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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7b82bc --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +*.txt text eol=lf +*.htm text eol=lf +*.html text eol=lf +*.md text eol=lf diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..3a08c06 --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #67349 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/67349) diff --git a/old/67349-0.txt b/old/67349-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index a2463c9..0000000 --- a/old/67349-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,3600 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Negro Migrant in Pittsburgh, by -Abraham Epstein - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this eBook. - -Title: The Negro Migrant in Pittsburgh - -Author: Abraham Epstein - -Release Date: February 6, 2022 [eBook #67349] - -Language: English - -Produced by: Charlene Taylor and the Online Distributed Proofreading - Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from - images generously made available by The Internet - Archive/American Libraries.) - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE NEGRO MIGRANT IN -PITTSBURGH *** - - - - - - A STUDY IN SOCIAL ECONOMICS - - PUBLISHED UNDER THE SUPERVISION OF THE - SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS - UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH - - The Negro Migrant in - Pittsburgh - - BY - - ABRAHAM EPSTEIN - B. S. in Economics - - PRICE FIFTY CENTS - - PITTSBURGH, PA. - 1918 - - - - - CONTENTS - - - CHAPTER I.--General Conditions Among Negro Migrants - in Pittsburgh Page 7 - - CHAPTER II.--The Negro’s Own Problem Page 28 - - CHAPTER III.--The Community’s Problem Page 46 - - (a) Delinquency Study Page 46 - - (b) Health Study Page 54 - - (c) Summary Page 64 - - CHAPTER IV.--Constructive Suggestions Page 68 - - APPENDIX Page 71 - - - - -PREFACE. - - -The main purpose of this study was not merely the attempt at a piece -of research. The writer undertook it originally in the early spring -as a student volunteer with the sole aim of doing his share in the -development of a more virile civic consciousness in Pittsburgh, and -to contribute something toward the orientation and adjustment of the -newcomers in our community. Thanks to the generous co-operation of Mr. -Walter A. May, the writer was enabled to devote all his time since -June 1917 to the completion of this study. An attempt has been made to -interpret the data from the social point of view. The conclusions are -not offered as final but it is hoped they may serve as the basis for a -practical community program and perhaps for further study. - -The writer wishes to acknowledge his indebtedness to Prof. Francis -D. Tyson for his counsel and assistance in planning and organizing -this study. Without his co-operation, the study could not have been -undertaken or completed. The writer also acknowledges his thanks -to Mr. George M. P. Baird of the English Department, University of -Pittsburgh for reading the manuscript and making many suggestions as to -style. Much thanks is also due to Mr. Edmund Feldman for his valuable -assistance in preparing the tables and making the graphs. To the Irene -Kaufmann Settlement and its resident workers, the writer wishes to -express his gratitude and appreciation for their co-operation and -hospitality. - - A. E. - - Pittsburgh, Pa., - December 1, 1917. - - - - -INTRODUCTION - - -This little study of the Negro Migration to Pittsburgh was first -suggested as a thesis subject in a university class in Social Economy -in May, 1917. Our great steel city of the North calls many unskilled -workers to its mills. The migration of Negroes to fill the gaps in -the ranks of this labor force, opened up by the cessation of European -immigration following the war has been under way for nearly eighteen -months. Expanding steel production continues to call for more workers. -From the first labor agents of railroads and steel mills as well as -private employment agencies have been at work gathering in the new army -of laborers. - -By last spring newspaper reports of housing congestion, and of -suffering from pneumonia and other diseases, and tales of the increase -of crime and vice were being spread. There was spoken comment of the -new situation on every hand. But these reports were inaccurate; they -gave no concrete estimate of the number and character of the newcomers; -and no definite statement of their life here or the problems of -community adjustment created by the influx of strange people. - -It is to be hoped that the attempt at an intensive and supervised -investigation represented by these pages will prove of value to those -members of both races who have already seen in the migration new -opportunity for a people whose need has been bitter, as well as a -chance for manifold human service. Perhaps the all-too-faulty product -may justify the painstaking effort of the investigator who toiled -through the hot summer months and the generosity of the public-spirited -citizen whose interest made the study possible. - -The report may be of value also in offering suggestions to those -workers in other cities who are dealing with the same many-sided and -baffling problem, so full of pathos and tragedy and so expressive -of the need of community co-operation. At least they may avoid -the pitfalls upon which we have stumbled. For Pittsburgh it may -well be that the material gathered here will be used to assist in -carrying forward a constructive program for adjusting the new workers -permanently to our community life. Industrial production here in a time -of crisis depends in part upon our Negro labor supply, the stability -and efficiency of which can be permanently secured only by successful -experiments in the fields of housing, health, and recreation. - - FRANCIS TYSON, - _Professor of Social Economy_. - - University of Pittsburgh, - December, 1917. - - - - -GENERAL CONDITIONS AMONG NEGRO MIGRANTS IN PITTSBURGH - - - - -CHAPTER I. - - -The Negro population of the Pittsburgh District in Allegheny -County, was 27,753 in the year 1900 and had increased to 34,217 by -the year 1910, according to the latest United States Census figures -available.[1] The increase during this period was 23.3%. Assuming the -continuation of this rate of increase, the total Negro population in -1915 would be about 38,000. - -From a canvas of twenty typical industries in the Pittsburgh district, -it was found that there were 2,550 Negroes employed in 1915, and 8,325 -in 1917, an increase of 5,775 or 227%. It was impossible to obtain -labor data from more than approximately sixty percent of the Negro -employing concerns, but it is fair to assume that the same ratio of -increase holds true of the remaining forty percent. On this basis -the number of Negroes now employed in the district may be placed at -14,000. This means that there are about 9,750 more Negroes working in -the district today than there were in 1915, an addition due to the -migration from the South. - -A schedule study of over five hundred Negro migrants indicates that -thirty percent of the new comers have their families with them, -and that the average family consists of three persons, excluding the -father.[2] Adding to the total number of new workers, (9,750), the -product obtained by multiplying thirty percent by three, (average -family), we find a probable total new Negro population of 18,550 in -1917. - -This sudden and abnormal increase in the Negro population within so -short a time, of necessity involves a tremendous change, and creates -a new situation, which merits the attention of the whole community. -Before this great influx of Negroes from the South, the Negro -population which constituted only 3.4% of the total city population, -lived in a half dozen sections of the city. Although not absolutely -segregated, these districts were distinct. - -Because of the high cost of materials and labor, incident to the war; -because the taxation system still does not encourage improvements,[3] -and because of investment attractions other than in realty, few houses -have been built and practically no improvements have been made. This -is most strikingly apparent in the poorer sections of the city. In the -Negro sections, for instance, there have been almost no houses added -and few vacated by whites within the last two years. The addition, -therefore, of thousands of Negroes, just arrived from Southern states, -meant not only the creation of new Negro quarters and the dispersion -of Negroes throughout the city, but also the utmost utilization of -every place in the Negro sections capable of being transformed into a -habitation. Attics and cellars, store-rooms and basements, churches, -sheds and warehouses had to be employed for the accommodation of these -newcomers. Whenever a Negro had space which he could possibly spare, -it was converted into a sleeping place; as many beds as possible were -crowded into it, and the maximum number of men per bed were lodged. -Either because their own rents were high, or because they were unable -to withstand the temptation of the sudden, and, for all they knew, -temporary harvest, or, perhaps because of the altruistic desire to -assist their race fellows, a majority of the Negroes in Pittsburgh -converted their homes into lodging houses. - -Because rooms were hard to come by, the lodgers were not disposed to -complain about the living conditions or the prices charged. They were -only too glad to secure a place where they could share a half or at -least a part of an unclaimed bed. It was no easy task to find room for -a family, as most boarding houses would accept only single men, and -refused to admit women and children. Many a man, who with his family -occupied only one or two rooms, made place for a friend or former -townsman and his family. In many instances this was done from unselfish -motives and in a humane spirit. - -A realization of the need for accurate information concerning the -Negro migration, and the belief that in an intelligent treatment of -the problem lay the welfare of the entire community as well as that -of the local Negro group, prompted the attempt at a scientific study -of the situation. The primary purpose of the study was to learn the -facts, but there was also a hope that the data obtained might lead -to the amelioration of certain existing evils and the prevention of -threatening ones. - -In order to ascertain as many of the facts as possible concerning -housing conditions, rooming and boarding houses, three or four family -tenement houses, single family residences, camps, churches and other -lodging places were investigated. A comparative study of health and -crime among Negroes of Allegheny County before and after the period of -the Northern migration was also attempted. - -[Illustration: Storerooms in the Hill District Converted into Family -Residences and Rooming Houses.] - -A questionnaire concerning kinds of labor in which Negro migrants -engaged, and wages paid them both in Pittsburgh and in their native -South was prepared; and answers to it from over five hundred -individuals were obtained during the months of July and August, 1917. -Information relating to housing, rents, health and social conditions -was elicited in a similar manner. An effort was made to visit and study -every Negro quarter in Pittsburgh. Data was secured from the Negro -sections in the Hill District and upper Wylie and Bedford Avenues; -the Lawrenceville district, about Penn Avenue, between Thirty-fourth -and Twenty-eighth Streets; the Northside Negro quarter around Beaver -Avenue and Fulton Street; the East Liberty section in the vicinity of -Mignonette and Shakespeare Streets, and the new downtown Negro section -on Second Avenue, Ross and Water Streets. - -The information thus secured is discussed in the following pages. - - -_TABLE NUMBER I_ - -_Time of Residence in Pittsburgh of 505 Negro Migrants Questioned_ - - SINGLE MARRIED - 1 MONTH █████████████████ 86 ███████████ 58 - - 3 MONTHS ██████████ 51 ██████████████ 70 - - 6 MONTHS █████ 28 ███████████████ 74 - - 12 MONTHS ████ 21 ████████████████ 80 - - OVER 12 ███ 13 █████ 24 - - TOTAL PERCENT - 1 MONTH █████████████████████████████ 144 29 - - 3 MONTHS ████████████████████████ 121 24 - - 6 MONTHS ████████████████████ 102 20 - - 12 MONTHS ████████████████████ 101 20 - - OVER 12 ███████ 37 7 - -Table No. I indicates that the migration has been going on for little -longer than one year. Ninety-three percent of those who gave the time -of residence in Pittsburgh had been here less than one year. More -than eighty percent of the single men interviewed had been here less -than six months. In the number who have been here for the longest -periods, married men predominate, showing the tendency of this class to -become permanent residents. This fact is evidently well known to some -industrial concerns which have been bringing men from the South. Many -of them have learned from bitter experience that the mere delivery of a -train load of men from a Southern city, does not guarantee a sufficient -supply of labor. This is evidenced by the fact that the labor agents -of some of these firms, made an effort to secure married men only, and -even to investigate them prior to their coming here. Differences in -recruiting methods may also explain why some employers and labor agents -hold a very optimistic view of the Negro as a worker, while others -despair of him. The reason why Pittsburgh has been unable to secure a -stable labor force is doubtless realized by the local manufacturers. -The married Negro comes to the North to stay. He desires to have his -family with him, and if he is not accompanied North by his wife and -children he plans to have them follow him at the earliest possible -date. Although such a man is glad to receive the better treatment, -enlarged privileges and higher wages, which are accorded him here, he -cannot adjust himself permanently to the Pittsburgh housing situation. -He meets his first insuperable difficulty when he attempts to get a -house in which to live. Back South, he may have been oppressed, but -his home was often in a more comfortable place, where he had light and -space. At least he did not have to live in one room in a congested slum -and pay excessive rents. - -While it is true that the foreign immigrant of a few years ago was -probably not accorded any better accommodations in Pittsburgh than -is the Negro at present, it should be remembered that the foreigner -did not know the language. Everything seemed strange and unfamiliar -to him. He was loath to move to an even stranger part of the city and -preferred to stay in his first new world home and to live among his own -people, even under adverse conditions. It is altogether different with -the Negro. He knows the language and the country; he does not fear to -migrate and when he does not feel content in one place, he proceeds to -look for a better one. We might cite dozens of incidents of men who -have either had their families here or intended to bring them, but have -gone to other cities where they hoped to find better accommodations. -This is certain to continue if cities like Cleveland, Detroit and -Philadelphia keep in advance of Pittsburgh in building or providing -houses for these migrants. The Pittsburgh manufacturer will never keep -an efficient labor supply of Negroes until he learns to compete with -the employers of the other cities in a housing programme as well as in -wages. - -The actual situation of the Pittsburgh housing problem for the Negro -is shown by the figures obtained in our survey. Almost ninety-eight -percent of the people investigated live either in rooming houses or -in tenements containing more than three families. Thirty-five percent -live in tenement houses, fifty percent in rooming houses, about twelve -percent in camps and churches, and only two and a half percent live in -what may be termed single private family residences. - - -_TABLE NUMBER II_ - -_Kinds of Residences of 465 Negro Migrants Questioned_ - - +----------------------+--------+----------+-------+---------+ - | | SINGLE | FAMILIES | TOTAL | PERCENT | - +----------------------+--------+----------+-------+---------+ - | Tenement | 30 | 133 | 163 | 35 | - | Rooming and Boarding | 223 | 9 | 232 | 50 | - | One Family House | 6 | 5 | 11 | 2.5| - | Camp | 36 | 0 | 36 | 7.5| - | Mission | 23 | 0 | 23 | 5 | - | | --- | --- | ---| ----| - | | 318 | 147 | 465 | 100 | - +----------------------+--------+----------+-------+---------+ - -Of the men without families here, only twenty-two out of more than -three hundred had individual bed rooms. Twenty-five percent lived four -in a room, and twenty-five percent lived in rooms used by more than -four people. Again only thirty-seven percent slept in separate beds, -fifty percent slept two in a bed, and thirteen percent sleep three or -more in a bed. - - -_TABLE NUMBER III_ - -NUMBER OF PEOPLE IN BED ROOM - - ONE ████ 22 - - TWO ██████████████████████ 111 - - THREE ████████████ 61 - - FOUR ███████████████████ 98 - - FIVE ████ 22 - - SIX ████ 19 - - OVER SIX ███████████ 57 - -The conditions in these rooming houses often beggar description. -Sleeping quarters are provided not only in bedrooms, but also in -attics, basements, dining rooms and kitchens. In many instances, houses -in which these rooms are located are dilapidated dwellings with the -paper torn off, the plaster sagging from the naked lath, the windows -broken, the ceiling low and damp, and the whole room dark, stuffy and -unsanitary. In one or two instances, these rooms, with more than six -people sleeping in them at one time, have practically no openings for -either light or air. - -[Illustration: A Typical Boarding House on Lower Wylie Avenue.] - -In the more crowded sections, beds are rented on a double shift basis. -Men who work at night sleep during the day in the beds vacated by day -workers. There is no space in these rooms, except for beds and as many -of them are crowded in as can be possibly accommodated. - -There is rarely a place in these rooms for even suitcases or trunks. -Under such circumstances the rooms can be kept clean with difficulty, -and there is apparently no disposition to wrestle with the dirt and -litter. Very few of these sleeping rooms have more than two windows -each, and many have only one window. Only a few are provided with bath -rooms, while a great number have the water and toilets in the yards or -other places outside the house. Many of these roomers complain that -often they are not given any soap, and are never given more than one -towel a week. - - -_TABLE NUMBER IV_ - -_Rents Paid in Rooming Houses by 305 Roomers_ - - +-------------------------+------------+ - | | Percentage | - +-------------------------+------------+ - | 168 paid $1.50 per week | 55 | - | 103 paid $1.75 per week | 34 | - | 13 paid $2.00 per week | 4.25 | - | 14 paid $3.00 per week | 4.25 | - | 7 paid Over $3.00 | 2.5 | - | | ______ | - | | 100 | - +-------------------------+------------+ - -The rents paid by these roomers are shown in table number IV. They -varied from $1.50 to $3.00 per week, and in a few instances were as -high as $4.00 per week. In a number of cases, the men also board in -the same place in which they room, paying from five to seven or eight -dollars per week for food and shelter. - - -_TABLE NUMBER V._ - -ONE WEEK’S COST OF BOARD PER MAN - - $2 PER WEEK ██ 4 - - $3 PER WEEK █████████████████ 34 - - $4 PER WEEK ███████████████████ 39 - - $5 PER WEEK █████████████████████████████ 59 - - $6 PER WEEK ██████████████████████████████████████ 77 - - $7 PER WEEK ████████████████ 31 - - $8 PER WEEK ████████████ 24 - AND OVER - -The situation in the camps is not better than that in rooming houses. -In one railroad camp visited, the men were lodged in box cars, -each of which was equipped with four or eight beds, or they were -quartered in a row of wooden houses two stories high, each room of -which contained from six to eight beds. It is true that the rents -charged in this camp were only the nominal sum of five cents per -night, or $1.50 per month, but the men had to buy their food from the -camp commissary, using company checks, and also had to prepare it -themselves. Practically every man interviewed complained of the high -prices charged, and that this complaint was not altogether groundless -was evident from the scanty purchases being made by these men at the -time of the investigator’s visit. In another railroad camp, located -near Pittsburgh, which was visited in the early spring, about one -hundred men were lodged in one big “bunk-house”, containing about fifty -double-tier beds. Although there were adequate toilet and shower bath -facilities, the beds were unclean. This company also boarded these men, -making a flat weekly charge. - -[Illustration: Box Cars in a Railroad Camp in Pittsburgh used as Living -and Sleeping Quarters.] - -The rooming houses with one exception are conducted by colored people, -who act either as janitors or as hosts. In only one case, as far as our -investigation extended, did we find a white woman running a rooming -house for colored people. Many of these houses are in reality run by -Whites, who keep a colored janitor or manager in the House. Several -of the big rooming houses on lower Wylie Avenue, for instance, are -conducted for a local white merchant, who keeps a colored janitor -in each of them, and only visits them to check the books and collect -the rents. In many instances however, houses are operated by colored -people, who either run or lease them. Most of these lessees or owners -are Pittsburghers, but a few are newcomers, who, having brought a bit -of capital with them have opened rooming houses as investments. Some of -these people have become the prey of cunning landlords. In one case in -the down town section, a colored migrant rented an old and dilapidated -shack, paying fifty dollars a month, and was unaware that the contract -signed by him specified that he pay for his own repairs. The Negro -claims that as the house is very old and in such bad condition, it -would cost him an additional fifty dollars each month to keep it -habitable. - - -_TABLE NUMBER VI_ - -_Number of Rooms Per Family of 157 Negro Families_ - - PERCENT - - ONE ROOM ██████████████████████████████████████ 77 49 - - TWO ROOMS ████████████████ 33 21 - - THREE ROOMS █████████ 18 12 - - FOUR ROOMS ████████ 16 10 - - OVER FOUR ██████ 13 8 - -The deplorable housing of migrant families is shown in table number -VI. Of the 157 families investigated, seventy-seven or 49% live in one -room each. Thirty-three or 21% live in two-room apartments, and only -forty-seven families or 30% live in apartments of three or more rooms -each. - -Of these forty-seven families, thirty-eight kept roomers or boarders, -totalling one hundred and thirty-one, or an average of 3.5 roomers -per family. Eighty-one of the total of one hundred and thirty-nine -houses inspected, had water inside the house, while fifty-eight houses -secured water from yard or street hydrants or from neighbors. Only -thirty-four of the total were equipped with interior toilet facilities; -the rest had outside toilets. Of the latter, forty-two had no sewerage -connections, and used filthy, unsanitary vaults. - -The rents paid for the “residences” described above appear in the -following table: - - _TABLE NUMBER VII_ - - _Rents Paid by 142 Families Investigated_ - - $10 PER MONTH ████████████████████ 41 - - $15 PER MONTH ██████████████████████████████ 60 - - $20 PER MONTH █████████ 18 - - $25 PER MONTH ██████ 13 - - OVER $25 █████ 10 - -The sections formerly designated as Negro quarters, have been long -since congested beyond capacity by the influx of newcomers, and a score -of new colonies have sprung up in hollows and ravines, on hill slopes -and along river banks, by railroad tracks and in mill-yards. In many -instances the dwellings are those which have been abandoned by foreign -white people since the beginning of the present war. In some cases they -are structures once condemned by the City Bureau of Sanitation, but -opened again only to accommodate the influx from the South. Very few -of these houses are equipped with gas. Coal and wood are used both for -cooking and heating. During the hot days of July, the visitor found in -several instances a red hot stove in a room which was being used as -kitchen, dining room, parlor and bedroom. This, however, did not seem -to bother the newcomers, as many of the women, being unaccustomed to -the use of gas, and fearful of it, preferred the more accustomed method -of cooking. - -[Illustration: A Row of Houses Unused for Several Years Until the -Present Influx from the South.] - -A few of these families were found living in so-called “basements”, -more than three-fourths under ground, a direct violation of a -municipal ordinance.[4] Some rooms had no other opening than a door. -The rents paid for such quarters are often beyond belief. In one of -these rooms in the Hill District, where only the upper halves of the -windows were level with the sidewalk, lived a man, his wife and their -five children, the eldest of whom was sixteen years old. The rental -was six dollars per week. Another family paid twenty-five dollars per -month for three small rooms on the ground floor. The kitchen was so -damp and close that the investigator found it impossible to remain for -long, because it was difficult to breathe. The ceilings in many of the -houses visited were very low, hardly higher than six or seven feet and -the rooms were often piled high with furniture. That the owners of -these houses cared little about improving their houses was indicated in -several cases by the fact that water faucets and toilets had been out -of commission for months, and no effort at repair had been made. - -[Illustration: “Basement” Occupied by a Migrant Family. The Only -Opening in this Dwelling Appears in the Picture.] - -Because of these bad conditions many peculiar maladjustments exist. A -certain man lived in a rooming house, while his young wife and baby -lived in another place. In addition to his own rent and board, he paid -ten dollars a week for the keep of his wife and baby. In another case, -a family was forced to pay six dollars a month storage on the furniture -which they had brought from the South, because their new quarters were -too cramped to accommodate it. - -A goodly number of the migrants have evidently been accustomed to much -better living conditions than are offered them here, and in spite of -almost insurmountable obstacles, still preserve something of their -cleanly habits. Few of these people intend to remain here unless they -can get a better place to stay. All complained, some with tears in -their eyes, of the bad housing accorded them. As one intelligent and -hard working woman who lived in one room expressed it while packing her -trunks to go back to Sylvester, Georgia, “I never lived in such houses -in my life. We had four rooms in my home.” This woman was earning ten -dollars per week and her husband was profitably employed, yet they -choose to relinquish the comparatively large rewards of the North, -rather than do without the decencies of life which they had known in -the South. - - _TABLE NUMBER VIII_ - - _Ages of the 506 Migrants Interviewed_ - - +----------------+--------+---------+-------+------------+ - | | SINGLE | MARRIED | TOTAL | PERCENTAGE | - +----------------+--------+---------+-------+------------+ - | Under 18 years | 13 | 1 | 14 | 3 | - | From 18 to 25 | 115 | 39 | 154 | 30 | - | From 25 to 30 | 31 | 63 | 94 | 19 | - | From 30 to 40 | 34 | 101 | 135 | 27 | - | From 40 to 50 | 7 | 66 | 73 | 14 | - | From 50 to 60 | 4 | 28 | 32 | 6 | - | 60 and over | 2 | 2 | 4 | 1 | - | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | - | | 206 | 300 | 506 | 100 | - +----------------+--------+---------+-------+------------+ - - AGES OF MIGRANTS - - UNDER 18 YEARS ███ 14 - - FROM 18 TO 25 ███████████████████████████████ 154 - - FROM 25 TO 30 ███████████████████ 94 - - FROM 30 TO 40 ███████████████████████████ 135 - - FROM 40 TO 50 ██████████████ 73 - - FROM 50 TO 60 ██████ 32 - - 60 AND OVER █ 4 - -Table number VIII is significant because it enables us to shed light -upon one important phase of the migration. It appears that more than -seventy-five percent of the Southern migrants are between the ages of -eighteen and forty. Only ten percent of the 506 people questioned were -under eighteen or past fifty years of age. This fact is significant, -both to the industrial concerns which are in need of a labor supply -and to the community as a whole. For the industrial concerns, it means -that these migrants are the most desirable laborers, men at the height -of their wealth producing capacity. They satisfy the pressing need -which has confronted the local manufacturers since the foreign supply -of labor was cut off by the war. From the standpoint of the community, -it is important to know that the influx lays few immediate burdens upon -the city. There are few minors to be educated and few aged or dependent -ones likely to become a public charge. - -The percentage of single people between the ages of eighteen and thirty -is far greater than that of the married ones, which is a natural -expectation. Of the five hundred and thirty persons interviewed, two -hundred and nineteen or forty-one and one-half percent were single; -one hundred sixty-two or thirty and one-half percent were married, -and had already brought their families here, while one hundred and -thirty-nine or twenty-eight percent were married, but were here without -their families. Ninety-eight of the families had children; thirty-nine -of the families had no children here, and seventeen families either -had some or all of the children in the South, while the remaining six -placed their children under the care of relatives or institutions. The -number of children per family of those who had their wives here, varied -from one to ten. Forty families had one child each; twenty-three, two -children each, fifteen had three children each, and twenty had four or -more children each. Nineteen families had one or more children under -twenty helping to support them, but only four had more than one child -assisting in the support of the family. Among the one hundred and -forty-nine persons whose families remained in the South, ninety-six had -children and seventeen had none. Of the remainder a number stated that -they had one or two of their children with them, while others gave no -definite information. Sixty-three of those who had children at home had -no more than two children each, while thirty-three had three or more -children at home. These figures seem to indicate that the migration is -largely that of small families. - -The Negro migration from the South into Pittsburgh, while it has -been accentuated and accelerated by the present war, which created a -greater need for labor, is not in reality an altogether new thing for -Pittsburgh. There has been a steady influx of Negroes, though in small -numbers, since the pre Civil War days. Pittsburgh and Allegheny were -important stations of the Underground Railway, and many a Negro came to -Pittsburgh from the near-by slave states, as to a city of refuge. The -Negro population in Allegheny County grew steadily from 3431 in 1850 -to 34,217 in 1910. The percentage of Negroes in the total population -of the County has continually increased within the last four decades. -(Two and two-tenths percent in 1880 and three and four-tenths in 1910). -Negroes have always been attracted by the opportunities which this city -with its abundance of work and good wages could offer them in improving -their economic status. - -The recent unprecedented influx of Negroes had made the Negro -population in Pittsburgh increase more than twice as fast within the -last two years as during the entire ten years preceding. The percentage -of Negroes in our total population has leaped very suddenly. This fact -is sufficient to warrant our serious study and active efforts toward -the social orientation and adjustment of the new element in our midst. - -[Illustration: Wooden Shacks Used as Living and Sleeping Quarters in a -Railroad Camp.] - -From the standpoint of Pittsburgh’s industrial and business interests, -however, the migration into this district, has not been at all -satisfactory. Pittsburgh as the steel center of the country, is -naturally playing a more important part than ever in the present -crisis, and has felt a proportionate increase in the need for a labor -supply. The Negro migration in Pittsburgh, it can be safely stated, -has not usurped the place of the white worker. Every man is needed, as -there are more jobs than men to fill them. Pittsburgh’s industrial life -is for the time being dependent upon the Negro labor supply. - -In spite of its necessity, Pittsburgh has not received a sufficient -supply of Negroes, and certainly not in the same full proportion as did -many smaller industrial towns. Pittsburgh manufacturers are still in -need of labor, and this in spite of the fact that the railroads and a -few of the industrial concerns of the locality have had labor agents -in the South. These agents, laboring under great difficulties because -of the obstructive tactics adopted in certain southern communities -to prevent the Negro exodus, have nevertheless succeeded in bringing -several thousand colored workers into this district. That they have had -little success in keeping these people here, is acknowledged by all of -them. One company for instance, which imported about a thousand men -within the past year, had only about three hundred of these working at -the time of the investigator’s visit in July, 1917. One railroad, which -is said to have brought about fourteen thousand people to the North -within the last twelve months, has been able to keep an average of only -eighteen hundred at work. - -It must be admitted that the labor agents, because of their eagerness -to secure as many men as possible, are not particular as to the -character of those they are bringing here, and there is therefore -a goodly number of idle and shiftless Negroes who are floating and -undependable. On the other hand we must not fail to recognize that most -migrants come through their own volition, pay their own fares, leave -their native states, and break up family connections, because they are -in search of better opportunities, social and economic. As a class they -appear to be industrious, ambitious, pious and temperate, and are eager -to get established with their families. - -In the foregoing pages, we have discussed the housing and rooming -situation which confronts the Negro. An examination of the kind and -hours of work and wages received, discloses another reason why many of -these people do not remain here. - - _TABLE NUMBER IX_ - - _Occupations of Migrants in Pittsburgh as Compared with Statements - of Occupations in South_[5] - - +--------------------------------+------------+-----+-------+-----+ - | OCCUPATIONS | PITTSBURGH | % | SOUTH | % | - +--------------------------------+------------+-----+-------+-----+ - | Common Laborer | 468 | 95 | 286 | 54 | - | Skilled or semi-skilled | 20 | 4 | 59 | 11 | - | Farmer | | | 81 | 15 | - | Miner | | | 36 | 7 | - | Saw Mill Workers | | | 9 | 2 | - | Ran own farm or father’s farm | | | 33 | 6 | - | Ran farm on crop sharing basis | | | 22 | 5 | - | Other Occupations | 5 | 1 | 0 | 0 | - | | --- | --- | --- | | - | | 493 | 100 | 529 | 100 | - +--------------------------------+------------+-----+-------+-----+ - -From the foregoing table, it is apparent that ninety-five percent of -the migrants who stated their occupations, were doing unskilled labor, -in the steel mills, the building trades, on the railroads, or acting as -servants, porters, janitors, cooks and cleaners. Only twenty or four -percent out of four hundred and ninety-three migrants whose occupations -were ascertained, were doing what may be called semi-skilled or skilled -work, as puddlers, mold-setters, painters and carpenters. On the other -hand, in the South fifty-nine of five hundred and twenty-nine claimed -to have been engaged in skilled labor, while a large number were rural -workers. - - _TABLE NUMBER X_ - - _Comparison Between Hours of Work Per Day in Pittsburgh - and in South_ - - HOURS OF LABOR - IN PITTSBURGH - - UNDER 10 ████████ 16% - - 10 HOURS ██████████████████████████████ 51% - - 10 TO 12 ██████████████ 28% - - OVER 12 ██ 4% - - NOT STATED █ 1% - - IN THE SOUTH - - UNDER 10 █████████████ 27% - - 10 HOURS ███████████████████ 38% - - 10 TO 12 ███████ 14.5% - - OVER 12 ███████ 14% - - NOT STATED ███ 6.5% - -A comparison between work hours of migrants in the South and in -Pittsburgh, reveals another interesting feature. As against the -twenty-seven percent who were working less than ten hours a day at -home, only sixteen percent are working for a like period here. A -greater number work a ten-hour day here than in the South, (fifty-one -percent as against thirty-eight percent), and there seems to be a -greater number working over twelve hours per day before coming North, -than afterward. This is probably due to the fact that a considerable -body of these men were farm laborers. - - -_TABLE NUMBER XI_ - -_Comparison of Wages Received Per Day in Pittsburgh and in South_ - - IN PITTSBURGH - - UNDER $2.00 ██ 5% - - $2.00 TO $3.00 ███████████████████████████████ 62% - - $3.00 TO $3.60 ██████████████ 28% - - OVER $3.60 ██ 5% - - - IN THE SOUTH - - UNDER $2.00 ████████████████████████████ 56% - - $2.00 TO $3.00 ████████████ 25% - - $3.00 TO $3.60 ██ 4% - - OVER $3.60 ███████ 15% - -As to the comparative wages paid here and in the South, it appears -from table number X, that the great mass of workers get higher wages -here than in the places from which they come, fifty-six percent -received less than two dollars a day in the South, while only five -percent received such wages in Pittsburgh. However the number of -those who said they received high wages in the South is greater than -the number of those receiving them here. Fifteen percent said they -received more than three dollars and sixty cents a day at home, while -only five percent received more than that rate for twelve hours work -here. Sixty-seven percent of the four hundred and fifty-three persons -stating their earnings here, earn less than three dollars per day. -Twenty-eight percent earn from three dollars to three sixty per day, -while only five percent earn more than three dollars and sixty cents -per day. The average working day for both Pittsburgh and the South -is ten and four-tenths hours. The average wage is $2.85 here; in the -South it amounted to $2.15. It may be interesting to point out that -the number of married men who work longer hours and receive more money -is proportionately greater than that of the single men, who have not -“given hostages to fortune.” - -It has been stated frequently that the Negro exodus from the South -is in a large measure due to the fact that the Southern states have -adopted prohibition. While it is true that most of the newcomers are -from prohibition states, our figures, however, do not warrant the -conclusion that the Negroes came North to use the saloon. We are -inclined to believe that the answers to this question were sincere. The -classification of “drinkers” includes all persons who imbibe however -infrequently and those who drink beer only. Out of the four hundred -and seventy-seven persons who answered these questions, two hundred -and ten or forty-four percent said that they drank, while two hundred -and sixty-seven or fifty-six percent were total abstainers. It is -interesting to note that among those who have families in Pittsburgh, -the percentage of those who drink is smaller than among those who are -single or have families elsewhere. Thirty percent of the former class -drink, while seventy percent do not drink at all. The percentage of -drinkers of those with their families at home, is even greater than -those of the single people, which may be explained by the fact that -many of the younger people have as yet not acquired the drink habit. - -The church going proclivity of the Negro is well known and is borne out -by our study. Of the four hundred and eighty-nine who replied to this -question, three hundred and seventy or almost seventy-six percent are -either church members or attendants, and only one hundred and nineteen -or twenty-four percent do not attend any church. - -Proof that these newcomers are not all lazy, shiftless, and immoral -is to be found in the statements of savings, and of remittances to -relatives in the South. Fifteen percent of the families here had -savings. Eighty percent[6] of the married ones with families elsewhere -were sending money home, and nearly one hundred of the two hundred and -nineteen single people interviewed, were contributing sums to parents, -sisters or other relatives. Most of these contributions, (sixty-five -percent) amounted to about five dollars per week. Fifty-two persons -were contributing from five to ten dollars per week, and seven were -sending over ten dollars per week. - -From table number XII, it seems that only a few of the Southern states -have borne the brunt of the exodus. Alabama, Georgia, North Carolina -and Virginia taken together, have contributed sixty percent of the -migrants, Alabama and Georgia giving forty-seven percent of the -total number. Alabama was the native state of more than forty-nine -percent of the married men who have families here. This altogether -disproportionate influx from Alabama, as compared with other states, -is probably due to the fact that our state and the former have similar -industries. Birmingham, Alabama, as is well known, is called the -“Pittsburgh of the South”; and it is therefore natural that the labor -agents from this district should make a special effort to secure the -labor which is more or less familiar with the iron and steel business. -Again, it may be presumed that a great many who were working in the -steel industries or in the mines of Alabama have come to Pittsburgh in -order to secure familiar employment. A considerable number, however, -may have come because of the crop failure and the ravages of the -boll-weevil which have made the cultivation of cotton unprofitable -during recent years. - - -_TABLE NUMBER XII_ - -_Home States of 567 Migrants_ - - ALABAMA ███████████████████████████████████ 177 - - GEORGIA █████████████ 66 - - NO. CAROLINA ████████ 38 - - VIRGINIA ███████ 33 - - FLORIDA █████ 26 - - MISSOURI ████ 20 - - TENNESSEE ████ 20 - - SO. CAROLINA ███ 15 - - W. VIRGINIA ███ 15 - - KENTUCKY ███ 15 - - PENNSYLVANIA ███ 14 - - OHIO ██ 13 - - MISSISSIPPI ██ 10 - - LOUISIANA ██ 10 - - ILLINOIS ██ 10 - - MARYLAND ██ 9 - - DIST. OF COL. ██ 8 - - TEXAS █ 4 - - INDIANA █ 2 - -Undoubtedly many Negroes have come to the North in response to the -seductive arts of labor agents, who worked on a per capita commission -basis. These emissaries, both in the North and in the South, made -glowing promises of high wages, social equality, and better living -conditions above the Mason-Dixon Line. But these inducements were -probably not the underlying factor of the migration. They merely gave -opportunity for the expression of a growing discontent engendered -by many years of oppression. Segregation, lynchings, economic -exploitation, and the denial of educational freedom, justice and -constitutional right, had filled the Negro’s cup of bitterness to -overflowing. The South was to his mind still a place of bondage for -him and in the North he saw that long dreamed Land of Promise where he -might live more freely. - -[Illustration: Typical Dwellings of Negro Migrants.] - -Three hundred and ninety-five of the four hundred and seventy-four -when questioned as to who paid their transportation North replied that -they paid their own fare, while only seventy-nine admitted they were -brought here at the expense of railroads and other industrial concerns. -Numerous stories of persecutions by the White South on trumped up -charges of all sorts are told by these migrants. Many of them say they -had to leave their homes in secrecy and at night, and to walk to some -station where they were not known, before they could board a train for -the North. Many reported that they were unable to secure tickets at -home, and had to secure them from the North. If tickets were discovered -in the possession of a Negro, they were confiscated and destroyed by -the police. At times when three or more Negroes were found together, -they were suspected of “conspiring to go North”; some mythical -charge was brought against them, and they were arrested. Threats and -intimidation of all kinds were used against these migrants, both at -home and on the train. One very intelligent Negro of about forty who -owned property in Alabama related some of the persecutions which he -had borne while at home. He told of taking the train at night several -miles away from his own town, and of being accosted on board by a -white Southerner who pointed to the next car which contained several -coffins and said, “Yo Niggahs goin’ to Pittsburgh, eh? We all are jes -shippin’ five of yo back from thah. They froze to death in Pittsburgh.” -It may be interesting to remark that this occurred in June, 1917, when -Pittsburgh was sweltering in the heat of early summer. - -Of the more than four hundred men who stated their reasons for coming -North, three hundred and twenty-five said that the higher wages and -economic opportunities here had attracted them. Two hundred and -eighty-eight of these also included better treatment as one of the -factors in their migration. As one of them expressed it, “If I were -half as well treated home as here, I would rather stay there, as I had -my family there and had a better home and better health.” Eighty-five -had no special reason for their coming, and were “jes travelin’ to see -the country”, or the like. Twenty-five were either tired of their work -or wanted to change it. This was the case particularly with the miners -from West Virginia and Alabama. Twenty-seven had either lost their -jobs, were out of work, or had various other reasons for coming. These -figures seem to indicate that the prime causes of the migration are -rather fundamental, and not merely temporary. - -The Negro migration is similar to the previous European immigration -because, while dominantly economic, it is also due to social and -political maladjustments; but it is more largely a family migration. -For the number of Negroes who brought women and children with them -is greater in proportion to the total than was the case with the -foreigners. The European usually came alone and sent for his family -after a considerable lapse of time. The Negro either brings his -family with him or sends for it within the first three or four months -following his arrival. The complication of our housing problem is -obvious under these circumstances, for Pittsburgh until the present -time has attempted to meet the housing requirements of only single men -workers of the new labor group. - -The short-sightedness of our failure to provide decent homes in the -city, in order to retain the labor which is so essential for the -expansion of Pittsburgh and the growth of its industries, is again -exposed by the figures in our study. Of the three hundred and thirty -single men, or men without families here, answering the question as -to whether they will remain here, return South or move elsewhere, -only ninety-two or twenty-eight percent said they would remain here. -A hundred and thirty-seven or forty-two percent were going back or -somewhere else, while one hundred and one or thirty percent were still -undecided. - -As for the reasons why these men would not remain in the city, -seventy-nine or fifty-seven percent were leaving because they could not -get a better room because the rents paid by them were too excessive for -the wages received; thirty-seven or twenty-seven percent, gave family -connections as their reason, and the remaining sixteen percent either -had no reasons or were leaving because of ill health, bad climate or -other unfavorable conditions. The difficulty of securing an adequate -labor supply for Pittsburgh is thus, in part, explained by the very -nature of the economic problems involved. - -[1] 13th U. S. Census, Penna. Bulletin, Table I, page 12; 1910. - -[2] This average was obtained by dividing the total number of women and -children of the families investigated, by the number of families. - -[3] The Pittsburgh Graded Tax Law has, apparently, not been in -operation long enough to produce the results desired by its sponsors. - -[4] Pittsburgh Sanitary Code of 1913, Sections 132, 133 and 134, pages -75, 76 and 77. - -[5] The differences in the totals in this table as well as in a few -others, are due to the fact that many have given answers to one -question and not to the other. - -[6] The cause for many of these migrants not contributing to the -support of their families may be explained by the fact that they have -not been here long enough to get established. - - - - -CHAPTER II. - -THE NEGRO’S OWN PROBLEM - - -The Negro migration is neither an isolated nor a temporary phenomenon, -but the logical result of a long series of linked causes beginning with -the landing of the first slave ship and extending to the present day. -The slavery which was ended by the Emancipation Proclamation and the -Fourteenth Amendment of the National Constitution has been succeeded -by less sinister, but still significant social and economic problems, -which are full of subtle menace for the welfare of America. - -The intelligent Negro has long believed that his only escape from the -measure of suppression which still exists is to go to the North, and -he has seized the opportunity whenever it was presented to him. The -present unprecedented influx of black workers from the South is merely -the result of a sudden expansion of opportunity due to a war-depleted -labor market in the North. The causes for his migration are basically -inherent in the social and economic system which has kept him down for -these long years in the South. The Negro is beginning to appreciate -his own value and duties, and is proceeding to the North where he -knows he can at least enjoy a measure of justice. This naturally means -a tremendous problem for the North. The race question is no longer -confined to the states below the Mason and Dixon Line, but becomes -the concern of the whole nation. It may be presumed that the European -immigration after this war will not be as great as it was before it. -The Negro is taking the place of the foreign worker, and he is certain -to become an increasingly important factor in our national political -and industrial life. He is already an important political factor in -some municipalities; he is soon to be a basic factor in our industries. -The Negro who has lived in the North has taken advantage of the -industrial opportunities which were open to him, and is continuing to -do so more and more. - -Our policy of _laissez-faire_ adopted towards the European -immigrant can no longer be continued. This war has taught us some -great lessons, and probably the greatest of all is the lesson of the -necessity for a redefinition of social terms, and a reconsideration -of human values. It has made us realize that if we want the nation to -stand united in times of stress our policy must be consistent at all -times. Democracy we have learned in this struggle, no longer means -“each for himself, and the devil take the hind-most.” If it means -anything at all, it is that we are “members one of another”, and that -an injury to one is an injury to and the concern of all. Our old policy -has shown us that the devil has taken too many, and we have come to -say, “Halt!” This must no longer continue. We must see that all the -elements which go to make up our body-politic are adjusted and placed -in their proper relation. Our traditional attitude, this struggle has -taught us, is too costly and we cannot afford longer to continue it. We -know now that it is not sufficient that a few may have democracy and -freedom while the rest are denied economic opportunity. We are also -coming to realize that “we cannot hold a part of our fellow-men down in -the gutter without remaining there ourselves.” - -No exact estimate of the number of Negroes who have come North within -the last year is possible. Estimates vary from three hundred thousand -to seven hundred thousand. There are probably about two million Negroes -now living in the North, and it is of paramount importance that we look -into the conditions of these people who although in our midst, are yet -so little known to us, and see that they are fitted into their new -environment. Our little study of the social opportunities available, -and the conditions existing among our Negro brethren may therefore be -of great interest, and we are glad to present here some of the facts -which were disclosed in our survey of these people who have recently -settled amongst us, in order to avail themselves of our hospitality, -and industrial opportunities. We have discussed in the preceding pages -the immediate opportunities for Negroes in this city as to housing and -wages. It may therefore not be amiss to discuss the possibilities of -his attaining an advanced political, social and economic status. - -Politically, the Negro in Pittsburgh is as free as the whites of the -same group. Coming from places where the vote is denied him, he is -naturally very glad to receive the privilege in Pittsburgh. It is a -well known fact that the Negro vote is often a deciding factor in -the results of municipal elections. Although there are a few shrewd -Negro politicians, and the Negro vote is frequently “_en bloc_” -there is never an issue made on some particular Negro problem. All -candidates seem to assume that there is no special issue that concerns -the Negro more than any other group in the city, and unscrupulous -Negro politicians are not in the least perturbed. They always see to -it, however, that no Negro vote will be lost, that their occupation -tax is paid, and that they are registered. This was clearly brought -out in this year’s municipal election. Although the Negro vote was a -great factor in deciding this campaign, not one of the candidates made -an issue of the housing and other problems which are confronting the -Negroes at present. It can therefore be stated that in politics, while -the Negro has been utilized by all sorts of politicians, he has at -least nominally been as free as his white brother in the same position. - -However, more and more we are coming to realize that political freedom -without industrial opportunities means but little. Democracy must -also mean industrial opportunity, and social democracy, as well as -political democracy. But the industrial opportunity which the Negro -demands is not even the same as is demanded by his more fortunate -white-skinned brother. While his fellow-human beings demand a larger -voice in industry and business, and a greater share of the product, the -Negro is still meekly begging for his inalienable right to participate -in industry, to help extend and build it up. It is the denial of this -right that confronts the Negro in the North, and makes his problem of -paramount significance. - -The great majority of the Negro migrants come North because of the -better economic and social opportunities here. But even here they are -not permitted to enter industry freely. They are kept in the ranks of -unskilled labor and in the field of personal service. Until the present -demand for unskilled labor arose, the Negroes in the North were for the -most part, servants. There were very few Negroes occupied otherwise -than as porters, chauffeurs, janitors and the like. The Negro at -present has entered the productive industries, but he is kept still on -the lowest rung of the economic ladder. - - -_TABLE NUMBER XIII_[7] - -_List of Industrial Concerns Visited in the Pittsburgh District_ - - +------------------+-----------+--------+---------+------------------+ - | |No. of |No. |% doing |Wages per|No. of | - | NAME OF CONCERN |Negroes |employed|unskilled|hour of |hours | - | |employed at|prior to|labor. |unskilled|per day.| - | |present. |1916. | |labor. | | - +------------------+-----------+--------+---------+------------------+ - | Carnegie Steel Co. 4,000 1,500 95% 30c 8 to 12 | - | (all plants) | - | Jones & Laughlin 1,500 400 100% 30c 10 | - | Westinghouse | - | Elec. & Mfg. Co. 900 25 90% 28-30c 10 | - | Harbison & Walker 250 50 80% 27½c 10 | - | National Tube Co. 250 100 100% 30c 10 | - | (all plants) | - | Pressed Steel Car Co. 25 25 50% 23c 11 | - | Pgh. Forge & Iron 75 0 100% 30c 10 | - | Moorhead Brothers 200 200 75% 30c 10 | - | Am. Steel & Wire 25 25 100% 28-30c 10 | - | Clinton Iron & Steel 25 25 75% | - | Oliver Iron & Steel 50 0 100% 25-28c 10 | - | Carbon Steel Co. 200 50 75% 30c 10-12 | - | Crucible Steel Co. 400 150 90% 28-33c 10 | - | A. M. Byers Co. 200 0 60% 10 | - | Lockhart Steel Co. 160 0 95% 27½c 10 | - | Mesta Machine Co. 50 0 100% 30c 10 | - | Marshall Foundry Co. 15 0 | - | U. S. Glass Co. No Negroes employed | - | Thompson-Sterret Co. No Negroes employed | - | Spang-Chalfant Co. No Negroes employed | - | ------ ------ | - | 8,325 2,550 | - +--------------------------------------------------------------------+ - -From a study of colored employees in twenty of the largest industrial -plants, in the Pittsburgh district, arbitrarily selected (Table No. -XIII), we find that most of the concerns have employed colored labor -only since May or June of 1916. Very few of the Pittsburgh industries -have used colored labor in capacities other than as janitors and window -cleaners. A few of the plants visited had not begun to employ colored -people until in the spring of 1917, while a few others had not yet come -to employ Negroes, either because they believed the Negro workers to -be inferior and inefficient, or because they feared that their white -labor force would refuse to work with the blacks. The Superintendent -of one big steel plant which has not employed colored labor during -the past few years admitted that he faced a decided shortage of -labor, and that he was in need of men; but he said he would employ -Negroes only as a last resort, and that the situation was as yet not -sufficiently acute to warrant their employment. In a big glass plant, -the company attempted to use Negro labor last winter, but the white -workers “ran them out” by swearing at them, calling them “Nigger” and -making conditions so unpleasant for them that they were forced to quit. -This company has therefore given up any further attempts at employing -colored labor. It may be interesting to note, however, that one young -Negro boy who pays no attention to such persecution persistently stays -there. - -About ninety-five percent of the colored workers in the steel mills -visited in our survey were doing unskilled labor. In the bigger plants, -where many hundreds of Negroes are employed, almost one hundred percent -are doing common labor, while in the smaller plants, a few might be -found doing labor which required some skill. The reasons alleged by -the manufacturers are; first, that the migrants are inefficient and -unstable, and second, that the opposition to them on the part of white -labor prohibits their use on skilled jobs. The latter objection is -illustrated by the case of the white bargemen of a big steel company -who wanted to walk out because black workers were introduced among -them, and who were only appeased by the provision of separate quarters -for the Negroes. While there is an undeniable hostility to Negroes -on the part of a few white workers, the objection is frequently -exaggerated by prejudiced gang bosses. - -That this idea is often due to the prejudice of the heads of -departments and other labor employers, was the opinion of a sympathetic -superintendent of one of the largest steel plants, who said that in -many instances it was the superintendents and managers themselves, -who are not alive to their own advantage and so oppose the Negro’s -doing the better classes of work. The same superintendent said that -he had employed Negroes for many years; that a number of them have -been connected with his company for several years; that they are just -as efficient as the white people. More than half of the twenty-five -Negroes in his plant were doing semi-skilled and even skilled work. -He had one or two colored foremen over colored gangs, and cited an -instance of a colored man drawing a hundred and fourteen dollars in -his last two weeks pay. This claim was supported by a very intelligent -Negro who was stopped a few blocks away from the plant and questioned -as to the conditions in the plant. While admitting everything that -the Superintendent said, and stating that there is now absolute free -opportunity for colored people in that plant, the man claimed that -these conditions have come into being only within the last year. The -same superintendent told of an episode illustrating the amicable -relations existing in his shop between the white and black workers. -He related that a gang of workers had come to him with certain -complaints and the threat of a walk-out. When their grievances had been -satisfactorily adjusted, they pointed to the lonely black man in their -group and said that they were not ready to go back unless their Negro -fellow worker was satisfied. - -[Illustration: The Migration in Process.] - -From our survey of the situation it must be evident that the southern -migrants are not as well established in the Pittsburgh industries -as is the white laborer. They are as yet unadapted to the heavy and -pace-set labor in our steel mills. Accustomed to the comparatively -easy-going plantation and farm work of the South, it will take some -time until these migrants have found themselves. The roar and clangor -of our mills make these newcomers a little dazed and confused at first. -They do not stay long in one place, being birds of passage; they are -continually searching for better wages and accommodations. They cannot -even be persuaded to wait until pay day, and they like to get money -in advance, following the habit they have acquired from the southern -economic system. It is often secured on very flimsy pretexts and spent -immediately in the saloons and similar places. It is admitted, however, -by all employers of labor, that the Negro who was born in the North or -has been in the North for some time, although not as subservient to bad -treatment, is as efficient as the white; that because of his knowledge -of the language and the ways of this country, he is often much better -than the foreign laborer who understands neither. - -Paradoxical as it may seem, the labor movement in America--which it is -claimed was begun and organized primarily to improve the conditions of -all workers, and protect their interests from the designs of heartless -and cruel industrial captains--has not only made no effort to relieve -and help the oppressed black workers who have suffered even more than -the whites from exploitation and serfdom, but in many instances have -remained indifferent to the economic interests and even served as an -obstacle to the free development of the colored people. - -Since the East St. Louis race riots in July of this year, and later -on the Chester and other race clashes, the press has been full of -controversy concerning the colored labor problem in the North. -Employers as well as many prominent persons openly laid the blame for -the spilling of the blood of women and little children at the door -of the labor unions. On the other hand, the labor men almost as a -unit have charged the responsibility for these riots to the Northern -industrial leaders who are bringing these laborers to be used as a tool -to break up the labor movement in the North. - -The motives of the employers who are bringing the colored migrants -are obviously not altruistic. They are not concerned primarily with -freeing the Negro from the economic and political restrictions to -which he is still subjected in the South. It is not to be assumed that -their interests extend further than the employment of these ignorant -people as unskilled laborers. Indeed the sheer economic interest of the -Northern industrial concerns which are bringing the Negro migrants, may -be illustrated by the following contract, which is typical of many -agreements signed by migrants when accepting transportation North. - - “It is hereby understood that I am to work for the above named Company - as ...................................., the rate of pay to be - .................................. The ............ Railroad agrees - to furnish transportation and food to destination. I agree to work - on any part of the .............. Railroad where I may be assigned. - I further agree to reimburse the ............ Railroad for the cost - of my railroad transportation, in addition to which I agree to pay - ................................ to cover the cost of meals and other - expenses incidental to my employment. - - I authorize the Company to deduct from my wages money to pay for the - above expenses. - - In consideration of the ............ Railroad paying my carfare, - board, and other expenses, I agree to remain in the service of the - aforesaid Company until such time as I reimburse them for the expenses - of my transportation, food, etc. - - It is agreed upon the part of the Railroad Company that if I shall - remain in the service for one year, the ............ Railroad Company - agrees to return to me the amount of carfare from point of shipment - to ........................... By continuous service for one year is - meant that I shall not absent myself from duty any time during the - period without the consent of my superior officer. - - It is understood by me that the ............ Railroad will not grant - me free transportation to the point where I was employed. - - I am not less than twenty-one or more than forty-five years of age, - and have no venereal disease. If my statement in this respect is found - to be incorrect this contract becomes void.” - - .................... - Laborer’s Name. - -It is apparent that since the war has put a stop to the importation -of foreign immigrants, the Negroes are so far the only cheap and -unorganized labor supply obtainable. Indeed Mexicans were brought to -work here in the same way, although the experience with them was not as -satisfactory as with the blacks. - -While it may be true that the motive for bringing these ignorant -workers is primarily to fill up the unskilled labor gap, and not to -break up the labor movement, it is self-evident that the employers -would scarcely admit the latter motive even though it was paramount. -It may be, that ultimately the employers may use these workers against -the union organizations or against the securing of the eight-hour-day, -which the local unions are aiming to attain. Indeed, the employment -agent of one of our great industrial plants, which underwent a big -strike a few years ago, pointed out that one of the great values of -the Negro migration lies in the fact that it gives him a chance to -“mix up his labor forces and to establish a balance of power”, as the -Negro, he claimed, “is more individualistic, does not like to group and -does not follow a leader, as readily as some foreigners do.” However, -in only one instance in our survey of the Pittsburgh Trade Unions, -was a complaint lodged against colored people taking the places of -striking white workers. This was in a waiters’ strike and was won just -the same, because the patrons of the restaurants protested against -the substitution of Negro waiters. In all the others, there were no -such occurrences. Indeed, the number of Negroes taking the places of -striking whites and of skilled white workers is so small that it is -hardly appreciable. They are, as we have seen, largely taking the -places which were left vacant by the unskilled foreign laborers since -the beginning of the war, and the new places created by the present -industrial boom. No effective effort has been made to organize these -unskilled laborers by the recognized American labor movement. These -people, therefore, whose places are now being taken by the Negroes, -worked under no American standard of labor, and the fear of these -unskilled laborers breaking down labor standards which have never -existed, is obviously unfounded. - -The generalization cannot also be made that the colored people are -difficult to organize, for from our survey we have found only one -Union, the Waiter’s Local, that has made any attempt to organize the -colored people, and was unsuccessful. The official of this Union -explains it because the colored waiters “are more timid, listen to -their bosses, and also have a kind of distrust of the white Unions.” -The same official also admitted that while he himself would have no -objection to working with colored people, the rank and file of his -Union would not work on the same floor with a colored waiter. None of -the other Unions made any effort to organize the colored workers in -their respective trades, and they cannot therefore complain of the -difficulty of organizing the Negroes. - -In the two trade organizations which admit Negroes to membership, the -colored man has proved to be as good a unionist as his white fellows. A -single local of the Hod Carriers Union, a strong labor organization, -has over four hundred Negroes among its six hundred members, and has -proved how easy it is to organize even the new migrants by enlisting -over one hundred and fifty southern hod carriers within the past year. - -The other Union which admits Negroes--The Hoisting Engineers’ Union, -has a number of colored people in its ranks. Several of these are -charter-members, and a number have been connected with the organization -for a considerable time. Judging from the strength of these Unions--the -only ones in the city which have a considerable number of blacks -amongst them--the Negroes have proved as good Union men as the whites. -If the Pittsburgh trade organizations are typical of the present -national trade union movement it would appear that there is little hope -for the Negroes. If the present policy of the American labor movement -continues, the Negroes can depend but little upon this great liberating -force for their advancement. A few facts disclosed in our canvas of the -trade unions in Pittsburgh will bear out our statements. - -[Illustration: A Row of Dilapidated Old Dwellings in the Downtown -Section Used as Rooming Houses for Migrants.] - -An official of a very powerful Union which has a membership of nearly -five thousand said that it had about five colored members. He admitted -that there are several hundred Negroes working in the same trade in -this city, but his organization does not encourage them to organize -and will admit one of them only when he can prove his ability in his -work--a technical excuse for exclusion. This official was a man who -was born in the South; he believed in the inferiority of the Negro, -deplored the absence of a Jim Crow system, and was greatly prejudiced. - -Another official of an even more powerful trade union was greatly -astonished when he learned that there are white people who take an -interest in the Negro question. He absolutely refused to give any -information and did not think it was worth while to answer such -questions, although he admitted that his union had no colored people -and would never accept them. There are, however, several hundred -Negroes working at this trade in the city. White members related -numerous incidents of white unionists leaving a job when a colored man -appeared. Several other unions visited had no Negroes in the union -although there were some local colored people in their respective -trades. - -The typical attitude of the complacent trade unionist is illustrated -by a letter which was written by a very prominent local labor leader, -a member of the “Alliance for Labor and Democracy” in answer to -certain questions asked him. This official refused to state anything -orally, and asked that the questions be put to him in writing. His -answers, we may presume, have been carefully worded after considerable -contemplation of the problem. - -The letter begins: “While I do not wish to appear evasive, I do not -think some of the questions should have been asked me at this time.” -Questions and answers follow: - -Q. Number of white members in the Union? - -A. Our Union has had a growth of one hundred percent in the past six -months in the Pittsburgh district. - -Q. Number of colored people in the Union? - -A. None. - -Q. Has there been an increase in the colored labor in your trade within -the last year? If so, state approximately the proportion. - -A. Yes, estimates can be made only by the employer, as we do not -control all shops. - -Q. Has there been an increase in the colored union membership within -the last year or two? - -A. Yes, statistics can be gotten from Mr. Frank Morrison, Secretary, -American Federation of Labor, Washington, D. C. - -Q. What efforts does your Union make to organize the colored people in -your trade? - -A. Same effort as all others, as the A. F. of L. does not bar any -worker on account of race or creed. - -Q. Has any colored person applied for membership in your Union within -the last year? - -A. Yes. - -Q. Have the colored people in your trade asked for a separate charter? - -A. Not that I know of. - -Q. Do you personally know of any complaint by a person of color against -your Union as regards race discrimination? - -A. Yes. - -The official admits that there are colored workers in his trade, that -some have applied for membership, and that there have been complaints -of race discrimination. His statement concerning efforts to organize -Negro laborers would seem to have little meaning in view of his -assertion that the growth of white membership during the past year was -one hundred percent, while that of Negro membership was zero. - -It may, however, be interesting to note that a man who joined this -Union about the time this letter was written, said the President of the -Union gave him the following pledge: - -“I pledge that I will not introduce for membership into this Union -anyone but a sober, industrious, WHITE person.” - -Very often union officials are apt to point to their constitutions -which guarantee that no color line be established, and say that the -colored people make little effort to organize, and that they are really -not trying to get into the Union. “Why don’t the Negroes organize -locals of their own?” they ask. The assertion that colored people are -making little effort to become organized is undoubtedly true, for -it may be presumed that if they had continuously, insistently and -in sufficient numbers knocked at the doors of the trade unions the -barriers would have been unable to withstand the strain and would -have opened to them. But unfortunately the attitude of the trade -unions developed among the Negroes a feeling of hopelessness which is -detrimental to both the Negroes and the labor movement. “What’s the -use?” is the reply usually given by skilled colored workers when asked -why they do not join the unions. They know well enough that they will -not be admitted, and that even if they were accepted they could never -hope to secure a job from the Union. This spirit goes even further, and -is fraught with the most imminent danger. A very intelligent colored -labor official said, that there is developing among many Negroes the -feeling that the most laudable action is to do anything which will -harm or break the labor movement. - -[Illustration: A Row of Model Houses Originally Built by a Steel -Company for its Colored Workers, but used by Foreign Laborers at -Present Because of the Protest of the People in the Neighborhood.] - -That this fatalistic and dangerous attitude of the colored people is -not groundless is again evidenced from our study of the situation. The -attempt of union officials to becloud or to ignore the issue by saying -that the colored people make no effort to become Union members, and do -not try to organize their own locals is disclosed by the following case: - -On January 1st, 1917, a group of about thirty unorganized Negro -plasterers sent the following letter to the Operative Plasterer’s and -Cement Finishers’ International Association of the United States with -offices at Middletown, Ohio. - - Pittsburgh, Pa., January 1st, 1917. - -“We, the undersigned Colored Plasterers of the City of Pittsburgh, met -in a session on the above named date, and after forming an Organization -for our mutual benefit voted to petition to you our grievances on -the grounds of being discriminated against because of our color. We -therefore would like to have a Local Body of our own for our people. -We also voted to ask you for the advice and consideration of such a -movement, and hereby petition you that you grant us a license for a -local of our own, to be operated under your jurisdiction, praying this -will meet with your approval, and hoping to get an early reply. - -This will show that to date we have the support of the men here listed -besides a few more. Officers elected so far are as follows:” - -The signatures of the officers and twenty-five members follow. - -The International then sent the following reply: - -“Replying to your letter, we are writing our Pittsburgh Local today -in reference to your application for charter. According to the rules -and regulations of our organization, no organization can be chartered -in any city where we have a Local without consulting the older -Organization.” - -This was signed by the Secretary of the International Association. - -The Pittsburgh Local then invited the Secretary of the colored -organization to appear at their regular meeting. When the Secretary -came, they told him he could have five minutes time in which to present -his claims. Nothing resulted from this meeting and no written statement -whatsoever was made by the Pittsburgh Local in spite of attempts to -secure such. - -On a further appeal to the International, the Secretary of the Colored -Plasterer’s Organization received the following letter from the -International Secretary. - -“Replying to your letter, I enclose a copy of our constitution and -refer you to section No. 34, page No. 8, which means that no charter -can be issued to your organization unless approved by No. 31 of -Pittsburgh, Pa.” - -An official of Local number 31 admitted that the rank and file would -never consent to have colored people among them, and attend the social -functions given by the Union, although he claimed they could not -possibly reject a man because of his color, as it is a gross violation -of their constitution. He explained the reasons for his local refusing -a separate charter to the Negroes as follows: First, that if a charter -would be granted to them, they would all become members for the nominal -charter fee while their initiation fee for individuals amounts to -thirty dollars, and this he said would be a discrimination in favor of -the Negroes. But the greatest objection was that the colored plasterers -asked for a smaller scale of wages, ($4.50 a day as compared with $6 -for whites). When questioned as to his reason why the colored people -would not prefer a higher wage, he explained that they could not get -work as no one would employ a person of color at the same wages as a -white person.[8] - -The Secretary of the short-lived colored organization gave as his -reason for not joining the Union as an individual the fact that he was -aware that the Union, even were he a member, would not supply him with -a job, and that white Union men would walk out were he by any chance to -be employed. - -Another illustration of the difficulty confronting the colored person -when he desires to join a Union, is the following: Two colored -migrants, J. D. and C. S., painters from Georgia, had applied to the -Union for membership in November and December 1916, respectively. -Both of these persons have their families here, and claim fourteen -and sixteen years’ experience in the trade, stating also that they -can do as good a job as any other union man. Each one of these claims -to have made from $25 to $30 a week in the South by contracting. The -official in the office of the Union whom they approached to ask for -membership unceremoniously told them that it would take no colored men -into membership. The result was that one of these men was fortunate -enough to find work in his own line in a non-union shop, receiving -twenty dollars per week for eight and one-half hours, as compared with -$5.50 for an eight hour day, the union scale. The second man, however, -was not so fortunate, and unable to find work in his own line, he is -now working as a common laborer in a steel plant making $2.70 for ten -hours per day. That many of the colored skilled people do not attempt -to join the union because they know the existing situation is obvious. -The brother-in-law of one of the above men, also a skilled worker, when -asked why he did not try to join the Union, characteristically shrugged -his shoulders and uttered the fatalistic “What’s the use?” - -The following case which throws light on the general situation, and -illustrates the resultant effects of this injustice was related by the -head clerk of the State Employment Bureau of this city. - -“In the month of June, 1917, a man giving the name of P. Bobonis, a -Porto Rican, came to our office and asked for work as a carpenter. Mr. -Bobonis was a union carpenter, a member of the Colorado State Union. -The first place he was sent they told him they were filled up, and when -a call was made to determine if the company had sufficient carpenters, -the foreman said that it was impossible for them to employ a colored -carpenter as all of the white men would walk out, but that they were -still badly in need of carpenters. It was then decided to call upon -the different companies recognizing the union, to see if they all felt -the same way. Much to our amazement we found it to be the general -rule--the colored man could pay his initiation fee and dues in the -Union, but after that was done he was left little hopes for employment. -Four large companies were called for this man and he could not be -placed. As a last attempt, a call on the Dravo Contracting Company -was made and as they have some union and others non-union men, they -employed the man. - -Mr. Bobonis was not a floater, but a good man. He is a graduate of -Oberlin College and is now working to raise enough money to enable him -to study medicine.” - -Although the attitude of the recognized American Labor movement on -the colored question is generally known, the great mass of people are -easily misled and appealed to on race lines. It is unfortunate that -often a race issue is made of a purely labor question. An episode -of the past winter is a case in point. The drivers in one of our -department stores had organized themselves into a union and were locked -out. The department store immediately substituted colored non-union -drivers. Appeals to union people based on race issues were then carried -to the patrons of that store until the department store was forced to -discharge all of its colored drivers and re-instate the white ones. -This was done in spite of the fact that the Union was not recognized, -and was broken up, and although the manager of the store is said to -have admitted that almost half of the colored drivers had proved one -hundred percent efficient. - -The difficulties and slow progress made in organizing the laboring -classes generally is apparent to anyone who reflects that in spite of -the long years of continued effort, and in spite of the fact that in -many instances there was no resistance from the employers, hardly ten -percent of the working population of the United States is organized in -trade and industrial unions today. The problem is difficult for the -white men, and it is exceedingly more difficult for the blacks. The -white laboring classes have to contend only with the manufacturers. The -Negroes, however, have to contend with the white trade unions as well -as with the employers. - -Until recently, very few colored people in the North were working in -trades where the whites were organized. The great mass of Negroes were -doing work of the personal service character, and acted as porters, -janitors, elevator men, etc. This class of workers is extremely -difficult to organize even among the whites. Within the past two -years, however, Negroes have in increasing numbers entered the trades -which have been organized by the whites. Being refused admission to -most of the white unions the only thing the colored man can do is to -form his own organization. The first step toward organizing the Negro -working man and woman was taken in New York City in July 1917, when the -Associated Colored Employees of America was organized. The bulletin -used by this organization states that its purpose is to give “facts -concerning conditions in the North compiled for the benefit of those -who some day expect or desire to be actually free.” This organization -aims to function as an employment bureau advising members where -particular work may be found, and to give general information to those -workers who are eager to come from the South. - -[Illustration: Rear View of Tenement Near Soho Dump. Note Refuse on -Left and Street Level on Right.] - -The difficulty in organizing the colored people into a separate -organization along Trade Union Lines was thus explained by a very -prominent Negro leader. The Negro, he said, is escaping from the -tyranny of the South to the freedom of the North. In the North he is -opposed and at times even mobbed by white laboring men. Strange as -it may seem, the industrial captain in the North is the Negro’s only -friend. He at least is interested in him; he goes after him to bring -him North, provides food and shelter for him, pays him better wages -than he received in the South, and in many instances gives him medical -attention, and helps him bring his family here. Can you expect him -under the circumstances to alienate and betray his only friend in the -North, for the trade unions whom he fears and distrusts? - -It is obvious that the trade unions will have to make a more -attractive appeal to convince the Negro that they are really his best -friends. Their duty and policy are clear. Theirs is a struggle for -the protection of the working people, in order to secure for all the -oppressed some of the enjoyments of life. Theirs is a continuous battle -for organization, the organization of all workers, irrespective of -race, color and creed. - -The Negro’s own problem and his tragedy in slavery and in freedom is -probably best summarized in the following lines taken from the Emporia -Gazette and written by William Allen White: - -“If the black man loafs in the South he starves. If he works in -the South he is poorly paid, more or less in kind--chips and -whetstones--and his wife becomes a ‘pan-toter.’ If he leaves his own -estate in the South and goes to work in Northern industry, he is mobbed -and killed.” - -“He was brought to these shores from Africa a captive. He is held by -his captors in economic bondage today--forbidden to rise above the -lowest serving class. He is herded by himself in a ghetto, and if, -while he is there, he reverts to the jungle type, he is burned alive. -If he tries to break out of his ghetto, and, by assimilating the white -man’s civilization, rise, he is driven out by his white brothers.” - -“If he goes to school, he becomes discontented and is unhappy and -dissatisfied with his social status. If he does not go to school and -remains ignorant, he is then only a ‘coon,’ whom everybody exploits, -and who has to cheat and swindle in return, or go down in poverty to -begging and shame. There aren’t ships enough in the world to take -him back to the land of his freedom; there isn’t enough for him here -except on the crowded bottom rung of the ladder, and there, always, the -grinding heel of those climbing over him topward is mangling his black -hands.” - -“Race riots, lynchings, political ostracism, social boycott, economic -serfdom. No wonder he sings: - -“Hard Trials-- - -“Great tribulations, - -“Hard trials-- - -“I’m gwine for to live with the Lord!” - -No wonder as he looks dismally back at the forest whence he came, and -dismally forward to the hopeless set to which he is slowly being -pushed, he lifts his plaintive voice in its heartbroken minor and wails: - -“Swing low, sweet chariot, comin’ for to carry me home!” - -““_Home_” is about the only place he can go, where they don’t -oppress him.” - -[7] The figures in this table were secured during the months of July -and August 1917, and have probably been changed since. - -[8] The fear that admitting local Negroes to the trade unions would -flood the city with skilled Southern Negroes, was given as a reason by -one Negro for the exclusion of his race-men from the unions, but was -not mentioned by any of the white union officials. - - - - -THE COMMUNITY’S PROBLEM - -CHAPTER III - -_A Delinquency Study of the Negro in Pittsburgh_ - - -An understanding of the conduct and morality of the newcomer and -stranger is essential both for the migrant himself and for the -community upon which he is thrust. The migrant is unknown to us. We -look upon the stranger with suspicion and upon all his habits and -customs as queer and out of the ordinary. It is therefore natural for -us to question his morality and character and to consider him the cause -of the crimes and vices of the community. In the past, we blamed the -Italians, the Slavs, the Jews and the other foreign groups as being -mainly responsible for many of the anti-social acts in our urban -society; but when we come to know them our attitude changes. - -The Negro, although with us for centuries, is still unintelligible to -the average northern community. This has been borne out by our present -survey in the Pittsburgh district. Although in many instances the -Negroes live near the whites, even among them, there is very little -understanding or communication between the two races, and mutual -prejudice and suspicion prevail. - -With the cessation of the white immigration incident to the war and -the influx of thousands of Negroes from the South the black has become -the stranger in town. We see him crowding in certain districts, -congregating on street corners, apparently amazed at his sudden -transference from country to city life; from his home, a familiar -though oppressive environment, into the glare and lure of the great -industrial city with its apparent freedom for all. The Negro looks with -wonder upon all this, and his reaction to it seems suspicious to the -whites. When they see the police patrol wagon frequently in the colored -district or when some crime is committed in that neighborhood it is not -unnatural for them to think that these strangers are responsible for -all crime and vice. This, unfortunately, is not only the attitude of -the average person unfamiliar with conditions, but is also the theory -upon which the police officials seem to proceed in their work. On one -occasion when a murder was committed in the “Hill” district the police -made wholesale arrests of the Negroes, only to free them in a few days, -having no evidence against them. - -This assumption of the Negro’s responsibility for a “wave of crime, -rape and murder” this year was held not only by persons who got their -information from a played-up case in the newspapers, but also by many -social workers and Negroes themselves, as was evidenced by their -expressed personal opinions. A colored probation officer, for instance, -asserted that the juvenile delinquency among her people had at least -doubled during the last year, and she was greatly surprised when an -examination of the records disclosed a very considerable decrease -in these cases, (Table No. XIX). This illustrates how erroneous our -impressions about strange groups in our communities may be, and how -essential are the facts to a clear understanding of the situation. - -[Illustration: Wednesday 3:30 P. M. Lower Wylie Avenue.] - -In order to ascertain the facts concerning the extent of Negro crime -in the Pittsburgh district, an analysis was made of the police court -records of seven months in the year 1914-1915 in comparison with the -same period of 1916-1917. The periods selected were December 1, 1914 to -June 30, 1915 and December 1, 1916 to June 30, 1917. The first period -embraces the time of the initial war prosperity before the migration -had begun. In the second period the Negro migration was at its highest -point. The police dockets of Station Number 1, the Central Station, and -Station Number 2--which is in the most densely populated Negro section -of the city--were carefully canvassed and compared as to number of -arrests, kind of charges, disposition of cases and age, sex, etc., of -the accused. Tables follow: - - -_TABLE NUMBER XV_ - - _Showing Total Number of Charges of Arrested Negroes Brought to - Stations No. 1 and No. 2 from December 1, 1914 to June 30, 1915 and - December 1, 1916 to June 30, 1917, and also the percentage of Increase - during the last Period._ - - +--------------------+------------------+-------------------+------+ - | | 1914-1915 | 1916-1917 | % of | - | CHARGES +-----+------+-----+-----+------+------+ Inc.| - | | Male Female Total| Male Female Total | 1917| - +--------------------+------+-----+-----+------+-----+------+------+ - | PETTY OFFENCES | | | | | | | | - |Suspicious Persons | 390| 77| 467| 668| 111| 779| 67| - |Disorderly Conduct | 353| 74| 427| 493| 106| 599| 41| - |Drunkenness | 240| 42| 282| 869| 40| 909| 222| - |Keeping Disorderly | | | | | | | | - | Houses | 16| 22| 38| 36| 55| 91| 140| - |Visiting Disorderly | | | | | | | | - | Houses | 92| 29| 121| 217| 76| 293| 142| - |Common Prostitute | 0| 58| 58| 0| 54| 54| --7| - |Violating City | | | | | | | | - | Ordinances | 85| 0| 85| 143| 0| 143| 68| - |Keeping Gambling | | | | | | | | - | Houses | 5| 0| 5| 0| 0| 0| | - |Visiting Gambling | | | | | | | | - | Houses | 31| 0| 31| 0| 0| 0| | - |Vagrancy | 75| 9| 84| 93| 0| 93| 11| - |Other non-Court | | | | | | | | - |Charges | 83| 0| 83| 37| 0| 37| | - |--------------------| ----| ---| ----| ----| ---| ----| | - |TOTAL | 1370| 311| 1681| 2556| 442| 2998| | - +--------------------+------+-----+-----+------+-----+------+------+ - | MAJOR OFFENCES | - +--------------------+------+-----+-----+------+-----+------+------+ - |Larceny | 20| 1| 21| 20| 3| 23| | - |Assault & Battery | 12| 0| 12| 13| 0| 13| | - |Highway Robbery | 3| 0| 3| 4| 0| 4| | - |Entering Buildings | 20| 0| 20| 7| 0| 7| | - |Felonious Cutting & | | | | | | | | - | Felonious Shooting | 7| 1| 8| 17| 2| 19| | - |Murder turned over | | | | | | | | - | to Coroner | 12| 0| 12| 5| 1| 6| | - |Assault and Battery | | | | | | | | - | with attempt to | | | | | | | | - | Commit Rape | 5| 0| 5| 3| 0| 3| | - |Concealed Weapons & | | | | | | | | - | Point. Firearms | 2| 1| 3| 12| | 12| | - |Other Court Charges | 9| 0| 9| 6| 1| 7| | - | -------------------| --| -| --| --| -| --| | - | TOTAL| 90| 3| 93| 87| 7| 94| | - +--------------------+------+-----+-----+------+-----+------+------+ - - GRAND TOTAL 1460 314 1774 2643 449 3092 - -The foregoing tables and figures reveal many features which are -extremely interesting. The first thing that strikes us is the -disproportionate increase in petty arrests over the increase in court -charges or graver crimes. From the figures obtained it appears that -although the number of arrests on charges of suspicion, drunkenness, -disorderly conduct and similar petty charges have increased from -approximately forty percent to over two hundred percent; the graver -crimes, as a whole, have remained stable in spite of the increase in -population, while in some of the crimes which are usually accredited -to Negroes, we find a marked decline. The percentage of grave charges -compared to the total number of arrests, has decreased from 5% in -1914-15 to 3% in 1916-17. Thus, we find only two more larcenies in -1916-17 than in 1914-15; a considerable decline in charges for entering -buildings and two charges less of rape. - - -_TABLE NUMBER XVI_ - - _Showing the disposition of the Negroes Arrested and Brought to - Police Stations Number 1 and Number 2 from December 1, 1914 to June - 30, 1915 and December 1, 1916 to June 30, 1917; the percentage of the - total arrests and the percentage of increase or decrease during the - latter period._ - - +-----------------+---------+---------+-------------------+----+----+ - | |1914-15 |1916-17 | Percentage of |% of|% of| - | DISPOSITION |Total No.|Total No.| Total Arrests |inc.|dec.| - | | | | 1914-15 1916-17 | | | - +-----------------+---------+---------+----------+--------+----+----+ - | Discharged | 849 | 1716 | 48 | 55 | 102| | - | Held for Court | 93 | 94 | 5 | 3 | 0| | - | Fines | 308 | 532 | 17 | 17 | 73| | - | Jail | 230 | 369 | 13 | 12 | 60| | - | Workhouse | 179 | 334 | 10 | 11 | 87| | - | Otherwise | 114 | 47 | 7 | 2 | | | - | disposed | ---- | ---- | ---- | ---- | | | - | | 1773 | 3092 | 100 | 100 | | | - +-----------------+---------+---------+----------+--------+----+----+ - -Of the three thousand ninety-two arrests during 1916-1917, one thousand -seven hundred and sixteen were discharged without fines, again -demonstrating the petty character or the lack of evidence on these -charges. - -It is not difficult to find an explanation for the tremendous increase -in arrests on charges of suspicion, disorderly conduct and the like. -The colored migrant, timid, friendless and unknown as he is when he -comes from the South, easily becomes an object of surveillance. The -railroads were bringing a train load of black workers practically every -day. Many come to Pittsburgh with the desire to remain here, but the -labor agents want them to go further east. Workers of this class either -try to get away from the labor agent, or, being separated from him in -the general confusion prevailing at the stations, are stranded and -left without resources. As strangers they know nothing about the city -or its ways. They are but lately come out from communities where they -have known only oppression, and in many cases their exodus has been a -secret one. It is not remarkable that men in their state of mind should -be looked upon by the police as questionable characters and arrested on -the charges of being suspicious persons, or should fall into the hands -of the law for various other reasons. - -The marked increase in drunkenness is not surprising either. From an -analysis of the housing and lodging situation in Pittsburgh the reader -will realize that these migrants have no place in which to spend -their leisure time except the street corners and in the saloon. In -practically all rooming houses beds are run on a double shift basis. -A man may stay in his room only when he sleeps. On awakening he must -surrender his bed to another lodger and go elsewhere. There are no -recreational facilities provided him by the city. Only one place, -the saloon, welcomes him with open doors, and even this dangerous -hospitality is denied him except in the Negro quarters. That the -stranger should not embrace the only means of relaxation offered him in -his new environment would be incredible. - - -_TABLE NUMBER XVII_ - - _Showing the age and sex of the persons Arrested in the two Stations - from December 1, 1914 to June 30, 1915 and from December 1, 1916 to - June 30, 1917._ - - +------------+--------------+--------------+----------------+ - | | Total No. | Total | | - | | 1914-15 | 1916-17 | Total | - | | Male Female | Male Female | 1914-15 1916-17| - +------------+--------------+--------------+----------------+ - |Under 16 | 40 | 8 | 21 | 7 | 48 | 28 | - |16 to 20 | 69 | 31 | 112 | 18 | 100 | 130 | - |20 to 30 | 556 | 195 | 1133 | 237 | 751 | 1370 | - |30 to 40 | 398 | 109 | 797 | 96 | 507 | 893 | - |40 to 50 | 232 | 18 | 432 | 35 | 250 | 467 | - |50 and over | 107 | 11 | 192 | 12 | 118 | 204 | - |----------- | ---- | --- | ---- | --- | ---- | ---- | - | | 1402 | 372 | 2687 | 405 | 1774 | 3092 | - +------------+--------------+--------------+----------------+ - -_TABLE NUMBER XVIII_ - -_Showing the Number of Married and Single People Arrested; Also -Showing the Sex._ - - +---------+---------------+--------------+-----------------+ - | | Total No. | Total No. | | - | | 1914-15 | 1916-17 | TOTAL | - | | Male Female | Male Female | 1914-15 1916-17| - +---------+---------------+--------------+-----------------+ - | Single | 1024 | 194 | 2269 | 256 | 1218 | 2525 | - | Married | 395 | 161 | 428 | 139 | 556 | 567 | - +---------+---------------+--------------+-----------------+ - | | 1419 | 355 | 2697 | 395 | 1774 | 3092 | - +---------+---------------+--------------+-----------------+ - -That there should be a big increase in the visitation of disorderly -houses is to be expected. As we have seen, the migration is as yet -largely that of single men and of men who have left their families -behind them. As with the other foreign groups who have migrated to -America, there is an entire break up of the normal family standard. It -is therefore inevitable that with higher wages and with the prevailing -housing and rooming congestion vice should flourish. The fact that -in spite of the tremendous increase in disorderly houses there is -some decline in arrests on charges of prostitution can be interpreted -only in terms of the laxity and tolerance of the police department. -This also accounts for the fact that while during the seven months of -1914-1915 five gambling houses were raided and thirty-one persons were -arrested for gambling, there were no raids or arrests during the same -period this year. - -The big increase in arrests on charges of felonious cutting, pointing -firearms, and carrying concealed weapons, may be explained in a variety -of ways. Since the post bellum days, the carrying and handling of arms -in the South was sanctioned socially. The whites have carried, and in -some places are still carrying these weapons with them. The Negro, -whether because of his habit of imitating the whites or because he -has learned the lesson of protecting and defending himself, has also -acquired the habit of carrying weapons. Being too poor or too timid in -the South to purchase a revolver or similar dangerous weapon, he had to -content himself with a knife or a razor. - -Immediately upon the Negro’s arrival in Pittsburgh, and as soon as he -gets off the train, his attention is called to these means of defense -which are profusely displayed in the show windows of second hand stores -near the stations. These arms are tempting to his primitive instinct -of display, and being unfamiliar with conditions in this city--still -thinking in terms of the Southern environment--he considers these -things a necessity. As they can be obtained easily, he manages to -purchase one of these weapons at the first opportunity. That the -lynchings, riots and mistreatments should not teach him a lesson of -self-defense and the need for such weapons would be incredible. It may -also be added that the Southern Negro does not consider cutting another -Negro an offense against the law. Such cutting was frequently practiced -in the South and arrest did not follow. It may therefore not be strange -to learn that on several occasions, when arraigned on charges of -felonious cutting, these migrants expressed great surprise when they -learned that their offense involved a jail or workhouse sentence. - - -_TABLE NUMBER XIX_ - -_Total Number of Negro Charges in the Juvenile Court from January -1st, 1915 to June 30, 1915 and January 1st, 1917 to June 30, 1917._ - - +-------------------------------+----------+----------+ - | CHARGES | Total No.| Total No.| - +-------------------------------+----------+----------+ - | | 1915 | 1917 | - +-------------------------------+----------+----------+ - | Incorrigibility | 11 | 10 | - | Delinquency | 34 | 13 | - | Dependent and Neglected | 18 | 23 | - | Entering a Building | 4 | 1 | - | Larceny | 5 | 8 | - | Violating Parole | 1 | | - | Malicious Mischief | 2 | 1 | - | Assault and Battery | 5 | 1 | - | All other Charges | 3 | 3 | - | | -- | -- | - | | 83 | 60 | - +-------------------------------+----------+----------+ - -_TABLE NUMBER XX_ - -_Dispositions of Same._ - - +-------------------------------+----------+----------+ - | | Total No.| Total No.| - +-------------------------------+----------+----------+ - | | 1915 | 1917 | - +-------------------------------+----------+----------+ - | Returned to Parents | 3 | 4 | - | Detention Home | 1 | 0 | - | Private Home | 30 | 15 | - | Home on Probation | 22 | 16 | - | Thorn Hill Industrial School | 15 | 12 | - | State Reformatory | 4 | 2 | - | Polk School for Feeble Minded | 1 | 5 | - | Other Places | 7 | 6 | - | | -- | -- | - | | 83 | 60 | - +-------------------------------+----------+----------+ - -Table number XVII indicates that the majority of those arrested are -between the ages of 20 and 40. The large number of women arrested -is rather surprising, although the proportional increase of women -arrested is far below that of men. This may be due to the fact that the -migration is largely of men without families. The overwhelming number -of single people as compared with married ones, is also to be expected, -although the police record based only upon uninvestigated statements of -prisoners, may not be very authentic. - -[Illustration: A House in the Hill District Credited with Sheltering -Over 200 Negroes.] - -The examination of police court dockets reveals one or two other -significant features. It shows the continuance of the migration by -the fact that a great number are listed as having “no homes.” The -number giving such “address” this year is far greater than during -the previous period; even when the total of those who refuse to give -correct addresses is subtracted, the increase is still clearly shown. -In the records of those who give their addresses as of this city, it -is important to note the close relation of congestion and bad housing -conditions to the police court records. Throughout the docket, a few -houses notorious for their overcrowding stand out very prominently. -Thus, a well known tenement house on Bedford Avenue, which is credited -with having over one hundred families inside its four walls, has given -eighty-four arrests during the seven months of 1914-1915, and over one -hundred during the seven months of 1917. The same thing is true of -several other houses. - -Table number XIX showing the Juvenile Court records is surprising. That -there should still be an absolute decline in juvenile delinquency, in -spite of the increase in population, is something the most optimistic -of us would have hardly anticipated. - -After the preceding analysis, the reader has doubtless already -realized how unfounded was the popular belief in a Negro “wave of -crime, rape and murder” in Pittsburgh within the last year. The facts -are self-evident. From our analysis, we must conclude that the Negro -migrant is not a vicious character; is not criminally and mischievously -inclined _per se_, but on the other hand is a peaceful and law -abiding individual. He comes to Pittsburgh to seek better economic and -social opportunities. He is in most instances anxious to let others -alone in order that he himself may be let alone. - -That the rise in wages is a considerable factor in the decrease of -juvenile delinquency and graver crimes as a whole is probable. That the -Negro becomes a victim of the saloon and the vice elements is evidently -more the fault of the community than of himself. He is often anxious to -rid himself of these associations, but it can be done only by his white -brother’s realization of the social responsibility which he owes to the -community. - - -HEALTH STUDY - -That the conservation of health is no longer the concern of the -individual affected alone, but is the problem of the whole community -is now generally recognized. The relation of cause and effect in our -complex urban life is nowhere more clearly shown than in the health -phase of our group relations. In this aspect of community life at -least, it is realized that each of us constitutes one of the cogs in -the civic machinery, and that the welfare of the whole depends upon the -welfare of the individual. No one in the city, even if he be living -under the best conditions can be certain of immunity from the menace of -epidemic or of venereal diseases and tuberculosis. Infantile paralysis, -and the other contagious or infectious diseases have no regard for -differences of social status or residential respectability. - -The Negroes of Pittsburgh constitute a very considerable fraction of -the city population. We have only partially segregated districts, and -the Negroes live near us or in our midst. They are with us on the -streets, in street cars, stores and amusement places. They work side -by side with us in the mills, factories and offices. Their children -and ours attend the same schools, drink from the same fountains and -play in the same yards. Since the beginning of the European War, our -foreign supply of domestic servants has been practically cut off, and -the colored women are the only ones available for this type of work. -These women live in our homes, wash our clothes, cook our dinners, -make our beds and nurse our children. A close inter-relation between -the two races exists, and we cannot long hope to be free from the -diseases to which our servants are subject. Once it is realized that -our own welfare is greatly affected by the welfare of the Negro, it is -obvious that we must see to it that his health is conserved. Our old -ostrich-like policy of comfortable neglect will not serve to protect us. - -[Illustration: INTERIOR COURT SCENE - -Note Hydrant on Left and Privy on Right which are used by Twelve -Families, White and Negro.] - -We cannot remain indifferent to the startling adult and infant -mortality rates among Negroes. Ignorance of and indifference to disease -in any one group will ultimately work harm to the entire population, -and neglected disease in the black race means the increase of disease -among the whites. It is essential, therefore, for our own well-being -that we look into the conditions under which our Negro brethren live; -and ascertain all the facts which may throw some light upon the actual -conditions existing. Hence, we have proceeded to analyze the records -which could be obtained in our city health department, the records -of a few of the larger hospitals in the city, and the records of the -coroner’s office. The tables and discussion of the same follow. - -It is unfortunate that the statistical bureau of our Health -Department--whether through insufficient appropriations or -otherwise--does not maintain the standards set by similar departments -in other cities. Our department does not afford the information -necessary for a complete study of the health situation. However, from -the figures obtained, it is obvious that our Negro mortality rate and -especially the infant mortality rate is much higher than that of New -York City, for instance, and that we are facing a grave situation. - - -_TABLE NUMBER XXI_ - -_Causes of the Negro Mortality Comparing Periods of Seven Months, -January to July, 1915 and January to July, 1917._ - - +--------------------------------+-------+-------+ - | CAUSES | 1915 | 1917 | - +--------------------------------+-------+-------+ - | Pneumonia (all forms) | 64 | 183 | - | Tuberculosis (all forms) | 51 | 51 | - | Bright’s Disease and Nephritis | 21 | 23 | - | Apoplexy | 9 | 20 | - | Meningitis | 1 | 17 | - | Syphilis | 12 | 6 | - | Heart Disease | 23 | 45 | - | Diabetes | 4 | 5 | - | Cancer (all forms) | 9 | 8 | - | Bronchitis (all forms) | 4 | 9 | - | Scarlet Fever | 2 | 1 | - | Whooping Cough | 1 | 1 | - | Diphtheria | 1 | 2 | - | Typhoid Fever | 2 | 5 | - | Measles | 3 | 0 | - | Poliomyelitis | 0 | 2 | - | Peritonitis | 0 | 5 | - | Rickets | 5 | 1 | - | Puerperal Septicaemia | 1 | 4 | - | Uremia | 0 | 4 | - | Asphyxia | 0 | 6 | - | Cirrhosis of Liver | 2 | 0 | - | Accidents | 12 | 16 | - | Homicide | 8 | 3 | - | All other causes | 60 | 110 | - | | ---- | ---- | - | | 295 | 527 | - +--------------------------------+-------+-------+ - -From a glance at the Negro mortality figures in Pittsburgh during the -first seven months of 1917, (Table No. XXI), we observe the startling -total of five hundred and twenty-seven deaths (excluding still births) -as compared with two hundred and ninety-five deaths in 1915 during the -ante-migration period, an increase of seventy-eight percent. While -it is true that the Negro population has increased according to our -estimate about forty-five percent during the past two years, this -expansion in nowise explains the disquieting increase in mortality. An -examination of the table also reveals the character of this increase. -Pneumonia cases have increased nearly two hundred percent; we also had -a marked increase in acute bronchitis and meningitis, and almost twice -as many deaths from heart disease. - -It is often claimed that the Negro is affected by climatic changes. -Transferred suddenly into a northern climate, and compelled to live -in all sorts of dwellings, often with no ventilation and light and in -congested quarters, he may easily succumb to disease. Unaccustomed as -he is to the heavy labor and pace-setting of the Pittsburgh industries, -it can readily be seen how rapidly his health is undermined through -excessive and hard labor. The fact that there has been no increase in -tuberculosis is in accord with the expressed opinion of many colored -physicians interviewed, who claimed that this disease is mainly a city -product, and that the newcomers, especially those coming from isolated -southern districts, are apt to be relatively free from this disease for -a considerable period after their arrival in Pittsburgh. - - -_TABLE NUMBER XXII_ - -_Record of Negro Morbidity for a Period of Six Months Before the -Migration, as Compared with an Equal Period during the Migration in the -West Penn Mercy and St. Francis Hospitals._ - - +--------------------------+-------+-------+ - | CAUSES | 1915 | 1917 | - +--------------------------+-------+-------+ - | Digestive System | 24 | 29 | - | Respiratory and Throat | 54 | 76 | - | Heart and Kidney | 16 | 10 | - | Brain and Nervous System | 9 | 5 | - | Urogenital Diseases | 35 | 44 | - | | ---- | ---- | - | | 138 | 164 | - +--------------------------+-------+-------+ - -Table number XXII was ascertained from a study of the records of three -of the largest hospitals in Pittsburgh, as to the treatment of Negro -patients in these Institutions for a period of six months before the -migration and an equal period during the migration. Although this -table proved interesting, as showing the amount, kind and extent of -the hospital morbidity among the colored people, it is not at all -conclusive. That the hospital records give no clue to the sickness -among the Negroes is apparent from the following: Eighty to ninety -percent of the hospital cases examined were ward patients. Very few -Negroes can afford private rooms, and almost every colored physician -complained of the difficulty he had in securing places for his -patients. It is only fair to state however, that one of the largest -hospitals in the city, had no such charge lodged against it. - -Aside from possible difficulty in securing beds in the hospitals, there -is another cause for the scanty number of Negro hospital cases. The -Negro not only because of his ignorance, but perhaps even more because -of his inclinations to voodooism and superstition, feels an aversion -to the hospital, where he thinks the knife and the “black bottle” are -frequently used. He is still child-like in many ways, and will prefer -all sorts of patent medicines and quack doctors rather than expose -himself to the surgeon’s knife in a hospital; and chooses to stay at -home among his own people where he may “die in peace.” - - -_TABLE NUMBER XXIII_ - -_Comparative Record of the Births and Deaths of Negroes and the -Entire City Population, during the Year of 1915 and the First Seven -Months of 1917._ - - NEGRO ENTIRE CITY - - 1915 1915 - - BIRTHS ███████████ 565 BIRTHS ████████████████ 16,139 - - DEATHS ██████████ 536 DEATHS █████████ 8,722 - - FIRST SEVEN MONTHS 1917 FIRST SEVEN MONTHS 1917 - - BIRTHS ███████ 356 BIRTHS ███████████ 11,013 - - DEATHS ██████████ 527 DEATHS ████████ 7,657 - -There is no more striking phase of the local Negro problem, than that -shown in table number XXIII. These figures disclose the astonishing -fact that the death rate among Negroes in this city during the first -seven months of 1917, was forty-eight percent greater than the birth -rate. In other words, while in the city population as a whole, the -number of deaths was thirty percent less than the number of births, -the number of deaths among colored people was forty-eight percent -more than the number of births; thus, for every one hundred persons -born in Pittsburgh in 1917, there were seventy deaths, while among the -colored population, for every one hundred children born, one hundred -and forty-eight persons died. - -These figures seem of sinister significance to the Negro race. Even -when taking into consideration the facts that the migration is largely -that of single males, rather than that of families, and that because -most of the women here are doing some work outside the home there is a -definite policy of limiting their birth rate, there still remains the -fact that even during the entire year of 1915, while the birth rate -of the entire city population was practically twice the death rate, -the excess number of births over deaths among colored people was only -twenty-nine in a total of over five hundred. - - -_TABLE NUMBER XXIV_ - -_Ages of Persons who Died Within the First Seven Months of 1917._ - - +---------------+------+ - | Under 1 year | 87 | - | Under 5 years | 43 | - | From 5 to 12 | 16 | - | From 12 to 20 | 24 | - | From 20 to 30 | 69 | - | From 30 to 40 | 101 | - | From 40 to 60 | 138 | - | Over 60 | 49 | - | ----- | --- | - | TOTAL | 527 | - +---------------+------+ - - -_TABLE NUMBER XXV_ - -_Causes of Deaths of Children Under 5 Years of Age._ - - +-------------------------+------+ - | Burns | 1 | - | Malnutrition | 4 | - | Syphilis | 4 | - | Tuberculosis Meningitis | 3 | - | Pneumonia | 51 | - | Tuberculosis | 5 | - | Enteritis | 21 | - | Premature | 9 | - | Meningitis | 2 | - | Bronchitis | 4 | - | Influenza | 2 | - | Asphyxia | 4 | - | Hemorrhage | 1 | - | Convulsions | 6 | - | Diphtheria | 2 | - | Rickets | 1 | - | Heart Disease | 8 | - | Mumps | 1 | - | Poliomyelitis | 1 | - | ----- | --- | - | TOTAL | 130 | - +-------------------------+------+ - -That the infant mortality rate among colored people is much higher than -among the white groups, is generally believed and it is not surprising -to find that the mortality among Negro infants in Pittsburgh is much -greater than the infant mortality rate for the entire city. Figures for -the year 1916-17 were unobtainable. The records of the Department of -Health show that during the year 1915 one hundred and four children per -thousand born in Pittsburgh, died in their first year. - -There were three hundred and fifty-six Negro births in the first seven -months of 1917. During the same period eighty-seven Negro children died -under one year. Of this number fifty-nine had been born between January -and July 1917, which means that one hundred and sixty-six children per -thousand die in their first seven months. This clearly indicates that -the death rate of Negro infants is far above the death rate of white -infants. Table No. XXV also shows the cause of deaths of children under -five years of age who died within the last seven months. At least half -of these deaths were due to preventable disorders, as is apparent from -the figures in the same table. - - -_TABLE NUMBER XXVI_ - -_Colored Bodies Received and Disposed of in Morgue, First Six Months -During 1915 as Compared with First Six Months During 1917_. - - +-------------------------+------+------+ - | | 1915 | 1917 | - +-------------------------+------+------+ - | Identified and Claimed | 13 | 32 | - | Identified and Cremated | 5 | 13 | - | Unknown and Cremated | 1 | 2 | - | | --- | --- | - | | 19 | 47 | - +---------------------------------------+ - -The figures obtained from the Coroner’s Office also indicate an -abnormal increase in the number of colored bodies received and disposed -of by the County Morgue. There were more than twice as many morgue -cases within the first six months of 1917 as during the same period of -1915. That the majority of these bodies were claimed and not disposed -of at public expense, is doubtless due to the high wages paid this -year. High wages at least provide for burials, which are considered -of paramount importance by the Negroes, because of their primitive -superstition, and abhorrence of having their bodies turned over for the -purpose of dissection. - -The preceding analysis indicates that the conservation of the -health of the Negro in Pittsburgh is a very complex problem, and is -inter-related with his social, moral, industrial, housing and racial -situation. The Negro is affected by all the elements which render -difficult the preservation of health among whites but in a greater -degree. Many of the factors which work continuously to undermine his -health are to a large extent eliminated among whites; and on the other -hand, much of the effective work done by whites to counteract these bad -influences is entirely lacking among Negroes. - -“The Triad of ‘baby-killers’--poverty, ignorance and neglect”--says -Dr. Sobel, of the New York Health Department, “works havoc among Negro -children to a greater extent even than among the whites.” - -“The well known relationship between family income and infant -mortality exists among Negroes as among the whites. The crude death -rate is exceedingly high in all Negro districts. There are, however, -well-defined differences in their respective rates, resulting, we -think, from economic conditions. In the districts where the family -income is highest, the death rate is lowest, confirming the opinion -that if we can improve the social and economic condition of the Negro, -an appreciable reduction in their death rate will have been secured.” -(August, 1917 Bulletin of the Department of Health, New York City, -pages 87 and 88.) - -While we may admit the claim often advanced that even under the same -conditions disease and infant mortality among Negroes would ordinarily -be higher than that of the whites, because, due to the climatic and -environmental maladjustments, his racial power of resistance is not -as great as that of the white; the Negro is still confronted with -many forces which handicap and work against him, but which are almost -non-existent among the whites. - -From our discussion of employment, housing and opportunities for -advancement in Pittsburgh, the reader will realize the difficulties -and hardships which the Negro is compelled to face in this city. Only -a very few of the Negro migrants earn more than $3.60 a day for twelve -hours work. Half of the families here live in one room dwellings. -Practically all of the mothers are doing some work outside the home. -The Negroes have as yet no organization for mutual co-operation. They -live separate and apart from each other. In many cases for instance, -it was found in our survey, that women living next door to each -other for months would hardly know one another, although often they -would both come from the same state and even from the same city. The -Negroes are more exposed and liable to disease because their social, -industrial, educational and moral development is more handicapped than -that of the white man. The Negro is apparently as yet not free even -in the North; he is still held captive in economic bondage, and is -deterred from rising above the lowest servant class. He is, judging -from the present situation, limited to common labor at thirty cents an -hour during prosperous times. - -The conservation of health, is as we have seen, no longer the problem -of the individual. It is therefore time that we awaken to the -realization that sickness and a high mortality rate among Negroes is -no longer the problem of the Negro alone. Eventually all of us will -have to pay the price for our indifference, both in money and in lives. -The taxpayer ultimately pays for hospitals and morgues, as well as for -jails and prisons. Our children are not at all immune from the sources -of disease which are ravaging the colored children. This problem is our -problem; we must face it squarely, and see whether any improvement in -this situation is possible. - -The significance of such a study and its importance as the basis for -a practical program is clearly demonstrated by the remarkable results -brought about in New York City through a similar study. After a survey -of conditions in the Columbus Hill District, the Negro section of the -Borough of Manhattan the startling evidence of conditions prevailing -there stimulated the New York Bureau of Child Hygiene to take action. -This Bureau has succeeded in reducing the infant mortality rate among -colored people from 202 deaths per thousand children born in 1915 to -193.3 in 1916, and to 180 per thousand children born during the first -six months of 1917. - -Dr. Jacob Sobel, Chief of the Division of Baby Welfare, writes as -follows in one of the recent monthly bulletins of the New York -Department of Health.[9] - -“The stimulus to our program was given by a study of conditions in the -Columbus Hill District, and it was here that our efforts were first -concentrated. It was our knowledge of the conditions in this district -which led to an effort on the part of the Bureau of Child Hygiene to -institute a campaign against the excessive death rate among colored -infants, by studying primarily the needs of the situation, and by -securing the co-operation of all agencies and individuals interested -in the welfare of colored people. With this end in view, there was -first instituted a preliminary census of the babies residing in the -above district, by house to house canvas, and an effort was made to -have these babies enrolled at the Baby Health Station within said -district. Mothers’ meetings were held at schools, settlement houses, -churches, etc., at which the physicians of the Health Department gave -short talks to the parents of the neighborhood. The co-operation of -prominent colored citizens, ministers, physicians, newspaper men, etc., -of the district, was secured. Educational slides, containing pointed -references to the high mortality among colored babies, and special -reference to the high mortality in particular sections inhabited by -colored people, were prepared and displayed on the screens of the -various moving picture houses in this and other districts. - -“A series of articles on baby care was published in one of -the newspapers read largely by the colored race, namely, ‘The -Amsterdam News’, under the title of ‘The Baby’, and presented short -heart-to-heart talks on baby care. The Department of Health also -published a local bulletin for this district, known as ‘The Columbus -Hill Chronicle’, in which special attention was directed to conditions -among the colored population, with specific recommendations for the -improvement of their health and surroundings. - -“In view of the large number of working mothers among the colored -people, a temporary shelter or day nursery for colored babies was -established in this district through the co-operation of the Babies’ -Welfare Association, and funds have subsequently been provided, through -private means, for the permanent equipment and maintenance, in the -heart of this district, of a day nursery for colored children. - -“The ‘Little Mothers’ of this district was organized, and in this way a -large amount of education was brought into the homes. - -“Immediately upon the receipt of notification of births in this and -other colored districts, the Bureau of Records notified the Baby Health -Station, in order that the home might be visited, and the infant -enrolled for care and treatment. - -“Special attention was directed to the supervision of colored babies -boarded out in the homes, and wherever a colored baby was found, not -a relative of the occupant of the premises, information was elicited -whether this individual had a permit to board and care for a baby, as -required by the provisions of the Sanitary Code. - -“Provision was made for the distribution of free milk and free ice, to -needy families of the districts, through the organized relief agencies -and ice companies. - -“Special attention was directed towards securing employment for the -fathers, so as to keep the mothers at home as much as possible. - -“To supplement the work of baby care, two nurses were assigned by the -Department of Health to the Columbus Hill and Upper Harlem Districts, -for instruction and supervision of expectant mothers. The Association -for Improving the Condition of the Poor also assigned a nurse to the -Columbus Hill District for similar instruction, so that a beginning was -made to bring the colored expectant mother under the guiding influence -of trained nurses. - -“The co-operation of the Tenement House Department was affected to the -extent that special attention was given to the sanitary condition of -the tenements occupied by colored people. - -“In a further effort to control the mortality among the colored babies, -the policy of the Bureau to assign nurses during the summer months to -those districts of the city showing a high infant mortality rate and -a high birth rate, was applied with special reference to the colored -sections, and a large force was assigned there, each nurse having under -her direct charge from 100 to 150 babies during these months, keeping -up this complement whenever, through death or removal, the number fell -below the required amount.” - - * * * * * - -It is inevitable with any group, suddenly transferred into a new -situation, that striking maladjustments should arise. While single -instances of suffering very often are misleading and do not give a just -view of the case, numerous and typical incidents which are by no means -exceptional or exaggerated may help to visualize the problem. - -A Georgia farmer who is making $3.60 a day for twelve hours of work -here brought over his wife and eight children, the oldest of whom was -thirteen years of age, to a house which he was fortunate to secure on -Second Avenue. Only a few weeks after his arrival all of the eight -children were taken sick, and two of them, one eleven and the other -six years old, died of pneumonia. Because of the contagion of some of -his children the man was unable to leave his house for eight weeks. -His physician said that the death of the children was due to the -over-crowded condition of the house. This man received no charity and -the money he had saved up was spent to the last cent on doctor bills. - -Mrs. E. H. lives on Crawford Street with her three children the oldest -of whom is five years of age. She occupies a small and damp room. Since -there is no gas in the house, a red hot stove can always be found -burning in the room which is at the same time kitchen, dining room, -bedroom and washroom; for Mrs. H’s husband is in jail somewhere in -Georgia, and she does washing all day in order to support her children. -The water supply of the house is in the street, and the stairway -leading to the upper floors is in her room. All of her children were -sick; one had pneumonia. She came here a few months ago as everybody -else was coming. Relatives and charity are helping to support her. - -Mr. F. J. P. was born in Jamaica of well-to-do parents, tobacco -planters, and was educated in England as a botanist. He works now as -a common laborer in Pittsburgh for he cannot secure work in his own -field; he is planning to go back to England. - -Mr. J. D. has had his wife here for several months, but still has his -only child back in Florida as there is no room for him in his present -place. - -Messrs. E. and R. Smith, one living on Penn Avenue, and the other -on Ross Street, worked for a steel plant and construction company -respectively. E. had an eye accident and was in the hospital for four -weeks, while R. had two fingers cut off while at work. The companies -paid the hospital bills for both but neither one of them ever heard or -knew anything about compensation, and never claimed any. - -J. G. hails from West Virginia. He has been in town for two days and -has no room as yet. The lodging places he went to asked seventy-five -cents a night for a dirty bed. He stayed up both nights, and expects to -leave the city as soon as he can. - -The Case family have eight children. The oldest is a girl of seventeen -years of age who works in a hotel. The mother works every day in the -week; she leaves home at seven in the morning and returns at five -o’clock in the afternoon. A girl of fifteen takes care of the children -in the meantime. - -Mr. P. Roberts was a prosperous Negro in Florida. He was an experienced -concrete maker, earning according to his statement more than five and -six dollars a day at home, and owning property in the South. When the -industrial boom began he thought that the wages in his line were much -higher here than in his own home town, and that it would pay him to -come North. He came to Pittsburgh together with his wife, five children -and an old invalid mother who was confined to bed. When first visited, -Mr. Roberts occupied two small rooms, each having one window, in a -rooming house where there were about twenty-five male roomers. This -man could get no work here in his own trade, and was trying to save up -enough money from his $3.00 to $3.60 a day to go back to Florida. When -Roberts was visited again about six weeks after the first visit, his -old mother had already passed away, his wife had died of pneumonia, -while his oldest girl of sixteen who had been taking care of the -four little tots was sick in bed, and the children were playing on -the streets. Roberts was still trying to save from his $3.60 a day -sufficient money to carry him back to Florida, which he still considers -his home, as he owns property there. - -These amazing instances of individual maladjustments are bound to -arise in any group which goes through such a sudden and abnormal -transformation. But they are even more frequent in the race which is -still primitive and child-like in many ways, with no one to direct, -guide and protect them. - -But the significance and danger of these wrongs are even of greater -importance for the community as a whole, than for the few individuals -affected. The fact cannot be over-emphasized that the community -ultimately pays the price for its stupidity. Indifference to this -problem at present when it still can be coped with and adjusted will -result in an uncontrollable situation later. We have seen above some -of the costly results of our housing and wage conditions. We have also -learned in this war that we can no longer afford to breed and foment -discontent and antagonism among our own people. We must not only see -that the strangers among us are adjusted, but that they also do not -become a menace to the well-being of the community. - -It is not sufficient that we bring these people here, give them a -“bunk-house” or a basement to sleep in, and a job in our mills for -twelve hours a day. Once these people are in our midst they become -a part of ourselves, and if we desire them to work in harmony with -our own interests and not become anti-social malcontents we must go -further than that. We must see that they become part and parcel of our -community, that they are educated and made familiar with the problems -that we are facing locally. The man who is here for several days and -stays up all night because he can find no place to sleep cannot be -expected to remain for long a social being. Pittsburgh’s progress will -be greatly handicapped if a certain element of our community has to -take advantage of the saloon and vice resorts for relaxation. Neither -can we afford to let a considerable part of our voting population -remain, because of lack of intelligence, the prey and spoil of -politicians who may jeopardize the whole life of the city for their own -selfish interest. We cannot permit sickness and high mortality rates -among the dark-skinned people. One of our big steel mills had to have -its whole office and plant forces vaccinated, and was even in danger -of being quarantined, when a number of Negroes working in the plant -scattered all over the city after a case of smallpox was discovered in -the rooming house where these men stopped. The Department of Health had -a big task hunting these men, and the danger to which the whole city -population was exposed was obvious. No more can we afford to let the -Negroes become the victims of all sorts of anti-social elements and -feel complacent after we send them for a period of time to the jail or -workhouse. They are a heavy burden upon the taxpayer while they are in -these Institutions and often become even a greater menace when they -are released. Our utmost attention is therefore essential to meet the -maladjustments before they have become acute; and we do not base this -claim upon sentimental grounds but upon the benefits of economic and -social far-sightedness. - -Many Negroes in the North seem to understand the situation, and are -striving to do their best to help adjust conditions. Some of the Negro -churches in this city for instance tried to ameliorate the housing -conditions by converting their churches into lodging places for the -newcomers until rooms could be found for them. Besides the Provident -Rescue Mission on Fullerton Street, which accommodated thirty to forty -men at a time during the entire winter, at least one other church -converted the entire building into quarters for migrant families. The -latter church accommodated a number of families until the committee in -charge could secure homes for the newcomers. But the responsibility of -the white people is just as great, and it is indeed in very opportune -time that a prophetic warning is sounded by a colored writer in a -Cleveland paper as follows: - -“Let them alone--permit them to grope blindly through the mazes of -startling new environments, and in a few years a social problem will -be created that will require a half century and millions of dollars to -solve.” - -“Let them alone now, permit and enforce them to live in unsanitary -districts and homes, relieved of Christian and moral influence, and -what is perhaps a 20,000 responsibility today, will become a 50,000 -heavy, crime-breeding burden tomorrow.” - -“Let them alone today, permit them to become the flotsam and jetsam -of neglect, or pernicious discrimination--such as they were in the -South--and tomorrow, having inhaled a bit of Northern freedom, they may -become a dark, sinister shadow falling athwart the white man’s door.” - -“Let them alone today, permit them to be retired to over-crowded shacks -and shanties where sanitation is an unuttered word, and tomorrow, -contagions, arising from these congested, unsanitary shanties and -shacks, will fly, like the black bat of night, over our fair city, and -in its wake will stalk the gaunt form of Death, claiming thousands of -our best white and Colored citizens as a debt paid for inaction.” - -[9] August, 1917 Bulletin of the Department of Health, New York City. - - - - -CHAPTER IV. - -_Some Constructive Suggestions Looking Toward the Solution of a Race -Problem Through Race Co-Operation._ - - -It would indeed be presumptuous on our part to attempt in this little -study to solve the race problem. Our purpose was to present the facts -as they actually exist and let the reader draw his own conclusions. -However, a few suggestions looking to a constructive policy of meeting -the need caused by the Negro migration in Pittsburgh may not be amiss. - -The main problem of the Negro migrant in Pittsburgh, as the reader has -already realized, is his social and industrial maladjustment, his lack -of organization, and absence of intelligent guidance. The National -League on Urban Conditions among Negroes is attempting to meet this -need by acting as adjusting agency, guide, educator and organizer. This -League is composed of white and colored men, whose aim is to secure -co-operation among the races and to act as a social medium between -the two peoples. Within the last year this League has established -eighteen different branches in various cities. Each of these branches -is headed by a trained Negro Social worker, who tries to get in touch -with the migrants as soon as they arrive in the town, and through the -co-operation of local social agencies and business officials, endeavors -to put each man into the right place. The League acts as a socializing -factor among the colored people with the aim of securing closer -co-operation between the two races. The success of these branches is -evidenced by the fact that in some cities the League’s staff had to -be increased three and four times the original number within the last -year, and in some instances these branches were established at the -invitation of Chambers of Commerce. - -A representative of the League who has spent some time in studying -the situation in Pittsburgh thinks that it is comparatively easy for -the League’s Secretary here to get in touch with the newcomers as -soon as they arrive, and to endeavor to eliminate a great deal of the -industrial maladjustment which is due to the ignorance of the newcomer. -This can be done, he claims, through the co-operation of the more than -forty colored newspapers in the South, through the various branches of -the League, and through definite arrangements at the Railroad stations. -By keeping in touch with the employers and industrial concerns, the -local Secretary could also succeed in reducing the number of men who -are misplaced and misfits in their present jobs. - -Some suggestions as to the work the League could do in Pittsburgh, are -thus outlined by the representative of the League. - -“Besides the advertising in the newspapers, and the co-operation of -the League’s branches some Traveler’s Aid work may be done as a result -of the heavy Negro migration to Pittsburgh. Definite service might be -arranged at the railroad stations for directing newcomers to reliable -lodging houses, so as to protect them from unfavorable surroundings. -Likewise aid from the police department can be sought to eliminate a -large number of crooks and gamblers who thrive off the earnings of -newly arrived migrants in the congested sections. - -“The industrial work is an essential part of our program, including -general employment, opening new opportunities and vocational guidance. -An important part of this work will be with the industrial plants -employing large numbers of Negro migrants. The Secretary will make -an especial effort to reduce the large Negro labor turnover in the -various industrial plants by noon-day and Sunday talks, by distributing -literature among the men and by assisting corporations in getting the -most reliable type of Negro labor and then seeing to it that this -labor is properly treated and given opportunities for advancement. -Vagrancy must not be tolerated in Pittsburgh especially when work is so -plentiful. - -“The Housing work will be broad and cover both an effort to obtain more -sanitary houses for Negroes to live in, as well as less congested, -unhealthy and hence less immoral living conditions in certain parts of -the city. The difficulties might be partially overcome by encouraging -the organization of a Building and Loan Association and by interesting -real estate dealers, builders and owners who handle or own property in -desirable districts to improve the same for Negro tenants; by urging -individual home ownership, and, with more chance of success in the -Pittsburgh district, by convincing industries of the basic necessity -for building family homes. - -“Health and sanitation are of vital interest to Negroes and to -Pittsburghers. One of the first efforts will be a campaign to reduce -the high illness and death rates among the Negroes. In co-operation -with the Bureau of Sanitation, physicians and Negro Institutions -and Organizations, an educational campaign can be waged giving wide -publicity to the facts obtained and suggesting remedies concerning, - -a. The danger and use of patent medicines; b. Carelessness in dress; c. -Improper ventilation; d. Care of infants, etc. Following this campaign -a general effort may be made to clean up Negro neighborhoods, to obtain -better and cleaner streets and sidewalks, better sanitary inspection, -police service and if possible, a free bath house for the lower Hill -district.” - -“The question of amusement and recreation is likewise important, as -they have a direct bearing on good citizenship. Definite co-operation -can be established with such existing organizations as the Y. M. C. -A., Washington Park Playground, Settlements, and the churches which -have the facilities for such work. Boy and girl clubs can be organized -under capable leaders. A supervised community dance can do much toward -helping the newcomer to better adjust themselves socially.” - -“Delinquency, especially juvenile crime, should be handled in -connection with the courts, probation officers and schools; the League -furnishing through its office Big Brothers and Sisters with the idea -of organizing this work on a larger scale later on. The penal and -reformatory institution serving the Community should be reached to help -discharged and paroled prisoners to obtain a new start and be reclaimed -for their own good and that of society.” - -“A very close relationship must exist between our charity and the -organized charities, because our association does not provide for -relief. An effort will be made to develop co-operation among welfare -organizations already existing in the community, to prevent expensive -duplication of work and to assure good feeling and harmony among -workers.” - -“The details of this work may be reviewed from time to time by an -executive committee, which should consist of from ten to fifteen -persons chosen from the membership of the association.” - - - - -APPENDIX - - -_TABLE NUMBER XXVII_ - -_Increase in Number of Colored Children in the Schools of the Hill -District from January to October 1917, and Number of Children from -Southern States Since January, 1917._ - - +----------------+------------------+--------------+--------------+ - | | Total Number of | Children who | % of Increase| - | NAME OF SCHOOL | Colored Children | Came from | within the | - | +------------------+ Southern | last 10 | - | | Jan. Oct. | States | Months | - +----------------+--------+---------+--------------+--------------+ - | Franklin | 69 | 99 | 37 | 44 | - | Miller | 36 | 57 | 17 | 58 | - | Madison | 20 | 28 | 3 | 40 | - | Moorhead | 178 | 222 | 55 | 25 | - | Minersville | 181 | 271 | 97 | 50 | - | Letsche | 91 | 160 | 55 | 76 | - | McKelvy | 88 | 120 | 33 | 36 | - | Somers | 201 | 289 | 45 | 39 | - | Watt | 422 | 529 | 62 | 26 | - | Rose | 129 | 198 | 62 | 53 | - | | ---- | ---- | ---- | | - | | 1415 | 1973 | 466 | | - +----------------+--------+---------+--------------+--------------+ - Total Average Increase 40% - -Table number XXVII was compiled from the figures supplied by the -principals of the ten schools listed. These schools are located in -the Hill District. The figures indicate the increase in the one section -only, and do not include all the children who have been brought from -the South, but whose parents reside in other sections of the city. The -marked increase in the total number of colored children and the great -increase in the number of children who have come to this city within -the last ten months is significant. - -As one would expect the majority of these children are in the lower -four grades. This was the case even before the migration but is -especially true since the migration. Many of the children from the -South either had no schooling at all, or were attending schools with -lower standards than ours. - -The problem of over-aged pupils is very significant among the Negro -children. A principal in one of these schools who has recently made a -little study of over-aged pupils in these eleven schools finds that the -percentage of Negro children eleven years and over in the lower four -grades, is far greater than that of the whites (sixteen percent Negro -as compared with four and seven tenths percent whites). This, the same -principal remarks, is in spite of the fact that the tendency of the -schools is often to promote children upon the basis of their size and -age, rather than because of academic attainment. What is more the white -children in most of these schools come from homes where the parents -are not Americans, but foreigners who often do not speak the English -language. - -The causes for the backwardness of the Negro children are deep-lying, -and are interlinked with their racial traits, social, economic and home -environments. Practically all school principals stated that in the -first four years the Negro child keeps well up with its white school -mates, but that after the fourth grade, the Negro child often falls -behind and cannot keep up with the whites. - -It was apparent from our interviews with these principals that most -of these men and women are quite alert and eager to find some means -of remedying this difficult situation. Many of them have endeavored -for a long time to cope with this problem, and a few think they have -found ways to render more rapid progress of these children possible. -But in the formal character of the school curriculum they have -little freedom to develop their own schemes. These principals have -practically all agreed that a system of motor-education which would -emphasize the practical and industrial side rather than the purely -academic, would not only benefit a large number of white children, but -would prove absolutely invaluable for the colored children who, they -believe, are more motor-minded than the whites. It would certainly, -they think, solve the over-age problem to a large extent, and would -make the children better prepared to avail themselves of the economic -opportunities offered by our urban industrialism. - - -_TABLE NUMBER XXVIII_ - -_Detailed Budget Study of Fifteen Families Including the Income and -Expenditures for Seven Consecutive Days During the Month of September, -1917._ - - +-----+------+----+---------+-----+------+--------+--------+--------+ - No. in|Family|Food|Clothing |Rents|Church|Medicine|Luxuries|Insurance - Family|Income| | and | Per | | | | - | | |Household|Week | | | | - | | | ex. and | | | | | - | | | carfare | | | | | - +-----+------+----+---------+-----+------+--------+--------+--------+ - | 4 $25.25 $4.67 $2.85 $3.25 .... $0.86 $0.20 ....| - | 3 15.00 7.91 1.20 2.40 .... .50 .05 ....| - | 4 18.00 10.98 8.66 2.50 .... .40 .... $0.45| - | 3 28.50 6.38 9.29 2.50 $1.10 2.45 .30 ....| - | 2 17.00 3.77 19.60 2.10 .... .... .... ....| - | 3 18.00 10.25 4.05 2.00 .... .... .33 .72| - | 3 21.00 7.35 .30 3.50 .... .... 2.10 ....| - | 2 18.00 4.07 8.02 3.75 .... .25 .20 ....| - | 5 23.10 12.78 6.24 2.75 .... .... 1.60 1.50| - | 3 18.50 4.12 26.65 2.00 .... .... .... ....| - | 2 15.00 8.43 1.24 4.25 .... .... .05 ....| - | 2 16.50 9.51 .... 3.00 .... .... .20 .80| - | 3 18.00 6.10 1.07 4.00 .... 1.00 .... ....| - | 5 17.00 13.17 3.00 3.00 .... .05 1.75 .25| - | 5 14.00 7.87 2.48 6.00 .60 .... .... .65| - +-------------------------------------------------------------------+ - -Table number XXVIII is a study of the budgets of fifteen migrant -families for seven consecutive days. The income includes the earnings -of both husband and wife. The figures on the expenditures are -approximately correct, although it was possible that in some families -there were no big food expenditures the first day, and in other -families food might have been left over after the seventh day. - -The wide variation in the expenditures of these families on all the -necessary articles is significant, and is probably indicative and -typical of the maladjusted life and the diversity of the living -conditions of the migrants. The wide variety of food expenditures is -due primarily to the inordinate expenditures for meat, which in one or -two instances reached over eight dollars per week. This is typical of -the lack of balance of the diet. - -The few cases of disproportionate expenditures on household goods were -made by migrants who had bought some furniture for their new quarters. -It is interesting to note, however, that these families were compelled -to skimp on their food, as their food bills are the lowest. Under -luxuries we included all expenditures on tobacco, liquor, candy and the -like. The few cases of considerable expenditures in this column are -due largely to the liquor bills. The little use of these articles in -most families is apparent from the table. The table as a whole, also, -indicates the high cost of the living necessities of these migrants in -Pittsburgh and their comparatively low wages. - - -_TABLE NUMBER XXIX_ - -_Negro Families Under Care of the Associated Charities with Causes of -Dependency During the Year Ending September 30, 1917._ - - +-------------------------------------------+------+ - | 1. Unemployed | 30 | - | 3. Child Labor | 1 | - | 4. Work shyness | 13 | - | 5. Disability through industrial accident | 2 | - | 6. Tuberculosis | 3 | - | 7. Other sickness | 34 | - | 8. Blindness or sight seriously impaired | 4 | - | 9. Other physical handicap | 1 | - | 10. Feeble mindedness | 2 | - | 11. Epilepsy | 1 | - | 12. Insanity | 1 | - | 13. Other mental disease | 5 | - | 14. Old Age | 10 | - | 15. Death or burial | 9 | - | 16. Alcoholic intemperance | 17 | - | 17. Sexual irregularity | 18 | - | 18. Desertion or non-support | 36 | - | 19. Imprisonment | 6 | - | 20. Juvenile delinquency | 11 | - | 21. Abuse or neglect of children | 32 | - | 22. Debt | 7 | - | 23. Pauperized by unwise charity | 2 | - | 24. Hereditary pauperism | 1 | - | 25. Begging tendency | 8 | - | 26. Illegitimacy | 7 | - | 27. Domestic incompetency | 10 | - | 28. Illiteracy | 3 | - | 29. Domestic infelicity | 1 | - | 30. Bad housing | 25 | - | 31. Non-adjusted immigrant | 3 | - | ----- | --- | - | Total | 303 | - +-------------------------------------------+------+ - -_Schedule Used in Interviewing the Negro Migrants._ - - - I (1) NAME (2) Present Address (3) Since No. - ---------------------------------------------------------------------- - (4) Age (5) S. M. W. (6) Health - ---------------------------------------------------------------------- - (7) Occupation (8) Employer (9) Hours Daily (10) Weekly Wage - ---------------------------------------------------------------------- - (11) Kind of House (12) Rooms in House (13) Water Supply (14) Toilet - ---------------------------------------------------------------------- - (15) No. in House (16) No. in Bedroom (17) No. Beds (18) No. Windows - in Room - ---------------------------------------------------------------------- - (19) How Does He (20) Leisure Time - ---------------------------------------------------------------------- - Spend Money (a) Church - ---------------------------------------------------------------------- - Weekly? (b) Saloon - ---------------------------------------------------------------------- - (a) Room (c) - ---------------------------------------------------------------------- - (b) Board - ---------------------------------------------------------------------- - (c) or Family (21) Court Record - ---------------------------------------------------------------------- - II (a) Former Address (c) Last Employer (d) Hours Daily - ---------------------------------------------------------------------- - (b) Former Occupations (e) Weekly Wage - ====================================================================== - (f) Family (h) Weekly - (age) (g) Kind of Work Wage - ---------------------------------------------------------------------- - W. 2 (i) Why Left Home? - ---------------------------------------------------------------------- - Ch. 3 (j) Who Paid Carfare Here? - ---------------------------------------------------------------------- - Ch. 4 (k) Will Family Come Here? - ---------------------------------------------------------------------- - Ch. 5 (l) When? - ---------------------------------------------------------------------- - Ch. 6 (m) Live Where - ---------------------------------------------------------------------- - Ch. 7 (n) When Will He Go Back - ---------------------------------------------------------------------- - Ch. 8 (o) Why? - ---------------------------------------------------------------------- - Ch. 9 - ---------------------------------------------------------------------- - Total Income - ---------------------------------------------------------------------- - SIGNATURE DATE - ---------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - -ERRATA - - -Page 7--Line 1--for Districts read District. - -Page 29--Line 9--for contained read continued. - -Page 57--Line 5--for anti-migration read ante-migration. - -Page 60--Table XXVI--third column headed “Total” should not appear. - -Page 71--Instead of eleven schools, read ten. - - - - -Transcriber’s Notes - -Page 5: “no definite stateture of their life here” changed to “no -definite statement of their life here” - -Page 17: “hardly highe than six or seven feet” changed to “hardly -higher than six or seven feet” - -Page 27: “to remark that this occured” changed to “to remark that this -occurred” - -Page 49: “again demonsrating the petty character” changed to “again -demonstrating the petty character” - -Page 51: “he had to contend himself” changed to “he had to content -himself” - -Page 52: “Charges in the Juevnile Court” changed to “Charges in the -Juvenile Court” - -Page 54: “the most optomistic of us” changed to “the most optimistic -of us” -“After the proceeding analysis” changed to “After the preceding -analysis” - -Page 56 and 59: In the table, “Poleomelitis” and “Poliomelitis” changed -to “Poliomyelitis” - -Page 61: “his racial power of resistence” changed to “his racial power -of resistance” -“The proceeding analysis” changed to “The preceding analysis” - -Page 66: “in an uncontrolable situation” changed to “in an -uncontrollable situation” - -Page 68: “to become the flotsman” changed to “to become the flotsam” -“It would indeed be presumptious on our part” changed to “It would -indeed be presumptuous on our part” - -Page 72: “would make the chidren” changed to “would make the children” - -Page 74: In the table, “Disalibity through industrial accident” changed -to “Disability through industrial accident” - -The numbering in Table XXIX skips 2. This reflects the original. - -There is no Table XIV in the original. Numbering has not been changed. - -In a few cases, obvious errors in punctuation have been corrected. - -In a few cases, inconsistent hyphenization has been standardized. - -The mistakes mentioned in the Errata have been corrected. - -*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE NEGRO MIGRANT IN -PITTSBURGH *** - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the -United States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part -of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm -concept and trademark. 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You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online -at <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. If you -are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the -country where you are located before using this eBook. -</div> - -<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Title: The Negro Migrant in Pittsburgh</p> -<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Author: Abraham Epstein</p> -<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Release Date: February 6, 2022 [eBook #67349]</p> -<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Language: English</p> - <p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em; text-align:left'>Produced by: Charlene Taylor and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.)</p> -<div style='margin-top:2em; margin-bottom:4em'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE NEGRO MIGRANT IN PITTSBURGH ***</div> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_1">[Pg 1]</span></p> - - - - -<p class="center p0">A STUDY IN SOCIAL ECONOMICS</p> - -<p class="center p0 p2">PUBLISHED UNDER THE SUPERVISION OF THE<br /> -SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS<br /> -UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH</p> - -<h1><big>The Negro Migrant in<br /> -Pittsburgh</big></h1> - -<p class="center p0 p2">BY</p> - -<p class="center p0"><big>ABRAHAM EPSTEIN</big><br /> -B. S. in Economics</p> - -<hr class="r5" /> -<p class="center p0"><small>PRICE FIFTY CENTS</small></p> -<hr class="r5" /> -<p class="center p0 p2">PITTSBURGH, <abbr title="Pennsylvania">PA.</abbr><br /> -1918 -</p> -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_2">[Pg 2]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CONTENTS">CONTENTS</h2> -</div> - - -<table class="autotable"> -<tr> -<td> -<span class="smcap"><a href="#Chapter_I">Chapter I.</a></span> -</td> -<td>General Conditions Among Negro Migrants in Pittsburgh -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -<a href="#Page_7">Page 7</a> -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td><span class="smcap"><a href="#CHAPTER_II">Chapter II.</a></span> -</td> -<td>The Negro’s Own Problem -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -<a href="#Page_28">Page 28</a> -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td><span class="smcap"><a href="#CHAPTER_III">Chapter III.</a></span> -</td> -<td>The Community’s Problem -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -<a href="#Page_46">Page 46</a> -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -</td> -<td>(a) Delinquency Study -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -<a href="#Page_46">Page 46</a> -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -</td> -<td> -(b) Health Study -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -<a href="#Page_54">Page 54</a> -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -</td> -<td> -(c) Summary -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -<a href="#Page_64">Page 64</a> -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -<span class="smcap"><a href="#CHAPTER_IV">Chapter IV.</a></span> -</td> -<td> -Constructive Suggestions -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -<a href="#Page_68">Page 68</a> -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -<span class="smcap"><a href="#APPENDIX">Appendix</a></span> -</td> -<td> -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -<a href="#Page_71">Page 71</a> -</td> -</tr> -</table> -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_3">[Pg 3]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="PREFACE">PREFACE.</h2> -</div> - - -<p>The main purpose of this study was not merely the attempt at a piece -of research. The writer undertook it originally in the early spring -as a student volunteer with the sole aim of doing his share in the -development of a more virile civic consciousness in Pittsburgh, and -to contribute something toward the orientation and adjustment of the -newcomers in our community. Thanks to the generous co-operation of <abbr title="Mister">Mr.</abbr> -Walter A. May, the writer was enabled to devote all his time since -June 1917 to the completion of this study. An attempt has been made to -interpret the data from the social point of view. The conclusions are -not offered as final but it is hoped they may serve as the basis for a -practical community program and perhaps for further study.</p> - -<p>The writer wishes to acknowledge his indebtedness to Prof. Francis -D. Tyson for his counsel and assistance in planning and organizing -this study. Without his co-operation, the study could not have been -undertaken or completed. The writer also acknowledges his thanks -to <abbr title="Mister">Mr.</abbr> George M. P. Baird of the English Department, University of -Pittsburgh for reading the manuscript and making many suggestions as to -style. Much thanks is also due to <abbr title="Mister">Mr.</abbr> Edmund Feldman for his valuable -assistance in preparing the tables and making the graphs. To the Irene -Kaufmann Settlement and its resident workers, the writer wishes to -express his gratitude and appreciation for their co-operation and -hospitality.</p> - -<p class="right"> -A. E.</p> -<p class="p0">Pittsburgh, <abbr title="Pennsylvania">Pa.</abbr>,<br /> -December 1, 1917.<br /> -</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_4">[Pg 4]</span></p> -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_5">[Pg 5]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="INTRODUCTION">INTRODUCTION</h2> -</div> - - -<p>This little study of the Negro Migration to Pittsburgh was first -suggested as a thesis subject in a university class in Social Economy -in May, 1917. Our great steel city of the North calls many unskilled -workers to its mills. The migration of Negroes to fill the gaps in -the ranks of this labor force, opened up by the cessation of European -immigration following the war has been under way for nearly eighteen -months. Expanding steel production continues to call for more workers. -From the first labor agents of railroads and steel mills as well as -private employment agencies have been at work gathering in the new army -of laborers.</p> - -<p>By last spring newspaper reports of housing congestion, and of -suffering from pneumonia and other diseases, and tales of the increase -of crime and vice were being spread. There was spoken comment of the -new situation on every hand. But these reports were inaccurate; they -gave no concrete estimate of the number and character of the newcomers; -and no definite statement of their life here or the problems of -community adjustment created by the influx of strange people.</p> - -<p>It is to be hoped that the attempt at an intensive and supervised -investigation represented by these pages will prove of value to those -members of both races who have already seen in the migration new -opportunity for a people whose need has been bitter, as well as a -chance for manifold human service. Perhaps the all-too-faulty product -may justify the painstaking effort of the investigator who toiled -through the hot summer months and the generosity of the public-spirited -citizen whose interest made the study possible.</p> - -<p>The report may be of value also in offering suggestions to those -workers in other cities who are dealing with the same many-sided and -baffling problem, so full of pathos and tragedy and so expressive -of the need of community co-operation. At least they may avoid -the pitfalls upon which we have stumbled. For Pittsburgh it may -well be that the material gathered here will be used to assist in -carrying forward a constructive program for adjusting the new workers -permanently to our community life. Industrial production here in a time -of crisis depends in part upon our Negro labor supply, the stability -and efficiency of which can be permanently secured only by successful -experiments in the fields of housing, health, and recreation.</p> - -<p class="right">FRANCIS TYSON,<br /> -<i>Professor of Social Economy</i>.</p> -<p class="p0"> -University of Pittsburgh,<br /> -December, 1917. -</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_6">[Pg 6]</span></p> -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_7">[Pg 7]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="GENERAL_CONDITIONS_AMONG_NEGRO_MIGRANTS_IN_PITTSBURGH">GENERAL CONDITIONS AMONG NEGRO MIGRANTS IN PITTSBURGH</h2> -</div> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h3 class="nobreak" id="Chapter_I"><span class="smcap"><big>Chapter I.</big></span></h3> -</div> - - -<p>The Negro population of the Pittsburgh District in Allegheny -County, was 27,753 in the year 1900 and had increased to 34,217 by -the year 1910, according to the latest United States Census figures -available.<span class="fnanchor" id="fna1"><a href="#fn1">[1]</a></span> The increase during this period was 23.3%. Assuming the -continuation of this rate of increase, the total Negro population in -1915 would be about 38,000.</p> - -<p>From a canvas of twenty typical industries in the Pittsburgh district, -it was found that there were 2,550 Negroes employed in 1915, and 8,325 -in 1917, an increase of 5,775 or 227%. It was impossible to obtain -labor data from more than approximately sixty percent of the Negro -employing concerns, but it is fair to assume that the same ratio of -increase holds true of the remaining forty percent. On this basis -the number of Negroes now employed in the district may be placed at -14,000. This means that there are about 9,750 more Negroes working in -the district today than there were in 1915, an addition due to the -migration from the South.</p> - -<p>A schedule study of over five hundred Negro migrants indicates that -thirty percent of the new comers have their families with them, -and that the average family consists of three persons, excluding the -father.<span class="fnanchor" id="fna2"><a href="#fn2">[2]</a></span> Adding to the total number of new workers, (9,750), the -product obtained by multiplying thirty percent by three, (average -family), we find a probable total new Negro population of 18,550 in -1917.</p> - -<p>This sudden and abnormal increase in the Negro population within so -short a time, of necessity involves a tremendous change, and creates -a new situation, which merits the attention of the whole community. -Before this great influx of Negroes from the South, the Negro -population which constituted only 3.4% of the total city population, -lived in a half dozen sections of the city. Although not absolutely -segregated, these districts were distinct.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_8">[Pg 8]</span></p> - -<p>Because of the high cost of materials and labor, incident to the war; -because the taxation system still does not encourage improvements,<span class="fnanchor" id="fna3"><a href="#fn3">[3]</a></span> -and because of investment attractions other than in realty, few houses -have been built and practically no improvements have been made. This -is most strikingly apparent in the poorer sections of the city. In the -Negro sections, for instance, there have been almost no houses added -and few vacated by whites within the last two years. The addition, -therefore, of thousands of Negroes, just arrived from Southern states, -meant not only the creation of new Negro quarters and the dispersion -of Negroes throughout the city, but also the utmost utilization of -every place in the Negro sections capable of being transformed into a -habitation. Attics and cellars, store-rooms and basements, churches, -sheds and warehouses had to be employed for the accommodation of these -newcomers. Whenever a Negro had space which he could possibly spare, -it was converted into a sleeping place; as many beds as possible were -crowded into it, and the maximum number of men per bed were lodged. -Either because their own rents were high, or because they were unable -to withstand the temptation of the sudden, and, for all they knew, -temporary harvest, or, perhaps because of the altruistic desire to -assist their race fellows, a majority of the Negroes in Pittsburgh -converted their homes into lodging houses.</p> - -<p>Because rooms were hard to come by, the lodgers were not disposed to -complain about the living conditions or the prices charged. They were -only too glad to secure a place where they could share a half or at -least a part of an unclaimed bed. It was no easy task to find room for -a family, as most boarding houses would accept only single men, and -refused to admit women and children. Many a man, who with his family -occupied only one or two rooms, made place for a friend or former -townsman and his family. In many instances this was done from unselfish -motives and in a humane spirit.</p> - -<p>A realization of the need for accurate information concerning the -Negro migration, and the belief that in an intelligent treatment of -the problem lay the welfare of the entire community as well as that -of the local Negro group, prompted the attempt at a scientific study -of the situation. The primary purpose of the study was to learn the -facts, but there was also a hope that the data obtained might lead -to the amelioration of certain existing evils and the prevention of -threatening ones.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_9">[Pg 9]</span></p> - -<p>In order to ascertain as many of the facts as possible concerning -housing conditions, rooming and boarding houses, three or four family -tenement houses, single family residences, camps, churches and other -lodging places were investigated. A comparative study of health and -crime among Negroes of Allegheny County before and after the period of -the Northern migration was also attempted.</p> - -<p class="center p0 p2"><span class="figcenter" id="img001"> - <img src="images/001.jpg" class="w75" alt="Storerooms in the Hill District Converted into Family -Residences and Rooming Houses." /> -</span></p> -<p class="center caption">Storerooms in the Hill District Converted into Family -Residences and Rooming Houses.<br /></p> - -<p>A questionnaire concerning kinds of labor in which Negro migrants -engaged, and wages paid them both in Pittsburgh and in their native -South was prepared; and answers to it from over five hundred -individuals were obtained during the months of July and August, 1917. -Information relating to housing, rents, health and social conditions -was elicited in a similar manner. An effort was made to visit and study -every Negro quarter in Pittsburgh. Data was secured from the Negro -sections in the Hill District and upper Wylie and Bedford Avenues; -the Lawrenceville district, about Penn Avenue, between Thirty-fourth -and Twenty-eighth Streets; the Northside Negro quarter around Beaver -Avenue and Fulton Street; the East Liberty section in the vicinity of -Mignonette and Shakespeare Streets, and the new downtown Negro section -on Second Avenue, Ross and Water Streets.</p> - -<p>The information thus secured is discussed in the following pages.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_10">[Pg 10]</span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="center p0"><i>TABLE NUMBER I</i></p> - -<p class="center p0"><i>Time of Residence in Pittsburgh of 505 Negro Migrants Questioned</i></p> - -<p class="center p0 p2"><span class="figcenter" id="table1"> - <img src="images/table1.jpg" class="w75" alt="Table displaying how long single vs. married residents have lived in Pittsburgh" /> -</span></p> - -</div> -<p><a href="#table1">Table <abbr title="Number">No.</abbr> I</a> indicates that the migration has been going on for little -longer than one year. Ninety-three percent of those who gave the time -of residence in Pittsburgh had been here less than one year. More -than eighty percent of the single men interviewed had been here less -than six months. In the number who have been here for the longest -periods, married men predominate, showing the tendency of this class to -become permanent residents. This fact is evidently well known to some -industrial concerns which have been bringing men from the South. Many -of them have learned from bitter experience that the mere delivery of a -train load of men from a Southern city, does not guarantee a sufficient -supply of labor. This is evidenced by the fact that the labor agents -of some of these firms, made an effort to secure married men only, and -even to investigate them prior to their coming here. Differences in -recruiting methods may also explain why some employers and labor agents -hold a very optimistic view of the Negro as a worker, while others -despair of him. The reason why Pittsburgh has been unable to secure a -stable labor force is doubtless realized by the local manufacturers. -The married Negro comes to the North to stay. He desires to have his -family with him, and if he is not accompanied North by his wife and -children he plans to have them follow him at the earliest possible -date. Although such a man is glad to receive the better treatment, -enlarged privileges and higher wages, which are accorded him here, he -cannot adjust himself permanently to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_11">[Pg 11]</span> the Pittsburgh housing situation. -He meets his first insuperable difficulty when he attempts to get a -house in which to live. Back South, he may have been oppressed, but -his home was often in a more comfortable place, where he had light and -space. At least he did not have to live in one room in a congested slum -and pay excessive rents.</p> - -<p>While it is true that the foreign immigrant of a few years ago was -probably not accorded any better accommodations in Pittsburgh than -is the Negro at present, it should be remembered that the foreigner -did not know the language. Everything seemed strange and unfamiliar -to him. He was loath to move to an even stranger part of the city and -preferred to stay in his first new world home and to live among his own -people, even under adverse conditions. It is altogether different with -the Negro. He knows the language and the country; he does not fear to -migrate and when he does not feel content in one place, he proceeds to -look for a better one. We might cite dozens of incidents of men who -have either had their families here or intended to bring them, but have -gone to other cities where they hoped to find better accommodations. -This is certain to continue if cities like Cleveland, Detroit and -Philadelphia keep in advance of Pittsburgh in building or providing -houses for these migrants. The Pittsburgh manufacturer will never keep -an efficient labor supply of Negroes until he learns to compete with -the employers of the other cities in a housing programme as well as in -wages.</p> - -<p>The actual situation of the Pittsburgh housing problem for the Negro -is shown by the figures obtained in our survey. Almost ninety-eight -percent of the people investigated live either in rooming houses or -in tenements containing more than three families. Thirty-five percent -live in tenement houses, fifty percent in rooming houses, about twelve -percent in camps and churches, and only two and a half percent live in -what may be termed single private family residences.</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="center p0" id="table2"><i>TABLE NUMBER II</i></p> - -<p class="center p0"><i>Kinds of Residences of 465 Negro Migrants Questioned</i></p> - -<table class="autotable"> -<tr class="small"> -<th> -</th> -<th> -SINGLE -</th> -<th> -FAMILIES -</th> -<th> -TOTAL -</th> -<th> -PERCENT -</th> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Tenement -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -30 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -133 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -163 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -35 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Rooming and Boarding -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -223 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -9 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -232 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -50 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -One Family House -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -6 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -5 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -11 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -2.5 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Camp -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -36 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -0 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -36 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -7.5 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Mission -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -23 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -0 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -23 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -5 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -</td> -<td class="tdr bt"> -318 -</td> -<td class="tdr bt"> -147 -</td> -<td class="tdr bt"> -465 -</td> -<td class="tdr bt"> -100 -</td> -</tr> -</table> - -</div> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_12">[Pg 12]</span></p> - -<p>Of the men without families here, only twenty-two out of more than -three hundred had individual bed rooms. Twenty-five percent lived four -in a room, and twenty-five percent lived in rooms used by more than -four people. Again only thirty-seven percent slept in separate beds, -fifty percent slept two in a bed, and thirteen percent sleep three or -more in a bed.</p> - - -<p class="center p0"><i>TABLE NUMBER III</i></p> - -<p class="center p0">NUMBER OF PEOPLE IN BED ROOM</p> - -<p class="center p0 p2"><span class="figcenter" id="table3"> - <img src="images/table3.jpg" class="w75" alt="Table displaying how many people are in a bed room" /> -</span></p> - -<p>The conditions in these rooming houses often beggar description. -Sleeping quarters are provided not only in bedrooms, but also in -attics, basements, dining rooms and kitchens. In many instances, houses -in which these rooms are located are dilapidated dwellings with the -paper torn off, the plaster sagging from the naked lath, the windows -broken, the ceiling low and damp, and the whole room dark, stuffy and -unsanitary. In one or two instances, these rooms, with more than six -people sleeping in them at one time, have practically no openings for -either light or air.</p> - -<p class="center p0 p2"><span class="figcenter" id="img002"> - <img src="images/002.jpg" class="w75" alt="A Typical Boarding House on Lower Wylie Avenue." /> -</span></p> -<p class="center caption">A Typical Boarding House on Lower Wylie Avenue.<br /></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_13">[Pg 13]</span></p> - -<p>In the more crowded sections, beds are rented on a double shift basis. -Men who work at night sleep during the day in the beds vacated by day -workers. There is no space in these rooms, except for beds and as many -of them are crowded in as can be possibly accommodated.</p> - -<p>There is rarely a place in these rooms for even suitcases or trunks. -Under such circumstances the rooms can be kept clean with difficulty, -and there is apparently no disposition to wrestle with the dirt and -litter. Very few of these sleeping rooms have more than two windows -each, and many have only one window. Only a few are provided with bath -rooms, while a great number have the water and toilets in the yards or -other places outside the house. Many of these roomers complain that -often they are not given any soap, and are never given more than one -towel a week.</p> - -<p class="center p0" id="table4"><i>TABLE NUMBER IV</i></p> - -<p class="center p0"><i>Rents Paid in Rooming Houses by 305 Roomers</i></p> - -<table class="autotable"> -<tr> -<th> -</th> -<th> -Percentage -</th> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -168 paid $1.50 per week -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -55 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -103 paid $1.75 per week -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -34 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -13 paid $2.00 per week -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -4.25 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -14 paid $3.00 per week -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -4.25 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -7 paid Over $3.00 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -2.5 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -</td> -<td class="tdr bt"> -100 -</td> -</tr> -</table> - -<p>The rents paid by these roomers are shown in <a href="#table4">table number IV</a>. They -varied from $1.50 to $3.00 per week, and in a few instances were as -high as $4.00 per week. In a number of cases, the men also board in -the same place in which they room, paying from five to seven or eight -dollars per week for food and shelter.</p> - -<p class="center p0"><i>TABLE NUMBER V.</i></p> - -<p class="center p0">ONE WEEK’S COST OF BOARD PER MAN</p> - -<p class="center p0 p2"><span class="figcenter" id="table5"> - <img src="images/table5.jpg" class="w75" alt="Table displaying how much board costs per person" /> -</span></p> - -<p>The situation in the camps is not better than that in rooming houses. -In one railroad camp visited, the men were<span class="pagenum" id="Page_14">[Pg 14]</span> lodged in box cars, -each of which was equipped with four or eight beds, or they were -quartered in a row of wooden houses two stories high, each room of -which contained from six to eight beds. It is true that the rents -charged in this camp were only the nominal sum of five cents per -night, or $1.50 per month, but the men had to buy their food from the -camp commissary, using company checks, and also had to prepare it -themselves. Practically every man interviewed complained of the high -prices charged, and that this complaint was not altogether groundless -was evident from the scanty purchases being made by these men at the -time of the investigator’s visit. In another railroad camp, located -near Pittsburgh, which was visited in the early spring, about one -hundred men were lodged in one big “bunk-house”, containing about fifty -double-tier beds. Although there were adequate toilet and shower bath -facilities, the beds were unclean. This company also boarded these men, -making a flat weekly charge.</p> - -<p class="center p0 p2"><span class="figcenter" id="img003"> - <img src="images/003.jpg" class="w75" alt="Box Cars in a Railroad Camp in Pittsburgh used as Living -and Sleeping Quarters." /> -</span></p> -<p class="center caption">Box Cars in a Railroad Camp in Pittsburgh used as Living -and Sleeping Quarters.<br /></p> - -<p>The rooming houses with one exception are conducted by colored people, -who act either as janitors or as hosts. In only one case, as far as our -investigation extended, did we find a white woman running a rooming -house for colored people. Many of these houses are in reality run by -Whites, who keep a colored janitor or manager in the House. Several -of the big rooming houses on lower Wylie Avenue, for instance, are -conducted for a local white merchant, who keeps a colored janitor<span class="pagenum" id="Page_15">[Pg 15]</span> -in each of them, and only visits them to check the books and collect -the rents. In many instances however, houses are operated by colored -people, who either run or lease them. Most of these lessees or owners -are Pittsburghers, but a few are newcomers, who, having brought a bit -of capital with them have opened rooming houses as investments. Some of -these people have become the prey of cunning landlords. In one case in -the down town section, a colored migrant rented an old and dilapidated -shack, paying fifty dollars a month, and was unaware that the contract -signed by him specified that he pay for his own repairs. The Negro -claims that as the house is very old and in such bad condition, it -would cost him an additional fifty dollars each month to keep it -habitable.</p> - -<p class="center p0"><i>TABLE NUMBER VI</i></p> - -<p class="center p0"><i>Number of Rooms Per Family of 157 Negro Families</i></p> - -<p class="center p0 p2"><span class="figcenter" id="table6"> - <img src="images/table6.jpg" class="w75" alt="Table displaying how many rooms each family has" /> -</span></p> - -<p>The deplorable housing of migrant families is shown in <a href="#table6">table number -VI</a>. Of the 157 families investigated, seventy-seven or 49% live in one -room each. Thirty-three or 21% live in two-room apartments, and only -forty-seven families or 30% live in apartments of three or more rooms -each.</p> - -<p>Of these forty-seven families, thirty-eight kept roomers or boarders, -totalling one hundred and thirty-one, or an average of 3.5 roomers -per family. Eighty-one of the total of one hundred and thirty-nine -houses inspected, had water inside the house, while fifty-eight houses -secured water from yard or street hydrants or from neighbors. Only -thirty-four of the total were equipped with interior toilet facilities; -the rest had outside toilets. Of the latter, forty-two had no sewerage -connections, and used filthy, unsanitary vaults.</p> - -<p>The rents paid for the “residences” described above appear in the -following table:</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_16">[Pg 16]</span></p> -<p class="center p0"> -<i>TABLE NUMBER VII</i></p> -<p class="center p0"> -<i>Rents Paid by 142 Families Investigated</i></p> - -<p class="center p0 p2"><span class="figcenter" id="table7"> - <img src="images/table7.jpg" class="w75" alt="Table displaying the rent each family pays" /> -</span></p> - - -<p>The sections formerly designated as Negro quarters, have been long -since congested beyond capacity by the influx of newcomers, and a score -of new colonies have sprung up in hollows and ravines, on hill slopes -and along river banks, by railroad tracks and in mill-yards. In many -instances the dwellings are those which have been abandoned by foreign -white people since the beginning of the present war. In some cases they -are structures once condemned by the City Bureau of Sanitation, but -opened again only to accommodate the influx from the South. Very few -of these houses are equipped with gas. Coal and wood are used both for -cooking and heating. During the hot days of July, the visitor found in -several instances a red hot stove in a room which was being used as -kitchen, dining room, parlor and bedroom. This, however, did not seem -to bother the newcomers, as many of the women, being unaccustomed to -the use of gas, and fearful of it, preferred the more accustomed method -of cooking.</p> - -<p class="center p0 p2"><span class="figcenter" id="img004"> - <img src="images/004.jpg" class="w75" alt="A Row of Houses Unused for Several Years Until the -Present Influx from the South." /> -</span></p> -<p class="center caption">A Row of Houses Unused for Several Years Until the -Present Influx from the South.<br /></p> - -<p>A few of these families were found living in so-called “basements”, -more than three-fourths under ground, a direct violation<span class="pagenum" id="Page_17">[Pg 17]</span> of a -municipal ordinance.<span class="fnanchor" id="fna4"><a href="#fn4">[4]</a></span> Some rooms had no other opening than a door. -The rents paid for such quarters are often beyond belief. In one of -these rooms in the Hill District, where only the upper halves of the -windows were level with the sidewalk, lived a man, his wife and their -five children, the eldest of whom was sixteen years old. The rental -was six dollars per week. Another family paid twenty-five dollars per -month for three small rooms on the ground floor. The kitchen was so -damp and close that the investigator found it impossible to remain for -long, because it was difficult to breathe. The ceilings in many of the -houses visited were very low, hardly higher than six or seven feet and -the rooms were often piled high with furniture. That the owners of -these houses cared little about improving their houses was indicated in -several cases by the fact that water faucets and toilets had been out -of commission for months, and no effort at repair had been made.</p> - -<p class="center p0 p2"><span class="figcenter" id="img005"> - <img src="images/005.jpg" class="w75" alt="“Basement” Occupied by a Migrant Family. The Only -Opening in this Dwelling Appears in the Picture." /> -</span></p> -<p class="center caption">“Basement” Occupied by a Migrant Family. The Only -Opening in this Dwelling Appears in the Picture.<br /></p> - -<p>Because of these bad conditions many peculiar maladjustments exist. A -certain man lived in a rooming house, while his young wife and baby -lived in another place. In addition to his own rent and board, he paid -ten dollars a week for the keep of his wife and baby. In another case, -a family was forced to pay six dollars a month storage on the furniture -which they had brought from the South, because their new quarters were -too cramped to accommodate it.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_18">[Pg 18]</span></p> - -<p>A goodly number of the migrants have evidently been accustomed to much -better living conditions than are offered them here, and in spite of -almost insurmountable obstacles, still preserve something of their -cleanly habits. Few of these people intend to remain here unless they -can get a better place to stay. All complained, some with tears in -their eyes, of the bad housing accorded them. As one intelligent and -hard working woman who lived in one room expressed it while packing her -trunks to go back to Sylvester, Georgia, “I never lived in such houses -in my life. We had four rooms in my home.” This woman was earning ten -dollars per week and her husband was profitably employed, yet they -choose to relinquish the comparatively large rewards of the North, -rather than do without the decencies of life which they had known in -the South.</p> - -<p class="center p0" id="table8"><i>TABLE NUMBER VIII</i></p> -<p class="center p0"><i>Ages of the 506 Migrants Interviewed</i></p> - -<table class="autotable small"> -<tr> -<th> -</th> -<th> -SINGLE -</th> -<th> -MARRIED -</th> -<th> -TOTAL -</th> -<th> -PERCENTAGE -</th> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Under 18 years -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -13 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -1 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -14 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -3 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -From 18 to 25 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -115 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -39 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -154 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -30 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -From 25 to 30 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -31 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -63 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -94 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -19 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -From 30 to 40 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -34 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -101 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -135 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -27 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -From 40 to 50 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -7 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -66 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -73 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -14 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -From 50 to 60 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -4 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -28 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -32 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -6 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -60 and over -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -2 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -2 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -4 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -1 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -</td> -<td class="tdr bt"> -206 -</td> -<td class="tdr bt"> -300 -</td> -<td class="tdr bt"> -506 -</td> -<td class="tdr bt"> -100 -</td> -</tr> -</table> - -<p class="center p0">AGES OF MIGRANTS</p> -<p class="center p0 p2"><span class="figcenter" id="table8a"> - <img src="images/table8.jpg" class="w75" alt="Table displaying age ranges for migrants" /> -</span></p> - - -<p><a href="#table8">Table number VIII</a> is significant because it enables us to shed light -upon one important phase of the migration. It appears that more than -seventy-five percent of the Southern migrants are between the ages of -eighteen and forty. Only ten percent of the 506 people questioned were -under eighteen or past fifty years of age. This fact is significant, -both to the industrial concerns which are in need of a labor supply -and to the community as a whole. For the industrial concerns, it means -that<span class="pagenum" id="Page_19">[Pg 19]</span> these migrants are the most desirable laborers, men at the height -of their wealth producing capacity. They satisfy the pressing need -which has confronted the local manufacturers since the foreign supply -of labor was cut off by the war. From the standpoint of the community, -it is important to know that the influx lays few immediate burdens upon -the city. There are few minors to be educated and few aged or dependent -ones likely to become a public charge.</p> - -<p>The percentage of single people between the ages of eighteen and thirty -is far greater than that of the married ones, which is a natural -expectation. Of the five hundred and thirty persons interviewed, two -hundred and nineteen or forty-one and one-half percent were single; -one hundred sixty-two or thirty and one-half percent were married, -and had already brought their families here, while one hundred and -thirty-nine or twenty-eight percent were married, but were here without -their families. Ninety-eight of the families had children; thirty-nine -of the families had no children here, and seventeen families either -had some or all of the children in the South, while the remaining six -placed their children under the care of relatives or institutions. The -number of children per family of those who had their wives here, varied -from one to ten. Forty families had one child each; twenty-three, two -children each, fifteen had three children each, and twenty had four or -more children each. Nineteen families had one or more children under -twenty helping to support them, but only four had more than one child -assisting in the support of the family. Among the one hundred and -forty-nine persons whose families remained in the South, ninety-six had -children and seventeen had none. Of the remainder a number stated that -they had one or two of their children with them, while others gave no -definite information. Sixty-three of those who had children at home had -no more than two children each, while thirty-three had three or more -children at home. These figures seem to indicate that the migration is -largely that of small families.</p> - -<p>The Negro migration from the South into Pittsburgh, while it has -been accentuated and accelerated by the present war, which created a -greater need for labor, is not in reality an altogether new thing for -Pittsburgh. There has been a steady influx of Negroes, though in small -numbers, since the pre Civil War days. Pittsburgh and Allegheny were -important stations of the Underground Railway, and many a Negro came to -Pittsburgh from the near-by slave states, as to a city of refuge. The -Negro population in Allegheny County grew<span class="pagenum" id="Page_20">[Pg 20]</span> steadily from 3431 in 1850 -to 34,217 in 1910. The percentage of Negroes in the total population -of the County has continually increased within the last four decades. -(Two and two-tenths percent in 1880 and three and four-tenths in 1910). -Negroes have always been attracted by the opportunities which this city -with its abundance of work and good wages could offer them in improving -their economic status.</p> - -<p>The recent unprecedented influx of Negroes had made the Negro -population in Pittsburgh increase more than twice as fast within the -last two years as during the entire ten years preceding. The percentage -of Negroes in our total population has leaped very suddenly. This fact -is sufficient to warrant our serious study and active efforts toward -the social orientation and adjustment of the new element in our midst.</p> - -<p class="center p0 p2"><span class="figcenter" id="img006"> - <img src="images/006.jpg" class="w75" alt="Wooden Shacks Used as Living and Sleeping Quarters in a -Railroad Camp." /> -</span></p> -<p class="center caption">Wooden Shacks Used as Living and Sleeping Quarters in a -Railroad Camp.<br /></p> - -<p>From the standpoint of Pittsburgh’s industrial and business interests, -however, the migration into this district, has not been at all -satisfactory. Pittsburgh as the steel center of the country, is -naturally playing a more important part than ever in the present -crisis, and has felt a proportionate increase in the need for a labor -supply. The Negro migration in Pittsburgh, it can be safely stated, -has not usurped the place of the white worker. Every man is needed, as -there are more jobs than men to fill them. Pittsburgh’s industrial life -is for the time being dependent upon the Negro labor supply.</p> - -<p>In spite of its necessity, Pittsburgh has not received a sufficient -supply of Negroes, and certainly not in the same full proportion as did -many smaller industrial towns. Pittsburgh manufacturers are still in -need of labor, and this in spite of the fact that the railroads and a -few of the industrial concerns<span class="pagenum" id="Page_21">[Pg 21]</span> of the locality have had labor agents -in the South. These agents, laboring under great difficulties because -of the obstructive tactics adopted in certain southern communities -to prevent the Negro exodus, have nevertheless succeeded in bringing -several thousand colored workers into this district. That they have had -little success in keeping these people here, is acknowledged by all of -them. One company for instance, which imported about a thousand men -within the past year, had only about three hundred of these working at -the time of the investigator’s visit in July, 1917. One railroad, which -is said to have brought about fourteen thousand people to the North -within the last twelve months, has been able to keep an average of only -eighteen hundred at work.</p> - -<p>It must be admitted that the labor agents, because of their eagerness -to secure as many men as possible, are not particular as to the -character of those they are bringing here, and there is therefore -a goodly number of idle and shiftless Negroes who are floating and -undependable. On the other hand we must not fail to recognize that most -migrants come through their own volition, pay their own fares, leave -their native states, and break up family connections, because they are -in search of better opportunities, social and economic. As a class they -appear to be industrious, ambitious, pious and temperate, and are eager -to get established with their families.</p> - -<p>In the foregoing pages, we have discussed the housing and rooming -situation which confronts the Negro. An examination of the kind and -hours of work and wages received, discloses another reason why many of -these people do not remain here.</p> -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="center p0" id="table9"><i>TABLE NUMBER IX</i></p> -<p class="center p0"> -<i>Occupations of Migrants in Pittsburgh as Compared with Statements</i><br /> -<i>of Occupations in South</i><span class="fnanchor" id="fna5"><a href="#fn5">[5]</a></span> -</p> - -<table class="autotable small"> -<tr> -<th> -OCCUPATIONS -</th> -<th> -IN PITTSBURGH -</th> -<th> -PERCENTAGE -</th> -<th> -IN SOUTH -</th> -<th> -PERCENTAGE -</th> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Common Laborer -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -468 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -95 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -286 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -54 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Skilled or semi-skilled -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -20 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -4 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -59 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -11 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Farmer -</td> -<td> -</td> -<td> -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -81 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -15 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Miner -</td> -<td> -</td> -<td> -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -36 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -7 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Saw Mill Workers -</td> -<td> -</td> -<td> -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -9 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -2 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Ran own farm or father’s farm -</td> -<td> -</td> -<td> -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -33 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -6 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Ran farm on crop sharing basis -</td> -<td> -</td> -<td> -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -22 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -5 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Other Occupations -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -5 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -1 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -0 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -0 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -</td> -<td class="tdr bt"> -493 -</td> -<td class="tdr bt"> -100 -</td> -<td class="tdr bt"> -529 -</td> -<td class="tdr bt"> -100 -</td> -</tr> -</table> -</div> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_22">[Pg 22]</span></p> - -<p>From the foregoing table, it is apparent that ninety-five percent of -the migrants who stated their occupations, were doing unskilled labor, -in the steel mills, the building trades, on the railroads, or acting as -servants, porters, janitors, cooks and cleaners. Only twenty or four -percent out of four hundred and ninety-three migrants whose occupations -were ascertained, were doing what may be called semi-skilled or skilled -work, as puddlers, mold-setters, painters and carpenters. On the other -hand, in the South fifty-nine of five hundred and twenty-nine claimed -to have been engaged in skilled labor, while a large number were rural -workers.</p> -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="center p0"> -<i>TABLE NUMBER X</i> -</p> -<p class="center p0"><i>Comparison Between Hours of Work Per Day in Pittsburgh</i><br /> -<i>and in South</i></p> - -<p class="center p0 p2"><span class="figcenter" id="table10"> - <img src="images/table10.jpg" class="w75" alt="Table displaying how many hours people worked in Pittsburgh versus the South" /> -</span></p> - -</div> - -<p>A comparison between work hours of migrants in the South and in -Pittsburgh, reveals another interesting feature. As against the -twenty-seven percent who were working less than ten hours a day at -home, only sixteen percent are working for a like period here. A -greater number work a ten-hour day here than in the South, (fifty-one -percent as against thirty-eight percent), and there seems to be a -greater number working over twelve hours per day before coming North, -than afterward. This is probably due to the fact that a considerable -body of these men were farm laborers.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_23">[Pg 23]</span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="center p0"><i>TABLE NUMBER XI</i></p> - -<p class="center p0"><i>Comparison of Wages Received Per Day in Pittsburgh and in South</i></p> - -<p class="center p0 p2"><span class="figcenter" id="table11"> - <img src="images/table11.jpg" class="w75" alt="Table displaying wages earned in Pittsburgh versus the South" /> -</span></p> -</div> - -<p>As to the comparative wages paid here and in the South, it appears -from <a href="#table10">table number X</a>, that the great mass of workers get higher wages -here than in the places from which they come, fifty-six percent -received less than two dollars a day in the South, while only five -percent received such wages in Pittsburgh. However the number of -those who said they received high wages in the South is greater than -the number of those receiving them here. Fifteen percent said they -received more than three dollars and sixty cents a day at home, while -only five percent received more than that rate for twelve hours work -here. Sixty-seven percent of the four hundred and fifty-three persons -stating their earnings here, earn less than three dollars per day. -Twenty-eight percent earn from three dollars to three sixty per day, -while only five percent earn more than three dollars and sixty cents -per day. The average working day for both Pittsburgh and the South -is ten and four-tenths hours. The average wage is $2.85 here; in the -South it amounted to $2.15. It may be interesting to point out that -the number of married men who work longer hours and receive more money -is proportionately greater than that of the single men, who have not -“given hostages to fortune.”</p> - -<p>It has been stated frequently that the Negro exodus from the South -is in a large measure due to the fact that the Southern states have -adopted prohibition. While it is true that most of the newcomers are -from prohibition states, our figures, however, do not warrant the -conclusion that the Negroes came North to use the saloon. We are -inclined to believe that the answers to this question were sincere. The -classification<span class="pagenum" id="Page_24">[Pg 24]</span> of “drinkers” includes all persons who imbibe however -infrequently and those who drink beer only. Out of the four hundred -and seventy-seven persons who answered these questions, two hundred -and ten or forty-four percent said that they drank, while two hundred -and sixty-seven or fifty-six percent were total abstainers. It is -interesting to note that among those who have families in Pittsburgh, -the percentage of those who drink is smaller than among those who are -single or have families elsewhere. Thirty percent of the former class -drink, while seventy percent do not drink at all. The percentage of -drinkers of those with their families at home, is even greater than -those of the single people, which may be explained by the fact that -many of the younger people have as yet not acquired the drink habit.</p> - -<p>The church going proclivity of the Negro is well known and is borne out -by our study. Of the four hundred and eighty-nine who replied to this -question, three hundred and seventy or almost seventy-six percent are -either church members or attendants, and only one hundred and nineteen -or twenty-four percent do not attend any church.</p> - -<p>Proof that these newcomers are not all lazy, shiftless, and immoral -is to be found in the statements of savings, and of remittances to -relatives in the South. Fifteen percent of the families here had -savings. Eighty percent<span class="fnanchor" id="fna6"><a href="#fn6">[6]</a></span> of the married ones with families elsewhere -were sending money home, and nearly one hundred of the two hundred and -nineteen single people interviewed, were contributing sums to parents, -sisters or other relatives. Most of these contributions, (sixty-five -percent) amounted to about five dollars per week. Fifty-two persons -were contributing from five to ten dollars per week, and seven were -sending over ten dollars per week.</p> - -<p>From <a href="#table12">table number XII</a>, it seems that only a few of the Southern states -have borne the brunt of the exodus. Alabama, Georgia, North Carolina -and Virginia taken together, have contributed sixty percent of the -migrants, Alabama and Georgia giving forty-seven percent of the -total number. Alabama was the native state of more than forty-nine -percent of the married men who have families here. This altogether -disproportionate influx from Alabama, as compared with other states, -is probably due to the fact that our state and the former have similar -industries. Birmingham, Alabama, as is well known, is called the -“Pittsburgh of the South”; and it is therefore natural that<span class="pagenum" id="Page_25">[Pg 25]</span> the labor -agents from this district should make a special effort to secure the -labor which is more or less familiar with the iron and steel business. -Again, it may be presumed that a great many who were working in the -steel industries or in the mines of Alabama have come to Pittsburgh in -order to secure familiar employment. A considerable number, however, -may have come because of the crop failure and the ravages of the -boll-weevil which have made the cultivation of cotton unprofitable -during recent years.</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="center p0"><i>TABLE NUMBER XII</i></p> - -<p class="center p0"><i>Home States of 567 Migrants</i></p> - -<p class="center p0 p2"><span class="figcenter" id="table12"> - <img src="images/table12.jpg" class="w75" alt="Table displaying what states the migrants came from" /> -</span></p> -</div> - -<p>Undoubtedly many Negroes have come to the North in response to the -seductive arts of labor agents, who worked on a per capita commission -basis. These emissaries, both in the North and in the South, made -glowing promises of high wages, social equality, and better living -conditions above the Mason-Dixon Line. But these inducements were -probably not the underlying factor of the migration. They merely gave -opportunity for the expression of a growing discontent engendered -by many years of oppression. Segregation, lynchings,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_26">[Pg 26]</span> economic -exploitation, and the denial of educational freedom, justice and -constitutional right, had filled the Negro’s cup of bitterness to -overflowing. The South was to his mind still a place of bondage for -him and in the North he saw that long dreamed Land of Promise where he -might live more freely.</p> - -<p class="center p0 p2"><span class="figcenter" id="img007"> - <img src="images/007.jpg" class="w75" alt="Typical Dwellings of Negro Migrants." /> -</span></p> -<p class="center caption">Typical Dwellings of Negro Migrants.<br /></p> - -<p>Three hundred and ninety-five of the four hundred and seventy-four -when questioned as to who paid their transportation North replied that -they paid their own fare, while only seventy-nine admitted they were -brought here at the expense of railroads and other industrial concerns. -Numerous stories of persecutions by the White South on trumped up -charges of all sorts are told by these migrants. Many of them say they -had to leave their homes in secrecy and at night, and to walk to some -station where they were not known, before they could board a train for -the North. Many reported that they were unable to secure tickets at -home, and had to secure them from the North. If tickets were discovered -in the possession of a Negro, they were confiscated and destroyed by -the police. At times when three or more Negroes were found together, -they were suspected of “conspiring to go North”; some mythical -charge was brought against them, and they were arrested. Threats and -intimidation of all kinds were used against these migrants, both at -home and on the train. One very intelligent Negro of about forty who -owned property in Alabama related some of the persecutions which he -had borne while at home. He told of taking the train at night several -miles away from his own<span class="pagenum" id="Page_27">[Pg 27]</span> town, and of being accosted on board by a -white Southerner who pointed to the next car which contained several -coffins and said, “Yo Niggahs goin’ to Pittsburgh, eh? We all are jes -shippin’ five of yo back from thah. They froze to death in Pittsburgh.” -It may be interesting to remark that this occurred in June, 1917, when -Pittsburgh was sweltering in the heat of early summer.</p> - -<p>Of the more than four hundred men who stated their reasons for coming -North, three hundred and twenty-five said that the higher wages and -economic opportunities here had attracted them. Two hundred and -eighty-eight of these also included better treatment as one of the -factors in their migration. As one of them expressed it, “If I were -half as well treated home as here, I would rather stay there, as I had -my family there and had a better home and better health.” Eighty-five -had no special reason for their coming, and were “jes travelin’ to see -the country”, or the like. Twenty-five were either tired of their work -or wanted to change it. This was the case particularly with the miners -from West Virginia and Alabama. Twenty-seven had either lost their -jobs, were out of work, or had various other reasons for coming. These -figures seem to indicate that the prime causes of the migration are -rather fundamental, and not merely temporary.</p> - -<p>The Negro migration is similar to the previous European immigration -because, while dominantly economic, it is also due to social and -political maladjustments; but it is more largely a family migration. -For the number of Negroes who brought women and children with them -is greater in proportion to the total than was the case with the -foreigners. The European usually came alone and sent for his family -after a considerable lapse of time. The Negro either brings his -family with him or sends for it within the first three or four months -following his arrival. The complication of our housing problem is -obvious under these circumstances, for Pittsburgh until the present -time has attempted to meet the housing requirements of only single men -workers of the new labor group.</p> - -<p>The short-sightedness of our failure to provide decent homes in the -city, in order to retain the labor which is so essential for the -expansion of Pittsburgh and the growth of its industries, is again -exposed by the figures in our study. Of the three hundred and thirty -single men, or men without families here, answering the question as -to whether they will remain here, return South or move elsewhere, -only ninety-two or twenty-eight percent said they would remain here. -A hundred and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_28">[Pg 28]</span> thirty-seven or forty-two percent were going back or -somewhere else, while one hundred and one or thirty percent were still -undecided.</p> - -<p>As for the reasons why these men would not remain in the city, -seventy-nine or fifty-seven percent were leaving because they could not -get a better room because the rents paid by them were too excessive for -the wages received; thirty-seven or twenty-seven percent, gave family -connections as their reason, and the remaining sixteen percent either -had no reasons or were leaving because of ill health, bad climate or -other unfavorable conditions. The difficulty of securing an adequate -labor supply for Pittsburgh is thus, in part, explained by the very -nature of the economic problems involved.</p> - -<p class="footnote" id="fn1"><a href="#fna1">[1]</a> 13th U. S. Census, <abbr title="Pennsylvania">Penna.</abbr> Bulletin, Table I, page 12; 1910.</p> - -<p class="footnote" id="fn2"><a href="#fna2">[2]</a> This average was obtained by dividing the total number of women and -children of the families investigated, by the number of families.</p> - -<p class="footnote" id="fn3"><a href="#fna3">[3]</a> The Pittsburgh Graded Tax Law has, apparently, not been in -operation long enough to produce the results desired by its sponsors.</p> - -<p class="footnote" id="fn4"><a href="#fna4">[4]</a> Pittsburgh Sanitary Code of 1913, Sections 132, 133 and 134, pages -75, 76 and 77.</p> - -<p class="footnote" id="fn5"><a href="#fna5">[5]</a> The differences in the totals in this table as well as in a few -others, are due to the fact that many have given answers to one -question and not to the other.</p> - -<p class="footnote" id="fn6"><a href="#fna6">[6]</a> The cause for many of these migrants not contributing to the -support of their families may be explained by the fact that they have -not been here long enough to get established.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h3 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_II"><big>CHAPTER II.</big><br /> -<span class="smcap">The Negro’s Own Problem</span></h3> -</div> - - -<p>The Negro migration is neither an isolated nor a temporary phenomenon, -but the logical result of a long series of linked causes beginning with -the landing of the first slave ship and extending to the present day. -The slavery which was ended by the Emancipation Proclamation and the -Fourteenth Amendment of the National Constitution has been succeeded -by less sinister, but still significant social and economic problems, -which are full of subtle menace for the welfare of America.</p> - -<p>The intelligent Negro has long believed that his only escape from the -measure of suppression which still exists is to go to the North, and -he has seized the opportunity whenever it was presented to him. The -present unprecedented influx of black workers from the South is merely -the result of a sudden expansion of opportunity due to a war-depleted -labor market in the North. The causes for his migration are basically -inherent in the social and economic system which has kept him down for -these long years in the South. The Negro is beginning to appreciate -his own value and duties, and is proceeding to the North where he -knows he can at least enjoy a measure of justice. This naturally means -a tremendous problem for the North. The race question is no longer -confined to the states below the Mason and Dixon Line, but becomes -the concern of the whole nation. It may be presumed that the European -immigration after this war will not be as great as it was before it.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_29">[Pg 29]</span> -The Negro is taking the place of the foreign worker, and he is certain -to become an increasingly important factor in our national political -and industrial life. He is already an important political factor in -some municipalities; he is soon to be a basic factor in our industries. -The Negro who has lived in the North has taken advantage of the -industrial opportunities which were open to him, and is continuing to -do so more and more.</p> - -<p>Our policy of <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">laissez-faire</i> adopted towards the European -immigrant can no longer be continued. This war has taught us some -great lessons, and probably the greatest of all is the lesson of the -necessity for a redefinition of social terms, and a reconsideration -of human values. It has made us realize that if we want the nation to -stand united in times of stress our policy must be consistent at all -times. Democracy we have learned in this struggle, no longer means -“each for himself, and the devil take the hind-most.” If it means -anything at all, it is that we are “members one of another”, and that -an injury to one is an injury to and the concern of all. Our old policy -has shown us that the devil has taken too many, and we have come to -say, “Halt!” This must no longer continue. We must see that all the -elements which go to make up our body-politic are adjusted and placed -in their proper relation. Our traditional attitude, this struggle has -taught us, is too costly and we cannot afford longer to continue it. We -know now that it is not sufficient that a few may have democracy and -freedom while the rest are denied economic opportunity. We are also -coming to realize that “we cannot hold a part of our fellow-men down in -the gutter without remaining there ourselves.”</p> - -<p>No exact estimate of the number of Negroes who have come North within -the last year is possible. Estimates vary from three hundred thousand -to seven hundred thousand. There are probably about two million Negroes -now living in the North, and it is of paramount importance that we look -into the conditions of these people who although in our midst, are yet -so little known to us, and see that they are fitted into their new -environment. Our little study of the social opportunities available, -and the conditions existing among our Negro brethren may therefore be -of great interest, and we are glad to present here some of the facts -which were disclosed in our survey of these people who have recently -settled amongst us, in order to avail themselves of our hospitality, -and industrial opportunities. We have discussed in the preceding pages -the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_30">[Pg 30]</span> immediate opportunities for Negroes in this city as to housing and -wages. It may therefore not be amiss to discuss the possibilities of -his attaining an advanced political, social and economic status.</p> - -<p>Politically, the Negro in Pittsburgh is as free as the whites of the -same group. Coming from places where the vote is denied him, he is -naturally very glad to receive the privilege in Pittsburgh. It is a -well known fact that the Negro vote is often a deciding factor in -the results of municipal elections. Although there are a few shrewd -Negro politicians, and the Negro vote is frequently “<i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">en bloc</i>” -there is never an issue made on some particular Negro problem. All -candidates seem to assume that there is no special issue that concerns -the Negro more than any other group in the city, and unscrupulous -Negro politicians are not in the least perturbed. They always see to -it, however, that no Negro vote will be lost, that their occupation -tax is paid, and that they are registered. This was clearly brought -out in this year’s municipal election. Although the Negro vote was a -great factor in deciding this campaign, not one of the candidates made -an issue of the housing and other problems which are confronting the -Negroes at present. It can therefore be stated that in politics, while -the Negro has been utilized by all sorts of politicians, he has at -least nominally been as free as his white brother in the same position.</p> - -<p>However, more and more we are coming to realize that political freedom -without industrial opportunities means but little. Democracy must -also mean industrial opportunity, and social democracy, as well as -political democracy. But the industrial opportunity which the Negro -demands is not even the same as is demanded by his more fortunate -white-skinned brother. While his fellow-human beings demand a larger -voice in industry and business, and a greater share of the product, the -Negro is still meekly begging for his inalienable right to participate -in industry, to help extend and build it up. It is the denial of this -right that confronts the Negro in the North, and makes his problem of -paramount significance.</p> - -<p>The great majority of the Negro migrants come North because of the -better economic and social opportunities here. But even here they are -not permitted to enter industry freely. They are kept in the ranks of -unskilled labor and in the field of personal service. Until the present -demand for unskilled labor arose, the Negroes in the North were for the -most part, servants. There were very few Negroes occupied otherwise -than<span class="pagenum" id="Page_31">[Pg 31]</span> as porters, chauffeurs, janitors and the like. The Negro at -present has entered the productive industries, but he is kept still on -the lowest rung of the economic ladder.</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="center p0" id="table13"><i>TABLE NUMBER XIII</i><span class="fnanchor" id="fna7"><a href="#fn7">[7]</a></span></p> - -<p class="center p0"><i>List of Industrial Concerns Visited in the Pittsburgh District</i></p> - -<table class="autotable small"> -<tr> -<th> -NAME OF CONCERN -</th> -<th> -<abbr title="Number">No.</abbr> of Negroes employed at present. -</th> -<th> -<abbr title="Number">No.</abbr> employed prior to 1916. -</th> -<th> -% doing unskilled labor. -</th> -<th> -Wages per hour of unskilled labor. -</th> -<th> -<abbr title="Number">No.</abbr> of hours per day. -</th> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Carnegie Steel <abbr title="Company">Co.</abbr> (all plants) -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -4,000 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -1,500 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -95% -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -30c -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -8 to 12 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Jones & Laughlin -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -1,500 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -400 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -100% -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -30c -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -10 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Westinghouse <abbr title="ELectric">Elec.</abbr> & <abbr title="Manufacturing">Mfg.</abbr> <abbr title="Company">Co.</abbr> -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -900 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -25 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -90% -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -28-30c -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -10 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Harbison & Walker -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -250 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -50 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -80% -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -27½c -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -10 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -National Tube <abbr title="Company">Co.</abbr> (all plants) -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -250 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -100 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -100% -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -30c -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -10 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Pressed Steel Car <abbr title="Company">Co.</abbr> -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -25 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -25 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -50% -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -23c -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -11 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -<abbr title="Pittsburgh">Pgh.</abbr> Forge & Iron -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -75 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -0 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -100% -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -30c -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -10 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Moorhead Brothers -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -200 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -200 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -75% -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -30c -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -10 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Am. Steel & Wire -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -25 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -25 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -100% -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -28-30c -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -10 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Clinton Iron & Steel -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -25 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -25 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -75% -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Oliver Iron & Steel -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -50 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -0 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -100% -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -25-28c -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -10 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Carbon Steel <abbr title="Company">Co.</abbr> -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -200 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -50 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -75% -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -30c -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -10-12 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Crucible Steel <abbr title="Company">Co.</abbr> -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -400 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -150 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -90% -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -28-33c -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -10 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -A. M. Byers <abbr title="Company">Co.</abbr> -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -200 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -0 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -60% -</td> -<td> -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -10 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Lockhart Steel <abbr title="Company">Co.</abbr> -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -160 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -0 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -95% -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -27½c -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -10 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Mesta Machine <abbr title="Company">Co.</abbr> -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -50 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -0 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -100% -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -30c -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -10 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Marshall Foundry <abbr title="Company">Co.</abbr> -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -15 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -0 -</td> -<td> -</td> -<td> -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -U. S. Glass <abbr title="Company">Co.</abbr> -</td> -<td> -</td> -<td> -</td> -<td colspan="3"> -No Negroes employed -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Thompson-Sterret <abbr title="Company">Co.</abbr> -</td> -<td> -</td> -<td> -</td> -<td colspan="3"> -No Negroes employed -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Spang-Chalfant <abbr title="Company">Co.</abbr> -</td> -<td> -</td> -<td> -</td> -<td colspan="3"> -No Negroes employed -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -</td> -<td class="tdr bt"> -8,325 -</td> -<td class="tdr bt"> -2,550 -</td> -<td> -</td> -<td> -</td> -<td> -</td> -</tr> -</table> -</div> - -<p>From a study of colored employees in twenty of the largest industrial -plants, in the Pittsburgh district, arbitrarily selected (<a href="#table13">Table <abbr title="Number">No.</abbr> -XIII</a>), we find that most of the concerns have employed colored labor -only since May or June of 1916. Very<span class="pagenum" id="Page_32">[Pg 32]</span> few of the Pittsburgh industries -have used colored labor in capacities other than as janitors and window -cleaners. A few of the plants visited had not begun to employ colored -people until in the spring of 1917, while a few others had not yet come -to employ Negroes, either because they believed the Negro workers to -be inferior and inefficient, or because they feared that their white -labor force would refuse to work with the blacks. The Superintendent -of one big steel plant which has not employed colored labor during -the past few years admitted that he faced a decided shortage of -labor, and that he was in need of men; but he said he would employ -Negroes only as a last resort, and that the situation was as yet not -sufficiently acute to warrant their employment. In a big glass plant, -the company attempted to use Negro labor last winter, but the white -workers “ran them out” by swearing at them, calling them “Nigger” and -making conditions so unpleasant for them that they were forced to quit. -This company has therefore given up any further attempts at employing -colored labor. It may be interesting to note, however, that one young -Negro boy who pays no attention to such persecution persistently stays -there.</p> - -<p>About ninety-five percent of the colored workers in the steel mills -visited in our survey were doing unskilled labor. In the bigger plants, -where many hundreds of Negroes are employed, almost one hundred percent -are doing common labor, while in the smaller plants, a few might be -found doing labor which required some skill. The reasons alleged by -the manufacturers are; first, that the migrants are inefficient and -unstable, and second, that the opposition to them on the part of white -labor prohibits their use on skilled jobs. The latter objection is -illustrated by the case of the white bargemen of a big steel company -who wanted to walk out because black workers were introduced among -them, and who were only appeased by the provision of separate quarters -for the Negroes. While there is an undeniable hostility to Negroes -on the part of a few white workers, the objection is frequently -exaggerated by prejudiced gang bosses.</p> - -<p>That this idea is often due to the prejudice of the heads of -departments and other labor employers, was the opinion of a sympathetic -superintendent of one of the largest steel plants, who said that in -many instances it was the superintendents and managers themselves, -who are not alive to their own advantage and so oppose the Negro’s -doing the better classes of work. The same superintendent said that -he had employed Negroes for many years; that a number of them have -been connected with<span class="pagenum" id="Page_33">[Pg 33]</span> his company for several years; that they are just -as efficient as the white people. More than half of the twenty-five -Negroes in his plant were doing semi-skilled and even skilled work. -He had one or two colored foremen over colored gangs, and cited an -instance of a colored man drawing a hundred and fourteen dollars in -his last two weeks pay. This claim was supported by a very intelligent -Negro who was stopped a few blocks away from the plant and questioned -as to the conditions in the plant. While admitting everything that -the Superintendent said, and stating that there is now absolute free -opportunity for colored people in that plant, the man claimed that -these conditions have come into being only within the last year. The -same superintendent told of an episode illustrating the amicable -relations existing in his shop between the white and black workers. -He related that a gang of workers had come to him with certain -complaints and the threat of a walk-out. When their grievances had been -satisfactorily adjusted, they pointed to the lonely black man in their -group and said that they were not ready to go back unless their Negro -fellow worker was satisfied.</p> - -<p class="center p0 p2"><span class="figcenter" id="img008"> - <img src="images/008.jpg" class="w50" alt="The Migration in Process." /> -</span></p> -<p class="center caption">The Migration in Process.<br /></p> - - -<p>From our survey of the situation it must be evident that the southern -migrants are not as well established in the Pittsburgh industries -as is the white laborer. They are as yet unadapted to the heavy and -pace-set labor in our steel mills. Accustomed to the comparatively -easy-going plantation and farm work of the South, it will take some -time until these migrants<span class="pagenum" id="Page_34">[Pg 34]</span> have found themselves. The roar and clangor -of our mills make these newcomers a little dazed and confused at first. -They do not stay long in one place, being birds of passage; they are -continually searching for better wages and accommodations. They cannot -even be persuaded to wait until pay day, and they like to get money -in advance, following the habit they have acquired from the southern -economic system. It is often secured on very flimsy pretexts and spent -immediately in the saloons and similar places. It is admitted, however, -by all employers of labor, that the Negro who was born in the North or -has been in the North for some time, although not as subservient to bad -treatment, is as efficient as the white; that because of his knowledge -of the language and the ways of this country, he is often much better -than the foreign laborer who understands neither.</p> - -<p>Paradoxical as it may seem, the labor movement in America—which it is -claimed was begun and organized primarily to improve the conditions of -all workers, and protect their interests from the designs of heartless -and cruel industrial captains—has not only made no effort to relieve -and help the oppressed black workers who have suffered even more than -the whites from exploitation and serfdom, but in many instances have -remained indifferent to the economic interests and even served as an -obstacle to the free development of the colored people.</p> - -<p>Since the East <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Louis race riots in July of this year, and later -on the Chester and other race clashes, the press has been full of -controversy concerning the colored labor problem in the North. -Employers as well as many prominent persons openly laid the blame for -the spilling of the blood of women and little children at the door -of the labor unions. On the other hand, the labor men almost as a -unit have charged the responsibility for these riots to the Northern -industrial leaders who are bringing these laborers to be used as a tool -to break up the labor movement in the North.</p> - -<p>The motives of the employers who are bringing the colored migrants -are obviously not altruistic. They are not concerned primarily with -freeing the Negro from the economic and political restrictions to -which he is still subjected in the South. It is not to be assumed that -their interests extend further than the employment of these ignorant -people as unskilled laborers. Indeed the sheer economic interest of the -Northern industrial concerns which are bringing the Negro migrants, may -be illustrated by the following contract, which is typical of many<span class="pagenum" id="Page_35">[Pg 35]</span> -agreements signed by migrants when accepting transportation North.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“It is hereby understood that I am to work for the above named Company -as ...................................., the rate of pay to be -.................................. The ............ Railroad agrees -to furnish transportation and food to destination. I agree to work -on any part of the .............. Railroad where I may be assigned. -I further agree to reimburse the ............ Railroad for the cost -of my railroad transportation, in addition to which I agree to pay -................................ to cover the cost of meals and other -expenses incidental to my employment.</p> - -<p>I authorize the Company to deduct from my wages money to pay for the -above expenses.</p> - -<p>In consideration of the ............ Railroad paying my carfare, -board, and other expenses, I agree to remain in the service of the -aforesaid Company until such time as I reimburse them for the expenses -of my transportation, food, etc.</p> - -<p>It is agreed upon the part of the Railroad Company that if I shall -remain in the service for one year, the ............ Railroad Company -agrees to return to me the amount of carfare from point of shipment -to ........................... By continuous service for one year is -meant that I shall not absent myself from duty any time during the -period without the consent of my superior officer.</p> - -<p>It is understood by me that the ............ Railroad will not grant -me free transportation to the point where I was employed.</p> - -<p>I am not less than twenty-one or more than forty-five years of age, -and have no venereal disease. If my statement in this respect is found -to be incorrect this contract becomes void.”</p> -</div> - -<p class="right p0"> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">....................</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Laborer’s Name.</span><br /> -</p> - -<p>It is apparent that since the war has put a stop to the importation -of foreign immigrants, the Negroes are so far the only cheap and -unorganized labor supply obtainable. Indeed Mexicans were brought to -work here in the same way, although the experience with them was not as -satisfactory as with the blacks.</p> - -<p>While it may be true that the motive for bringing these ignorant -workers is primarily to fill up the unskilled labor gap, and not to -break up the labor movement, it is self-evident that the employers -would scarcely admit the latter motive even<span class="pagenum" id="Page_36">[Pg 36]</span> though it was paramount. -It may be, that ultimately the employers may use these workers against -the union organizations or against the securing of the eight-hour-day, -which the local unions are aiming to attain. Indeed, the employment -agent of one of our great industrial plants, which underwent a big -strike a few years ago, pointed out that one of the great values of -the Negro migration lies in the fact that it gives him a chance to -“mix up his labor forces and to establish a balance of power”, as the -Negro, he claimed, “is more individualistic, does not like to group and -does not follow a leader, as readily as some foreigners do.” However, -in only one instance in our survey of the Pittsburgh Trade Unions, -was a complaint lodged against colored people taking the places of -striking white workers. This was in a waiters’ strike and was won just -the same, because the patrons of the restaurants protested against -the substitution of Negro waiters. In all the others, there were no -such occurrences. Indeed, the number of Negroes taking the places of -striking whites and of skilled white workers is so small that it is -hardly appreciable. They are, as we have seen, largely taking the -places which were left vacant by the unskilled foreign laborers since -the beginning of the war, and the new places created by the present -industrial boom. No effective effort has been made to organize these -unskilled laborers by the recognized American labor movement. These -people, therefore, whose places are now being taken by the Negroes, -worked under no American standard of labor, and the fear of these -unskilled laborers breaking down labor standards which have never -existed, is obviously unfounded.</p> - -<p>The generalization cannot also be made that the colored people are -difficult to organize, for from our survey we have found only one -Union, the Waiter’s Local, that has made any attempt to organize the -colored people, and was unsuccessful. The official of this Union -explains it because the colored waiters “are more timid, listen to -their bosses, and also have a kind of distrust of the white Unions.” -The same official also admitted that while he himself would have no -objection to working with colored people, the rank and file of his -Union would not work on the same floor with a colored waiter. None of -the other Unions made any effort to organize the colored workers in -their respective trades, and they cannot therefore complain of the -difficulty of organizing the Negroes.</p> - -<p>In the two trade organizations which admit Negroes to membership, the -colored man has proved to be as good a unionist as his white fellows. A -single local of the Hod Carriers<span class="pagenum" id="Page_37">[Pg 37]</span> Union, a strong labor organization, -has over four hundred Negroes among its six hundred members, and has -proved how easy it is to organize even the new migrants by enlisting -over one hundred and fifty southern hod carriers within the past year.</p> - -<p>The other Union which admits Negroes—The Hoisting Engineers’ Union, -has a number of colored people in its ranks. Several of these are -charter-members, and a number have been connected with the organization -for a considerable time. Judging from the strength of these Unions—the -only ones in the city which have a considerable number of blacks -amongst them—the Negroes have proved as good Union men as the whites. -If the Pittsburgh trade organizations are typical of the present -national trade union movement it would appear that there is little hope -for the Negroes. If the present policy of the American labor movement -continues, the Negroes can depend but little upon this great liberating -force for their advancement. A few facts disclosed in our canvas of the -trade unions in Pittsburgh will bear out our statements.</p> - -<p class="center p0 p2"><span class="figcenter" id="img009"> - <img src="images/009.jpg" class="w75" alt="A Row of Dilapidated Old Dwellings in the Downtown -Section Used as Rooming Houses for Migrants." /> -</span></p> -<p class="center caption">A Row of Dilapidated Old Dwellings in the Downtown -Section Used as Rooming Houses for Migrants.<br /></p> - -<p>An official of a very powerful Union which has a membership of nearly -five thousand said that it had about five colored members. He admitted -that there are several hundred Negroes working in the same trade in -this city, but his organization does not encourage them to organize -and will admit one of them only when he can prove his ability in his -work—a technical excuse for exclusion. This official was a man who<span class="pagenum" id="Page_38">[Pg 38]</span> -was born in the South; he believed in the inferiority of the Negro, -deplored the absence of a Jim Crow system, and was greatly prejudiced.</p> - -<p>Another official of an even more powerful trade union was greatly -astonished when he learned that there are white people who take an -interest in the Negro question. He absolutely refused to give any -information and did not think it was worth while to answer such -questions, although he admitted that his union had no colored people -and would never accept them. There are, however, several hundred -Negroes working at this trade in the city. White members related -numerous incidents of white unionists leaving a job when a colored man -appeared. Several other unions visited had no Negroes in the union -although there were some local colored people in their respective -trades.</p> - -<p>The typical attitude of the complacent trade unionist is illustrated -by a letter which was written by a very prominent local labor leader, -a member of the “Alliance for Labor and Democracy” in answer to -certain questions asked him. This official refused to state anything -orally, and asked that the questions be put to him in writing. His -answers, we may presume, have been carefully worded after considerable -contemplation of the problem.</p> - -<p>The letter begins: “While I do not wish to appear evasive, I do not -think some of the questions should have been asked me at this time.” -Questions and answers follow:</p> - -<p>Q. Number of white members in the Union?</p> - -<p>A. Our Union has had a growth of one hundred percent in the past six -months in the Pittsburgh district.</p> - -<p>Q. Number of colored people in the Union?</p> - -<p>A. None.</p> - -<p>Q. Has there been an increase in the colored labor in your trade within -the last year? If so, state approximately the proportion.</p> - -<p>A. Yes, estimates can be made only by the employer, as we do not -control all shops.</p> - -<p>Q. Has there been an increase in the colored union membership within -the last year or two?</p> - -<p>A. Yes, statistics can be gotten from <abbr title="Mister">Mr.</abbr> Frank Morrison, Secretary, -American Federation of Labor, Washington, D. C.</p> - -<p>Q. What efforts does your Union make to organize the colored people in -your trade?</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_39">[Pg 39]</span></p> - -<p>A. Same effort as all others, as the <abbr title="American Federation of Labor">A. F. of L.</abbr> does not bar any -worker on account of race or creed.</p> - -<p>Q. Has any colored person applied for membership in your Union within -the last year?</p> - -<p>A. Yes.</p> - -<p>Q. Have the colored people in your trade asked for a separate charter?</p> - -<p>A. Not that I know of.</p> - -<p>Q. Do you personally know of any complaint by a person of color against -your Union as regards race discrimination?</p> - -<p>A. Yes.</p> - -<p>The official admits that there are colored workers in his trade, that -some have applied for membership, and that there have been complaints -of race discrimination. His statement concerning efforts to organize -Negro laborers would seem to have little meaning in view of his -assertion that the growth of white membership during the past year was -one hundred percent, while that of Negro membership was zero.</p> - -<p>It may, however, be interesting to note that a man who joined this -Union about the time this letter was written, said the President of the -Union gave him the following pledge:</p> - -<p>“I pledge that I will not introduce for membership into this Union -anyone but a sober, industrious, WHITE person.”</p> - -<p>Very often union officials are apt to point to their constitutions -which guarantee that no color line be established, and say that the -colored people make little effort to organize, and that they are really -not trying to get into the Union. “Why don’t the Negroes organize -locals of their own?” they ask. The assertion that colored people are -making little effort to become organized is undoubtedly true, for -it may be presumed that if they had continuously, insistently and -in sufficient numbers knocked at the doors of the trade unions the -barriers would have been unable to withstand the strain and would -have opened to them. But unfortunately the attitude of the trade -unions developed among the Negroes a feeling of hopelessness which is -detrimental to both the Negroes and the labor movement. “What’s the -use?” is the reply usually given by skilled colored workers when asked -why they do not join the unions. They know well enough that they will -not be admitted, and that even if they were accepted they could never -hope to secure a job from the Union. This spirit goes even further, and -is fraught with the most imminent danger. A very intelligent colored -labor official said, that there is developing among many Negroes the -feeling that the most laudable<span class="pagenum" id="Page_40">[Pg 40]</span> action is to do anything which will -harm or break the labor movement.</p> - - -<p class="center p0 p2"><span class="figcenter" id="img010"> - <img src="images/010.jpg" class="w75" alt="A Row of Model Houses Originally Built by a Steel -Company for its Colored Workers, but used by Foreign Laborers at -Present Because of the Protest of the People in the Neighborhood." /> -</span></p> -<p class="center caption">A Row of Model Houses Originally Built by a Steel -Company for its Colored Workers, but used by Foreign Laborers at -Present Because of the Protest of the People in the Neighborhood.<br /></p> - -<p>That this fatalistic and dangerous attitude of the colored people is -not groundless is again evidenced from our study of the situation. The -attempt of union officials to becloud or to ignore the issue by saying -that the colored people make no effort to become Union members, and do -not try to organize their own locals is disclosed by the following case:</p> - -<p>On January 1st, 1917, a group of about thirty unorganized Negro -plasterers sent the following letter to the Operative Plasterer’s and -Cement Finishers’ International Association of the United States with -offices at Middletown, Ohio.</p> - -<p class="center p0"> -Pittsburgh, <abbr title="Pennsylvania">Pa.</abbr>, January 1st, 1917. -</p> - -<p>“We, the undersigned Colored Plasterers of the City of Pittsburgh, met -in a session on the above named date, and after forming an Organization -for our mutual benefit voted to petition to you our grievances on -the grounds of being discriminated against because of our color. We -therefore would like to have a Local Body of our own for our people. -We also voted to ask you for the advice and consideration of such a -movement, and hereby petition you that you grant us a license for a -local of our own, to be operated under your jurisdiction, praying this -will meet with your approval, and hoping to get an early reply.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_41">[Pg 41]</span></p> - -<p>This will show that to date we have the support of the men here listed -besides a few more. Officers elected so far are as follows:”</p> - -<p>The signatures of the officers and twenty-five members follow.</p> - -<p>The International then sent the following reply:</p> - -<p>“Replying to your letter, we are writing our Pittsburgh Local today -in reference to your application for charter. According to the rules -and regulations of our organization, no organization can be chartered -in any city where we have a Local without consulting the older -Organization.”</p> - -<p>This was signed by the Secretary of the International Association.</p> - -<p>The Pittsburgh Local then invited the Secretary of the colored -organization to appear at their regular meeting. When the Secretary -came, they told him he could have five minutes time in which to present -his claims. Nothing resulted from this meeting and no written statement -whatsoever was made by the Pittsburgh Local in spite of attempts to -secure such.</p> - -<p>On a further appeal to the International, the Secretary of the Colored -Plasterer’s Organization received the following letter from the -International Secretary.</p> - -<p>“Replying to your letter, I enclose a copy of our constitution and -refer you to section <abbr title="Number">No.</abbr> 34, page <abbr title="Number">No.</abbr> 8, which means that no charter -can be issued to your organization unless approved by <abbr title="Number">No.</abbr> 31 of -Pittsburgh, <abbr title="Pennsylvania">Pa.</abbr>”</p> - -<p>An official of Local number 31 admitted that the rank and file would -never consent to have colored people among them, and attend the social -functions given by the Union, although he claimed they could not -possibly reject a man because of his color, as it is a gross violation -of their constitution. He explained the reasons for his local refusing -a separate charter to the Negroes as follows: First, that if a charter -would be granted to them, they would all become members for the nominal -charter fee while their initiation fee for individuals amounts to -thirty dollars, and this he said would be a discrimination in favor of -the Negroes. But the greatest objection was that the colored plasterers -asked for a smaller scale of wages, ($4.50 a day as compared with $6 -for whites). When questioned as to his reason why the colored people -would not prefer a higher wage, he explained that they could not get -work as no one would employ a person of color at the same wages as a -white person.<span class="fnanchor" id="fna8"><a href="#fn8">[8]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_42">[Pg 42]</span></p> - -<p>The Secretary of the short-lived colored organization gave as his -reason for not joining the Union as an individual the fact that he was -aware that the Union, even were he a member, would not supply him with -a job, and that white Union men would walk out were he by any chance to -be employed.</p> - -<p>Another illustration of the difficulty confronting the colored person -when he desires to join a Union, is the following: Two colored -migrants, J. D. and C. S., painters from Georgia, had applied to the -Union for membership in November and December 1916, respectively. -Both of these persons have their families here, and claim fourteen -and sixteen years’ experience in the trade, stating also that they -can do as good a job as any other union man. Each one of these claims -to have made from $25 to $30 a week in the South by contracting. The -official in the office of the Union whom they approached to ask for -membership unceremoniously told them that it would take no colored men -into membership. The result was that one of these men was fortunate -enough to find work in his own line in a non-union shop, receiving -twenty dollars per week for eight and one-half hours, as compared with -$5.50 for an eight hour day, the union scale. The second man, however, -was not so fortunate, and unable to find work in his own line, he is -now working as a common laborer in a steel plant making $2.70 for ten -hours per day. That many of the colored skilled people do not attempt -to join the union because they know the existing situation is obvious. -The brother-in-law of one of the above men, also a skilled worker, when -asked why he did not try to join the Union, characteristically shrugged -his shoulders and uttered the fatalistic “What’s the use?”</p> - -<p>The following case which throws light on the general situation, and -illustrates the resultant effects of this injustice was related by the -head clerk of the State Employment Bureau of this city.</p> - -<p>“In the month of June, 1917, a man giving the name of P. Bobonis, a -Porto Rican, came to our office and asked for work as a carpenter. <abbr title="Mister">Mr.</abbr> -Bobonis was a union carpenter, a member of the Colorado State Union. -The first place he was sent they told him they were filled up, and when -a call was made to determine if the company had sufficient carpenters, -the foreman said that it was impossible for them to employ a colored -carpenter as all of the white men would walk out, but that they were -still badly in need of carpenters. It was then decided to call upon -the different companies recognizing the union, to see if they all felt -the same way. Much to our amazement<span class="pagenum" id="Page_43">[Pg 43]</span> we found it to be the general -rule—the colored man could pay his initiation fee and dues in the -Union, but after that was done he was left little hopes for employment. -Four large companies were called for this man and he could not be -placed. As a last attempt, a call on the Dravo Contracting Company -was made and as they have some union and others non-union men, they -employed the man.</p> - -<p><abbr title="Mister">Mr.</abbr> Bobonis was not a floater, but a good man. He is a graduate of -Oberlin College and is now working to raise enough money to enable him -to study medicine.”</p> - -<p>Although the attitude of the recognized American Labor movement on -the colored question is generally known, the great mass of people are -easily misled and appealed to on race lines. It is unfortunate that -often a race issue is made of a purely labor question. An episode -of the past winter is a case in point. The drivers in one of our -department stores had organized themselves into a union and were locked -out. The department store immediately substituted colored non-union -drivers. Appeals to union people based on race issues were then carried -to the patrons of that store until the department store was forced to -discharge all of its colored drivers and re-instate the white ones. -This was done in spite of the fact that the Union was not recognized, -and was broken up, and although the manager of the store is said to -have admitted that almost half of the colored drivers had proved one -hundred percent efficient.</p> - -<p>The difficulties and slow progress made in organizing the laboring -classes generally is apparent to anyone who reflects that in spite of -the long years of continued effort, and in spite of the fact that in -many instances there was no resistance from the employers, hardly ten -percent of the working population of the United States is organized in -trade and industrial unions today. The problem is difficult for the -white men, and it is exceedingly more difficult for the blacks. The -white laboring classes have to contend only with the manufacturers. The -Negroes, however, have to contend with the white trade unions as well -as with the employers.</p> - -<p>Until recently, very few colored people in the North were working in -trades where the whites were organized. The great mass of Negroes were -doing work of the personal service character, and acted as porters, -janitors, elevator men, etc. This class of workers is extremely -difficult to organize even among the whites. Within the past two -years, however, Negroes have in increasing numbers entered the trades -which have been organized<span class="pagenum" id="Page_44">[Pg 44]</span> by the whites. Being refused admission to -most of the white unions the only thing the colored man can do is to -form his own organization. The first step toward organizing the Negro -working man and woman was taken in New York City in July 1917, when the -Associated Colored Employees of America was organized. The bulletin -used by this organization states that its purpose is to give “facts -concerning conditions in the North compiled for the benefit of those -who some day expect or desire to be actually free.” This organization -aims to function as an employment bureau advising members where -particular work may be found, and to give general information to those -workers who are eager to come from the South.</p> - - -<p class="center p0 p2"><span class="figcenter" id="img011"> - <img src="images/011.jpg" class="w75" alt="Rear View of Tenement Near Soho Dump. Note Refuse on -Left and Street Level on Right." /> -</span></p> -<p class="center caption">Rear View of Tenement Near Soho Dump. Note Refuse on -Left and Street Level on Right.<br /></p> - -<p>The difficulty in organizing the colored people into a separate -organization along Trade Union Lines was thus explained by a very -prominent Negro leader. The Negro, he said, is escaping from the -tyranny of the South to the freedom of the North. In the North he is -opposed and at times even mobbed by white laboring men. Strange as -it may seem, the industrial captain in the North is the Negro’s only -friend. He at least is interested in him; he goes after him to bring -him North, provides food and shelter for him, pays him better wages -than he received in the South, and in many instances gives him medical -attention, and helps him bring his family<span class="pagenum" id="Page_45">[Pg 45]</span> here. Can you expect him -under the circumstances to alienate and betray his only friend in the -North, for the trade unions whom he fears and distrusts?</p> - -<p>It is obvious that the trade unions will have to make a more -attractive appeal to convince the Negro that they are really his best -friends. Their duty and policy are clear. Theirs is a struggle for -the protection of the working people, in order to secure for all the -oppressed some of the enjoyments of life. Theirs is a continuous battle -for organization, the organization of all workers, irrespective of -race, color and creed.</p> - -<p>The Negro’s own problem and his tragedy in slavery and in freedom is -probably best summarized in the following lines taken from the Emporia -Gazette and written by William Allen White:</p> - -<p>“If the black man loafs in the South he starves. If he works in -the South he is poorly paid, more or less in kind—chips and -whetstones—and his wife becomes a ‘pan-toter.’ If he leaves his own -estate in the South and goes to work in Northern industry, he is mobbed -and killed.”</p> - -<p>“He was brought to these shores from Africa a captive. He is held by -his captors in economic bondage today—forbidden to rise above the -lowest serving class. He is herded by himself in a ghetto, and if, -while he is there, he reverts to the jungle type, he is burned alive. -If he tries to break out of his ghetto, and, by assimilating the white -man’s civilization, rise, he is driven out by his white brothers.”</p> - -<p>“If he goes to school, he becomes discontented and is unhappy and -dissatisfied with his social status. If he does not go to school and -remains ignorant, he is then only a ‘coon,’ whom everybody exploits, -and who has to cheat and swindle in return, or go down in poverty to -begging and shame. There aren’t ships enough in the world to take -him back to the land of his freedom; there isn’t enough for him here -except on the crowded bottom rung of the ladder, and there, always, the -grinding heel of those climbing over him topward is mangling his black -hands.”</p> - -<p>“Race riots, lynchings, political ostracism, social boycott, economic -serfdom. No wonder he sings:</p> - -<p>“Hard Trials—</p> - -<p>“Great tribulations,</p> - -<p>“Hard trials—</p> - -<p>“I’m gwine for to live with the Lord!”</p> - -<p>No wonder as he looks dismally back at the forest whence he came, and -dismally forward to the hopeless set to which he is<span class="pagenum" id="Page_46">[Pg 46]</span> slowly being -pushed, he lifts his plaintive voice in its heartbroken minor and wails:</p> - -<p>“Swing low, sweet chariot, comin’ for to carry me home!”</p> - -<p>““<em>Home</em>” is about the only place he can go, where they don’t -oppress him.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" id="fn7"><a href="#fna7">[7]</a> The figures in this table were secured during the months of July -and August 1917, and have probably been changed since.</p> - -<p class="footnote" id="fn8"><a href="#fna8">[8]</a> The fear that admitting local Negroes to the trade unions would -flood the city with skilled Southern Negroes, was given as a reason by -one Negro for the exclusion of his race-men from the unions, but was -not mentioned by any of the white union officials.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="THE_COMMUNITYS_PROBLEM">THE COMMUNITY’S PROBLEM</h2> -</div> - -<h3 id="CHAPTER_III"><big>CHAPTER III</big></h3> -<h4><i>A Delinquency Study of the Negro in Pittsburgh</i></h4> - - - -<p>An understanding of the conduct and morality of the newcomer and -stranger is essential both for the migrant himself and for the -community upon which he is thrust. The migrant is unknown to us. We -look upon the stranger with suspicion and upon all his habits and -customs as queer and out of the ordinary. It is therefore natural for -us to question his morality and character and to consider him the cause -of the crimes and vices of the community. In the past, we blamed the -Italians, the Slavs, the Jews and the other foreign groups as being -mainly responsible for many of the anti-social acts in our urban -society; but when we come to know them our attitude changes.</p> - -<p>The Negro, although with us for centuries, is still unintelligible to -the average northern community. This has been borne out by our present -survey in the Pittsburgh district. Although in many instances the -Negroes live near the whites, even among them, there is very little -understanding or communication between the two races, and mutual -prejudice and suspicion prevail.</p> - -<p>With the cessation of the white immigration incident to the war and -the influx of thousands of Negroes from the South the black has become -the stranger in town. We see him crowding in certain districts, -congregating on street corners, apparently amazed at his sudden -transference from country to city life; from his home, a familiar -though oppressive environment, into the glare and lure of the great -industrial city with its apparent freedom for all. The Negro looks with -wonder upon all this, and his reaction to it seems suspicious to the -whites. When they see the police patrol wagon frequently in the colored -district or when some crime is committed in that neighborhood it is not -unnatural for them to think that these strangers are responsible for -all crime and vice. This, unfortunately, is not only the attitude of -the average person unfamiliar with conditions, but is also the theory -upon which the police officials<span class="pagenum" id="Page_47">[Pg 47]</span> seem to proceed in their work. On one -occasion when a murder was committed in the “Hill” district the police -made wholesale arrests of the Negroes, only to free them in a few days, -having no evidence against them.</p> - -<p>This assumption of the Negro’s responsibility for a “wave of crime, -rape and murder” this year was held not only by persons who got their -information from a played-up case in the newspapers, but also by many -social workers and Negroes themselves, as was evidenced by their -expressed personal opinions. A colored probation officer, for instance, -asserted that the juvenile delinquency among her people had at least -doubled during the last year, and she was greatly surprised when an -examination of the records disclosed a very considerable decrease -in these cases, (<a href="#table19">Table <abbr title="Number">No.</abbr> XIX</a>). This illustrates how erroneous our -impressions about strange groups in our communities may be, and how -essential are the facts to a clear understanding of the situation.</p> - -<p class="center p0 p2"><span class="figcenter" id="img012"> - <img src="images/012.jpg" class="w75" alt="Wednesday 3:30 P. M. Lower Wylie Avenue." /> -</span></p> -<p class="center caption">Wednesday 3:30 P. M. Lower Wylie Avenue.<br /></p> - - -<p>In order to ascertain the facts concerning the extent of Negro crime -in the Pittsburgh district, an analysis was made of the police court -records of seven months in the year 1914-1915 in comparison with the -same period of 1916-1917. The periods selected were December 1, 1914 to -June 30, 1915 and December 1, 1916 to June 30, 1917. The first period -embraces the time of the initial war prosperity before the migration -had begun. In the second period the Negro migration was at its highest -point. The police dockets of Station Number 1, the Central Station, and -Station Number 2—which is in the most densely populated Negro section -of the city—were carefully canvassed and compared as to number of -arrests, kind of charges, disposition of cases and age, sex, etc., of -the accused. Tables follow:</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_48">[Pg 48]</span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="center p0" id="table15"><i>TABLE NUMBER XV</i></p> - -<p class="center p0"><i>Showing Total Number of Charges of Arrested Negroes Brought to -Stations <abbr title="Number">No.</abbr> 1 and <abbr title="Number">No.</abbr> 2 from December 1, 1914 to June 30, 1915 and -December 1, 1916 to June 30, 1917, and also the percentage of Increase -during the last Period.</i></p> - -<table class="autotable small"> -<tr> -<th> -CHARGES -</th> -<th colspan="3"> -1914-1915<br /> -Male Female Total -</th> -<th colspan="3"> -1916-1917<br /> -Male Female Total -</th> -<th> -% of Inc.<br /> -1917 -</th> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="8" class="tdl"> -PETTY OFFENCES -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Suspicious Persons -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -390 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -77 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -467 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -668 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -111 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -779 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -67 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Disorderly Conduct -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -353 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -74 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -427 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -493 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -106 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -599 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -41 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Drunkenness -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -240 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -42 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -282 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -869 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -40 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -909 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -222 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Keeping Disorderly Houses -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -16 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -22 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -38 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -36 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -55 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -91 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -140 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Visiting Disorderly Houses -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -92 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -29 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -121 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -217 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -76 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -293 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -142 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Common Prostitute -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -0 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -58 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -58 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -0 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -54 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -54 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -—7 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Violating City Ordinances -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -85 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -0 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -85 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -143 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -0 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -143 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -68 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Keeping Gambling Houses -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -5 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -5 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -0 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -0 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -0 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -0 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Visiting Gambling Houses -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -31 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -0 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -31 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -0 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -0 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -0 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Vagrancy -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -75 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -9 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -84 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -93 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -0 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -93 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -11 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Other non-Court Charges -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -83 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -0 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -83 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -37 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -0 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -37 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -TOTAL -</td> -<td class="tdr bt"> -1370 -</td> -<td class="tdr bt"> -311 -</td> -<td class="tdr bt"> -1681 -</td> -<td class="tdr bt"> -2556 -</td> -<td class="tdr bt"> -442 -</td> -<td class="tdr bt"> -2998 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="8"> -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="8" class="tdl"> -MAJOR OFFENCES -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Larceny -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -20 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -1 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -21 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -20 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -3 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -23 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Assault & Battery -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -12 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -0 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -12 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -13 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -0 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -13 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Highway Robbery -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -3 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -0 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -3 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -4 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -0 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -4 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Entering Buildings -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -20 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -0 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -20 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -7 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -0 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -7 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Felonious Cutting & Felonious Shooting -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -7 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -1 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -8 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -17 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -2 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -19 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Murder turned over to Coroner -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -12 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -0 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -12 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -5 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -1 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -6 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Assault and Battery with attempt to Commit Rape -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -5 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -0 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -5 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -3 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -0 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -3 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Concealed Weapons & Point. Firearms -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -2 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -1 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -3 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -12 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -0 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -12 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Other Court Charges -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -9 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -0 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -9 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -6 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -1 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -7 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -TOTAL -</td> -<td class="tdr bt"> -90 -</td> -<td class="tdr bt"> -3 -</td> -<td class="tdr bt"> -93 -</td> -<td class="tdr bt"> -87 -</td> -<td class="tdr bt"> -7 -</td> -<td class="tdr bt"> -94 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -GRAND TOTAL -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -1460 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -314 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -1774 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -2643 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -449 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -3092 -</td> -</tr> -</table> -</div> - - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_49">[Pg 49]</span></p> - -<p>The foregoing tables and figures reveal many features which are -extremely interesting. The first thing that strikes us is the -disproportionate increase in petty arrests over the increase in court -charges or graver crimes. From the figures obtained it appears that -although the number of arrests on charges of suspicion, drunkenness, -disorderly conduct and similar petty charges have increased from -approximately forty percent to over two hundred percent; the graver -crimes, as a whole, have remained stable in spite of the increase in -population, while in some of the crimes which are usually accredited -to Negroes, we find a marked decline. The percentage of grave charges -compared to the total number of arrests, has decreased from 5% in -1914-15 to 3% in 1916-17. Thus, we find only two more larcenies in -1916-17 than in 1914-15; a considerable decline in charges for entering -buildings and two charges less of rape.</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="center p0" id="table16"><i>TABLE NUMBER XVI</i></p> - -<p class="center p0"><i>Showing the disposition of the Negroes Arrested and Brought to -Police Stations Number 1 and Number 2 from December 1, 1914 to June -30, 1915 and December 1, 1916 to June 30, 1917; the percentage of the -total arrests and the percentage of increase or decrease during the -latter period.</i></p> - -<table class="autotable small"> -<tr> -<th> -DISPOSITION -</th> -<th> -1914-15<br /> -Total <abbr title="Number">No.</abbr> -</th> -<th> -1916-17<br /> -Total <abbr title="Number">No.</abbr> -</th> -<th> -Percentage of <br /> -1914-15 -</th> -<th> -Total Arrests<br /> -1916-17 -</th> -<th> -% of inc. -</th> -<th> -% of dec. -</th> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Discharged -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -849 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -1716 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -48 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -55 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -102 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Held for Court -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -93 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -94 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -5 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -3 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -0 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Fines -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -308 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -532 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -17 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -17 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -73 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Jail -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -230 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -369 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -13 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -12 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -60 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Workhouse -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -179 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -334 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -10 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -11 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -87 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Otherwise disposed -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -114 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -47 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -7 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -2 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -</td> -<td class="tdr bt"> -1773 -</td> -<td class="tdr bt"> -3092 -</td> -<td class="tdr bt"> -100 -</td> -<td class="tdr bt"> -100 -</td> -</tr> -</table> -</div> - -<p>Of the three thousand ninety-two arrests during 1916-1917, one thousand -seven hundred and sixteen were discharged without fines, again -demonstrating the petty character or the lack of evidence on these -charges.</p> - -<p>It is not difficult to find an explanation for the tremendous increase -in arrests on charges of suspicion, disorderly conduct and the like. -The colored migrant, timid, friendless and unknown as he is when he -comes from the South, easily becomes an object of surveillance. The -railroads were bringing a train load of black workers practically every -day. Many come to Pittsburgh with the desire to remain here, but the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_50">[Pg 50]</span> -labor agents want them to go further east. Workers of this class either -try to get away from the labor agent, or, being separated from him in -the general confusion prevailing at the stations, are stranded and -left without resources. As strangers they know nothing about the city -or its ways. They are but lately come out from communities where they -have known only oppression, and in many cases their exodus has been a -secret one. It is not remarkable that men in their state of mind should -be looked upon by the police as questionable characters and arrested on -the charges of being suspicious persons, or should fall into the hands -of the law for various other reasons.</p> - -<p>The marked increase in drunkenness is not surprising either. From an -analysis of the housing and lodging situation in Pittsburgh the reader -will realize that these migrants have no place in which to spend -their leisure time except the street corners and in the saloon. In -practically all rooming houses beds are run on a double shift basis. -A man may stay in his room only when he sleeps. On awakening he must -surrender his bed to another lodger and go elsewhere. There are no -recreational facilities provided him by the city. Only one place, -the saloon, welcomes him with open doors, and even this dangerous -hospitality is denied him except in the Negro quarters. That the -stranger should not embrace the only means of relaxation offered him in -his new environment would be incredible.</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="center p0" id="table17"><i>TABLE NUMBER XVII</i></p> - -<p class="center p0"><i>Showing the age and sex of the persons Arrested in the two Stations -from December 1, 1914 to June 30, 1915 and from December 1, 1916 to -June 30, 1917.</i></p> - -<table class="autotable"> -<tr class="small"> -<th> -</th> -<th colspan="2"> -Total <abbr title="Number">No.</abbr><br /> -1914-15 <br /> -Male Female -</th> -<th colspan="2"> -Total<br /> -1916-17<br /> -Male Female -</th> -<th colspan="2"> -Total<br /> -1914-15 1916-17 -</th> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Under 16 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -40 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -8 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -21 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -7 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -48 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -28 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -16 to 20 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -69 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -31 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -112 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -18 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -100 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -130 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -20 to 30 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -556 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -195 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -1133 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -237 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -751 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -1370 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -30 to 40 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -398 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -109 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -797 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -96 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -507 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -893 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -40 to 50 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -232 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -18 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -432 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -35 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -250 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -467 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -50 and over -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -107 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -11 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -192 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -12 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -118 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -204 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -</td> -<td class="tdr bt"> -1402 -</td> -<td class="tdr bt"> -372 -</td> -<td class="tdr bt"> -2687 -</td> -<td class="tdr bt"> -405 -</td> -<td class="tdr bt"> -1774 -</td> -<td class="tdr bt"> -3092 -</td> -</tr> -</table> -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_51">[Pg 51]</span></p> -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="center p0" id="table18"><i>TABLE NUMBER XVIII</i></p> - -<p class="center p0"><i>Showing the Number of Married and Single People Arrested; Also -Showing the Sex.</i></p> - -<table class="autotable small"> -<tr> -<th> -</th> -<th colspan="2"> -Total <abbr title="Number">No.</abbr><br /> -1914-15<br /> -Male Female -</th> -<th colspan="2"> -Total <abbr title="Number">No.</abbr><br /> -1916-17<br /> -Male Female -</th> -<th colspan="2"> -TOTAL<br /> -1914-15 1916-17 -</th> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Single -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -1024 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -194 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -2269 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -256 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -1218 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -2525 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Married -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -395 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -161 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -428 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -139 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -556 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -567 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -</td> -<td class="tdr bt"> -1419 -</td> -<td class="tdr bt"> -355 -</td> -<td class="tdr bt"> -2697 -</td> -<td class="tdr bt"> -395 -</td> -<td class="tdr bt"> -1774 -</td> -<td class="tdr bt"> -3092 -</td> -</tr> -</table> -</div> - -<p>That there should be a big increase in the visitation of disorderly -houses is to be expected. As we have seen, the migration is as yet -largely that of single men and of men who have left their families -behind them. As with the other foreign groups who have migrated to -America, there is an entire break up of the normal family standard. It -is therefore inevitable that with higher wages and with the prevailing -housing and rooming congestion vice should flourish. The fact that -in spite of the tremendous increase in disorderly houses there is -some decline in arrests on charges of prostitution can be interpreted -only in terms of the laxity and tolerance of the police department. -This also accounts for the fact that while during the seven months of -1914-1915 five gambling houses were raided and thirty-one persons were -arrested for gambling, there were no raids or arrests during the same -period this year.</p> - -<p>The big increase in arrests on charges of felonious cutting, pointing -firearms, and carrying concealed weapons, may be explained in a variety -of ways. Since the post bellum days, the carrying and handling of arms -in the South was sanctioned socially. The whites have carried, and in -some places are still carrying these weapons with them. The Negro, -whether because of his habit of imitating the whites or because he -has learned the lesson of protecting and defending himself, has also -acquired the habit of carrying weapons. Being too poor or too timid in -the South to purchase a revolver or similar dangerous weapon, he had to -content himself with a knife or a razor.</p> - -<p>Immediately upon the Negro’s arrival in Pittsburgh, and as soon as he -gets off the train, his attention is called to these means of defense -which are profusely displayed in the show windows of second hand stores -near the stations. These arms are tempting to his primitive instinct -of display, and being unfamiliar with conditions in this city—still -thinking in terms of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_52">[Pg 52]</span> the Southern environment—he considers these -things a necessity. As they can be obtained easily, he manages to -purchase one of these weapons at the first opportunity. That the -lynchings, riots and mistreatments should not teach him a lesson of -self-defense and the need for such weapons would be incredible. It may -also be added that the Southern Negro does not consider cutting another -Negro an offense against the law. Such cutting was frequently practiced -in the South and arrest did not follow. It may therefore not be strange -to learn that on several occasions, when arraigned on charges of -felonious cutting, these migrants expressed great surprise when they -learned that their offense involved a jail or workhouse sentence.</p> - - <div class="chapter"> -<p class="center p0" id="table19"><i>TABLE NUMBER XIX</i></p> - -<p class="center p0"><i>Total Number of Negro Charges in the Juvenile Court from January -1st, 1915 to June 30, 1915 and January 1st, 1917 to June 30, 1917.</i></p> - -<table class="autotable"> -<tr> -<th> -CHARGES -</th> -<th> -Total <abbr title="Number">No.</abbr> 1915 -</th> -<th> -Total <abbr title="Number">No.</abbr> 1917 -</th> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Incorrigibility -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -11 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -10 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Delinquency -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -34 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -13 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Dependent and Neglected -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -18 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -23 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Entering a Building -</td> -<td class="tdr">4 -</td> -<td class="tdr">1 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Larceny -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -5 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -8</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Violating Parole -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -1 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -0 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Malicious Mischief -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -2 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -1 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Assault and Battery -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -5 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -1 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -All other Charges -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -3 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -3 -</td> -</tr> -<tr><td> -</td> -<td class="tdr bt"> -83 -</td> -<td class="tdr bt"> -60</td></tr> -</table> -</div> -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="center p0" id="table20"><i>TABLE NUMBER XX</i></p> - -<p class="center p0"><i>Dispositions of Same.</i></p> - -<table class="autotable"> -<tr> -<th> -</th> -<th> -Total <abbr title="Number">No.</abbr> 1915 -</th> -<th> -Total <abbr title="Number">No.</abbr> 1917 -</th> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Returned to Parents -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -3 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -4 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Detention Home -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -1 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -0 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Private Home -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -30 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -15 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Home on Probation -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -22 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -16 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Thorn Hill Industrial School -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -15 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -12 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -State Reformatory -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -4 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -2 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Polk School for Feeble Minded -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -1 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -5 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Other Places -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -7 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -6 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -</td> -<td class="tdr bt"> -83 -</td> -<td class="tdr bt"> -60 -</td> -</tr> -</table> -</div> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_53">[Pg 53]</span></p> - -<p><a href="#table17">Table number XVII</a> indicates that the majority of those arrested are -between the ages of 20 and 40. The large number of women arrested -is rather surprising, although the proportional increase of women -arrested is far below that of men. This may be due to the fact that the -migration is largely of men without families. The overwhelming number -of single people as compared with married ones, is also to be expected, -although the police record based only upon uninvestigated statements of -prisoners, may not be very authentic.</p> - - -<p class="center p0 p2"><span class="figcenter" id="img013"> - <img src="images/013.jpg" class="w50" alt="A House in the Hill District Credited with Sheltering -Over 200 Negroes." /> -</span></p> -<p class="center caption">A House in the Hill District Credited with Sheltering -Over 200 Negroes.<br /></p> - -<p>The examination of police court dockets reveals one or two other -significant features. It shows the continuance of the migration by -the fact that a great number are listed as having “no homes.” The -number giving such “address” this year is far greater than during -the previous period; even when the total of those who refuse to give -correct addresses is subtracted, the increase is still clearly shown. -In the records of those who give their addresses as of this city, it -is important to note the close relation of congestion and bad housing -conditions to the police court records. Throughout the docket, a few -houses notorious for their overcrowding stand out very prominently. -Thus, a well known tenement house on Bedford Avenue, which is credited -with having over one hundred families inside its four walls, has given -eighty-four arrests during the seven months of 1914-1915, and over one -hundred during the seven months of 1917. The same thing is true of -several other houses.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_54">[Pg 54]</span></p> - -<p><a href="#table19">Table number XIX</a> showing the Juvenile Court records is surprising. That -there should still be an absolute decline in juvenile delinquency, in -spite of the increase in population, is something the most optimistic -of us would have hardly anticipated.</p> - -<p>After the preceding analysis, the reader has doubtless already -realized how unfounded was the popular belief in a Negro “wave of -crime, rape and murder” in Pittsburgh within the last year. The facts -are self-evident. From our analysis, we must conclude that the Negro -migrant is not a vicious character; is not criminally and mischievously -inclined <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">per se</i>, but on the other hand is a peaceful and law -abiding individual. He comes to Pittsburgh to seek better economic and -social opportunities. He is in most instances anxious to let others -alone in order that he himself may be let alone.</p> - -<p>That the rise in wages is a considerable factor in the decrease of -juvenile delinquency and graver crimes as a whole is probable. That the -Negro becomes a victim of the saloon and the vice elements is evidently -more the fault of the community than of himself. He is often anxious to -rid himself of these associations, but it can be done only by his white -brother’s realization of the social responsibility which he owes to the -community.</p> - - -<h4>HEALTH STUDY</h4> - -<p>That the conservation of health is no longer the concern of the -individual affected alone, but is the problem of the whole community -is now generally recognized. The relation of cause and effect in our -complex urban life is nowhere more clearly shown than in the health -phase of our group relations. In this aspect of community life at -least, it is realized that each of us constitutes one of the cogs in -the civic machinery, and that the welfare of the whole depends upon the -welfare of the individual. No one in the city, even if he be living -under the best conditions can be certain of immunity from the menace of -epidemic or of venereal diseases and tuberculosis. Infantile paralysis, -and the other contagious or infectious diseases have no regard for -differences of social status or residential respectability.</p> - -<p>The Negroes of Pittsburgh constitute a very considerable fraction of -the city population. We have only partially segregated districts, and -the Negroes live near us or in our midst. They are with us on the -streets, in street cars, stores and amusement places. They work side -by side with us in the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_55">[Pg 55]</span> mills, factories and offices. Their children -and ours attend the same schools, drink from the same fountains and -play in the same yards. Since the beginning of the European War, our -foreign supply of domestic servants has been practically cut off, and -the colored women are the only ones available for this type of work. -These women live in our homes, wash our clothes, cook our dinners, -make our beds and nurse our children. A close inter-relation between -the two races exists, and we cannot long hope to be free from the -diseases to which our servants are subject. Once it is realized that -our own welfare is greatly affected by the welfare of the Negro, it is -obvious that we must see to it that his health is conserved. Our old -ostrich-like policy of comfortable neglect will not serve to protect us.</p> - - -<p class="center p0 p2"><span class="figcenter" id="img014"> - <img src="images/014.jpg" class="w75" alt="INTERIOR COURT SCENE" /> -</span></p> -<p class="center caption">INTERIOR COURT SCENE<br /></p> - - -<p class="center p0">Note Hydrant on Left and Privy on Right which are used by Twelve -Families, White and Negro.</p> - -<p>We cannot remain indifferent to the startling adult and infant -mortality rates among Negroes. Ignorance of and indifference to disease -in any one group will ultimately work harm to the entire population, -and neglected disease in the black race means the increase of disease -among the whites. It is essential, therefore, for our own well-being -that we look into the conditions under which our Negro brethren live; -and ascertain all the facts which may throw some light upon the actual -conditions existing. Hence, we have proceeded to analyze the records -which could be obtained in our city health<span class="pagenum" id="Page_56">[Pg 56]</span> department, the records -of a few of the larger hospitals in the city, and the records of the -coroner’s office. The tables and discussion of the same follow.</p> - -<p>It is unfortunate that the statistical bureau of our Health -Department—whether through insufficient appropriations or -otherwise—does not maintain the standards set by similar departments -in other cities. Our department does not afford the information -necessary for a complete study of the health situation. However, from -the figures obtained, it is obvious that our Negro mortality rate and -especially the infant mortality rate is much higher than that of New -York City, for instance, and that we are facing a grave situation.</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="center p0" id="table21"><i>TABLE NUMBER XXI</i></p> - -<p class="center p0"><i>Causes of the Negro Mortality Comparing Periods of Seven Months, -January to July, 1915 and January to July, 1917.</i></p> - -<table class="autotable"> -<tr> -<th> -CAUSES -</th> -<th> -1915 -</th> -<th> -1917 -</th> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Pneumonia (all forms) -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -64 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -183 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Tuberculosis (all forms) -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -51 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -51 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Bright’s Disease and Nephritis -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -21 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -23 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Apoplexy -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -9 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -20 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Meningitis -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -1 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -17 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Syphilis -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -12 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -6 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Heart Disease -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -23 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -45 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Diabetes -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -4 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -5 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Cancer (all forms) -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -9 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -8 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Bronchitis (all forms) -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -4 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -9 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Scarlet Fever -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -2 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Whooping Cough -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -1 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Diphtheria -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -1 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -2</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Typhoid Fever -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -2 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -5</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Measles -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -3 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -0 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Poliomyelitis -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -0 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -2</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Peritonitis -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -0 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -5</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Rickets -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -5 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Puerperal Septicaemia -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -1 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -4</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Uremia -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -0 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -4 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Asphyxia -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -0 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -6 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Cirrhosis of Liver -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -2 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -0 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Accidents -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -12 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -16 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Homicide -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -8 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -3 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -All other causes -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -60 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -110 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -</td> -<td class="tdr bt"> -295 -</td> -<td class="tdr bt"> -527 -</td> -</tr> -</table> -</div> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_57">[Pg 57]</span></p> - -<p>From a glance at the Negro mortality figures in Pittsburgh during the -first seven months of 1917, (<a href="#table21">Table <abbr title="Number">No.</abbr> XXI</a>), we observe the startling -total of five hundred and twenty-seven deaths (excluding still births) -as compared with two hundred and ninety-five deaths in 1915 during the -ante-migration period, an increase of seventy-eight percent. While -it is true that the Negro population has increased according to our -estimate about forty-five percent during the past two years, this -expansion in nowise explains the disquieting increase in mortality. An -examination of the table also reveals the character of this increase. -Pneumonia cases have increased nearly two hundred percent; we also had -a marked increase in acute bronchitis and meningitis, and almost twice -as many deaths from heart disease.</p> - -<p>It is often claimed that the Negro is affected by climatic changes. -Transferred suddenly into a northern climate, and compelled to live -in all sorts of dwellings, often with no ventilation and light and in -congested quarters, he may easily succumb to disease. Unaccustomed as -he is to the heavy labor and pace-setting of the Pittsburgh industries, -it can readily be seen how rapidly his health is undermined through -excessive and hard labor. The fact that there has been no increase in -tuberculosis is in accord with the expressed opinion of many colored -physicians interviewed, who claimed that this disease is mainly a city -product, and that the newcomers, especially those coming from isolated -southern districts, are apt to be relatively free from this disease for -a considerable period after their arrival in Pittsburgh.</p> - -<p class="center p0" id="table22"><i>TABLE NUMBER XXII</i></p> - -<p class="center p0"><i>Record of Negro Morbidity for a Period of Six Months Before the -Migration, as Compared with an Equal Period during the Migration in the -West Penn Mercy and <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Francis Hospitals.</i></p> - -<table class="autotable"> -<tr> -<th> -<span class="smcap">Causes</span> -</th> -<th> -1915 -</th> -<th> -1917 -</th> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Digestive System -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -24 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -29 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Respiratory and Throat -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -54 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -76 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Heart and Kidney -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -16 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -10 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Brain and Nervous System -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -9 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -5</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Urogenital Diseases -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -35 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -44</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -</td> -<td class="tdr bt">138 -</td> -<td class="tdr bt"> -164</td> -</tr> -</table> - -<p><a href="#table22">Table number XXII</a> was ascertained from a study of the records of three -of the largest hospitals in Pittsburgh, as to the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_58">[Pg 58]</span> treatment of Negro -patients in these Institutions for a period of six months before the -migration and an equal period during the migration. Although this -table proved interesting, as showing the amount, kind and extent of -the hospital morbidity among the colored people, it is not at all -conclusive. That the hospital records give no clue to the sickness -among the Negroes is apparent from the following: Eighty to ninety -percent of the hospital cases examined were ward patients. Very few -Negroes can afford private rooms, and almost every colored physician -complained of the difficulty he had in securing places for his -patients. It is only fair to state however, that one of the largest -hospitals in the city, had no such charge lodged against it.</p> - -<p>Aside from possible difficulty in securing beds in the hospitals, there -is another cause for the scanty number of Negro hospital cases. The -Negro not only because of his ignorance, but perhaps even more because -of his inclinations to voodooism and superstition, feels an aversion -to the hospital, where he thinks the knife and the “black bottle” are -frequently used. He is still child-like in many ways, and will prefer -all sorts of patent medicines and quack doctors rather than expose -himself to the surgeon’s knife in a hospital; and chooses to stay at -home among his own people where he may “die in peace.”</p> - - -<p class="center p0"><i>TABLE NUMBER XXIII</i></p> - -<p class="center p0"><i>Comparative Record of the Births and Deaths of Negroes and the -Entire City Population, during the Year of 1915 and the First Seven -Months of 1917.</i></p> - -<p class="center p0 p2"><span class="figcenter" id="table23"> - <img src="images/table23.jpg" class="w75" alt="Table displaying the number of births and deaths for negroes versus the overall population" /> -</span></p> - - -<p>There is no more striking phase of the local Negro problem, than that -shown in <a href="#table23">table number XXIII</a>. These figures disclose the astonishing -fact that the death rate among Negroes in this city during the first -seven months of 1917, was forty-eight percent greater than the birth -rate. In other words, while in the city population as a whole, the -number of deaths was thirty percent less than the number of births, -the number<span class="pagenum" id="Page_59">[Pg 59]</span> of deaths among colored people was forty-eight percent -more than the number of births; thus, for every one hundred persons -born in Pittsburgh in 1917, there were seventy deaths, while among the -colored population, for every one hundred children born, one hundred -and forty-eight persons died.</p> - -<p>These figures seem of sinister significance to the Negro race. Even -when taking into consideration the facts that the migration is largely -that of single males, rather than that of families, and that because -most of the women here are doing some work outside the home there is a -definite policy of limiting their birth rate, there still remains the -fact that even during the entire year of 1915, while the birth rate -of the entire city population was practically twice the death rate, -the excess number of births over deaths among colored people was only -twenty-nine in a total of over five hundred.</p> - - -<p class="center p0" id="table24"><i>TABLE NUMBER XXIV</i></p> - -<p class="center p0"><i>Ages of Persons who Died Within the First Seven Months of 1917.</i></p> - -<table class="autotable"> -<tr> -<td> -Under 1 year -</td> -<td> -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -87 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2"> -Under 5 years -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -43 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2"> -From 5 to 12 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -16 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2"> -From 12 to 20 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -24</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2"> -From 20 to 30 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -69</td></tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2"> -From 30 to 40 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -101</td></tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2"> -From 40 to 60 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -138</td></tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2"> -Over 60 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -49</td></tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2">TOTAL -</td> -<td class="tdr bt"> -527</td> -</tr> -</table> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="center p0" id="table25"><i>TABLE NUMBER XXV</i></p> - -<p class="center p0"><i>Causes of Deaths of Children Under 5 Years of Age.</i></p> - -<table class="autotable"> -<tr> -<td>Burns -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -1 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Malnutrition -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -4 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Syphilis -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -4 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Tuberculosis Meningitis -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -3 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Pneumonia -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -51 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Tuberculosis -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -5</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Enteritis -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -21 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Premature -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -9 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Meningitis -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -2 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Bronchitis -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -4 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Influenza -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -2 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Asphyxia -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -4 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Hemorrhage -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -1 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Convulsions -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -6 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Diphtheria -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -2 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Rickets -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -1 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Heart Disease -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -8 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Mumps -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -1 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Poliomyelitis -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -1 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -TOTAL -</td> -<td class="tdr bt"> -130 -</td> -</tr> -</table> -</div> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_60">[Pg 60]</span></p> - -<p>That the infant mortality rate among colored people is much higher than -among the white groups, is generally believed and it is not surprising -to find that the mortality among Negro infants in Pittsburgh is much -greater than the infant mortality rate for the entire city. Figures for -the year 1916-17 were unobtainable. The records of the Department of -Health show that during the year 1915 one hundred and four children per -thousand born in Pittsburgh, died in their first year.</p> - -<p>There were three hundred and fifty-six Negro births in the first seven -months of 1917. During the same period eighty-seven Negro children died -under one year. Of this number fifty-nine had been born between January -and July 1917, which means that one hundred and sixty-six children per -thousand die in their first seven months. This clearly indicates that -the death rate of Negro infants is far above the death rate of white -infants. <a href="#table25">Table <abbr title="Number">No.</abbr> XXV</a> also shows the cause of deaths of children under -five years of age who died within the last seven months. At least half -of these deaths were due to preventable disorders, as is apparent from -the figures in the same table.</p> - - -<p class="center p0" id="table26"><i>TABLE NUMBER XXVI</i></p> - -<p class="center p0"><i>Colored Bodies Received and Disposed of in Morgue, First Six Months -During 1915 as Compared with First Six Months During 1917</i>.</p> - -<table class="autotable small"> -<tr> -<th> -</th> -<th> -1915 -</th> -<th> -1917 -</th> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Identified and Claimed -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -13 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -32 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Identified and Cremated -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -5 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -13 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Unknown and Cremated -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -1 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -2 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -</td> -<td class="tdr bt"> -19 -</td> -<td class="tdr bt"> -47 -</td> -</tr> -</table> - - -<p>The figures obtained from the Coroner’s Office also indicate an -abnormal increase in the number of colored bodies received and disposed -of by the County Morgue. There were more than twice as many morgue -cases within the first six months of 1917 as during the same period of -1915. That the majority of these bodies were claimed and not disposed -of at public expense, is doubtless due to the high wages paid this -year. High wages at least provide for burials, which are considered -of paramount importance by the Negroes, because of their primitive<span class="pagenum" id="Page_61">[Pg 61]</span> -superstition, and abhorrence of having their bodies turned over for the -purpose of dissection.</p> - -<p>The preceding analysis indicates that the conservation of the -health of the Negro in Pittsburgh is a very complex problem, and is -inter-related with his social, moral, industrial, housing and racial -situation. The Negro is affected by all the elements which render -difficult the preservation of health among whites but in a greater -degree. Many of the factors which work continuously to undermine his -health are to a large extent eliminated among whites; and on the other -hand, much of the effective work done by whites to counteract these bad -influences is entirely lacking among Negroes.</p> - -<p>“The Triad of ‘baby-killers’—poverty, ignorance and neglect”—says -<abbr title="Doctor">Dr.</abbr> Sobel, of the New York Health Department, “works havoc among Negro -children to a greater extent even than among the whites.”</p> - -<p>“The well known relationship between family income and infant -mortality exists among Negroes as among the whites. The crude death -rate is exceedingly high in all Negro districts. There are, however, -well-defined differences in their respective rates, resulting, we -think, from economic conditions. In the districts where the family -income is highest, the death rate is lowest, confirming the opinion -that if we can improve the social and economic condition of the Negro, -an appreciable reduction in their death rate will have been secured.” -(August, 1917 Bulletin of the Department of Health, New York City, -pages 87 and 88.)</p> - -<p>While we may admit the claim often advanced that even under the same -conditions disease and infant mortality among Negroes would ordinarily -be higher than that of the whites, because, due to the climatic and -environmental maladjustments, his racial power of resistance is not -as great as that of the white; the Negro is still confronted with -many forces which handicap and work against him, but which are almost -non-existent among the whites.</p> - -<p>From our discussion of employment, housing and opportunities for -advancement in Pittsburgh, the reader will realize the difficulties -and hardships which the Negro is compelled to face in this city. Only -a very few of the Negro migrants earn more than $3.60 a day for twelve -hours work. Half of the families here live in one room dwellings. -Practically all of the mothers are doing some work outside the home. -The Negroes have as yet no organization for mutual co-operation. They -live separate and apart from each other. In many cases<span class="pagenum" id="Page_62">[Pg 62]</span> for instance, -it was found in our survey, that women living next door to each -other for months would hardly know one another, although often they -would both come from the same state and even from the same city. The -Negroes are more exposed and liable to disease because their social, -industrial, educational and moral development is more handicapped than -that of the white man. The Negro is apparently as yet not free even -in the North; he is still held captive in economic bondage, and is -deterred from rising above the lowest servant class. He is, judging -from the present situation, limited to common labor at thirty cents an -hour during prosperous times.</p> - -<p>The conservation of health, is as we have seen, no longer the problem -of the individual. It is therefore time that we awaken to the -realization that sickness and a high mortality rate among Negroes is -no longer the problem of the Negro alone. Eventually all of us will -have to pay the price for our indifference, both in money and in lives. -The taxpayer ultimately pays for hospitals and morgues, as well as for -jails and prisons. Our children are not at all immune from the sources -of disease which are ravaging the colored children. This problem is our -problem; we must face it squarely, and see whether any improvement in -this situation is possible.</p> - -<p>The significance of such a study and its importance as the basis for -a practical program is clearly demonstrated by the remarkable results -brought about in New York City through a similar study. After a survey -of conditions in the Columbus Hill District, the Negro section of the -Borough of Manhattan the startling evidence of conditions prevailing -there stimulated the New York Bureau of Child Hygiene to take action. -This Bureau has succeeded in reducing the infant mortality rate among -colored people from 202 deaths per thousand children born in 1915 to -193.3 in 1916, and to 180 per thousand children born during the first -six months of 1917.</p> - -<p><abbr title="Doctor">Dr.</abbr> Jacob Sobel, Chief of the Division of Baby Welfare, writes as -follows in one of the recent monthly bulletins of the New York -Department of Health.<span class="fnanchor" id="fna9"><a href="#fn9">[9]</a></span></p> - -<p>“The stimulus to our program was given by a study of conditions in the -Columbus Hill District, and it was here that our efforts were first -concentrated. It was our knowledge of the conditions in this district -which led to an effort on the part of the Bureau of Child Hygiene to -institute a campaign against the excessive death rate among colored -infants, by studying primarily the needs of the situation, and by -securing the co-operation<span class="pagenum" id="Page_63">[Pg 63]</span> of all agencies and individuals interested -in the welfare of colored people. With this end in view, there was -first instituted a preliminary census of the babies residing in the -above district, by house to house canvas, and an effort was made to -have these babies enrolled at the Baby Health Station within said -district. Mothers’ meetings were held at schools, settlement houses, -churches, etc., at which the physicians of the Health Department gave -short talks to the parents of the neighborhood. The co-operation of -prominent colored citizens, ministers, physicians, newspaper men, etc., -of the district, was secured. Educational slides, containing pointed -references to the high mortality among colored babies, and special -reference to the high mortality in particular sections inhabited by -colored people, were prepared and displayed on the screens of the -various moving picture houses in this and other districts.</p> - -<p>“A series of articles on baby care was published in one of -the newspapers read largely by the colored race, namely, ‘The -Amsterdam News’, under the title of ‘The Baby’, and presented short -heart-to-heart talks on baby care. The Department of Health also -published a local bulletin for this district, known as ‘The Columbus -Hill Chronicle’, in which special attention was directed to conditions -among the colored population, with specific recommendations for the -improvement of their health and surroundings.</p> - -<p>“In view of the large number of working mothers among the colored -people, a temporary shelter or day nursery for colored babies was -established in this district through the co-operation of the Babies’ -Welfare Association, and funds have subsequently been provided, through -private means, for the permanent equipment and maintenance, in the -heart of this district, of a day nursery for colored children.</p> - -<p>“The ‘Little Mothers’ of this district was organized, and in this way a -large amount of education was brought into the homes.</p> - -<p>“Immediately upon the receipt of notification of births in this and -other colored districts, the Bureau of Records notified the Baby Health -Station, in order that the home might be visited, and the infant -enrolled for care and treatment.</p> - -<p>“Special attention was directed to the supervision of colored babies -boarded out in the homes, and wherever a colored baby was found, not -a relative of the occupant of the premises, information was elicited -whether this individual had a permit to board and care for a baby, as -required by the provisions of the Sanitary Code.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_64">[Pg 64]</span></p> - -<p>“Provision was made for the distribution of free milk and free ice, to -needy families of the districts, through the organized relief agencies -and ice companies.</p> - -<p>“Special attention was directed towards securing employment for the -fathers, so as to keep the mothers at home as much as possible.</p> - -<p>“To supplement the work of baby care, two nurses were assigned by the -Department of Health to the Columbus Hill and Upper Harlem Districts, -for instruction and supervision of expectant mothers. The Association -for Improving the Condition of the Poor also assigned a nurse to the -Columbus Hill District for similar instruction, so that a beginning was -made to bring the colored expectant mother under the guiding influence -of trained nurses.</p> - -<p>“The co-operation of the Tenement House Department was affected to the -extent that special attention was given to the sanitary condition of -the tenements occupied by colored people.</p> - -<p>“In a further effort to control the mortality among the colored babies, -the policy of the Bureau to assign nurses during the summer months to -those districts of the city showing a high infant mortality rate and -a high birth rate, was applied with special reference to the colored -sections, and a large force was assigned there, each nurse having under -her direct charge from 100 to 150 babies during these months, keeping -up this complement whenever, through death or removal, the number fell -below the required amount.”</p> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<p>It is inevitable with any group, suddenly transferred into a new -situation, that striking maladjustments should arise. While single -instances of suffering very often are misleading and do not give a just -view of the case, numerous and typical incidents which are by no means -exceptional or exaggerated may help to visualize the problem.</p> - -<p>A Georgia farmer who is making $3.60 a day for twelve hours of work -here brought over his wife and eight children, the oldest of whom was -thirteen years of age, to a house which he was fortunate to secure on -Second Avenue. Only a few weeks after his arrival all of the eight -children were taken sick, and two of them, one eleven and the other -six years old, died of pneumonia. Because of the contagion of some of -his children the man was unable to leave his house for eight weeks. -His physician said that the death of the children was due to the -over-crowded condition of the house. This man received no charity and -the money he had saved up was spent to the last cent on doctor bills.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_65">[Pg 65]</span></p> - -<p>Mrs. E. H. lives on Crawford Street with her three children the oldest -of whom is five years of age. She occupies a small and damp room. Since -there is no gas in the house, a red hot stove can always be found -burning in the room which is at the same time kitchen, dining room, -bedroom and washroom; for Mrs. H’s husband is in jail somewhere in -Georgia, and she does washing all day in order to support her children. -The water supply of the house is in the street, and the stairway -leading to the upper floors is in her room. All of her children were -sick; one had pneumonia. She came here a few months ago as everybody -else was coming. Relatives and charity are helping to support her.</p> - -<p><abbr title="Mister">Mr.</abbr> F. J. P. was born in Jamaica of well-to-do parents, tobacco -planters, and was educated in England as a botanist. He works now as -a common laborer in Pittsburgh for he cannot secure work in his own -field; he is planning to go back to England.</p> - -<p><abbr title="Mister">Mr.</abbr> J. D. has had his wife here for several months, but still has his -only child back in Florida as there is no room for him in his present -place.</p> - -<p><abbr title="misters">Messrs.</abbr>. E. and R. Smith, one living on Penn Avenue, and the other -on Ross Street, worked for a steel plant and construction company -respectively. E. had an eye accident and was in the hospital for four -weeks, while R. had two fingers cut off while at work. The companies -paid the hospital bills for both but neither one of them ever heard or -knew anything about compensation, and never claimed any.</p> - -<p>J. G. hails from West Virginia. He has been in town for two days and -has no room as yet. The lodging places he went to asked seventy-five -cents a night for a dirty bed. He stayed up both nights, and expects to -leave the city as soon as he can.</p> - -<p>The Case family have eight children. The oldest is a girl of seventeen -years of age who works in a hotel. The mother works every day in the -week; she leaves home at seven in the morning and returns at five -o’clock in the afternoon. A girl of fifteen takes care of the children -in the meantime.</p> - -<p><abbr title="Mister">Mr.</abbr> P. Roberts was a prosperous Negro in Florida. He was an experienced -concrete maker, earning according to his statement more than five and -six dollars a day at home, and owning property in the South. When the -industrial boom began he thought that the wages in his line were much -higher here than in his own home town, and that it would pay him to -come North. He came to Pittsburgh together with his wife, five children -and an old invalid mother who was confined to bed. When first<span class="pagenum" id="Page_66">[Pg 66]</span> visited, -<abbr title="Mister">Mr.</abbr> Roberts occupied two small rooms, each having one window, in a -rooming house where there were about twenty-five male roomers. This -man could get no work here in his own trade, and was trying to save up -enough money from his $3.00 to $3.60 a day to go back to Florida. When -Roberts was visited again about six weeks after the first visit, his -old mother had already passed away, his wife had died of pneumonia, -while his oldest girl of sixteen who had been taking care of the -four little tots was sick in bed, and the children were playing on -the streets. Roberts was still trying to save from his $3.60 a day -sufficient money to carry him back to Florida, which he still considers -his home, as he owns property there.</p> - -<p>These amazing instances of individual maladjustments are bound to -arise in any group which goes through such a sudden and abnormal -transformation. But they are even more frequent in the race which is -still primitive and child-like in many ways, with no one to direct, -guide and protect them.</p> - -<p>But the significance and danger of these wrongs are even of greater -importance for the community as a whole, than for the few individuals -affected. The fact cannot be over-emphasized that the community -ultimately pays the price for its stupidity. Indifference to this -problem at present when it still can be coped with and adjusted will -result in an uncontrollable situation later. We have seen above some -of the costly results of our housing and wage conditions. We have also -learned in this war that we can no longer afford to breed and foment -discontent and antagonism among our own people. We must not only see -that the strangers among us are adjusted, but that they also do not -become a menace to the well-being of the community.</p> - -<p>It is not sufficient that we bring these people here, give them a -“bunk-house” or a basement to sleep in, and a job in our mills for -twelve hours a day. Once these people are in our midst they become -a part of ourselves, and if we desire them to work in harmony with -our own interests and not become anti-social malcontents we must go -further than that. We must see that they become part and parcel of our -community, that they are educated and made familiar with the problems -that we are facing locally. The man who is here for several days and -stays up all night because he can find no place to sleep cannot be -expected to remain for long a social being. Pittsburgh’s progress will -be greatly handicapped if a certain element of our community has to -take advantage of the saloon<span class="pagenum" id="Page_67">[Pg 67]</span> and vice resorts for relaxation. Neither -can we afford to let a considerable part of our voting population -remain, because of lack of intelligence, the prey and spoil of -politicians who may jeopardize the whole life of the city for their own -selfish interest. We cannot permit sickness and high mortality rates -among the dark-skinned people. One of our big steel mills had to have -its whole office and plant forces vaccinated, and was even in danger -of being quarantined, when a number of Negroes working in the plant -scattered all over the city after a case of smallpox was discovered in -the rooming house where these men stopped. The Department of Health had -a big task hunting these men, and the danger to which the whole city -population was exposed was obvious. No more can we afford to let the -Negroes become the victims of all sorts of anti-social elements and -feel complacent after we send them for a period of time to the jail or -workhouse. They are a heavy burden upon the taxpayer while they are in -these Institutions and often become even a greater menace when they -are released. Our utmost attention is therefore essential to meet the -maladjustments before they have become acute; and we do not base this -claim upon sentimental grounds but upon the benefits of economic and -social far-sightedness.</p> - -<p>Many Negroes in the North seem to understand the situation, and are -striving to do their best to help adjust conditions. Some of the Negro -churches in this city for instance tried to ameliorate the housing -conditions by converting their churches into lodging places for the -newcomers until rooms could be found for them. Besides the Provident -Rescue Mission on Fullerton Street, which accommodated thirty to forty -men at a time during the entire winter, at least one other church -converted the entire building into quarters for migrant families. The -latter church accommodated a number of families until the committee in -charge could secure homes for the newcomers. But the responsibility of -the white people is just as great, and it is indeed in very opportune -time that a prophetic warning is sounded by a colored writer in a -Cleveland paper as follows:</p> - -<p>“Let them alone—permit them to grope blindly through the mazes of -startling new environments, and in a few years a social problem will -be created that will require a half century and millions of dollars to -solve.”</p> - -<p>“Let them alone now, permit and enforce them to live in unsanitary -districts and homes, relieved of Christian and moral influence, and -what is perhaps a 20,000 responsibility today, will become a 50,000 -heavy, crime-breeding burden tomorrow.”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_68">[Pg 68]</span></p> - -<p>“Let them alone today, permit them to become the flotsam and jetsam -of neglect, or pernicious discrimination—such as they were in the -South—and tomorrow, having inhaled a bit of Northern freedom, they may -become a dark, sinister shadow falling athwart the white man’s door.”</p> - -<p>“Let them alone today, permit them to be retired to over-crowded shacks -and shanties where sanitation is an unuttered word, and tomorrow, -contagions, arising from these congested, unsanitary shanties and -shacks, will fly, like the black bat of night, over our fair city, and -in its wake will stalk the gaunt form of Death, claiming thousands of -our best white and Colored citizens as a debt paid for inaction.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" id="fn9"><a href="#fna9">[9]</a> August, 1917 Bulletin of the Department of Health, New York City.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h3 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_IV"><big>CHAPTER IV.</big><br /> -<i>Some Constructive Suggestions Looking Toward the Solution of a Race<br /> -Problem Through Race Co-Operation.</i></h3> -</div> - - -<p>It would indeed be presumptuous on our part to attempt in this little -study to solve the race problem. Our purpose was to present the facts -as they actually exist and let the reader draw his own conclusions. -However, a few suggestions looking to a constructive policy of meeting -the need caused by the Negro migration in Pittsburgh may not be amiss.</p> - -<p>The main problem of the Negro migrant in Pittsburgh, as the reader has -already realized, is his social and industrial maladjustment, his lack -of organization, and absence of intelligent guidance. The National -League on Urban Conditions among Negroes is attempting to meet this -need by acting as adjusting agency, guide, educator and organizer. This -League is composed of white and colored men, whose aim is to secure -co-operation among the races and to act as a social medium between -the two peoples. Within the last year this League has established -eighteen different branches in various cities. Each of these branches -is headed by a trained Negro Social worker, who tries to get in touch -with the migrants as soon as they arrive in the town, and through the -co-operation of local social agencies and business officials, endeavors -to put each man into the right place. The League acts as a socializing -factor among the colored people with the aim of securing closer -co-operation between the two races. The success of these branches is -evidenced by the fact that in some cities the League’s staff had to -be increased three and four times the original number within the last -year, and in some<span class="pagenum" id="Page_69">[Pg 69]</span> instances these branches were established at the -invitation of Chambers of Commerce.</p> - -<p>A representative of the League who has spent some time in studying -the situation in Pittsburgh thinks that it is comparatively easy for -the League’s Secretary here to get in touch with the newcomers as -soon as they arrive, and to endeavor to eliminate a great deal of the -industrial maladjustment which is due to the ignorance of the newcomer. -This can be done, he claims, through the co-operation of the more than -forty colored newspapers in the South, through the various branches of -the League, and through definite arrangements at the Railroad stations. -By keeping in touch with the employers and industrial concerns, the -local Secretary could also succeed in reducing the number of men who -are misplaced and misfits in their present jobs.</p> - -<p>Some suggestions as to the work the League could do in Pittsburgh, are -thus outlined by the representative of the League.</p> - -<p>“Besides the advertising in the newspapers, and the co-operation of -the League’s branches some Traveler’s Aid work may be done as a result -of the heavy Negro migration to Pittsburgh. Definite service might be -arranged at the railroad stations for directing newcomers to reliable -lodging houses, so as to protect them from unfavorable surroundings. -Likewise aid from the police department can be sought to eliminate a -large number of crooks and gamblers who thrive off the earnings of -newly arrived migrants in the congested sections.</p> - -<p>“The industrial work is an essential part of our program, including -general employment, opening new opportunities and vocational guidance. -An important part of this work will be with the industrial plants -employing large numbers of Negro migrants. The Secretary will make -an especial effort to reduce the large Negro labor turnover in the -various industrial plants by noon-day and Sunday talks, by distributing -literature among the men and by assisting corporations in getting the -most reliable type of Negro labor and then seeing to it that this -labor is properly treated and given opportunities for advancement. -Vagrancy must not be tolerated in Pittsburgh especially when work is so -plentiful.</p> - -<p>“The Housing work will be broad and cover both an effort to obtain more -sanitary houses for Negroes to live in, as well as less congested, -unhealthy and hence less immoral living conditions in certain parts of -the city. The difficulties might be partially overcome by encouraging -the organization<span class="pagenum" id="Page_70">[Pg 70]</span> of a Building and Loan Association and by interesting -real estate dealers, builders and owners who handle or own property in -desirable districts to improve the same for Negro tenants; by urging -individual home ownership, and, with more chance of success in the -Pittsburgh district, by convincing industries of the basic necessity -for building family homes.</p> - -<p>“Health and sanitation are of vital interest to Negroes and to -Pittsburghers. One of the first efforts will be a campaign to reduce -the high illness and death rates among the Negroes. In co-operation -with the Bureau of Sanitation, physicians and Negro Institutions -and Organizations, an educational campaign can be waged giving wide -publicity to the facts obtained and suggesting remedies concerning,</p> - -<p>a. The danger and use of patent medicines; b. Carelessness in dress; c. -Improper ventilation; d. Care of infants, etc. Following this campaign -a general effort may be made to clean up Negro neighborhoods, to obtain -better and cleaner streets and sidewalks, better sanitary inspection, -police service and if possible, a free bath house for the lower Hill -district.”</p> - -<p>“The question of amusement and recreation is likewise important, as -they have a direct bearing on good citizenship. Definite co-operation -can be established with such existing organizations as the Y. M. C. -A., Washington Park Playground, Settlements, and the churches which -have the facilities for such work. Boy and girl clubs can be organized -under capable leaders. A supervised community dance can do much toward -helping the newcomer to better adjust themselves socially.”</p> - -<p>“Delinquency, especially juvenile crime, should be handled in -connection with the courts, probation officers and schools; the League -furnishing through its office Big Brothers and Sisters with the idea -of organizing this work on a larger scale later on. The penal and -reformatory institution serving the Community should be reached to help -discharged and paroled prisoners to obtain a new start and be reclaimed -for their own good and that of society.”</p> - -<p>“A very close relationship must exist between our charity and the -organized charities, because our association does not provide for -relief. An effort will be made to develop co-operation among welfare -organizations already existing in the community, to prevent expensive -duplication of work and to assure good feeling and harmony among -workers.”</p> - -<p>“The details of this work may be reviewed from time to time by an -executive committee, which should consist of from ten to fifteen -persons chosen from the membership of the association.”</p> -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_71">[Pg 71]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="APPENDIX">APPENDIX</h2> -</div> - -<p class="center p0" id="table27"><i>TABLE NUMBER XXVII</i></p> - -<p class="center p0"><i>Increase in Number of Colored Children in the Schools of the Hill -District from January to October 1917, and Number of Children from -Southern States Since January, 1917.</i></p> - -<table class="autotable small"> -<tr> -<th> -NAME OF SCHOOL -</th> -<th colspan="2"> -Total Number of<br /> -Colored Children<br /> -Jan. Oct. -</th> -<th> -Children who <br /> -Came from<br /> -Southern States -</th> -<th> -% of Increase<br /> -within the last<br /> -10 Months -</th> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Franklin -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -69 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -99 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -37 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -44</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Miller -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -36 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -57 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -17 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -58</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Madison -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -20 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -28 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -3 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -40</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Moorhead -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -178 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -222 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -55 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -25</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Minersville -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -181 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -271 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -97 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -50</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Letsche -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -91 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -160 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -55 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -76</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -McKelvy -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -88 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -120 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -33 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -36</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Somers -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -201 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -289 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -45 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -39 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Watt -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -422 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -529 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -62 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -26 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -Rose -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -129 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -198 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -62 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -53 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -</td> -<td class="tdr bt"> -1415 -</td> -<td class="tdr bt"> -1973 -</td> -<td class="tdr bt"> -466 -</td> -<td> -</td> -</tr> -</table> -<p class="center"> -Total Average Increase 40%<br /> -</p> - -<p><a href="#table27">Table number XXVII</a> was compiled from the figures supplied by the -principals of the ten schools listed. These schools are located in -the Hill District. The figures indicate the increase in the one section -only, and do not include all the children who have been brought from -the South, but whose parents reside in other sections of the city. The -marked increase in the total number of colored children and the great -increase in the number of children who have come to this city within -the last ten months is significant.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_72">[Pg 72]</span></p> - -<p>As one would expect the majority of these children are in the lower -four grades. This was the case even before the migration but is -especially true since the migration. Many of the children from the -South either had no schooling at all, or were attending schools with -lower standards than ours.</p> - -<p>The problem of over-aged pupils is very significant among the Negro -children. A principal in one of these schools who has recently made a -little study of over-aged pupils in these eleven schools finds that the -percentage of Negro children eleven years and over in the lower four -grades, is far greater than that of the whites (sixteen percent Negro -as compared with four and seven tenths percent whites). This, the same -principal remarks, is in spite of the fact that the tendency of the -schools is often to promote children upon the basis of their size and -age, rather than because of academic attainment. What is more the white -children in most of these schools come from homes where the parents -are not Americans, but foreigners who often do not speak the English -language.</p> - -<p>The causes for the backwardness of the Negro children are deep-lying, -and are interlinked with their racial traits, social, economic and home -environments. Practically all school principals stated that in the -first four years the Negro child keeps well up with its white school -mates, but that after the fourth grade, the Negro child often falls -behind and cannot keep up with the whites.</p> - -<p>It was apparent from our interviews with these principals that most -of these men and women are quite alert and eager to find some means -of remedying this difficult situation. Many of them have endeavored -for a long time to cope with this problem, and a few think they have -found ways to render more rapid progress of these children possible. -But in the formal character of the school curriculum they have -little freedom to develop their own schemes. These principals have -practically all agreed that a system of motor-education which would -emphasize the practical and industrial side rather than the purely -academic, would not only benefit a large number of white children, but -would prove absolutely invaluable for the colored children who, they -believe, are more motor-minded than the whites. It would certainly, -they think, solve the over-age problem to a large extent, and would -make the children better prepared to avail themselves of the economic -opportunities offered by our urban industrialism.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_73">[Pg 73]</span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="center p0" id="table28"><i>TABLE NUMBER XXVIII</i></p> - -<p class="center p0"><i>Detailed Budget Study of Fifteen Families Including the Income and -Expenditures for Seven Consecutive Days During the Month of September, -1917.</i></p> - -<table class="autotable small"> -<tr> -<th> -<abbr title="Number">No.</abbr> in Family -</th> -<th> -Family Income -</th> -<th> -Food -</th> -<th> -Clothing and Household<br /> -ex. and carfare -</th> -<th> -Rents Per Week -</th> -<th> -Church -</th> -<th> -Medicine -</th> -<th> -Luxuries -</th> -<th> -Insurance -</th> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr"> -4 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -$25.25 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -$4.67 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -$2.85 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -$3.25 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -.... -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -$0.86 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -$0.20 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -....</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr"> -3 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -15.00 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -7.91 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -1.20 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -2.40 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -.... -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -.50 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -.05 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -....</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr"> -4 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -18.00 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -10.98 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -8.66 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -2.50 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -.... -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -.40 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -.... -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -$0.45</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr"> -3 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -28.50 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -6.38 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -9.29 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -2.50 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -$1.10 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -2.45 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -.30 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -....</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr"> -2 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -17.00 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -3.77 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -19.60 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -2.10 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -.... -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -.... -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -.... -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -....</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr"> -3 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -18.00 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -10.25 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -4.05 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -2.00 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -.... -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -.... -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -.33 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -.72</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr"> -3 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -21.00 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -7.35 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -.30 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -3.50 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -.... -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -.... -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -2.10 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -....</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr"> -2 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -18.00 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -4.07 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -8.02 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -3.75 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -.... -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -.25 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -.20 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -....</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr"> -5 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -23.10 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -12.78 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -6.24 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -2.75 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -.... -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -.... -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -1.60 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -1.50</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr"> -3 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -18.50 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -4.12 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -26.65 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -2.00 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -.... -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -.... -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -.... -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -....</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr"> -2 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -15.00 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -8.43 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -1.24 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -4.25 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -.... -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -.... -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -.05 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -....</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr"> -2 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -16.50 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -9.51 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -.... -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -3.00 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -.... -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -.... -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -.20 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -.80</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr"> -3 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -18.00 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -6.10 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -1.07 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -4.00 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -.... -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -1.00 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -.... -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -....</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr"> -5 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -17.00 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -13.17 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -3.00 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -3.00 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -.... -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -.05 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -1.75 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -.25 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr"> -5 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -14.00 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -7.87 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -2.48 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -6.00 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -.60 -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -.... -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -.... -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -.65</td> -</tr> -</table> -</div> - -<p><a href="#table28">Table number XXVIII</a> is a study of the budgets of fifteen migrant -families for seven consecutive days. The income includes the earnings -of both husband and wife. The figures on the expenditures are -approximately correct, although it was possible that in some families -there were no big food expenditures the first day, and in other -families food might have been left over after the seventh day.</p> - -<p>The wide variation in the expenditures of these families on all the -necessary articles is significant, and is probably indicative and -typical of the maladjusted life and the diversity of the living -conditions of the migrants. The wide variety of food expenditures is -due primarily to the inordinate expenditures for meat, which in one or -two instances reached over eight dollars per week. This is typical of -the lack of balance of the diet.</p> - -<p>The few cases of disproportionate expenditures on household goods were -made by migrants who had bought some furniture for their new quarters. -It is interesting to note, however, that these families were compelled -to skimp<span class="pagenum" id="Page_74">[Pg 74]</span> on their food, as their food bills are the lowest. Under -luxuries we included all expenditures on tobacco, liquor, candy and the -like. The few cases of considerable expenditures in this column are -due largely to the liquor bills. The little use of these articles in -most families is apparent from the table. The table as a whole, also, -indicates the high cost of the living necessities of these migrants in -Pittsburgh and their comparatively low wages.</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="center p0" id="table29"><i>TABLE NUMBER XXIX</i></p> - -<p class="center p0"><i>Negro Families Under Care of the Associated Charities with Causes of -Dependency During the Year Ending September 30, 1917.</i></p> - -<table class="autotable" id="table_xxix"> -<tr> -<td>1. -</td> -<td> -</td> -<td>Unemployed -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -30 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2">3. -</td> -<td>Child Labor -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -1 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2">4. -</td> -<td> -Work shyness -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -13 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2">5. -</td> -<td>Disability through industrial accident -</td> -<td class="tdr">2 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2">6. -</td> -<td>Tuberculosis -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -3 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2">7. -</td> -<td>Other sickness -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -34 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2">8. -</td> -<td>Blindness or sight seriously impaired -</td> -<td class="tdr">4 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2">9. -</td> -<td>Other physical handicap -</td> -<td class="tdr">1 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2">10. -</td> -<td>Feeble mindedness -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -2 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2">11. -</td> -<td>Epilepsy -</td> -<td class="tdr"> 1 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2">12. -</td> -<td>Insanity -</td> -<td class="tdr">1 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2">13. -</td> -<td>Other mental disease -</td> -<td class="tdr">5 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2">14. -</td> -<td>Old Age -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -10 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2">15. -</td> -<td>Death or burial -</td> -<td class="tdr">9 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2">16. -</td> -<td>Alcoholic intemperance -</td> -<td class="tdr">17 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2">17. -</td> -<td>Sexual irregularity -</td> -<td class="tdr">18 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2">18. -</td> -<td>Desertion or non-support -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -36 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2">19. -</td> -<td>Imprisonment -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -6 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2">20. -</td> -<td>Juvenile delinquency -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -11 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2">21. -</td> -<td>Abuse or neglect of children -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -32 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2">22. -</td> -<td>Debt -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -7 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2">23. -</td> -<td>Pauperized by unwise charity -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -2 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2">24. -</td> -<td>Hereditary pauperism -</td> -<td class="tdr">1 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2">25. -</td> -<td>Begging tendency -</td> -<td class="tdr"> 8 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2">26. -</td> -<td>Illegitimacy -</td> -<td class="tdr"> 7 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2">27. -</td> -<td>Domestic incompetency -</td> -<td class="tdr">10 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2">28. -</td> -<td>Illiteracy -</td> -<td class="tdr">3 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2">29. -</td> -<td>Domestic infelicity -</td> -<td class="tdr"> 1 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2">30. -</td> -<td>Bad housing -</td> -<td class="tdr"> 25 -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2"> -31. -</td> -<td> -Non-adjusted immigrant -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -3</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> -</td> -<td colspan="2"> -Total</td> -<td class="tdr bt"> -303</td> -</tr> -</table> -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_75">[Pg 75]</span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="center p0"><i>Schedule Used in Interviewing the Negro Migrants.</i></p> - -<table class="autotable small"> -<tr class="bt"> -<td> -I (1) NAME -</td> -<td> -(2) Present Address -</td> -<td>(3) Since -</td> -<td><abbr title="Number">No.</abbr> -</td> -</tr> -<tr class="bt"> -<td> -(4) Age -</td> -<td> -(5) S. M. W. -</td> -<td> -(6) Health -</td> -<td> -</td> -</tr> -<tr class="bt"> -<td>(7) Occupation -</td> -<td>(8) Employer -</td> -<td>(9) Hours Daily -</td> -<td>(10) Weekly Wage</td> -</tr> -<tr class="bt"> -<td> -(11) Kind of House -</td> -<td>(12) Rooms in House -</td> -<td>(13) Water Supply -</td> -<td>(14) Toilet -</td> -</tr> -<tr class="bt"> -<td> -(15) <abbr title="Number">No.</abbr> in House -</td> -<td> -(16) <abbr title="Number">No.</abbr> in Bedroom -</td> -<td> -(17) <abbr title="Number">No.</abbr> Beds -</td> -<td> -(18) <abbr title="Number">No.</abbr> Windows in Room -</td> -</tr> -<tr class="bt"> -<td colspan="2"> -(19) How Does He -</td> -<td colspan="2">(20) Leisure Time -</td> -</tr> -<tr class="bt"> -<td colspan="2"> -Spend Money -</td> -<td colspan="2"> -(a) Church</td> -</tr> -<tr class="bt"> -<td colspan="2">Weekly? -</td> -<td> -(b) Saloon</td></tr> -<tr class="bt"> -<td colspan="2">(a) Room -</td> -<td colspan="2">(c)</td></tr> -<tr class="bt"> -<td colspan="4"> -(b) Board</td></tr> -<tr class="bt"> -<td colspan="2">(c) or Family -</td> -<td colspan="2"> -(21) Court Record -</td> -</tr> -<tr class="btt"> -<td colspan="2"> -II (a) Former Address -</td> -<td>(c) Last Employer -</td> -<td> -(d) Hours Daily -</td> -</tr> -<tr class="bt"> -<td colspan="3"> -(b) Former Occupations -</td> -<td> -(e) Weekly Wage -</td> -</tr> -<tr class="bt"> -<td> -(f) Family<br /> -(age) -</td> -<td><br /> -(g) Kind of Work -</td> -<td> -(h) Weekly <br /> -Wage -</td> -</tr> -<tr class="bt"> -<td colspan="3"> -W. 2 -</td> -<td> -(i) Why Left Home? -</td> -</tr> -<tr class="bt"> -<td colspan="3"> -Ch. 3 -</td> -<td> -(j) Who Paid Carfare Here? -</td> -</tr> -<tr class="bt"> -<td colspan="3"> -Ch. 4 -</td> -<td> -(k) Will Family Come Here? -</td> -</tr> -<tr class="bt"> -<td colspan="3"> -Ch. 5 -</td> -<td> -(l) When? -</td> -</tr> -<tr class="bt"> -<td colspan="3"> -Ch. 6 -</td> -<td> -(m) Live Where -</td> -</tr> -<tr class="bt"> -<td colspan="3"> -Ch. 7 -</td> -<td> -(n) When Will He Go Back -</td> -</tr> -<tr class="bt"> -<td colspan="3"> -Ch. 8 -</td> -<td> -(o) Why? -</td> -</tr> -<tr class="bt"> -<td colspan="4"> -Ch. 9 -</td> -</tr> -<tr class="bt"> -<td> -</td> -<td colspan="3"> -Total Income -</td> -</tr> -<tr class="bt bb"> -<td colspan="3"> -SIGNATURE -</td> -<td class="tdr"> -DATE -</td> -</tr> -</table> -</div> -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_77">[Pg 77]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="ERRATA">ERRATA</h2> -</div> - - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_7">7</a>—Line 1—for Districts read District.</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_29">29</a>—Line 9—for contained read continued.</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_57">57</a>—Line 5—for anti-migration read ante-migration.</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_60">60</a>—<a href="#table26">Table XXVI</a>—third column headed “Total” should not appear.</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_71">71</a>—Instead of eleven schools, read ten.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker" /> - -<div class="chapter transnote"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="Transcribers_Notes">Transcriber’s Notes</h2> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_5">5</a>: “no definite stateture of their life here” changed to “no -definite statement of their life here”</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_17">17</a>: “hardly highe than six or seven feet” changed to “hardly -higher than six or seven feet”</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_27">27</a>: “to remark that this occured” changed to “to remark that this -occurred”</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_49">49</a>: “again demonsrating the petty character” changed to “again -demonstrating the petty character”</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_51">51</a>: “he had to contend himself” changed to “he had to content -himself”</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_52">52</a>: “Charges in the Juevnile Court” changed to “Charges in the -Juvenile Court”</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_54">54</a>: “the most optomistic of us” changed to “the most optimistic -of us” “After the proceeding analysis” changed to “After the preceding -analysis”</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_56">56</a> and <a href="#Page_59">59</a>: In the table, “Poleomelitis” and “Poliomelitis” changed -to “Poliomyelitis”</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_61">61</a>: “his racial power of resistence” changed to “his racial power -of resistance” “The proceeding analysis” changed to “The preceding analysis”</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_66">66</a>: “in an uncontrolable situation” changed to “in an -uncontrollable situation”</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_68">68</a>: “to become the flotsman” changed to “to become the flotsam” -“It would indeed be presumptious on our part” changed to “It would -indeed be presumptuous on our part”</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_72">72</a>: “would make the chidren” changed to “would make the children”</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_74">74</a>: In the table, “Disalibity through industrial accident” changed -to “Disability through industrial accident”</p> - -<p> The numbering in <a href="#table_xxix">Table XXIX</a> skips 2. This reflects the original.</p> - -<p> There is no Table XIV in the original. Numbering has not been changed.</p> - -<p>In a few cases, obvious errors in punctuation have been corrected.</p> - -<p>In a few cases, inconsistent hyphenization has been standardized.</p> - -<p> The mistakes mentioned in the Errata have been corrected.</p> -</div> -<div style='display:block; margin-top:4em'>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE NEGRO MIGRANT IN PITTSBURGH ***</div> -<div style='text-align:left'> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will -be renamed. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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