued:—<i>Question.</i> “And pray, Sir, what did you -advise?” <i>Answer.</i> “To cut off both their heads, a -very sure way indeed!” <i>Q.</i> “What were they, or -of what country?” <i>A.</i> “The oldest, and a stout-like -man, was Irish. The youngest was very strong-like, -was a Macdonell of the family of Glengarry.” <i>Q.</i> -“How was the money divided?” <i>A.</i> “Colin Dearg -got 300 guineas, William Kilcoy got 300 guineas, -and Lieutenant Murdoch McKenzie got 300 guineas.” -<i>Q.</i> “What became of the other hundred?” <i>A.</i> -“Two men who stood behind the Irish Captain with -drawn dirks ready to kill him, had he observed Colin -Dearg cutting open the portmanteau, got 25 guineas -each; and I and another man, prepared in like -manner for the young Captain Macdonell, got 25<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_192"></a>[192]</span> -guineas each.” <i>Q.</i> “You tell the truth, you are -sure?” <i>A.</i> “As I shall answer, I do.” <i>Q.</i> “Do you -know to whom you are speaking?” <i>A.</i> “To a friend -and one of my own name.” “No, you d—d rascal,” -seizing him suddenly by the breast with my left hand, -at the same instant twitching out my dirk with the -right, and throwing him upon his back, “<i>I am that -very Macdonell</i>.” I own I was within an ace of running -him through the heart, but some sudden reflection -struck me—my being alone, and in a place -where I was in a manner a stranger, among people -which I had reason to distrust, I left the fellow upon -his back, and re-entered the house (Torridon) in some -hurry. My landlord, Mr. McKenzie of Torridon, met -me in the entry, asked where I had been. I answered, -“Taking a turn.” “Have you met anything -to vex you?” “No,” I returned smiling. “Sir,” -says he, “I ask pardon, you went out with an innocent -and harmless countenance, and you came in -with a fierceness in your aspect past all description.” -“Mr. McKenzie,” said I, “none of your scrutinizing -remarks; let us have our morning!” “With all my -heart,” he replied. Soon after, being a little composed, -I related to him my morning adventure. He -remarked that the man was a stranger to him, and -had been a soldier in Lord Cromartie’s regiment. -That very day I quitted that part of the country and -returned home, where I continued sometime.’</p> - -<p>The <i>some time</i> must cover the years from 1747 to -the autumn of 1749. Old Glengarry was released at<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_193"></a>[193]</span> -that date from Edinburgh Castle. To him, at Invergarry, -Colonel John told the story of his wrongs, and -from his chief he obtained an escort of five men. -With these at his heels, he marched to Dundonell, -and told Mr. Mackenzie that he desired a meeting -with Colin Dearg. Colin came, but his escort consisted -of some thirty-five men armed with dirks and -clubs. The Colonel, however, was determined to -beard his enemy, and devised the following tactics. -He himself would sit between Colin Dearg and Dundonell: -two of his five men would slip out and guard -the door with drawn swords; meanwhile the Colonel -would insult the Mackenzies. If they raised a hand -he would pistol Colin and dirk his host, Dundonell; -his three retainers would fire the house, and the -Macdonells would escape in the confusion or perish -with their foes. It was a very pretty sketch for a -<i>camisado</i>.</p> - -<p>‘After a short pause Dundonell mentioned the -cause of our present meeting <i>in as becoming a manner -as the subject would admit of</i>; to which an evasive -answer was returned by his uncle, Colin Dearg, pretending -to deny the fact. I then took him up, and -proved that he himself was the very man who with -his own hands had taken the gold out of my portmanteau, -after cutting it open with some sharp -instrument. This I said openly in the hearing of all -present. To which I got no other reply than that -“the money was gone and could not be accounted -for.” I returned that “If the cash was squandered<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_194"></a>[194]</span> -the reward due to such actions was yet extant”—and -being asked what that was, I answered, “The -gallows.” At this expression the whole got up standing, -and seeing them all looking towards me, I drew -my dirk and side pistol, and presenting one to my -right and the other to my left, swore that if any -motion was made against my life, I would despatch -Dundonell and his uncle, who seeing me ready to put -my threat in execution, begged of their people for the -love of God to be quiet, which was directly obeyed. -In the meantime my men had taken immediate possession -of the outside of the door and were prepared to -act according to my orders. I called to them to stay -where they were, but none of the people in the house -knew what they had gone out for.’</p> - -<p>The money was gone, no man dared to touch our -hero, and he and Dundonell went peacefully home -together! Our hero had dominated and insulted the -Mackenzies and was obliged to be satisfied with that -result.</p> - -<p>In the following years (1751-54) Knoydart and -Lochaber were perfectly demoralised. The hidden -treasure of Loch Arkaig had set Macdonalds against -Camerons; cousins were betraying cousins, and -brothers were blackmailing brothers. The details -(much veiled in this work) are to be found in the -Duke of Cumberland’s MSS. at Windsor Castle. The -murder of Campbell of Glenure by Allan Breck, or -by Sergeant Mohr Cameron, and the reports of Pickle, -James Mohr, and a set of other spies, had alarmed<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_195"></a>[195]</span> -the Government with fears of a rising aided by -Prussia. Consequently arrests were frequent and no -man knew whom he could trust. Col of Barisdale, a -double-dyed traitor, was dead in gaol, but his eldest -son was being hunted on island, loch, and mountain. -Now in a letter from an English officer, Captain -Izard, dated September 30, 1751, and preserved at -Windsor, he says: ‘Dr. Macdonald, living at Kylles, -and brother of Glengarry, told that young Barisdale -lay at his house the Monday before and proposed -going to the Isle of Skye.’</p> - -<p>The giver of this information was not a man -in whom to confide. Our hero, however, confided. -Disguised as a rough serving-man he went fishing for -lythe with ‘my relation, Dr. Macdonell of Kylles, an -eminent physician.’ An English vessel, the <i>Porcupine</i>, -under the notorious Captain Fergusson, came in -sight. Dr. Macdonell insisted on taking our hero on -board her, and there, as he sat over his punch, informed -the English officers that the servant who -accompanied him was a gentleman. Fergusson -arrested Macdonell at once on suspicion of being -young Barisdale, and he lay for some time a prisoner -in Fort William. Now the Doctor may only have -blabbed in his cups, but, taken with Captain Izard’s -report, his behaviour looks very odd. Our hero, -however, does not suspect his relation, the Doctor, -but denounces his cousin, Captain Allan Macdonald -of Knock, in Sleat, as his betrayer, and ‘the greatest -spy and informer in all Scotland.’ However it be,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_196"></a>[196]</span> -the betrayal of Colonel John was apparently a family -affair.</p> - -<p>A long list of charges, doubtless of Jacobite -dealings, was brought against him, and a midshipman -on the <i>Porcupine</i> assured him that Allan Macdonald -of Knock was the informer. So the Colonel -was locked up in Fort William, then, or just before, -crowded with prisoners, such as Lochiel’s uncle -Fassifern, his agent, Charles Stuart, Barisdale’s second -son, and Cameron of Glenevis, with his brother -Angus. The date must have been June or July, -1753, for young Barisdale was taken in July, and the -Colonel was then a prisoner. Young Barisdale just -escaped hanging; Fassifern was exiled; Stuart was -accused of the Appin murder; Sergeant Mohr -Cameron was betrayed and executed; the traitors -were clansmen of the victims, and, though our Colonel -says nothing of all this, the facts gave him good -cause for anxiety. It is fair to add that no mention -of his enemy, Macdonald of Knock, seems to occur -in the Cumberland Papers, where so many spies hide -their infamy.</p> - -<p>Our hero escaped by aid of Mr. Macleod of -Ulnish, sheriff-depute of Skye, ‘being both my friend -and relation as well as the friend of justice.’ This -gentleman suppressed the only good evidence against -the Colonel, which indeed merely proved his wearing -the proscribed kilt. After nine months of gaol the -Colonel was released and seized the first opportunity -to challenge Knock, who would not face him.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_197"></a>[197]</span></p> - -<p>So ends the Colonel’s adventure. ‘I was then in -love with your mother,’ he says simply, and on this -head he says no more. He had ‘kept the bird in his -bosom,’ a treasure lost by many of his kin, and -among them, one fears, by Allan of Knock. A -certain Ranald Macdonell of [<i>in</i>] Scammadale and -Crowlin, who, born about 1724, married in May -1815, and died in November of the same year, aged -ninety, is said to have ‘severely punished that -obnoxious person known as Allan of Knock, over -whose remains there was placed an inscription not -less fulsome than false.’<a id="FNanchor_113" href="#Footnote_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a> Allan, whether he betrayed -the Colonel or not, has obviously a bad name in -Knoydart.</p> - -<p>The Colonel lived happily on his property till -1773, when he settled in Schoharie County, New -York. When the American rebellion broke out he -served in the King’s Royal Regiment of New York, -and, after the final collapse of the British, he retired -to Cornwall in Ontario. As General Macdonnell -wrote of him in 1746, ‘He has always behaved as an -honourable gentleman and a brave officer, irreproachable -in every respect.’</p> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_198"></a>[198]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="X">X<br /> -<span class="smaller">THE LAST YEARS OF GLENGARRY</span></h2> - -</div> - -<p>Readers who have followed the adventures of Pickle -the Spy may care to know what were the later fortunes -of his inseparable companion, Young Glengarry. -These fortunes were not answerable to the -expectations of the Chief. The death of Henry -Pelham, in March 1754, blighted, as we shall learn, -the hopes which Glengarry, like Pickle, had founded -on the promises of the Prime Minister, and left him -a debtor to Government for claims on his lands. -That Young Glengarry, on reaching his estates in -November 1754, behaved with oppressive dishonesty -to his smaller wadsetters, men holding portions of -his land in pawn, we learn from the report of Colonel -Trapaud, who, for some sixty years, was Governor -of Fort Augustus. Early in 1755, we find Glengarry -at Inverness, where he signs a tack, or lease, on January -24. A copy of an undated letter from Pickle -represents Glengarry as ‘making a grand tour round -several parts of the Highlands, and having concourse -of people from several clans to wait of him.’ Glengarry -himself speaks, in a letter to be quoted, about -such a gathering. In 1755, we find General Bland<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_199"></a>[199]</span> -objecting to Glengarry’s journeyings (when Pickle -went to London), and on May 18, 1757, Captain -John Macdonnell, of General Frazer’s regiment, departing -for America, makes Glengarry his ‘factor -and attorney,’ also his executor and general legatee.<a id="FNanchor_114" href="#Footnote_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a> -This Captain Macdonnell was the younger Lochgarry, -who accompanied Pickle in Edinburgh, in September -1754. ‘I hope, in case of accident, you’ll take care -of Young Lochgary,’ writes Pickle.<a id="FNanchor_115" href="#Footnote_115" class="fnanchor">[115]</a> Captain Macdonnell -was later Colonel of the 76th, says General -Stewart, and a previous owner of my copy of the -General’s book notes in the margin that ‘he was -wounded on the Heights of Abraham.’ Critics who -think that Glengarry was personated by Pickle will -observe that Young Lochgarry knew both gentlemen -and could not be deceived. He was Pickle’s companion -in Edinburgh when Pickle had just lost his -father, a Highland chief. In 1757 he makes Glengarry -(who had suffered a similar bereavement at -the same time as Pickle), his factor and legatee. -There is, of course, no reason to suppose that Young -Lochgarry had ever heard of such a mysterious personage -as Pickle.</p> - -<p>We know nothing else of Glengarry’s life from -1755 to 1757, when his manuscript letter book throws -a melancholy light on his closing years. There is a -draft of a letter of 1757 and several drafts of 1758-1759, -in a stitched folio wherein he entered the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_200"></a>[200]</span> -<i>brouillons</i> of his correspondence, not always in his -own hand. On April 28, 1757, he wrote from London, -probably from his rooms in Beaufort Buildings, -Strand. He writes to his Edinburgh agent, Mr. -Orme, W.S., on a variety of business. His action -in settling his estates was much impeded by the -retention of his charters and family papers by Sir -Everard Falkner (or Faulkner), an English officer. -‘I have prevailed,’ he says, ‘upon Mr. Brado, how -(who) is a principal man amongst the Jewes, to -endeavour to recover my charters from Sir Everard.’ -He expects to redeem all the wadsets on his lands, -and to compound for a few of the most pressing -of his father’s debts. But he must have been disappointed, -for on his death, in 1761, more of his -estate was in the hands of wadsetters than in his -own. He must, however, have secured proof of -‘my propinquity to those of my predecessors left -infeft,’ for he was formally inducted into his property -before an Inverness jury in 1758. He mentions -that, when he left Scotland, ‘the appearance of a -famine threatened then the whole north,’ and ‘his -friends were buying meal in Buchan.’ A wet summer -and autumn always meant dearth in the Highlands. -He alludes to some military oppression of one of -his retainers: ‘the attempt is so flagrant that it -would not pass unpunished amongst the hotentots.’ -An unfinished draft appears to be addressed to -General Frazer, son of Old Lovat. With him (if it -is Frazer) he wants ‘to settle family differences <i>à<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_201"></a>[201]</span> -l’aimable</i>.’ His correspondent is leaving Scotland -after recruiting.</p> - -<p>In June 1758, Glengarry was in correspondence -with persons concerned in the affairs of his sister-in-law, -widow of his brother Æneas, accidentally shot -at Falkirk, in 1746. Æneas must have married very -young: he was not twenty when he died, but he left -a son and a daughter. For some unknown reason -Glengarry was on ill terms with his brother’s widow, -as will appear, and she would not permit her children -to visit their uncle. To this business the following -letter refers:</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="center">‘<i>To Rory McLeod.</i></p> - -<p class="right smaller">‘(Dated Greenfield, 22nd June, 1758.)</p> - -<p>‘Dear Sir,—I am favour’d with yours by the last -post, and am not a little surprized to understand -by it that Mr Robison should have wrott either to -Mr Drummond or you that I intended to dispose of -my nephew contrar to the present system of moral -education, all I said to Mr Robison that if I sent -him abroad I could have him educated for nothing, -but that I did not myself aprove of this frugall -method, but that I would advise with Mr Drummond -how to Dispose of him when I would be at Edinburgh, -that if he inclin’d a military life, I might have interest -to get him a pair of Colours, but then I would -insist the best <i>moitié</i> of his patrimony should be -assigned to his sister, but that what I inclined he<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_202"></a>[202]</span> -should follow was the law, if he had genius for that -profession, and that in that case if Mr Drummond -aprovd of it, I would send him for the sake of the -language to some country schooll in England. This -was all that passed upon honour, and Desired to send -over the boy that I might make him acquaint in the -country, and should only Detain him two months, I -had a Double view in this as I had the countrey about -that time all convened, it would have been fifty -pounds in his way, and this I told Mr Robison; -and at the same time, as the lassie had no English, -I would Keep her all winter with my sister so that -in spring she might be presentable, when I would -send her for a little time to my sister’s Dr Chisolme -at Inverness. Mr. Robison approved of all this, -particularly of the lassy’s coming, and, that he might -not be blamed for retaining them, sent them to their -Mother’s, where the Girle has ever been, and laid the -whole blame to her charge. I have still Mr Robison’s -letter, but he has his views which I am resolved -to frustrate.... I will shew you my brother’s discharge -to my father, and I have living witnesses that -delivered him Cattle in payment of interest, and part -principall, and as one of them is his father’s brother, -how would go all lengths for him, that there can be -no objection to his evidence as Discharges have been -burned or Destroyed after the Castle was blown -up....</p> - -<p class="center">‘Your affect. Cousine and humble servant,</p> - -<p class="right">‘<span class="smcap">Mackdonell</span>.’</p> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_203"></a>[203]</span></p> - -<p>Burt says that ‘to have the English’ was the -mark, among the Highlanders, of a gentleman’s children. -Glengarry’s niece had as yet no English; her -education had doubtless been neglected in the distresses -consequent on the Rising. Probably, too, her -mother was poor, her husband’s portion having been -partly paid in cattle. These very cattle may have -been among the 20,000 plundered by Cumberland’s -men after Culloden, as a volunteer writes in his little -book of ‘A Journey with the Army into Scotland’ -(1747).</p> - -<p>In a letter to Mr. Orme, of unknown date, Glengarry -says that his sister-in-law ‘is infamous.’ On -the same affair of the nephew he writes again:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="right smaller">[No date.]</p> - -<p>‘Sir,—I have been frequently since my father’s -death abused in the good opinion conceived in -former days of those that ought and were generally -believed steadfast friends to this familly, but I must -confess I least of all expected it from any of yours, -and least of all from yourself personally. I had a -letter lately from Robison of Ballnicaird acquainting -me that Provost Drummond and you, despairing of -the amicable agreement twixt my nephew and me, -intended to push matters to the utmost, this was -strange proceedings, without ever acquainting me, -and in any event a strange procedure between me -and my nephew when the opinion of any one or two -eminent in the law might in a few moments decide<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_204"></a>[204]</span> -the whole without further expences, and when they -come to the age to judge for themselves I believe -they will be little oblidged to their present directors, -Mr Drummond only excepted. I sent for my nephew -and niece, their not arriving is laid to your advice, -tho up to that time I little believed it, and from that -Instant foresaw Mr Robison and their infamous -mother’s drift. As Mr Drummond is so very good -as take the trouble to look after any so very near -connections, least by others’ drift he should be Deceived, -I must act the needful to have a near relation -of the father’s side subjoined with him to take care -of the whole, and their Education, and bring their -Mother and Mr Robison to account for their intermissions -with his effects and moveables, most of -which he received as payment, and at his Death -were very considerable, there are still living witnesses -that can prove this, and I have which I believe may -be in my Agent’s custody, his discharge or Bond -for 6000 merks, pay’d by his father of his bond of -patrimony. Should this stand in law, as it ought in -equity, and Justice, I will refer any differences of -this kind to any named by Mr Drummond, and -another by me.</p> - -<p>‘... Acquaintance, friendship, and blood connection -might expect a friendly demand, not by a -Sheriff Officier.</p> - -<p>‘But as the world has taken a turn, and that -men of business are not to mind such punctilios, I -have nothing to say but that I hope it may not be<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_205"></a>[205]</span> -long when a blood relation and connection with this -family may be claimed both as an honour and protection, -it was so formerly, and may be still the same.’</p> - -<p>(He adds that he wishes proceedings stayed still -he comes to Edinburgh, and refers to his ‘late violent -indisposition.’)</p> - -<p class="right">‘Your sincere friend and affect. Cousine.’</p> - -</div> - -<p>This undated letter is probably of 1758, though -early in 1759 Glengarry had another very severe -illness, from which it may be doubted if he ever -entirely recovered. He writes to Mr. Orme, ‘I am -drinking goat-whey and milk, that is my diet.... I -shall be soon upon my leggs, and see you soon.’</p> - -<p>The following is an important letter, undated in -the draft, to the Chief of the Macleods:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="right smaller">[Undated. Really of June 21, 1758.</p> - -<p>‘Dear Macleod,—I thought to have had the -pleasure some months ago of drinking a glass with -you at White House. But a Severe fitt of sickness -of which I am now getting the better prevented me. -I have settled my affairs in the country as well as -my present situation and the circumstances of my -tenants could admitt, but as their whole [property] -was once destroyed, and that they have not recovered -yet quite in their stock I was oblidged to give them -a longer delay than I expected.’</p> - -</div> - -<p>He therefore asks Macleod to ‘go conjunct with -me in security for borrowing 400<i>l.</i>’—an invitation<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_206"></a>[206]</span> -which Macleod declined. If Macleod will not help -him, ‘I cannot be active in making aplication to be -discharged of the claims the Government has against -my estate, <i>which I was once made sure of, but that -vanished with those then at the helme</i>.’</p> - -<p>Such a promise, broken on the change of the -hand at the helm, is several times referred to—by -Pickle. He writes to the Duke of Newcastle, ‘he -bitterly complains that nothing has been done for -him, of what was promis’d him in the strongest -terms, and which he believes had been strickly performed -had your most worthy Brother (Henry Pelham) -his great friend and Patron, survived till now.’<a id="FNanchor_116" href="#Footnote_116" class="fnanchor">[116]</a></p> - -<p>Among the many odd coincidences between -Pickle and Glengarry, this is not the least curious. -Both the spy and the chief entertained great expectations -from Government, and both confess that these -hopes ‘vanished with those then at the helme,’ -obviously, that is, with Henry Pelham’s death.</p> - -<p>Glengarry goes on, in his letter to Macleod, ‘<i>but -to be explicit on this</i>’ (namely, on his ‘being made -sure’ of the abandonment of Government’s claims on -his estate) ‘and the confusion my father and the -late unluckie troubles left this estate would draw to -tow great lenth, I will therefore reffer it till meeting.’ -He ends with compliments ‘to Lady Macleod, and -the two lovely little Misses.’</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_207"></a>[207]</span></p> - -<p>It would have been pleasant to hear Glengarry -when, over a bottle, he was ‘explicit’ on the reasons -for which Henry Pelham promised to abate the demands -on his estate. Government knew that Glengarry -was in the affair of Loch Arkaig. They -arrested his accomplices in 1751, but left him free. -Government knew, by their spies, that Glengarry -frequented the Earl Marischal in Paris in 1752, and -that, in 1753, he was perpetually running over, as -a Jacobite agent, to Paris. But they then arrested -Glenevis and Fassifern, while they promised to abate -their claims on Glengarry’s estate! To explain all -this to Macleod ‘over a magnum,’ as Glengarry -elsewhere convivially remarks, could not be an easy -task. His letter, in the draft, is undated, but on the -same page is a letter to his solicitor, Mr. Orme, W.S., -dated ‘Greenfield, 21 June, 1758.’ In this letter -he speaks of that just cited as having been sent ‘by -this very post.’ Macleod was in Edinburgh, but -left before Glengarry’s appeal could reach him. -Now, without the 400<i>l.</i> the Chief could not go to -town. He therefore wrote again to Macleod, repeating -his supplication, and being ‘explicit’ indeed as -to his former patron in the Government, though not -as to the reasons for his patronage.</p> - -<p>‘An absolute discharge of the heavie claim the -Government has against me I was once promised, -but those that was then at the helme <i>are no more</i>.’</p> - -<p>The only person of those ‘then at the helme’ -who was now, in 1758, ‘no more’ was precisely<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_208"></a>[208]</span> -Henry Pelham. He died in March 1754. Pickle -was his ‘man.’ Pickle had received promises from -him which were never fulfilled. So, oddly enough, -had Glengarry! We know what Pickle’s services to -Henry Pelham had been; we can guess at those of -Glengarry. But after Henry Pelham’s death—in fact, -at the very time of his death—Prince Charles’s party -broke up for ever in England, and the Earl Marischal -quarrelled irreconcilably with the Prince. The -services of Pickle were therefore no longer needed. -Pelham’s engagements with him were not kept, and -the promise to Glengarry, by a coincidence, was also -broken by the faithless English Government.</p> - -<p>People who maintain that Glengarry was not -Pickle may be asked to produce a theory which will -account for the singular series of coincidences in the -fortunes of the Chief and the spy. Even in this new -coincidence alone, it will be interesting to see how -they explain the circumstance that Glengarry, like -Pickle, found his expectations blasted, and the -promises made to him unfulfilled, in consequence of -the death of Pickle’s employer, the brother of the -Duke of Newcastle. What possible claim could a -professed Jacobite agent, known for such to Government, -as young Glengarry was, have on the good -offices of the First Lord of the Treasury? It has -been fondly suggested that Pickle was an unknown -miscreant, personating Glengarry. That will be -shown to be physically impossible; but, granting the -hypothesis, why was Glengarry, no less than Pickle,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_209"></a>[209]</span> -favoured by Henry Pelham? No other person can -be meant by the phrase ‘those at the helme,’ now -‘no more.’ Newcastle, indeed, was out of office in -1756, if ‘no more’ is explained as ‘out of office.’ -But when Glengarry wrote to Macleod in 1758 -Newcastle was again at the Treasury.</p> - -<p>Macleod would not back Glengarry’s bill for -400<i>l.</i> His agents advised him against this measure. -In February 1760 Pickle, who was anxious to go to -London, asked the Duke of Newcastle to send him -a bill, payable at sight, ‘for whatever little sum is -judged proper for the present.’ The Duke’s answer, -with the bill payable at sight for the little sum to -defray Pickle’s travelling expenses, is to be directed -by his Grace</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="center">‘To Alexander Mackdonell of Glengary by -Foraugustus.’</p> - -</div> - -<p>Apparently, then, Pickle had some means of -getting at Glengarry’s correspondence. The two -gentlemen spell ‘Fort Augustus’ in the same singular -way. On September 11, 1758, Glengarry wrote to -Mr. Orme’s subordinate:—</p> - -<p>‘Will you dow me the favour to order me the -“Calledonian Mercury” regullarly every post to the -care of Mr. William Fraser, merchant at forAugustus?’</p> - -<p>The almost unvarying uniformity in bad spelling -which marks Pickle and Glengarry will be commented -on later.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_210"></a>[210]</span></p> - -<p>The last years of Glengarry were disturbed by -the legal results of an early piece of domestic slyness. -His father, old Glengarry, commonly described as a -weak, indolent man, married, first, a lady named -Mackenzie, of the Hilton family. As his eldest son -was not of age in January 1745 the marriage may -have been in 1723 or 1724. After bearing a second -son, Æneas, and apparently a daughter, Isobel, Lady -Glengarry died (1727). In a deed of 1728 we find Old -Glengarry already remarried to a daughter of Gordon -of Glenbucket, who in 1724 was nearly murdered by -evicted Macphersons. The stepmother of Young -Glengarry was a managing woman, and ‘factrix’ of -her husband’s estates. Now, in 1738 Old Glengarry -pawned or ‘wadsetted’ his lands of Cullachy to -his kinsman Lochgarry. The wadsetter paid 2,000 -merks in money and gave bills for the rest. But -in January 1745, when Alastair was in Scotland on -furlough from his French regiment, Old Glengarry -formally ‘disponed’ his estates to his eldest son. -Doubtless this was done with an eye to the chances -of a rising; in any case, the transaction was kept a -secret from Glengarry’s wife and factrix.</p> - -<p>Hence arose trouble, for the pawned estate of -Cullachy had been redeemed. Lochgarry had been -paid his 2,000 merks, or they were set off against -another debt, but his bills were not returned to him. -They lay in Lady Glengarry’s custody, and she could -not be asked for them without revealing the secret -transference of the whole property to Young Glengarry<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_211"></a>[211]</span> -in 1745. He therefore gave Lochgarry a -written promise that the bills should never be used -against him. But Lochgarry being attainted, after -1745, and exiled, his possessions were forfeited to the -Crown. Government therefore demanded, in 1758, -that Glengarry should redeem from them Lochgarry’s -wadset of Cullachy. He pleaded that it was already -redeemed before 1745, but of this he could bring no -evidence. He writes to his Agent on August 2, -1758, that he is not certain of the year of the wadset -(really 1738), as he was not then in the kingdom; he -was in France. ‘Lochgarry being more in debt to -the familly than the [amount of the] mortgage, he -delivered up his contract of wadsett, which I thought -was all the seremony necessary; and the signature -being tore from it was laid, according to custom, -among the family papers, which were carried off, -and are now in Sir Everard Falconer’s custody.’ He -knows little of estate affairs, ‘as I was always abroad.’ -His rental of 1744 was burned with the house of his -factor, Donald McDonell, Younger of Scotus.</p> - -<p>After the Rebellion, he did not meddle in matters -of the property, till his father’s death (1754). ‘The -tenants could hardly pay what would subsist him.’</p> - -<p>‘Every tenant took possession of what farme he -pleased.’ In 1746 ‘Mrs. Mc.Donell of Lochgary being -destitute of all suport, having a numerous family of -young children, came from Badenoch, took possession -of Cullachy, and there lived untill she followed -her Husband abroad.’</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_212"></a>[212]</span></p> - -<p>‘The lands of Cullachie was only set till lately -from year to year, the tenants were frequently -removed, I know of no written rentall, it is not -customary ... Discharges were not formerly required, -nor were they necssary.’</p> - -<p>Glengarry explains all this to his Agent on -January 6, 1759:—</p> - -<p>‘When I got disposition to my Father’s estate I -was then under age, at this time Lady Glengarry, -<i>how</i> [who] then had so much to Say with her husband, -the Disposition Grant was concealed from her, and -as the Bill granted by Lochgarry was in her Custody, -had they demanded it would have Discovered the -Scheme in my favours, I granted my Obligatory to -Lochgery that these Bills should never make against -him.’</p> - -<p>The sense can be puzzled out of the anacoloutha.</p> - -<p>On February 3, 1759, he repeats his story:—</p> - -<p>‘I will only observe that the reason of the bills -not being cancelled or retired by Lockgerry, was that -they were then in Lady Glengarry’s custody, and -that the disposition of my Father’s estate in my -favour was keept secret from her, which would have -been discovered had Lochgerry demanded his bills, -and this occasioned my giving him my obligation -they should never make against him.’</p> - -<p>The whole affair is a specimen of the informal -manner in which Highland business was done. The -frequency of ‘removals’ of tenants also throws doubt -on the theory that Evictions were a novelty introduced<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_213"></a>[213]</span> -by the Commissioners of Forfeited Estates. -The anarchy after Culloden is shown by the squatting -of tenants on whatever farms they chose to select. -The Judges could not be induced to accept Glengarry’s -account of the redemption of Cullachy, as he -had no documentary evidence, and Cullachy appears, -after the Chiefs death, among his mortgaged lands.<a id="FNanchor_117" href="#Footnote_117" class="fnanchor">[117]</a></p> - -<p>The latest of the drafts in Glengarry’s Letter -Book are of December 1758, January 1759. He -appears much aggrieved by Colonel Trapaud, -Governor of Fort Augustus, for the following cause: -his ground-steward had been claimed, unjustly it -seems, as a deserter from the army. A party of -soldiers then acted in the manner described in the -following draft, which has no date or address:—</p> - -<p>‘The party in the dead of night was posted round -my hutt, of which I was ignorant untill my servants -were stopped from going from door to door. Alarmed -at this, I suspected some straglers were come to break -open some valts in the old Castle, which was formerly -Done.’</p> - -<p>The indignant chief drafts the following remonstrance -to Colonel Trapaud:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>‘I never thought to have reason to write you -in so cooll a strain. My own Behaviour, not to -mention the pollitess showen to you by my friends -in Generall since you lived in this countrey claimd -a more Gentle return, and as our Actions are always -above Board It depends upon yourself that the same<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_214"></a>[214]</span> -Harmony Should allways subsist, and I will be very -happie still to remain,</p> - -<p class="center">Sir,</p> - -<p class="right">Your sincere friend and Humble servant.’</p> - -</div> - -<p>Trapaud’s behaviour, Glengarry writes, is ‘picking,’ -and Pickle also spells <i>pique</i> ‘pick.’ The worst -of it is that Glengarry ‘is lick to lose the use of his -eyes,’ for at the time of this assault in his ‘hutt’ he -was exceedingly ill. ‘I am now writting,’ he says to -Colonel Lambert (January 6, 1759) ‘in this confus’d -stile with only the fowrth part of one eye open, -beeing near losing my life with a plague of a distemper, -which, when recovered, seised my eyes.’ -On January 15, 1759, he tells Captain Forbes that he -can hardly see. On February 24, 1759, he expresses -a civil surprise at Macleod’s refusal to back his bill -for 400<i>l.</i> On February 3, he was still ‘hardly able to -crall,’ but intended to go south; his sister Bell was -going to Edinburgh. Macleod’s persistent refusal -probably made the journey to London impossible, -where Glengarry expected ‘to be off or on with the -Government claim against my estate.’</p> - -<p>There are no later drafts in the Letter Book, but -Pickle, at all events, had the use of <i>his</i> eyes when he -wrote to the Duke of Newcastle on February 19, -1760,<a id="FNanchor_118" href="#Footnote_118" class="fnanchor">[118]</a> offering to raise a regiment. Glengarry, six -weeks later, urged the same proposal through the -Duke of Atholl.</p> - -<p>On April 21, 1761, Glengarry made his will. He<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_215"></a>[215]</span> -recommends his sister and sole executrix to seal up -his cabinet, which is not to be opened ‘till the -friends of the family meet.’ The Macdonnells of -Greenfield, Leek, and Cullachy are then ‘to see all -the political and useless letters among my papers -burnt and destroyed, as the preservation of them -can answer no purpose.’</p> - -<p>Mr. Fraser Mackintosh, who publishes these -extracts, adds, ‘why Glengarry who lived several -months after the execution of his will, did not himself -destroy the papers above alluded to, can be conjectured -by people for themselves—all that need be -said here is that their destruction was a pity, and -the reason given unsatisfactory.’<a id="FNanchor_119" href="#Footnote_119" class="fnanchor">[119]</a> His affairs ‘were -found to be in a deplorable state.’ It may be -conjectured that Glengarry clung to his papers, -which must have been compromising enough. If -his malady again affected his eyes, he might be -unable to select the documents which it was wiser to -destroy. Nor could he well endure to entrust ‘my -sister Bell’ with the task of selection. She must not -know her brother’s guilt. That secret must have -oozed out, for it has left traces in tradition.<a id="FNanchor_120" href="#Footnote_120" class="fnanchor">[120]</a></p> - -<p>Thus closed miserably a singular career. Impoverished, -dying in a ‘hutt,’ beside the ruins of his -feudal castle, distrusted, not even permitted to see -his young nephew and heir, Glengarry reaped the -harvest sown by his mysterious attendant, Pickle.</p> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_216"></a>[216]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="XI">XI<br /> -<span class="smaller">THE CASE AGAINST GLENGARRY</span></h2> - -</div> - -<p>Of all the companions of Pickle, the most inseparable -was Glengarry. Now, since the appearance of ‘Pickle -the Spy,’ the author has been denounced before the -Gaelic Society! Amidst ‘applause’ a Celtic gentleman, -the news-sheets say, accused me of bringing a -charge of an odious nature, <i>without any proofs</i>. Of -course, if I have no proofs, nobody who thinks so -need argue against what I, myself, regard as a chain -of irrefragable circumstantial evidence. Nor am I -aware that any arguments, beyond clamour, have -been advanced, in favour of Glengarry’s innocence, -except those which I shall presently examine. But -first I must meet the charge of wresting facts to suit -my ‘prepossessions.’</p> - -<p>I had no prepossessions: how should I? If I -knew so much as that there was any young Glengarry, -before I read the Pickle letters, it was the limit of -my information. These documents were pointed out -to me, several years ago, by Sir E. Maunde Thompson, -when I was in search of a manuscript to print for -the Roxburghe Club. I began to read them, where -they are to be found, scattered through five or six -volumes of the Pelham Papers, in the British Museum.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_217"></a>[217]</span> -They are not all in sequence in one volume, nor in -chronological order. On a first hasty examination, -nothing appeared to indicate their author. I therefore -had transcripts made of the Pickle Letters, and, -after reading them, arranged them chronologically, -being helped, where dates failed, by their allusions to -public events: such as the death of Frederick, Prince -of Wales, the death of Henry Pelham, and so forth.</p> - -<p>On a first glance at the originals, I had no hope -of detecting the spy called Pickle. He might be a -servant, secretary, or retainer of any Jacobite family. -But indications as to his identity kept occurring, -when once the papers were sorted, and the hunting -instinct awoke in the reader, the fever of the chase. -Pickle was apparently no ‘paltry vidette,’ for he -was in close relations with the Prime Minister, Henry -Pelham, and, later, with the Duke of Newcastle. -Now a lacquey may, as Sir Charles Hanbury -Williams’s dispatches show, report to an Ambassador, -but a Prime Minister is less easy of access. Next, -Pickle was, or had succeeded in persuading Pelham -that he was, a person of the first importance in the -Highlands. A critic has replied that, of course, a -spy would pretend to be important, and, naturally, -would be accepted as such. Ministers are scarcely -so gullible. They do not accept a casual stranger’s -identity without inquiry.</p> - -<p>Presently it appeared, from a letter of the Court -Trusty, or Secret Service man, Bruce,<a id="FNanchor_121" href="#Footnote_121" class="fnanchor">[121]</a> who attended<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_218"></a>[218]</span> -Pickle in Edinburgh, that he now, by his father’s -death, was head of a great clan. Pickle’s father’s -death occurred in September 1754. Now, on examination, -it appeared that Old Glengarry, and no -other Chief, died on September 1, 1754, in Edinburgh, -where we find Pickle, with Young Lochgarry, -in mid September. Pickle, writes Bruce, the Court -Trusty (signing ‘Cromwell’) is adulated by military -society in Edinburgh, where he stays for at least a -month. He is to be observed, when he goes North, -by the Governor of Fort Augustus, near which lie -Glengarry’s lands. The Governor (Trapaud) writes -unfavourably of the new Glengarry (December 13, -1754), and Pickle writes that he will, if not permitted -the use of arms, prevent officers from shooting -over his lands.</p> - -<p>Pickle then is, or affects to be, a young Chief, just -come, by his father’s death at Edinburgh, in September, -into estates near Fort Augustus. He is also, or -pretends to be, the chief of the Macdonnells, for he -says (April 1754), ‘there could be no rising in Scotland -without the Macdonnells: he is sure that he shall -have the <i>first</i> notice of anything of the kind; and -he is sure that the Young Pretender would do nothing -without him.’ Finally (as stated on p. 209), writing to -the Duke of Newcastle (Feb. 19, 1760), he speaks of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_219"></a>[219]</span> -Pickle in the third person, says that he is ready to -raise a Highland regiment (which only a Chief could -do), and ends, ‘Direction’ (of reply) ‘To Alexander -Mackdonnell, of Glengary, by Foraugustus.’ Before -I read that line, I had said to a Highland friend, -‘The traitor is a Macdonald.’ ‘Not Clanranald, I hope,’ -he answered, and then Pickle’s last letter gave me -the clue to Glengarry.</p> - -<p>Thus there was, and could be, no ‘prepossession’ -on my part. The circumstances all pointed direct to -Glengarry, or to a personator of his, and to no one -else. Thus it became a ‘working hypothesis’ that -Pickle either was, or was personating, Glengarry: -a Chief on terms of perfect intimacy with Prince -Charles. He was, or affected to be, a Macdonnell, a -Chief, with lands near Fort Augustus, to which he -succeeded by his father’s death in September 1754, -the date of the death of Old Glengarry.</p> - -<p>Taking Pickle’s identity, natural or feigned, with -Young Glengarry, as a working hypothesis, it became -necessary to trace the career of that chief. At every -stage, in every detail and date, after 1750, whatever -was true of Young Glengarry was found to be -true of Pickle. Every gleam of light that revealed -the long forgotten incidents of Young Glengarry’s -career, after 1750, fell also on the sinister features -of Pickle. My hypothesis thus ‘colligated’ all the -facts. New facts from MSS. came into view after -my book was published; my hypothesis colligated -these also. Everything fell into its place: everything<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_220"></a>[220]</span> -coincided in the identification of Pickle with Young -Glengarry.</p> - -<p>To upset the evidence of a long series of -coincidences, all pointing in the same direction, some -hypothesis other than the hypothesis that Pickle is -Glengarry must be advanced. Only one alternative -suggestion has been ventured, as far as I am aware—namely, -that Glengarry was <i>personated</i> throughout, -for ten years, by some unknown ‘inward’ or close -intimate, calling himself ‘Pickle.’ That hypothesis -I shall prove to be not only morally but physically -impossible, to demand a physical and moral miracle. -We are left, then, with the equation, Pickle = -Glengarry.<a id="FNanchor_122" href="#Footnote_122" class="fnanchor">[122]</a></p> - -<p>To the <i>a priori</i> objection, that it is morally inconceivable -that a Highland Chief, of character hitherto -unsuspected, should sink so low, I need hardly reply. -Too many Chiefs, from the death of Malcolm MacHeth, -had been in the same <i>galère</i>. Young Glengarry, moreover, -<i>was</i> suspected by several independent witnesses. -We have also read the story of Barisdale, Glengarry’s -cousin. <i>A priori</i> improbability there is none. We -therefore proceed to examine the career of Young -Glengarry, and to show how his comings and goings, -his entrances and exits, the changes in his fortunes, his -unconsidered private letters, his spelling, and his -handwriting, all combine to identify him with the -author of the Pickle Correspondence.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_221"></a>[221]</span></p> - -<p>About the early years of Alastair Ruadh Macdonnell -of Glengarry it is unnecessary to write at -great length. Born apparently about 1725, for he -was not of age in the beginning of 1745, Young -Glengarry had one brother of the full blood, Æneas, -accidentally shot at Falkirk in 1746. He had also a -sister, Isobel. Before 1728 his mother died. Wodrow -says that she was imprisoned by her husband on -an islet, and died of hunger (1727). Young Glengarry -now received a stepmother, a daughter of -Gordon of Glenbucket. He does not seem to have -been attached to this lady, who bore two sons to -Old Glengarry. According to Murray of Broughton, -Young Glengarry ‘was most barbarously used by -his father and mother-in-law’ (p. 441). Alastair, at -all events, was sent to France as early as 1738, where -he was not likely to learn English orthography. His -own, though pretty consistent in its blunders, is of -the kind which Captain Burt found prevailing in the -Highlands.</p> - -<p>Alastair’s boyhood was probably unluxurious. -Burt tells the following curious anecdote on this -head. After 1715, the Castle of Invergarry, which -had been adorned by the father of the Glengarry -of Shirramuir, was gutted by the English soldiery. -It was refurnished and made inhabitable by the -agent of a Liverpool Company, who smelted iron -in the district. Glengarry, meanwhile, ‘inhabited a -miserable hut of turf, as he does to this day’ (1735?). -To this manager, a Quaker, a number of gentlemen<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_222"></a>[222]</span> -of the clan paid a visit. After receiving them hospitably, -the Quaker observed that they would always -be welcome in ‘my house.’</p> - -<p>‘God d—n you, Sir, your house! I thought it -had been Glengarry’s house.’ They then assaulted -the Quaker, who was rescued by his workmen.<a id="FNanchor_123" href="#Footnote_123" class="fnanchor">[123]</a> -Alastair was better lodged in France, where, in -1743, he got a Company in the Royal Scots. In -1744 he was with Pickle’s friend, the exiled Earl -Marischal, at Dunkirk, meaning to start with the -futile French expedition from Gravelines.</p> - -<p>How that expedition was ‘muddled away’ we -have told in the essay on the Earl Marischal. At -this time the Earl in France, and Murray of Broughton -in Scotland, gravely distrusted James’s agents in -France, Sempil and Balhaldie. Now Balhaldie was a -connection of Lochiel, and was aware that Murray -held him in suspicion. He, therefore, after the -collapse of the expedition of 1744, sent over to -Lochiel Young Glengarry, ‘freighted with heavy -complaints’ against Murray. Lochiel next, in the -spring of 1745, brought Murray and Young Glengarry -together. The young Chief told Murray that -Balhaldie accused him of bidding the Prince come to -Scotland, with or without French assistance, and -‘seat himself on the throne, and leave the King at -Rome’ (which was precisely what James desired and -Charles repudiated).<a id="FNanchor_124" href="#Footnote_124" class="fnanchor">[124]</a> Glengarry was therefore to warn<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_223"></a>[223]</span> -the party against Murray. Murray told Glengarry -the real facts—namely, that Balhaldie was too imaginative, -and Glengarry seemed quite satisfied. Indeed, -he produced a letter to the same effect as regards -Balhaldie from Æneas Macdonald, the banker, and, -later, the informer.</p> - -<p>Glengarry and Murray presently met at that -strange tavern gathering in Edinburgh, where, out -of the company, Traquair, Lovat, Glengarry, Murray, -Macleod, and Lochiel, Lochiel alone preserved his -honour. Glengarry then went to the Highlands -with letters for Sir Alexander Macdonald of Sleat -and other gentlemen. In January 1745 Glengarry -had induced his father secretly to dispone to him his -lands, an action which became a serious trouble to -him later. In May 1745 Murray sent him with -despatches to the Prince in France, and with reasons -why Charles should not come unless accompanied -by a French force. Late in 1745 Young Glengarry -was taken at sea, and lodged in the Tower.</p> - -<p>Charles, meanwhile, was loyal enough to his imprisoned -adherent. On November 4, 1746, Charles -wrote to d’Argenson, ‘there are three prisoners in -London, sir, in whom I take a warm interest. These -are Sir Hector Maclean, Glengarry, and my secretary, -Mr. Murray of Broughton. All three hold -French commissions, the first was born at Calais.... -I implore you, sir, to take every means to secure -their exchange, and will regard it as a personal -obligation.’</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_224"></a>[224]</span></p> - -<p>These gentlemen, however, were not naturalised -French subjects, like Nicholas Wogan, who, after -fighting when a boy at Preston in 1715, and after -losing an arm at Fontenoy, took part in the campaign -of 1745, and later saw Cumberland’s back at Laffeldt -fight. Nicholas may have been exchanged, in 1746, -as a French prisoner; for Murray and Glengarry this -plea was unavailing. The Prince, however, did his -best for both men, and ill they rewarded him.<a id="FNanchor_125" href="#Footnote_125" class="fnanchor">[125]</a></p> - -<p>Glengarry told Bishop Forbes the same story in -1752. He was the bearer of a letter from the Chiefs, -imploring the Prince not to come over without arms, -money, and auxiliary forces.<a id="FNanchor_126" href="#Footnote_126" class="fnanchor">[126]</a> But he could not find -Charles, who was incognito, ‘lurking for a spring.’ -Towards the end of 1745 Alastair was captured, -as we saw, while conveying a piquet of the Royal -Scots to join the Prince. He pined in the Tower, he -says, for twenty-two months, and was then released. -His fortunes were frowning. His father lay in -Edinburgh Castle, a written information having been -laid against him by a number of the gentlemen of -his clan who had been out in the Rising. His lands -and cattle had been destroyed and driven away by -the English soldiery. Men squatted on what farm -they chose, and could only pay rent enough to -‘subsist’ his father. The French Government made -demands on him for money advanced to him while<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_225"></a>[225]</span> -in the Tower, and stopped his pay. His grant from -the Scots Fund (1,800 livres) was inadequate. The -Prince could not procure for him a regiment. In -these gloomy circumstances Alastair took a step -which nobody can blame in itself. He attempted to -reconcile himself to the English Government. The -following letter is from a friend sincerely anxious for -his success:—<a id="FNanchor_127" href="#Footnote_127" class="fnanchor">[127]</a></p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="center smaller">(State Papers, Domestic, Scotland, Bundle 38 (1747), No. 6.)</p> - -<p class="right smaller">‘Roterdam, Oct. 17, 1747.</p> - -<p>‘Sir,—I take this opportunity of my worthy friend -an officer of the Royals of informing you how I -have had severall letters on the following Subject from -Mr. Macdonell Junior of Glengary who desires me to -charge you with this letter. He has frequently and -seriously reflected on the many good Advices given -him by you and Maj. White when he was Prisoner at -the Tower, to abandon that party and the service of -France. I am thorrowly convinced that he is determined -so to do if it is agreeable to the Ministry, and -that he will give the Duke of Argyle and them all -the assurances that a man of honour can give of his -behaving as a peaceable Subject, if they will allow -him to wait upon them in London. Let me beg of -you for God’s sake to persuade these great men to -accept of this young Gentleman’s offer, by which at -once you’ll detach him from that party that has given<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_226"></a>[226]</span> -birth to all the Calamitys that both his Clan and -Country has suffered this age past: as I shall be -some months here before my affair is Negociated -you’ll have time to send me answer, which I pray -God may be favourable. Please write me as soon -as you can. I am with my Compliments to your -family,</p> - -<p class="center">‘Sir, your most obedt. oblidged humble Sert.</p> - -<p class="right">‘<span class="smcap">Will: Baillie</span>.</p> - -<p>‘P.S.—The young man depends very much on the -Duke of Argyle’s interest.</p> - -<p class="smaller">‘To Major Macdonald at London.’</p> - -</div> - -<p>On September 20, 1748, Glengarry wrote from -Amiens, telling James that he ‘waited an opportunity -of going safely to Britain,’ on his private affairs. In -December he asked James to procure for him the -colonelcy vacant by the death of Lochiel. Young -Lochiel, a boy, had been appointed. James could do -nothing, and was too poor to send money. But, on -Glengarry’s request, he dispatched ‘a duplicate of -your grandfather’s warrant to be a peer’—Lord -Macdonnell and Aros. Glengarry often signs ‘Mackdonell,’ -without Christian name.<a id="FNanchor_128" href="#Footnote_128" class="fnanchor">[128]</a></p> - -<p>On June 8, 1749, Glengarry explained his circumstances -to Cardinal York and to Lismore, James’s -agent at Versailles. ‘I shall be obliged to leave this<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_227"></a>[227]</span> -country, if not relieved.’ Presently he went to London, -with Leslie, a priest suspected of treachery by -the Jacobites.<a id="FNanchor_129" href="#Footnote_129" class="fnanchor">[129]</a> Leslie says, ‘Glengarry did not intend -to appear publicly’ in London, ‘but to have -advice of some counsellors about an act of the Privy -Council against his returning to Great Britain.’ He -was so poor that Leslie pledged for him, to Clanranald, -a watch of Mrs. Murray’s of Broughton, wife -of the notorious traitor. He had already ‘sold his -sword and shoe-buckles.’ This must have been the -very nadir of his fortunes, and four years later -Campbell of Lochnell told Mrs. Archibald Cameron -that now, in 1748 or 1749—the lady could not -remember which—Glengarry offered his service, ‘in -any shape they thought proper,’ to the English -Government and Henry Pelham.<a id="FNanchor_130" href="#Footnote_130" class="fnanchor">[130]</a> Without pausing -to discuss the value of Mrs. Cameron’s evidence -(given on January 25, 1754) we return to what is -actually known of Glengarry in 1749. He had left -London, probably little the better for his visit. On -September 23, 1749, Glengarry wrote to Lismore from -Boulogne. He has been in London, by advice of his -friends, ‘ces Messieurs croyant que je ne ferai point de -difficulté de me conformer aux intentions du Gouvernement, -mais étant toujours determine de ne me point -égare[r] des principes de mes Ancêtres, ne du devoir -que je dois a mon Roy je [de?] me lui tenir, je puis -retire [retirais?].’ If not relieved, he must return -to England.<a id="FNanchor_131" href="#Footnote_131" class="fnanchor">[131]</a> We know what his protestations of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_228"></a>[228]</span> -loyalty were worth. We do not know what occurred -to Glengarry, in London, at this time.</p> - -<p>Starving in July or August 1749, Glengarry appears -(according to Æneas Macdonald, the banker) -to ‘have plenty of cash’ at the end of the year -(December). In October his father had been released -from Edinburgh Castle, a point of no evidential -importance, as several other gentlemen were -also simultaneously set free. His estates were not -forfeited, though remonstrances on this head were -addressed to the English Government. They exist -in the State Papers.</p> - -<p>Before Æneas Macdonald met Glengarry in -December, and earlier in the winter of 1749, Young -Glengarry and Archy Cameron went North, and -helped themselves to the Treasure of Cluny, the -gold of Loch Arkaig.<a id="FNanchor_132" href="#Footnote_132" class="fnanchor">[132]</a> On January 16, 1750, -Glengarry reported his journey to Edgar, and accused -Archibald Cameron of taking 6,000 louis d’or, and -damping all hearts in the Highlands.<a id="FNanchor_133" href="#Footnote_133" class="fnanchor">[133]</a> Cameron, -on his side, appears to have accused Glengarry of -obtaining the money by forging a letter from James. -James, writing to Charles about Cameron’s charge, -leaves a blank for the name (March 17, 1750). But -Æneas Macdonald supplies the name of Young Glengarry -(October 12, 1751).</p> - -<p>That Young Glengarry was concerned in the looting<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_229"></a>[229]</span> -of the treasure in winter, 1749, is certain from -his own admission to Charles, corroborated by the -confession of Cameron of Glenevis to Colonel Crawfurd, -in October 1751. In that confession appears the -earliest charge of treachery against Glengarry, who, -Cameron vows, must have betrayed him (p. 153). At -about the same time (November 30, 1751, February 14, -1752) Holker (of Ogilvie’s French Scots Regiment) -and Blair anonymously warned young Edgar against -Glengarry. He is a friend of Leslie, ‘an arrant rogue,’ -and is ‘known to be in great intimacy with Murray’—of -Broughton, the traitor, an acquaintance which is -proved by Murray’s own ‘Memorials,’ already cited. -Even if we discount Mrs. Cameron’s story, with those -of Archy Cameron and Glenevis, as Camerons were -at feud with Macdonnells, we have no reason to suspect -hostile animus in Young Edgar, Blair and Holker.<a id="FNanchor_134" href="#Footnote_134" class="fnanchor">[134]</a> -They remark (February 14, 1752) that ‘Mr. Macdonald -of Glengarrie says that he is charged with the affaires -of his Majesty,’ in London.</p> - -<p>Now, what was, in 1751 the real situation of -Young Glengarry? He had left Rome in September -1750. In January 1751 he was in Paris, and wrote -to Edgar, asking for money. He was confined to bed -by a severe cold.<a id="FNanchor_135" href="#Footnote_135" class="fnanchor">[135]</a> At an uncertain date, probably -April 1751, he was residing publicly in London, for -he thence announced to Charles his approaching -marriage ‘with a lady of a very Honourable and -loyall familie in England,’ after which he will repay<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_230"></a>[230]</span> -his share of the Loch Arkaig gold. On this head he -has satisfied James. He discloses the embezzlements -of Cluny!<a id="FNanchor_136" href="#Footnote_136" class="fnanchor">[136]</a> On July 15, 1751, he wrote from London -to James, and to Edgar, with political and loyal -observations. Yet, in 1751, Glenevis believed, for -very good reasons, that Glengarry was already an -informer. If the suspicions of Glenevis were correct, -Glengarry was an informer in 1751, the date -assigned by Pickle to the beginning of his own -service is about 1750.</p> - -<p>Thus, in 1751, Glengarry was tolerated in London -by the English Government, though still professing -loyalty to James. As late as October 1754 he had -not ‘qualified’ or taken the oaths. He must, therefore, -have made his peace with England—otherwise! -He had resigned his French commission. Moreover, -while his accomplices in the Loch Arkaig affair, -the Camerons, were arrested, Glengarry, the ‘unqualified,’ -was allowed to go about London, and -travel to France and Scotland, though the English -Ministry knew that he was at least as guilty as -Glenevis and Downan.</p> - -<p>The inferences are obvious. Government had a -motive for sparing Glengarry. Again, quite apart -from the Pickle letters, Glengarry is assuredly betraying -one or the other party. To James he poses -as an active conspirator. To the English Government -he poses as, at least, ‘one peaceable subject,’ for they -allow him to live, and love, in London, and to go where<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_231"></a>[231]</span> -he pleases. He was in Edinburgh in April, 1752, -and dined with Bishop Forbes. Later, he seems to -have gone to Lochaber, which Government knew, -from an Informer.</p> - -<p>We now come to the Elibank Plot, to kidnap the -Royal Family. It flickered from November 1752 to -summer, 1753. Glengarry, writing from Arras on -April 5, 1753, gives Edgar, James’s secretary, a veiled -account of the affair. ‘The day was fixt,’ on, or for, -November 10, 1752, but the English shuffled, and -did not act. ‘The concert in Novr. was,’ says Glengarry, -‘that I was to remain in London, as I had -above four hundred Brave Highlanders ready at my -call, and, after matters had broke out there to sett -off directly for Scotland, as no raising would be made -amongst the Clans without my presence.’<a id="FNanchor_137" href="#Footnote_137" class="fnanchor">[137]</a> He then -alludes to ‘my leate illness at Paris,’ which has left -him ‘still very weake’—a phrase used at the same -time by Pickle.</p> - -<p>Now the Pickle letters begin on November 2, -1752, and Pickle speaks of himself, to his English -employers, in precisely the same terms as Glengarry -uses about himself when writing to Edgar. Pickle -says that, among his Jacobite friends, he explains his -supplies of English money as remittances from ‘Baron -Kenady.’ Now, in Lord Advocate Craigie’s letters of -1745,<a id="FNanchor_138" href="#Footnote_138" class="fnanchor">[138]</a> we read ‘in most things Young Glengarry is -advised and directed by Baron Kennedy,’ a Baron of -the Scottish Exchequer. Thus, if Pickle is Glengarry,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_232"></a>[232]</span> -he would naturally represent his chief adviser, Baron -Kennedy, as the source of his supplies. He announces -(Boulogne, November 2, 1752) ‘you’l soon hear of -a hurly burly,’ and he must make a long journey, -first to Paris, then South, as he writes on November 4 -to Henry Pelham.<a id="FNanchor_139" href="#Footnote_139" class="fnanchor">[139]</a> The hurly burly is the Elibank -Plot. ‘I will see my friend’ (Henry Pelham) ‘or that -can happen.’ To Pelham he says, ‘I will lay before -you <i>in person</i> all I can learn.’ Pelham knew Pickle -<i>personally</i>, and could not be deceived as to his identity, -as to his being a Chief, as he represented himself. -In December 1752 Pickle, in London, informed -against Archibald Cameron and Lochgarry, whom -Charles had sent to Scotland, also against Fassifern -and Glenevegh (Glenevis) as agents for Charles with -the Southern Jacobites. Pickle has seen Charles, and, -in town, Lord Elibank, who ‘surprised me to the -greatest degree by telling me that all was put off -for some time.’ He has promised Charles ‘to write -nothing to Rome,’ which Glengarry actually did, in -April 1753. In later letters to his English employers, -Pickle speaks much of a severe illness, at Paris, -which ‘nearly tripped up his hiells,’ and left him, -like Glengarry at the same date, ‘very weake.’ He -had caught a cold, with a relapse at the masked -ball of the Lundi Gras, where he met the Prince. -‘They now believe Pickle could have a number of -Highlanders even in London to follow him.’ Nothing -can be transacted in the Highlands without his<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_233"></a>[233]</span> -knowledge, as his Clan must begin the play.’<a id="FNanchor_140" href="#Footnote_140" class="fnanchor">[140]</a> The -scheme is a night attack on the Palace of St. James’s. -Pickle has often discussed it with his friend, the Earl -Marischal, Frederick’s ambassador to the French -Court.<a id="FNanchor_141" href="#Footnote_141" class="fnanchor">[141]</a></p> - -<p>Here, then, are the following points shared in -common by Pickle and Glengarry. (1.) Both in -November 1752 are engaged in a deep Jacobite -Plot. (2.) Both are expected to lead a force of -Highlanders, ‘even in London.’ (3.) No rising can -take place among the Clans without each of them. -(4.) Both are in correspondence with Rome. (5.) Both -suffer from a severe illness at the same time, and -are left very ‘weake’. (6.) Both are friends of -Baron Kennedy. (7.) Both frequently visit the Earl -Marischal in Paris.</p> - -<p>That Glengarry visited the Earl in 1753 I cannot -prove by independent evidence. But I can show, -by independent evidence, that he, as well as (by his -own statement) Pickle, did so at an approximate -date. Glengarry had known the Earl since 1744. -Here is another spy’s undated testimony (1752-1754) -to Glengarry’s familiarity with the Earl Marischal -in Paris, about this date, when Pickle haunts the -old exile.<a id="FNanchor_142" href="#Footnote_142" class="fnanchor">[142]</a></p> - -<p>‘Macdonald of Glengarry, goes by the first of these -names, lives at a <i>Baigneur’s</i> in the <i>Rue Guenegaud</i>, -and keeps one Servant out of Livery, and two in<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_234"></a>[234]</span> -Livery. When he first came to Paris he kept a -<i>Carosse de Remise</i> by the month, but now only hires -one occasionally to make his visits, which are chiefly -to</p> - -<table> - <tr> - <td colspan="3">Lord Ogilvie</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="3">Mr. Ratcliffe</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="3">Mrs. Carryl of Sussex</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="3">Mrs. Hamilton (Lord Abercorn’s Cousin who has - changed her Religion and lives with Mrs. Carryl)</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="3">The 3 Messrs. Hayes (who are cousins and lodge - at the <i>Hotel de Transylvanie, Rue Conde</i>)</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Macloud</td> - <td>}</td> - <td rowspan="2" class="valign">at Roisins, a Coffee House in the Rue - Vaugirard</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Fitzgerald</td> - <td>}</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="3">Lord Pittenweemys, the Earl of Kelly’s Son, at - the <i>Hotel d’Angleterre, Rue Tarrane</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="3">Sir James Cockburn, at the <i>Caffe de la Paix</i>, - in the <i>Rue Tarane</i>.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Lord Hallardy</td> - <td>}</td> - <td rowspan="4" class="valign">at a <i>Baigneur’s</i> on the Estrapade - where they keep themselves conceal’d,</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Mr. Gordon</td> - <td>}</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Mr. Mercer</td> - <td>}</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>L. Cromarty</td> - <td>}</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="3">Frequently to the Jesuits’ College.</td> - </tr> -</table> - -<p>‘<i>And never fails going to Lord Marshal</i>, whose -Coach is often lent him when he has none of his -own.</p> - -<p>‘N.B.—Tuesday 9th. Janry. Macdonald waited in -his own Coach from ten o’clock at night till past -eleven, in the <i>Rue Dauphine</i>, when a Person took -him up in a Chariot, who, by the description, is<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_235"></a>[235]</span> -believed to be Lord Marshal. It is about that time -that the Pretender’s Son is suppos’d to have been in -Paris.’</p> - -<p>Thus Glengarry undeniably frequented the old -Earl Marischal, no less than Pickle did, and the English -Government knew it. Yet they did not arrest -him, as they arrested Glenevis, Downan, Fassifern, -Archy Cameron, and tried to arrest Lochgarry, on all -of whom Pickle had informed. Moreover Glengarry, -in Paris, is not starving, but has a servant out of -livery, and two in livery, keeps or hires a carriage, or -uses that of the Earl Marischal.</p> - -<p>I respectfully submit that these seven common -notes of Pickle and of Glengarry cannot possibly be -explained, except on one of two hypotheses. Either -Pickle is Glengarry, or he is audaciously personating -Glengarry, not only by letter, but bodily. For he -promises to visit Henry Pelham ‘in person,’ and -Henry Pelham, with the English officials and police, -cannot but have known the aspect of Glengarry, a -man who, for twenty-two months, was an important -state prisoner in the Tower, and had, later, lived -openly in London, though, as we shall see, under -surveillance.</p> - -<p>That point I prove thus: on August 12, 1753, -Charles, in hiding at Liège, and elsewhere in the -Netherlands, desired, as he notes in a draft, an interview -‘with G.’<a id="FNanchor_143" href="#Footnote_143" class="fnanchor">[143]</a> In August, or September, 1753, -Pickle sent in accounts of his interview with Charles,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_236"></a>[236]</span> -in whose company he had travelled from Ternan to -Paris. The Prince asked Pickle to allow arms to be -landed on his estate, which Pickle refused, ‘nobody -knowing as yet in what manner the forfeited estates -would be settled.’<a id="FNanchor_144" href="#Footnote_144" class="fnanchor">[144]</a> Pickle himself is now in England.</p> - -<p>Now we know, from a report in the State Papers, -that, in 1753, the English Government received intelligence -from a spy on Glengarry. ‘Mr. McDonald -of Glengarry has been several times in France within -these three weeks, and is suspected to be an agent -for the Young Pretender, who, it is believed, has -been lately in Paris, incog. N.B.—The above-mentioned -Mr. McDonald lodges at the second -House on the right hand side of the way in Beaufort -Buildings, in the Strand, and is a young, fair, full-made -man.’<a id="FNanchor_145" href="#Footnote_145" class="fnanchor">[145]</a></p> - -<p>Thus, just when Charles wishes to meet ‘G,’ -Glengarry is coming and going from France to -England, suspected by a spy to be a Jacobite agent, -while Pickle is reporting to the English Government -on his own simultaneous journeys and interviews with -the Prince. Yet the English Government, though independently -informed of Glengarry’s movements, and -his familiarity with the Earl Marischal (whom they -know to be intriguing for the Jacobites with Prussia), -arrest Clanranald, arrest Fassifern, but never touch -Glengarry!</p> - -<p>This is not the limit of their favours. Far from<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_237"></a>[237]</span> -incommoding Glengarry, Henry Pelham promises -that Government will remit all their large claims on -his estate. For this, as least, we have Glengarry’s -written word, as has been shown already in ‘The -Last Days of Glengarry.’<a id="FNanchor_146" href="#Footnote_146" class="fnanchor">[146]</a></p> - -<p>The Celtic believers in Glengarry’s innocence may -explain why, when Pelham was arresting Jacobites all -over Scotland, in 1753, he not only allowed Glengarry, -who had not ‘qualified,’ and against whom he had -copious information, to go free, but also ‘promised an -absolute discharge of the heavie claims the Government -has against me.’ He made similar promises to Pickle, -who complains of their non-fulfilment. And, on the -hypothesis of Glengarry’s guilt, his motive is now -transparent. In addition to payments of ready money, -sorely needed, his estates escaped forfeiture, <i>and he -was promised remission of the fines</i>. These facts, of -course, were unknown before I had access to Glengarry’s -MS. Letter Book. My hypothesis colligates -the new facts as well as the old, which is the note of -a good working hypothesis.</p> - -<p>To the seven common points between Pickle and -Glengarry, in 1752-53, we now add an eighth: both -have been disappointed by Henry Pelham’s promises, -broken after his death. Such coincidences cannot be -fortuitous, and Glengarry’s friends must explain why -he, a known Jacobite agent, was so endeared to Henry -Pelham.</p> - -<p>At this time, the autumn of 1753, James Mohr<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_238"></a>[238]</span> -Macgregor made his absurd ‘revelations,’ about an -Irish plot to invade Scotland. He, his chief, Balhaldie, -and a Mr. Trant, were particularly concerned. -Government had also news, from Pickle, Count -Kaunitz, and other sources, of Frederick’s tampering -with the Jacobites, through the Earl Marischal, the -friend both of Pickle and of Glengarry. It would -have been natural to arrest and examine Glengarry, -who, as Government knew, was a familiar friend of -the Earl Marischal. In place of doing that—they -consulted Pickle! The Duke of Newcastle wrote a -paper of Memoranda, proving his agitation, and making -a note that Henry Pelham should collogue with -‘the person from whom he sometimes receives information.’<a id="FNanchor_147" href="#Footnote_147" class="fnanchor">[147]</a> -That person was Pickle.</p> - -<p>Here are Pickle’s answers!</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="center">(<i>Private intelligences concerning some particular persons.</i>)</p> - -<p>‘He says Mr. Trent told him there was a Collection -already made for the Pretender of about £40,000, -and that his friends here said he should [not] want -for money, tho’ it were £200,000.</p> - -<p>‘Mr. Trent and he were very familiar formerly, -but as he is here grown a great man, he does not see -so much of him. Trent is not gone, but is expected -to go every day. This Mr. Trent is son of Olive Trent -[once mistress of the Regent d’Orléans, and complained -of by Bolingbroke].</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_239"></a>[239]</span></p> - -<p>‘He does not know, nor believe, any one has come -from Lord Marshal hither lately with authority. He -is sure no Arms have come to Scotland this year, if -there had, he must have known it. [James Mohr said -arms had come.] He says Sullivan’s Brother has -been twice at Rome lately, but does not know his -errand.</p> - -<p>‘Bohaldie [James Mohr’s Chief] was an Agent of -the Pretender with the late Lord Temple (Sempil?), -but the Irish got him turnd off, and he is sure Lord -Marshal would never trust him, because he will never -believe him. [James Mohr had alleged that the Earl -was engaged with Balhaldie.]</p> - -<p>‘<i>MacGregor was a Spy of both sides, and will never -be trusted.</i></p> - -<p>‘When he [Macgregor] escaped to Bulloigne he -was very poor, but Lord Strathallan etc took compassion -upon him, and he knows the Old Pretender -sent him £20.’</p> - -</div> - -<p>This report damaged poor James Mohr; he was -dismissed, and, in a few months, died a destitute -exile. General Stewart of Garth claims our sympathy -for James, who ‘rejected an employment which he -considered dishonourable in itself, and detrimental -to the good of his country.’<a id="FNanchor_148" href="#Footnote_148" class="fnanchor">[148]</a> Alas! his employers -rejected James!</p> - -<p>We now reach the crucial point of the hypothesis -that Pickle <i>personated</i> Glengarry. ‘Whoever Pickle -was, it was clearly his intention to personate Glengarry,’<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_240"></a>[240]</span> -says Mr. A. H. Millar.<a id="FNanchor_149" href="#Footnote_149" class="fnanchor">[149]</a> Now on this point, I -need scarcely recapitulate what is said at the beginning -of this chapter. On September 14, 1754, we -find the bereaved Pickle, an orphan now, but also a -Chief, by his father’s death, in Edinburgh with Young -Lochgarry, who cannot but have known Young Glengarry, -his Chief. For this presence of the orphan in -Edinburgh, we have not only his written word, but -that of Bruce (‘Cromwell’), the ‘Court Trusty’ who -accompanied him. We have his testimony to Pickle’s -enhanced pride. He it is who tells us how ‘the Army -people make up to Pickle, thinking to make something -of him,’ how General Bland (unconscious of -guile) suspects <i>him</i>, as a friend of Pickle’s; how -Pickle is going North, to his estates, and how the -Governor of Fort Augustus, hard by, is ‘to try his -hand upon Pickle.’<a id="FNanchor_150" href="#Footnote_150" class="fnanchor">[150]</a></p> - -<p>All this Pickle himself confirms, in two letters of -one of which only the briefest analysis has hitherto -been given.<a id="FNanchor_151" href="#Footnote_151" class="fnanchor">[151]</a> But these dull confirmatory letters may -be relegated to an appendix. Briefly, we learn from -his letters how Pickle has hurried to Edinburgh, for -some reason of his own, on the news of a death -which coincides with that of Old Glengarry. Coincidently, -too, Pickle’s family affairs are in great -disorder. He writes again from Edinburgh (October -10, 1754), and this letter is in his feigned hand.<a id="FNanchor_152" href="#Footnote_152" class="fnanchor">[152]</a> -In his second epistle from Edinburgh Pickle confirms<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_241"></a>[241]</span> -all that Bruce, the Court Trusty, has said about his -approaching journey North, whence Colonel Trapaud, -Governor of Fort Augustus, gives a bad account of -Glengarry as swindling his wadsetters.<a id="FNanchor_153" href="#Footnote_153" class="fnanchor">[153]</a> Pickle also -confirms Bruce’s account of the jealousy of General -Bland.</p> - -<p>That Young Glengarry, as well as Pickle, was a -week’s distance from town after his father’s death -(September 1, 1754) I now confirm by the following -letter to himself, where he is supposed to be interested -in Old Lochgarry. It is probably from the Major -Macdonald who, while he was a prisoner in 1747, -persuaded him to conform to the English Government.</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="right smaller">‘London: Sept. 12, 1754.</p> - -<p>‘My dear Cuss,—I have duely received the -Honour of yours of 3d current. I must own that -the melancholly news [Old Glengarry’s death] gave -me an inexpressible shock, the only thing that -abates my greife is that my dear late friend is so -well represented in your dear person. I pray that -all the powers above may combine to make you -shine even above your noble Ancestors. I hope -that Hevon will long preserve and prosper you for -the protection of a poor name that seems at present -in a very tottering and abject condition; No doubt -this accident will naturally retard your coming to -this place [London] yet I can’t think otherwise than<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_242"></a>[242]</span> -that your interest calls you hither has soon you may -have settled your domestique concerns.</p> - -<p>‘I have a line from Samer [probably St. Omer] -by which I understand that the whole Coy [Corps?] -seem’d determined to get ride of Loch[garry] at all -events surely he’s a most incorrigible man, and if -a certain person [the Prince] does not interpose he -must fall a sacrafice to his enemies’ resentment and -to his own folly. Mrs. Macdonald and the young -folks join in compliments, our friendes of Crevan -street salute you, and I ever am, My dear Cous,</p> - -<p class="right">‘Yours whilst J. M.</p> - -<p class="right smaller">‘London: Sept. 12, 1754.</p> - -<p>‘I did not receive your note dated wednesday -till Thursday 12 o’clock.’<a id="FNanchor_154" href="#Footnote_154" class="fnanchor">[154]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>Thus, all Pickle’s movements at this solemn hour -of Old Glengarry’s decease tally with those of Young -Glengarry. Pickle is adulated by the army people, -and goes North to his estates near Fort Augustus, -whence the Governor reports on—Glengarry.</p> - -<p>Can Pickle, then, while Glengarry is in Scotland, -after his father’s death, be posing in Edinburgh as -himself a young, newly orphaned chief, going to his -lands near Fort Augustus; personating Glengarry, -in fact—for no other Chief had just lost his father?</p> - -<p>Mr. Millar says: ‘Whoever Pickle was, it was -clearly his intention to personate Glengarry....<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_243"></a>[243]</span> -It is hardly possible to imagine that an impostor -could have deceived the Edinburgh folks, to whom -Glengarry must have been well known,’ and whom, -hurrying to his father’s funeral, and to arrange his -affairs, he must just have visited, for Old Glengarry -died in Edinburgh. I venture to call such an impersonation -a physical impossibility, prolonged, as it -was, for some six weeks. It is <i>physically impossible</i> -that, both in London and Edinburgh, many men who -knew Young Glengarry should have supposed another -person—Pickle—to be that hero. Yet, if the personation -was played off, it was not discovered, then or -later; for Pickle continued to be the informer, and -to be the shadow of Glengarry. As soon as it is -admitted that Pickle is feigning to be Glengarry, the -case for that Chief’s innocence is given up. The -personation, among people who knew Glengarry intimately -well, is <i>impossible</i>.</p> - -<p>Pickle’s day of usefulness had gone by. On -April 24, 1755, an official gave in a report of a -conversation with the Chief, ‘the head of a great -Clan of his name,’ who wanted money.<a id="FNanchor_155" href="#Footnote_155" class="fnanchor">[155]</a> In April -1756 Pickle again came to London, and dunned the -Duke of Newcastle: ‘not the smalest article has -been perform’d, of what was expected and at first -promised. I am certain my first friend’ (Pelham) -‘mentioned me to the King....’<a id="FNanchor_156" href="#Footnote_156" class="fnanchor">[156]</a> In an undated -letter he speaks of being on an ‘utstation’ in the -Highlands, and talks of Glengarry in the third<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_244"></a>[244]</span> -person.<a id="FNanchor_157" href="#Footnote_157" class="fnanchor">[157]</a> He tells of Glengarry’s greatness, of -Jacobite overtures to him, and repeats his usual -fond demands.</p> - -<p>In 1758, 1759, we know, from his own letters, -that Glengarry was eager to go to London, to make -terms about the fines on his estate. But Macleod -would not back his bill for 400<i>l.</i> On February 19, -1760, Pickle wrote the last letter to Newcastle extant -in the Pelham Papers. He speaks of Pickle in -the third person, but he writes in Pickle’s hand. -Pickle wants to give information; Pickle wishes to -raise a regiment (and so did Glengarry), if he gets -‘the Rank of full Colonel, the nomenation of his -Officers, and suitable levie money:’ also ‘a bill -payable at sight’ for travelling expenses. He ends, -‘Mack mention of <i>Pickle</i>. His Majesty will remember -Mr. Pelham did, upon former affairs of great consequence. -Direction—<i>To Alexander Mackdonell of -Glengary, by Foraugustus</i>.’<a id="FNanchor_158" href="#Footnote_158" class="fnanchor">[158]</a></p> - -<p>A reply from Newcastle directed to Glengarry -would be opened by Glengarry, and then, if Glengarry -did not write Pickle’s epistle of February 19, -1760, where is Pickle? Mr. Millar suggests that, -‘if Pickle were a traitor in Glengarry’s family, he -must have been in a position to intercept the reply -to this letter, or the whole plot would have been -exposed.’ This is a romantic hypothesis. There is -no trace of any gentleman (such as Pickle was) -eternally in attendance on Glengarry. And why did<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_245"></a>[245]</span> -the hypothetical traitor offer to raise a regiment, -which only Glengarry could do? There is no conceivable -motive for writing such a letter on the part -of any one but Glengarry, who was terribly pressed -for money, and could raise a regiment. Besides, -the physical impossibility of Pickle’s supposed personation -has already been demonstrated. Glengarry, -who had long been in very bad health, died on -December 23, 1761. The nature of his will has been -explained.</p> - -<p>The internal evidence of identity in the authorship -of Pickle’s and Glengarry’s letters remains to be -considered. Both write the same shambling style. -In an age of bad spelling both have a long list of -blunders in common. I give a few:—</p> - -<table> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">1.</td> - <td></td> - <td>aquent</td> - <td></td> - <td>acquaint.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">2.</td> - <td></td> - <td>estime</td> - <td></td> - <td>esteem.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">3.</td> - <td></td> - <td>tow</td> - <td></td> - <td>two.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">4.</td> - <td></td> - <td>dow</td> - <td></td> - <td>do.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">5.</td> - <td></td> - <td>sow</td> - <td></td> - <td>so.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">6.</td> - <td></td> - <td>triffle</td> - <td></td> - <td>trifle.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td rowspan="2" class="tdr valign">7.</td> - <td class="tdr">{</td> - <td>jant</td> - <td>}</td> - <td rowspan="2" class="valign">jaunt.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">{</td> - <td>chant</td> - <td>}</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td rowspan="2" class="tdr valign">8.</td> - <td class="tdr">{</td> - <td>utquarters</td> - <td rowspan="2"></td> - <td>out quarters.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">{</td> - <td>utstation</td> - <td>out station.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">9.</td> - <td></td> - <td>pick</td> - <td></td> - <td>pique.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td rowspan="2" class="tdr valign">10.</td> - <td class="tdr">{</td> - <td>Foraugustus</td> - <td>}</td> - <td rowspan="2" class="valign">Fort Augustus.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">{</td> - <td>forAugustus</td> - <td>}</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">11.</td> - <td></td> - <td>how</td> - <td></td> - <td>who.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_246"></a>[246]</span></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">12.</td> - <td></td> - <td>lick</td> - <td></td> - <td>like.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">13.</td> - <td></td> - <td>supplay</td> - <td></td> - <td>supply.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">14.</td> - <td></td> - <td>relay</td> - <td></td> - <td>rely.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">15.</td> - <td></td> - <td>puish</td> - <td></td> - <td>push.</td> - </tr> -</table> - -<p>Of these, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 12, 13, 14 occur, sporadically, -in other Scotch writers of the age, as in -the Gask Correspondence. Pickle combines them -all. But I have not elsewhere met 7, 8, 9, 10, 15. -‘How’ for ‘who’ (11) I have met in Macleod of -Raasay’s letters in the ‘Lyon in Mourning,’ and in -one letter of 1725, while ‘howse’ for ‘whose’ occurs -in a Scotch epistle in the Cumberland MSS. The -<i>accumulation</i> of these fifteen mis-spellings is the -common note of the orthography of Pickle and of -Glengarry. It constitutes a note of identity of -authorship.</p> - -<p>But, believers in personation may say, ‘Pickle -had carefully studied and adroitly copied Glengarry’s -orthography, as, <i>ex hypothesi</i>, he wished to pass for -that Chief.’</p> - -<p>Then why did he not also imitate Glengarry’s -handwriting?</p> - -<p>Glengarry wrote two hands; one is a sprawling -scrawl, sloped much to the right, in his rough drafts -of letters, preserved in his Letter Book; the other is -merely the same hand written smaller, closer, not so -sloped, in his letters, for example, to James and -Edgar. The Windsor Letters, the neater and more -careful, I could not compare with those of Pickle at<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_247"></a>[247]</span> -the British Museum. But I took Glengarry’s Letter -Book, or folio of scrawled drafts, thither, and Mr. -Millar (author of the criticism in the <i>Scottish -Review</i>) kindly compared the two sets of documents, -he having much experience in such studies. -I append what is essential in his report, contributed -to the <i>Dundee Advertiser</i> of April 28, 1897.</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>‘Mr. Lang has come into possession of much new -evidence upon the subject. Amongst other documents -he has the Letter-book in which Glengarry -frequently copied his letters with his own hand and -signed them. This book comes from an unchallengeable -source. By Mr. Lang’s invitation I had to-day -the pleasure of comparing the handwriting of Glengarry -in this book with the Pickle letters in the -British Museum. At the first glance one would say -that the manuscripts are so unlike superficially that -they were not both written by the same person. -Glengarry wrote a wide, sprawling hand, with a -very distinct slope towards the right. The Pickle -letters are all written in the vertical style, and the -lines are small and neat. When examined more -closely, however, there is a striking similarity in the -details. Having selected Pickle letters that contained -similar words to those in the Letter-book, I -have made a careful comparison of them minutely. -It is beyond question that whoever Pickle was he -wrote in a feigned handwriting to prevent identification -should any letter miscarry. If Glengarry wished -to feign another hand than his own, the most obvious<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_248"></a>[248]</span> -way of effecting his purpose would be to change the -sloping style into the upright style. When Pickle -wished to disguise his hand he used the upright -style. There are several letters which Glengarry -wrote in a very peculiar manner. The capital letter -“T,” for instance, was distinctly Glengarrian. But -the capital “T” written repeatedly by Pickle is -absolutely identical with that used in the Glengarry -book. Such words as “most,” “humble,” “Sir,” -“I,” and “Tho’” are precisely the same in form in -both cases, the only difference being the change of -the slope. There is only one curious fact which -comes out after careful examination. When Glengarry -is writing adjectives that begin with the letter -“d” he generally uses a capital. Tickle never does -this, but uses the small “d” instead, yet that small -“d” is exactly similar in form to the same letter -written by Glengarry. This is certainly minute -criticism, and might not be sufficient alone to establish -the case against Glengarry; but when the -other fact is borne in mind, that Pickle and Glengarry -make the same errors in the spelling of uncommon -words, the confirmatory proof is very -strong. It is not likely that any letter exists in -which Glengarry fully acknowledges his treachery, -and the main evidence must therefore be circumstantial. -If Mr. Lang had now to begin writing his -book with all the additional evidence before him -which he has obtained since its publication, he would -probably find few who would dissent from his conclusion<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_249"></a>[249]</span> -that Pickle the Spy was no other than -Alastair Macdonnell of Glengarry. There may be -coincidences in events in the lives of two men; but -it is incredible that Pickle, when disguising his handwriting, -should fall into the same formation of many -of the letters which was peculiar to Macdonnell of -Glengarry. Though begun upon a mere surmise by -Mr. Lang, extended research seems to confirm his -notion as to the identity of these two personages. -It is not a pleasant conclusion for any one who -believes that all the Highlanders engaged in the -Rising of 1745 were indomitable and patriotic -heroes. There were blacklegs in the army of Prince -Charles Edward, as there are in every movement of -the kind; but there were also noble characters prepared -to shed their blood and sacrifice their prospects -in support of what they believed to be the -rightful cause. Glengarry, apparently, must now -take his place among the execrated traitors.—I am, -&c.</p> - -<p class="right">‘<span class="smcap">A. H. Millar.</span></p> - -<p class="smaller">‘London: April 26, 1897.’</p> - -</div> - -<p>I am no expert in handwriting, and I offer no -opinion, except that Pickle’s confessedly feigned hand -is more like Glengarry’s careful hand, in the Stuart -Papers, than like his sloping scrawl, meant only for -his own eyes (and these nearly blind) in his Letter -Book. The Duke of Atholl has compared letters from -Glengarry, in his possession, with those of Pickle, and -has arrived at the same conclusion as Mr. Millar. -Pickle’s hand is Glengarry’s, disguised.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_250"></a>[250]</span></p> - -<p>Such is my chain of evidence towards proving -the personal identity of Pickle and Glengarry. Both -men, it is hardly worth while to add, had been -officers in French service. I am aware of not one -discrepant feature to discredit the identity which -Pickle practically asserts, when he declares himself -(corroborated by Bruce) to have become, by his -father’s death, Chief of the Macdonnells, just when -Old Glengarry died, and Young Glengarry succeeded -to the headship of the clan. To sum up the whole -case:</p> - -<p>Young Glengarry’s conduct, as far as we know, -is stainless, till, after endeavouring to ‘conform’ in -October 1747, he presently poses as a religiously -faithful subject, or devotee, of James in January -1748. He is starving in London, which he visits in -July 1749, his father being soon after released from -Edinburgh Castle. Young Glengarry, in the winter -of 1749, visits Cluny at Dalwhinnie, in company -with Glenevis, Lochgarry, and Angus MacIan. Glengarry -obtains, by his own admission, a share of the -treasure, and then formally charges Archy Cameron -with looting 6,000 <i>louis d’or</i>. Archy accuses him of -forgery; they carry their quarrel before James in -Rome. Early in 1751 Glengarry, though he is not -known to have taken the oaths, is allowed to reside in -London, and announces his approaching marriage -with an English lady. But Glengarry is already -suspected, and he knows it; for when Leslie, the -priest, is charged with treason by the Jacobites,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_251"></a>[251]</span> -Glengarry says that the blow is aimed at <i>him</i>. -Nothing is proved against Leslie, but stories of -Glengarry’s intimacy with Murray the traitor, and -the spy Samuel Cameron, called Crookshanks, are -anonymously brought by Blair and Holker. In -October 1751 Samuel’s brother, Glenevis and -Downan, arrested for their share with Glengarry in -the matter of the French gold, accuse Glengarry of -informing against them. They lie in gaol in Fort -William; Glengarry (though the Government know -him to be their accomplice) lives freely in London, -and travels where he pleases.</p> - -<p>In November 1752, April 1753, we have the -affair of the Elibank Plot. On one side is Pickle, -who is to lead Highlanders in London; Pickle, without -whom his clan, and the North, can do nothing; -Pickle, a friend of Prince Charles, and a correspondent -of the exiled King in Rome; Pickle, who is -‘very weake’ after a serious illness in Paris (February-March, -1753); Pickle, the constant associate of -the Earl Marischal; and on the other side is Glengarry, -who claims every one of these notes for himself. -Both Pickle and Glengarry are friends of Baron -Kennedy’s. Glengarry is known to Government to -be a trafficker with France, and with the dreaded -envoy of Prussia, the Earl Marischal, but Government -consults Pickle in place of arresting Glengarry. -Pickle has had great promises made to him by his -employer, Henry Pelham, so has Glengarry. Both -complain of the breach of these promises after<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_252"></a>[252]</span> -Pelham’s death. Pickle comes and goes to Prince -Charles in France in August 1753. Glengarry is -accused, to Government, of visiting France at the -same time as a Jacobite agent. Jacobites are being -arrested all over the country, but not a finger is laid -on Glengarry.</p> - -<p>Pickle and Glengarry both leave London for -Edinburgh on the news of Old Glengarry’s death, -both are then bereaved young chiefs going to their -northern estates near Fort Augustus. In this capacity -Pickle, for some six weeks, is the centre of military -attention in Edinburgh. Pickle wishes Bruce to assist -him in drawing up a judicial rent-roll. Bruce surveys -the lands of Glengarry. Pickle now, like Glengarry, -remains in the North, where both are magnates, but -both are poor. Pickle offers to raise a Highland -regiment, and asks the Duke of Newcastle to direct -his answer to Glengarry. The spelling of Pickle and -Glengarry is identical in a score of peculiarities, and -Pickle’s handwriting is that of Glengarry in a simple -disguise.</p> - -<p>What makes Pickle’s design to raise a regiment -especially interesting is the fact, now to be proved, -that <i>Glengarry entertained the same wish at the same -moment</i>. He wrote to the Duke of Atholl to that -effect, on April 5, 1760, and his letters are printed in -the Duke of Atholl’s ‘Chronicles of the Atholl and -Tullibardine Families’ (iii. 476-477). Thus Pickle -and Glengarry were inseparable to the last.</p> - -<p>Whoever is unconvinced by this array of circumstantial<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_253"></a>[253]</span> -evidence against Glengarry must, at least, suggest -an alternative hypothesis which will colligate the -facts. The hypothesis of a personation of Glengarry -by Pickle has been proved absurd and impossible. -Recent research, after the publication of ‘Pickle the -Spy,’ has added to the original evidence proof of -Glengarry’s insincerity as a Jacobite; the Glenevis -affair; the promises made to Glengarry, as to Pickle, -by Henry Pelham; the identification of ‘Cromwell’ -(Bruce); the relations of Glengarry with Pickle’s -friend, Baron Kennedy; a few new similarities of -Pickle-Glengarry spelling; the identity of their handwriting; -and their simultaneous desire to raise -a regiment. All these facts confirm the previous -conclusion. A false hypothesis is not apt to be -strongly confirmed by facts unknown when it was -framed, nor would a jury regard the charge against -Glengarry as ‘without any proof in the world.’ To -say so, as has been audaciously done, is to illustrate -prejudice, not to enlighten criticism. In truth, the -game was up as soon as the person calling himself -Pickle offered to raise a clan regiment, and asked -the Duke of Newcastle to reply to Glengarry. More -than one interpretation of that fact there could -not logically be. But what is logic? A Lowland -pedantry!</p> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_254"></a>[254]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="XII">XII<br /> -<span class="smaller">OLD TIMES AND NEW</span></h2> - -</div> - -<p>Some years ago, when fishing in Loch Awe, I found -a boatman, out of Badenoch, who was a charming -companion. It may be the experience of others also -that an English keeper usually confines his conversation, -at least with strangers, to the business in -hand, whereas a Scottish or Highland attendant will -talk about Darwinism, Mr. Herbert Spencer, history, -legend, psychical research, religion, everything. -The boatman had a store of legends, and one day we -fell to conversing on the old times, in the Highlands, -and the new. He voted for the old. Among the -advantages, he mentioned the game; and then, with -sparkling eyes, the plunder! Property, of old, had -been <i>les vaches d’autrui</i>, the cattle of Lowlanders -and of other clans.</p> - -<p>Often, since that day, one has reflected on the -old times and the new. The old were not wholly -what is supposed. Thus Mr. Mackenzie, in his -‘History of the Camerons,’ contrasts the manly sport -of the past with the modern driving up of deer to be -shot down by ‘drawing-room’ gunners. Stalking is -more common now, but the drawing-room way was<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_255"></a>[255]</span> -the old way! ‘The tenants drive everything before -them, while the laird and his friends are waiting -with their guns to shoot the deer.’ So writes Burt, -between 1726 and 1740. ‘When the chief would -have a deer only for his household,’ he does not stalk -it himself; ‘the gamekeeper and one or two others -are sent into the hills, ... where they often lie -night after night to wait an opportunity of providing -venison for the family.’<a id="FNanchor_159" href="#Footnote_159" class="fnanchor">[159]</a></p> - -<p>I have seen in the Highlands heart-breaking -destitution. I have seen an old shivering woman -gathering nettles for food near Tobermory. On one -side of a river I have seen scantily clad girls hanging -about listless, in the rain, beside hovels more like -the nests of birds than human habitations. On the -other side of the water were comfortable cottages -and thriving crops. The former was the Protestant, -the latter the Catholic side of the stream, which the -Reformation did not cross. In the bleak cold of -June, on Haladale, I have said, ‘Who would stay -here that could go away?’ The gillie observed -that he had been in America, running the blockade, -but he vastly preferred Haladale. He numbered his -horses and kine; he was a man of substance. But, -poverty for poverty, give me nettles and shell-fish in -the North, before fried fish (and too little of that) in -the New Cut.</p> - -<p>Moved by the extreme wretchedness in which -some Highland cotters seem to live, by the cry of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_256"></a>[256]</span> -‘congested districts,’ by the laments of the evicted, -and by the belief in ‘good old times’ behind the -Forty-five, a Lowland observer naturally asks himself -if the old times were really so good? In one respect, -and that essential, they bear the palm: the people, -as a rule, loved and revered their Chiefs, and the -Chiefs adopted at least the airs of popularity among -the people. Even Young Glengarry, not a model -Chief, resented the oppression of tenants falsely -accused, as he maintained, of being deserters.<a id="FNanchor_160" href="#Footnote_160" class="fnanchor">[160]</a> Moreover, -the poor did not live, generally speaking, in -view of the luxurious rich. Clanranald and Glengarry -had castles which must have been built at the -expense of the undefined ‘services’ of their people -long ago; but the warrior Glengarry of Killiecrankie -discouraged refinement and delicacy of living. The -smaller lairds lived plainly, even poorly. Occasional -feasts were given to the Clan. Every man ‘was -treated as a blood relation.’ Consequently, if destitution -existed, it did not provoke social hatred and -discontent. This, at least, is quite certain.</p> - -<p>On the other hand, the presence of extreme -poverty, of famines, by no means rare, of exactions -which Lowlanders considered tyrannical, and the -occurrence of evictions, before 1745, seem equally -well established. Ignorance was one safeguard -against discontent, and in the absence of schools, in -the rarity of the Presbyterian clergy, with their -innate democratic ideas, ignorance flourished. Over-population<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_257"></a>[257]</span> -was encouraged, by minute subdivision -of lands, for the purpose of increasing the Chief’s -military following. Thus poverty was artificially -fostered, and, with it, idleness and habits of plunder -and of tippling.</p> - -<p>This little picture of a Highland home is given in -a book of 1747:<a id="FNanchor_161" href="#Footnote_161" class="fnanchor">[161]</a> ‘I have seen in their Huts, when -I have been walking, and forced to retreat thither -for Shelter from the Rain, their Children, sometimes -many in a Hut, full of the Small Pox and [at?] their -Heighth, they having been lying and walking about -in the Wet and Dirt, the Rain at the same time -beating through the Thatch with Violence; so that I -used to get from one End of the House to the other -to keep dry; but it was all in vain, the Rain soon -following me. These children at the same time -seemed hearty, drinking Whey and Butter-milk, Wet -and Cold with the Inclemency of the weather, and -yet so well!’</p> - -<p>This sketch was drawn somewhere in the country -between Inverness and Fort William, after Culloden.</p> - -<p>The raising of the early Highland regiments -(1756-62) relieved the population, but also diffused -knowledge, while the Chiefs’ power, as sanctioned by -law, was destroyed. The soldiers, who had seen the -New World, whether gentry and officers or privates, -did not incline to stay at home when rents were -raised. They emigrated to America, almost by<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_258"></a>[258]</span> -clans, in years of famine, as in 1782. The Chiefs -were alarmed and indignant; they were also needy. -They screwed up rents, introduced sheep, moved -populations to the coast, or evicted them. Voluntary -emigration (the wisest policy) was succeeded by the -removal of clansmen who were reluctant to go, or -who could not afford to go, their poor goods not -being marketable. Many even sold themselves into -voluntary slavery for their passage fare.</p> - -<p>Some chiefs became opulent for a generation; -their families were ruined by their following of -George, Prince Regent; their estates fell into English -hands, and forests were made at the expense of new -evictions.</p> - -<p>This is a brief and gloomy account of what followed -Culloden. An example may be given in the -case of the great Glengarry family.</p> - -<p>On the death of Glengarry, in 1761, his affairs -were found, as was natural, in a lamentable condition. -To study them and the later changes on his -estate is to gain a view into the heart of Highland -grievances. Fortunately materials for this examination -exist, and have been published by Mr. Fraser -Mackintosh in his ‘Antiquarian Notes’ (1897).</p> - -<p>Perhaps it may be best to begin by giving a brief -account of the way in which such estates as Glengarry’s -were usually occupied by the clansmen. The -Chief let to tacksmen, or leaseholders, gentlemen of -his clan, part of the lands which he did not hold in -his own hand. Part of his ‘tack,’ again, the tacksman<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_259"></a>[259]</span> -cultivated; part he let out to cotters, ‘under -which general term may be included various local -denominations of <i>crofters</i>, mailers, &c.... Frequently -they have the command only of a small -share of their own time to cultivate the land allowed -them for maintaining their families. Sometimes the -Tacksman allows a portion of his own tillage field -for his cotter; sometimes a small separate croft is -laid off for him, and he is likewise allowed, in -general, to pasture a cow, or perhaps two.’<a id="FNanchor_162" href="#Footnote_162" class="fnanchor">[162]</a></p> - -<p>‘The Tacks,’ says Dr. Johnson, ‘were long considered -as hereditary,’ but, in his time, strangers -would make larger offers, and the hereditary tacksman -was apt to be dispossessed, with cotters, -crofters, and all. As to the tyrannical and oppressive -conduct of the tacksmen, much will be reported -later. According to Young Barisdale’s plea (1754), -Old Barisdale held possession, from Glengarry, -without a line of written paper. The tacksmen, in -war, were officers of the Clan regiment, and led, or -drove, the tenants to the field.</p> - -<p>Apart from tacksmen and their cotters, were -‘small tenants’ holding direct from the Chief. They -usually occupied, in townships, a farm in common: -the shares may once have been equal, but, by 1738, -one man might hold a fourth, another but a fifteenth. -They dwelt in a hamlet near the arable crofts, of -which the division might vary from year to year. -They had also grazing, and, money being very scarce,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_260"></a>[260]</span> -their chief wealth was their cattle. Interest and part -principal of his patrimony were paid, in cattle, to -Glengarry’s younger brother Æneas.<a id="FNanchor_163" href="#Footnote_163" class="fnanchor">[163]</a> Cotters, who -acted as labourers, were scattered among the little -communities of small tenants. Rents were mostly -paid in kind, and in ‘services,’ little money passed.</p> - -<p>Another system was that of ‘wadsets.’ A chief -simply <i>pawned</i> a farm to a clansman, say Glengarry -to Lochgarry, for a certain period, and for a certain -sum of money. When he repaid the money, he -recovered the farm. The wadsetter might build and -improve, but no money was returned on redemption. -The wadsetter sublet to tenants of either class, and -either he or the Chief might make the better thing -of the bargain. There were many poor wadsetters -on a small scale. Colonel Trapaud accuses Glengarry -of bullying his small wadsetters in Knoydart out of -their wadsetts, and making them ‘accept of common -interest.’<a id="FNanchor_164" href="#Footnote_164" class="fnanchor">[164]</a> ‘The principal wadsetters refused, on -which he ordered them out of his presence.’</p> - -<p>Such was the system of a Highland estate; of its -working more will be said later. On Glengarry’s -death, his heir was his nephew, Duncan, a minor: -Glengarry and the boy’s mother had been on the -worst terms. In actual money, Glengarry’s rents, at -the day of his death, were but 330<i>l.</i> yearly. The -rent ‘uplifted’ by his wadsetters was larger. There -were heavy debts, both on the estate and personal:<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_261"></a>[261]</span> -the amount of the claims of Government I have -nowhere found stated. Trustees ruled for the heir, -who, however, must have been of age when Morar -was sold to the Master of Lovat (Simon of the -Forty-five) in 1768. This cleared the personal debts. -In 1772, the new Glengarry wedded Miss Marjory -Grant, eldest daughter of Sir Ludovick Grant of -Dalvey. Mr. Fraser Mackintosh says that ‘regardless -of sufferings, she strove with success to clear off the -debts, to raise the rents, and generally to aggrandise -the position of the Glengarry family.’</p> - -<p>The wadsetts were paid off: the wadsetters must -now be tenants, on increased rents, or go. Most of -them emigrated to the New England States. Bad -years came: the small tenants fell into arrears. In -1782, a year of famine, arrived the first sheep farmer -from the Border. In 1785, fifty-five tenants were -warned and removed, ‘say 300 souls.’ In 1786, 500 -people emigrated under their priest, a Macdonnell -of the Scothouse or Scotos family. They settled in -Canada. They had fled from famine, as much as -from increased rents.</p> - -<p>Duncan Macdonnell died in 1788; his son was -Sir Walter Scott’s Glengarry, ‘the last of the Chiefs,’ -in costume and demeanour, but, it seems, a great -evictor. The French war made Highland recruits -desirable, and emigration slackened, but there was -an exodus in 1802, the settlers peopling Glengarry -County in Ontario; sentiment apart, a very happy -change.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_262"></a>[262]</span></p> - -<p>We have seen Alastair’s free rent in 1761; it was -330<i>l.</i> in money. In 1802 the rental was 5,090<i>l.</i>! -The eccentric history of Scott’s friend, Glengarry -(for whom he wrote a Death Song) is well known. -He was accidentally killed in 1828, and Glengarry -was sold some years later. It has changed hands -twice, since the first sale, and, says Mr. Fraser -Mackintosh, ‘It is a fact not less painful than preposterous -that at the present day (1894), some dozen -crofters (all remaining) cannot get sufficient land -out of the tens of thousands of acres at Knoydart, -to maintain them, without the intervention of the -Crofters Commission.’<a id="FNanchor_165" href="#Footnote_165" class="fnanchor">[165]</a> Yet in 1753, Lochgarry, -perhaps in a sanguine way, reckoned the Macdonald -claymores, ‘by Young Glengarry’s concurrence only,’ -at 2,600.<a id="FNanchor_166" href="#Footnote_166" class="fnanchor">[166]</a></p> - -<p>This is a typical specimen of the fortunes of a -large Highland estate, compromised in the Rising of -1745. There are, of course, happier examples; but, -in this instance, we see every stage of the revolutionary -changes in the condition of the Highland people.</p> - -<p>Now an Englishman, or a Lowlander, asks himself, -did the good old times contain the germs of these -social maladies, exhibiting themselves in other forms, -under other conditions? To this conclusion we -appear to be forced by the evidence. If Chiefs -were callous and selfish after the Forty-five, if the -land could not, or did not, support the people -properly after Culloden, these misfortunes, moral<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_263"></a>[263]</span> -and material, existed before the starving and ill-arrayed -clansmen died on the English bayonets. -There had been no reason to expect better treatment -than the Clans have actually received, from several -of the powerful families. Extreme destitution had -prevailed; evictions had occurred, and had sometimes -been bitterly avenged. There had been ‘Agrarian -outrages’ before Culloden, attacks on men, and mutilation -of cattle.</p> - -<p>Our evidence, as to the state of the Highlands, -comes from various sources. We have Lowland, -English, and Anglified witnesses. The Duke of -Argyll cites a Highlander, Forbes of Culloden, but -he was a Whig, and President of the Court of Session. -Yet there was no juster, more fair, or more wise and -tolerant man in the North. We have Captain Burt, -author of ‘Letters from Scotland,’ written between -the Rebellions of 1715 and 1745. Some modern -Highlanders call him their foe: he certainly looks -with English eyes, but he tries to be fair, and is far -from unsympathetic. His tenderness for the poor is -remarkable. We have the Gartmore MSS. (<i>circ.</i> 1748), -which is Whiggish, and ‘MS. 104,’ in the King’s -Library. It is, apparently, of 1749-50. All these -witnesses agree as to the oppression of the people, -their involuntary idleness, their dependence on -tacksmen, chamberlains and factors, their destitution, -while their liability to raised rents and evictions -are, by some of these witnesses, insisted upon. But -all are writing from the Whig point of view; their<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_264"></a>[264]</span> -desire to improve the popular condition is part of -their desire to reduce the power of the Jacobite -Chiefs.</p> - -<p>On the other side is General Stewart of Garth, -enthusiastically Highland, anxious to keep up population -for military purposes, as well as from honourable -sympathy, and decidedly inclined to overlook the -poverty, plundering, enforced idleness, tippling, and -blackmail of the good old times. We have also Mr. -Fraser Mackintosh, who, while he delights to tell a -story against Cluny, for example, maintains that there -were no evictions before 1745. Unluckily, we have -no authoritative treatise from the Jacobite and ‘old -times’ side, written between 1747 and 1790. The -best evidence might be found in Gaelic poetry, which, -in general, proves one important point.</p> - -<p>Whatever the material condition of the Highland -people, whatever their lack, in many parishes, of -elementary education, they possessed, in legends, -<i>Märchen</i>, traditional poems, and the living art of -popular song, a native culture—rich, dignified, and -imaginative—which newspapers merely destroy. This -great element of happiness, where it survives, is the -bequest of the good old times.</p> - -<p>Such is our evidence; and now, having described -its nature, we may turn to the details.</p> - -<p>A considerable portion of the people were terribly -destitute. We have heard what the biographer of -Young Barisdale says, about a diet of shell-fish from -March to August, about the faces that never wear a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_265"></a>[265]</span> -smile. Franck, writing in 1654-1660, tells us how, -when Monk held Scotland, the Strathnaver crofters -bled their cows in winter, and fed on blood mixed -with oatmeal.<a id="FNanchor_167" href="#Footnote_167" class="fnanchor">[167]</a> Burt and Knox testify to the same -practice, a century later and more. ‘This immoderate -bleeding reduces the cattle to so low a plight that in -the morning they cannot rise from the ground, and -several of the inhabitants join together to help up -each other’s cows.’<a id="FNanchor_168" href="#Footnote_168" class="fnanchor">[168]</a> ‘The gentry may be said to -be a handsome people, but the commonalty much -otherwise; one would hardly think, by their faces, -they were of the same species, or, at least, of the -same country, which plainly proceeds from their bad -food....’<a id="FNanchor_169" href="#Footnote_169" class="fnanchor">[169]</a></p> - -<p>The old times were not so good; the peasants, -who protected and concealed him, could not give -Lord Pitsligo salt to his porridge: ‘Salt is dear.’ -But people who have seen nothing better are not -discontented. The gentry—not chiefs, but tacksmen—as -we have said, did not live luxuriously. Examples -may be given. ‘Although they have been attended -at dinner by five or six servants, they have often -dined upon oat-meal varied several ways, pickled -herrings, or other such cheap and indifferent diet.... -Their houses are <i>sometimes</i> built with stone and lime’ -(like Barisdale’s palace), but other houses of the -gentry ‘are built in the manner of the huts.’ Burt<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_266"></a>[266]</span> -mentions one such house, with beasts dwelling under -the roof of the owner, or tacksman. For many -years Old Glengarry dwelt in a hut, his castle being -occupied by an English commercial gentleman. The -laird’s children were ‘dirty and half naked’—this is -on hearsay—and it was a common proverb that ‘a -gentleman’s bairns are known by their speaking -English.’ Glengarry’s niece, daughter of Æneas, shot -at Falkirk, ‘had no English,’ when she could not -have been under thirteen years of age.<a id="FNanchor_170" href="#Footnote_170" class="fnanchor">[170]</a></p> - -<p>Thus there was no very great gulf, in some cases, -between gentry and peasantry, where comfort was -concerned. The difference of appearance between -them, as between beings ‘of a different species,’ is -the less intelligible. But herrings and game are -more nutritious than nettles, cows’ blood, and shell-fish, -especially where all are scarce.</p> - -<p>As to rents, payments to chief or tacksman, how -did things fare? Conservatives, like Dr. Johnson -and Sir Walter Scott, have written about the chiefs -‘degenerating from patriarchal rulers to rapacious -landlords.’ The Duke of Argyll, on the contrary, -speaks of the sub-tenants, in the good old times, as -‘holding at the will of the lease-holders or tacksmen, -and complaining bitterly of the oppressions under -which they laboured.’ This is on the evidence of -Sheriff Campbell of Stonefield, speaking of Mull, -Morven, and Tyree, in 1732.<a id="FNanchor_171" href="#Footnote_171" class="fnanchor">[171]</a> ‘It was only beginning<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_267"></a>[267]</span> -to be felt these poor people that even a -bare subsistence could not be secured when plunder -had been stopped, and before industry had begun.’ -What were the ‘oppressions,’ not including, of course, -such exceptional outrages as those of Barisdale? -Well, Burt tells us that a tenant’s improvements, in -1730-1740, meant an instant rise of rent. ‘What -would the tenant be the gainer of it’ (enclosures and -improvements on his farm), ‘but to have his rent -raised, or his farm divided with some other?’<a id="FNanchor_172" href="#Footnote_172" class="fnanchor">[172]</a> -The division would serve to recruit another swordsman -for the Chief. The writer of a MS. of 1747, in -the possession of Graham of Gartmore,<a id="FNanchor_173" href="#Footnote_173" class="fnanchor">[173]</a> says, ‘The -practice of letting many farms to one man’ (the -tacksman, say Lochgarry or Barisdale), ‘who, again -subsetts them to a much greater number than these -can maintain, and at a much higher rent than they -can afford to pay, obliges these poor people to -purchase their rents and expences by theifts and -robberys.’<a id="FNanchor_174" href="#Footnote_174" class="fnanchor">[174]</a></p> - -<p>In the good old days, something like the iniquitous -Truck System existed, we learn from the same -authority, on some Highland estates. ‘Some of the -substantial Tacksmen play the merchant, and supply -the common people.... As the poor ignorant people -have neither knowledge of the value of their purchase, -nor money to pay for it, they deliver to these dealers<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_268"></a>[268]</span> -(the tacksmen) ‘cattle in the beginning of May for -what they have received; by which traffick the poor -wretched people are cheated out of their effects for -one half of their value.’ This is a mournful aspect -of the good old times. The MS. 104 confirms the -statements, and describes the thriftless agricultural -methods.</p> - -<p>Each of these (the tacksmen) ‘possesses some -very poor people under him, perhaps five or six on a -farm, to whom he lets out the skirts of his possession, -these people are generally the soberest and honestest -of the whole. Their food all summer is milk and -whey mixed together without any bread, the little -butter or cheese they are able to make is reserved -for winter provision, they sleep away the greatest -part of the summer, and when the little Barley they -sow becomes ripe, the women pull it as they do flax, -and dry it on a large wicker machine over the fire. -Then burn the straw, and grind the corn upon Quearns -or hand mills. In the end of Harvest, and During -the winter they have some Flesh, Butter, and cheese, -with great scarcity of Bread. All their business is -to take care of the few Cattle they have. In spring, -which is their only season in which they work, their -whole food is bread and gruel without so much as -salt to season it.</p> - -<p>‘About twenty years ago Lochiel erected two or -three Water Mills, but by reason of the great distance -of many of the people from them, and their natural -Laziness, with the prejudice in favour of the old<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_269"></a>[269]</span> -Custom of burning the straw, they were made very -little use of. The custom has been given up some -time except by the Camerons and Macdonalds, some -McLeans, and some of the people of Skye.’</p> - -<p>It is not safe, of course, to argue from a report -about the state of the people in one part of the -Highlands to a conclusion about their condition -everywhere. A river may divide comfort from -destitution. And it is certain that reports by Lowlanders, -Englishmen, or Highlanders, like the famous -Forbes of Culloden, who practically defeated the -Rising of 1745, will not please some Highland -reasoners.<a id="FNanchor_175" href="#Footnote_175" class="fnanchor">[175]</a></p> - -<p>Forbes reported in 1737 on the Duke of Argyll’s -lands in Morven, Mull, and Tyree. He speaks of -the ‘tyranny’ and ‘unmerciful exactions’ of the -tacksmen, large leaseholders who sub-let to smaller -tenants. Hence the lands lie waste, and ‘above one -hundred families have been reduced to beggary and -driven out of the island.’ This is precisely the -modern complaint against the bad new times, a -complaint with which we all sympathise. Tacksmen, -according to Culloden, were as bad as factors.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_270"></a>[270]</span></p> - -<p>Culloden, therefore, suggested the granting to the -sub-tenants of nineteen years’ leases if they would -‘offer frankly for their farms such rent as fairly and -honestly they could bear.’ Such leases he had -power to offer, and did offer. ‘No takers!’ Culloden -was surprised, but he need not have been. The -weight of the tacksmen would be against him; also -the conservatism of the people. A fixed rent was a -new crude hard thing: a system of shuffling along, -above all as the general policy was to find room for -swordsmen—was an old endurable thing. Culloden, -however, persuaded some sub-tenants to offer. On -the tacksmen he put pressure. He had with him -some tacksmen from the mainland, better acquainted -with farming methods. <i>They</i> offered for the insular -tacksmen’s farms, whereon the insular tacksmen -also offered. Fixed now were rents, and fixed the -duration of tenancy.</p> - -<p>One Culloden lease to a kind of village community -of six people in portions of land of different -sizes is dated April 18, 1739, from Stoney Hill.<a id="FNanchor_176" href="#Footnote_176" class="fnanchor">[176]</a> -The lease of 1739 is for nineteen years, ‘and that in -full satisfaction of all casualitys, and other prestations -and services whatsomever,’ except for services in -repairing harbours, mending highways, or repairing -miln-leads, for the general benefite of the Island<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_271"></a>[271]</span> -(Mull). The tenants were to pay cesses, ministers’ -stipends, schoolmasters’ salaries, &c., ‘freeing and -relieving the Duke’ from these burdens. Failure of -rent meant removal, and made the lease null and -void; the tenants having leave, however, to take -over the share of a defaulter or choose a substitute -for him.</p> - -<p>What the sub-tenants gain is freedom from a -tacksman, secure possession while they pay, and -freedom from all but the stated customary services -and ‘casualties.’ One of these was military service -in a Jacobite rising. A tenant in Mull could not now -lose his holding if his tacksman ordered him to join -the Prince and he refused. As to the other ‘services,’ -the Duke of Argyll regards them as indefinite and -oppressive. He selects examples from Sinclair’s -paper for the Board of Agriculture in 1795. Rent -was mainly paid in kind, chickens, cattle, grain, <i>plus</i> -‘tilling, dunging, sowing, and harrowing a part of an -extensive farm in the proprietor’s’ (or tacksman’s) -‘possession.’ Peats, thatching, weeding, cartage, -harvesting, and so forth, were exacted, with implements, -eggs, butter, cheese, a tithe of fish and oil, -woollen yarn, and so forth. These services might -easily be made oppressive, and did not conduce to -improvement in agriculture.</p> - -<p>The exact weight and money value of these -services must have varied widely. The author of -MS. 104 proposes that, in future, all services shall be -definitely stated in writing when a tenant takes a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_272"></a>[272]</span> -farm. ‘Extravagant services are still required’ (<i>circ.</i> -1750) ‘and performed, which the landlord would -be ashamed to commit to writing.’ He also, like -Culloden, advocates the compulsory granting of -leases for not less than twenty years. But he has -already said that the people, accustomed to hereditary -entry on farms from father to son, refuse to take -written leases.</p> - -<p>As to ‘services,’ Mr. Fraser Mackintosh, on the -other side, tells us how the Lochiels, in exile, ‘regularly -received part of the rent.’ That he only -sent 100<i>l.</i> to Lochiel’s children in France, and made -the tenants work on his lands instead of on the -county roads, is a charge made by Colonel Crawfurd -against Lochiel’s brother, Fassifern.<a id="FNanchor_177" href="#Footnote_177" class="fnanchor">[177]</a> Mr. Fraser -Mackintosh comments on the loyalty of Lochiel’s -tenants, but adds ‘in former times rent in the form -of money was a minor easy consideration, the real -burden or tax being services’—especially ‘the almost -intolerable burden’ of war. Thus the exile of the -Chief became ‘really no hardship to the people,’ -enabling them ‘to pay a double (money) rent now -and then with comparative ease.’<a id="FNanchor_178" href="#Footnote_178" class="fnanchor">[178]</a></p> - -<p>Thus, in this author’s opinion, ‘the real burden -or tax’ was ‘services,’ not money rent. Happily he -gives a case of commutation of services for money -on Glengarry’s estate. The commutation was ‘apparently -quite disproportionate and oppressive. For -instance, in the case of Dugald Cameron, late cowherd<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_273"></a>[273]</span> -to Glengarry, afterwards tenant of Boline, while -his rent was 11<i>l.</i> 4<i>s.</i> 3<i>d.</i>, the converted services -amounted to 3<i>l.</i> 2<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i>’ Well, if services were ‘the -real burden,’ where is the ‘oppressive disproportion’?<a id="FNanchor_179" href="#Footnote_179" class="fnanchor">[179]</a> -This seems absurd.</p> - -<p>If it be agreed that ‘services’ were the main -part of rent, how oppressive a hostile tacksman, say -Barisdale, might make them is easily conceived.<a id="FNanchor_180" href="#Footnote_180" class="fnanchor">[180]</a> -Whatever we may think of the advantages of a -definite Culloden rent, it is pretty plain that the -people did not like it. But the old kind of rent and -services was of scarce any value to a probably non-resident -proprietor, who could get high returns on -the new system from large farmers or graziers. He -did not want hens and cheese, and had now no use -for claymores. The consequences were raised rents, -emigration, evictions, the Highland grievances.</p> - -<p>But were there no evictions, and removals, and -forced migrations in the good old times?</p> - -<p>Mr. Fraser Mackintosh says, ‘The Commissioners -on the Forfeited Estates, or, more properly, their -Factors, were the first evictors in the Highlands, and -they were guilty of favouritism to such a degree in<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_274"></a>[274]</span> -favour of strangers, that many of the tenants emigrated -voluntarily.’</p> - -<p>Indeed, Glenure was shot, by Allan Breck or -another, because, as factor for the forfeited estates -of Lochiel and Ardsheil, he had evicted Cameron or -Stewart tenants, and preferred Campbells. But Mr. -Fraser Mackintosh ought to know that the Commissioners -were <i>not</i> the first evictors. Who drove a -hundred families from Mull and Tyree about 1738, -as Culloden tells us? Who ‘removed’ James Stewart -of the Glens before Campbell of Glenure did? Why -Ardsheil, whose bastard brother he was. Who -evicted some and threatened to evict all Macphersons -from the Duke of Gordon’s lands in Badenoch -in 1724? Why the Duke and his factor, Gordon of -Glenbucket.</p> - -<p>The story is told in a letter of Cluny to the Earl -Marischal.<a id="FNanchor_181" href="#Footnote_181" class="fnanchor">[181]</a> The Macphersons held lands in Badenoch -‘as feuars, woodsellers, or kindly tenents to -the Duke of Gordon.’ He however ‘vexes and reduces -us by perpetuall lawsuits,’ and ‘<i>has taken it -into his head to root us intearly out of our own country</i>.’ -He therefore feued most of his Badenoch lands to -Glenbucket ‘for the half of its value, or, I may say, -a third, meerly out of design to take it out of the -hands of the Macphersons.’ Glenbucket, ‘in order -to begin the work of extirpating us, has turned out -the tenants of six farms.’ Their high offers of rent<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_275"></a>[275]</span> -were refused, so they dirked Glenbucket, ‘in a most -barbarous manner.’ The operation can scarcely be -performed in a gentle fashion. ‘They very luckily -missed their aim by the favour of a buff belt he had -about him,’ also by the favour of a claymore that, -was lying convenient. The Duke now threatened to -‘extirpate’ or evict ‘the whole name of Macpherson,’ -which he proceeded to do ‘with a body of a thousand -men, foot and horse.’ All parties were Jacobites, -and King James settled <i>hæc certamina tanta</i>. <i>He</i> -had no objections to eviction. He writes to the -Duke of Gordon, ‘I am far from blaming you for -any steps you may have taken which are authorised -by the law of the land, but there are only a few -offenders, and, politically, the <i>eviction</i> disunites loyal -clans.’<a id="FNanchor_182" href="#Footnote_182" class="fnanchor">[182]</a></p> - -<p>Indeed the more one thinks of Mr. Fraser -Mackintosh’s assertion that the Commissioners were -the first evictors in the Highlands, the more grotesque -does it appear. We turn to the manuscript ‘Letter -of a Gentleman’ whose sympathies are with ‘the -wretched commons,’ not with the Chiefs.<a id="FNanchor_183" href="#Footnote_183" class="fnanchor">[183]</a> ‘The -gentlemen of the name of Mackenzie,’ says our -author, ‘are frugal and industrious.... They have -screwed up their rents to an extravagant height, -which they vitiously term improving their estates, -without putting the tenants upon a proper way of -improving the ground, to enable them to pay that<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_276"></a>[276]</span> -rent, which makes the common people little better -than slaves and beggars.’</p> - -<p>No ‘screw’ but eviction could be used by these -Mackenzie landlords, frugal and industrious.</p> - -<p>Here is a case among the Camerons from the -same MS.:—</p> - -<p>‘To shew the present disposition of that Clan,’ -described as ‘lazy, silent, sly, and enterprizing -people,’ ‘I will relate an instance of their barbarity -which happened since the year 1725. The possessor -of a farm belonging to the Duke of Gordon, of the -tribe of the Macmartins, about three miles to the -North of Fort William, demanded an abatement of -the usual rent, which the Duke refusing, he left the -farm, boasting that no man would dare to succeed in -it. For some years it was untenanted, till at last -the Duke prevailed on Mr. Skeldoich, who was then -minister of the parish, who could not find a place to -reside in, to take this farm. The former possessor -lay still till the minister had plentifully stocked the -farm with cattle and built a house on it, then, with -some other rogues, finding that the cattle were carefully -watched, went to the place where the calves -were kept, and with their durks cut off their heads, -and cut the skins so that they would not be of -any use.’</p> - -<p>They also destroyed the Duke’s salmon nets on -the Lochy. Later, watching till the minister chanced -to be away from home, ‘they pulled down part of -his house, and fired several shots towards the place<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_277"></a>[277]</span> -where his wife lay.’ The worthy clergyman then -thought it time to move into Fort William. Our -author adds that cadets of Highland houses have -possessed farms ‘for ages’ without leases, and when -they are not able to pay their rents, <i>and are turned -out</i>, they look upon the person who takes the farm -after them as usurping their right. These people -have often refused to take a written lease, thinking -that, by so doing, they gave up the right of -possession.</p> - -<p>All this, written about 1749, is hardly congruous -with Mr. Fraser Mackintosh’s bold statement that -the Commissioners of Forfeited Estates were the -first evictors in the Highlands. We learn that, ‘by -reason of the great poverty and slavery of the -commons,’ on the Mackenzie estates, out of the clan -levy of 3,000 men, ‘a third are but dross.’ Let us -add that the Campbells evicted the Macdonalds from -Kintyre, by cutting their throats; that every defeated -clan was likely to be, more or less, evicted; and that -all the Macgregors were evicted. These were operations -of clan warfare, though not much more enjoyable -for that. But when a sub-tenant held from a -tacksman, on a ‘precarious tenure,’ does Mr. Fraser -Mackintosh maintain that he was never evicted? -Why did Robin Oig shoot Macfarlane at the plough -tail? He did so simply for the old agrarian -reason.</p> - -<p>In Prestongrange’s speech for the Crown, at the -disgraceful trial which ended in the judicial murder<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_278"></a>[278]</span> -of James Stewart of the Glens, he says that ‘a delusion -in a peculiar manner prevailing in the Highlands,’ -is that ‘a cause of mortal enmity arises if a -man should be removed by another from his farm or -possession which he hath no manner of title to hold -or retain.’<a id="FNanchor_184" href="#Footnote_184" class="fnanchor">[184]</a> ‘The delusion,’ he says, ‘prevails elsewhere,’ -but is ‘in a particular manner prevalent in -the Highlands.’</p> - -<p>How could a popular delusion of this kind come -into existence if the Commissioners of Forfeited -Estates were ‘the first evictors in the Highlands’? -Demonstrably they were nothing of the kind. There -were evictions in the good old times.</p> - -<p>On the other hand, evictions had probably not -been much practised with a view to obtaining higher -rents or making improvements, but for other reasons. -Claymores, not money, had been in request from -tenants before 1745.</p> - -<p>Once more, according to Burt, a Lowland -authority, the Chief ‘must free the necessitous from -their arrears of rent, and maintain such who, by -accidents, are fallen to a total decay.’ Far from -throwing a lot of small farms into a large one, or a -sheep-walk, ‘if, by increase of the tribe, small farms -are wanting for the support of such addition, he -splits others into lesser portions, because all must -somehow be provided for.’<a id="FNanchor_185" href="#Footnote_185" class="fnanchor">[185]</a></p> - -<p>This policy is the precise reverse of the Culloden -lease, which terminates, <i>ipso facto</i>, when rent falls into<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_279"></a>[279]</span> -arrears. A Chief, bound by consanguinity to treat -all his tenants as gentlemen, might practise shooting -at them, like Clanranald with his famous piece, ‘the -Cuckoo,’ but certainly was not apt to evict often for -arrears of rent. He lived at home, he built a great -castle like Glengarry’s (probably by aid of ‘services’), -he fed on the sheep, kine, butter, milk, of his tenants, -but he shook them by the hand, perhaps forgave -arrears, held clan feasts, and was a god on earth. -When he raised rents, united farms in one hand, did -not shake that of every clansman, but rather evicted -them, discontent was natural, inevitable. Holders -of land, proud free men, must emigrate, or become -labourers or artisans in towns. Who does not sympathise -with their emotions?</p> - -<p>On the other side, the Chief must subdivide and -subdivide, in the good old times, ‘because all must -somehow be provided for.’ But all could not be -and were not ‘provided for.’ We have seen the -pictures of cruel exquisite poverty from Franck in -1654, to the Gartmore MS. in 1747, and the Culloden -Report in 1738, and the ‘Life of Barisdale’ in -1754, and Burt’s Letters of about 1735. It seems -reasonable to suppose that all arable lands were -eagerly cultivated as far as the implements and -skill of the people availed to cultivate them. It was -the interest of the chiefs to increase their bands of -warriors and the sentiment, if not the interest, of the -clansmen urged them to stay on the land.</p> - -<p>But the land could not maintain them! The<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_280"></a>[280]</span> -younger gentry pushed their fortunes abroad as men -of the sword or in commerce. But the commons -were often at the starving point; we hear of famines. -Glengarry writes of a great scarcity, when meal had -to be bought in the Lowlands. Burt tells of no meal -in Inverness. ‘A house, grass for a cow or two,’ and -‘as much land as will sow a boll of oats,’ rocky land, -needing spade culture, was a cottar’s ‘only wages -of his whole labour and service,’ says the Gartmore -MS. The author reckons that there is not in the -Highlands employment for more than half the -population, even when land has been remorselessly -sub-divided. Many earned a harvest wage in the -Lowlands. Others ‘sorned’ on their kindred. Armies -of tramps were supported by the generosity of the -poor; nay, Lowland beggars came North, allured by -the open hands of the Highlanders. Whisky shops -were everywhere; here men sauntered and drank. -Plunder was habitual; a captain of a ‘Watch’ like -Barisdale was at once thief and thief-taker. ‘They -live like lairds, and die like loons,’ says Franck, -speaking not of all the Highlands (as Macaulay -quotes him), but chiefly of Lochaber. ‘Upon this -fund’—blackmail—the Captain ‘employed one half -the thieves to recover lost cattle, and the other half -of them to steal.’ Lochiel laboured to reform his -clan in this respect. The exactions of tacksmen, -‘sub-letting farms to a much greater number than -they can maintain, and at a much higher rent than -they can pay, obliges these poor people to purchase<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_281"></a>[281]</span> -their rents and expences by theifts and robberys,’ -of cattle; for the Highland honesty about portable -property is extolled by Burt.</p> - -<p>As to the moral iniquity of cattle robbing, all -morality is local, and a man who does not sin against -the local standard is no extreme criminal. The Macdonalds -held a simple creed of communism. ‘They -say that the Cattle are God’s creatures, made for the -use of man, for which the earth yields grass and -herbs in plenty, without the labour of man, and that -therefore they Ought to be common’—that is, ought -to belong to the Macdonalds.<a id="FNanchor_186" href="#Footnote_186" class="fnanchor">[186]</a> The same ideas had -prevailed on the Border:</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse indent0">If every man had his ain cow,</div> - <div class="verse indent4">A richt poor clan Buccleugh’s wad be.</div> - </div> -</div> -</div> - -<p>Dr. Carlyle shows that Border cattle thieves, -though not encouraged by the gentry, were a -powerful class about 1740.</p> - -<p>This is not a picture of a golden age, and Bailie -Nicol Jarvie, in ‘Rob Roy,’ sums up this theory of -what the age was really like. But, if we turn to -Stewart of Garth,<a id="FNanchor_187" href="#Footnote_187" class="fnanchor">[187]</a> we find the real condition of the -Highlands in times past revealed in a rosy haze. -Blackmail is only extorted from <i>Lowlanders</i>, as if -Barisdale had Lowland neighbours!<a id="FNanchor_188" href="#Footnote_188" class="fnanchor">[188]</a> The game and -fish were ‘free to all’—a palpable error as regards -salmon, at all events, while one doubts if every clansman -was made free of Cluny’s forest. We do not read -of grouse and venison in cotters’ huts. ‘Cottagers<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_282"></a>[282]</span> -and tradesmen were discouraged from marrying.’<a id="FNanchor_189" href="#Footnote_189" class="fnanchor">[189]</a> -Yet the surplus population was very large. A young -amorous Highlander set himself up for marriage -by ‘thigging’—that is, by begging among friends -for cows, sheep, and seed-corn.<a id="FNanchor_190" href="#Footnote_190" class="fnanchor">[190]</a> They did not discourage -him. ‘The extinction of the respectable -race of tacksmen ... is a serious loss to the people.’<a id="FNanchor_191" href="#Footnote_191" class="fnanchor">[191]</a> -Mr. Fraser Mackintosh, however, speaking of Skye, -says, ‘large tacksmen ... could be relied on to -assist (each other) or keep aloof, if the oppressed -were below their class or set.’<a id="FNanchor_192" href="#Footnote_192" class="fnanchor">[192]</a> The author of MS. -104 would reduce the power of tacksmen by making -all tenants leaseholders for terms not under twenty -years, and would pay off all wadsetts on forfeited -estates, ‘because the gentlemen who had them were -great oppressors of the Poor, and most of them, -though they did not themselves take arms, were very -active in forcing the people into the late Rebellion.’</p> - -<p>An association had been made by Sutherland -farmers in General Stewart’s time to suppress sheep-stealing. -He objects to the new social state which -made this association necessary. Previously ‘crimes -had been so few that, from 1747 to 1810, there -was only one capital conviction for theft.’ This may -have been so in Sutherland, and the MS. Letter -already cited makes it probable. ‘The Mackays of -Lord Reay’s country,’ though previously reckoned -‘the wickedest clan,’ now ‘abhor thieving.’ But<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_283"></a>[283]</span> -‘the common people who dwell along the East -Coast are next to the Caithness people for poverty, -slavery, and dwarfish stature, while the people -further up the country towards Strathnaver’ (where -Franck found them bleeding their cattle for food) -‘live better.’ A third of the Earl of Sutherland’s -levy ‘are mean, despicable creatures.’ Thus one -county showed very different conditions: however, -like the Mackenzies, the Sutherland men ‘abhor -thieving.’ Elsewhere in the Highlands, hangings for -theft occupy a good deal of the old <i>Scots Magazine</i>. -Many pretty men ‘died for the law,’ as every one -knows.</p> - -<p>General Stewart, objecting to the new farmers’ association, -seems not to have observed that blackmail -and ‘Highland Watches’ were old-fashioned associations -for protecting property.’ Complaints are made -by him of ‘cutting down farms into lots,’ as if the old -Chiefs had not infinitely subdivided the soil.<a id="FNanchor_193" href="#Footnote_193" class="fnanchor">[193]</a> The -old extreme poverty is left out of notice by General -Stewart, with the old tippling, loafing, ‘sorning,’ -thieving, ‘thigging’ habits. Much land could be -and was cultivated, he says, which is now pasture, -the harvest only failing ‘in cold and wet autumns.’<a id="FNanchor_194" href="#Footnote_194" class="fnanchor">[194]</a> -These not being unknown in the Highlands, but, on -the other hand, very common, famines followed often, -notably in 1782.</p> - -<p>If the Lowlanders, the English, and the Anglified -Highlanders, like Culloden, paint too gloomy a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_284"></a>[284]</span> -picture of the good old times, General Stewart may -be regarded as erring in the opposite direction. His -charge against the new Chiefs and landlords is the -callous hurry with which they seized their pecuniary -advantage, ‘which proved ruinous to their ancient -tenants.’<a id="FNanchor_195" href="#Footnote_195" class="fnanchor">[195]</a> This is also Scott’s opinion, in his <i>Quarterly -Review</i> article of 1816. He, too, a Tory of the Tories, -condemns the heartless greed of evicting landlords.<a id="FNanchor_196" href="#Footnote_196" class="fnanchor">[196]</a> -General Stewart records cases of delicate consideration -and honourable sagacity on the side of the landlords. -But often we find either a well-meaning hurry to -make sweeping ‘improvements,’ and benefit people -in a way they detest and do not understand (as by -giving them leases), or a mere hasty desire to save -such a ruined estate as war had left to Glengarry, -by raising rents, causing, with the aid of frequent -famine years, wholesale emigration. This policy was, -indeed, far unlike what Burt reports: ‘the poverty -of the tenants has rendered it customary for the -Chief, or Laird, to free some of them every year from -all arrears of rent; this is supposed, upon an average, -to be about one year in five of the whole estate.’</p> - -<p>These habits vanished with the change in the -Highlands; the old ‘arts of popularity’ were no -longer practised by the Chiefs: clan affection became -clan hatred. If we may believe a tithe of our Whig -or Lowland information, it should have done so long -before 1745. Cattle, sheep, red-deer, grouse, now<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_285"></a>[285]</span> -occupy the place of the swords of the North: the -banker, brewer, or upholsterer shoots the Chiefs -game, or misses it.</p> - -<p>Truly money is the root of all evil. When -specie was scarce in the North, a guinea a thing -seldom seen, the fatal treasure of Loch Arkaig produced, -or evoked, the moral consequences of hatred, -malice, treachery and slander. Twenty years later -the lack of money hardened the hearts of Chiefs -(which had not been so very soft before). Clansmen -had to emigrate, and they were wisest who sailed first -from a land of famine. Their descendants, or some -of them, dwell happily in a realm of forests, hills, and -streams, deer and salmon, still retaining Highland -courtesy, Highland speech, Highland courage, and -Highland hospitality. They seem to have chosen the -better part, and to be more fortunate than their -cousins in the new times, or their fathers in the old -days that were not really golden.</p> - -<p>On the whole, a distressed Highlander need not, -it seems, conceive that the old times were free from -distress, or that Chiefs were really always humane. -They acted in accordance with their immediate -interests. They kept rents low when it paid to -have a following, and they screwed rents up when -money was more desirable than men. The two -policies might be contemporary; this among Mackenzies, -that among Macdonalds. Ensign Small -reported<a id="FNanchor_197" href="#Footnote_197" class="fnanchor">[197]</a> that, among the Macdonalds, ‘the gentry<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_286"></a>[286]</span> -are fond of a rising, the commoners hate it.’ The -author of MS. 104 represents the Macdonalds as -‘cursing their Prince and their Chiefs.’</p> - -<p>The world, to its disadvantage, allows interest to -override sentiment, which we only find here and -there, as in the noble words of Lochiel. When he -arrived with Prince Charles in France, in the autumn -of 1746, he was, of course, very poor. The Prince, -according to Young Glengarry, in a conversation -with Bishop Forbes, was obliged to give Lochiel a -full security for his estates before the Chief would -raise his clan. Consequently Charles felt bound, said -Glengarry, to secure a French regiment first of all -for Lochiel. This, in Lochiel, would have been a -singular piece of caution! But let us hear his own -words, in a letter to King James.<a id="FNanchor_198" href="#Footnote_198" class="fnanchor">[198]</a> ‘I told H.R.H. that -Lord Ogilby or others might incline to make a figure -in France, but my ambition was to serve the Crown, -and serve my Country, or perish with itt. H.R.H. say’d -he was doing all he could’ (to return with forces to -Scotland), ‘but persisted in his resolution to procure -me a Regiment. If it is obtained, I shall accept it -out of respect to the Prince, but I hope Yr. M. will -approve of the resolution I have taken <i>to share in the -fate of the people I have undone</i>, and, if they must be -sacrificed, to fall along with them. It is the only -way I can free myself from the reproach of their -blood, and shew the disinterested zeal with which<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_287"></a>[287]</span> -I have lived, and shall dye, Your Majesty’s most -humble, most Obedient, and most faithfull subject -and servant,</p> - -<p class="right">‘<span class="smcap">Donald Cameron</span>.<a id="FNanchor_199" href="#Footnote_199" class="fnanchor">[199]</a>’</p> - -<p>There speaks a man who makes real the ideal of -the Clan system. But the ideal, though a hundred -times illustrated in the conduct of the commons, -has left less conspicuous examples in the behaviour -of some Chiefs. ‘My brother-in-law, Major Grant, -pretended that the man,’ (a recruit) ‘I sent from -this country, <i>I sold</i>, which is false,’ says Old Lovat -to Cluny.<a id="FNanchor_200" href="#Footnote_200" class="fnanchor">[200]</a> Major Grant, his brother-in-law, knew -Old Lovat. He, like Barisdale, was an example of -the kind of chief who, till after 1745, was not impossible. -He throve wickedly on the survival of a kind -of society, the tribal society with its usages, which -was in no sense exclusively Celtic, but originally prevalent -all over Europe. In parts of the Highlands -tribal society outlived its day, and gave to Lovat -the opportunities which he abused.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_288"></a>[288]</span></p> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_289"></a>[289]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="APPENDIX">APPENDIX</h2> - -<div class="figcenter illowp100" style="max-width: 9.375em;"> - <img class="w100" src="images/line.jpg" alt="" /> -</div> - -<h3 class="nobreak" id="I_PICKLES_LETTERS">I.—<i>PICKLE’S LETTERS</i></h3> - -</div> - -<p>These two letters of Pickle’s, not published in full in -<i>Pickle the Spy</i>, illustrate ‘The Case against Glengarry’ in -this volume. In the letter dated Edinburgh, 14th September, -1754, we find that, immediately on hearing of his -father’s death, the writer sent a note to Gwynne Vaughan, -an English official, and went to Edinburgh, writing from -Newcastle on his way North. His ‘family affairs are in -confusion.’ Now Old Glengarry died in Edinburgh, on -September 1, 1754, and, as has been elsewhere shown, -Young Glengarry at once repaired to the North. No -reader of these letters can doubt that their writer is, or is -feigning to be, Young Glengarry. Now no such pretence -could possibly succeed in Edinburgh, where Young Glengarry, -a man eminently well known, happened to be at the -moment. For the rest, the letters are mainly concerned -with the Informer’s proposed terms of payment, now that -his ‘situation is greatly altered,’ by the death of his father, -obviously Old Glengarry. Further comment seems needless, -the evidence being beyond suspicion, and capable of but -one interpretation.</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>Dr. Sir,—I have receivd the pleasur of yours of 20 -Septr, but have been of late so hurried that I had no time -to return a proper answer. I thought I was pritty pointed -in my last in regard to a certain stipulation, but as by -yours I imagen I was not so well understood, I beg leave to -be now more explicite. I waited patiently four years (since<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_290"></a>[290]</span> -1750) without making the least demand, but for Journy -expences, which fell so fare short that I spent all my owne -ready Mony, and ran in debt eight hundred £st. Now, Sir, -I expect that your friend will pay this sume by way of -gratification, which will make me free of all debt contracted -during my several trips, for I expect to be considered for -what is past, as well as for times coming: I <i>had had his -worthy Brother’s<a id="FNanchor_201" href="#Footnote_201" class="fnanchor">[201]</a> paroll for this as well as a promise of his -countenance, and protection, in all my other claimes, as I will -not varrie the least in my demand, notwithstanding my situation -is greatly altered</i>, I will only mention £ five hundred St. -yearly, twice regularly payd by Grandpapa, for I won’t -absolutely have to dow with any other. If Mr. <i>Kenady</i> -(Duke of Newcastle) whose friendship I have a right to -Claim, in vertue of his Brother’s promise, will obtain this -for me, there is nothing honourable he can think of, but I -am able to perform. Only I beg he be not prejudic’d by -that swarm of Videts that dally infest him. The Services -I can be of are pritty well known, and as I am embark’d I -am determin’d to percevere, but then I expect that Mr. -Kenady (D. of N.) will fulfill his worthy Brother’s promise -to me, which was to clear me of the Debts contracted in -my new way of lief, when that is done, and a certain thing -yearly fixt, Mr. <i>Kenady</i> shall dispose of me in what shape -he pleases. Young Swift (Lochgarry) is arrived, and upon -his waiting of <i>20</i> (Genl. Bland) was not recevd as was -promis’d he should. When I waited of him, he did not receve -me as I expected, haughtly refusd the use of a fulsie -without I should qualifie. I smiling answr’d, if that was -the case, I had then a right without his permission, but that -he could not take it amiss that I debar’d all under his -comand the pleasure of hunting upon my grounds, or of -any firing, which they can’t have without my permission, -so that I thought favours were reciprocall. <i>20</i> (Genl.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_291"></a>[291]</span> -Bland) and his Club pretends to be well inform’d of the -minutest transaction in the Grand Monark’s Cabinet, <i>O -rare polliticians, Poor 21 (Bruce) is greatly to be pityed, for -my old friends are mad at my consulting him in all my affairs, -and 20 (Bland) and some about him spoke very injurious of -him to me</i>. I think this ought to be put to rights. <i>I go -North in a few days</i>, I hope to prevail on <i>21</i> (Bruce) to -follow in order to assist me in making a Judicial rent roll.<a id="FNanchor_202" href="#Footnote_202" class="fnanchor">[202]</a> -My stay will not exceed a month, and his not a fortnight, -so that if you expect me up, write under <i>21</i> (Bruce’s) -cover, and I shall obey your comands. But Mr. <i>Kenady</i> -(D. of N.), your friend, must enable me to go about it in a -proper manner, and I am sure I will performe the business -to his entire satisfaction. Young Swift, (Lochgarry) has -verbally communicated to me most of <i>Miss Philips</i> (Young -Pretender’s) amours. She has turn’d adrift all, or most -of her former companions and galants. (This refers to -the rupture between Prince Charles and his English -adherents.) My presence is much wanted, and ardently -wished for by hir, and hir present conductors. But I cant -hear any thing materiall till old <i>Swift</i> (Lochgarry) return -from hir. What I mentiond concerning <i>Black Cattel</i> is fact, -but I hate repetitions, and at any rate must deffer further -particulars till my return from the North. I will expect the -pleasure of hearing to satisfaction and pointedly from you—I -will beg the continuance of your good Offices, and will -conclude by making offer of my Compts. to Mr. <i>Kenady</i> -and assures him that all now depends upon himself, as -Every thing is in his option.</p> - -<p class="center">I ever remain, Dear Grandpapa</p> - -<p class="center">Your most obedient and most oblidged humble Servt.</p> - -<p class="right"><span class="smcap">Alex Guthry</span>.</p> - -<p class="smaller">Edinbr. 10. Octr. 1754.</p> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_292"></a>[292]</span></p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="center">(Pickle to G. V.) (Gwynne Vaughan)</p> - -<p class="smaller">Add. 32,736. f. 525.</p> - -<p class="right smaller">Edinbr. 14 Septr. 1754.</p> - -<p>Dr. Sir,—I am vastly uneasy not to receive the least -answer to either of my letters from Newcastle, or that which -I wrote immediately upon my Father’s death;<a id="FNanchor_203" href="#Footnote_203" class="fnanchor">[203]</a> but, as I -have the greatest confidence in your friendship, I perswade -myself that nothing prevents my receiving apointed answer -to every article in both my last, but the multiplicity of -weighty Affairs daily crouding upon the Duke of Newcastle; -therefore without any suspicion or diffidence I am determined -to continue firm to our Concert, untill you acquaint -me if he agrees to my Proposals, which if he does, he may -safely rely upon everything in my power, and I think I -can’t give stronger proof of my sincerity than by this offer, -<i>in the confusion of my Family affairs, which in its present -situation, demands all my attention</i>. I have heard fully from -Lochgary, who acquaints me that the Young Pretender’s -affairs take a very good turn, and that he has lately sent -two expresses to Lochgary earnestly intreating a meeting -with Pickle, and upon Lochgary’s acquainting him of the -great distance Pickle was off, he commanded Lochgary to -a rendezvous, and he set out to meet me the 4th. Instant, -and is actually now with me.</p> - -<p>I shall very soon have a particular account of the -present plan of operation. I have now the ball at my foot, -and may give it what tune I please, as I am to be allowed -largely, if I fairly enter in co-partnership. The French -King is in a very peaceable humour, but very ready to -take fire if the Jacobites renew their address, which the -Young Pretender assures him of, and he will the readier -bestirr himself, as the English Jacobites hourly torment -him. Troops, Scotch and Irish, are daily offered to be<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_293"></a>[293]</span> -smuggled over: <i>but I have positively yet refused to admit any</i>. -The King of Spain has lately promised to add greatly to -the Young Pretender’s patrimony, and English Contributors -are not wanting on their parts.</p> - -<p>I suspect that my letters of late to my friends abroad -are stopt, pray enquire, for I think it very unfair dealings. -I am in a few weeks to go north to put some order to my -affairs. I should have been put to the greatest inconveniency -if <i>21</i> (Bruce) had not lent his friendly assistance; -but as I have been greatly out of pocket by the Jants I -took for Mr. Pelham, I shan’t be in condition to continue -trade, if I am not soon enabled to pay off the Debts then contracted. -I have said on former occasions so much upon this -head to no effect that I must now be more explicit, and I -beg your friendly assistance in properly representing it to -the Duke of Newcastle. If he thinks that my services, of -which I have given convincing proofs, will answer to his -advancing directly eight hundred Pounds, which is the -least that can clear the Debts of my former Jants, and fix -me to the Certain payment yearly of Five hundred at two -several terms, he may command anything in my power -upon all occasions. I am sorry to be forced to this -explanation, in which I always expected to be prevented. -I am so far from thinking this extravagant, that I am -perswaded it will save them as many thousands, by discarding -that swarm of Videts, which never was in the -least trusted. If the Duke of Newcastle’s Constituent -(the King) was acquainted with this, I dare say he would -esteem the demand reasonable, considering what he throws -away upon others of no interest or power on either side. -I beg you’ll acquaint me with the soonest of the Duke of -Newcastle’s answer, and assure him of my ready obedience -to his commands. I have referred to <i>21</i> to enlarge further -upon this, and other subjects I have been conversing with -him some days ago, <i>as he can inform you of my great hurry<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_294"></a>[294]</span> -and confusion for this fortnight past</i>,<a id="FNanchor_204" href="#Footnote_204" class="fnanchor">[204]</a> which will be all the -apology I will make for this hurried scrawl, and I beg you’ll -be fully convinced of the great esteem etc. etc. etc.</p> - -<p>P.S. Pray let me not be denied the Arms I wanted, -and I hope in case of accidents, you’ll take care of young -Lochgary. I am just this instant informed that <i>Mr. -Nordly</i> has left the King of France for the summer season, -and is residing now in England, but can’t learn in what -particular place—<i>21</i> is supposed to be the Watchman: -whose letter will explain what he hints of Lochgary.</p> - -</div> - -<p><i>Mr. Nordly</i> is not deciphered yet.</p> - -<p>(Copy of Pickle’s letter to G. V. (Gwynne Vaughan) -deciphered. R. Oct. 16th, 1754.)</p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h3 class="nobreak" id="II_MACLEOD">II.—<i>MACLEOD</i></h3> - -</div> - -<p>‘The Rebels had an implacable Illwill and Malice against -Him (Macleod) as they alledged, and many of them believed, -that he not only deserted, but betrayed their Cause: what -truth there is in this I will not take upon me to determine.’ -So says the writer of the MS. 104, ‘The Highlands of -Scotland in 1750.’</p> - -<p>‘Surely never did man so basely betray as did Macleod, -whom I shall leave for the present to the racks and tortures -of a guilty conscience, and the just and severe -judgement of every good man.’ Thus writes Murray of -Broughton, after narrating how Macleod gave a written -promise to aid Prince Charles whenever he landed. What -he <i>did</i> was to send information to Forbes of Culloden, -‘it is certain that the pretended Prince of Wales is come<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_295"></a>[295]</span> -into the coast of South Uist and Barra.’ He begs that his -name as informant may be kept secret.<a id="FNanchor_205" href="#Footnote_205" class="fnanchor">[205]</a></p> - -<p>Macleod can thus avoid the charge of betraying the -Cause, only by disproof of Murray’s allegation that he gave -a written promise to rise. But this allegation is confirmed -by family tradition. ‘Miss Macleod of Macleod, Dunvegan -Castle, remembers having seen in the family charter-chest -an interesting correspondence between His Royal Highness -and Macleod, in which Norman “invited the Prince to come -over, several months before he arrived,” but the letters -have since disappeared, and the family knows nothing as -to where they have gone to.’<a id="FNanchor_206" href="#Footnote_206" class="fnanchor">[206]</a></p> - -<p>On the showing of Miss Macleod, as reported by Mr. -Mackenzie, in the passage just cited, Murray might well -cry ‘never did man betray so basely as did Macleod.’ Despite -his written promise to Prince Charles, Macleod was the -first to send information against ‘the pretended Prince of -Wales.’ After Prestonpans, ‘it would appear,’ writes Mr. -Mackenzie, ‘that Macleod was taking lessons in duplicity -from Simon,’ Lord Lovat. Macleod scarcely needed instruction -in treachery; but, if Mr. Mackenzie is right, he now -meant to send Young Macleod with the clan to join the -Prince, while he stayed at home, and said that he could not -help it.<a id="FNanchor_207" href="#Footnote_207" class="fnanchor">[207]</a> This domestic arrangement was not carried into -effect.</p> - -<p>Macleod was born in 1706, and inherited the family -lands with 60,000<i>l.</i> He died in 1772, leaving 50,000<i>l.</i> -of debt. He is still spoken of in the traditional history -of his family as <i>An Droch Dhuine</i>, or ‘the Wicked -Man,’ partly because of his extravagance, partly ‘for -his cruel treatment of his first wife and Lady Grange.’<a id="FNanchor_208" href="#Footnote_208" class="fnanchor">[208]</a><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_296"></a>[296]</span> -When we add his treachery to the Prince, we see in Macleod -a character far from exemplary. His grandson speaks of -him as ‘always a most beneficent and beloved chieftain, -whose necessities had lately induced him to raise his -rents.’... ‘The Jacobites treated him as an apostate, -and the successful party did not reward his loyalty.’<a id="FNanchor_209" href="#Footnote_209" class="fnanchor">[209]</a> He -reaped as he had sown.</p> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="footnotes"> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="nobreak">FOOTNOTES</h2> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1" href="#FNanchor_1" class="label">[1]</a> <i>Literature</i>, July 30, 1898, p. 93.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_2" href="#FNanchor_2" class="label">[2]</a> There is a brief sketch of the Earl in his brother’s Memoirs -(Spalding Club), which cites d’Alembert, and puts the Earl’s birth -in 1687.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_3" href="#FNanchor_3" class="label">[3]</a> Plaids worn by the Earl and his brother are preserved in a -house in Fifeshire.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_4" href="#FNanchor_4" class="label">[4]</a> This remark makes it probable that the Earl was really a young -man. If born in 1693, as some thought, he would be twenty-three -in 1716. (As, indeed, one of d’Alembert’s authorities says that he -was.) If a year or two older, he could scarcely have pleaded youth as -a reason for silence.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_5" href="#FNanchor_5" class="label">[5]</a> Mar to ‘H. S.’ From France, February 10, 1716.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_6" href="#FNanchor_6" class="label">[6]</a> Mr. Eliot Hodgkin’s MSS., <i>Hist. MSS. Com.</i> xv. ii. Appendix, -p. 230.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_7" href="#FNanchor_7" class="label">[7]</a> Add. MSS. 33,950. 1718-1719. British Museum.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_8" href="#FNanchor_8" class="label">[8]</a> There are copies of his correspondence with the would-be -murderer in the Gualterio MSS., British Museum.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_9" href="#FNanchor_9" class="label">[9]</a> The author hopes to tell the story of Mr. Wogan, a charming -character, on another occasion.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_10" href="#FNanchor_10" class="label">[10]</a> Hist. MSS. Commission, x. i. Appendix, p. 475.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_11" href="#FNanchor_11" class="label">[11]</a> Letter from Musell Stosch to d’Alembert, <i>Œuvres</i>, v. 457.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_12" href="#FNanchor_12" class="label">[12]</a> Hist. MSS. Commission, x. i. Appendix, p. 184.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_13" href="#FNanchor_13" class="label">[13]</a> Hist. MSS. Commission, x. i. Appendix, p. 452.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_14" href="#FNanchor_14" class="label">[14]</a> The Earl’s letter is in Browne, ii. 448, from the Stuart Papers.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_15" href="#FNanchor_15" class="label">[15]</a> The Rev. George Kelly was a constraint on the old Duke’s amours -with Madame de Vaucluse!</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_16" href="#FNanchor_16" class="label">[16]</a> Papers from French Foreign Office. In Murray of Broughton’s -<i>Memorials</i>, pp. 499-501.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_17" href="#FNanchor_17" class="label">[17]</a> Charles to James, May 11, 1744. Stuart Papers in Murray -of Broughton’s <i>Memorials</i>, p. 368.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_18" href="#FNanchor_18" class="label">[18]</a> Stuart Papers. Browne, ii. 476.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_19" href="#FNanchor_19" class="label">[19]</a> Compare Villettes’ letter, <i>postea</i>, <a href="#Page_48">p. 48</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_20" href="#FNanchor_20" class="label">[20]</a> Stuart Papers, in Murray of Broughton’s <i>Memorials</i>, pp. 513-514.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_21" href="#FNanchor_21" class="label">[21]</a> James to the Duke of York. November 8, 1745. Browne, iii. -452, where all the correspondence is printed.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_22" href="#FNanchor_22" class="label">[22]</a> The Memoirs of the exile in question, unhappily, have never -been printed, and I do not feel at liberty to anticipate any points -of interest in these curious papers.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_23" href="#FNanchor_23" class="label">[23]</a> Letters in Browne, iv. 64-66. Conceivably it was Goring who -prejudiced the Earl against Kelly; he may have conveyed the ideas -of Carte and the English party.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_24" href="#FNanchor_24" class="label">[24]</a> See Sir Charles’s letter of February 6, 1751, in <i>Pickle the Spy</i>, -p. 117.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_25" href="#FNanchor_25" class="label">[25]</a> These letters are from the printed Correspondence of Frederick.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_26" href="#FNanchor_26" class="label">[26]</a> Ewald, <i>Charles Edward</i>, ii. 223.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_27" href="#FNanchor_27" class="label">[27]</a> The story was believed, however, by a contemporary who knew -the Earl well.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_28" href="#FNanchor_28" class="label">[28]</a> Mr. Bisset has printed these letters from the originals in the -Add. MSS. British Museum.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_29" href="#FNanchor_29" class="label">[29]</a> Fidei Defensor.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_30" href="#FNanchor_30" class="label">[30]</a> From the correspondence of Hume. MSS. in the collection of -the Royal Society of Edinburgh.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_31" href="#FNanchor_31" class="label">[31]</a> Hill Burton’s <i>Hume</i>, ii. 464-6.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_32" href="#FNanchor_32" class="label">[32]</a> <i>See</i> ‘<a href="#IV">Mlle. Luci</a>,’ later.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_33" href="#FNanchor_33" class="label">[33]</a> In the papers of Ramsay of Ochtertyre occurs perhaps the only -unkind reference to the Earl. Ramsay reports that, being told about -the destitution of the child of his nurse (who had sold her cow and -sent him the money in 1719), he made no remark. A reference to -<a href="#Page_66">p. 66</a>, <i>supra</i>, will show that silence followed by kind deeds was the -Earl’s way when he heard a story of distress. Ramsay mentions that -he sold his lands cheap when he finally left Scotland.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_34" href="#FNanchor_34" class="label">[34]</a> Murray to a lady. Quoted in <i>Genuine Memoirs of John Murray, -Esq.</i> (London: 1747), p. 9.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_35" href="#FNanchor_35" class="label">[35]</a> The diamond box has gone; the miniature, published by Mr. -Fitzroy Bell, is in my possession.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_36" href="#FNanchor_36" class="label">[36]</a> <i>A Collection of Loyal Songs.</i> Printed in the year 1750.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_37" href="#FNanchor_37" class="label">[37]</a> Browne, ii. p. 476.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_38" href="#FNanchor_38" class="label">[38]</a> Stuart Papers, in Murray of Broughton’s <i>Memorials</i>, pp. 392-395.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_39" href="#FNanchor_39" class="label">[39]</a> <i>Chronicles of the Atholl and Tullibardine Families</i>, iii. pp -8, 17. (Privately printed: edited by the Duke of Atholl.)</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_40" href="#FNanchor_40" class="label">[40]</a> Charles was nursed at Thunderton House, by Mrs. Anderson (<i>née</i> -Dunbar) of Arradoul. In some mysterious way Charles was able to -secure for Mrs. Anderson’s son an appointment under the English -Government. So says a tradition preserved by Miss Janet Lang, a -great-great-granddaughter of Mrs. Anderson.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_41" href="#FNanchor_41" class="label">[41]</a> See ‘<a href="#VI">Cluny’s Treasure</a>,’ <i>postea</i>. A writer in the <i>Athenæum</i> -(July 9, 1898) appears to think (as was thought at the time) that -Murray now intended to turn informer, and keep what he could of the -French gold. This is not my impression.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_42" href="#FNanchor_42" class="label">[42]</a> See ‘<a href="#IX">A Gentleman of Knoydart</a>,’ <i>postea</i>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_43" href="#FNanchor_43" class="label">[43]</a> Lord Justice Clerk to Newcastle, July 10, 1746. Murray’s -<i>Memorials</i>, p. 418.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_44" href="#FNanchor_44" class="label">[44]</a> <i>The Highlands in 1750.</i> Blackwood, 1898.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_45" href="#FNanchor_45" class="label">[45]</a> Leslie. Paris, May 27, 1752. Browne, iv. 101.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_46" href="#FNanchor_46" class="label">[46]</a> See ‘Account of Charge’ in Chambers’s <i>Rebellion</i>, p. 522; -and, later, ‘Cluny’s Treasure.’</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_47" href="#FNanchor_47" class="label">[47]</a> Stuart Papers. Browne, iv. 59. Mr. Fitzroy Bell does not -remark on all this evidence.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_48" href="#FNanchor_48" class="label">[48]</a> Unable, at first, to learn even the real name of Mlle. Luci, I -appealed, in despair, to a lady who occasionally sees ‘visions’ in -crystals. ‘What can you see of Mlle. Luci?’ I asked, by letter, -giving no hint of any kind as to the lady’s date or connections. The -seeress replied that, in an ink-bottle on her writing-desk, she saw a -girl of about twenty-eight, dark, handsome, rather like Madame Patti -in youth. Her dress was that of the middle of the eighteenth century. -On her shoulder was laid another lady’s hand, a long, delicate, white -hand, with a ‘marquise’ diamond ring. ‘<i>La Grande Main</i>,’ I exclaimed, -‘the hand of La Grande Main!’—whom we later discovered -to be Madame de Vassé.</p> - -<p>The coincidence was certainly pretty, but, unless a portrait of -Mlle. Ferrand can be discovered, we must remain ignorant as to -whether she was correctly represented in the ink-picture; whether a -true refraction shone up from the dead past, the afterglow of a romance.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_49" href="#FNanchor_49" class="label">[49]</a> <i>Burt’s Letters</i>, ii. p. 334.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_50" href="#FNanchor_50" class="label">[50]</a> MSS. in the Cluny Charter Chest. Privately printed, 1879, p. 16.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_51" href="#FNanchor_51" class="label">[51]</a> <i>Waverley</i>, i. p. 161 (1829).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_52" href="#FNanchor_52" class="label">[52]</a> London: 1754.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_53" href="#FNanchor_53" class="label">[53]</a> This is confirmed by the Gartmore MS. in Burt; by MS. 104, in -the King’s Collection; and by Murray of Broughton, in his paper on -the Clans.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_54" href="#FNanchor_54" class="label">[54]</a> Published (1898) as <i>The Highlands in 1750</i> (Blackwood).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_55" href="#FNanchor_55" class="label">[55]</a> He is a Lowlander, and avers that Scotland rarely lost a battle -except when the Highlanders were engaged, as at Flodden.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_56" href="#FNanchor_56" class="label">[56]</a> <i>Sutherland Book</i>, ii. 256.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_57" href="#FNanchor_57" class="label">[57]</a> MS. 104 says that they went out most reluctantly.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_58" href="#FNanchor_58" class="label">[58]</a> The Impartial Hand.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_59" href="#FNanchor_59" class="label">[59]</a> These letters are in the Cumberland MSS. at Windsor Castle.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_60" href="#FNanchor_60" class="label">[60]</a> MS. 104. King’s Library.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_61" href="#FNanchor_61" class="label">[61]</a> See Mr. Mackenzie’s <i>History of the Camerons</i>, pp. 233-244, -where the documents are given.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_62" href="#FNanchor_62" class="label">[62]</a> <i>History of the Camerons</i>, p. 236.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_63" href="#FNanchor_63" class="label">[63]</a> Sheridan can scarcely have been Charles’s adviser at this time. -It may have been O’Sullivan.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_64" href="#FNanchor_64" class="label">[64]</a> <i>Pickle</i>, p. 160. I at first conjectured that this letter might refer -to Pickle himself, but Barisdale, who was in touch with Cumberland -in 1746, just after Culloden, is more probably the person hinted at.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_65" href="#FNanchor_65" class="label">[65]</a> This does not look as if the Duke alluded to him in the letter -of August 9, where he talks of the price of information.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_66" href="#FNanchor_66" class="label">[66]</a> Cumberland MSS. See ‘<a href="#IX">A Gentleman of Knoydart</a>,’ <i>postea</i>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_67" href="#FNanchor_67" class="label">[67]</a> <i>Antiquarian Notes</i>, pp. 152, 153.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_68" href="#FNanchor_68" class="label">[68]</a> <i>Lyon in Mourning</i>, i. 147.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_69" href="#FNanchor_69" class="label">[69]</a> <i>Culloden Papers</i>, pp. 290-292.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_70" href="#FNanchor_70" class="label">[70]</a> Cumberland MSS.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_71" href="#FNanchor_71" class="label">[71]</a> <i>Memorials of Murray of Broughton</i>, p. 270, <i>et seq.</i></p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_72" href="#FNanchor_72" class="label">[72]</a> Chambers’s <i>Rebellion</i> of 1745. Appendix. But compare <i>Memorials</i>, -p. 286, where Murray represents himself as poor, though he had the -5,000 <i>louis</i>, unless he had sent them on in front.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_73" href="#FNanchor_73" class="label">[73]</a> <i>Scots Magazine</i>, July 1753, p. 362.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_74" href="#FNanchor_74" class="label">[74]</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 1750, p. 254.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_75" href="#FNanchor_75" class="label">[75]</a> This is accurate. The note exists to this day.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_76" href="#FNanchor_76" class="label">[76]</a> This was by the Prince’s desire.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_77" href="#FNanchor_77" class="label">[77]</a> Scots Papers. Record Office.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_78" href="#FNanchor_78" class="label">[78]</a> See p. 141, note 2.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_79" href="#FNanchor_79" class="label">[79]</a> Letters between the Major and the Prince are published in -<i>Pickle the Spy</i>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_80" href="#FNanchor_80" class="label">[80]</a> Glengarry to Edgar, Jan. 16, 1750. Browne, iv. p. 66.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_81" href="#FNanchor_81" class="label">[81]</a> Browne, iv. p. 79.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_82" href="#FNanchor_82" class="label">[82]</a> <i>Jacobite Lairds of Gask</i>, p. 276.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_83" href="#FNanchor_83" class="label">[83]</a> Nov. 21, 1753. Browne, iv. 117.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_84" href="#FNanchor_84" class="label">[84]</a> Scots Affairs. Record Office.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_85" href="#FNanchor_85" class="label">[85]</a> The husband of the lady who pistoled the English Captain after -1715.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_86" href="#FNanchor_86" class="label">[86]</a> State Papers, Scotland, 1753.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_87" href="#FNanchor_87" class="label">[87]</a> S.P.S. Bundle 44, No. 28-29.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_88" href="#FNanchor_88" class="label">[88]</a> It is plain that the account given on <a href="#Page_144">p. 144</a>, and said by the Informer -to be ‘in Clunie’s writing,’ is absolutely wrong, cannot be by -Cluny, and is meant to incriminate that chief. Not only are the -6,000 louis carried to Charles by Kennedy omitted, but the ‘treasure’ -intercepted by Downan and Glenevis does not appear, while 2,000 of -the 27,000 louis are left out of the reckoning. ‘The State of Clunie -McPherson’s Intromissions,’ in short, is a fraudulent document. It -bears traces of confused manipulation in various interests.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_89" href="#FNanchor_89" class="label">[89]</a> <i>Lyon in Mourning</i>, i. 310. <i>Antiquarian Notes</i>, by C. Fraser -Mackintosh, p. 225.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_90" href="#FNanchor_90" class="label">[90]</a> <i>Lyon in Mourning</i>, i. 147.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_91" href="#FNanchor_91" class="label">[91]</a> <i>Lyon</i>, i. 309-10.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_92" href="#FNanchor_92" class="label">[92]</a> <i>Nether Lochaber</i>, pp. 188, 189.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_93" href="#FNanchor_93" class="label">[93]</a> Now Fort William.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_94" href="#FNanchor_94" class="label">[94]</a> This Mr. Douglas gets a very bad character from John Macdonnell, -of the Scotus family, in his Memoirs.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_95" href="#FNanchor_95" class="label">[95]</a> Dungallon had only been released from Edinburgh Castle in -October 1749.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_96" href="#FNanchor_96" class="label">[96]</a> This includes the money got by Glengarry in Edinburgh, out of -Murray’s original 5,000 <i>louis</i>, entrusted to his brother-in-law, Mr. -Macdougal. Compare Murray’s <i>Memorials</i>, p. 304, where he denies -that Mrs. Murray brought any large sum from the Highlands. The -reverse is stated by Ramsay of Ochtertyre, and it is plain that, by -Mrs. Murray’s means, or otherwise, a large sum was conveyed by -Murray to Edinburgh.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_97" href="#FNanchor_97" class="label">[97]</a> See Mr. Stevenson’s <i>Kidnapped</i> and <i>Catriona</i> and the printed -Trial for the Appin Murder.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_98" href="#FNanchor_98" class="label">[98]</a> Add. MSS. 32,995, 6, 33.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_99" href="#FNanchor_99" class="label">[99]</a> December 1752. <i>Pickle</i>, p. 176.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_100" href="#FNanchor_100" class="label">[100]</a> State Papers, MS., April 15, 1751.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_101" href="#FNanchor_101" class="label">[101]</a> Cumberland Papers.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_102" href="#FNanchor_102" class="label">[102]</a> <i>Scots Magazine</i>, July 1753, p. 362.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_103" href="#FNanchor_103" class="label">[103]</a> June 18, 1754, State Papers.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_104" href="#FNanchor_104" class="label">[104]</a> <i>Scots Magazine</i>, June 1754. The details of Fassifern’s imprisonment -and condemnation are taken from the <i>Scots Magazine</i> of 1753-1754.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_105" href="#FNanchor_105" class="label">[105]</a> No. 48 S. P. S. From Churchill to Newcastle, Nov. 19, 1751. -The story of the ghostly evidence in Sergeant Davies’s case will be -found in the author’s <i>Book of Dreams and Ghosts</i>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_106" href="#FNanchor_106" class="label">[106]</a> Written before 1810, the Memoirs are published in the <i>Canadian -Magazine</i> of 1828. Mr. McLennan has founded on these papers his -excellent romance, <i>Spanish John</i>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_107" href="#FNanchor_107" class="label">[107]</a> <i>Hunts-foot</i> (<i>sic</i>), <i>i.e.</i> leg of a dog, a term of reproach with the -Germans.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_108" href="#FNanchor_108" class="label">[108]</a> Lally’s adventures were romantic, and are only touched on by -M. Humont in his <i>Lally Tollendal</i>, pp. 32-5.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_109" href="#FNanchor_109" class="label">[109]</a> Mackenzie’s <i>History of the Camerons</i>; see documents on pp. -233-44.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_110" href="#FNanchor_110" class="label">[110]</a> Murray of Broughton in Chambers’s <i>Rebellion of 1745</i>; edition -of 1869, p. 515.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_111" href="#FNanchor_111" class="label">[111]</a> Letter-Book of Alastair Ruadh, MS.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_112" href="#FNanchor_112" class="label">[112]</a> William, fourth son of Donald the fifth of Kilcoy. He married -Jean, daughter of Mackenzie of Davochmaluag, and died without -issue. <i>History of the Mackenzies</i>, p. 585.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_113" href="#FNanchor_113" class="label">[113]</a> <i>Antiquarian Notes</i>, by C. Fraser Mackintosh, p. 156.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_114" href="#FNanchor_114" class="label">[114]</a> Laing MSS., Edinburgh University Library.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_115" href="#FNanchor_115" class="label">[115]</a> <i>Pickle</i>, p. 282.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_116" href="#FNanchor_116" class="label">[116]</a> February 19, 1760, <i>Pickle</i>, p. 312: also p. 266, April 8, 1754: -‘Since the loss of my worthy great friend [Henry Pelham] on whose -word I wholly relay’d, everything comes far short of my expectations.’</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_117" href="#FNanchor_117" class="label">[117]</a> <i>Antiquarian Notes</i>, p. 123.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_118" href="#FNanchor_118" class="label">[118]</a> <i>Pickle</i>, pp. 312-314.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_119" href="#FNanchor_119" class="label">[119]</a> <i>Antiquarian Notes</i>, pp. 120, 121.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_120" href="#FNanchor_120" class="label">[120]</a> The tradition of Glengarry’s treachery has reached me both from -Scotland and America, under dread secrecy!</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_121" href="#FNanchor_121" class="label">[121]</a> In 1749 a Mr. Bruce was appointed to survey the forfeited and -unforfeited estates of the Highlands, including Glengarry’s. Pickle -speaks of employing ‘Cromwell’ (Bruce) to draw up for him a judicial -rent roll. The two Bruces, the surveyor and the Court Trusty, are -obviously the same man, and he is probably the writer of the tract, -<i>The Highlands in 1750</i>. (MS. 104. King’s Library.)</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_122" href="#FNanchor_122" class="label">[122]</a> It is needless to consider the theory that Pickle was James Mohr -Macgregor, who died in 1754.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_123" href="#FNanchor_123" class="label">[123]</a> Burt, i. 265-267.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_124" href="#FNanchor_124" class="label">[124]</a> Murray of Broughton’s <i>Memorials</i>, p. 107. James’s letter to -Louis XV., p. 508.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_125" href="#FNanchor_125" class="label">[125]</a> Charles knew of Murray’s ‘rascality’ by April 10, 1747. Letter -of the Prince to James. Stuart Papers, <i>Memorials</i>, p. 398.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_126" href="#FNanchor_126" class="label">[126]</a> <i>Lyon in Mourning</i>, iii. 119. The anecdote is also given by -Robert Chambers in <i>Jacobite Memorials</i>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_127" href="#FNanchor_127" class="label">[127]</a> This letter was published, from my transcript, by Mr. A. H. -Millar, in the <i>Scottish Review</i> for April 1897.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_128" href="#FNanchor_128" class="label">[128]</a> Stuart Papers. Browne, iv. 100, iv. 22, 23, 51.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_129" href="#FNanchor_129" class="label">[129]</a> Browne, iv. 98-102.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_130" href="#FNanchor_130" class="label">[130]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> iv. 118.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_131" href="#FNanchor_131" class="label">[131]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> iv. 64.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_132" href="#FNanchor_132" class="label">[132]</a> Newton to Waters, March 18, 1750, <i>Pickle</i>, p. 93; Lord Elcho’s -Diary; Glengarry to Prince Charles, admitting the fact, 1751; Browne, -iv. 79; ‘<a href="#VI">Cluny’s Treasure</a>,’ <i>supra</i>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_133" href="#FNanchor_133" class="label">[133]</a> Browne, iv. 66.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_134" href="#FNanchor_134" class="label">[134]</a> <i>Pickle</i>, p. 161.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_135" href="#FNanchor_135" class="label">[135]</a> Stuart Papers, Windsor Castle.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_136" href="#FNanchor_136" class="label">[136]</a> <i>Pickle</i>, p. 162.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_137" href="#FNanchor_137" class="label">[137]</a> <i>Pickle</i>, p. 180.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_138" href="#FNanchor_138" class="label">[138]</a> Jesse’s <i>Pretenders</i>, Appendix.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_139" href="#FNanchor_139" class="label">[139]</a> <i>Pickle</i>, pp. 170-175.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_140" href="#FNanchor_140" class="label">[140]</a> <i>Pickle</i>, pp. 191-194.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_141" href="#FNanchor_141" class="label">[141]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> p. 190.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_142" href="#FNanchor_142" class="label">[142]</a> MSS. 33,050; f. A25.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_143" href="#FNanchor_143" class="label">[143]</a> <i>Pickle</i>, p. 210.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_144" href="#FNanchor_144" class="label">[144]</a> <i>Pickle</i>, p. 219.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_145" href="#FNanchor_145" class="label">[145]</a> State Papers, Scotland, Bundle 44, No. 67.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_146" href="#FNanchor_146" class="label">[146]</a> Glengarry’s Letter Book, MS., <a href="#Page_207">p. 207</a>, <i>supra</i>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_147" href="#FNanchor_147" class="label">[147]</a> Add MSS. 32,955, f. 38.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_148" href="#FNanchor_148" class="label">[148]</a> <i>Highlanders</i>, ii. xvi. Appendix.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_149" href="#FNanchor_149" class="label">[149]</a> <i>Scottish Review</i>, April, 1897, p. 223.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_150" href="#FNanchor_150" class="label">[150]</a> <i>Pickle</i>, p. 283.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_151" href="#FNanchor_151" class="label">[151]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> p. 284.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_152" href="#FNanchor_152" class="label">[152]</a> See <a href="#APPENDIX">Appendix</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_153" href="#FNanchor_153" class="label">[153]</a> December 13, 1754. <i>Pickle</i>, p. 285.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_154" href="#FNanchor_154" class="label">[154]</a> This letter, with a draft of Glengarry’s reply, written on the -back, is in the possession of General Macdonald, the owner of Glengarry’s -Letter Book.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_155" href="#FNanchor_155" class="label">[155]</a> <i>Pickle</i>, pp. 288-289.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_156" href="#FNanchor_156" class="label">[156]</a> Add. MSS. 32,804, f. 137.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_157" href="#FNanchor_157" class="label">[157]</a> <i>Pickle</i>, pp. 290-291.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_158" href="#FNanchor_158" class="label">[158]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> pp. 312-314.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_159" href="#FNanchor_159" class="label">[159]</a> <i>Letters from the Highlands</i>, ii. 70 (1818).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_160" href="#FNanchor_160" class="label">[160]</a> Glengarry’s Letter Book, MS. (1758-9).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_161" href="#FNanchor_161" class="label">[161]</a> <i>A Journey through part of England and Scotland, Along with -the Army, &c.</i> By a Volunteer. Osborne, London: 1747, p. 176.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_162" href="#FNanchor_162" class="label">[162]</a> Lord Selkirk, <i>State of the Highlands</i>, p. 42 (1805).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_163" href="#FNanchor_163" class="label">[163]</a> Glengarry’s Letter Book, MS.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_164" href="#FNanchor_164" class="label">[164]</a> November-December, 1754. <i>Pickle</i>, p. 285.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_165" href="#FNanchor_165" class="label">[165]</a> <i>Antiquarian Notes</i>, pp. 120-134.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_166" href="#FNanchor_166" class="label">[166]</a> <i>Pickle</i>, p. 217.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_167" href="#FNanchor_167" class="label">[167]</a> <i>Northern Memoirs.</i> This author does not speak of drinking the -blood of the <i>living</i> cow. See <i>op. cit.</i> p. 209, and note, p. 372. This -correction applies to p. 283.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_168" href="#FNanchor_168" class="label">[168]</a> Burt, ii. p. 31.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_169" href="#FNanchor_169" class="label">[169]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> p. 26.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_170" href="#FNanchor_170" class="label">[170]</a> Glengarry’s Letter Book, MS.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_171" href="#FNanchor_171" class="label">[171]</a> <i>Scotland as it was and as it is</i>, p. 245.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_172" href="#FNanchor_172" class="label">[172]</a> Burt, ii. 51.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_173" href="#FNanchor_173" class="label">[173]</a> The Gartmore MS. is denounced as full of ignorant Lowland -prejudice, by General Stewart of Garth.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_174" href="#FNanchor_174" class="label">[174]</a> Burt, Appendix, ii. 357.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_175" href="#FNanchor_175" class="label">[175]</a> We have another statement by Culloden: ‘From Perth to Inverness, -and thence to the Western Sea, including the Western Islands, ... -no part is in any degree cultivated, except some spots here and there -in straths or glens, by the sides of rivers, brooks, or lakes, and on the -sea-coast. The grounds that are cultivated yield small quantities of -mean corns not sufficient to feed the inhabitants, who depend for their -nourishment on milk, butter, cheese, &c., the product of their cattle.... -Their habitations are the most miserable huts that ever were seen.’ -<i>Culloden Papers</i>, p. 298.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_176" href="#FNanchor_176" class="label">[176]</a> This is the house near Musselburgh, which the wicked Colonel -Charteris lent to Culloden, who had defended him from a charge of -rape. In one room (when I was a boy) you saw in the centre a great -black blotch, and black marks as of footsteps tiptoeing out to the door. -A gruesome room!</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_177" href="#FNanchor_177" class="label">[177]</a> Cumberland Papers, 1753.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_178" href="#FNanchor_178" class="label">[178]</a> <i>Antiquarian Notes</i>, p. 207.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_179" href="#FNanchor_179" class="label">[179]</a> <i>Antiquarian Notes</i>; compare pp. 126 and 207.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_180" href="#FNanchor_180" class="label">[180]</a> Here is a formal rent from Burt (ii. 56):—</p> - -<p class="center"><i>Donald Mac Oil vic ille Challum.</i></p> - -<ul> -<li>Money £8. 10. 4. Scots £0. 5. 10⅛.</li> -<li>Butter 3 lb. 2 oz.</li> -<li>Oatmeal 2 bushels 1 Peck 3 Lip.</li> -<li>Sheep ⅛ and ⅟₁₆.</li> -</ul> - -<p>Other tenants paid in shares the rest of the sheep. Then there would -be ‘services,’ engaging Donald’s time and labour.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_181" href="#FNanchor_181" class="label">[181]</a> ‘Cluny, May 10, 1724.’ <i>Stuart Papers</i>, p. 113, Appendix, -pp. 100-105.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_182" href="#FNanchor_182" class="label">[182]</a> James to the Duke of Gordon, August 27, 1724.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_183" href="#FNanchor_183" class="label">[183]</a> British Museum. The King’s Library, 104.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_184" href="#FNanchor_184" class="label">[184]</a> <i>Scots Magazine</i>, 1753, p. 498.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_185" href="#FNanchor_185" class="label">[185]</a> Burt, ii. 5, 6.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_186" href="#FNanchor_186" class="label">[186]</a> MS. 104.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_187" href="#FNanchor_187" class="label">[187]</a> <i>Sketches</i>, 1822.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_188" href="#FNanchor_188" class="label">[188]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> i. 40.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_189" href="#FNanchor_189" class="label">[189]</a> <i>Op. cit.</i> i. 84, 85.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_190" href="#FNanchor_190" class="label">[190]</a> Burt, ii. 107.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_191" href="#FNanchor_191" class="label">[191]</a> <i>Sketches</i>, i. 185, <i>note</i>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_192" href="#FNanchor_192" class="label">[192]</a> <i>Antiquarian Notes</i>, p. 284.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_193" href="#FNanchor_193" class="label">[193]</a> <i>Sketches</i>, i. 150.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_194" href="#FNanchor_194" class="label">[194]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> ii. Appendix, xliv.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_195" href="#FNanchor_195" class="label">[195]</a> <i>Sketches</i>, i. 139.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_196" href="#FNanchor_196" class="label">[196]</a> See also the Introduction to <i>The Legend of Montrose</i>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_197" href="#FNanchor_197" class="label">[197]</a> Cumberland Papers, 1753.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_198" href="#FNanchor_198" class="label">[198]</a> January 16, 1747.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_199" href="#FNanchor_199" class="label">[199]</a> Browne, iii. p. 477.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_200" href="#FNanchor_200" class="label">[200]</a> March 26, 1740. <i>Gleanings from Cluny Charter Chest</i>, p. 4.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_201" href="#FNanchor_201" class="label">[201]</a> Henry Pelham’s.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_202" href="#FNanchor_202" class="label">[202]</a> One Bruce did survey the Forfeited Estates and others.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_203" href="#FNanchor_203" class="label">[203]</a> At Edinburgh, Sept. 1, died Old Glengarry.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_204" href="#FNanchor_204" class="label">[204]</a> On account of Old Glengarry’s death.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_205" href="#FNanchor_205" class="label">[205]</a> Dunvegan, August 3, 1745. <i>Culloden Papers</i>, p. 204.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_206" href="#FNanchor_206" class="label">[206]</a> <i>History of the Macleods.</i> By Alexander Mackenzie, F.S.A., -p. 129. Inverness, 1889.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_207" href="#FNanchor_207" class="label">[207]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> p. 133.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_208" href="#FNanchor_208" class="label">[208]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> p. 149.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_209" href="#FNanchor_209" class="label">[209]</a> Mackenzie, pp. 150, 151.</p> - -</div> - -</div> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_297"></a>[297]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="INDEX">INDEX</h2> - -<div class="figcenter illowp100" style="max-width: 9.375em;"> - <img class="w100" src="images/line.jpg" alt="" /> -</div> - -</div> - -<ul> - -<li class="ifrst">Aberdeen, Earl of, <a href="#Page_105">105</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Ailesbury, Lord, <a href="#Page_58">58</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Airlie, Earl of, <a href="#Page_105">105</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Albemarle, Lord, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Alberoni, Cardinal, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Amelot, his warning to Murray of Broughton, <a href="#Page_73">73</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Anderson, Mrs., of Arradoul, nurses Prince Charles, <a href="#Footnote_40">85 <i>note</i></a></li> - -<li class="indx">Ardsheil, his estates, <a href="#Page_274">274</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Argyll, Duke of, at Sheriffmuir, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">cited, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Arkaig, Loch, French gold buried at. <i>See</i> <a href="#French_treasure">French treasure</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Association of Scottish Jacobites, the, foundation of, <a href="#Page_32">32</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Atholl, Duke of, his comparison of Pickle’s and Glengarry’s letters, <a href="#Page_249">249</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Atholl, James, Duke of, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Atterbury, Bishop, urges proclamation of King James, on Anne’s death, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">conspiring, <a href="#Page_22">22</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">Baillie, William, letter on Glengarry’s reconcilement to the Government, <a href="#Page_226">226</a></li> - -<li class="indx" id="Balhaldie">Balhaldie (chief of the Macgregors), <a href="#Page_72">72</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his Ossianic prophecies of a French invasion, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">in Paris, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">in Flanders, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">working against Murray of Broughton, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">cited, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a></li> - -<li class="indx" id="Barisdale">Barisdale, Colonel (grandson of Macdonell of Barisdale), <a href="#Page_124">124</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Barisdale, Macdonell of, physical powers, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">marriage, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">fight with Cameron of Taask, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">arrested for theft, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">thief-catcher, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">cruelty, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">joins a confederacy for theft, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">devices for levying blackmail, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">captain of a ‘Watch,’ <a href="#Page_105">105</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">wadsetter of Glengarry’s, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">duel with Cluny, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">made a colonel by Charles, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">at Prestonpans, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">made a knight banneret, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">raising the clans, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">reducing the shires of Ross and Sutherland, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">letter to Lady Sutherland, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">too late for Culloden, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">and Lochiel, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">endeavours to seize Charles, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">gets a ‘protection,’ <a href="#Page_115">115</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his protection rescinded, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">with his son put in irons by Charles, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">in a French prison, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">imprisoned in Edinburgh Castle, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his narrative to the Justice Clerk, <a href="#Page_118">118-121</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Jacobite charges against him, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">dies in Edinburgh Castle, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">family seat, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">cited, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Barisdale, Young (son of Macdonell of Barisdale), in a French prison, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">a fugitive in the Highlands, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">takes the oaths, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">cited, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a></li> - -<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_298"></a>[298]</span>Barry, Dr., betrayed by Murray of Broughton, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Barrymore, Lord, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Beaufort, Duke of, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Berwick, Duke of, urges James to join his adherents, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">then advises delay, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">detained by the Regent Orléans in France, <a href="#Page_9">9</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Blair (an agent of James), <a href="#Page_229">229</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Bland, General, Governor of Edinburgh Castle, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Bolingbroke, <a href="#Page_9">9</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Brado, Mr. (Jew), <a href="#Page_200">200</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Breck, Allan, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Bruce (Court Trusty), <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Burt, Captain, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">Cameron, Allan (brother of Glenevis), dies at Culloden, <a href="#Page_149">149</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Cameron, Allan, of Landavrae, <a href="#Page_164">164</a></li> - -<li class="indx" id="Cameron_of_Glenevis">Cameron, Alexander, of Glenevis, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">genealogy, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">brutality of Cumberland’s men to his wife, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Colonel Crawfurd’s attempt to arrest, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">surrenders to Crawfurd, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">believes that Young Glengarry gave information against him, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">in Edinburgh Castle, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">cited, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Cameron, Angus, of Downan, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Cameron, Archibald, of Dungallon, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Cameron, Dr. Archibald (brother of Lochiel), entrusted with French treasure, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">buries a portion at Loch Arkaig, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">accuses, and is accused by, Young Glengarry of embezzlement, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">vindicated in a letter from Douay, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">also by an informer, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Cluny Macpherson’s alleged accounts, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">innocent of malversation of the Prince’s money, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">relationship to Lochiel, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">accusations from and of Young Glengarry about the French treasure, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">cited, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Cameron, Donald, <a href="#Page_135">135</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Cameron, Dugald (cowherd), <a href="#Page_272">272</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Cameron, Duncan, <a href="#Page_156">156</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Cameron, Evan, of Drumsallie, <a href="#Page_145">145</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Cameron, Mrs. Archibald, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Cameron, Mrs. Jean, <a href="#Page_138">138</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Cameron of Lochiel. <i>See</i> <a href="#Lochiel">Lochiel</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Cameron of Taask, <a href="#Page_101">101</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Cameron of Torcastle, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Cameron, Rev. John, <a href="#Page_114">114</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Cameron, Samuel (brother of Cameron of Glenevis; Major in Lochiel’s regiment in French service), <a href="#Page_138">138</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">cited, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Cameron, Sergeant Mohr, hanged, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">cited, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Campbell of Auchenbreck (father-in-law of Lochiel), <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Campbell of Glenure, murdered, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Campbell of Lochnell, <a href="#Page_227">227</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Campbell, Sheriff, of Stonefield, <a href="#Page_266">266</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Carlyle, Dr., <a href="#Page_142">142</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Carte, the historian, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Caryl, Lady Elizabeth, <a href="#Page_27">27</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Cecil, Colonel, <a href="#Page_73">73</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Charles Edward, Prince, disliked by the Earl Marischal, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">repudiates assassination schemes, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">affected contempt for all religion, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">proposal to settle him in Corsica, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">offers to go alone with the Marischal to Scotland, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">living concealed in Paris, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">anxious to join the French army in Flanders, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">implores the Earl Marischal to meet him at Venice, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">breaks with Goring, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">declines to cashier his mistress, Miss Walkinshaw, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his retreat in Flanders detected by the English, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">appeals to the Earl Marischal, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his life of exile, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_299"></a>[299]</span>absurd anecdote of his want of courage, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">story of his presence at the coronation of George III., <a href="#Page_59">59</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his personal appearance, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Murray of Broughton’s attachment to him, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Murray exposes Balhaldie and Sempil to him, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">avows his intention of visiting Scotland, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">warned against this intention, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">embarks for Scotland, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">believes in Murray of Broughton, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">anger with Lord George Murray on the march southwards, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">attacked with pneumonia, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">behaviour after Culloden, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">kindness shown him by Mlle. Ferrand and Mme. de Vassé, <a href="#Page_92">92-96</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">makes Barisdale a colonel, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">warned by Sheridan against Barisdale, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">puts Barisdale and his son in a French prison, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">account of his escape from Skye, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">instructions about French treasure at Arkaig, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">directs the remainder of the French gold to be brought to France, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">deserted by his adherents, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">invitation from France, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">break up of his party in England, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">loyalty to his adherents, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">interview with Young Glengarry in France, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">collection made for him, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">cited, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Charteris, Colonel, <a href="#Footnote_176">270 <i>note</i></a></li> - -<li class="indx">Churchill, General, <a href="#Page_175">175</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Clancarty, Lord, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Clanranald, after Sheriffmuir, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">cited, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_256">256</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Clement XI., <a href="#Page_21">21</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Cluny’s treasure. <i>See</i> <a href="#French_treasure">French treasure</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Cockburn, his carelessness with the Jacobite cypher, <a href="#Page_75">75</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Cole, <a href="#Page_138">138</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Condillac, Abbé, his tribute to Mlle. Ferrand and Madame de Vassé, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Conti, Princesse de, <a href="#Page_19">19</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Cope, General, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Cotton, Sir John Hinde, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Craigie, Lord-Advocate, <a href="#Page_231">231</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Crawfurd, Colonel (Governor of Fort William), <a href="#Page_142">142</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">arrests Fassifern, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Glenevis surrenders to him, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">examines Glenevis concerning the French gold, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">urges the ‘uprooting’ of Fassifern, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">induces Charles Stewart to lie about Fassifern’s claims, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">cited, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Creach (in the Irish Brigade), <a href="#Page_180">180</a></li> - -<li class="indx" id="Crequy">Créquy, Madame de, pseudo-Memoirs of, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">her love affair with the Earl Marischal, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">fraudulent compilation of her Memoirs, <a href="#Page_15">15</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Cromarty, Lord, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Crystal-gazing, <a href="#Footnote_48">96 <i>note</i></a></li> - -<li class="indx">Culloden, <a href="#Page_85">85</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Cumberland, Duke of, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">D’Alembert, quoted, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a></li> - -<li class="indx">D’Argens, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a></li> - -<li class="indx">D’Argenson, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a></li> - -<li class="indx">D’Avenant, threatens to bombard Genoa if the Keiths are not expelled, <a href="#Page_21">21</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Davies, Sergeant, murder of, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Dawkins, Jemmy, <a href="#Page_43">43</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Dillon, General, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Douglas (Sheriff-substitute), <a href="#Page_150">150</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Douglas, Sir John, <a href="#Page_88">88</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Drummond, Lord John (brother of Duke of Perth), <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Drummond, of Balhaldie. <i>See</i> <a href="#Balhaldie">Balhaldie</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Drummond, Provost, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Dumas the Younger, his dramatic use of an incident in Murray of Broughton’s career, <a href="#Page_90">90</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Dunbar, Lord, <a href="#Page_26">26</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_300"></a>[300]</span>Edgar (James’s secretary), <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Elcho, Lord, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Elibank, Lord, <a href="#Page_232">232</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Elibank Plot, the, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Emetté, Mlle. (Turkish captive), <a href="#Page_31">31</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Erskine, <a href="#Page_117">117</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">Fassifern (Lochiel’s brother), <a href="#Page_143">143</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">examined as to the French treasure, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">arrested by Colonel Crawfurd, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">in Edinburgh Castle, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">denounced by Young Glengarry, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Colonel Crawfurd’s accusations, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">charged with suborning Glenure’s murder, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">accused of forging deeds of Lochiel’s estate, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">evidence of an informer against him, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">protests against points in his indictment, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">petitions for bail, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">bail refused, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Charles Stewart on his claims, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Macfarlane’s preparation of claims from missing deeds, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">found guilty of abstracting his own papers, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">‘uprooted,’ <a href="#Page_171">171</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">cited, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Faulkner, Sir Everard, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_211">211</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Fergusson, Captain, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a></li> - -<li class="indx" id="Ferrand">Ferrand, Mademoiselle (Mlle. Luci), kindness to Charles, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">influence on Condillac, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">character, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">death, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">crystal-gazing in research of her identity, <a href="#Footnote_48">96 <i>note</i></a></li> - -<li class="indx">Fire-charming, <a href="#Page_24">24</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Fitzjames, Duc de, <a href="#Page_186">186</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Fleury, Cardinal, death of, <a href="#Page_73">73</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Floyd, Captain, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Floyd, David (son of Captain Floyd), <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Forbes, Bishop, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Forbes, Captain, <a href="#Page_214">214</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Forbes of Culloden, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Fowler, Mr. (gentleman gaoler of the Tower), <a href="#Page_89">89</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Frazer, General (son of Old Lovat), <a href="#Page_200">200</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Frederick the Great, his esteem for the Earl Marischal, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">employs him, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">concerned at his health, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">asks the Marischal to find him a good French cook, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">foresees the oncoming of the Seven Years’ War, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">loses Marshal Keith, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">sends the Marischal to Spain, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">surety with George II. for the Marischal’s conduct, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">patronises Rousseau, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">tampers with the Jacobites, <a href="#Page_238">238</a></li> - -<li class="indx" id="French_treasure">French treasure, in aid of Charles’s expedition, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Murray of Broughton’s and Archibald Cameron’s disposition of it, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">burial of a portion in the garden of Mrs. Menzies of Culdairs, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">burial of major part at Loch Arkaig, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">intelligence sent to Colonel Napier about, <a href="#Page_133">133-139</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Cameron’s accusation of Young Glengarry, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Glengarry charges Cluny and the Doctor with embezzlement, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Cameron of Torcastle’s statement, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">a letter from Douay, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">evidence of an Informer, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Cluny Macpherson’s intromissions, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Fassifern’s admissions, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Glenevis under examination concerning, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Young Glengarry’s dealings with it, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">causes dissensions among the clans, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Knoydart and Lochaber demoralised by it, <a href="#Page_194">194</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Froullay, Mlle. de. <i>See</i> <a href="#Crequy">Créquy, Mme. de</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">Gardiner, Mr. (an agent of Crawfurd’s), <a href="#Page_150">150</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Gartmore MSS., <a href="#Page_263">263</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Gask, the Laird of, <a href="#Page_141">141</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Geoffrin, Madame, <a href="#Page_51">51</a></li> - -<li class="indx">George II., pardons the Earl Marischal, <a href="#Page_51">51</a></li> - -<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_301"></a>[301]</span>George III., story of Charles’s presence at his coronation, <a href="#Page_59">59</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Glendarule, <a href="#Page_17">17</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Glenevis. <i>See</i> <a href="#Cameron_of_Glenevis">Cameron of Glenevis</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Glengarry, Æneas (brother of Young Glengarry), <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Glengarry, Duncan, <a href="#Page_260">260</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Glengarry of Killiecrankie, <a href="#Page_256">256</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Glengarry, Old (father of Pickle), <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Glengarry, Young. <i>See</i> <a href="#Pickle">Pickle</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Glenshiel, the conflict at, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Gordon, Admiral, <a href="#Page_26">26</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Gordon, Duke of, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Gordon of Glenbucket, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Gordon, Sir Thomas, of Earlstoun, <a href="#Page_75">75</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Goring, Henry, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Grant, Major, <a href="#Page_287">287</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Grant, Miss Marjory (daughter of Sir Ludovick Grant of Dalvey), <a href="#Page_261">261</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Grant, Mrs., <a href="#Page_85">85</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Grant of Grant, <a href="#Page_106">106</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Grey (English Jacobite), <a href="#Page_22">22</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">Hamilton, Duke of, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">contributes monetary aid to Charles’s cause, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">accepts Charles’s commission, <a href="#Page_81">81</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Harrison, Father, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Hay, John, of Restalrig, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Hay of Drumelzier, <a href="#Page_72">72</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Hay, William, cited, <a href="#Page_26">26</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Helvetius, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Highlanders, character of, <a href="#Page_97">97</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Highlands, the, the old times and the new in, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">deer driving, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">poverty, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">ignorance, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">a Highland home in 1747, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">emigration of the clans, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">the Glengarry estate a typical instance of clan holding, <a href="#Page_258">258-262</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">evidence concerning, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">poetry, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Strathnaver crofters, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">living cows’ blood mixed with oatmeal for food, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">hardness of living, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">rents, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">the truck system, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">thriftless agricultural methods, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">tyranny of the tacksmen, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Forbes of Culloden’s leases, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">customary services and ‘casualties,’ <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">rent paid in kind, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">commutation of services for money, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">copy of a formal rent, <a href="#Footnote_180">273 <i>note</i></a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">evictions, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">the eviction of the Macphersons from Badenoch, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">the Mackenzies as landlords, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">the Camerons as tenants, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">evictions a part of clan warfare, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">obligations of the chiefs to the necessitous, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">times of scarcity, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">blackmail, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">the creed of communism, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">association of Sutherland farmers to suppress sheep-stealing, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">attitude of landlords, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">clan affection becomes clan hatred, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">old times contrasted with new, <a href="#Page_285">285</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Hodgson, Captain, <a href="#Page_127">127</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Holderness, Lord, <a href="#Page_51">51</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Holker (of Ogilvie’s regiment), <a href="#Page_229">229</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Howard, G., letter on Barisdale’s protection, <a href="#Page_115">115</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Hume, David, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">letter from Marischal concerning Rousseau, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">disseminates an anecdote reflecting on the courage of Charles, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">letters from Marischal, <a href="#Page_59">59-64</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Hunter, Mrs., of Polmood, <a href="#Page_87">87</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Huntly, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">Ibrahim (the Marischal’s Turk), <a href="#Page_31">31</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Innes, George (head of the Scots College), <a href="#Page_179">179</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Innes, Thomas (historian), <a href="#Page_179">179</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Inverness, Lord, <a href="#Page_26">26</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Izard, Captain, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_302"></a>[302]</span>James (the Third, Chevalier de St. George), urged to quit France and join his adherents, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his wintry welcome at Perth, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">after Sheriffmuir, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">escapes from Scotland, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">at Avignon, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his assassination planned by Stair, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his bride, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">endeavours to relieve his destitute followers, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">pension from Spain, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">at the tomb of Clementina, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his trust in Balhaldie, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">believes in ‘lying still,’ <a href="#Page_39">39</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">opposed to desperate ventures, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">deserted by the Earl Marischal, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">announces the French King’s resolution to help him, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">appealed to about the French treasure, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his name forged by Young Glengarry, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">cited, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Johnson, Dr., quoted, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Johnston, Captain, <a href="#Page_160">160</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Johnstone, Chevalier, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Jones, Captain, <a href="#Page_149">149</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">Kaunitz, Count, <a href="#Page_238">238</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Keith, George, Earl Marischal of Scotland, his place in contemporary history, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">ancestry, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">political views, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">personal character, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">date of birth, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">parentage, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Colonel and disciplinarian, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">neglects the chance on Anne’s death of proclaiming King James, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">urges James to join his adherents, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">induces his brother James to join the Jacobite cause, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">at Sheriffmuir, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">remains with the defeated army, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">ships to France, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">in Spain, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">legendary romance about Mlle. de Froullay (Créquy), <a href="#Page_15">15</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">portrait in 1716, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">at the Lewes with a Spanish force, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">in Holland, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">in Rome, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">communicates the Glenshiel fiasco to Alberoni, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">vicissitudes, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">friendship with the Duchess of Medina Sidonia, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">investigates fire-charming, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">religious ideas, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">receives from James the Order of the Thistle, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">dislike of Prince Charles, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">finds the Jacobite Court at Rome no place for an honest man, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">at Avignon, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">modesty of his requirements, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">on the hanging of Porteous, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">at St. Petersburg, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Turkish captives in his custody, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">impatient with Sempil and Balhaldie, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">accused of being lukewarm, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">appointed General of a diversion in Scotland, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">asked by Charles to set forth with him in a sailing boat, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">accused of stopping the Dunkirk expedition, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">tries to influence Louis XV. for French aid, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">at odds with Sempil, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">averse from Charles’s unsupported expedition, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">disappears from the diplomatic scene, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">at Venice, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">at Berlin, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">in the service of Frederick the Great, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">distrust of George Kelly, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Frederick’s ambassador to Versailles, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">tolerance of the Elibank Plot, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">breaks with Charles, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">letter from his brother, Marshal Keith, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Frederick’s generous offers, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Prince Charles appeals to him, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">seeks pardon from the English Government, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his judgment of Charles too severe, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">death of his brother, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">squabble with Keith’s mistress, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">sent by Frederick to Spain, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">succeeds to Lord Kintore’s estate, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">pardoned by George II., <a href="#Page_51">51</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">visits England,52;</li> -<li class="isub1">Provost of Kintore, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">dislikes Scotland and returns to Neufchâtel, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">acquaintance with J. J. Rousseau, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">leaves Neufchâtel and secures Rousseau an asylum in England, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">at Potsdam, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">disseminates a scandalous anecdote about Charles, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_303"></a>[303]</span>letters to Hume, <a href="#Page_59">59-64</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his life at Berlin, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">attachment to Frederick, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">character, tastes, and habits, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">death, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">cited, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Keith, Marshal James, joins the Jacobite cause, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">account of Sheriffmuir, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">escapes to France, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">reception by Mary of Modena, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">in Spain, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">meets Tullibardine in Paris, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">brings a Spanish force to Scotland, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">defeated by the English forces, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">in Holland, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">in Rome, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">vicissitudes, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">ill in Paris, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">enters the Russian service, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">wounded, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his Turkish captives, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">in the service of Frederick, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his Livonian mistress, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">letter to the Earl Marischal, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his death, <a href="#Page_50">50</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Keith, Sir Robert Murray, <a href="#Page_67">67</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Kelly, Rev. George (one of the Seven Men of Moidart), imprisoned in the Tower, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">escapes therefrom, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">cited, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Footnote_15">34 <i>note</i></a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Kennedy, Major, concerned with the French treasure, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Keppoch, <a href="#Page_100">100</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Keppoch, Lady, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Kingsburgh, <a href="#Page_128">128</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Kintore, Lord, <a href="#Page_51">51</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Kirk, Rev. Mr., <a href="#Page_109">109</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Knyphausen, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">Lambert, Colonel, <a href="#Page_214">214</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Law, founder of the Mississippi scheme, <a href="#Page_19">19</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Layer, his mob-plot, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">hanged, <a href="#Page_23">23</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Leslie (priest), <a href="#Page_227">227</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Lichfield, Earl of, <a href="#Page_36">36</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Liria, Duke de (son of the Duke of Berwick), <a href="#Page_17">17</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Lismore (James’s agent), <a href="#Page_226">226</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Loch Arkaig, French treasure buried at. <i>See</i> <a href="#French_treasure">French treasure</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Lochgarry, in a thievish confederacy, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">accused of treachery, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">handling French treasure, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">wadsetter of Old Glengarry’s lands of Cullachy, <a href="#Page_210">210-212</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">possessions forfeited to the Crown, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">in Edinburgh with Pickle, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>,</li> -<li class="isub1">cited, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a></li> - -<li class="indx" id="Lochiel">Lochiel (head of the Cameron clan), extracts from Macleod of Skye a promise to raise his clan, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">believes every man of honour should rise, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">determines to wage guerilla war after Culloden, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">clan relationships, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">cited, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Lockhart, Alexander (counsel), <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Lockhart of Carnwath, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Lockhart of Carnwath (the younger), <a href="#Page_131">131</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Loudon, Lord, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Louis XIV., death of, <a href="#Page_9">9</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Louis XV., induced to adopt the Jacobite cause, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Lovat, Lord, one of the ‘Association,’ <a href="#Page_72">72</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his betrayal of the Duke of Beaufort, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">after Culloden, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">cited, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_257">257</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Lovat, Master of, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Luci, Mademoiselle. <i>See</i> <a href="#Ferrand">Ferrand, Mademoiselle</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Lynch, Captain (Irish Jacobite), <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">Macdonald, Æneas (banker), <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Macdonald, Alexander Bain, trial of, for murder of Sergeant Davies, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Macdonald, Angus (of the Clanranald family), <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Macdonald, Captain Allan, of Knock, in Sleat, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Macdonald, Flora, assists Charles to escape, <a href="#Page_127">127</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Macdonald, Lady Margaret, of Sleat, connives at Charles escape from Skye, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Macdonald, Major, <a href="#Page_241">241</a></li> - -<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_304"></a>[304]</span>Macdonald of Morar, <a href="#Page_124">124</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Macdonald, Sir Alexander, of Sleat, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Jacobite and Hanoverian, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">letter to Cumberland on Pretender’s movements, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">epigram on his death, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">cited, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Macdonell, Archibald (son of Barisdale), <a href="#Page_107">107</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Macdonell, Colonel John, of Knoydart, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">early life, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his Memoirs, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">family and estate, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">educated in Rome, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">an adventure at Toulon, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Creach’s attempt at robbery and his repulse, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">introduced to King James, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">presented with a sword and a prediction, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">horrified by the ideas of his comrades, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his baptism of fire, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">wounded in battle with the Austrians, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">goes in aid of Charles to Scotland, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">arrives after Culloden, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">robbed of part of money destined for Charles, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">reaches Loch Arkaig, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">meets Barisdale, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">hands remainder of money to Murray of Broughton, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">makes for Knoydart, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">adventure while in search of money stolen by Colin Dearg, <a href="#Page_190">190-192</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">confronts Colin Dearg on the subject, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">arrested by Captain Fergusson, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">denounces his cousin Captain Allan Macdonald, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">imprisoned in Fort William, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">released, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">challenges Macdonald of Knock, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">in America, <a href="#Page_197">197</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Macdonell, Dr., of Kylles, <a href="#Page_195">195</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Macdonell of Barisdale. <i>See</i> <a href="#Barisdale">Barisdale</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Macdonell, Ranald, <a href="#Page_197">197</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Macdonnell, Æneas (brother of Young Glengarry), <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Macdonnell, Alastair Ruadh (Young Glengarry). <i>See</i> <a href="#Pickle">Pickle</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Macdonnell, Dr. (Young Glengarry’s uncle), <a href="#Page_124">124</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Macdonnell, General (of the Antrim family), <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Macdonnell, Isobel (Young Glengarry’s sister), <a href="#Page_221">221</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Macdonnell, John (Spanish John), <a href="#Page_160">160</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Macdonnell, Miles, <a href="#Page_185">185</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Macdonnell of Scotus, <a href="#Page_109">109</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Macfarlane (Fassifern’s lawyer), <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Macgregor, James Mohr, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a></li> - -<li class="indx">MacIan, Angus, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Mackenzie, Colin Dearg, of Laggy, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">accused by Colonel John Macdonell of robbery of the Prince’s money, <a href="#Page_193">193</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Mackenzie, Mrs. (niece of Colin Dearg), <a href="#Page_188">188</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Mackenzie of Dundonell, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a></li> - -<li class="indx">MacKinnon, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Mackintosh, Fraser, quoted on Highland history, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Mackintosh, The, <a href="#Page_106">106</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Maclean, Sir Hector, arrested in Scotland, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">cited, <a href="#Page_223">223</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Macleod, Malcolm, of Raasay, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Macleod, Norman, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Macleod of Raasay, letters of, <a href="#Page_246">246</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Macleod of Skye, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">sends his forces to join Loudon’s in Hanoverian service, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">turns his coat, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Young Glengarry asks him to join in a loan, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">cited, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Macleod (Young) of Neuck, <a href="#Page_132">132</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Macnaughten, John, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Macpherson, Cluny, his watch or safeguard of followers, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">joins Prince Charles, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">duel with Barisdale, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">alleged copy of his intromissions, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">cited, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Macpherson of Brechachie, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Macrimmon (Macleod of Skye’s piper), <a href="#Page_77">77</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Mar, Earl of, defeat of, at Sheriffmuir, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">cited, <a href="#Page_22">22</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Mary of Modena, <a href="#Page_14">14</a></li> - -<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_305"></a>[305]</span>Maxwell of Kirkconnell, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a></li> - -<li class="indx">McDonald, Donald, <a href="#Page_127">127</a></li> - -<li class="indx">McDonell, Donald (Younger), of Scotus, <a href="#Page_211">211</a></li> - -<li class="indx">McFarlane, John, W.S., <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a></li> - -<li class="indx">McKenzie, Lieut. Murdoch, <a href="#Page_191">191</a></li> - -<li class="indx">McKenzie, Major William, of Kilcoy, <a href="#Page_191">191</a></li> - -<li class="indx">McKenzie of Torridon, <a href="#Page_192">192</a></li> - -<li class="indx">McLachlan, Alexander, <a href="#Page_134">134</a></li> - -<li class="indx">McLeod, Alexander, <a href="#Page_134">134</a></li> - -<li class="indx">McLeod, Rory, letter from Young Glengarry, <a href="#Page_201">201</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Medina Sidonia, Duchess of, <a href="#Page_24">24</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Menzies, Mrs., of Culdairs, <a href="#Page_132">132</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Menzies of Culdairs, treasure buried in his garden, <a href="#Page_90">90</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Meston (Jacobite wit and poet), <a href="#Page_6">6</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Millar, Mr., on the handwriting of Pickle and Young Glengarry, <a href="#Page_247">247-249</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Mitchell, Sir Andrew, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Montesquieu, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Morar, Young, <a href="#Page_160">160</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Morgan, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Murray, George Siddons (great-grandson of Murray of Broughton), <a href="#Page_70">70</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Murray, John, of Broughton (traitor), connected with the Association of Scottish Jacobites, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">faithful to Prince Charles Edward, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his ‘Memorials,’ <a href="#Page_70">70</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">birth, family, and education, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">opinion of the Prince’s personal appearance, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">at Traquair, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Scottish correspondent of Edgar, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Jacobite organiser, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his associates, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">reception in Paris, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">feud with Balhaldie, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">betrays names of English leaders, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">denounces Balhaldie and Sempil to Charles, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">impolicy of his methods of securing adherents to Charles, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">on Macleod’s treason, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">dissuades Charles’s visits to Scotland without an armed force, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his self-justification, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">believes in his own military skill, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">suspicious of Lord George Murray, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">on the march southwards with Charles, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">illness, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">after Culloden, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">stands by Lochiel, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">in charge of money for Charles, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">arranges for the burial of the French gold, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">captured, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">justifies personal honesty in money matters, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">character of his confessions, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">betrays the secret of the Arkaig treasure, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">accepted as King’s evidence, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">pardoned, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">tries to provoke Traquair to a duel, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">sells Broughton, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">dies in a madhouse, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">summary of his character, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">cited, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Footnote_53">102 <i>note</i></a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Murray, Lord George, defeated at Glenshiel, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">represented by Murray of Broughton as a traitor to Charles, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his loyalty, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">equivocal action, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">general-in-chief of Charles’s expeditionary forces, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">anger with Charles after Culloden, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">cited, <a href="#Page_109">109</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Murray, Mrs. (wife of Murray of Broughton), <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Murray of Philiphaugh, the descendants of, <a href="#Page_70">70</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Murray, Sir David (father of Murray of Broughton), <a href="#Page_70">70</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Murray, William (brother of Lord George), <a href="#Page_82">82</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Mylne, Captain, <a href="#Page_160">160</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">Napier, Colonel, A.D.C. to the Duke of Cumberland, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Needham, <a href="#Page_63">63</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Newcastle, Duke of, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>, <a href="#Page_293">293</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Neynho, <a href="#Page_23">23</a></li> - -<li class="indx">North (English Jacobite), <a href="#Page_22">22</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">Ogilby, Lord, <a href="#Page_286">286</a></li> - -<li class="indx">O’Niel, a follower of Charles, <a href="#Page_85">85</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Orléans, Regent, intrigues in Hanoverian interest, <a href="#Page_9">9</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Orme, Mr., W.S., <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a></li> - -<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_306"></a>[306]</span>Ormonde, Duke of, action on Anne’s death, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">cited, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a></li> - -<li class="indx">O’Rourk, Mr., of Tipperary, <a href="#Page_180">180</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Orrery, Lord, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a></li> - -<li class="indx">O’Sullivan, a follower of Charles, <a href="#Page_85">85</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Oxford, English Jacobite, <a href="#Page_22">22</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">Parker, Lord Chief Justice, the Earl Marischal’s letter to, <a href="#Page_7">7</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Pelham, Henry, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Percheron, M., <a href="#Page_15">15</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Perth, Duke of, resigns the command of Charles’s expeditionary forces, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">wounded, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">cited, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Peterborough, Lord, <a href="#Page_14">14</a></li> - -<li class="indx" id="Pickle">Pickle (the spy; Young Glengarry), obtains from Murray of Broughton information of the Loch Arkaig treasure, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Leslie’s aid, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his alleged copy of Cluny Macpherson’s Intromissions, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">treachery to Glenevis, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">forges King James’s name, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">permitted by the Government to reside in London, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">denounces Fassifern, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">treatment of his wadsetters, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Young Lochgarry’s intimacy with, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">letters to Mr. Orme, W. S., on business, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">letter to Rory McLeod on family matters, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his niece, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">letter to the Chief of the Macleods asking him to go conjunct with him in a loan, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">writes to the Duke of Newcastle complaining, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Pelham’s promise to abate demands on his estate, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">those promises never fulfilled, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">series of coincidences in Pickle’s fortunes and those of Glengarry, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">their uniformity of bad spelling, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Young Glengarry’s estate troubles, <a href="#Page_210">210-213</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">remonstrance to Colonel Trapaud, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">illness and bad sight, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his offer to raise a regiment coincident with Young Glengarry’s, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Young Glengarry’s will, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">the Pickle letters, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his close relations with Henry Pelham, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">coincidence of his father’s death with that of Old Glengarry, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">claims to be chief of the Macdonnells, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">the clue to his identity with Glengarry, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his career identical with that of Glengarry, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">suggestion that Glengarry was personated by an unknown intimate calling himself Pickle, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his early life, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">usage by his stepmother, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">in France, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">meets Murray of Broughton, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">in the Tower, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">released, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">attempts reconciliation with the Government, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">asks James for a colonelcy vacant by the death of Lochiel, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">at the nadir of his fortunes, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">offers his services ‘in any shape’ to the English Government, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">helps himself to the treasure of Cluny, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">earliest charge of treachery against Glengarry, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Edgar warned against him, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his real situation in 1751, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">account of the Elibank Plot, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">he and Young Glengarry both receive remittances from Baron Kennedy, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Pelham’s personal knowledge of him, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">date of his illness and that of Young Glengarry, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">points shared in common by Pickle and Glengarry, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">a spy’s evidence, <a href="#Page_233">233-235</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">interview with Charles in France, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Young Glengarry in France same date, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">mutual promises from Pelham, broken after Pelham’s death, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">consulted by Government on Frederick’s tampering with Jacobites, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">the hypothesis that Pickle personated Glengarry, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_307"></a>[307]</span>hurries to Edinburgh on the death of Old Glengarry, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Young Glengarry near at hand on his father’s death, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">impersonation physically impossible, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">duns the Duke of Newcastle, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">internal evidence of identity of authorship of Pickle’s and Glengarry’s letters, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Mr. Millar’s criticism, <a href="#Page_247">247-249</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">the Duke of Atholl’s conclusion, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">summary of the case proving identity, <a href="#Page_250">250-253</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">two letters incriminatory and confirmatory, <a href="#Page_289">289-294</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">cited, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Pitsligo, Lord, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Podewils, Count, <a href="#Page_45">45</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Porteous, hanged by the mob, <a href="#Page_30">30</a></li> - -<li class="indx">‘Prescot,’ suspected of intending to murder James, <a href="#Page_14">14</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Pringle, Sir John, <a href="#Page_58">58</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">Reay, Lord, <a href="#Page_109">109</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Rob Roy, letter to General Wade, <a href="#Page_98">98</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Robison of Ballnicaird, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Ross of Balnagoun, <a href="#Page_109">109</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Rousseau, Jean Jacques, meeting with and impressions of Marischal, <a href="#Page_53">53-55</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">wants to write the history of the Keiths, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">cited, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">Saxe, Marshal, <a href="#Page_34">34</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Scott, Sir Walter, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Scott (Sir Walter’s father), his sentiment regarding John Murray of Broughton, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Scotus (Old), <a href="#Page_190">190</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Scotus (Young), <a href="#Page_86">86</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Seaforth, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Sempil, Lord, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Sheridan, Sir Thomas (Prince Charles’s tutor), <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Skeldoich, Mr. (minister), <a href="#Page_276">276</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Small, Ensign, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_285">285</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Sobieska, Clementina, <a href="#Page_20">20</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Spence, cited, <a href="#Page_8">8</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Stewart, Alexander (solicitor), <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Stewart, Charles (writer in Banavie), <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Stewart, General, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_284">284</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Stewart, James, hanged for the murder of Campbell of Glenure, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">cited, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Stewart, John Roy, <a href="#Page_86">86</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Stewart of Appin, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Stonor, cited, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Strathnaver crofters, bleeding their cows for sustenance, <a href="#Page_265">265</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Sutherland, Earl of, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Sutherland, Countess of, letter to the Young Pretender, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Barisdale’s letter to her, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">her clever diplomacy, <a href="#Page_113">113</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Stuart, Charles (Fassifern’s agent), <a href="#Page_196">196</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">Tacksmen, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Talmond, Madame de, Charles’s mistress, <a href="#Page_95">95</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Tencin, Cardinal, <a href="#Page_73">73</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Terig (or Clerk), Duncan, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Thompson, Sir E. Maunde, <a href="#Page_216">216</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Threipland, Sir Stewart, <a href="#Page_132">132</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Thurot, M., <a href="#Page_52">52</a></li> - -<li class="indx">‘Toboso,’ the Order of, <a href="#Page_26">26</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Tollendal, Lally, <a href="#Page_186">186</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Trant, Mr., <a href="#Page_238">238</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Trapaud, Colonel (Governor of Fort Augustus), <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Traquair, Lord, feebleness of his Jacobite sentiment, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">one of the ‘Association,’ <a href="#Page_72">72</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">responsible for Scotland south of Forth, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">in London, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">skulks from the rising, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_308"></a>[308]</span>fails to transmit the warning to Charles against his visit to Scotland, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">causes Murray of Broughton to be arrested for breach of peace, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">cited, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Tullibardine, William (brother of Lord George Murray), <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">Urquhart, Colonel, Scottish correspondent of Edgar, <a href="#Page_71">71</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">Vassé, Madame de (La Grande Main), <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Vaughan, Gwynne, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>, <a href="#Page_292">292</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Villettes, Arthur, <a href="#Page_48">48</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Voltaire, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">Wade, General, <a href="#Page_98">98</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Wadsets, <a href="#Page_260">260</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Walkinshaw, Miss, Charles Edward’s mistress, <a href="#Page_44">44</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Wall, General, <a href="#Page_48">48</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Wedderburn, of Gosford, <a href="#Page_145">145</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Wedderburn, Thomas, <a href="#Page_107">107</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Wemyss, Earl of, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a></li> - -<li class="indx">White, Major, <a href="#Page_225">225</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Williams, Sir Charles Hanbury, <a href="#Page_42">42</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Wingfeild, Thomas (trooper), <a href="#Page_7">7</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Wodrow, cited, <a href="#Page_10">10</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Wogan, Charles, <a href="#Page_20">20</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Wogan, Nicholas, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Wynne, Sir Watkin Williams, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">York, Duke of, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a></li> - -</ul> - -<p class="center">PRINTED BY<br /> -SPOTTISWOODE AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARE<br /> -LONDON</p> - -<div style='display:block; margin-top:4em'>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE COMPANIONS OF PICKLE ***</div> -<div style='text-align:left'> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will -be renamed. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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