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Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..9971807 --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #65753 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/65753) diff --git a/old/65753-0.txt b/old/65753-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index c6a479a..0000000 --- a/old/65753-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,865 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook of Earl Russell and the Slave Power, by Various - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this eBook. - -Title: Earl Russell and the Slave Power - -Author: Various - -Release Date: July 3, 2021 [eBook #65753] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -Produced by: hekula03, Martin Pettit and the Online Distributed - Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was - produced from images generously made available by the Library - of Congress) - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK EARL RUSSELL AND THE SLAVE -POWER *** - -EARL RUSSELL - -AND - -THE SLAVE POWER. - -[ISSUED BY THE EXECUTIVE OF THE UNION AND EMANCIPATION SOCIETY, -MANCHESTER.] - - -MANCHESTER: THE UNION AND EMANCIPATION SOCIETY, 51, PICCADILLY. 1863. - - - - -President. - -THOMAS BAYLEY POTTER, Esq. - - -Vice-Presidents. - -The Mayor of Manchester. -Thomas Bazley, Esq., M.P. -E. A. Leathem, Esq., M.P. -P. A. Taylor, Esq., M.P. -James Kershaw, Esq., M.P. -W. Coningham, Esq., M.P. -Charles Sturge, Esq., Mayor of Birmingham. -G. L. Ashworth, Esq., Mayor of Rochdale. -Lieut.-General T. Perronet Thompson. - -Professor J. E. Cairnes, A.M., Dublin. -Professor Jno. Nichol, Glasgow. -Professor Goldwin Smith, Oxford. -Professor F. W. Newman, London. -Professor Beesly, London. -Hon. and Rev. Baptist W. Noel, London. -Rev. Thos. Guthrie, D.D., Edinburgh. -Rev. Newman Hall, L.L.B., London. -Rev. James W. Massie, D.D., L.L.D., London. -John Stuart Mill, Esq., London. -Thomas Hughes, Esq., Barrister-at-law. -F. G. Haviland, Esq., Cambridge. -W. E. Adams, Esq., London. -George Wilson, Esq., Manchester. -Dr. John Watts, Manchester. -Mr. Edward Hooson, Manchester. -Alderman Robert Kell, Bradford. -Alderman Henry Brown, Bradford. -Alderman William Harvey, J.P., Salford. -Alderman Thomas Livsey, Rochdale. -Councillor Murray, Manchester. -Councillor T. Warburton, Manchester. -Councillor Geo. Booth, Manchester. -Councillor Clegg, Manchester. -Councillor Williams, Salford. -Councillor Butterworth, Manchester. -Councillor Ogden, Manchester. -Councillor Ryder, Manchester. -Max Kyllman, Esq., Manchester. -S. P. Robinson, Esq., Manchester. -H. M. Steinthal, Esq., Manchester. -Francis Taylor, Esq., Manchester. -Thomas Thomasson, Esq., Bolton. -Joseph Leese, Esq., Bowdon. -R. Gladstone, Esq., Liverpool. -John Patterson, Esq., Liverpool. -J. R. Jeffery, Esq., Liverpool. -C. E. Rawlins, jun. Esq., Liverpool. -Charles Robertson, Esq., Liverpool. -Robert Trimble, Esq., Liverpool. -Charles Wilson, Esq., Liverpool. -Wm. Shaen, Esq. London. -Duncan M’Laren, Esq., Edinburgh. -Handel Cossham, Esq., Bristol. -S. C. Kell, Esq., Bradford. -Richard C. Rawlins, Esq., Ruabon. -J. S. Barratt, Esq., Southport. -Thomas C. Ryley, Esq., Wigan. -R. S. Ashton, Esq., Darwen. -Eccles Shorrock, Esq., Darwen. -John Crosfield, Esq., Warrington. -Jacob Bright, Esq., Rochdale. -John Petrie, Esq., Rochdale. -Oliver Ormerod, Esq., Rochdale. -J. C. Dyer, Esq., Burnage. -George Crosfield, Esq., Lymm. -F. Pennington, Esq., Alderley. -J. B. Foster, Esq., Manchester. -Jas. Galloway, Esq., Manchester. -Charles Cheetham, Esq., Heywood. -J. Cowan, jun., Esq., Newcastle-on-Tyne. -Rev. Samuel Davidson, L.L.D., London. -Rev. Francis Bishop, Chesterfield. -Rev. J. Parker, D.D., Manchester. -Rev. J. Robberds, B.A., Liverpool. -Rev. M. Miller, Darlington. -Rev. T. G. Lee, Salford. -S. Pope, Esq., Barrister-at-law. -E. Jones, Esq., Barrister-at-law. - - -Treasurer. - -SAMUEL WATTS, Jun., Esq., Manchester. - - -Bankers. - -MANCHESTER AND SALFORD BANK. - - -Authorized Agent of the Society. - -Mr. PETER SINCLAIR. - -JOHN C. EDWARDS, } -EDWARD OWEN GREENING,} Hon. Secs. - - _Offices, 51, Piccadilly, Manchester._ - - - - -EARL RUSSELL AND THE SLAVE POWER. - - -On the 20th December, 1860, South Carolina signed her address to the -other Slave States, declaring her own secession from the Union on the -ground that slavery must inevitably be overthrown if Abraham Lincoln’s -party remained in power. After arguing on the certainty of that result, -if the South submitted to him, she invites all the Slave States to -join her in forming “a great Slave-holding Confederacy, larger than -all Europe.” The result was, within twenty-two days, the seizure of -thirteen fortresses, with great navy-yards and arsenals. To this they -were emboldened by the fact that the garrisons had been purposely -withdrawn by the treason of President Buchanan’s ministers, while -the Northern forts and arsenals had been emptied of their arms and -ammunition, expressly in order to afford a prize to the South. All the -State authorities who ordered the attack, were under oath of allegiance -to the Union. - -Unless one could suppose the English ambassador at Washington guilty of -unparalleled negligence, or to have no duties, he must have informed -Earl Russell of these facts, which were notorious to us by the common -newspapers. - -No great power can afford to patronize official treasons in -foreign governments. If the English government has no interest in -republicanism, if it has become indifferent to freedom and slavery, it -has interest in fidelity to official oaths. Earl Russell had a _right_, -by International Law, without offending its minutest punctilio, to -offer to Mr. Lincoln, on the day of his assuming the Presidential -chair, any fifty ships of the British navy which he chose to pick, -with all their accoutrements and stores, and any amount of Armstrong -guns and Enfield rifles which he desired, to be paid for within twelve -months, and delivered to the President in whatever parts he directed. -It is more than possible, that this offer would have subdued the -rebellion and have saved the bloodshed, before war became a reality. If -not, it would at least have hindered the revolt of Virginia and seizure -of Norfolk Harbour. It would have given to the North six valuable -months, which they lost in making arms. It would have won for us for -another century the warm attachment of the Free North, which for all -defensive purposes we should have virtually annexed to the English -empire. The immense discouragement to the South would have reinforced -the Unionists of the Slave-States. The whole mountain population from -Western Virginia to East Tennessee, and thence westward towards the -Mississippi, might have resisted Jefferson Davis long enough for the -North and the loyal Kentuckians to march into Eastern Tennessee before -the summer of 1861. In that case the war could not have outlasted the -year, nor would England have ever been gravely distressed for cotton. - -But considering, on the one hand, the peculiar and unparalleled -interest in a foreign market, which England has had in American -cotton; on the other, the inhuman end avowed and the treasonable means -employed, by the slave oligarchy in their revolt; no foreign power -_could_ or _would_ have blamed England, if we had gone further into the -war on the side of the North. - -After we had received the great official speech of March 21st, 1861, -made by the Confederate Vice-President, Mr. Stephens, in which he avows -slavery to be the end of the new Confederacy, the sacred cornerstone of -the new edifice; let us suppose that (with the consent of Parliament) -the English government had made direct alliance with the government at -Washington, to enter the war as secondary, on the following terms:--“If -you cannot terminate it in three months, we will aid you with 50,000 -infantry, and with a fleet of 80 ships; provided only, that you engage -to abolish slavery for ever in all the rebel territories.” If anything -can be certain in such calculations, it is certain that, unless the -fact of this alliance forced Jefferson Davis to flee for his life, (and -then there would have been no war,) the war would have been finished -before Michaelmas, 1861, with freedom to the slaves, and very small -bloodshed. For, no Liverpool merchants would have armed the South, no -capitalist would have advanced 100 dollars to it; and without arms from -England, it would long ago have been subdued. - -As to the international question; Lords Russell and Palmerston,--who, -(to the disgust of France,) took leave in 1840 to expel Ismael Pasha -from Syria at the invitation of the Sultan,--could have no difficulty -on this head. (Russell was in 1840 the Premier, and Palmerston Foreign -Secretary.) Nor did these same ministers even remonstrate, when the -Emperor Nicolas lent 200,000 men to Austria in 1849, in order to -crush the freedom of Hungary, after Hungary had won her victory over -Austria. Lord Palmerston then volunteered to say in Parliament, that -Hungary was a _nation_ fighting for its rights. Those were actually -_treaty_-rights. Hungary had a national history as old as England. -It was a cause of freedom, of free religion, and of hereditary law. -The mass of the nobility and the church were as warm in the cause as -the meanest gipsy, peasant, and Jew. England had actually mediated in -1710 the peace between Hungary and Austria, as between independent -belligerents; which peace Austria broke in 1848 by treachery and -massacre. Yet Lord John Russell _refused_ to pronounce Hungary -“belligerent,” and thereby hindered the Sultan from acknowledging -her as such; which stopped Hungary from getting arms, and caused her -overthrow. When he went so far in 1848 in the interest of Austria, who -had called in Russian aid against the Hungarian nation, insurgent in a -just cause; the same Russell cannot have imagined any _international_ -objection to England aiding the Government of Washington against a -strictly traitorous conspiracy, organized in the worst of causes, -inhuman and detestable. - -Nevertheless, (what pre-eminently condemns English policy,) the idea -of England aiding the North in this war was never even mooted as among -things possible or imaginable. Contingent English interference was -among all public men, assumed to mean, interference _on the side of the -South_! The certainty, that we must at last help them, was urged among -the Southern conspirators as a grand argument for secession; and if the -English ministry had intended to lure them on, to the utmost possible -bloodshed of North and South, it could not have conducted itself more -skilfully. - -The English campaign opened, by Earl Russell proclaiming the South -“belligerent” when she had not a ship on the seas, and excluding the -war-ships of the North from our harbours: at the same time the London -press gave tongue with very few exceptions in favour of DISUNION as the -great desideratum of America, and its inevitable destiny. The two daily -papers which peculiarly have been regarded as under Lord Palmerston’s -inspiration, (the Morning Post and the Times,) were not only no -exception, but might seem to have been conducted by Southern agents; -whose cue it was, to vilify the North by slander and disparagement -cunningly tempered to English prejudices and English credulity. The -tone then assumed has changed little to this day; and at a very early -time gave immense encouragement to the South, with proportionate -exasperation to the North, whose enemies and dangers it multiplied. - -About the same time, Mr. Massey, a nominee of the Government, spoke -at Salford a speech intensely hostile to the North, utterly ignoring -the treason of the South and its execrable objects, and aiming to stir -up the working men to desire hostilities against the North. It is -not possible to blame Earl Russell primarily, but we must blame the -Cabinet collectively and him as the second personage in it, for this -speech. For inevitably the public, both here and across the Atlantic, -understood it to be a ministerial effort to excite a war spirit against -the North; and though it utterly failed with the working men, it must -be counted among the causes which have made the ministerial press so -pertinaciously hostile to the cause of freedom. - -In 1856 at the Congress of Paris the allies who were making peace -proposed in the cause of humanity to forbid Privateering. The powers -there present renounced it in their own name, and undertook to -endeavour to obtain a renunciation of it from all other maritime -powers. They were successful with the smaller states; but not so with -the great American Union. Mr. Marcy, in the name of the President, said -that as they had a vast mercantile navy and no great war fleet, they -could not renounce the right of defending their merchants by private -war vessels, unless England would join in assuring safety to merchant -vessels on the high seas in spite of war; in that case, but only in -that case could he adopt the clause of the Congress. Earl Russell, who -was already in his present post, accepted this reply as a refusal. -But no sooner was Mr. Lincoln in power, than Mr. Seward sent to Earl -Russell an unconditional acceptance of this clause for the extinction -of privateering; not that Mr. Seward agreed with the English Government -in thinking privateering inhuman, but because it would expose the -unarmed Northern merchantmen to the attack of stray ships, while the -South was unable to build a fleet that should meet the Northern ships -of war. To the exceeding surprise of the American Ambassador, Earl -Russell replied that the right of privateering must be reserved for -the South, but Mr. Lincoln was free to renounce it for the North. He -assigned as his final and decisive reason, that, as he had _already_ -declared the South “belligerent,” he could not help reserving its right -of privateering. He builds wrong upon wrong. What had been an inhuman -practice, while it was believed to be the strength of the Union, is -suddenly patronized as a right of rebels, (who are not yet recognised -as a nation,) as soon as it becomes a cruel danger to the innocent -merchants of the Union, with whom we are in beneficial commerce! Will -this lessen the opinion of the South, that we are a set of hypocritical -Pharisees? - -In consequence, when an English built privateer, which has been sold -to Jefferson Davis for Southern paper, takes refuge from a Northern -war ship in any harbour, in any part of the world, belonging to -England,--the Northerner is warned off by our authorities. On one -occasion, Lord Palmerston sent two ships of war expressly to watch -the Federal vessel Tuscarora off Southampton; and see to it, that -when the privateer Nashville escaped, the Tuscarora did not pursue -without giving her twelve hours’ start. What more could we do, if we -held it a right of these privateers to plunder and burn at sea (as -they do, against all international precedent) the merchantmen of the -Northerners, without even the adjudication of a prize court? Worst of -all, the English port of Nassau is a permanent rendezvous for steamers -watching to break the blockade. All this is, according to Earl Russell -himself, merely a logical deduction from his having (most gratuitously) -declared the South belligerent. And then it is pretended by our press, -that “belligerence” is a “mere matter of fact,” which we cannot help -acknowledging! These steamers from Nassau, by the arms and ammunition -they have brought to the South, have alone sustained for eight months -past the “fratricidal war” about which our Southern sympathisers -whimper. English policy alone has lent vitality to the war. - -In the summer of 1861 Earl Russell publicly gave utterance to his -celebrated sentence, that the North is fighting for empire, the South -for independence. England now understands what the “independence” -means. Mr. Forster, M.P. interpreted it well,--freedom of robbery, -rape, murder, and lynch-law. The “empire” for which the Union fights, -is simply its own country, vital to its national existence, not a -distinct adjunct, such as to England is Canada, against which Earl -Russell made war “for empire” in 1838. His words had the effect of -proclaiming, that in his opinion the cause of the South was a righteous -one; and the inference was, that he would be glad to aid it, whenever -he could. - -In the same summer a large reinforcement was sent to Canada; and the -Times at once explained, that this was intended to strengthen the -province against the North in certain contingencies. It was inevitable -for South and North alike to infer, that the English ministry was on -the look-out for an opportunity of striking a blow in favour of the -South, and _therefore_ wished first to make Canada safe. For none but -a madman could imagine that President Lincoln in that crisis would -volunteer to attack England. Thus the South was still further lured on -to believe that we should help her at last. - -The exasperation of the North by all these events rose higher and -higher, so that, when Captain Wilkes boarded the English Steamer -Trent and carried off two eminent traitors, a general jubilee arose; -especially as America remembered (what most of us have forgotten) that -England far six years together had harassed the Union by boarding its -ships to look for Englishmen,--(which caused the War of 1812,)--had -solemnly refused to renounce the “right” when she made peace, and -even in 1856 did not renounce it. But President Lincoln was not so -carried away. He and Mr. Seward knew that Captain Wilkes’s deed was -indefensible on American principles, however justifiable by English -practice. From Mr. Seward’s dispatch of Nov. 30th, 1861, we learn -that the American ambassador had already warned Lord Palmerston that -the two nations were drifting into war, and had obtained from him far -more satisfactory assurances than before. In a very friendly spirit -it states, that they have just heard of Captain Wilkes’s exploit and -that he had acted without instructions. Mr. Seward guarantees that -his Government will receive with the best dispositions any thing that -the British Government has to say.--Of course Mr. Seward desired to -elicit from Earl Russell a condemnation of the practices which had so -aggrieved America in 1812. Mr. Adams read this letter to Earl Russell. -Meanwhile the warlike excitement in England had become intense. Day -and night without cessation preparation for war went on in the docks. -Merchant shipowners could get no freights. American funds fell low -in the market and great losses wore sustained by sellers. Suddenly -the news transpired, that a friendly dispatch from America had been -received, and for one day the funds were favourably affected by it. -Next day the Morning Post officially denied that there had been any -such dispatch. The agitation re-commenced; the Morning Star asserted -and re-asserted that there _had_ been such a dispatch; nevertheless, it -was three weeks before Earl Russell was pleased to produce tranquillity -by at last publishing it. Why was this? Was it thought politic to -keep up the public exasperation,--on the hypothesis of the Times, that -the “mob” in America would overrule the President and force a war? or -was some one in England trying to exasperate that “mob” and the mob of -the English gentry too, in hope that the exasperation must, somehow or -other, at last bring us into a war? - -When the excitement was at its worst, a deputation from the Peace -Society waited on Earl Russell, recited the clause of the Congress of -Paris, which declared, that in any future disagreements, the Great -Powers will use arbitration before resorting to war. The Earl is said -to have replied, that in the present case arbitration was impossible, -_because_ our honour was here concerned! We now know what letter he -wrote in demand of redress; a letter as from one wholly unaware that -England had boarded scores of American ships and violently taken many -hundreds of men out of them, men alleged by us and denied by them to be -English subjects. His words were smooth as a razor, and had as their -comment, the ships of war on their way to Canada, and our furiously -continued preparations. An American has thus moralized on these events. -“The law you are applying to the case of the Trent is as like lynch-law -as the act of a nation can possibly be. That you do not see it thus -yourselves, does but show your excitement. The British government, -a party in the cause, takes opinion of its own counsel on a case -submitted by itself, and is proceeding to enforce their view of its own -rights _vi et armis_, and without hearing the defendant.” It is only to -weaker powers, like Burma, China, Athens, Brazil, that our Government -thus acts. While the Union was unbroken, Earl Russell tamely bore the -outrages on our coloured sailors from South Carolina and the Gulf. - -No sooner had Mr. Seward frankly yielded every thing in the matter of -the Trent, than Earl Russell proceeded as if to pick a new quarrel -about the ships laden with stores sunk in Charleston harbour. Never -was any thing more impertinent. The river of Savannah is to this day -encumbered by a ship, which the English Government sunk there for its -own military purposes in the first war. President Lincoln had as much -right to block up the harbour of Charleston, as the Queen would have to -block up the Avon, if Bristol were to revolt. To the commerce of the -world he had already opened Port Royal, a neighbouring and far better -harbour, which was always previously closed. - -Before long followed a decisive event, which, though it caused a burst -of impotent rage from Lord Palmerston against stout General Butler, -has wonderfully improved the conduct, if not the temper, of the English -Government The Northern fleet captured New Orleans! It is easy to see, -that our ministers thoroughly appreciated the weight of the fact. -Before, several of them stimulated the movement against the North; -since then, their general policy has been far better than the London -clubs have wished. Would that one could say more! - -But in the course of last summer it was attested, that the Confederates -had received large numbers of new Enfield rifles with the Queen’s -symbol unobliterated. These must have been sold or given by connivance -of the Queen’s servants; and subordinates in England never take such -liberties, unless they fully believe that it will be acceptable to -their superiors. The Alabama was manned by the Queen’s artillerymen, -who had been trained for the Queen’s own service. After an affair -so exasperating to the American merchants, contrition rather than -self-laudation would be the tone suited to ministers who sincerely -desire to avert war. In fact, the Alabama was suffered to escape, -when a quarter of the energy which was used against Hale’s rockets or -against the arms at Galatz would have stopped her. Are the Americans to -be permitted to conclude, that connivance is now to do the work, for -which open force is no longer thought prudent? - -Earl Russell _acknowledged that the Alabama is an unlawful ship_; but -excused himself to the American ambassador, on the ground that the law -did not give him power to stop it; as if this could be any satisfaction -to the foreigner! When he acknowledged the affair to be illegal, was it -not his duty to ask or to take power to stop it, or else, to rescind -the proclamation about “belligerence?” If the king of Burma had made -such a reply, an English squadron would have been sent to do the work, -to which the king avowed himself unequal.--And the Alabama which -fraudulently carries the English flag,--which by burning one ship lures -another to destruction, and hereby teaches sailors to leave others to -perish unaided,--is still systematically sheltered in our harbours! -What is this, but infamous? - -The South and our Southern sympathisers are so delighted with the -doings of the Alabama and with Earl Russell’s punctiliousness, that -a fleet of 40 or 50 ships of war is said to be far advanced in -English ports, and a Southern loan of three million sterling has been -contracted in London to pay for them. Earl Russell gave lately a most -cold reply to a remonstrance against them. Let Englishmen meditate what -will follow, if these ships also get out. - -Since the above was written, a telegram from New York gives words -of the New York Times as follows: “_It is certain_, that war will -come, _sooner or later_, unless these wrongs are stopped by England.” -“_Before many years_, some bold party-leader will utter the watchword, -INDEMNITY FROM ENGLAND, or WAR.” The conduct of our Ministers might -seem Satanically guided to ensure that the enemies of England shall get -the upper-hand in the next American elections, to the horrible calamity -of both nations and of the civilized world. - -Once more ministers have spoken in each house. Earl Russell in reply -to Lord Stratheden, has declared that he would not like to see England -interfere on the side which is not that of freedom; yet adds, that -circumstances at any moment may arise which would justify Her Majesty’s -Government in departing from their neutral position. Are we to rejoice -that the Earl has at length discovered that the South is _not_ fighting -for freedom? or to feel disgust, that no one understands “departure -from neutrality” to mean (by any possibility) aid to the cause of -Right and Freedom? While many were meditating how much comfort could -be extracted from Earl Russell’s words, the debate in the Commons -on Mr. Forster’s motion against pirate-ships, has elicited from the -Solicitor-General and from the Prime Minister speeches which glorify -their own good conduct, attack Mr. Lincoln’s Government for alleged -misconduct of the Slave-Power in past Presidencies, and indicate a -resolution to persist in giving to the pirate-ships all legal advantage. - -Palmerston and Russell may be in their graves before retribution comes -on us. Do Englishmen mean tamely to accept from them a legacy of -curses? America is scourged for the sin of allowing the slaveowners to -work their wicked will in the last 50 years. If the blood of Canada, -and Afghanistan, and China, and Scinde, and Burma, and Oude, and -Persia, guiltily shed by Britain, has not yet come down upon us in -curse; all their blood may be exacted in one payment of that generation -which connives at burning American ships for the benefit of the Slave -Power. How much longer shall we be able without shame to call ourselves -Englishmen? - - - - -MANCHESTER: - -PRINTED BY JAMES F. WILKINSON, ESDAILE’S BUILDINGS, -OXFORD STREET. - -*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK EARL RUSSELL AND THE SLAVE POWER *** - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the -United States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online -at <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. If you -are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the -country where you are located before using this eBook. -</div> - -<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Title: Earl Russell and the Slave Power</p> - -<div style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Author: Various</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>Release Date: July 3, 2021 [eBook #65753]</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>Language: English</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>Character set encoding: UTF-8</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Produced by: hekula03, Martin Pettit and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by the Library of Congress)</div> - -<div style='margin-top:2em; margin-bottom:4em'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK EARL RUSSELL AND THE SLAVE POWER ***</div> - -<div class="center"><img src="images/titlepage.jpg" alt="title page" /></div> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">[Pg 1]</a></span></p> - -<h1>EARL RUSSELL<br /> AND<br /> THE SLAVE POWER.</h1> - -<hr class="smler space-above" /> - -<p class="bold">[ISSUED BY THE EXECUTIVE OF THE UNION AND<br />EMANCIPATION SOCIETY, MANCHESTER.]</p> - -<hr class="smler" /> - -<p class="bold">MANCHESTER:<br />THE UNION AND EMANCIPATION SOCIETY, 51, PICCADILLY.<br />1863.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">[Pg 2]</a></span></p> - -<p class="bold">President.</p> - -<p class="center">THOMAS BAYLEY POTTER, Esq.</p> - -<p class="bold">Vice-Presidents.</p> - -<div class="box"> -<p>The Mayor of Manchester.<br /> -Thomas Bazley, Esq., M.P.<br /> -E. A. Leathem, Esq., M.P.<br /> -P. A. Taylor, Esq., M.P.<br /> -James Kershaw, Esq., M.P.<br /> -W. Coningham, Esq., M.P.<br /> -Charles Sturge, Esq., Mayor of Birmingham.<br /> -G. L. Ashworth, Esq., Mayor of Rochdale.<br /> -Lieut.-General T. Perronet Thompson.</p></div> - -<table summary="Members"> - <tr> - <td class="left">Professor J. E. Cairnes, A.M., Dublin.</td> - <td> | </td> - <td class="left">R. Gladstone, Esq., Liverpool.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="left">Professor Jno. Nichol, Glasgow.</td> - <td> | </td> - <td class="left">John Patterson, Esq., Liverpool.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="left">Professor Goldwin Smith, Oxford.</td> - <td> | </td> - <td class="left">J. R. Jeffery, Esq., Liverpool.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="left">Professor F. W. Newman, London.</td> - <td> | </td> - <td class="left">C. E. Rawlins, jun. Esq., Liverpool.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="left">Professor Beesly, London.</td> - <td> | </td> - <td class="left">Charles Robertson, Esq., Liverpool.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="left">Hon. and Rev. Baptist W. Noel, London.</td> - <td> | </td> - <td class="left">Robert Trimble, Esq., Liverpool.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="left">Rev. Thos. Guthrie, D.D., Edinburgh.</td> - <td> | </td> - <td class="left">Charles Wilson, Esq., Liverpool.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="left">Rev. Newman Hall, L.L.B., London.</td> - <td> | </td> - <td class="left">Wm. Shaen, Esq. London.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="left">Rev. James W. Massie, D.D., L.L.D.,</td> - <td> | </td> - <td class="left">Duncan M’Laren, Esq., Edinburgh.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="left"> London.</td> - <td> | </td> - <td class="left">Handel Cossham, Esq., Bristol.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="left">John Stuart Mill, Esq., London.</td> - <td> | </td> - <td class="left">S. C. Kell, Esq., Bradford.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="left">Thomas Hughes, Esq., Barrister-at-law.</td> - <td> | </td> - <td class="left">Richard C. Rawlins, Esq., Ruabon.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="left">F. G. Haviland, Esq., Cambridge.</td> - <td> | </td> - <td class="left">J. S. Barratt, Esq., Southport.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="left">W. E. Adams, Esq., London.</td> - <td> | </td> - <td class="left">Thomas C. Ryley, Esq., Wigan.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="left">George Wilson, Esq., Manchester.</td> - <td> | </td> - <td class="left">R. S. Ashton, Esq., Darwen.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="left">Dr. John Watts, Manchester.</td> - <td> | </td> - <td class="left">Eccles Shorrock, Esq., Darwen.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="left">Mr. Edward Hooson, Manchester.</td> - <td> | </td> - <td class="left">John Crosfield, Esq., Warrington.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="left">Alderman Robert Kell, Bradford.</td> - <td> | </td> - <td class="left">Jacob Bright, Esq., Rochdale.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="left">Alderman Henry Brown, Bradford.</td> - <td> | </td> - <td class="left">John Petrie, Esq., Rochdale.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="left">Alderman William Harvey, J.P., Salford.</td> - <td> | </td> - <td class="left">Oliver Ormerod, Esq., Rochdale.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="left">Alderman Thomas Livsey, Rochdale.</td> - <td> | </td> - <td class="left">J. C. Dyer, Esq., Burnage.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="left">Councillor Murray, Manchester.</td> - <td> | </td> - <td class="left">George Crosfield, Esq., Lymm.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="left">Councillor T. Warburton, Manchester.</td> - <td> | </td> - <td class="left">F. Pennington, Esq., Alderley.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="left">Councillor Geo. Booth, Manchester.</td> - <td> | </td> - <td class="left">J. B. Foster, Esq., Manchester.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="left">Councillor Clegg, Manchester.</td> - <td> | </td> - <td class="left">Jas. Galloway, Esq., Manchester.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="left">Councillor Williams, Salford.</td> - <td> | </td> - <td class="left">Charles Cheetham, Esq., Heywood.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="left">Councillor Butterworth, Manchester.</td> - <td> | </td> - <td class="left">J. Cowan, jun., Esq., Newcastle-on-Tyne.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="left">Councillor Ogden, Manchester.</td> - <td> | </td> - <td class="left">Rev. Samuel Davidson, L.L.D., London.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="left">Councillor Ryder, Manchester.</td> - <td> | </td> - <td class="left">Rev. Francis Bishop, Chesterfield.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="left">Max Kyllman, Esq., Manchester.</td> - <td> | </td> - <td class="left">Rev. J. Parker, D.D., Manchester.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="left">S. P. Robinson, Esq., Manchester.</td> - <td> | </td> - <td class="left">Rev. J. Robberds, B.A., Liverpool.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="left">H. M. Steinthal, Esq., Manchester.</td> - <td> | </td> - <td class="left">Rev. M. Miller, Darlington.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="left">Francis Taylor, Esq., Manchester.</td> - <td> | </td> - <td class="left">Rev. T. G. Lee, Salford.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="left">Thomas Thomasson, Esq., Bolton.</td> - <td> | </td> - <td class="left">S. Pope, Esq., Barrister-at-law.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="left">Joseph Leese, Esq., Bowdon.</td> - <td> | </td> - <td class="left">E. Jones, Esq., Barrister-at-law.</td> - </tr> -</table> - -<p class="bold">Treasurer.</p> - -<p class="center">SAMUEL WATTS, Jun., Esq., Manchester.</p> - -<p class="bold">Bankers.</p> - -<p class="center">MANCHESTER AND SALFORD BANK.</p> - -<p class="bold">Authorized Agent of the Society.</p> - -<p class="center">Mr. PETER SINCLAIR.</p> - -<div class="box"> -<p class="right">JOHN C. EDWARDS, }<span class="s4"> </span> <br /> -EDWARD OWEN GREENING, } Hon. Secs.</p> - -<p><i>Offices, 51, Piccadilly, Manchester.</i></p></div> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[Pg 3]</a></span></p> - -<p class="bold2">EARL RUSSELL AND THE SLAVE POWER.</p> - -<div class="center"><img src="images/line.jpg" alt="line" /></div> - -<p>On the 20th December, 1860, South Carolina signed her address to the -other Slave States, declaring her own secession from the Union on the -ground that slavery must inevitably be overthrown if Abraham Lincoln’s -party remained in power. After arguing on the certainty of that result, -if the South submitted to him, she invites all the Slave States to -join her in forming “a great Slave-holding Confederacy, larger than -all Europe.” The result was, within twenty-two days, the seizure of -thirteen fortresses, with great navy-yards and arsenals. To this they -were emboldened by the fact that the garrisons had been purposely -withdrawn by the treason of President Buchanan’s ministers, while -the Northern forts and arsenals had been emptied of their arms and -ammunition, expressly in order to afford a prize to the South. All the -State authorities who ordered the attack, were under oath of allegiance -to the Union.</p> - -<p>Unless one could suppose the English ambassador at Washington guilty of -unparalleled negligence, or to have no duties, he must have informed -Earl Russell of these facts, which were notorious to us by the common -newspapers.</p> - -<p>No great power can afford to patronize official treasons in -foreign governments. If the English government has no interest in -republicanism, if it has become indifferent to freedom and slavery, it -has interest in fidelity to official oaths. Earl Russell had a <i>right</i>, -by International Law, without offending its minutest punctilio, to -offer to Mr. Lincoln, on the day of his assuming the Presidential -chair, any fifty ships of the British navy which he chose to pick, -with all their accoutrements and stores, and any amount of Armstrong -guns and Enfield rifles which he desired, to be paid for within twelve -months, and delivered to the President in whatever parts he directed.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[Pg 4]</a></span> -It is more than possible, that this offer would have subdued the -rebellion and have saved the bloodshed, before war became a reality. If -not, it would at least have hindered the revolt of Virginia and seizure -of Norfolk Harbour. It would have given to the North six valuable -months, which they lost in making arms. It would have won for us for -another century the warm attachment of the Free North, which for all -defensive purposes we should have virtually annexed to the English -empire. The immense discouragement to the South would have reinforced -the Unionists of the Slave-States. The whole mountain population from -Western Virginia to East Tennessee, and thence westward towards the -Mississippi, might have resisted Jefferson Davis long enough for the -North and the loyal Kentuckians to march into Eastern Tennessee before -the summer of 1861. In that case the war could not have outlasted the -year, nor would England have ever been gravely distressed for cotton.</p> - -<p>But considering, on the one hand, the peculiar and unparalleled -interest in a foreign market, which England has had in American -cotton; on the other, the inhuman end avowed and the treasonable means -employed, by the slave oligarchy in their revolt; no foreign power -<i>could</i> or <i>would</i> have blamed England, if we had gone further into the -war on the side of the North.</p> - -<p>After we had received the great official speech of March 21st, 1861, -made by the Confederate Vice-President, Mr. Stephens, in which he avows -slavery to be the end of the new Confederacy, the sacred cornerstone of -the new edifice; let us suppose that (with the consent of Parliament) -the English government had made direct alliance with the government at -Washington, to enter the war as secondary, on the following terms:—“If -you cannot terminate it in three months, we will aid you with 50,000 -infantry, and with a fleet of 80 ships; provided only, that you engage -to abolish slavery for ever in all the rebel territories.” If anything -can be certain in such calculations, it is certain that, unless the -fact of this alliance forced Jefferson Davis to flee for his life, (and -then there would have been no war,) the war would have been finished -before Michaelmas, 1861, with freedom to the slaves, and very small -bloodshed. For, no Liverpool merchants would have armed the South, no -capitalist would have advanced 100 dollars to it; and without arms from -England, it would long ago have been subdued.</p> - -<p>As to the international question; Lords Russell and Palmerston,—who, -(to the disgust of France,) took leave in 1840 to expel Ismael<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[Pg 5]</a></span> Pasha -from Syria at the invitation of the Sultan,—could have no difficulty -on this head. (Russell was in 1840 the Premier, and Palmerston Foreign -Secretary.) Nor did these same ministers even remonstrate, when the -Emperor Nicolas lent 200,000 men to Austria in 1849, in order to -crush the freedom of Hungary, after Hungary had won her victory over -Austria. Lord Palmerston then volunteered to say in Parliament, that -Hungary was a <i>nation</i> fighting for its rights. Those were actually -<i>treaty</i>-rights. Hungary had a national history as old as England. -It was a cause of freedom, of free religion, and of hereditary law. -The mass of the nobility and the church were as warm in the cause as -the meanest gipsy, peasant, and Jew. England had actually mediated in -1710 the peace between Hungary and Austria, as between independent -belligerents; which peace Austria broke in 1848 by treachery and -massacre. Yet Lord John Russell <i>refused</i> to pronounce Hungary -“belligerent,” and thereby hindered the Sultan from acknowledging -her as such; which stopped Hungary from getting arms, and caused her -overthrow. When he went so far in 1848 in the interest of Austria, who -had called in Russian aid against the Hungarian nation, insurgent in a -just cause; the same Russell cannot have imagined any <i>international</i> -objection to England aiding the Government of Washington against a -strictly traitorous conspiracy, organized in the worst of causes, -inhuman and detestable.</p> - -<p>Nevertheless, (what pre-eminently condemns English policy,) the idea -of England aiding the North in this war was never even mooted as among -things possible or imaginable. Contingent English interference was -among all public men, assumed to mean, interference <i>on the side of the -South</i>! The certainty, that we must at last help them, was urged among -the Southern conspirators as a grand argument for secession; and if the -English ministry had intended to lure them on, to the utmost possible -bloodshed of North and South, it could not have conducted itself more -skilfully.</p> - -<p>The English campaign opened, by Earl Russell proclaiming the South -“belligerent” when she had not a ship on the seas, and excluding -the war-ships of the North from our harbours: at the same time -the London press gave tongue with very few exceptions in favour -of <span class="smcap">Disunion</span> as the great desideratum of America, and its -inevitable destiny. The two daily papers which peculiarly have been -regarded as under Lord Palmerston’s inspiration, (the Morning Post and -the Times,) were not only no exception, but might seem to have been -conducted by Southern agents; whose cue<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[Pg 6]</a></span> it was, to vilify the North -by slander and disparagement cunningly tempered to English prejudices -and English credulity. The tone then assumed has changed little to this -day; and at a very early time gave immense encouragement to the South, -with proportionate exasperation to the North, whose enemies and dangers -it multiplied.</p> - -<p>About the same time, Mr. Massey, a nominee of the Government, spoke -at Salford a speech intensely hostile to the North, utterly ignoring -the treason of the South and its execrable objects, and aiming to stir -up the working men to desire hostilities against the North. It is -not possible to blame Earl Russell primarily, but we must blame the -Cabinet collectively and him as the second personage in it, for this -speech. For inevitably the public, both here and across the Atlantic, -understood it to be a ministerial effort to excite a war spirit against -the North; and though it utterly failed with the working men, it must -be counted among the causes which have made the ministerial press so -pertinaciously hostile to the cause of freedom.</p> - -<p>In 1856 at the Congress of Paris the allies who were making peace -proposed in the cause of humanity to forbid Privateering. The powers -there present renounced it in their own name, and undertook to -endeavour to obtain a renunciation of it from all other maritime -powers. They were successful with the smaller states; but not so with -the great American Union. Mr. Marcy, in the name of the President, said -that as they had a vast mercantile navy and no great war fleet, they -could not renounce the right of defending their merchants by private -war vessels, unless England would join in assuring safety to merchant -vessels on the high seas in spite of war; in that case, but only in -that case could he adopt the clause of the Congress. Earl Russell, who -was already in his present post, accepted this reply as a refusal. -But no sooner was Mr. Lincoln in power, than Mr. Seward sent to Earl -Russell an unconditional acceptance of this clause for the extinction -of privateering; not that Mr. Seward agreed with the English Government -in thinking privateering inhuman, but because it would expose the -unarmed Northern merchantmen to the attack of stray ships, while the -South was unable to build a fleet that should meet the Northern ships -of war. To the exceeding surprise of the American Ambassador, Earl -Russell replied that the right of privateering must be reserved for -the South, but Mr. Lincoln was free to renounce it for the North. He -assigned as his final and decisive reason, that, as he had <i>already</i> -declared the South “belligerent,” he could not help reserving its right -of <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[Pg 7]</a></span>privateering. He builds wrong upon wrong. What had been an inhuman -practice, while it was believed to be the strength of the Union, is -suddenly patronized as a right of rebels, (who are not yet recognised -as a nation,) as soon as it becomes a cruel danger to the innocent -merchants of the Union, with whom we are in beneficial commerce! Will -this lessen the opinion of the South, that we are a set of hypocritical -Pharisees?</p> - -<p>In consequence, when an English built privateer, which has been sold -to Jefferson Davis for Southern paper, takes refuge from a Northern -war ship in any harbour, in any part of the world, belonging to -England,—the Northerner is warned off by our authorities. On one -occasion, Lord Palmerston sent two ships of war expressly to watch -the Federal vessel Tuscarora off Southampton; and see to it, that -when the privateer Nashville escaped, the Tuscarora did not pursue -without giving her twelve hours’ start. What more could we do, if we -held it a right of these privateers to plunder and burn at sea (as -they do, against all international precedent) the merchantmen of the -Northerners, without even the adjudication of a prize court? Worst of -all, the English port of Nassau is a permanent rendezvous for steamers -watching to break the blockade. All this is, according to Earl Russell -himself, merely a logical deduction from his having (most gratuitously) -declared the South belligerent. And then it is pretended by our press, -that “belligerence” is a “mere matter of fact,” which we cannot help -acknowledging! These steamers from Nassau, by the arms and ammunition -they have brought to the South, have alone sustained for eight months -past the “fratricidal war” about which our Southern sympathisers -whimper. English policy alone has lent vitality to the war.</p> - -<p>In the summer of 1861 Earl Russell publicly gave utterance to his -celebrated sentence, that the North is fighting for empire, the South -for independence. England now understands what the “independence” -means. Mr. Forster, M.P. interpreted it well,—freedom of robbery, -rape, murder, and lynch-law. The “empire” for which the Union fights, -is simply its own country, vital to its national existence, not a -distinct adjunct, such as to England is Canada, against which Earl -Russell made war “for empire” in 1838. His words had the effect of -proclaiming, that in his opinion the cause of the South was a righteous -one; and the inference was, that he would be glad to aid it, whenever -he could.</p> - -<p>In the same summer a large reinforcement was sent to Canada;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[Pg 8]</a></span> and the -Times at once explained, that this was intended to strengthen the -province against the North in certain contingencies. It was inevitable -for South and North alike to infer, that the English ministry was on -the look-out for an opportunity of striking a blow in favour of the -South, and <i>therefore</i> wished first to make Canada safe. For none but -a madman could imagine that President Lincoln in that crisis would -volunteer to attack England. Thus the South was still further lured on -to believe that we should help her at last.</p> - -<p>The exasperation of the North by all these events rose higher and -higher, so that, when Captain Wilkes boarded the English Steamer -Trent and carried off two eminent traitors, a general jubilee arose; -especially as America remembered (what most of us have forgotten) that -England far six years together had harassed the Union by boarding its -ships to look for Englishmen,—(which caused the War of 1812,)—had -solemnly refused to renounce the “right” when she made peace, and -even in 1856 did not renounce it. But President Lincoln was not so -carried away. He and Mr. Seward knew that Captain Wilkes’s deed was -indefensible on American principles, however justifiable by English -practice. From Mr. Seward’s dispatch of Nov. 30th, 1861, we learn -that the American ambassador had already warned Lord Palmerston that -the two nations were drifting into war, and had obtained from him far -more satisfactory assurances than before. In a very friendly spirit -it states, that they have just heard of Captain Wilkes’s exploit and -that he had acted without instructions. Mr. Seward guarantees that -his Government will receive with the best dispositions any thing that -the British Government has to say.—Of course Mr. Seward desired to -elicit from Earl Russell a condemnation of the practices which had so -aggrieved America in 1812. Mr. Adams read this letter to Earl Russell. -Meanwhile the warlike excitement in England had become intense. Day -and night without cessation preparation for war went on in the docks. -Merchant shipowners could get no freights. American funds fell low -in the market and great losses wore sustained by sellers. Suddenly -the news transpired, that a friendly dispatch from America had been -received, and for one day the funds were favourably affected by it. -Next day the Morning Post officially denied that there had been any -such dispatch. The agitation re-commenced; the Morning Star asserted -and re-asserted that there <i>had</i> been such a dispatch; nevertheless, it -was three weeks before Earl Russell was pleased to produce tranquillity -by at last publishing it. Why was this? Was it<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[Pg 9]</a></span> thought politic to -keep up the public exasperation,—on the hypothesis of the Times, that -the “mob” in America would overrule the President and force a war? or -was some one in England trying to exasperate that “mob” and the mob of -the English gentry too, in hope that the exasperation must, somehow or -other, at last bring us into a war?</p> - -<p>When the excitement was at its worst, a deputation from the Peace -Society waited on Earl Russell, recited the clause of the Congress of -Paris, which declared, that in any future disagreements, the Great -Powers will use arbitration before resorting to war. The Earl is said -to have replied, that in the present case arbitration was impossible, -<i>because</i> our honour was here concerned! We now know what letter he -wrote in demand of redress; a letter as from one wholly unaware that -England had boarded scores of American ships and violently taken many -hundreds of men out of them, men alleged by us and denied by them to be -English subjects. His words were smooth as a razor, and had as their -comment, the ships of war on their way to Canada, and our furiously -continued preparations. An American has thus moralized on these events. -“The law you are applying to the case of the Trent is as like lynch-law -as the act of a nation can possibly be. That you do not see it thus -yourselves, does but show your excitement. The British government, -a party in the cause, takes opinion of its own counsel on a case -submitted by itself, and is proceeding to enforce their view of its own -rights <i>vi et armis</i>, and without hearing the defendant.” It is only to -weaker powers, like Burma, China, Athens, Brazil, that our Government -thus acts. While the Union was unbroken, Earl Russell tamely bore the -outrages on our coloured sailors from South Carolina and the Gulf.</p> - -<p>No sooner had Mr. Seward frankly yielded every thing in the matter of -the Trent, than Earl Russell proceeded as if to pick a new quarrel -about the ships laden with stores sunk in Charleston harbour. Never -was any thing more impertinent. The river of Savannah is to this day -encumbered by a ship, which the English Government sunk there for its -own military purposes in the first war. President Lincoln had as much -right to block up the harbour of Charleston, as the Queen would have to -block up the Avon, if Bristol were to revolt. To the commerce of the -world he had already opened Port Royal, a neighbouring and far better -harbour, which was always previously closed.</p> - -<p>Before long followed a decisive event, which, though it caused a burst -of impotent rage from Lord Palmerston against stout<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[Pg 10]</a></span> General Butler, -has wonderfully improved the conduct, if not the temper, of the English -Government The Northern fleet captured New Orleans! It is easy to see, -that our ministers thoroughly appreciated the weight of the fact. -Before, several of them stimulated the movement against the North; -since then, their general policy has been far better than the London -clubs have wished. Would that one could say more!</p> - -<p>But in the course of last summer it was attested, that the Confederates -had received large numbers of new Enfield rifles with the Queen’s -symbol unobliterated. These must have been sold or given by connivance -of the Queen’s servants; and subordinates in England never take such -liberties, unless they fully believe that it will be acceptable to -their superiors. The Alabama was manned by the Queen’s artillerymen, -who had been trained for the Queen’s own service. After an affair -so exasperating to the American merchants, contrition rather than -self-laudation would be the tone suited to ministers who sincerely -desire to avert war. In fact, the Alabama was suffered to escape, -when a quarter of the energy which was used against Hale’s rockets or -against the arms at Galatz would have stopped her. Are the Americans to -be permitted to conclude, that connivance is now to do the work, for -which open force is no longer thought prudent?</p> - -<p>Earl Russell <i>acknowledged that the Alabama is an unlawful ship</i>; but -excused himself to the American ambassador, on the ground that the law -did not give him power to stop it; as if this could be any satisfaction -to the foreigner! When he acknowledged the affair to be illegal, was it -not his duty to ask or to take power to stop it, or else, to rescind -the proclamation about “belligerence?” If the king of Burma had made -such a reply, an English squadron would have been sent to do the work, -to which the king avowed himself unequal.—And the Alabama which -fraudulently carries the English flag,—which by burning one ship lures -another to destruction, and hereby teaches sailors to leave others to -perish unaided,—is still systematically sheltered in our harbours! -What is this, but infamous?</p> - -<p>The South and our Southern sympathisers are so delighted with the -doings of the Alabama and with Earl Russell’s punctiliousness, that -a fleet of 40 or 50 ships of war is said to be far advanced in -English ports, and a Southern loan of three million sterling has been -contracted in London to pay for them. Earl Russell gave lately a most<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[Pg 11]</a></span> -cold reply to a remonstrance against them. Let Englishmen meditate what -will follow, if these ships also get out.</p> - -<p>Since the above was written, a telegram from New York gives words -of the New York Times as follows: “<i>It is certain</i>, that war will -come, <i>sooner or later</i>, unless these wrongs are stopped by England.” -“<i>Before many years</i>, some bold party-leader will utter the watchword, -<span class="smcap">Indemnity from England</span>, or <span class="smcap">War</span>.” The conduct of our -Ministers might seem Satanically guided to ensure that the enemies of -England shall get the upper-hand in the next American elections, to the -horrible calamity of both nations and of the civilized world.</p> - -<p>Once more ministers have spoken in each house. Earl Russell in reply -to Lord Stratheden, has declared that he would not like to see England -interfere on the side which is not that of freedom; yet adds, that -circumstances at any moment may arise which would justify Her Majesty’s -Government in departing from their neutral position. Are we to rejoice -that the Earl has at length discovered that the South is <i>not</i> fighting -for freedom? or to feel disgust, that no one understands “departure -from neutrality” to mean (by any possibility) aid to the cause of -Right and Freedom? While many were meditating how much comfort could -be extracted from Earl Russell’s words, the debate in the Commons -on Mr. Forster’s motion against pirate-ships, has elicited from the -Solicitor-General and from the Prime Minister speeches which glorify -their own good conduct, attack Mr. Lincoln’s Government for alleged -misconduct of the Slave-Power in past Presidencies, and indicate a -resolution to persist in giving to the pirate-ships all legal advantage.</p> - -<p>Palmerston and Russell may be in their graves before retribution comes -on us. Do Englishmen mean tamely to accept from them a legacy of -curses? America is scourged for the sin of allowing the slaveowners to -work their wicked will in the last 50 years. If the blood of Canada, -and Afghanistan, and China, and Scinde, and Burma, and Oude, and -Persia, guiltily shed by Britain, has not yet come down upon us in -curse; all their blood may be exacted in one payment of that generation -which connives at burning American ships for the benefit of the Slave -Power. How much longer shall we be able without shame to call ourselves -Englishmen?</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[Pg 12]</a></span></p> - -<hr class="smler" /> - -<p class="center">MANCHESTER:<br /><br />PRINTED BY JAMES F. WILKINSON, ESDAILE’S BUILDINGS,<br />OXFORD STREET.</p> - -<hr class="smler" /> - -<div style='display:block; margin-top:4em'>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK EARL RUSSELL AND THE SLAVE POWER ***</div> -<div style='text-align:left'> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will -be renamed. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part -of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project -Gutenberg™ electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG™ -concept and trademark. 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