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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7b82bc --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +*.txt text eol=lf +*.htm text eol=lf +*.html text eol=lf +*.md text eol=lf diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..e319bae --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #65717 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/65717) diff --git a/old/65717-0.txt b/old/65717-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 4aa5f5a..0000000 --- a/old/65717-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,14010 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Age of Justinian and Theodora, -Volume II (of 2), by William Gordon Holmes - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this eBook. - -Title: The Age of Justinian and Theodora, Volume II (of 2) - A History of the Sixth Century A.D. - -Author: William Gordon Holmes - -Release Date: June 27, 2021 [eBook #65717] - -Language: English - -Produced by: Turgut Dincer, Chris Pinfield, and the Online Distributed - Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This book was - produced from images made available by the HathiTrust - Digital Library.) - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE AGE OF JUSTINIAN AND -THEODORA, VOLUME II (OF 2) *** - -Transcriber's Note: - -Obvious printer errors have been corrected. Hyphenation has been -rationalised. - -Small capitals have been replaced by full capitals. Italics are -indicated by _underscores_. Transliterated Greek is indicated by +plus -signs+. - -The Corrigenda at the end include references to Volume I as well as to -this volume. - - - - - THE AGE OF JUSTINIAN AND - THEODORA - - - LONDON: GEORGE BELL AND SONS - PORTUGAL ST. LINCOLN'S INN, W.C. - CAMBRIDGE: DEIGHTON, BELL & CO. - NEW YORK: THE MACMILLAN CO. - BOMBAY: A. H. WHEELER & CO. - - - THE AGE OF JUSTINIAN - AND THEODORA - - A HISTORY OF THE SIXTH CENTURY A.D. - - BY - WILLIAM GORDON HOLMES - - VOL. II - _SECOND EDITION_ - - LONDON - G. BELL AND SONS, LTD. - 1912 - - - CHISWICK PRESS: CHARLES WHITTINGHAM AND CO. - TOOKS COURT, CHANCERY LANE, LONDON. - - -CONTENTS - - CHAP. PAGE - - V. THE PERSIANS AND JUSTINIAN'S FIRST - WAR WITH THEM 365 - - VI. THE SCHOOLS OF PHILOSOPHY AT ATHENS - AND THEIR ABOLITION BY JUSTINIAN 420 - - VII. THE INTERNAL ADMINISTRATION OF THE - EMPIRE: INSURRECTION OF THE CIRCUS - FACTIONS IN THE CAPITAL 440 - - VIII. CARTHAGE UNDER THE ROMANS: RECOVERY - OF AFRICA FROM THE VANDALS 489 - - IX. THE BUILDING OF ST. SOPHIA: THE - ARCHITECTURAL WORK OF JUSTINIAN 529 - - X. ROME IN THE SIXTH CENTURY: WAR WITH - THE GOTHS IN ITALY 544 - - XI. THE SECOND PERSIAN WAR: FALL OF - ANTIOCH: MILITARY OPERATIONS IN - LAZICA 584 - - XII. PRIVATE LIFE IN THE IMPERIAL CIRCLE - AND ITS DEPENDENCIES 605 - - XIII. THE FINAL CONQUEST OF ITALY AND ITS - ANNEXATION TO THE EMPIRE 624 - - XIV. RELIGION IN THE SIXTH CENTURY: JUSTINIAN - AS A THEOLOGIAN 668 - - XV. PECULIARITIES OF ROMAN LAW: THE - LEGISLATION OF JUSTINIAN 706 - - XVI. THE LAST DAYS OF JUSTINIAN: LITERATURE - AND ART IN THE SIXTH CENTURY: - SUMMARY AND REVIEW OF THE REIGN 726 - -INDEX 761 - - -MAPS - -SEAT OF JUSTINIAN'S WARS IN THE EAST 396 - -SEAT OF JUSTINIAN'S WARS IN THE WEST 572 - - - - - THE AGE OF JUSTINIAN - AND THEODORA - - - - - CHAPTER V - THE PERSIANS AND JUSTINIAN'S FIRST WAR WITH THEM - - -On the death of Justin the absolute control of the Empire became centred -in the hands of Justinian. Nine years of virtual sovereignty during the -lifetime of his uncle had familiarized him with Imperial procedure, and -nullified the influence of a bureaucracy which might aspire to govern -vicariously by taking advantage of his ignorance of affairs. His tutors -in the art of autocracy were dead or superannuated, and his present -subordinates owed their elevation to his favour and judgment. The new -Emperor was a man of middle stature, spare rather than stout, and on the -verge of becoming bald and gray. His features were sufficiently regular, -his face was round, his complexion florid, and he wore neither beard nor -moustache.[1] Those whom he impressed unfavourably were fond of pointing -out that he bore a striking resemblance to Domitian.[2] He affected a -pleasant demeanour, appeared always with a set smile,[3] and was so -studious of personal popularity that even the meanest of his subjects -might hope for an audience of his sovereign. With an unbounded belief in -his own capacity for discrimination, he was always ready to listen, but -never to be convinced. His assurance communicated itself to those with -whom he came in contact, and his associates rarely ventured to dispute -his opinions.[4] His mode of life tended strongly towards asceticism, -and he yielded no indulgence to his natural appetites. In his diet he -restricted himself to the barest necessaries, he seemed to exist almost -without sleep, and there is no evidence that he was ever attracted -sexually by any woman except Theodora. Without commanding abilities, his -mental activity was incessant, and he was perpetually busy in every -department of the state.[5] He plunged into politics, law, and theology, -with the conviction that he could master every detail and deal -effectively with all questions which might arise for decision. Yet he -was credulous and lent a willing ear to those who brought in doubtful -reports, which he was generally prone to act upon without due inquiry as -to their authenticity.[6] - -The Empress Theodora,[7] after her elevation, still presented in most -aspects of her life and character a marked contrast to Justinian. She -was devoted to the care of her person, and a great part of each day was -given over to the mysteries of her toilet.[8] She trusted especially to -sleep for the preservation of her beauty, and passed an excessive number -of hours, both day and night, upon her couch. Gratification of the -senses absorbed most of her time, and she indulged herself in the luxury -of a table always spread with the rarest delicacies. The air of the city -was uncongenial to her, and she resided during the greater part of the -year at the Heraion,[9] a palace over against the capital on the Asiatic -shore of the Bosphorus, where a second centre of Imperial state was -maintained for her benefit with lavish magnificence. But she was ever -vigilant in preserving the closest relationship with the machinery of -government, and in her retirement she meditated persistently on the -exigencies of the autocracy. Her numerous emissaries were to be observed -continually passing and repassing the strait which separated the Heraion -from Constantinople, regardless of tempestuous weather, and even of a -ferocious whale which had long infested the vicinity and made a practice -of attacking the small craft sailing in those waters, often with fatal -result to the occupants.[10] The personal relations of the royal -partners during the whole course of their joint reign, continued to be -of the most intimate description. Justinian not only deferred habitually -to the judgment of his consort, but took every opportunity of making a -public profession of his indebtedness to her co-operation. In Imperial -acts and edicts she appeared constantly as the "revered wife whom God -had granted to him as the participator of his counsels."[11] It may, -indeed, be assumed as certain that the resolution and verve to be found -in the character of Theodora supplied some real deficiencies in the -imperturbable and less acute nature of her husband;[12] and Justinian -was well inclined to justify his extraordinary marriage by insisting -that exceptional advantages accrued to the state from his choice of so -able a consort. Although the spectacle of a Roman empress electing to -lead the life of a prostitute was almost a familiar one in previous -history,[13] that an actual courtesan should be raised to the throne, -was a unique event in the annals of the empire. Nor was Theodora at all -exercised to veil her ascendancy in the affairs of government; on the -contrary, she scarcely refrained from proclaiming publicly that her will -was predominant in the work of the administration.[14] Her pretensions -were generally allowed, and those who sought preferment through Court -influence regularly crowded her ante-chamber, with the assurance that -success depended on winning her favourable regard. Unlike Justinian, -Theodora made herself difficult of access, and an assiduous attendance -for many days was an indispensable preliminary to obtaining an audience -of the Empress.[15] Doubtless but a small portion of each day could be -spared from the seclusion she imposed on herself for the nurture and -elaboration of her person. As both Emperor and Empress by an un-hoped -for chance had leaped to the Imperial seat from the obscurity of -plebeian life, they were proportionately jealous of their authority in -the lofty position to which they had attained without the qualifications -of rank or lineage. Hence they exacted the most servile respect from all -who approached them, and emphasized more than at any former time -humility of speech and abject prostration in the presence of the -sovereign. Any subject, without the exception of patricians or even of -foreign ambassadors, on arriving at the foot of the throne was compelled -to extend himself on the ground with his face to the floor and then to -kiss both feet of the monarch before he was privileged to deliver his -message or to make a request.[16] On such occasions the titles of -"emperor" and "empress," as expressing a merely official hegemony, were -considered to be insufficient, and it was expected that, by substituting -the terms "master" and "mistress," the subject should confess himself to -be the actual slave of his sovereign.[17] In previous reigns the forms -of adoration had been reserved for the Emperor, but Theodora ignored -such precedents and claimed for herself all the homage due to an -independent potentate. In one respect only did the conjugal harmony of -the Imperial couple appear to be seriously disturbed; while Justinian -was strictly orthodox in religion, Theodora gave an uncompromising -support to the Monophysites. The public, however, refused to believe in -the reality of this dissension, and attributed the seeming discord to an -astute policy which obliged the conflicting sects to give their united -support to the throne.[18] - -The war with Persia, which had developed in a desultory fashion under -Justin, began to be waged with determination at the outset of -Justinian's reign. A thousand years before this date the Persian Empire, -founded by Cyrus the Achaemenian, had reached from the frontiers of -India to the shores of the Mediterranean, and had even held Egypt -precariously as an integral province. Diverse nationalities marched -under her standard, and immense hosts of Asiatics were habitually -mustered for the achievement of foreign conquest. But this monarchy -proved to be short-lived, and was destroyed in less than two centuries, -after the invasion of Greece by Darius and Xerxes had disclosed the fact -that a few thousands of patriotic Hellenes were of more martial worth -than the vast and heterogeneous armies led by the Persian king. Less -than ten years of actual warfare sufficed to bring the Achaemenian -Empire and its dependencies under the rule of Alexander; and the -indigenous races were kept in subjection by the Graeco-Macedonian -invaders for a longer period than the kindred dynasty established by -Cyrus had endured. The Persian Empire, in its widest extent, as it -existed under the Achaemenidae, was never restored; nor did any -subsequent conqueror issue from the west to repeat the exploits of -Alexander. The Asiatic successors of that monarch, the Seleucidae,[19] -were gradually ousted from their dominions by a wild race which attacked -them from the north, and became known historically as the Parthians. -Under their native rulers, the Arsacidae, they might have restored the -empire of Cyrus, but the simultaneous growth of the Latin power in Asia -Minor and Syria for ever confined the Parthians to the eastern bank of -the Euphrates. The policy of Rome, as defined by Augustus, forbade the -extension of the empire beyond the limits assigned to it after the -battle of Actium; but at least one emperor, the indomitable Trajan, was -ambitious of emulating the prowess of Alexander and designed to advance -on India. Although not uniformly victorious, he transformed the kingdom -of Armenia into a Roman province, and almost reduced Parthia to the -condition of a vassal state.[20] Death, or the more pressing claims of -home affairs, imposed a term to his activity in the field, and his great -schemes of conquest were never again entertained; but several later -emperors, notably Severus, Carus, and Galerius, often demonstrated the -superiority of the Roman forces under competent generalship over their -Oriental antagonists.[21] But after the Graeco-Roman supremacy had -declined to the stagnant mediocrity of Byzantinism this ascendancy could -no longer be maintained; and as often as East and West came into -collision the honours of war almost invariably rested with the Asiatic -power. - -For more than five centuries after the overthrow of Darius by the armies -of Macedon the remnants of the Persian race languished in the Province -of Persis, a small state lying east of the Persian Gulf, to which was -allowed a semi-independence by the supreme government. Here was the -original home of Cyrus, and here he matured his plans for the conquest -of Media. From thence was derived the name of Persia, which was applied -by the western nations to the whole land of Iran, the native appellation -of the extensive plateau ranging from the Hindu Kush to the river -Tigris. In Persis was situated Persepolis, the traditional capital of -the Persians, where the sacred fires of the Zoroastrians was kept -perpetually alight in a temple by the Magi. In a drunken freak, or -perhaps as a signal to all Asia that he had succeeded to the sovreignty -of Iran, the ancient city had been committed to the flames by -Alexander;[22] but eventually a capital was reinstated on the old site, -and in later centuries became known as Istakhr.[23] About 200 A.D. a -reawakening of Persian aspirations became apparent, and a new Cyrus -arose at Istakhr to lead his nation to the reconquest of their former -empire. Ardeshír was the grandson of Sásán, who by a fortunate marriage -had united the pre-eminence of the priestly caste with that of the -princely house of Persis. Having gained possession of the local throne -by his superior energy, he began to exercise himself in active warfare -by attacking the neighbouring states, whose princes, like himself, were -the vassals of the Parthian king. At first his operations were -disregarded, and not until he had made himself the lord of a -considerable territory was he summoned by his suzerain to explain his -encroachments. His reply was a defiance and a challenge to battle. In -the war which ensued Artabanus was overthrown by Ardeshír, and the -Parthian dynasty of the Arsacidae was replaced by that of the Sassanidae -(_c._ 227). The Persian now assumed the title of _Shahinshah_, that is -"King of Kings," which had usually been affected by the potentates of -all Iran, and established himself at the Parthian capital of Ctesiphon -on the Tigris, a position more suitable for the seat of government than -the remote Persepolis. The empire thus regenerated by the Sassanians, -held its own among the surrounding powers for four hundred years, until -the general irruption over Asia of the fanatical hosts of Islam.[24] - -The dominions of Ardeshír and his successors covered an area almost -equal to that of the Eastern Empire, but were probably much less -populous. The table-land of Iran is far from being so well adapted for -the sustentation of animal and vegetable life as the countries -amalgamated into a single state by the Roman arms. More than a fourth of -the surface is occupied by desert and salt swamps;[25] while the greater -portion of the remainder is broken up by immense mountain ranges, some -of which rise to a height of 18,000 feet. The prevailing population of -this region within the historic period has always been a division of the -Aryan race, of the great Indo-Germanic family of mankind, who at some -early epoch spread themselves across two continents, from the frontiers -of Burmah to the Atlantic seaboard of Europe. Originally the possessors -of a common language, the elements of their speech are to be found in -the Sanskrit, once colloquial throughout the valley of the Ganges, and -in the Erse of the Irish peasant, who inhabits the wilds of Connemara. -Although the face of the country has been scarred by the march of -numerous invaders, and even by religious revolution, the sociological -condition of these Eastern lands has scarcely changed at all during the -millenniums of recorded history; and the Persian citizen or rustic of -to-day is almost a counterpart of those who looked out on the progresses -of Darius and Xerxes.[26] The primitive Iranians were an agricultural -people, and as such showed an attachment to the cattle which composed -their farm stock almost amounting to veneration. But the tiller of the -soil in Iran was often exposed to harsh conditions in the effort to draw -his livelihood from the ground. The land was not uniformly fertile, -climatic severity not seldom hampered the labourer, and predatory bands -of nomads, who raided the country from the north, were a frequent cause -of disaster.[27] Life was a series of vicissitudes, circumstances of -time and place were in general sharply contrasted, and the normal -activities of nature seemed to the peaceful native to be the outcome of -perpetual strife between spirits of good and evil. In Bactria, the -north-eastern tract of Iran, all these conditions were most typically -presented. About 1000 B.C. that region was ruled by King Vistaspa,[28] -under whom flourished the prophet Zarathushtra, the original redactor of -the religion and ethical system accepted by the Persians. He gave a -distinct expression to the philosophical tendencies of his age, and -refined the loose polytheistic conceptions at first held by the Aryans -to the complete dualism in which Ahura-Mazda, the Lord of Wisdom, and -Angra-Mainyu, the Devisor of Evil, became the essential factors of a -definite theological faith.[29] On this foundation an Avesta or Bible of -Mazdeism was elaborated, which laid down the law for the whole conduct -of human life.[30] Among the primitive deities most reverence had been -paid to Mithra, the sun-god, to Spenta Aramaiti, the earth spirit, and -to Anahita, the goddess of the waters.[31] As subordinates of -Ahura-Mazda, these divinities still held an established place, and were -made the immediate objects of the rites and ceremonies imposed on the -pious Iranian. Hence the sanctity of fire, earth, and water became an -article of faith, and it was believed to be a heinous crime to -contaminate them with any impurity. Whatever was evil was esteemed to be -impure, and, therefore, the work of Angra-Mainyu. The Druj Nasu, a -female demon, personifying the lie, was regarded as his universal agent, -and as being present imminently under all adverse circumstances. Such -were the principles of Mazdeism, the rigid application of which, and -they were rigidly applied by the Magi, was productive of many curious -sociological phenomena strangely at variance with the customs of other -nations.[32] Death was considered to be the greatest of calamities, and -hence a corpse became possessed of the Druj, and the most active of all -sources of contamination. That so foul an object should be placed in -intimate contact with the holy elements of fire, earth, or water, was -sacrilege in the highest degree. Cremation and burial were, therefore, -held in abhorrence, and a deceased person had to be borne to some -isolated spot, far from fire and water, there to be exposed on an -elevated bier with the intention that the flesh should be devoured by -wild dogs, birds, etc.[33] Disease was, of course, a grade of demoniacal -obsession, so that sympathy for the sick was almost alienated by -superstition. If an ordinary soldier were taken ill on the march he was -abandoned by the wayside, some provisions being left with him, and also -a stick, with which to beat off any carnivorous animals. Should he -recover, on his reappearance all fled from him as from an apparition -risen out of the infernal regions; nor could he resume intercourse with -his relations until he had undergone a rigorous purification by the -Magi.[34] Owing to the holiness of water great reverence was felt for -rivers, which were protected by law from all defilement; and no good -Zoroastrian would travel by ship lest he should pollute the sea with his -normal excrement.[35] For purposes of cleansing water was used very -charily, and it was sinful to take a bath.[36] The vegetable productions -of the earth were viewed with profound admiration, wherefore the -cultivation of gardens and parks was among the greatest delights of the -Persians.[37] The estimation in which cattle were held was the cause of -some singular legislation and ritual enactments. Thus the urine of the -cow was habitually collected and made use of daily for the purification -of the body by washing.[38] The sheep-dog was an object of extreme -solicitude, so much so that the penalty exacted for manslaughter was -only half as onerous as that inflicted for the crime of giving bad food -to such a precious animal,[39] but even the latter was a mild offence -compared with the infamy of killing a water-dog, the name by which the -otter was identified, as the wretch convicted was sentenced to be beaten -to death.[40] On the other hand, noxious animals were regarded as the -creation of Angra-Mainyu, and the Magi made it a religious duty to kill -them with their own hands, especially ants, serpents, reptiles in -general, and certain birds.[41] In some cases it was permitted to the -subject to take the law into his own hands and to slay the guilty person -on the spot. Such culprits were the highwayman, the sodomite, the -prostitute, and anyone caught in the act of burning a corpse.[42] On the -whole, however, capital punishment was infrequent, and almost any -trespass, even murder, could be atoned for by making a money payment to -the Magi.[43] - -In the sociology of Mazdeism the strangest phenomenon that developed -itself was the tenet that affinity by blood was the highest requisite in -a marriage contract. This principle was inculcated by the priests to an -extreme degree, so that the closer the relationship the more acceptable -was the union affirmed to be in the eyes of the Deity. Not only could -brother and sister marry under religious sanction, but even father and -daughter;[44] and, most repugnant of all to the common inclinations of -humanity, the nuptials of mother and son were expressly enjoined as a -righteous act by the Avesta. This anomalous association of the sexes was -justified partly by the false analogy of certain physiological facts -supplied by the animal kingdom, and partly by an appeal to precedents to -be found in the Iranian mythology. Hybrids were notoriously infertile, -and the congress of horses with asses engendered mules who were impotent -to propagate their kind. Hence the mingling of family blood was -indicated as essential to preserving the integrity of the race. Further, -it was pointed out that the primaeval man, Gaya Maretan, impregnated -Spenta Aramaiti; that is, his mother earth, the result of this -conjunction being a son and a daughter. By this union the brother and -sister became the progenitors of the whole human race. At least one -Parthian, and probably several of the Achaemenian and Sassanian kings, -may be noted as having chosen their own mother for their consort on the -throne.[45] Such marriages were not merely ceremonial, although in some -instances the chief inducement may have been to insure the support of -the Magi for a disputed succession.[46] Incestuous offspring were not -unknown, and the case of Sisimithres, a provincial potentate subdued by -Alexander, is specially mentioned as that of one whose mother-wife had -borne him two sons.[47] Rich Persians indulged themselves with several -wives, besides maintaining numerous concubines, but, as monogamy only -was contemplated by the Avesta, the senior wife was the undisputed -mistress of the household.[48] - -The Parthians found it politic to assimilate their supremacy to that of -the Greeks whom they had displaced; and thus to attract to themselves -the influence which had so recently been predominant throughout Iran. -They, therefore, distinguished themselves by the epithet of -"Philhellen," and continued to impress their coins in Greek characters -with that affix, even after the Romans had become most potent in the -East. By degrees, however, the memory of the Greek dominion faded, and -before the middle of the second Christian century orientalism was -completely re-established. Legends in the Pahlavi, or Parthian language, -were adopted for the superscription of the currency, upon which the -Hellenized Serapis now yielded his place to Mithras or the Mazdean -fire-altar.[49] As a scion of the house of Sásán, Ardeshír was naturally -much swayed by priestly influence, and relied on the support of the Magi -as the chief element of his power. By his edicts and inscriptions he -proclaimed himself to be a Mazdayasn, or devout servant of Ahura-Mazda, -and the dynasty he founded was always noted for its firm adherence to -the national religion.[50] On his accession Ardeshír undertook the -restoration of the Avesta, a great part of which had been neglected or -altogether lost, and under the supervision of the Magi he caused a -purification or reformation of the faith of Zarathushtra to be -begun.[51] This work was continued by his successors, but, as no canon -of scripture had been formed, there were many conflicting sects, and not -until the reign of Sapor II[52] (_c._ 330) was the text of the sacred -book fixed beyond dispute. Then Adarbâd, a holy man, produced his -recension of the Avesta among the assembled Magi, and offered to submit -himself to the ordeal of fire in proof of its strict orthodoxy. Molten -brass was poured upon his breast, he passed the test unscathed, and his -reading of the tenets of Mazdeism was never afterwards contested.[53] - -Ardeshír did not, however, base his message of fortune solely on an -appeal to the mystical emotions of his nation; but he also sought to -attach them to himself by stimulating their patriotism. He professed -that he would avenge the murder of Darius on the inheritors of -Alexander, and asserted himself to be the rightful ruler of all western -Asia, which had been unlawfully wrested from his ancestors. Thus the -Persian empire, as restored by the Sassanians, was inspired with -sentiments which urged it to maintain an inveterate conflict with -Rome.[54] - -Although there is evidence of constant religious commotion in Persia -under the Sassanidae, it does not appear that any considerable number of -the historical adherents of Zarathushtra ever swerved from their faith. -The numerous priestly tribe of the Magi not only surrounded the throne, -but were fully disseminated throughout the provinces as the guardians of -Mazdeism. The valley of the Euphrates and Tigris, however, the most -densely populated district of the empire, was the site of a very -heterogeneous ethnology, with archaeological records which extend -backwards for some thousands of years prior to the descent of the Arians -into Iran. There had existed the kingdoms of Sumer and Akkad, having an -ancient mythology of their own, which was liable to be diversified by -the infiltration of Semitic elements from the south-west.[55] In this -region Mani flourished and was enabled to spread his doctrines, but as -soon as he threatened to pervert the loyal Zoroastrians his downfall was -brought about by the resentment of the Magi.[56] Here also Christianity -essayed to penetrate into Persia, but with the same result, and we -possess some details of the cruel persecution to which Christians were -subjected whenever they came into collision with the established -religion of the state.[57] In some instances, however, Roman heretics, -such as the Nestorians who fled before the face of an orthodox Emperor, -were accorded an asylum in Persia by a politic Shah.[58] - -Towards the end of the fifth century a serious ferment in the ranks of -the Zoroastrians themselves was occasioned by the preaching of a -fanatical demagogue named Mazdak. This reformer aimed at nothing less -than a subversion of the existing sociological status by the induction -of a communistic partage of women and property. All practical class -distinctions were thus to be swept away, so that a level affluence -should prevail throughout the land. It appears that in the early years -of his reign Cavades found himself greatly hampered by the arrogant -pretensions of his nobles, wherefore he lent a favourable ear to the new -propaganda, and gave public encouragement to Mazdak. But the power of -the throne was unequal for the achievement of such a revolution; the -Magi and the nobles met in council, deposed Cavades, and, with some -hesitation conceding to him his life, caused him to be imprisoned in a -stronghold called the Castle of Oblivion. From this durance he was -shortly released through the devotion of a handsome sister-wife, who -seduced the fidelity of the gaoler by the promise of her person. Being -allowed to sleep for one night in her brother's apartment, she had him -carried out next morning enrolled in her bed-furniture, for the -exemption of which from inspection she invented a plausible excuse.[59] -Cavades now made good his escape to Bactria, where he spent a couple of -years as a guest of the King of the Hephthalites. Ultimately he obtained -the loan of an army from that monarch,[60] with which he drove his -brother Jamâsp, who had been created king in the meantime, from the -throne. As for Mazdak, it seems that for the next quarter of a century -he was allowed a free hand to propagate his opinions, an attitude of -neutrality being adopted by the Shah and the Magi. His gospel was -accepted by an increasing number of the Iranians, whom he persuaded that -his communism was the only mode of life which accorded with the precepts -of Zarathushtra. At length the growing transformation of the social -system began to be viewed with alarm; a generation of children had -sprung up who were ignorant of their parentage, and in all directions -the ownership of property was falling into abeyance.[61] It was -resolved, therefore, by the Shah and priests in council that the -Mazdakites should be extirpated by the sweeping Oriental device of a -general massacre. In order to achieve this object an assemblage of all -the members of the sect was convened by Chosroes, the designated heir to -the crown, who had ingratiated himself with Mazdak and his disciples -under the pretence of being a convert to their doctrines. It was -represented that Cavades on a certain day would abdicate in favour of -his son, who would at once reinstate the throne on the principle that -for the future the Mazdakites should be its chief supporters. The ruse -succeeded; Cavades received the leaders in state surrounded by the Magi, -asserted his imminent retirement, and desired them to muster their whole -following in a place apart. There Chosroes would join them and institute -the new _régime_ with due formality. They obeyed, and were immediately -surrounded by a division of the army, who cut them to pieces. The -remnants of the sect throughout the provinces were afterwards hunted -down, and got rid of by burning at the stake.[62] - -The moment we turn our attention to the Persian court, and begin to -observe the material and ceremonial attributes of the monarch, we -discover the prototype of almost the whole fabric of Byzantine state as -displayed at Constantinople. In the East was found the model of those -accretions which gradually transformed the unassuming Roman Emperor of -the Tiber into the haughty autocrat who overawed his subjects with -pageantry on the Bosphorus; but the native sobriety of Europe always -stopped short of the pronounced extravagance and hyperbole of -Orientalism. The throne of the Sassanians stood between four pillars -which upheld a ciborium.[63] On sitting down, the Shahinshah inserted -his head into the crown, a mass of precious metal and jewels suspended -by a chain, too ponderous to be worn without extraneous support.[64] No -epithet was too lofty for the Persian monarch to assume in his epistles; -he was brother of the sun and moon, a god among men, and in merely -mundane affairs the King of kings, the lord of all nations, as well as -everything else expressive of unlimited power and success.[65] When he -made a progress out of doors the streets were cleansed and decorated in -the manner already described as customary during the passage of the -Eastern Emperor.[66] Personal reverence was, of course, carried to the -extreme point, and even officials of the highest rank kissed the ground -before venturing to address the Shah.[67] The succession to the throne -was strictly hereditary and, although several revolutions occurred -during the four centuries of the Sassanian rule, in every instance the -crown devolved to a prince of the blood of Ardeshír.[68] - -A Persian army of this date was very similar to a Roman one, but there -were some essential differences. With the exception of the Royal guards, -which, like those of the Achaemenians, included a body of ten thousand, -called "the Immortals,"[69] and necessary garrisons, a standing army was -not maintained.[70] On each occasion, therefore, the fighting force had -to be levied afresh whenever a campaign was in prospect, but, as a -traditional part of Persian education was that every youth should be -taught to ride and to become an efficient archer,[71] the new recruits -were not necessarily deficient in military training. During a battle, in -fact, they relied chiefly on their missiles, and a Persian horseman was -provided with two bows and thirty arrows.[72] Less importance was -attached to the infantry, but they also consisted of bands of archers. -The cavalry were generally almost as numerous, and in addition a troop -of elephants was often a prominent feature in a Persian army.[73] - -The revenue of Persia previous to the sixth century was mainly derived -from agricultural industry; and every inhabitant who cultivated the -ground handed over to the state collectors a tithe of whatever -economical growth his land produced. Cavades, however, from personal -observation became impressed with the disadvantages of this system, -which often seriously hampered his subjects in providing for their daily -wants, and deprived them of the full benefit of the newly ripened -crops.[74] Thus the rustic population feared to be accused of -falsification if they ventured to supply their present needs before the -arrival of an official whose duty it was to inspect the produce of the -soil and of the fruit-bearing trees while still in position, and to -deliver to them their note of assessment. Cavades, therefore, decided on -the abolition of tithes in favour of a land-tax, a sweeping reform, -beset with many difficulties, which engaged his attention for many -years, and was only fully established by his successor.[75] With the -inhabitants of towns and villages, who did not subsist by agriculture, -the Persians adopted the usual expedient, in this age, of imposing a -poll-tax.[76] - -The Sassanian Empire did not distinguish itself in the realm of art; and -the scanty remains which have been discovered indicate that their -architectural productions owed much to Byzantine co-operation.[77] As -temple worship was a minor feature of the Zoroastrian religion, which -consisted almost wholly in forms of private devotion,[78] no ruins -pertaining to buildings of that class have been found;[79] but in -several places portions of dilapidated palaces exist, which enable us to -estimate accurately the artistic proficiency of the Sassanians.[80] The -residence of the Shahinshah was a quadrangular edifice built around a -central court. Externally the walls were diversified by two or three -superimposed rows of slender columns, those rising from the ground being -much taller than the upper ranges. The distinctive part of the -architectural design was an arched entrance, wide and lofty, which led -into a great domical hall, from whence small doors gave access to the -various chambers of the palace. All the apartments, at least those of -any size, were covered with a domed roof. To the rather tasteless -exterior decoration of these palaces the remains of an unfinished one -discovered at Mashita, on the edge of the Syrian desert,[81] offers a -striking exception. For several feet from the foundations the walls are -covered with an intricate tracing of carving, in which lions, tigers, -and doves, appear entangled amid the leaves and contorted branches of -some luxuriant vegetation.[82] A considerable number of bas-reliefs have -come to light among the ruins of Sassanian palaces, some of them -illustrating the achievements of the dynasty during its wars with Rome -and various powers, others representing hunting scenes in which are -shown the methods of the chase and the magnificence of the monarch on -such occasions amid his attendant throng of courtiers and guards. The -execution of these works cannot be spoken of as art in the Hellenic -sense, but in chiselling the forms of animal life some approach to -excellence may sometimes be noted, especially in the case of -elephants.[83] As for literature, it appears that the Sassanians -produced little or nothing national, with the exception of priestly -elaboration of the Mazdean scriptures, but in the last days of the -empire, a crude history under the title of _Shahnameh_, that is, a Book -of Kings, was compiled.[84] - -The first important commission entrusted to Belisarius by Justinian, -after his accession to undivided power, was the construction of a fort -at Mindo, a village on the Roman frontier between Dara and Nisibis.[85] -As soon as the news of this bold measure was announced to Cavades he -determined to prevent the execution of the work by every means in his -power. He had already despatched a considerable army under two of his -sons through Persarmenia in order to make an incursion into Lazica. This -force he now diverted from its original purpose, and directed them to -march with all speed to the scene of the offensive operations.[86] -Information of the impending attack was immediately transmitted to the -Emperor. He promptly resolved to frustrate it by a counter-move of a -similar kind. The troops posted in the province of Libanus under the -brothers Cutzes and Butzes, two young Thracians, were therefore ordered -to hasten northwards to strengthen the hands of Belisarius. Their -arrival was well-timed, and the Persians found themselves intercepted -before they could make an onslaught against the works. The Orientals -halted and proceeded to encamp themselves methodically over against the -Romans. They then took the precaution to cover their line secretly with -a series of pits, at the bottom of which they fixed stakes, and -afterwards restored the surface so as to give the appearance of unbroken -ground.[87] The young Thracians, rash and inexperienced, neglected to -observe the precise movements of the enemy, nor did they delay to take -counsel with Belisarius, but pushed forwards impetuously to join battle -with their opponents as soon as they were able to dispose their forces -in order for an attack. The Persians calmly awaited the assault until -the Byzantines had entered on the treacherous ground, and became -disorganized by falling into the numerous traps which had been prepared -for them. An indiscriminate slaughter then ensued, most of the officers -being killed, but some of them were taken prisoners, among the latter -being Cutzes. No effort could now avail to save the fort, which was at -once abandoned by Belisarius, who, with the wreck of the army, made good -his retreat to Dara. - - [Illustration: Seat of - JUSTINIAN'S WARS - in the East] - -After this disaster Justinian promoted Belisarius to the rank of Master -of the Forces in the East, and authorized him to levy an army of the -greatest possible strength. In this task he joined with him Hermogenes, -Master of the Offices, whom, with Rufinus, a patrician, he despatched to -the theatre of war. The latter was well known as a legate at the Persian -court, and he was directed to take advantage of the customary suspension -of hostilities during the winter, which was now at hand, to make -overtures to Cavades for the conclusion of a peace. An interchange of -propositions on the subject was kept up for some months, during which -the Shah maintained an equivocal attitude, until, on the approach of -spring, scouts brought in the intelligence that the Persians were -advancing with a great army, evidently counting on the capture of Dara. -In a short time a taunting message was brought to Belisarius from -Perozes, who was in chief command, charging him to prepare a bath in the -town against his arrival on the following evening.[88] This Perozes was -one of the elder sons of Cavades,[89] and his insolent confidence was -inspired by the success of the recent action, in which he had borne the -principal part. His notice was taken as a serious warning, and the Roman -generals at once set about disposing their forces in order of battle, -anticipating a decisive engagement on the following day. Their army -consisted of about 25,000 men, most of whom were mounted, and they were -drawn up within a stone's throw of the wall of Dara. Belisarius and -Hermogenes, surrounded by their personal guards, posted themselves in -the rear, next to the town. Immediately in front of them was ranged the -main body of their troops, in a long line, made up of alternating squads -of horse and foot. A little in advance of these, at each end, was -stationed a battalion of six hundred Huns.[90] Such was the centre to -which, but at some distance forward, wings were supplied, each one -composed of about three thousand cavalry. A trench, interrupted at -intervals for passage and dipping in to meet the centre, covered the -whole of this formation in front, but excluding the two bodies of -Hunnish horse standing at each reentrant angle.[91] Lastly, advantage -was taken of a small hill lying on the extreme left to form an ambush of -three hundred Herules under their native leader, Pharas. - -As soon as the Persian host had established itself on the field, they -were perceived to be much more numerous than the Romans, amounting to -quite forty thousand men. The Mirrhanes, such was the military title -borne by Perozes, drew up his forces in two lines with the design that -when those in front were exhausted they should be replaced by fresh -troops from behind, the movement to become alternating, if necessary, -with intervening periods of rest for each line. The wings were composed -of cavalry, the famous band of Immortals being stationed on the left, -whilst Perozes himself led the van, supported by the heaviest mass of -combatants. On the first day that the armies stood facing each other the -Persians' left wing suddenly improvised a skirmish with those opposed to -them, but retired after a brief collision with the loss of seven of -their number. Later on a Persian youth of great prowess rode into the -interspace and defied any Roman to meet him in single combat. No soldier -seemed inclined to respond, but at length one Andrew, the tent-keeper of -Buzes, lately a trainer of athletes at Constantinople, took up the -challenge. The adversaries charged each other with poised lances, the -Persian was unhorsed, and Andrew, quickly dismounting, cut his throat -with a knife. The Romans shouted with delight, whilst the Persians, -chagrined, determined to retrieve the mischance, and soon presented -another champion. A horseman, middle-aged, but of great weight, advanced -cracking his whip and calling out for some confident opponent. Still no -response from the military on the Roman side. At last Andrew, despite -the express prohibition of Hermogenes, advanced again and braced himself -for the encounter. The pair charged, their lances glanced aside, but the -horses crashed against each other breast to breast, and both animals -rolled over on the turf. The riders essayed to rise, but the athlete -anticipated his heavy opponent and despatched him before he could regain -his feet. It was now almost nightfall, and both armies withdrew from -their positions, the Persians to their encampment, the Romans within the -walls of Dara. - -Next day the troops were drawn out on both sides in the same order, but -the Roman generals, relying on the peace proposals, which they -considered to be still in progress, deemed it possible that a conflict -might be avoided. They addressed a letter, therefore, to the Mirrhanes, -representing the uselessness of further bloodshed at a time when their -respective sovereigns were bent on the resumption of amicable relations. -In his answer Perozes accused his adversaries of ill faith, and declared -his disbelief in the genuineness of their overtures on behalf of peace. -To this Belisarius replied that Rufinus would shortly be at hand with -letters which would convict the Persians of a wanton rupture of their -engagements, and that they should be fixed to the top of his standard at -the outset of the battle. The rejoinder of the Mirrhanes closed the -parley; he expressed unbounded confidence, and reiterated his mocking -request that a bath and a suitable repast should be prepared for him -forthwith within the city. His assurance was, in fact, increased at the -moment, for, that very morning, a reinforcement of ten thousand men had -joined him from Nisibis.[92] - -As a prelude to the battle the opposing leaders mutually harangued their -men. "The recent encounter," said the Byzantine generals, "has taught -you that the Persians are not invincible. You are better soldiers than -they, and it is easy to see that on former occasions you suffered -because you disobeyed your officers. The enemy knew it, and came on here -trusting to profit by your want of discipline, but since their arrival -they have been awed by your firm array. You see before you an immense -host, but the infantry are contemptible, wretched rustics, and mere -camp-followers, fit only to dig beneath the walls or to strip the slain. -They carry no arms to assault you with, and merely cover themselves with -great shields to avoid our darts. Bear yourselves bravely, and the -Persians will never again dare to invade our country." On the other -side, Perozes bade his troops to take no heed of the skilful tactics now -first observable among the Romans. "You think," said he, "that your -adversaries have become more warlike because of this imposing formation. -On the contrary, the ditch they have covered their positions with proves -their increased timidity; nor have they, though thus protected, ventured -to attack us. But never doubt that they will fall into their accustomed -confusion the moment we assault them; and remember that your conduct -will hereafter be judged of by the Shahinshah." - -Shortly after midday[93] the action was begun by the Persian archers, -and, until the quivers were exhausted, showers of arrows were discharged -from each side so thick as to darken the sky. The rain of missiles from -the Orientals was heaviest, but an adverse wind rendered it less -effective, so that the Byzantines suffered no more than they inflicted. -On its cessation several thousands of the Persians bore down on the left -wing of the Romans and threw it into disorder. Already the flight had -commenced, when the six hundred Huns held in reserve on that side -charged the left flank of the enemy; and simultaneously the three -hundred Herules, rushing down the slope of the hill from their ambush, -fell upon them behind. Terrified by these unforeseen attacks the -Persians turned and fled indiscriminately, whereupon the Romans joined -in a triple band to take the offensive, and inflicted on them a loss of -fully three thousand before they could reach their own lines. -Considering it unwise, however, to proceed too far, the Romans soon -desisted from the pursuit, and retired to their original positions. - -A moment later the Persian left wing, including the whole regiment of -Immortals, made a fierce descent on those opposite them, and succeeded -in beating them back to the wall of Dara. At the sight of this defeat, -however, the Byzantine generals ordered the Hunnish reserve just -returned from pursuit to join their fellows of the right wing, and -launched the whole twelve hundred, together with their personal guards, -against the enemy's flank. As a result that wing of the Persians was cut -in two, the after portion being arrested in its charge, and among these -happened to be the standard-bearer, who was slain on the spot. Alarmed -at the collapse of the ensign, those who were fighting in advance, being -the majority, now turned to attack the mass of troops who had gained -possession of the ground in their rear. The discomfited right wing of -the Byzantines, thus freed from danger, immediately rallied and dashed -forward after their lately victorious adversaries. Simultaneously the -general of the Persian wing in action fell before the lance of one of -the leaders of the Roman reserves and disappeared from his saddle. A -panic then seized on the Orientals, and they thought of nothing but -escape by flight. From all sides the Romans rushed to make an onslaught -on them, they became hemmed in by a circle of steel, and were -slaughtered without resistance to the number of five thousand. A general -rout of the Persian army ensued; the infantry, on seeing the destruction -of the cavalry, threw away their shields and fled, but they were quickly -overtaken, so that a great majority of them perished. Belisarius and his -colleague, however, fearing lest the reaction of despair in so great a -host might lead to some disaster, recalled their forces as soon as they -judged the defeat of the enemy to be complete. Such was the victory of -Dara, the achievement of which appears to have been due mainly to the -military talents of Belisarius, whose age at this date (530) was -probably under thirty.[94] For the rest of this war the Persians always -avoided fighting a pitched battle with the Romans.[95] - -During the succeeding summer desultory hostilities were carried on in -Armenia, where, as a rule, the Byzantines had the advantage; and two -fortified posts of some importance, Bolum and Pharangium,[96] in the -Persian division of that country, fell into their hands. At the same -time three Persarmenians, who held commands in the Persian service, -deserted and fled to Constantinople. There they were received and -provided for by a fellow-countryman of their own, the eunuch Narses, who -at the moment filled the office of Count of the Privy Purse, the same -who afterwards attained to great military celebrity.[97] This part of -the war was conducted by Sittas, who had become the husband of Comito, -the sister of Theodora.[98] He also had been promoted to the rank of a -Master of Soldiers. - -In the meantime Justinian was still desirous of concluding a peace, and -towards the close of 530 his ambassador, Rufinus, succeeded in gaining -an audience of Cavades. In reply to a general appeal the Persian monarch -complained bitterly that the whole responsibility of guarding the -Caspian Gates had been thrown on his shoulders, and that the fortress of -Dara was maintained as a constant threat against his frontier. He also -adverted to the fact that Persia was a poor country, and accused the -Romans of penuriousness in money matters. "Either," said he, "let Dara -be dismantled, or pay an equitable sum towards the upkeep of the Caspian -Gates."[99] He showed no inclination, however, to agree to any specific -terms, and dismissed the Roman emissaries in the evident expectation -that some decisive success would enable him to dictate the articles of a -treaty. He was encouraged by the fact that he was entertaining at the -time several thousand refugees of the Samaritan sect, who had been -driven from their homes in Palestine by religious persecution. Such -internal disorders must lessen the offensive powers of his rival, whilst -the expatriated sectarians were even anxious to bear arms against their -late oppressor.[100] - -In the beginning of spring (531) it became manifest that the Persians -had been maturing a plan of campaign based on a strategical diversion, -by which they hoped to surprise the enemy and possess themselves of a -rich booty before their operations could be arrested. The originator of -the scheme was Alamundar, his Saracenic ally, who pointed out to Cavades -that if a descent were made on Euphratesia, the overlying province of -Syria, they might advance to the walls of Antioch through a populous -district teeming with wealthy towns but slightly guarded, and totally -unapprehensive of their security being threatened. "Antioch itself," -said he, "the richest city of the East, is always given over to public -festivities and theatrical rivalries, and is divested of a garrison. -Well might we capture it and make good our retreat to Persia without -meeting with a hostile force. In Mesopotamia, to which the war has been -confined hitherto, the enemy is prepared for us, and we can inflict no -damage on them without engaging in a perpetual series of battles." His -advice was acted upon, and a Persian general, Azarathes, invaded -Euphratesia with fifteen thousand horse, supported by a numerous body of -Saracenic auxiliaries. The news of their entry on Roman territory was -speedily conveyed to Belisarius at Dara, and he resolved to proceed at -once by forced marches to meet the raiders. His army consisted of about -twenty thousand men, including cavalry and infantry, and he moved with -such rapidity that he succeeded in bringing the enemy to a stand -at Gabbulae, before they had had time to commit any serious -depredations.[101] Azarathes and Alamundar were taken aback at this -encounter, which falsified all their calculations. They were devoid of -confidence in their power to resist a Roman force, especially when led -by a general who had so lately proved his superiority; and they, -therefore, decided to abandon the expedition and to retrace their steps -with all haste to their own country. Belisarius, on his side, was well -satisfied when he perceived that his adversaries were anxious only to -beat a retreat, and he determined to leave them unmolested, but to -follow their movements until he saw them safely over the border of the -province. The two armies were separated from each other by about a day's -march, and they proceeded for several days in an easterly direction -along the bank of the Euphrates, which lay to the left of their route. -Each evening the Byzantines spread their tents on the same camping -ground which had been occupied by the Orientals during the previous -night. They began to cross the northern extremity of the Syrian -desert.[102] In the meantime, however, the Roman troops had become -inflamed with the desire to attack an enemy whom they saw constantly -flying before them; and at length they broke into open murmurs against -their general who, from sloth and timidity, they exclaimed, was -restraining them from a glorious success. Belisarius strove to repress -their ardour by urging that no fruitful victory was possible under the -conditions present, whereas the enemy, if driven to desperation, might -inflict a defeat which would restore to them their liberty of action, -and be attended with disastrous consequences to the surrounding country. -He also represented to his men that their strength was sapped by -incessant marching, and especially by the fasts imposed on them by the -season of Lent, through which they were passing; finally, that a portion -of the army had not yet arrived. At last he was overborne by their -clamours, in which many of his officers joined, and even expressed his -confidence that a general could not fail to conquer when in command of -troops so eager to be led into action.[103] - -On Easter Eve the Romans overtook the Persians, and the two armies -encamped in sight of each other at a short distance from the town of -Callinicus on the Euphrates. The day was observed as a strict fast, but -nevertheless on the Sunday morning Belisarius drew out his forces and -disposed them in order of battle. His infantry he placed on the left, so -that their flank should be protected by the river. The centre was -composed of cavalry, among whom he took up his own station, whilst the -right wing was allocated to a body of Saracens under Arethas, a sheikh -who had been induced to become an ally of the Empire as a counterpoise -to the power of Alamundar. On the other side two divisions only were -made, the Persians occupying the right and the Saracens the left. As -usual the engagement was begun by the archers, who consumed nearly -two-thirds of the day in emptying their quivers. The Persians, however, -shot out weakly with relaxed strings, and their darts were to be seen -continually leaping backwards after impinging on cuirasses, helmets, or -shields. But the Byzantine bowmen, though much fewer in number, were -more robust, and almost always succeeded in transfixing those whom they -struck with their arrows. A determined charge on the Romans by the best -troops of the enemy ensued, upon which the tribesmen led by Arethas, -cowed by the superior prestige of Alamundar, fled almost without -striking a blow. As a consequence Belisarius, with his cavalry, was -surrounded on three sides, and subjected to a fierce attack which it was -impossible to resist. A band of two thousand Isaurians, who had been -among those most eager for a conflict, scarcely dared to use their -weapons, and nearly all of them were slain on the spot. A large number -of the centre, however, exhausted though they were with fasting, -defended themselves strenuously, and inflicted great loss on their -opponents. When at length Belisarius saw that there was no hope for the -residue of his cavalry but annihilation, he drew them off rapidly to the -left, and joined those of the infantry who still held their ground on -the river's bank. There, with great presence of mind, he improvised a -phalanx, dismounting himself and ordering all his horsemen to follow his -example. With serried shields and projecting lances they formed an -impenetrable mass which every effort of the enemy failed to break. Again -and again the whole body of the Persian horse rode down upon the -bristling phalanx; but the Romans drove them back with lance thrusts, -and so terrified the animals by clashing their shields, that they shook -their riders off. The conflict was only terminated by nightfall, when -the Persians returned to their camp, and Belisarius, having obtained -possession of a ferry-boat, transferred the remnant of the army to a -safe retreat on an adjacent island of the river. Next day he summoned a -batch of transports from Callinicus, and in a short time all were -securely lodged within the town.[104] - -Soon after the battle on the Euphrates Justinian recalled Belisarius to -Constantinople and entrusted him with the organization of an expedition -which he contemplated against the Vandals in the west. The chief command -in the east then devolved on Sittas.[105] As for the Persian generals -who had been opposed to Belisarius in the two leading engagements of the -war, they incurred almost equal odium in the eyes of their royal master. -The Mirrhanes was deprived of the rich insignia of an order of nobility -which conferred a dignity second only to that of the throne; whilst -Azarathes, who claimed the honours of a victorious general on his -reappearance at court, could produce no evidence of his success and, -after a muster of the troops, was upbraided by Cavades for having lost -the half of his army.[106] - -At this juncture Justinian seems almost to have despaired of obtaining a -peace on any equitable terms from Persia, although he kept his legates, -Rufinus and Hermogenes, on the confines of both empires in continual -readiness to institute negotiations. He began, therefore, to devise some -means of neutralizing the injurious effect of being in perpetual -conflict with his impracticable neighbour. To provoke a hostile -incursion against his antagonist from some remote frontier might force -him to suspend his assaults on the Empire; whilst the serious -interference with Byzantine commerce due to the import of silk across -his enemy's dominions being in abeyance would disappear if the trade in -that indispensable commodity could be diverted to some friendly route. -The geographical and political situation of Aethiopia or Axum and the -amicable relations of that kingdom with the Empire seemed to satisfy all -the conditions essential to the success of this project. The -civilization of Axum and part of its population had originally been -derived from the Arabian province of Yemen, on the opposite side of the -Red Sea. In the course of time the offspring prospered and turned upon -its parent; and by the middle of the fourth century the Negus[107] of -Axum had become the overlord of his less powerful neighbour, the king of -the Homerites or Himyarites, as the inhabitants of that district of -Arabia were called in this age. Christian missions began to penetrate -these regions shortly after the reign of Constantine, and at the present -time the Axumites were enthusiastic votaries of that religion and of -Rome. Himyar, however, was full of Jews who had fled before Hadrian and -his predecessors after the subjection of Palestine and the destruction -of Jerusalem, and, therefore, of religious dissension; and the -championship of the Cross more than once furnished an occasion for the -Aethiopian despot to carry his arms into the Arabian kingdom for the -maintenance of his rather precarious suzerainty. Only recently, in the -reign of Justin (_c._ 524), the Negus of the day, Elesbaas,[108] had -crossed the gulf, expelled a Jewish ruler, and established Esimphaeus, a -Christian, in his stead.[109] - -To Elesbaas, therefore, Justinian determined to apply, and forthwith -detached an ambassador named Julian to enlist his aid against Persia. -The embassy, provided with a letter and suitable presents, took ship for -Alexandria, navigated the Nile to Coptos, crossed the desert to -Berenice, and from thence sailed down the Red Sea to Adule.[110] The -Negus was transported with joy as soon as he heard that a party of Roman -delegates was approaching Axum, and advanced from his capital to meet -them sustained by all the excess of barbaric state. He was standing on a -lofty car adorned with plates of gold, which was drawn by four -elephants. His guards crowded around him, each one armed with a pair of -gilded spears and a small gilt shield, and a company of musicians blew -with exultant strains on their shrill pipes. The dusky potentate himself -was almost devoid of clothing proper, but was decked from head to foot -with a profusion of precious ornaments. On his head he wore a white -turban interwoven with gold thread and four golden chains hung from it -on each side. A linen mantle weighted with pearls and golden nails, open -in front, flowed from his shoulders; and a kilt seamed with precious -metal was dependent from his girdle. A necklace and bracelets of gold, -with arms similar to those borne by his guards, completed his -equipment.[111] - -Julian knelt and presented his letter, but was immediately bidden to -rise, whilst the Negus kissed the seal of the missive, and listened to -its contents as read by an interpreter. He at once promised compliance -with all Justinian's requests; an army of his vassal Saracens should -march against the Sassanian realm, and the cargoes of silk from Malabar -should be diverted from the Persian Gulf to be discharged at Adule.[112] -After the lapse of a year another envoy was despatched from -Constantinople, and Nonnosus, one of a family of legates, familiarized -with these regions by constant visits, traversed not only Axum, but -Yemen, in order to stimulate the execution of these important -schemes.[113] In the end, however, the project failed of achievement; -the tribes of Himyar shrunk from entering on a long and arduous journey -over the sandy wastes to attack an enemy whom they believed to be more -bellicose than themselves, while the shipmasters could not be induced to -avoid the Persian ports, where they found eager buyers for all the silk -they could procure.[114] The death of Elesbaas occurred shortly -afterwards, but not before an interior revolt had freed Himyar for a -time from the Aethiopian supremacy.[115] - -In the next phase of the war, martial activity centred around -Martyropolis, a fortified town of Roman Armenia, situated on the river -Nymphius. A considerable Persian army, under several veteran generals, -beset the stronghold with all the engines proper to a determined siege -in the warfare of the period. At the same time Cavades, octogenarian -though he was, resolute in his purpose to do all the damage possible to -his adversaries, provoked an artificial irruption of the Huns into Roman -territory, and opened the Caspian Gates to a great host of those -barbarians. At his instigation they carried their depredations rapidly -to the south, and in the autumn of 531 effected a junction with the -Persian forces around Martyropolis. Buzes and Bessas commanded the -garrison of the town, but without confidence in their powers of -resistance to the assault; for not only were the walls easily -surmountable in many places, but the beleaguered were ill supplied with -sustenance, and with warlike machines to repel the assaults of the -enemy.[116] Nor had the Byzantines any troops in the field with whom -they could hope to raise the siege; and Sittas, though posted at only -one day's march from the scene of hostilities, feared to approach nearer -with the slender army at his disposal.[117] From time to time successful -sallies were made by the besieged, and Bessas, who was a bold cavalry -leader, now, as on former occasions, found opportunities of inflicting -considerable loss on the foe; but nevertheless it was felt that a crisis -disastrous to the Romans could not long be delayed.[118] In this impass -a stratagem was concerted and carried out effectively, which blunted the -ardour of the siege and eventually saved the town. As in all ages, it -was the practice to maintain spies in an enemy's camp; and between both -nations there was a habitual interchange of renegades who were anxious -to betray the secrets of their country, attracted by the substantial -rewards which generally accrued to such treason. A man of this class was -now at hand, one whose reliability had been tested by the Emperor -himself, and he was instructed to reveal to the Persian generals with -professed good faith his pretended discovery that the Huns, corrupted by -Byzantine gold, only awaited an opportune moment to change sides in -their warfare. The spy executed his commission faithfully, and his -communication was listened to with consternation by the military -council.[119] The Orientals, distrustful of their uncongenial allies, -relaxed their energies, and the siege was protracted until the severity -of the weather compelled a cessation of arms for the season. The -Persians gladly agreed to a truce and retired into winter quarters, but -the Huns, now freed from control, began to work their way towards the -south with Antioch as their goal, plundering every assailable habitation -which lay in their track. They were pursued unremittingly by Bessas, who -cut up marauding bands, captured their spoils, and finally succeeded in -chasing the survivors out of the country.[120] - -In the meantime an event had occurred which produced an immediate change -in the relations of the two empires, and virtually ended the war before -the advent of spring called for a resumption of hostilities. Early in -September Cavades was suddenly prostrated by illness, whereupon he -summoned Chosroes, and caused him to be crowned hastily at his bedside. -A few days afterwards he expired, at the age of eighty-two in the -forty-fourth year of his reign.[121] As usual in Oriental successions -the new Shah was unable to seat himself firmly on the throne without -making away with several of his near relatives who formed a nucleus -around whom malcontents might cluster.[122] Preoccupied, therefore, with -his domestic affairs, he was anxious to be relieved from the onus of a -foreign war, and signified shortly to the Roman legates his willingness -to negotiate a treaty.[123] Rufinus was credited with being a peculiarly -grateful personage to Chosroes owing to his having consistently advised -Cavades, during his long intimacy with him, to elevate his third son to -the throne. It was also reported that the Persian queen-mother was in -secret sympathy with Christianity and, therefore, used her influence -over her son to promote peaceful relations with the Byzantines.[124] But -the lessons of the war had not been lost on Chosroes, and he felt strong -enough to impose conditions so exacting that the Roman plenipotentiaries -were unable to accept them on their own responsibility. Invasion of the -empire in force had been the distinctive feature of every campaign and, -while Persian territory had been subjected only to some desultory raids, -the brunt of the war had been borne by the Byzantines on their own -ground. Under an obligation to perform the double journey in seventy -days, Rufinus posted to Constantinople to hold a special conference with -Justinian. He returned with a virtual consent to all the effective -demands of Chosroes, and in less than a year after the death of Cavades -a treaty was ratified under the reassuring title of "the Perpetual -Peace." By this convention the substantial captures made by each party -were to be exchanged; the fugitive Iberians were to be allowed the -option of residing peacefully in their own country or of remaining under -the protection of Justinian; Dara was not to be demolished, but the -military Duke of Mesopotamia was to remove his headquarters from thence -to an unimportant town at some distance from the frontier;[125] and the -Caspian Gates were to be left in the sole charge of Persia. The two last -articles were concessions on the part of the Shahinshah, to -counterbalance which the Romans agreed to pay an indemnity of one -hundred and ten centenaries of gold (£440,000).[126] Rufinus deposited -the amount in specie at Nisibis, and the war was thus terminated with -some military glory to the Byzantines, but with no inconsiderable loss -of their material possessions, which accrued for the most part to the -advantage of the Orientals. - -During the whole of this period the barbarians to the north of the -Danube and Euxine were kept in a state of active commotion by various -influences; and, if at any moment the countless wild hordes, who peopled -that immense region, could have been moved by a unanimous impulse to -hurl their combined force against the Empire, it seems impossible but -that the Byzantine administration must have succumbed at once and -finally to the irresistible shock. But there were always three forces in -being which co-operated to avert such a catastrophe, and saved the -Empire for many centuries from sudden annihilation. Its lengthened -preservation in this connection was due to the diverse powers of arms, -of wealth, and of religion. Conversion to Christianity was continually -inspiring a proportion of these semi-savage races with a desire to enter -into amicable relations with the Roman Emperor, in whom they saw the -prime source of the mystical lore which they had just been taught to -regard with awe. Rich presents were despatched to the most accessible of -the barbarian rulers, who were thus induced to pledge their allegiance -to the Byzantine state.[127] These various influences not only protected -the Empire from many impending assaults, but, by animating the -barbarians with invidious feelings against each other, often caused -dissentient tribes to engage in the work of mutual self-destruction. -Lastly, the residue who actually crossed the frontier with hostile -intent were met by the Masters of Soldiers, and with varying success -checked in their advance, or cut to pieces. - -The influence of religion, at the same time conjunctive and disruptive, -has already been exemplified in connection with Lazica and Iberia; and a -couple of nearly similar instances, occurring shortly after the -accession of Justinian, will be noticed explicitly in a future -chapter.[128] An illustration of the advantage derived by the Emperor -from the judicious bestowal of treasure on barbarian potentates is also -brought before us during this war with Persia.[129] Two Hunnish kings, -subsidized by Cavades, were on the march to join the Persian army with -an auxiliary force amounting to twenty thousand men. But a queen of the -Sabirian Huns, named Boarex, who had been the recipient of Justinian's -liberality, was able to put a hundred thousand of her nation under arms. -This martial female did not hesitate to attack her kindred; but, falling -on them before they could reach their destination, destroyed the -expeditionary force, slew one of the leaders, and sent the other to -Constantinople, where he was impaled on the shore at Sycae, by order of -the Emperor.[130] On the Illyrian frontier the Masters of the Forces in -that region were in almost perpetual conflict with barbarian raiders. -Previous to 529 the command on the Danube had been entrusted to Ascum, a -Christian Hun, but, being captured by a marauding band of his own race -during a skirmish, he was carried off and permanently retained by them -in their native abodes. He was succeeded by Mundus, a Gepœd of royal -race, who had formerly been in the service of Italy. After the death of -Theodoric, however, he placed his sword at the disposal of Justinian, to -whom he proved a faithful servant not only in the defence of Illyricum, -but shortly afterwards at a critical period of his reign in the -capital.[131] - -[1] The minute description of Justinian's personal appearance is due to -Procopius (Anecd., 8), and Malala (xviii, p. 425), whose descriptions -seem to correspond fairly. There are several representations of -Justinian, but it is doubtful whether any of them rise to actual -portraiture. Those found on a large gold medal formerly in a museum at -Paris (stolen 1835) were probably the best (reproduced by Isambert, _op. -cit._; Diehl, _op. cit._, p. 23). He appears in the great mosaics at -Ravenna (see p. 91), and also in a half-length figure in St. Apollinare -of the same town. Further there is a MS. sketch at CP. (Mordtmann, _op. -cit._, p. 65). In addition there is the current coinage, especially the -copper, on which his image is impressed. Generally the face is -pronouncedly round, but, one and all, these likenesses are too crude to -convey any physiognomical information. See also p. 308. - -[2] Procopius, Anecd., 8. He relates that after the butchery of Domitian -all his statues were broken to pieces, but his wife afterwards fitted -the fragments of his body together and caused a new figure to be -sculptured from them. There is an almost perfect statue of Domitian in -the Vatican, which may be the one he alludes to, if there is any truth -in his story. - -[3] Jn. Malala, xviii, p. 425; Chron. Paschal, an. 566. "You would have -taken him for a man with the mind of a sheep," says Procopius, Anecd., -13. - -[4] His character and manners can be collected from Procopius (Anecd., -6, 8, 10, 13, 15, 22, etc.) and Zonaras, xiv, 8. His personal influence -is well illustrated by the incident already related (p. 303) of his -rescuing a patrician from the mob although at the time he was only a -Candidate; and by his deliberate _mésalliance_ with Theodora being -permitted without a murmur from Church or State. His stolid conviction -may be compared to that of Robespierre, of whom, when he first began to -speak on public affairs, Mirabeau remarked, "That young man will go far; -he believes every word he says." - -[5] Procopius, Anecd., 8; 13. In many of his enactments he emphasizes -his unremitting assiduity in the interest of his subjects, _e.g._: "We -shun no difficulties, continually watching, fasting, and labouring for -our subjects, even beyond what can be borne by the human frame"; Nov. -xxx, 11; cf. viii, _pf._; lxxx, _pf._, etc. - -[6] Procopius, Anecd., 22. "He was excessively senseless and like a dull -ass that follows whoever holds the bridle," _ibid._, 8. "As to his -opinions he was lighter than dust, and at the mercy of those who wished -to urge him to one side or the other," _ibid._, 13. - -[7] There is but one representation of Theodora, that in the companion -mosaic to the one above-mentioned at Ravenna, but the face is too -unfinished and expressionless to give any idea of her features or -character. - -[8] Procopius, Anecd., 12. - -[9] Procopius, Anecd., 15. - -[10] Procopius, Anecd., 15. This Porphyrio, such was the popular name -bestowed on the monster, must have been a cachalot or sperm whale, which -inhabits tropical and sub-tropical seas. It grows to a length of 50 or -60 feet. The males fight viciously among themselves. Small ships have -been damaged by the animal when provoked by an attack. - -[11] Nov. viii, 1. Officials, on taking office, had to swear to -Justinian and Theodora conjointly; _ibid._, _jusjur._; cf. Nov. xxviii, -5; xxix, 4; xxx, 6, 11. Zonaras remarks, "In the time of Justinian there -was not a monarchy, but a dual reign. His partner for life was not less -potent, perhaps even more so than himself," xiv, 6; cf. Paul Silent., i, -62. The reign has been compared to that of Louis XIV; but the character -of that monarch was more evident in Theodora than in her husband. - -[12] "In fact she was much abler than he was and highly ingenious in -finding new and varied expedients." Zonaras, _loc. cit._ - -[13] As Messalina, the elder Faustina, Soaemias, etc.; see chap. iv. - -[14] Procopius, Anecd., 2. - -[15] _Ibid._, 15. - -[16] Procopius, Anecd., 30. - -[17] _Ibid._ - -[18] _Ibid._, 10; Evagrius, iv, 10; Victor Ton. - -[19] See Bevan's House of Seleucus, Lond., 1902. - -[20] The campaigns of Trajan are very imperfectly recorded in the only -extant account, that of Dion Cassius as preserved in the careless -epitome of Xiphilinus; Zonaras, xi, 21. It is certain that he took the -twin capitals of Parthia, Seleucia and Ctesiphon, which faced each other -from opposite sides of the Euphrates, and advanced to the Persian Gulf. -He marched into Arabia, but the evidence that he penetrated to the -Indian Ocean, as Tillemont thinks, is insufficient. - -[21] The capture of Seleucia by Avidius Cassius (165), and his brutal -massacre of 300,000 of its inhabitants, mostly Greeks, is often alluded -to as an irreparable blow to Western civilization in the East; Dion -Cas., lxxi, 2, etc. Severus took Ctesiphon in 199; Herodian; Hist. -August. In 283 Carus also took Ctesiphon; Hist. August.; Aurelius Vict. -Under Diocletian, Galerius extended the Empire beyond the Tigris; Aurel. -Vict.; Eutropius, ix. - -[22] See Plutarch's account of the affair and his general remarks on it; -Vit. Alex. - -[23] In the vicinity of Shiraz; described by modern travellers as a -garden of fertility. - -[24] Most information as to the rise, etc., of Ardeshír (Artakhshathr on -coins, that is, Artaxerxes as adapted to their language by the Greeks), -will be found in Tabari with Nöldeke's commentary; _op. cit._; cf. -Zotenberg, _op. cit._, ii, 40. The great value of Nöldeke's book -consists not so much in the flimsy text as in his notes and excursuses -which bring together all collateral information to be found in other -writers of the period. Zotenberg's version is, of course, from the -Persian, the translation of a translation. - -[25] The Great Salt Desert in the interior of Persia is somewhat -triangular, each of the sides measuring about 400 miles. - -[26] Modern Orientalists are of opinion that the pictures of Persian -life given by James Morier (Hajji Baba of Ispahan, 1824, etc.) may be -applied without much loss of truth even to the age of the Achaemenians. -When we reflect that till 1888 Persia had no railway, and now only eight -miles, the verisimilitude of the statement will be apparent. - -[27] See the first Fargard of the Vendidâd where the "Kine's soul," -representing mankind, bewails her hard lot before the supreme being. -Generally the primitive conditions of life in Iran are well set forth by -Max Duncker, Hist. of Antiquity, Lond. 1881, vol. v. - -[28] His actual date is unknown, and his existence at any time not -certain, but Duncker surmises this period. - -[29] The Iranian mythology is summarized at length by Duncker, but the -person of Zoroaster is altogether shadowy, and his date can only be -fixed by conjecture. He is, of course, done away with altogether by some -Orientalists, _e.g._ Darmsteter. In later times, as among the modern -Persians (Parsees), the names of the opposing gods were abbreviated to -Ormuzd and Ahriman. - -[30] The Persian Bible is written in a language without a name, and, it -may be added, without an alphabetical character. The name _Zend_, -however, is now firmly attached to it among Western scholars through a -mistake of the first investigators, who, always finding it coupled with -_Avesta_, thought it must apply to the language of the sacred text. It -actually means commentary. Zend is a sister tongue of that spoken in the -same age across the Indus, and the oldest specimens (the Gáthas of the -Avesta) by slight systematic alterations can be turned into good old -Sanskrit. The alphabet applied to it, as now preserved, is that of the -Middle Persian or Pahlavi, which was the language spoken by the -Sassanians. Old Persian, the speech of Darius and Xerxes, was written in -cuneiform (Behistun inscription, etc.), like the impressions on the -well-known clay tablets, etc., of the long-previous literature of -Babylonia. The Avesta originally consisted of twenty-one _nasks_ or -books, but less than a quarter is now extant. There is, however, an -epitome of it in the Dinkard, a religious compilation of the eighth -century. The book was unknown to the Greeks and Romans, but Pausanias -(v, 27) mentions that the Magi had a volume from which they read. -Darmsteter (Sacred Books of the East, Lond., 1895, Introd. to Vendidâd) -considers that the composition is almost in its entirety of a date -subsequent to Alexander. The sacred books of the Parsees, as far as they -have been translated, are to be found in Max Müller's series (Lond., -1880, etc.), just mentioned, vols. iv, xxiii, xxxi (Zend-Avesta), and v, -xviii, xxiv, xxxviii (religious treatises in Pahlavi). - -[31] Mithra, so-named, long enjoyed a supremacy among the Aryans both in -India and Persia. Spenta Aramaiti is one of the Amesha Spentas (later -Amshaspands, that is, "Holy Immortals," or Council of Ormuzd, but, -although they appear in the Avesta, Darmsteter (_loc. cit._) argues a -Platonic and, therefore, late origin for them. Thus Vohu Manô ("Good -Thought"), their chief and the premier of Ormuzd, appears to be an exact -counterpart of the Philonic Logos. Anahita stands for the Vedic Varuna, -the waters of the sky, but the name is that of the Babylonian Venus, and -her attributes are partly of the concupiscent type. - -[32] The Vendidâd ("laws against the evil ones") is the nask which -contains all the legislation respecting rites and ceremonies, offences, -crimes, etc., punishments to be inflicted, means of expiation, etc. Like -parts of the Pentateuch, it is all in the form of a dialogue between the -prophet and the Deity. - -[33] These Dakhmas, or "Towers of Silence," for the disposal of the dead -are well-known to the Anglo-Indians who have resided at Bombay, which -almost all Parsees, the present-day Zoroastrians, have adopted as their -native city. They number about 60,000. - -[34] This account is due to Agathias, ii, 23; cf. Herodotus, i, 138. - -[35] Agathias, ii, 24; Herodotus, _loc. cit._ Contrary to former belief -(Rawlinson, etc.), the Parthians were pious Mazdeites, as Darmsteter has -shown. Thus, when Tiridates visited Nero, he and his retinue, including -several priests, journeyed overland to avoid defiling the sea; Justin, -xli; Pliny, Hist. Nat., xxx, 17. - -[36] One Shah, Balâsh, was, in fact, dethroned by the Mohbeds (Magi) for -having erected public bath-houses; Jos. Stylites, _op. cit._ (Wright). - -[37] Xenophon, Oeconom., iv, 13; Xerxes, on his way to Greece, arriving -at a handsome plane tree, adorned it with jewels of gold, and left one -of his personal guards as a custodian of it; Herodotus, vii, 31. - -[38] The Bareshnûm, or great ceremony of purification, lasted nine days -and consisted chiefly in the systematic application of _nirung_ or -_gomez_ (urine of kine) to different parts of the body; see West's -translation of the rubric, Sacr. Bks. of the East, xviii, 431. - -[39] Vendidâd, xiii, 24 (63). The manslaughterer got off with sixty -stripes, but the bad feeder became a _peshotanu_ and received two -hundred, the maximum, it seems, actually inflicted. - -[40] _Ibid._, xiv, 1; iv, 40 (106). - -[41] Vendidâd, xiv, 5 (9). Part of the expiation for the murder of an -otter was to kill 10,000 of every sort of noxious animal. The -punishments, or tasks imposed in lieu of, are sometimes so extravagant, -that they can only be intended to emphasize the heinousness of the sin, -a useful principle to elevate the authority of the priesthood; cf. -Herodotus, i, 140. - -[42] Vendidâd, viii, 26 (74); 74 (233); xviii, 61 (123); cf. iii, 38 -(130); iv, 47 (130). As will be seen from these passages a proselyte to -Mazdeism began a new life with a clean slate. Thus a member of an alien -faith could commute the severest penalty by announcing himself as a -convert to the religion of Zerdusht. - -[43] Vendidâd, xiv, 2; cf. Herodotus, i, 137; vii, 194. Punishment was -inflicted with a _sraosha_ (sort of whip), and each stripe was valued at -six rupees. In practice the maximum was 200 stripes for a _peshotanu_ or -culprit of the worst class, whatever the nature of the crime, but when -it was really meant to decree the death penalty the allotted number was -much greater, even up to 10,000; see Darmsteter, _op. cit._, p. lxxxv. -In the entourage of the monarch, however, the same cruel punishments -were maintained as have always been associated with Oriental despotism, -viz., flaying alive (Ammianus, xxiii, 6; Agathias, iv, 23), and even -"the boat" (Plutarch, Artaxerxes; Damascius, Vit. Isidori). - -[44] See Herodotus, iii, 81; Plutarch, Artaxerxes. - -[45] Phraates V of Parthia. His mother was Thea Urania Musa, an Italian -slave girl presented to his father by Augustus; Josephus, Antiq., xviii, -2. The relations of Parysatis to Artaxerxes and of Sisygambis to Darius -Cod. were very close, but are not known to have been actually conjugal. - -[46] These filio-maternal marriages have been generally discredited by -modern historians (Rawlinson, Oriental Monarchies, ii, 351; even partly -by Max Duncker, _op. cit._, v, 220) through their not being in -possession of all the classical evidence and having apparently none of -the Oriental. Probably the first to make the practice known in the West -was Quintus Curtius, and lastly Agathias. But the evidence of Chrysostom -alone, a Syrian reared on the borders of Persia, would be conclusive. As -usual, he anatomizes the subject. Preaching against sexual abandonment, -he says: "Love, you maintain, is not a matter of will.... Whence does it -arise, then? From a beautiful form which strikes the wound, you answer. -Your excuse is an idle one.... Were not Joseph and David handsome, the -latter especially so in the eyes, which is the most attractive style of -beauty? But was any man enamoured of them? By no means, for love does -not arise from mere admiration. Many have mothers most distinguished for -their beauty, but do their sons, therefore, fall in love with them? -Perish the thought! They admire them, but do not yield to a disgraceful -passion. Ah! you will urge, this is a law of nature. Of what nature, -tell me? Because they are our mothers, you say. Do you not know that the -Persians, without any compulsion, cohabit with their mothers? Not one or -two, but the whole nation. Whence it is evident that this disease is not -inspired by beauty, but by a vice of the mind"; In Epist. ii ad Cor. -Hom. vii, 6 (in Migne, x, 451). Contemporary Parsees also wish to -repudiate the idea that their forefathers solemnized these incestuous -nuptials, and treat it as a libel of the Greeks, as modern Mazdeism -yields to no closer union than that of first cousins. The whole -question, however, of consanguineous marriage has been threshed out from -the evidence of the Pahlavi texts by West (Sacr. Bks. of the East, -xviii, 389 _et seq._), who shows how strenuously the Mohbeds laboured to -inculcate the practice as a pious duty. A special term in Pahlavi, -_Khvêtûk-das_, meaning literally "a giving of one's own," was applied to -it. There is no clear reference to the custom in the extant part of the -Avesta, but in the Dinkard epitome (ix, 60; Sacr. Bks. of the East, -xxxvii) great stress is laid on the merit of adhering to it, and in the -same theological compilation a long chapter (iii, 82, 431) is devoted to -the defence and exposition of Khvêtûk-das. As West observes, however, it -is evident from the amount of space and argument expended on the subject -that the priesthood had some difficulty in bending an unwilling laity to -comply with their injunctions. We may note that the Persians were not -the only race addicted to such marriages. According to Strabo (IV, v, -4), they were habitual among the Irish of his time ("mothers and -sisters"); and even the aboriginal Macedonians favoured them, so that -when the _Oedipus Rex_ of Sophocles was played in that country the -audience jeered at the distress of the titular character. An amusing -dialogue between actor and audience then ensued; see Tertullian, Ad -Nat., 16. - -[47] Quintus Curtius, viii, 4 (19). - -[48] Herodotus, iii, 68, 88; Athenaeus, xiii, 3, etc.; Ammianus, xxiii, -6. As usual in the East, women were kept out of sight; Plutarch, -Themistocles. Still, Queen Statira used to drive about openly in public; -_ibid._, Artaxerxes. Cf. Max Duncker, _op. cit._, v, 219. - -[49] See Gardner's Parthian Coinage, Lond., 1877; cf. Mordtmann, Zeits. -f. Numis., iv, vii. - -[50] See the letter of Tansar to the king of Tabaristân (Ilyrcania); -Journal asiatique, 1894, i (text and French transl.). This, according to -Darmsteter, is the earliest and most authentic document of -Zoroastrianism. The best MS. is in the East India House. From it we -learn that under the Parthians the unity of Iran was gradually dissolved -into a number of principalities, in which each king claimed a practical -independence and set up a fire-altar of his own. Ardeshír extinguished -all these subordinate fire-altars and made himself supreme in his -capital of Istakhr. The letter has been largely interpolated at a later -date, especially by the long apologue of the King of the Apes. Partly -against Darmsteter see Mills' Zoroastrianism, 1905, etc. - -[51] He treated the traditions of the old religion pretty freely and -abolished whatever did not accord with his scheme of restoring the -empire of the Persians; _ibid._ - -[52] Properly Shahpûr, meaning "king's son." - -[53] See Darmsteter, _op. cit._, p. xlvii. The story of Arda Viraf's -visit to heaven and hell (part of the lost Spend Nask) under the -influence of a narcotic in the presence of a great conventicle of the -Magi, in search of spiritual guidance for the restoration of Mazdeism, -seems to be a mere legend to be referred to the sixth century rather -than to the times and intention of Ardeshír. It has been cited as -serious history by some former writers. - -[54] Letter of Tansar, _ut supra_, cf. Herodian, vi, 3. H. is generally -treated as a romancer, but in this instance he is confirmed by -independent evidence. His statement that Ardeshír had the best of it in -a great battle with Alex. Severus is rejected in favour of that of -Lampridius (Hist. Aug.), who says the Roman was the victor. The war on -this occasion, as often subsequently, was probably quite indecisive. - -[55] See Sayce's Babylonians, etc., Lond., 1900, and other works of that -class which condense the results of the excavations in progress on that -site. - -[56] See p. 267. Fragments of the Manichaean Bible recently discovered -in Central Asia show that Mani was a native of Babylon. - -[57] Sozomen, ii, 9; Theodoret, v, 39. Some were partly flayed, on the -face and the hands, or the back. Others were thrown bound into pits with -mice, etc. The first of these persecutions seems to have sprung from the -religious fervour caused by Sapor's zeal for the faith; the second was -originated by a fanatical Christian bishop, who attacked and destroyed a -Pyreum or Fire-temple. See Hoffmann's Akt. Pers. Märt., Leipsic, 1880. - -[58] Asseman, Bibl. Orient., iii, 2. They had the ear of the Shah as -against any of the Orthodox in Persia; John Eph. Com. (Land, etc.), p. -52. - -[59] Nöldeke, _op. cit._, p. 145; Zotenberg, _op. cit._, ii, 148. They -were soiled by her menstrual flux, she said. To touch anything of the -kind would have subjected him to a ceremony of purification and, -perhaps, a flogging; Vendidâd, xviii, 5. The scene reminds us of that in -_The Merry Wives of Windsor_, where Falstaff is carried out in the -foul-clothes basket. Procopius relates that she changed clothes with -him, and the Shah walked out disguised as a woman; De Bel. Pers., i, 6. - -[60] This was not his first sojourn with the Hephthalites. His father -Peroz, who ultimately perished in a battle with these Huns, had left him -in Bactria as a hostage for the payment of an indemnity. In Tabari the -story goes that on his journey thither he stopped incognito at the house -of a noble (N.) or peasant (Z.), where he was accommodated with a -daughter of the family as an informal wife. When Balâsh was dethroned -(see p. 379), he returned to take up the succession by the same route -and found that the girl had become the mother of a boy, the same who was -afterwards known as Chosroes, his favourite son (see p. 314). - -[61] "Hence he set the lower against the upper classes; wretches of -every sort were mingled with the best blood; and it became usual for -those who coveted other people's goods to seize on them; for the -disorderly to riot around; and for libertines to gratify their passions -and approach the noblest women, whom previously they never had a thought -of intimacy with"; Tabari, p. 154 (N.). This passage with the context is -not in Zotenberg. - -[62] The details of this affair are incompletely known. The Greeks seem -never to have heard of Mazdak, but confound his followers with the -Manichaeans. The above account is based on that of Theophanes, modified -so as to accord with Nöldeke's views; _op. cit._, p. 457 (Excurs.). He -thinks the surname of Nushirvan ("the blessed") was bestowed on Chosroes -for the part he played in this massacre. Existing Manichaeans were also -involved in it. - -[63] Theophylact. Sim., iv, 7; cf. Athenaeus, xii, 8. - -[64] Nöldeke, _op. cit._, p. 221. He was concealed with "clothes" until -he settled himself in a dignified position. But in Zotenberg (p. 205) -the clothes become merely a covering to keep the dust off the jewels. -Such differences are perpetual throughout the two versions of Tabari. On -coins and sculptures the Shah wears a crown surmounted by a pedunculated -ball of considerable size. At the siege of Amida (359) Sapor wore a -golden ram's head instead of a crown; Ammianus, xix, 1. Theophylactus -(who is noted for his turgidity) gives a description of Hormidz IV -sitting in state on his throne (590). "He was clad with a regal robe of -precious material. His tiara of gold and jewels was brilliant with the -effulgence of carbuncles. A profusion of pearls glittered around the -crest, scintillating on a sea of smaragdite, so that the eyes were -almost blinded by the dazzling exuberance of the gems. His trousers, a -priceless sample of the weaver's art, were embroidered on cloth of -gold"; iv, 3. Cedrenus (i, 721) also furnishes some curious details as -what was found when Heraclius broke into the treasure city of Gazaca and -rifled the palace of Chosroes Parviz (622). The contents of a private -fire-temple astonished them. "On entering the spherical chamber he found -the impious effigy of Chosroes sitting, as it were, in the heavens among -the sun, moon, and stars, whom the fanatic worshipped as gods. -Sceptre-bearing angels stood around, and the wretch had devised machines -which discharged water like rain, and emitted a sound as of thunder. All -this was consumed by fire." - -[65] Ammianus, xxiii, 6; cf. Menander, Leg., p. 335; Theophylact., iv, -8; letters in which Chosroes, Nush. and Parviz, assume all their titles. - -[66] Herodotus, vii, 54; Q. Curtius, v, 1 (20). - -[67] Nöldeke, _op. cit._, p. 222; Zotenberg, _op. cit._, p. 231, etc. - -[68] As evidenced notably in the struggle between the successful rebel -general, Bahram, and Chosroes Parviz; Theophylact. Sim., iv. - -[69] Herodotus, vii, 83; Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 14, etc. - -[70] Jn. Lydus, De Magist., iii, 34. - -[71] Herodotus, i, 136. Jn. Lydus (_loc. cit._) says the whole nation -was trained to arms, and always ready to enter on a campaign. - -[72] Tabari (N.), p. 245. In Zotenberg (p. 228) the number is given as -eight score, which would probably weigh the horse too heavily. Some -injunctions as to armour are given in Vendidâd, xiv (32). Here also -thirty arrows are recommended. For slingers, thirty stones each man is -the fixed number. The horse and his rider were so well shielded with -metal that Ammianus speaks of them as an "iron cavalry"; xix, 1; cf. -xxv, i. - -[73] Ammianus, xxv, 1; Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iv, 13; Aedif., ii, 1. - -[74] In Zotenberg, the reason why Kavádh was led to reform the taxation -is accounted for by an anecdote (p. 241). One day while hunting he -became separated from his party, and sat down to rest himself near a -peasant's cottage. While there, he noticed a child bringing two or three -grapes to its mother, who at once seized them and with great concern ran -to attach them again to the vine, exclaiming that the inspector had not -yet been round to assess the amount of the crop. The absurdity and -harshness of the tithe law was thus practically exemplified to the Shah. -Both versions relate that a strange scribe who ventured to dispute the -soundness of the proposed financial change in an assembly convened to -hear it announced, being convicted of starting a futile objection by -Cavades, was thereupon, at a nod from the monarch, belaboured by his -fellow scribes with their ink-horns till he expired. His point was that -the relations of the land and its owners would vary continually, and he -was met by the statement that there would be a yearly survey to readjust -the burdens. - -[75] Tabari (N.), pp. 152, 222; _Ibid._ (Z.), p. 241. - -[76] Zachariah Myt., ix, 6. - -[77] Besides the objective evidence, there is a direct statement of the -fact; Theophylactus Sim., v, 6. - -[78] The practical application of the doctrine of the Avesta has been -described at considerable length by Max Duncker (_op. cit._, v), but the -school of Darmsteter would aver that his exposition applies with more -accuracy to the age of the Sassanians than to that of the Achaemenians, -whom alone he deals with. - -[79] Some remains, almost certainly those of fire-temples, exist, but -they are architecturally insignificant, being, in fact, merely low stone -towers a few feet square. The interior was only a cell with just room -enough to accommodate a small altar, on which a perpetual fire was kept -up; see Ferguson, Hist. Archit., Lond., 1874, i, 202; cf. Perrot and -Chipiez, Persian Art, i, 892. - -[80] The chief work which gives representations of Sassanian -architecture is that of Flandin and Coste, Voyage en Perse, Paris, 1851. -Many have been copied by Rawlinson, _op. cit._ - -[81] About twenty miles due east of the northern end of the Dead Sea. - -[82] See Tristram's Land of Moab, Lond., 1873, and for a restoration, -Ferguson, _op. cit._, i, 392. The slabs have now been removed to a -Berlin museum, where they are attributed to the Ghassanides, an Arab -dynasty. - -[83] See the reproductions in Flandin and Coste, etc., _op. cit._ - -[84] The work on which the well-known poem of Firdausi was founded -(_c._ 1,000). There is much theological exegesis in Pahlavi, but, except -the Avesta and its commentaries, this is post-Mohammedan. Much of -it has been translated by West, as stated above. The chief works in -the collection are the Dinkard, a sheaf of treatises in nine books; the -Bundahish, or "Story of Creation," a sort of Iranian Genesis, but of -greater length; and the Sad-Dar, a controversial work, in which the -follower of Mazda is taught to refute the "twaddle" of Christians and, -guardedly, of Mohammedans. - -[85] For the details of this war we have the first-rate account of -Procopius (De Bel. Pers., i, 12-22), an eye-witness of a great part of -it. Additional information on some events can be gleaned from Zachariah -Myt. (ix, 1-7) and Jn. Malala, both nearly contemporary. The later -chronicles are practicably negligible. - -[86] Jn. Malala, xviii, 441; the inference may be drawn by comparing -the passage with Procopius. - -[87] Zachariah Myt., ix, 2. The exact wording of the sentence is -doubtful, but the intention is clear. - -[88] Procopius, _loc. cit._, 13. - -[89] Malala calls him the eldest son, but in Procopius Caoses is the -name given to the eldest; _loc. cit._, 11; see p. 314. - -[90] Hunnish Foederati. According to Ammianus (xxxi, 2) they almost -lived on horseback, often not dismounting even to sleep. - -[91] See Oman (_op. cit._, 28) for a plan of the battle with remarks. It -does not quite accord with the phraseology of Procopius, but I find it -impossible to understand him in any other way. - -[92] Procopius, _loc. cit._, 14. - -[93] The enemy, says Procopius, kept the Romans standing in line all -the forenoon to prevent their having their midday meal; they themselves -did not eat till sundown. - -[94] Bury (_op. cit._) makes him only twenty-five, but later, in 562, -represents him as being near seventy. His age can only be guessed at -from Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 12. - -[95] If we adopt Oman's interpretation of the tactics of Belisarius -(which requires the interchange of "+aristera+" and "+dexia+") the -subsequent evolutions of the battle become quite clear. Following the -text as it stands it seems to me that they would have been impossible. -But in the first case "left" is due to an evidently stupid emendation of -Maltretus ("+dexia+" now restored by Haury). - -[96] Gold mines worked by the Persians were at Pharangium, and the place -was betrayed by the commandant in order that he might embezzle the stock -of ore which he happened to have in hand; Procopius, _loc. cit._, 15. -Jn. Malala (p. 455) seems to be partly in conflict with the above. He -says the output was formerly divided between both nations, but in the -time of Anastasius was wholly ceded to the Romans. - -[97] Procopius, _loc. cit._, 15. - -[98] Jn. Malala, xviii, p. 430: "He became engaged to her at the house -of Antiochus, near the Hippodrome." This was probably an Imperial -appanage or the house of some noble to whose guardianship the sisters -had been confided on the elevation of Theodora. - -[99] Cf. Procopius (_loc. cit._, 16), with Malala (pp. 449-450). He -harked back to the old quarrel with Anastasius over the loan; see p. -176. - -[100] Jn. Malala, pp. 445, 455; Procopius, Anecd., 11, 18. I pass over -events in which religion was the chief question at issue, as the whole -can be treated most instructively in a special chapter; see below, chap. -xiv. - -[101] Procopius, _loc. cit._, 18; cf. Malala, p. 462. The latter gives -some details as to the mischief already done by the marauders, and -states that the Antiocheans began to fly in terror to the sea coast. -Gabbulae was about ninety miles east of Antioch. - -[102] They were at this time almost exactly on the track of Xenophon -when he accompanied Cyrus nearly a thousand years previously through a -country then strange to the Greeks, but now become a part of their -native land. His description is familiar to those of the old school: "In -this place the earth was smooth all over, like the sea, and full of -wormwood. Every other kind of shrub or reed was sweet-smelling and of -the class of aromatics, but there was nothing in the way of a tree.... -With the Euphrates on the right we arrived at Pylae. In these stages -many of the beasts of burden perished of hunger; for there was no grass, -nor any sort of tree, but the whole country was bare," etc.; Anabasis, -i, 5. He adds that the only occupation the inhabitants had was digging -up mill-stones, which they took to Babylon for sale. - -[103] Hermogenes was also present at this time, but only through having -fallen in with the army as he was on his way to Hierapolis, where -Rufinus was constantly stationed as the most convenient post from which -to open up diplomatic relations with Ctesiphon. Zachariah Myt. relates -that Azarathes begged Belisarius to postpone the battle on account of -the "Nazarenes and Jews" in the Persian army, who were also keeping the -fast. - -[104] Malala (p. 464), however, shows up Belisarius in a very -unfavourable light. As soon as he saw that the day was lost, he seized -his standard, jumped into a boat, and rowed away with all speed to -Callinicus. But Sunicas, the leader of the cavalry he had abandoned, -dismounted and sustained the attack of the enemy as described by -Procopius. It is safest to believe the latter. - -[105] Here again Zachariah and Malala (p. 466) differ from Procopius, -and assert that Belisarius was superseded on account of his failure on -the Euphrates. But subsequent events show that P. is more to be trusted, -and that Justinian attached small blame to Belisarius. - -[106] Procopius, _loc. cit._, 18. - -[107] "Nejâshi" is the nearest transliteration of the Semitic title; see -Nöldeke, _op. cit._, p. 195; Zotenberg, _op. cit._, p. 182, etc. - -[108] Ela-Atsbeha is the correct name as found on coins; see -Schlumberger, Rev. Numismat., 1886. - -[109] Most information about these nations will be found in Godefroy ad -Cod. Theod., XII, xii, 2, and Act. Sanct. (Bol.) lviii, 660-762 (Mart. -Arethas). For a clue to recent additions see Diehl, _op. cit._, p. 392 -_et seq._, and below, chap. xiv. - -[110] Jn. Malala (p. 457) indicates that the regular route to Axume was -still the same as that described above from earlier writers when I was -sketching the commercial activities of the age; see p. 190. He places -the embassy before the action on the Euphrates, but his chronological -sequence is often wrong. From Procopius (_loc. cit._, 19, _et seq._) it -seems to have been before or at least about the same time. The Berenice -mentioned by Procopius (De Aedif., vi, 2) is not that on the Red Sea -(see p. 190), but on the Great Syrtis. - -[111] We owe this description of Soudanese pageantry to Jn. Malala -(xviii, p. 457), who professes to be copying a report published by the -ambassador himself. - -[112] Procopius, _loc. cit._, 20; Malala, _loc. cit._ - -[113] The abstract of Nonnosus's own account has been preserved by -Photius. - -[114] Procopius, _loc. cit._, 20. - -[115] _Ibid._, 19. Further details in Tabari, for which see chap. xiv -below. - -[116] Procopius, _loc. cit._, 21. It should be noted that P. is not now -relating his own experiences, as he returned to Constantinople with -Belisarius. - -[117] _Ibid._ He was at Attachae, not far from Amida; cf. Zachariah -Myt., _loc. cit._, 6. - -[118] The exploits of Bessas are dwelt on by Zachariah Myt., _loc. cit._, -5 _et seq._ Most details of the siege are given by Malala (p. 468 -_et seq._), which, however, I omit here as we shall have more -interesting opportunities later on of studying the mode of procedure at -sieges in this age. - -[119] Procopius, _loc. cit._ - -[120] He became rich through these successes, says Zachariah Myt. It -seems that in such cases the spoils became the property of the army, -and no attempt was made to restore what was recaptured to the former -owners. - -[121] Orientalists consider that Malala (p. 471) is best informed here. -Procopius relates that Cavades left a will, on the strength of which -Chosroes was elected Shah by an assembly of the nobles in opposition to -the claim of the eldest son, Caoses; _loc. cit._, 21. Sometimes -Theophanes seems to copy Malala, but in this case he is so ignorant as -to make Chosroes succeed in 525! - -[122] Some details of this dissension are given by Procopius; _loc. -cit._, 23. A party conspired to set up a younger Cavades, grandson of -the elder through his second son Zames, who was debarred by reason of -his being blind of one eye. Ultimately this Kavádh fled to CP. (_c._ -546), and it is supposed that he is the authority whence Procopius -derived his knowledge of Persian history. The historian, however, gives -vent to his suspicion that this fugitive was an impostor, the real -pretender having most probably perished. - -[123] Procopius, _loc. cit._, 22; Jn. Malala, p. 471. According to the -first the Roman legates sued for peace with cringing flattery, whereas -Malala states that Justinian's reply to an announcement from Chosroes -that he had ascended the throne was, "We do not acknowledge you as king -of Persia, nor do we permit our legates to visit you." Moreover he -taunted Chosroes with having invited the Huns, and only after the latter -had repudiated all responsibility for their acts were diplomatic -relations established. - -[124] Zachariah Myt., ix, 6, 7. He says that she was privately a convert -to Christianity after a cure wrought upon her by a hermit when -physicians had failed. - -[125] To Constantina: cf. De Aedif., ii, 5. A great deal of money was -then spent in rendering it worthy of its increased importance. It -appears to have been about eighty miles west of Dara. - -[126] The terms of the peace are only clearly expressed by Procopius, -_loc. cit._, 22; De Aedif., ii, 5. - -[127] Justinian's policy is well exemplified in a letter said to have -been written by him to a Hunnish chief: "I sent presents to you, -intending to honour the most powerful of your nation, and taking you to -be that one. But, while the presents were on their way, I hear that -another has seized them, asserting himself to be the most potent among -you. Now see to it that you prove yourself to be his superior. Take what -you have been deprived of and revenge yourself on him. Otherwise we -shall consider him to be the first, and he shall be favoured by us -accordingly, and our presents will be lost to you." As a result of this -attitude of the Emperor intestine wars broke out among the Huns, who -thus mutually destroyed each other; Jn. Antioch. (Müller), fg. 217; -Alemannus, p. 400. - -[128] See ch. xiv, below. - -[129] Jn. Malala, pp. 427, 430; Theophanes, an. 6,020, etc. - -[130] _Ibid._ Malala says she was won over by "gifts of hospitality, a -collection of silver vases, and a considerable present in money." - -[131] Jn. Malala, p. 450; Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 24. - - - - - CHAPTER VI - THE SCHOOLS OF PHILOSOPHY AT ATHENS AND THEIR ABOLITION BY JUSTINIAN - - -The systematic teaching of philosophy at Athens had its origin in the -dialectic of Socrates, whose mental bias impelled him to a persistent -search after the fundamental truths which underlie the sociological -organization of mankind. His constant effort was to discover what -principles should be instilled into young men in order to render them -worthy members of the community; and in pursuit of this object he made a -practice of perambulating the city intent on applying his method of -question and argument to all persons accredited with any kind of -knowledge. Thus he laboured unremittingly in earnest effort to elicit -sound opinions or to convict of fallacy. Every Greek town was adorned -with a gymnasium, and large cities, such as Athens, possessed several -institutions of the kind. Established for the physical training and -athletic development of youth, a gymnasium consisted of covered halls, -of porticos provided with sculptured stone seats, and of a small park or -exercise ground shaded with plane and olive trees.[132] Ultimately the -gymnasiums assumed something of the form of the colleges of a modern -university, and were resorted to habitually by teachers of young men, -sophists, rhetoricians, and philosophers, in order to procure pupils, -and to lecture to classes already formed. In such localities Socrates -found most scope for his activities,[133] but, after his death by a -judicial sentence in 399 B.C. as an innovator and theological sceptic, -his system of inciting the youth to seek after genuine knowledge was not -publicly professed for a number of years. In the course of a decade, -however, the Athenians repented of their severity, and Plato, who had -been his principal disciple, was allowed to resume Socratic instruction -in a suburban gymnasium called the Academy,[134] situated on the -north-west of the city. This institute proved to be the first permanent -school of philosophy founded at Athens, and was always known as the -Academy, although Plato soon removed his classes to a private garden -which he acquired in the vicinity, where he built a Museum, or Hall of -the Muses, for their accommodation.[135] Plato had numerous successors, -all of whom continued to teach in the same garden, which was inherited -regularly for many centuries by the chief of the Academy.[136] - -The most remarkable pupil of the original Academy was Aristotle, a -native of Stageira, but he, after protracted studies, finding that his -thirst for knowledge remained unsatisfied by the dreamy and inconclusive -philosophy of his master, determined to follow a more practical path of -inquiry according to the bent of his own genius. Observation and -correlation of facts, sociological, zoological, and physical, assumed -the greatest importance in his eyes, and he thus became the founder of -natural science in the widest sense. The Stagirite essayed to teach in -various places, and was successful in impressing his views on many of -those with whom he came in contact. His growing reputation attracted the -attention of Philip of Macedon, who soon claimed his services for the -tuition of his son Alexander, and embellished his native town as an -inducement for him to open a school there.[137] In a few years, however, -the young prince passed from his class-rooms to the throne, and -Aristotle migrated to Athens, where he fixed on the Lyceum,[138] a -gymnasium in the eastern suburbs, for the scene of his prelections (_c._ -355 B.C.). More than half a century had elapsed since the foundation of -the Academy, and Plato had now been dead for many years. In the shady -walks of the Lyceum Aristotle continued to give instruction for a dozen -years, and it is understood that he usually kept on foot, moving about -while discoursing with his disciples, whence the sect received the name -of Peripatetics,[139] that is "promenaders." - -The third philosophical school at Athens was established, about -twenty-five years later than that of the Peripatetics, by Zeno of -Citium, in Cyprus, who is reputed to have been inspired by reading -treatises emanating from the followers of Socrates.[140] Zeno convened -his disciples in the heart of the city, in a colonnade called the -Painted Stoa or Porch, whence the name of Stoics became attached -popularly to his philosophical coterie.[141] As the founder of Stoicism -was an immigrant from the near East his mind was overcast by the -Oriental sense of resignation under oppression;[142] and an ethical -doctrine of doing and suffering in a world of adversity was the gift of -the Porch to the humanity of the period. The circumstances of the times -created and gradually increased the need for such a philosophy in the -West. Grecian liberty passed under the despotic sway of Macedon, and -later, under that of Rome, whilst the Latin Republic at length succumbed -to the ambition of its military chiefs, and an arbitrary emperor usurped -the place of a spirited democracy. Thus the tenets of all those ardent -souls who shunned the servility of a court, and chafed under political -restraints which they were powerless to throw off were derived from -Zeno.[143] - -The foregoing schools were essentially of a theological cast, and -inculcated more or less dogmatically an attitude of veneration and piety -in respect of a divine providence, but the leading feature of a fourth, -founded about the same time as that of the Stoics, was a frank -repudiation of any form of religious ritual. Epicurus was an Athenian by -blood, but his youth had been passed abroad;[144] and he claimed to have -originated, without the aid of a master,[145] the rule of life which he -taught to his disciples. At the age of thirty-five he settled in his -ancestral city (306 B.C.), within which he purchased a garden for the -reception of those whose inclinations were in harmony with his peculiar -doctrines.[146] The vanity of human effort, and the superiority of a -simple life of ease and contentment, formed the burden of the Epicurean -didactic. In seclusion the tranquil mind might apply itself to -intellectual pleasures, as oblivious of the gods as they themselves -evidently were of the restless race of mortals. Death was merely the -term of life, and no anxiety as to a hereafter should ruffle the -placidity of a man of philosophical temperament. As "Know thyself" was -the germinal thought of the Socratic school, so "Live unknown" was that -of the Epicurean. An asceticism of this hue, which advocated the -suppression of all energy, whilst allowing a mild, but aesthetic -indulgence of the passions, was extremely acceptable to the average man -of the period, for whose sensuous nature it afforded the consolations of -Stoicism without the strain inseparable from that vigorous -doctrine.[147] - -The philosophers of these four sects maintained their position at Athens -as dictators of human thought for more than five centuries before their -vitality began to be chilled into immobility by the new life which was -arising in the widely Christianized Empire. When Marcus Aurelius halted -at Athens in 176, on the return from his Asiatic expedition, he found -the schools in a flourishing condition, and gave them a firmer -constitution by bestowing a fixed salary of 10,000 drachmas (£400), -payable by the Imperial treasury, on the heads of each of the four.[148] -It is improbable that this subsidy was assured to them for long after -the death of that emperor (180), or that they could have claimed it -successfully in the disorganization of the Empire which followed the -murder of his son Commodus (192). But Pagan philosophy was still -independent of state aid, and the first step in the dissolution of these -schools had its origin within when their individuality was submerged by -the tide of eclecticism, upon which Neoplatonism rose to pre-eminence -about the middle of the third century.[149] Henceforward Athens had a -serious rival in Alexandria, and somewhat later in Pergamus,[150] whence -the mysticism and theurgy of Plotinus and Iamblichus enthralled the -senses of almost all non-Christians by the fervent hopes to which they -gave birth. The teaching of the Academy, of the Peripatetics, and of the -Porch, were the soul of Neoplatonism, but the Epicureans were abhorred -by the new school as being most hostile to their vivid theistic -aspirations, and at this juncture that sect must have rapidly become -extinct.[151] Subsequently to 425, the year in which the Auditorium at -Constantinople was founded by Theodosius II,[152] the Athenian -rhetoricians, so famous in the youth of Julian and Gregory -Nazianzen,[153] appear to have suffered greatly in prestige, but long -before that date the teaching of philosophy was in the way of becoming a -lost art at Athens. The disappointment of Synesius at finding no trace -of the schools, when he landed in Attica about 410, has already been -adverted to.[154] If, however, he had carried his investigations a -little deeper he would have discovered that in at least one quarter the -traffic in the honey of Mount Hymettus was not the sole care of the -dwellers on the Cephisus. The garden of Plato, even at that date, was -still possessed by the philosophic succession,[155] and the actual -occupant, the venerable Plutarch,[156] had achieved a reputation which -deserved the devotion of several eminent disciples. Yet the school was -languishing, and even after the murder of Hypatia, the holder of the -professorial seat, Syrianus, was apprehensive lest he should find no -worthy successor.[157] But a movement of recuperation was at hand, and -surviving Neoplatonists soon began to turn their eyes towards Athens as -the appointed retreat of the sect. A new votary had arisen, gifted with -the genius to revive their hopes, and to infuse a fresh enthusiasm into -their almost moribund philosophy. - -One evening in the summer of 431 a youth of nineteen, having made the -voyage from Alexandria, disembarked at the Piraeus and was received on -the shore by Nicolaus, a countryman of his own, and some other friends -who had been apprised of his coming. Proclus belonged to a Lycian -family, but was born at Constantinople, and he had already won a -reputation as a student of extraordinary powers and promise. This youth -was regarded as the last hope of the expiring school, and when the -custodian at the entrance of the city exclaimed, "I should already have -shut the gates, had I not seen you approaching," the utterance was -hailed as an omen symbolical of its resuscitation. Before entering -Athens, Proclus complained of thirst and fatigue, and by a fortuitous -circumstance rested in a seat and had a drink from a fountain, which -were known as those of Socrates. Such auspicious occurrences redoubled -the expectations which were kindled by his advent, and even the aged -Plutarch issued from his retirement to superintend the initiation of the -new pupil.[158] - -The general doctrines of Neoplatonism, as a practical religion, had been -fixed by Plotinus and his immediate successors, and nothing remained for -later devotees but to elaborate the details of the system by analysis -and disquisition. The execution of this task fell to the Athenian -school, and for more than a century its members busied themselves in -spinning a fine web of scholasticism around the fundamental principles -of their faith. Its roots were traced backwards to Plato and Aristotle, -and the complexity of every fibre was demonstrated by the aid of certain -mystic hymns, supposed to be of ancient date, termed Orphic and -Chaldaean oracles.[159] Proclus, as had been anticipated, succeeded to -Syrianus, and from his labours in this field resulted a second summer of -Neoplatonism, which bloomed for fully fifty years. - -The theology of Plotinus had been comparatively simple, but it became -more complicated in the hands of Iamblichus, whilst in those of Proclus -it assumed a comprehensiveness and extension which enabled it to find a -place for all metaphysics and mythology within reach. The great -conception of the Lycian philosopher was his ternary system, by which he -succeeded in deducing the whole invisible world, as well as the -objective universe, in a series of triads from the supreme One to the -remote apogee of matter itself.[160] All these speculations he embodied -in a number of vast treatises,[161] several of which are extant and have -been rendered into modern languages by some thinkers of the last -century, who found his cosmology more illuminating than that of the -creed of Christendom.[162] - -The life of Proclus was written by his disciple and successor Marinus; -and from this document we gain some insight into the mode of life of a -pious Neoplatonist. The Athens of that day seems to have retained at -least the external aspect of the classical capital as it has been -described by the early topographers. The principal monuments of -polytheism were still erect, and Proclus had the satisfaction of -occupying a house between the temples of Aesculapius and Dionysus, from -which he could behold the Parthenon. The sect was strongly inclined to -vegetarianism; and abstinence from animal food, though not strictly -enforced, was advised in deference to the possibility of -metempsychosis.[163] They worshipped the heavenly bodies and practised -daily a set form of adoration to salute the sun and moon at their -rising, meridian, and setting. Every month a ceremonial bath in the sea -was considered to be essential as a tribute of respect to the divinity -of that element, Poseidon. Although celibacy was not enjoined, it was -approved by the example of the great lights of the sect, who never -married, but they were not on that account precluded from illicit sexual -indulgence to a moderate extent.[164] The life of Proclus was an -exceptionally busy one owing to the interminable ritual he imposed on -himself; for, in fact, he declared himself to be the "priest of all -religions,"[165] and he laboured incessantly to act up to that -character. As a teacher he was indefatigable, lecturing five times -daily, apparently to crowded audiences in a theatre, whilst his evenings -were devoted to philosophic colloquies. He was, of course, reputed to be -highly favoured by the gods, and his biography is almost as full of -marvels as a Christian Gospel. Celestial visions were frequently -vouchsafed to him, especially on the occasion of the sacrilegious -removal of the statue of Athena from the Parthenon by order of the state -officials. The goddess incontinently appeared to Proclus and announced -that henceforth she would dwell with him in his own house.[166] He was -an adept at incantations, by means of which he procured a rainfall in -time of drought and arrested the progress of an earthquake which -threatened destruction to Athens. The sick were often restored by his -prayers, which, however, he seems to have relied on merely for the -purpose of invoking success on the orthodox medical treatment. Proclus -attempted to wield some power in local politics, and at one time -incurred the enmity of the predominant party, doubtless the Christians, -so that he deemed it wise to retire into exile for a twelvemonth.[167] -He died at the age of seventy-three (485) and was buried near Mount -Lycabettus in a bilocular sepulchre with his master Syrianus, for whom -he always entertained the greatest veneration.[168] - -After the death of Proclus, the Neoplatonic school of Athens was -probably somewhat eclipsed, but considerable activity was still -maintained, and votaries continued to be drawn to it from Alexandria and -other parts of the Empire.[169] Although it was recognized by the -devotees that the evolution of metaphysical doctrine had reached its -final stage, the endless task of commenting on Plato and Aristotle still -kept their pens busy, and they continued to exercise their ingenuity in -reconciling the views of those masters.[170] In 529, however, their -labours were abruptly brought to a conclusion by a decree of Justinian -that there should be no more teaching of Pagan philosophy at -Athens.[171] The piety or enthusiasm of Proclus had led him to declare -that he would welcome the destruction of all writings except the Timaeus -of Plato and the oracular hymns,[172] a confession which reminds us that -devotion to some special study is apt to blind our perceptions to the -value of all extraneous knowledge. An Imperial Proclus would doubtless -have emulated the example of the Emperor Julian and aimed at the -suppression of Christianity. Justinian was a devout student of the -Nicene theology, and arrogated to himself the chief place among the -doctors of the Church.[173] He was naturally proclive to fanaticism, and -it could scarcely be expected that his mind would be less warped by his -restricted studies than that of the Pagan philosopher, nor that he would -display a tolerant disposition on finding himself in the seat of power. -It became his settled conviction that profane learning was an idle -pursuit, and he decided to enrich his treasury by forfeiting the grants -which still continued to be paid to physicians and professors of liberal -education.[174] As the result of this policy a general illiteracy began -to pervade the Empire,[175] but ultimately Justinian was induced to -restore the stipends.[176] - -When the philosophers of the day found themselves reduced to silence by -an Imperial prohibition they took counsel together and resolved to -desert an empire in which their only prospect for the future was -isolation. As they glanced around them in search of a new sphere of -activity, the West, almost relapsed into barbarism, presented no aspect -hospitable to philosophy. From the East, however, a ray of illumination -had recently penetrated to their classic retreat and warmed them with -the hope of being received as welcome immigrants at the court of the -Persian monarch. In that kingdom, it was rumoured, the posture of -affairs was one of such ideal felicity that the dream of Plato,[177] as -to the occupant of a throne being at once a prince and a philosopher, -was fully realized. Everything was under the sway of the just and -honourable; thieves and bandits and perpetrators of iniquity were no -longer born there; so that the most precious property might be left -unguarded in the desert with the certainty of its remaining intact until -the owner should reclaim it. The youthful Chosroes, whose accession had -lately been announced, was the author of this beatific revolution. An -enthusiastic student of Greek literature, he had applied himself to the -study of Aristotle with a zeal equal to that of Demosthenes when he made -repeated transcriptions of Thucydides. The works of Plato were not less -familiar to him; nor could the subtleties even of the Timaeus and the -Parmenides escape the acuteness of his intelligence. This alluring -picture determined the most eminent representatives of the proscribed -school to seek their fortune in Persia. They formed a band of seven, the -chief among them being Damascius and Simplicius, who are known to modern -philosophers through some treatises of value which have survived to the -present day.[178] But no sooner had they crossed the Euphrates than -their disillusionment commenced. Everywhere criminals were numerous and -crime was very imperfectly repressed. Those in authority showed -themselves to be pompous and arrogant, and oppressed their inferiors -without measure; whilst, although polygamy was permitted, the sexual -instinct could scarcely be gratified without the added zest of adultery. -Already they felt repentant of their migration, but they pushed onwards -until they arrived at the court. There, indeed, they were received with -marked distinction by the Shahinshah, who condescended to converse with -them affably, and encouraged their attendance on his person. In -philosophy, however, they found that he had tasted merely the rudiments, -and had never approached the sublimities of their fine conceptions. The -political views common to barbarian monarchs had been in no way modified -by his superficial knowledge, nor did it avail to induce even a -semblance of agreement during the discussions they held with him. -Chosroes was proud of their apparent homage, and would have retained -them with him at any cost, but the ethics of the Orient were -insufferable in their eyes, and the party gave the most convincing proof -of their sincerity by declining his generous proposals and electing to -return to the precarious life of their native land. At the moment of -their departure the peace negotiations with Justinian were pending, and -Chosroes showed no little magnanimity by insisting that the treaty -should contain a clause granting them the right to occupy their former -abodes and to indulge their metaphysical speculations secure from -official molestation.[179] - -No long time elapsed before the Shahinshah was consoled for the loss of -Damascius and his companions by another Byzantine immigrant, who was -more fitted to play the part of court philosopher than the earnest -Neoplatonists. A certain Uranius, nominally a physician, having skimmed -the works of the philosophers, pretended to a profound acquaintance with -them, and made a somewhat unenviable reputation at Constantinople by his -garrulous and argumentative disposition, as well as by his usually -dissolute mode of life. Having managed to attach himself to Areobindus, -the ambassador elect to Persia, he arrived there in his suite, and soon -captivated the ear of Chosroes by the glibness of his rhetoric and his -pliability in adopting fulsomely the sentiments of the despot. He -discoursed with the Magi, and flattered them by admitting that their -ontology was in perfect accord with that of the deepest thinkers of the -West. Chosroes avowed that he had never met with his equal, and made him -the recipient of the unprecedented distinction of sharing his viands -with him at the royal banquets. After Uranius returned to Constantinople -the monarch opened a familiar correspondence with him, and retained him -as his intellectual adviser. The glorification of this charlatan at the -Persian court guides us to estimate accurately the extent of the -philosophical acquirements of the Shahinshah, and indicates how far his -amateur studies contributed to his mental elevation.[180] - -The extinction of the Neoplatonists as a religious fraternity followed -the compulsory closure of the Athenian school. The surviving members -continued to work in seclusion at their favourite theses, and even -produced some commentaries to which students still resort in order to -elucidate the history of philosophy.[181] But, although Neoplatonism was -objectively defunct, the soul of the movement was irrepressibly vital, -and many of the Catholic ecclesiastics had long been in secret sympathy -with the mystical tenets of the sect. Some of the Christian fathers had -been nurtured in the same intellectual atmosphere as the first -Neoplatonists, and had sat in the same class-room with Plotinus as -hearers of Ammonius at Alexandria. A stealthy admirer of Proclus had -adapted his ternary system with great ingenuity to the Christian -hierarchy, and produced his treatise as the composition of Dionysius the -Areopagite, who was known to have been a companion of St. Paul. The -Pagan triads of the Athenian scholarch reappeared under Biblical names, -and a long array of Cherubim, Thrones, Principalities, Virtues, Powers, -Archangels, and Angels, were ranged in orderly sequence as a heavenly -host proper to intervene between the homoousian Trinity and the -earth.[182] The moment Neoplatonism became obsolete as a visible creed, -the Greek fathers did not recoil from giving a welcome acceptance to -this gorgeous fabric, which in due time travelled westwards to be -promulgated among the Gallic churches by the famous Scotus Erigena. -Throughout the Middle Ages the spirit of the Alexandrian School was rife -among the German mystics,[183] and later even among English -Platonists.[184] Nor scarcely was it repressed in the nineteenth century -until the growth of physical science and evolutionary philosophy gave a -deathblow to the belief that knowledge could be drawn from our inner -consciousness by processes of mental incubation in the closet. - -[132] Vitruvius (v, 11) is the source for the topography of the -gymnasium, Becker-Göll's Charicles for the elaboration of scattered -details. - -[133] The liveliest picture of Socrates debating in a gymnasium will be -found in Plato's Lysis. - -[134] Diogenes Laert., Plato, 9, 14; Pausanias, i, 30; cf. Pliny, Hist. -Nat., xii, i. - -[135] Diogenes Laert., Speusippus, 3. - -[136] Damascius, Vit. Isidori, 158; Suidas, Plato. - -[137] Plutarch, Alexander, 5. - -[138] Diogenes Laert. _in Vita_, 4, 7. - -[139] Zeller, in his History of Philosophy, prefers this explanation of -the name. It is also held that they were so designated merely because A. -taught in the +peripatos+ or promenade of the gymnasium. - -[140] Diogenes Laert., 3. - -[141] Diogenes Laert., 6, 7. - -[142] Cyprus was at first Phoenician; later at various times Greek, -Egyptian, and Persian. - -[143] The best known Roman Stoics are Cato of Utica, Seneca, Lucan the -poet, Helvidius Priscus, Arrian, Epictetus, and the Emperor Marcus -Aurelius. - -[144] Diogenes Laert., Epicurus, 1. - -[145] _Ibid._, 7. - -[146] Diogenes Laert., Epicurus, 9, 10; Pliny, xix, 4. - -[147] The chief Roman Epicureans were Lucretius, the poetical expositor -of his system, Horace, Atticus, and the younger Pliny. - -[148] Dio Cass., lxxxi, 31; Philostratus, Vit. Soph., ii, 2. The action -in Lucian's "Eunuch" is laid at this time, and seems to represent a real -contest. The castrate claimed one of the salaried positions, but an -outcry arose in view of his emasculated condition. The most obvious -objection taken appeared to be that a philosopher should be adorned with -a long beard. "In that case," he retorted, "your best plan would be to -elect a goat." The litigation had to be referred to Rome, but with what -result we are not told. - -[149] See p. 258 _et seq._ - -[150] In the time of Julian Pergamus was the most active centre of -Neoplatonism; and his principal tutors, Aedesius, Chrysanthius, and -Maximus, taught there. For their ridiculous practices, half -charlatanism, half fanaticism, see the lives by Eunapius. - -[151] "Away with every word of Epicurus and Pyrrho!" exclaims Julian. -"Thanks to the gods, most of their books are now lost." Frag. Epist. -(H., p. 386). - -[152] See p. 207. - -[153] Among the most noted of these teachers was Proaeresius, who is -described as a colossus, nine feet high. During a visit to Rome he made -such an impression that a statue was erected to him with the -inscription: "The Queen of Cities to the Prince of Eloquence." He, -however, was a Christian, and, therefore, was forced to resign by -Julian. By way of a set off to this giant, another very able -rhetorician, Alypius, was a pigmy; see their lives by Eunapius. - -[154] See p. 207. - -[155] Damascius and Suidas, _loc. cit._ - -[156] Usually referred to as the son of Nestorius to distinguish him -from the well-known writer of lives, who lived under Trajan. - -[157] Marinus, Vita Procli. - -[158] Marinus, Vita Procli. The schools of rhetoric were not extinct at -this date, as they are stated to have made overtures to Proclus, but he -refused to engage himself to any of them. - -[159] It is generally agreed among scholars that the writings of Orpheus -now extant are spurious productions emanating from the Neoplatonists -themselves, who, as a pious fraud, expanded very scanty relics to -considerable bulk with the object of providing an old traditional basis -for their theology. In this age the daughters of philosophers, like -Hypatia, often worked with their fathers, and, when advanced enough, -gave instruction to the classes. Thus Aclepigeneia, the daughter of -Plutarch, was the only one versed in the so-called Chaldaean lore, and -she in that department became the preceptress of Proclus; Marinus, _op. -cit._ The work of Damascius (Vit. Isidor.) is dedicated to a certain -Theodora who, with her sisters, had been pupils of himself and Isidorus. -The course of study is shown to have been prolonged and comprehensive, -extending sometimes over a decade or more. It included rhetoric, -dialectic, literature in prose and verse, mathematics, and astronomy -(Ptolemy's system), besides the philosophy of Plato, Aristotle, and the -Neoplatonists; Photius, Cod., 181. From a passage in Olympiodorus -(Creuzer, Frankf., 1820, ii, pp. xii, 141), it seems that to the last -the school continued to be open free to students as in the days of Plato -himself. The fact is also indicated by the anecdote related of -Proaeresius and his friend Hephaestion. Armenians both of them, they -arrived at Athens so destitute that they possessed between them only -clothing sufficient for one person. When, therefore, one went out to -hear a lecture, the other had to remain within wrapped up in some old -bed coverlets; (Eunapius in Vit.). Presents must, however, have been -received, as it is mentioned (Damascius and Suidas, _loc. cit._) that -under Proclus the funds of the Academy rose to the amount of 1,000 gold -pieces. - -[160] Vacherot has arranged a table, in which the numerous divinities -admitted by Proclus are seen according to their roll of precedence; -Ecole d'Alexandrie, Paris, 1846, ii, p. 378. A comprehensive work by -Jules Simon with the same title came out almost simultaneously. Zeller -(Philos. d. Griech., v, pp. 548, 808) defines the position of matter -according to the views of Plotinus and Proclus. The first considers it -to be the original evil, but with the latter it is neutral, and bad only -in relation to that which is better. These notions, however, are -embedded in pages of refinements, so that no real finality is attained. - -[161] By the age of twenty-eight Proclus had finished his commentary on -the Timaeus, which exceeded in bulk the whole writings of Plato. Half of -it is lost, but the portion preserved makes a ponderous tome. - -[162] Victor Cousin and Thomas Taylor. The latter professes himself to -be a complete convert to the religion of Proclus, and the former, who -was a leader of thought, almost goes as far. The difference in -theological standpoint between Christians, Stoics, and Neoplatonists is -explained by the historians of philosophy. The Christian triune God -exists apart from the universe, which he produces by his own voluntary -act. With the pantheistic Stoics the Deity is pervasive without limit, -and in all best things most immanent. Thus the good man may be his most -perfect manifestation, and in no degree less than Zeus himself. But the -essence of Neoplatonism is the Oriental conception of emanation, and in -this pantheism everything is viewed as progressively inferior in -proportion to its distance from the transcendent source, _i.e._, the -One. In this system the good man cannot be equal to the Deity; he can -only endeavour to elevate himself to reunion with his source by ecstatic -detachment from all lower grades. In the other systems the world had a -beginning and end in time, but the eternity of the cosmos was a -necessary dogma of Neoplatonism. - -[163] See Porphyry's elaborate treatise, De Abstinentia ab Esu Carnium. -He tries to prove the quasi-humanity of animals; they have a language of -their own, which some men have understood, etc. - -[164] Proclus, like Plotinus, acted the part of a father to all the -young people of his acquaintance. Porphyry, somewhat late in life, -married a widow named Marcella, stating that he only did so in order to -fulfil the paternal office towards her children. Yet fornication was not -a Neoplatonic sin, and even Proclus resorted to it restrainedly. A -letter of Porphyry to Marcella, a condensed manual of ethics, is extant, -and has recently appeared in an English dress. - -[165] Or literally, "the hierophant of the whole world." - -[166] Marinus also informs us that he was on terms of great cordiality -with Pan, but according to another authority this god had died some -centuries previously. Plutarch (De Defect. Orac., 17) tells us, on the -report of "a well-known man of very sound character," that a vessel -sailing in the Ambracian Gulf touched one evening at the Isle of Paxae. -Shortly, a voice from the land thrice summoned Thames the Egyptian, one -of the crew, and gave him the injunction, "When you come to Paloda, -announce that the Great Pan is dead." The mandate was obeyed, they put -in at a deserted spot, and Thames, standing in the bows, shouted the -required information. Immediately the whole ship's company heard "a deep -groan, proceeding as it were from a multitude of men." The news was -carried to Rome, and Tiberius, after interviewing Thames, decided to -hold an inquest. All the savants of the Court sat on the deceased, and, -without viewing the body, pronounced him to be Pan, the son of Hermes -and Penelope. The witness in this case was doubtless of the same class -as those who from time to time contribute marvels to the reports of the -Psychical Society and the Occult Review. - -[167] The alumni of the school went and taught in other places; for -instance, Agapius, a hearer of Proclus, under whom Jn. Lydus studied (De -Magist., iii, 26), the same, perhaps, who was the "big wig" of the -medical faculty at CP., about that time, and made a large fortune, as -related by Damascius and Suidas. Damascius (Vit. Isidori) gives an -account of the practice of Jacob Psychristus, an eminent physician of -the latter part of the fifth century. He trusted chiefly to purgations, -baths, and diets, used the knife and cautery sparingly, and repudiated -bleeding. On visiting CP. he found the profession there neither -experienced nor learned, but relying on a routine derived from their -predecessors, which they followed in a blind and careless manner. -Pamprepius, one of the ablest disciples of Proclus, deserted the Academy -for the Byzantine court, and attached himself to Illus, the great rebel -in the reign of Zeno; but ultimately he was executed by his patron for -having ventured on predictions which were falsified by the event; -Suidas, _sb. nom._ (Malchus); Theophanes, an. 5976, etc. - -[168] Marinus, _op. cit., ad fin._ - -[169] Of this period there is a sort of chronicle extant in the form of -a life of Isidore of Gaza, who became scholarch next after Marinus. The -whole work has been abridged from the original of Damascius by Photius -(Cod. 242), and portions of it are given by Suidas, apparently in full, -under various biographical headings, _e.g._ Aedesia, Archiadas, -Asclepiodotus, Domninus, Hegias, Hermeias, Hierocles, Pamprepius, -Salustius, Serapion, etc., all philosophers of this later time. The -narrative is stuffed with nonsense to an even greater extent than the -life by Marinus, and gives instances of prophecy by crystal-gazing, of -casting out of devils, etc. Curiously enough, it contains some of the -earliest recorded observations of electric phenomena, viz. an ass of -Tiberius and a horse of Severus that emitted sparks; that fire issued -from the body of Walamir, father of Theodoric the Goth, without singeing -his clothing, etc. - -[170] Syrianus had devoted himself particularly to this task, and his -extant commentaries are a necessary part of the armament of the modern -Aristotelian. - -[171] Jn. Malala, xviii, 451. Alemannus (_op. cit._, p. 459) cites an -anonymous Greek chronicle, in which astronomy as well as philosophy is -prohibited. - -[172] Marinus, _op. cit., ad fin._ - -[173] Jn. Ephes. Com., p. 249. - -[174] Procopius, Anecd., 26. Olympiodorus (_op. cit._), writing probably -just before the closure of the schools, notices that these confiscations -had been going on for some time. It seems that Justinian began -systematically to seize on the property of all teachers he disapproved -of. - -[175] Zonaras, xiv, 6. - -[176] The Pragmatic Sanction addressed to Pope Vigilius (554) indicates -the restoration; sect. 22. It would seem that state aid must have been -in abeyance for twenty years or more, as the evidence of Procopius -extends to 550. - -[177] Republic, vi, etc. - -[178] The commentaries of Simplicius on Aristotle, besides being of -considerable bulk, are the most valuable of that class of writings which -have come down to us. They have been repeatedly published since 1499. - -[179] The narrative of this migration to Persia is due to Agathias (ii, -28, _et seq._), who does not, however, mention that they were driven out -by legislation, but represents them merely as dissatisfied with the -religion of the Empire. He speaks of them with the greatest respect; -they were the "fine flower" of the philosophy of his age. - -[180] Agathias, _loc. cit._ Quicherat (_ad calc._ Dübner's Plotinus, -Paris, 1855) endeavours to refute Agathias in respect of his low -estimate of the intellectual attainments of Chosroes. In the first place -he relies on a Syrian MS. discovered by Renan in the British Museum, -which is an epitome of Aristotle's Logic, purporting to have been made -by Paul the Persian, a Nestorian priest, for the use of Chosroes. This -neutralizes the objection of A. that the niceties of Greek philosophy -could not be rendered in the rude Pahlavi, it being known that the -Shahinshah was obliged to have recourse to translations. Syriac, -however, is a language of considerable literary refinement. Further he -publishes a MS.—not long unearthed at St. Germains—a Latin version by -Scotus Erigena(?) of the solutions given by Priscian, one of the seven, -to certain "doubts" entertained by Chosroes. The work is incomplete, but -nine of the questions which puzzled the monarch are dealt with, viz. the -soul, sleep, dreams; the routine of the seasons; why doctors differ; the -tides; rain and lightning; variation of animal and plants after removal -to a different climate; and the venom of serpents. Indisputably Chosroes -was a very able ruler, and it is clear that he evinced great curiosity -in every department of knowledge, but that he could have studied with -the assiduity necessary for the attainment of erudition is a scarcely -tenable supposition; and the episode of Uranius falls in very aptly with -what we should predicate as likely to be the outcome of his desultory -inquisitiveness. - -[181] Damascius profited by his Persian experiences to give an account -of Babylonian dualism in one of his treatises. This work has received -considerable attention of late. See books by Ruelle, Paris, 1889, and -Chaignet, Paris, 1898. - -[182] See Bigg's Neoplatonism, Lond., 1892, for a tabulated synopsis. -There were also earthly triads, which included the sacraments and the -various orders of priests, etc. - -[183] Simon and Zeller stop short at the fall of the school of Athens, -but Vacherot has devoted a third volume to tracing out the diffusion of -Neoplatonic ideas in Western thought throughout the Middle Ages until -recent times. Mystics such as Jacob Boehme, Molinos, Madame Guyon, etc. -(Quietists), are connected with this stage of the fantasy. - -[184] Cudworth, one of the "Cambridge Platonists," is the central figure -of this group. In his True Intellectual System of the Universe (pp. 900, -fol., 1678, an inceptive fragment of a larger(!) work never completed) -he appears as a modern Plotinus labouring in the realm of metaphysics -under the obsession of Hebrew and Orthodox mythology in which he had -been nurtured, but in verbosity and expansiveness he well outdistances -his prototype. He is inclined to believe in ghosts, and thence to draw a -theistic proof of the existence of a "supreme ghost," _i.e._ the Deity. -See Tulloch's Rational Theology in England in 17th Century, 1874, ii, p. -240 _et seq._ - - - - - CHAPTER VII - THE INTERNAL ADMINISTRATION OF THE EMPIRE: INSURRECTION - OF THE CIRCUS FACTIONS IN THE CAPITAL - - -The keystone of Justinian's administration was his lavish expenditure of -money. Every enterprise that could engage the attention of a monarch -incited him to emulation, and in arms, legislation, civil reform, public -works, and religion, he aspired to equal the achievements of the -greatest princes. Hence the persistent need for a well-filled treasury, -and the constant injunction to the Rectors in the provinces. "Above all -things apply yourselves to gathering in the imposts"; whilst the subject -is urged by the frequent reminder, "Pay up your taxes promptly, our -great undertakings cannot be accomplished without money."[185] - -For centuries, as we have already seen,[186] a latent anarchy had -prevailed throughout the Empire, but the evils of such a condition had -always been less apparent under a quiescent administration. Moderation -in the bureaucracy in the capital gave a measure to the proceedings of -its deputies in the provinces, and doubtless had a restraining -influence, at least that of example, over the rural aristocracy who -almost arrogated to themselves a local sovereignity. The considerate, -though firm rule of Anastasius, appears to have reduced to a minimum the -most flagrant abuses, whilst his studied parsimony, which led to the -accumulation of large reserves,[187] must have lessened the severity of -fiscal oppression. The latter advantage was extended into the reign of -Justin, and, while Justinian was dissipating the great funds left by his -uncle's predecessor,[188] his reputation for benignancy was not -imperilled by rapacity in collecting the tributes. Soon after his -accession, however, to undivided power, he found himself without other -resource than the property of his subjects for the supply of his -financial requirements. Then the maintenance of the exchequer assumed -the highest importance in his eyes, and every conceivable device for -swelling the revenue was resorted to, while little or no regard was paid -to the equity of the means employed.[189] As an inevitable result all -the worst features of the Byzantine political system underwent an -exacerbation during the first few years of Justinian's reign. The -species of effectivity demanded by the Emperor induced the rise of the -most unscrupulous persons to high office; a statesman became the -equivalent of an extortioner, and the native venality of the governing -class showed exuberant throughout all its grades. Assured of the -Emperor's favour as long as he could be noted for his zeal in directing -the flow of gold towards the treasury, every servant of the state -grasped at private affluence by means of illicit exactions, or an overt -accessibility to bribes.[190] - -As a consequence of his unexpected advent to power, Justinian was -scarcely affected by the prejudices peculiar to monarchs born in the -purple; and hence, disregarding conventionalism, he usually chose the -most direct and practical methods for carrying out his designs. He -was willing on occasion to usurp the functions of any of his -subordinates,[191] and, in the selection of his instruments, he promoted -the most likely candidates to the highest posts without reference to -their rank, seniority, or antecedents. Among his earliest coadjutors in -the capital were two remarkable men, Tribonian, a lawyer, and John of -Cappadocia, a financier, whose activities became the leading feature in -the politics of the age. The former was a native of Pamphylia,[192] and -began his career as an advocate in the praefectural courts of -Constantinople.[193] As Master of the Agentes-in-rebus[194] he attracted -the notice of the Emperor, who soon claimed him as his personal -assessor, and raised him to the quaestorship.[195] Tribonian was a man -of great learning in the law and an assiduous reader, whence he was led -to form a library of legal books such as existed in no other custody at -the time.[196] He was gifted with a remarkable suavity of manner, and -was so artful a flatterer[197] that, although he had not become a -convert to Christianity, and was even said to be an atheist,[198] -Justinian deferred to him as his favourite minister. Tribonian, however, -was beset by the vice of avarice, and, though his forensic erudition was -invaluable to the Imperial council in relation to the subject, he -resorted to it for no other purpose than to make a traffic of justice. -His legal decisions were always at auction, and, under ordinary -circumstances, his interpretation of the law was fitted ingeniously to -meet the requirements of the highest bidder.[199] - -The approach to the Imperial tribunal had to be sown with gold before a -suitor could advance within sight of an adjudication on his appeal. To -pass the sentries who were on guard at the portals necessitated the -disbursement of a tangible sum.[200] Then the attention of the -referendary, or attorney who put the case into shape prior to its being -submitted to the court, could not be captured until he had been largely -bribed.[201] Lastly, the Quaestor had to be satisfied pecuniarily in a -ratio adequate to his assessment of the value to the claimant of a -favourable decision. Justinian was initiated early in the artifices by -which legal chicanery could be made to subserve to undue gains, and -became a prime sharer in the profits to be drawn from this mercenary -jactitation of the law.[202] Hence the venality of the Emperor's Court -of Appeal soon incurred obloquy in the capital, and a resentment was -kindled among the citizens against his administration. - -Yet the ills inflicted on the community by distorted judgements were -slight and partial in comparison with the financial tyranny of John of -Cappadocia after he had attained to the rank of Praetorian Praefect. -Devoid of literary education, and even inefficient with the pen,[203] -this man began his career in an unimportant clerical post under the -government.[204] While serving in this capacity he came in contact with -Justinian, whose favour he courted with an astuteness popularly supposed -to be the distinguishing mark of natives of his province.[205] Having a -singular aptitude for figures, and being extremely ready with expedients -for solving any knotty question,[206] he won over the Emperor by laying -before him many subtle schemes for amplifying the incidence of the taxes -and proportionately swelling the revenue.[207] These allurements assured -him a speedy promotion to the position of logothete, from which he -ascended with little delay to the dignity of an Illustrious, and soon -made an easy conquest of the praetorian prefecture of the East.[208] -Once in the supreme seat of deputed power he had to justify his -elevation to the Emperor by the signal success of his methods; but he -was no less intent on making his potent office inordinately profitable -to himself.[209] Every fiscal enactment which had ever passed into law -was unearthed from the archives of the Empire, and applied factitiously -to compass the transference of the money of the subject to the coffers -of the state.[210] The discovery of a name sufficed for the creation of -a claim, and demands were issued for an endless succession of duties, -tolls, tallages, censuals, cess, and customs, together with arrearages -and apportionments of unpaid imposts, which foreshadowed the reduction -of every possessor of property to a common level of indigence.[211] All -persons of means were noted by the agents of the fisc, and called on to -pay according to the impression formed as to their resources. No excuses -were accepted, protestations of inability were disbelieved, and, in -order to meet the case of recalcitrant subjects, a torture chamber was -fitted up in a secluded spot of the Praetorium. Here was collected an -assortment of chains, manicles, pedicles, instruments of compression for -the hands and feet, in short, every kind of apparatus which was suitable -for subjecting the members to a state of painful strain or constraint. -To this den defaulters were hurried, and by means of rackings and -suspensions were forced to surrender whatever they possessed unless -actually killed by the severity of the torture.[212] Such was John's -method of procedure at his own headquarters, but for the provinces he -picked out emissaries of approved brutality, and despatched them into -all districts with injunctions to follow his example.[213] Under this -régime the Court of Appeal of the Praetorian Prefect was, of course, as -venal as that of the Emperor and Tribonian; and the formalities of a -trial were almost dispensed with, so that a hasty dispatch of the cases -might facilitate the gathering in of the bribes.[214] - -The infamy of the Cappadocian, as an officer of state, was almost -surpassed by his mode of life as a private citizen. He rapidly -accumulated wealth, and at once applied himself to spend it in -gastronomical and libidinous excesses of the most unbridled -description.[215] His first care was to erect a palace of such vastness -and magnificence that, in the hyperbolical language of an official of -the period, it could only be characterized by the epithets which writers -on the wonders of Egypt had applied to the architectural piles reared by -Sesostris and the Pharaohs.[216] In the halls of this resplendent -edifice he passed his time in a continuous round of feasting and -sensuality, only terminating his orgies with the rise of Lucifer, whilst -his attention to business was deferred until the appearance of -Hesperus.[217] Surrounded by a throng of courtesans and debauched -youths, he gorged himself with the most costly delicacies until his -overloaded stomach ejected its contents over the marble pavements or the -persons of those who sat next to him.[218] To glut his appetite the -woods of the Euxine were depopulated of their pheasants, whilst the sea -was raided for luscious fish to such an extent that, according to the -conceit of the same author, the molluscs, expanding their shells to -serve as wings, fled through the air instead of through the water, to -escape the voracious Cappadocian.[219] As for his religion he made no -account of Christianity, but pinned his faith to sorceries and -incantations. If ever he appeared at church he did so in the habiliments -of a pagan priest, and ministered to himself with the mummeries of some -occult cabbalism instead of following the established ritual.[220] - -The appointment of John to the office of Praefect of the East took place -early in 530, and before the end of the following year his system -resulted in producing a state of misery and destitution throughout the -Empire unparalleled in any former age. The visitations of his agents -became more dreaded among the rural population than an incursion of -barbarians.[221] Everywhere the adaeratio of the annones[222] was -carried to excess; and, while money was demanded instead of the -contributions in kind as usually accepted, the agricultural produce was -often left to perish on the ground.[223] Injudicious measures of -retrenchment were the principal cause of this evil. By a false economy -the public posts and the military train were in great part suppressed, -with disastrous results. A limited supply of asses was substituted for -the considerable number of horses, camels, and mules formerly -maintained.[224] Hence, while the department of public intelligence and -the commissariat of the army were seriously affected, the farmer also -suffered from the greatly lessened demand for fodder. With the crops -left unexpectedly on their hands, and the means of carriage almost -abolished, the wretched rustics were driven to despair in their efforts -to dispose of their stock. Thus the roads were constantly filled with -straggling bands of women, heavily laden, and often with infants at the -breast, obliged to cover a long route in order to effect a shipment at -the sea-ports; whilst the wayside was littered with the unburied corpses -of those who succumbed under the excessive toil.[225] - -Such were the hardships the Byzantine population had to suffer as a -consequence of the obligations imposed on them directly by the Imperial -government, but these were largely aggravated by their being forced to -minister to the private needs and even lustful passions of all those in -power throughout the Empire. Every impost was augmented by an overplus -which went into the pocket of the agent who exacted it or through whose -hands it passed. The Rector of the province, generally an impecunious -aspirant to place and fortune, had paid a large sum to the bureaucracy, -and borrowed it at usury, for the bestowal of his codicil.[226] He -proceeded, therefore, to his local seat of power accompanied by a body -of creditors to whom he had guaranteed the liquidation of their claims -out of the revenue of his vicegerency;[227] and he had, moreover, to -make a provision from the artificially swollen taxes against the time -when he hoped to retire from office into a position of leisured -affluence.[228] When an army passed through a district, not only were -the soldiers quartered on the inhabitants, who for the time being were -expelled from their proper dwellings, but contributions for the support -of the troops were levied under every sort of false pretence, even by -persons who had no authority whatever to collect funds for the -commissariat.[229] To all this was added the constant oppression by the -local magnates of their weaker neighbours, whose lands they seized, -advertising by notices fixed to the ground that they assumed them as -their own property.[230] At the same time the owners were claimed as -serfs, bound for the future in service to an overlord.[231] In the main -these proceedings were quite arbitrary, and differed in no way from -professed brigandage, but as a rule they were conducted under the shadow -of legality by giving them the form of distraints or evictions in -respect of money lent.[232] Attended by a numerous body of armed -retainers the wealthy landowners made a descent on the coveted -homestead, plundered the household, drove off the cattle, and abducted -wives and daughters for the purpose of concubinage.[233] But not in all -cases without resistance being offered; where such attacks were -anticipated, the small farmers prepared for them, and with the aid of -the local peasantry joined battle with the raiders. Thus the provinces -were almost constantly the scene of a miniature warfare.[234] In the -midst of these disorders the Rector held the balance of justice and -inclined the scale towards whoever weighted it with the heaviest bribe. -Often, in fact, he was himself one of the worst offenders; and in his -capacity as collector of the revenue, or under the pretence of giving -police protection, he plundered and committed outrages in every -direction throughout the country.[235] And in such license he was -usually afforded countenance and example by the logothetes and other -officers, who were superior to him in authority, during their special -visitations as agents of the fisc.[236] These harpies resorted to every -imaginable device for embezzling money, and especially by presenting -long bills to the decurions for public works which were never -executed.[237] They also invented legal pretexts to commit outrages on -the families of the debtors, and wives, virgins, and youths were -regularly debauched by them.[238] In some localities even the collection -of the tributes was regularly opposed and attended with bloodshed.[239] -As for convicted criminals, even they could feel no assurance of having -to suffer only the statutory punishments, but according to the temper of -the judge they had to undergo a penalty, and hands and feet were lopped -off continually, with little or no regard to law or humanity.[240] - -All the evils and abuses of the Byzantine system were magnified and -multiplied by the ruthless policy of John, and at Constantinople the -widespread discontent began to show signs of tending to a crisis. Every -class was more or less affected, and the numberless sufferers were -increasingly associated in the capital. Advocates went without -employment, since it was considered useless to protract trials by -pleadings or the examination of witnesses.[241] The shipping interest -was ruined by the imposition of onerous port dues and the establishment -of custom-houses at the approaches to the city, both in the Hellespont -and the Bosphorus.[242] As a result numbers of those engaged in maritime -commerce burnt their vessels, and a shortage of foodstuffs distressed -the inhabitants.[243] At all times the briskness of trade was sapped for -the mercantile class by the privileges granted to the religious orders -and their abuse of the concessions. Not only were there eleven hundred -shops free of excise belonging to St. Sophia,[244] but all other -churches, as well as monasteries, hospitals, poorhouses, and orphan -homes, claimed a like immunity. Nor did the list end even here, for the -three grades of nobles arrogated to themselves an equal right to trade -with remitted taxes.[245] - -The Blue Faction were favoured by Justinian and his consort, who -accorded them such indulgence that they considered themselves to be -above the law. Their affiliation to the throne caused them to enjoy -great credit among the ordinary citizens, wherefore they decided to -distinguish themselves objectively by adopting a peculiar uniform. Thus -they discarded the use of the razor and wore full Persian beards, -allowed their back hair to grow long, in imitation of the Huns, and -donned richly embroidered tunics furnished with sleeves which bellied -out in an extraordinary fashion from the wrist up to the shoulder. -Secure of impunity for any excesses they might commit, the more vicious -members carried weapons day and night, ostensibly for the purpose merely -of chastising their sworn enemies, the Green Faction, but in reality -with the intention of robbing and murdering peaceful inhabitants. Under -the pretence of carrying on their historical feud, they assassinated in -the streets, despoiled private houses of their valuables, and even -outraged wives and daughters. Similar enormities on the part of the -Greens were severely dealt with by the magistrates, but they were -terrorized by the dominant Faction into ignoring their misdeeds. Those -who defied the malefactors by acting impartially paid for their -integrity with their lives. The better spirits of the Blue Deme bewailed -the lawlessness of their fellows, and the Emperor made fitful efforts to -repress the disorders, but Theodora resisted any attempt to restrict the -licence of her favourite clan.[246] Numbers of the Greens were driven -from their homes by the ceaseless persecution, and, finding themselves -everywhere in discredit, avenged their wrongs on society in general by -taking to the road and practising brigandage by the most merciless -methods.[247] In a lesser degree every city of the Empire presented a -scene of confusion similar to that which reigned at Constantinople.[248] - -Into a capital thus agitated by numberless grievances of its own, a -varied crowd of fugitives from the provinces began to pour, in the -autumn of 531. Their proper abodes had been made uninhabitable for them, -and they fled in terror from the local tyrants to seek redress at the -hands of the autocrator. Peasant farmers with their wives, priests, -monks, and nuns, often accompanied by their lawyers, thronged the city -as they pressed onwards to lay their appeals at the foot of the -throne.[249] They clamoured incessantly in all the public places, so -that to meet the emergency it became necessary to revive a number of -forgotten magistracies, praetors and quaesitors,[250] who might hear -complaints and appease the rising tumult. On all sides the populace -reviled the bureaucracy who had brought about such an impass, and, as -the old year went out, a general feeling prevailed that the existing -order of things must come to an end.[251] - -With the opening of January, 532, the season of the Consular Festivals -was at hand, but both in this year and the previous one ardour for -parade had been deadened by political distraction, and the appointment -of a consul was passed over. Preparations were made, however, for a -display in the Circus, and it was hoped that something of the deepening -gloom might be lifted by the diversion thus afforded. But the result -disappointed expectation, and the assembly of the people in the vast -area provided an opportunity for the actively smouldering discontent to -work its way to the surface and to burst into flame. The possibility of -the throne becoming vacant had been brooding in the minds of the -Factions, and, as usual, when confronted with that contingency, there -was a tendency to a temporary accord between the Blues and Greens.[252] -On a Sunday, the eleventh day of the month, Justinian, with the -customary pomp, took his seat in the Cathisma.[253] A protest against -the administration had been previously concerted, and the Greens, as -being frankly discountenanced by the Emperor, were most forward to -evince their hostility. At first a respectful tone was adopted, and the -Autocrator was acclaimed with the usual formulas, "Many years to -Justinian Augustus! May you be victorious!" The Greens then raised a cry -that the people were oppressed, and prayed to be delivered from their -sufferings. A heated dialogue between the throne and the demagogy then -ensued, which ended in bitter recriminations passing from side to side. -On such occasions the Emperor made use of an officer called a _Mandator_ -as his mouthpiece, whilst the Demarch acted as spokesman for the Faction -concerned. At the outset one Calopodius was named as the object of -complaint, doubtless the executive officer of the Praefect of the City, -whose brutality in preserving order had awakened the resentment of the -masses: _D._ "I am oppressed; I can bear it no longer, God knows." _M._ -"Who is in fault? we know of no one." _D._ "Thrice August, I fear to -name him." _M._ "Of whom do you complain? We have no idea of the person -meant." _D._ "Master of us all, it is Calopodius the centurion." _M._ -"Calopodius is not in authority." _D._ "May the lot of Judas be his! God -will pay him out." _M._ "You have come here to insult the magistrates, -not to look on at the games." _D._ "I say, may he suffer like Judas!" -_M._ "Hold your tongue, Jews, Manichaeans, Samaritans!" _D._ "Oh, you -call us Jews and Samaritans! Holy Virgin, be with us!" _M._ "I do, and -bid you all to get baptized in the name of the One."[254] _D._ "Oh, -bring the water; let us be baptized as you say." _M._ "I will have your -heads cut off." _D._ "Oh, we must not speak the truth for fear of losing -our heads. Take no offence, Emperor, I have some right to liberty." _M._ -"Rascals, will you risk your lives?" _D._ "Would that Sabbatius had -never been born! Then a son of his would not have been a murderer. Who -killed the wood-seller at the Zeugma?" _M._ "You killed him." _D._ "Who -killed the son of Epagathus?" _M._ "You killed him also, and you say the -Blues did it." So far the Blues had maintained a sullen silence, but at -this suggestion some of them were roused to taunt the Greens. Presently -the latter all trooped out of the Circus, exclaiming, "Goodbye to -justice! We will turn Jews; better to be a Pagan than a Blue." Thus -Justinian and the Blues were left alone at the performance.[255] - -In the evening of the same day Justinian determined on an effort to -quell the sedition by making an example of those who had been most -insolent to him in the Hippodrome. Seven persons, drawn from both -factions, were seized by Eudaemon, the Praefect of the city, and led off -to execution. Four were decapitated and the remaining three were hung; -but in the case of two of the latter the rope broke, and the culprits -fell to the ground. At the sight of this moving accident the bystanders -were greatly agitated, and an outcry for pardon arose, whereupon some -monks interposed and carried off the men by boat to the monastery of St. -Laurence. One of those rescued was a Blue, the other a Green; and the -circumstance caused the union between the factions to be more firmly -cemented. On hearing of the rescue, Eudaemon placed a guard of soldiers -outside the sanctuary, but did not dare to violate it.[256] On the -following Tuesday the spectacle was resumed in the Circus, and, during -the whole time of the exhibition both factions clamoured conjointly to -the Emperor for the release of the prisoners, intermingling cries of -"Long years to the wretched Blues and Greens," with their prayers. But -Justinian remained sternly irresponsive, and the assembly had to -disperse without receiving any indication of Imperial sympathy.[257] The -popular rancour now rose to fever-heat, and the leaders of the Demes -counselled extreme measures. In order that all who were on the side of -the insurgents might have a means of recognizing each other, the device -of a countersign was adopted, and the word _Nika_, that is, "victory," -was chosen for the purpose, whence the movement was known ever -afterwards as the "Nika revolt."[258] First a rush was made to the -Praetorium of the City Praefect to demand the removal of the guard from -the monastery, but no answer could be obtained. At this moment a slight -concession might have appeased the rage of the multitude, so that the -ferment would have been modified for the time. Obduracy, however, -inflamed their passions beyond measure, the Praetorium was set on fire, -and an irruption was then made towards the Augusteum with the object of -assailing Justinian himself. A number of soldiers encountered on the way -were butchered by the mob,[259] firebrands were hurled into the Chalke, -and soon the external chambers of the palace were all in flames. The -conflagration spread rapidly, the principal buildings in the square -became quickly involved, and during the evening the Baths of Zeuxippus, -the Senate House, and the great church of St. Sophia were reduced to a -heap of smoking ruins.[260] - -On the following day the rioters came out early in greatly increased -numbers, and all those who had previously been disaffected to the -government now ranged themselves openly against it. At the same time -people of every class who wished to stand aloof during the rebellion -fled from the city and hid themselves in places of safety on the -opposite continent.[261] The Demarchs convened a meeting in the Forum of -Constantine,[262] where they were joined by a considerable body of -nobles and senators. The ministers were denounced, the deposition of -Justinian was agreed upon, and it was resolved that Probus, one of the -nephews of Anastasius, should be proclaimed as Emperor. With the -multitude surging after them the leaders then proceeded to the house of -that general, which was situated near the harbour of Julian. His -presence and acceptance of the dignity was demanded, whilst, as he was -known to possess a private arsenal, cries arose from the throng that -they should be supplied with arms. Probus, however, was found to have -disappeared, and, on ascertaining the fact, the mob set fire to the -premises and retired.[263] Simultaneously heralds were announcing, on -the part of Justinian, that the games in the Hippodrome were to be -continued; but the populace responded by injecting fire into the arena, -and refused to enter, exclaiming that he merely wished to catch them in -a trap.[264] The leaders were now at a loss what step to take, for -Hypatius and Pompeius, the two other nephews of Anastasius, were not -only believed to be loyal to the Emperor, but were actually on duty as -members of his staff within the palace. The general concourse, however, -did not hesitate as to how to act, but yielded to their lust for -revenge, and rushed off shouting, "Down with Tribonian, John of -Cappadocia, and Eudaemon," determined to seek them out and lynch them as -soon as they could be found.[265] - -The Emperor now became anxious as detailed information came in as to the -havoc already wrought in the capital, and he began to realize the extent -of the defection. The wild uproar, harping incessantly on a special -note, reached his ears, and he sent an officer to ascertain what the -people were vociferating.[266] As soon as an answer was brought to him -he decided to yield, hoping that conciliation would induce an immediate -calm. The three obnoxious officials were displaced from their posts, and -others, popular for their well-known integrity, were appointed in their -stead. Effective measures were taken to announce the change publicly, -but the concession failed to appease the tumult.[267] The provisional -government of the insurgents felt that they had gone too far to retreat -with safety, whilst their secret emissaries had already been at work -endeavouring to entice Hypatius from the palace with the promise of his -elevation to the purple. - -During the next three days the devastation of the metropolis continued, -and Constantinople assumed the aspect of a city taken by the enemy.[268] -The only hope for the government now lay in its being able to suppress -the revolt by force, but the Byzantine soldiery showed signs of -disaffection, and it was recognized that even the Excubitors, of whom -Justinian himself had held the command, could not be trusted.[269] -Within the precincts of the Palace there was, however, a considerable -body of barbarian mercenaries, as well as several of the Imperial -generals who remained loyal and were ready to act against the -rioters.[270] On the Thursday Belisarius issued forth with a body of -Goths and Herules, and a fierce battle ensued around the Milium and in -the adjoining streets.[271] The rebels defended themselves furiously, -and, while the men fought below, women, posted in the upper chambers of -the houses, hurled stones and tiles through the windows on the heads of -their military antagonists. Numbers of these Amazons were among the -slain.[272] At a certain hour of the day an attempt was made to restore -order by priestly intervention, and a train of ecclesiastics, presenting -the sacred books and holy images to the eyes of the combatants, -descended into the scene of the conflict. The Byzantines might have been -influenced, but the barbarians took no account of their presence, and -the strife raged without abatement.[273] The civil war in the streets -was continued for the two succeeding days,[274] ineffectively on the -part of the authorities, while the confidence of the insurgents -increased. The work of incendiarism went on, and now on both sides, for -the soldiers tried to dislodge those who assailed them from the -domiciles and public edifices by firing the buildings.[275] The wind -often assisted the conflagration by sweeping the flames along.[276] -Among the architectural monuments consumed during this period of the -sedition were the Octagon,[277] the church of St. Irene,[278] the -Hospital of Sampson with its infirm inmates,[279] the House of Lamps -with its rich wares,[280] the Palace of Lausus with its irreplaceable -art treasures,[281] and the porticos ranging between the Augusteum and -the Pavement.[282] - -In the meantime Justinian and the Imperial party within the Palace began -to despair of their fortunes. The Excubitors and the other corps of -domestics did not break into open mutiny, but their faces appeared -lowering and indifferent, and it was evident that their sympathies were -veering steadily in the direction of the rebels. That the insurgents -were intent on replacing him with Hypatius was well known to the -Emperor, and he became apprehensive lest at any moment his own guards -might consummate their wishes by the seizure of his person and the -proclamation of his rival.[283] He summoned the nephews of Anastasius to -his presence, and urged them to leave the palace in order to safeguard -their own households. They protested that it was their duty to stand by -their sovereign in such a crisis, but he suspected their loyalty and -insisted peremptorily on their departure. They obeyed with reluctance, -and quitted the Court on the Saturday evening.[284] At the same time -Justinian, anticipating that a successful assault might be made on the -Palace, heaped all his most precious possessions into a swift galley, -which lay in the Imperial harbour, and held himself in readiness for a -precipitate flight to the Thracian town of Heraclea.[285] - -Early on Sunday morning the Emperor resolved on making a final effort to -win back the allegiance of his subjects. By assuming an attitude of -contrition, and proving his sincerity by a promise of universal amnesty, -he might yet be able to save his throne. Holding the Gospels in his -hand, he proceeded at dawn to the Hippodrome, and established himself in -the regal seat. A proclamation was made, and the people, now confident -in their own strength, came flocking in on all sides, attracted by the -belief that something unusual was about to take place. Justinian -advanced, and protending the sacred volume, adjured the assemblage: "By -the might of this hallowed Word I condone everything that has happened. -None of you shall be arrested; only be pacified. My sins have brought -about this impass; no blame attaches to you. On me the guilt for not -answering your appeal for mercy." Murmurs of approval were heard for a -moment, but a general hooting quickly drowned them, and loud cries of -"Ass, thou liest!" were repeated by a myriad of voices.[286] Finally the -tumult resolved itself into persistent calls for Hypatius. The Emperor -persevered no further, but retired in silence to the Palace. - -The news spread rapidly that the disinherited princes were at liberty, -and the revolutionaries immediately thronged to their residence. -Hypatius was demanded, and in despite of the outcry of his wife, who -foreboded disaster, was forced along to the Forum of Constantine. There -the usual forms of a coronation were enacted; he was hoisted on a shield -and crowned with a golden necklace. Exulting in this achievement, a wave -of excitement swept over the crowd, and all clamoured that the new -Emperor should be borne in triumph to the Circus and installed in the -Cathisma, whilst a determined effort was being made for the capture of -the Palace. A senator named Origen protested warmly against this move as -being too rash and hasty. "Have patience for the present," said he, "let -us fortify ourselves in another palace, of which there are several in -the city. Whilst his resources are being frittered away, Justinian will -be tired out and fly of his own accord; or at some opportune moment we -shall be able to take him without risk." His prudent counsel was, -however, cried down; Hypatius was hurried along reluctantly, and -compelled to usurp the Imperial seat, whilst the people thronged the -arena and acclaimed him with reckless enthusiasm.[287] But he -contemplated his sudden rise with dismay, and felt profoundly insecure -in his new position. Taking his opportunity, he privately despatched a -Candidate to assure Justinian that he was involuntarily acting a part, -and was only too anxious to repudiate the unwelcome honours thrust upon -him. In a short time his messenger returned with a joyous air; as he -strove to enter the Palace, the chief physician had accosted him: "Where -are you going," said he, "there is no one within, the Emperor has taken -his departure." "Master," exclaimed the Candidate, "God wishes you to -reign; Justinian has fled and the Palace is empty." At this announcement -Hypatius resigned himself with some confidence to his fortune.[288] The -populace went on applauding him tumultuously, whilst they were loud in -their vituperation of Justinian and Theodora.[289] - -The report that Justinian had virtually abdicated by abandoning his post -was false, but the author of it may have supposed that he was speaking -an imminent truth, as that event seemed on the point of being realized. -Hesitating to commit himself to the irrevocable step, the Emperor paused -to throw a last glance at the situation. He initiated a debate, but his -advisers were despondent, and their opinions half-hearted and divergent. -Of all those concerned Theodora felt most deeply the ignominy of flight, -and, unable to restrain her indignation at their halting resolution, -burst into a passionate remonstrance. She deprecated the assurance of a -woman in presuming to address a body of men, and pleaded the exigences -of the moment as her excuse. "Even at this adverse crisis," said she, "I -think the alternative of flight is out of the question. Though he may be -permitted to live in safety as an exile, the master of an empire should -not survive the loss of his dignity. As for myself, may I never live to -see the day when this purple mantle shall fall from me, and people no -longer salute me as Empress. I hold no sentiment so dear as that old -saying, 'Royalty is a fine thing to be buried in.'"[290] - -By this bold speech Theodora infused her own intrepid spirit into the -Imperial party. No longer wavering in their counsels, they resolved to -assume the offensive, and thought only of how to strike with most effect -at the usurper and the rebels who supported him. The barbarian -mercenaries congregated in the Palace still amounted to three or four -thousand men, and several reliable officers were at hand to lead them. -These troops were divided into two brigades and placed under the command -of Belisarius and Mundus the Goth respectively.[291] At the same time -Narses, the Chief Eunuch, opened negotiations with the Blue Faction, and -by extensive bribery succeeded in detaching a large number of them from -their associates. Some dissension in the Hippodrome resulted, voices -were raised in favour of Justinian, and Hypatius was no longer the -object of unalloyed enthusiasm.[292] And now Belisarius, supported by -his colleague, determined to make a direct onslaught on the Cathisma, -which was crowded with the improvised guards of the newly constituted -emperor.[293] He essayed to pass by the Cochlea, but found the way -blocked by the Excubitors, who had adopted a neutral attitude, and -decided to be deaf to all orders as long as the fortunes of the rival -parties hung in the balance. Seeing that any effort in that direction -would be futile, he abandoned the scheme and, somewhat disheartened, -returned to consult Justinian. A different plan of attack was then -concerted with Mundus. Both generals made their way out with some -difficulty over the ruins of the Chalke, and drew up their men in a -compact body in the Augusteum. Marching around from thence they -inspected all the inlets of the Circus, but saw that those on the north -were held in force by the armed adherents of Hypatius. On arriving at -the sphendone, however, Belisarius noticed that the way lay open into -the arena, where the unarmed mob were collected in a dense throng. With -a sudden impulse he called his men to arms and rushed on the crowd with -vengeful determination. A remorseless massacre followed, and was -continued as long as the barbarians found any living being within their -reach. As for Mundus, the moment he perceived how Belisarius had become -engaged, he swept rapidly round the southern circuit of the Hippodrome -and made a similar irruption through the opposite entry, that called the -Gate of the Dead. The doomed people, thus caught between the two -brigades of infuriated troops, were cut off from all chance of escape; -and, when at length the slaughter ceased, it was computed that at least -thirty-five thousand citizens had been slain in this military -execution.[294] - -At the sight of the massacre consternation seized on the immediate -partisans of Hypatius, and their confident union was completely -dissolved. All felt that the cause of the upstart emperor was lost, and -thought only of falling off from his perilous proximity in order to -ensure their individual safety. A corresponding sense of assurance -quickly spread among the inmates of the Palace as soon as they became -aware that the rebels massed in the Hippodrome were undergoing -extermination. Justus and Boraides, two young relatives of -Justinian,[295] seeing their opportunity, placed themselves at the head -of a small body of faithful guards and made an impetuous rush to the -Cathisma. No one daring to withstand them, they ascended at once, seized -on Hypatius and his brother, and hurried them before the Emperor. They -were submitted to a brief examination, during which Hypatius maintained -a dignified attitude, and asserted his consistent loyalty, asseverating -that they had merely acted under popular compulsion. On the other hand, -Pompeius, a man less experienced in affairs, broke down utterly, and -abjectly bewailed his misfortune. Justinian remanded them in custody, -and consulted with his ministers as to their fate.[296] He suggested -clemency, but the Empress intervened with her usual vehemence, and -insisted on the infliction of the death penalty.[297] She bore down all -opposition, and next morning they were handed over to the soldiery, who -executed them and threw their bodies into the sea. Their property was -confiscated to the state, as well as that of the other men of rank who -had associated themselves to the Nika, but after a short time a partial -restitution was made to their families.[298] That Justinian, though -often severe, and even reckless in punishments, was not vindictive, is -shown by an incident which occurred in connection with Probus, who just -escaped being involved in the insurrection. A few years previously he -was accused of treasonable utterances against the Emperor, whereupon a -court of inquiry was held, at which the charge was brought home to him. -The finding of the judges was delivered in writing to Justinian, but he, -tearing up the document in the presence of the delinquent, said, -"Probus, I forgive you; pray to God that he may do likewise."[299] Some -years after the riot, John, a son of the unfortunate Pompeius, was in -favour at Court, and married into the Imperial family.[300] - -By the fortuitous suppression of the Nika revolt the despotism of -Justinian was established on a foundation unassailable by any popular -commotion. A few thousands of barbarian mercenaries maintained in the -heart of New Rome had sufficed to coerce the democracy in the capital, -and to stifle the indignation of the whole Empire against a shameless -and rapacious tyranny. Justinian's first care was to proclaim his -victory over the usurpers and the rabble who supported them -throughout the provinces,[301] and then to restore the bureaucracy to -its former efficiency for fiscal exaction.[302] The ministers nominated -under compulsion of the vulgar outcry were soon displaced, and Tribonian -and John returned to their seats at the heads of their respective -departments, where they reverted to their old methods of statecraft and -extortion.[303] The infamous Cappadocian resumed his sway over the -Emperor and the Empire, and during the next decade almost all public -Acts were headed with the superscription, "To John, the Most Glorious -Praefect of the Sacred Praetorium of the Orient, ex-Consul and -Patrician."[304] - -Theodora, on her side, to express her sense of assured supremacy, made a -triumphal progress through the country to the hot-baths of Pythia,[305] -in Bithynia. A crowd of patricians, illustrious officials, eunuchs, and -officers of rank attended her, constituting a retinue amounting in all -to over four thousand persons. At every halting place she made -munificent donations to the public institutions of the vicinity; and -churches, monasteries, and hospitals benefited largely by her -ostentatious liberality.[306] - -We should certainly do Justinian less than justice if we asserted that -his regard for the welfare of his subjects was limited to a desire that -no one should plunder them but himself. That statement, however, might -not be an unfair definition of his objective attitude towards them. -Three years after the rebellion he began the issue of a series of -enactments intended to work a complete administrative reform throughout -the Empire. He had in the meantime waged a successful war in the West, -and for the moment the treasury was redundant with the rich spoils. His -scheme of reform was doubtless influenced by this fact, and he -legislated in the temporary belief that for the future the national -burdens might be lightened.[307] His measures were directed to three -principal requirements, viz., (1) to fortify the authority of his local -vicegerents; (2) to elevate their ethical motives by abolishing -venality; and (3) to invigorate the collection of the taxes. - -1. In order to achieve the first of these objects he began to reverse, -in great part, the provincial policy elaborated by Diocletian and -Constantine.[308] In a number of provinces he dispensed with the dual -control, and united both civil and military power in the hands of the -Rector.[309] Enhanced rank naturally followed this increase of -authority, and thus the former Clarissimus rose to be a Spectabilis, -whilst, at the same time, he was granted the emoluments of both -offices.[310] A loftier official title was also necessitated by these -changes, and hence a simple Praeses or Judex became a Moderator, -Praetor, or Count, and in three instances was elevated to the almost -regal dignity of a Proconsul.[311] In some of these cases, however, the -promotion of the Rector was due chiefly to the extension of his -authority over a wider area. Some of the smaller provinces lying -adjacent were annexed to each other, and received a single governor, -especially those which had been previously known as "First" and "Second" -of the same name.[312] In general the power of those Rectors who did not -take over the military command was augmented by granting them an -official guard sufficient to render them incontestably superior to such -of the local magnates as had previously terrorized the district by the -multitude of their armed retainers.[313] As the ordinary judge, the -Rector's position was also improved by opening his tribunal to lawsuits -in which greater pecuniary interests were at stake.[314] Some control -was also conferred on them over agents of the fiscs, whom they were -enjoined to restrain from collection of funds for public works, unless -they presented an imperial commission for doing so.[315] Justinian -further directed his vicegerents as to the official pageantry by which -they were properly distinguished, and urged them not to be lax in the -matter of public display. They were reminded of their right to wear a -purple robe of a certain form and hue, to sit in a silver chariot and to -be preceded in their progresses by an officer bearing the axe and -fasces.[316] The Emperor himself was, indeed, unusually prone to -ostentation, and when instituting these reforms he showed no little -pride by enacting that all the newly created dignities should be denoted -by the epithet "Justinian."[317] - -Another sweeping change made by Justinian at this time increased the -importance of the individual Rectors by limiting their subservience to -intermediary authorities, and placing them in more direct dependence on -the bureaucracy of the capital. He abolished the division of the Empire -into dioceses, and the six groups of provinces which had hitherto obeyed -an administrator in chief ceased to be regarded officially as being thus -connected. The title of Vicar became obsolete, and the four vicegerents -who had borne it were resolved into simple Rectors of their residential -provinces.[318] The magnificent Count of the East was detached from his -great array of provinces, and restricted to the governorship of -Syria,[319] still an enviable charge, since he reckoned Antioch as his -capital; and the Augustal Praefect resigned the control of all Egypt for -that of Alexandria and the adjacent country.[320] - -2. The foregoing reconstruction was neither difficult to conceive nor -inapplicable in practice, but when Justinian determined to quell the -greed for illicit gains among his subordinates he struck at the most -vital part of Byzantine officialism. With no halting judgement he began -by directing the lethal weapon against his own breast, and decreed that -in future no candidate should be permitted to secure an appointment as -Rector by purchasing the interest of any of his great officers of state -or their dependents.[321] Henceforward the Rector, having won his -commission simply by proving his fitness for office, would proceed to -his government unhampered by debt, and no longer compelled to despoil -the tributaries in order to liquidate his heavy obligations. With -paternal benignancy he would mete out strict justice, and administer his -charge with "pure hands,"[322] eschewing sordid gains, and content with -the stipend allotted to him by the state.[323] He would show no mercy to -homicides, adulterers, or abductors of virgins; would sternly suppress -brigandage, and never quail before the most potent and wealthy -delinquent in his province.[324] Titles affixed to a neighbour's land, -when found, were forthwith to be detracted and broken over the head of -the offender, whether agent or principal.[325] Before his departure from -the capital he was obliged to attest his allegiance to the Emperor and -Empress by a solemn oath, swearing at the same time that he had not -obtained his post by bribery, and that his conduct should be in every -way exemplary towards the subjects committed to his care.[326] On -arriving at his seat of government he was enjoined to convene the clergy -and laity, and read to them the Imperial ordinances under which he had -accepted office, a copy of the same to be posted also in every district -under his jurisdiction.[327] - -Justinian did not, however, confine himself to exhortation and verbal -obligations to ensure the observance of his precepts, but he also had -recourse to material precautions against the Rector's deviating from the -path of rectitude. In the first place local supervision of his actions -was provided for in three different quarters. Primarily the bishops were -authorized to receive complaints against the Rector, and even to test -their validity by sitting on the bench with him to hear causes in which -his ruling had been impugned.[328] A mandate was also addressed to the -Defenders of the Cities, whose office had fallen into disrepute, -reviving and extending their powers and animating their energies.[329] -The Rector was deprived of the right of dismissing them from their -posts, and they were directed to report him at headquarters if he -presumed to interfere with their functions.[330] Lastly the Emperor gave -full force to the old injunction of Zeno that a retiring governor should -remain for fifty days within his province, exposing himself to the -accusations of all who should deem themselves aggrieved by his -improbity.[331] - -Nor did Justinian dispense with a system of rewards and punishments to -encourage the upright, or to deter the faithless Rector. Having won -golden opinions from his official superiors, the former should expect to -retain his position for a longer period and subsequently to be promoted -to a higher charge with authority over a greater population.[332] On the -other hand, confiscation and exile, stripes and torture, were to be -inflicted on the transgressor as the penalty of his misdeeds.[333] - -Still further to safeguard the welfare of his subjects the Emperor -enacted comprehensive measures to facilitate the administration of -justice. In the provinces the legal status of the Defenders of the -Cities was raised, and the inhabitants were directed to bring all minor -cases before them instead of crowding to the Rector's court from the -outlying districts.[334] At the same time courts of appeal were -multiplied by conferring on the Spectabiles intermediate jurisdiction -between the Rectors of lesser rank, the Clarissimi, and the illustrious -functionaries of the capital.[335] Thus the overwhelming influx of the -provincials into the Imperial city, to lay their grievances before the -supreme courts, was materially diminished. Similarly at Constantinople -the activity of the puisne judges was much increased, and they were -required to sit in the Royal Basilica "morning, noon, and evening" to -determine lawsuits of lesser import.[336] A permanent Quaesitor was also -appointed to deal specially with the throng of immigrants, to ascertain -the propriety of their appeals and direct them to the proper courts; or, -should it appear that they had come on a futile errand, to relegate them -back to their provinces with letters commending them to the notice of -the Rector.[337] - -With a view to the repression of crime and the moral depuration of the -capital Justinian also took some active measures, in which Theodora -co-operated with him as far as the feminine element was concerned. Under -the title of "Praetor of the People" the office of Praefect of the -Watch, formerly an important post in the Roman municipality, was -restored, and a posse of soldiers and firemen was placed at his -disposition.[338] To this praetor, who might be a noble of illustrious -rank, was assigned the duty of organizing a patrol of the streets day -and night for the protection of life and property. At this time the -traffic in prostitution had grown to enormous dimensions, and the -country was overrun by panders who bought young maidens from poor -parents for a small sum in order to devote them to public debauchery. -Girls in their tenth year and upwards were enticed by promises of fine -clothes and ornaments to become inmates of proprietary brothels, and -were even paraded about the streets as decoys for the dissolute. The -newly appointed praetors now received a mandate from the Emperor to -suppress these vile habitations and to drive those who maintained them -from the city.[339] The Empress herself had been for some time engaged -in the work of reclaiming these unfortunates, whom she redeemed from -their owners by paying a stipulated price in each case.[340] A disused -palace on the Bosphorus was converted into a Magdalen asylum, which she -called "the Penitentiary"; and here a considerable number of former -courtesans were immured in the hope of their moral reformation. Some -scandal, however, was occasioned by the conduct of several of those -rescued, who, driven to despair by the monotony of their new life, -preferred to throw themselves from the windows at night into the water -to enduring the unaccustomed restraint; but we may assume the -comparative rarity of this untoward result.[341] Justinian also -pronounced very sternly against paederasty, and even made a public -example of certain bishops who were convicted of that offence.[342] He -further forbade the making of eunuchs within the Empire, threatening -confiscation, exile, and retaliative castration against those who -infringed his prohibition.[343] Consistently he ordained that eunuchs of -servile condition should for the reason alone of their defect become -free men.[344] - -3. In the midst of his most earnest efforts at reform Justinian never -failed to impress on all concerned that with himself and his Imperial -partner the rights of the crown and the maintenance of the revenue were -of paramount importance.[345] At the head of their codicils the Rectors -were admonished to make it their study above all things to expedite the -fiscal exactions; whilst the tributaries were warned that no matter how -vehemently their governor had enforced payment of the imposts, no cause -of action was granted to them against him.[346] On the contrary, they -were to conduct him with all deference from the province at the end of -his term, and, should they presume to molest him during his fifty days -of postponed departure on that account, they would be subjected to -penalties of exceptional severity.[347] The Emperor deplores the -diminution of Roman territory which has resulted from the inactivity of -former rulers, and calls attention to his own energy and prowess by -which the repair of their errors has been begun.[348] Military -operations, however, are expensive, and hostile incursions can only be -repelled if people respond freely to the demands of the tax -collectors.[349] Justinian asserts that he disdains to imitate the -example of his predecessors who sold the offices of the state, thus -depriving themselves of the right to expostulate with unjust -administrators who embezzled the national funds.[350] But a new era has -now dawned, government with _pure hands_ is assured for the future, and -liability will be limited strictly to the legitimate imposts. Therefore -let all alike sing hymns of praise to God and the Saviour for the -passing of these new laws.[351] - -Justinian, notwithstanding his professions, was mainly influenced by the -hope of pecuniary gain when he essayed to reverse the administrative -system of his predecessors. He calculated that the rooted abuses which -they had tolerated for centuries were a cause that only one third, -possibly, indeed, not more than a fourth, of the taxes collected found -their way to the Imperial treasury.[352] Hence his ministry of the -interior soon resolved itself into a mere organization for the invention -of legislation which would conduce to the raising of money.[353] The -devices which suggested themselves from time to time as financial -expedients were multifarious and of the most unrelated character. Some -of these have been already alluded to,[354] but a few others which were -productive of more signal changes require particular notice. Roman -Armenia was joined to the less important region of that name on the west -of the Euphrates and reduced to the level of an ordinary province, with -a Proconsul for its principal Rector.[355] Consequently taxes were -imposed, and the inhabitants found themselves racked for payments which -they had previously escaped.[356] In the time of Justin, Justinian added -four troops to the Scholars of the Palace, and received from each new -member a premium for his position in the force. Soon after his accession -he disbanded them as a measure of retrenchment, but retained the -purchase money. Subsequently he made a practice of ordering these carpet -soldiers for active service, with the understanding that they would buy -themselves off the dreaded prospect by surrendering a quota of their -pay.[357] Every opportunity was taken to consolidate trade monopolies to -the advantage of the government;[358] and this was especially the case -with respect to silk. Justinian pretended to be indignant when a rise of -price was operated by the deficient supply, and decreed that the maximum -retail cost should be eight solidi (£4 10s.) the pound.[359] -Confiscation was the penalty for contravening this regulation, but the -traffic was still carried on in secret. Here Theodora found an opening -for the exercise of her talents, and through private channels succeeded -in discovering the merchants who were implicated. Thereupon a fine of -100 lb. of gold (£4,000) was imposed on each of them.[360] Soon the -factories at Tyre and Berytus, the headquarters of the commerce, began -to languish, the operatives were thrown out of work, and ultimately the -Praetorian Praefect possessed himself of the whole manufacture. -Exorbitant prices were then fixed which yielded an immense profit to the -Imperial exchequer, but numberless persons were ruined during the -process of transfer.[361] Like results obtained in relation to the corn -supply of Egypt through manœuvres at Alexandria, by which the Praefect -of the City was constituted the sole purveyor of that commodity. A -scarceness and dearness of bread was the natural consequence of this -innovation.[362] Another fiscal move, far-reaching in its effects, was -the diversion of the separate revenues of the municipalities[363] into -the hands of the Emperor. The local curiae being no longer permitted to -deal with them, public works were neglected and the inhabitants ceased -to be entertained by the popular spectacles.[364] A blight seemed to -fall on the Empire, says the contemporary historian, and people had no -resource but the discussion of present calamities and the expression of -their fears for the future.[365] Related to this policy was the formal -abolition of the Consulship with its attendant train of festivities -which enlivened the opening of each year. During the space of a decade -the office had only been filled in a desultory manner, but the last -Consul was actually seen in 541, and soon afterwards that link between -the Byzantines and the glories of the old Republic was severed by a -definite Act.[366] To tamper with the currency has always been an -inviting procedure with needy princes, and Justinian did not resist -having recourse to this artifice. By giving a fictitious value to copper -he managed to rake in the gold coinage at about five-sixths of its -actual worth.[367] Such are the chief methods by which in this reign the -revenue was inflated beyond its normal proportions, and, to complete the -list, reference may be made to ill-advised economies effected by the -suppression of pay and pensions usually granted by a state and to -forfeitures of private property constantly decreed on slight -pretexts.[368] - -If Justinian's studied scheme of reform could have been applied -successfully in practice, it is possible that fiscal oppression might -have been banished from the Empire. But the Autocrator at Constantinople -was scarcely more than a suzerain in the provinces, and his fiat was but -slightly regarded by those who occupied any position of power in -districts remote from the capital.[369] Doubtless his technical -enactments as to the rank and territorial jurisdiction of diverse -Rectors were received as indisputable, but at the same time they marked -the limits of his power to work a change in methods of local rule which -had been practised for centuries. Once invested with authority, the -provincial governor departed to tread in the footsteps of his -predecessors, while the same futile prohibitions continued to issue -periodically from the mouth of the Emperor, secluded in his distant -Court.[370] Before the lapse of a twelvemonth Justinian resigned himself -to ignoring his own self-denying ordinance, and a candidate for office -was noted only in relation to his ability to pay at the moment, and the -magnitude of his promises for the future.[371] His repeated -denunciations of the venality of his vicegerents represented no more -than his formal recognition of the lamentations which continually -reached his tribunal, or his exasperation at a prospective loss of -revenue from the flagrant excesses of some reckless extortioner.[372] He -was also extremely parsimonious in remitting arrears of taxation, even -in districts which had suffered from hostile invasions or other -calamities. Thus numbers of the small landowners were allowed to -languish under the apprehension that at any moment their whole property -might be seized in order to wipe out their liabilities.[373] - -A river of wealth flowed through the Byzantine exchequer at the bidding -of the Emperor. The sources were exhausted, and the reservoir was -discharged under the influence of the same will. The people, who formed -the well-head, suffered untold miseries in contributing under compulsion -to the supply, but they possessed no control over the ultimate -distribution of the stream. These activities have now been sufficiently -considered on the one side; it remains for us to turn our attention to -the other. During the twenty years which followed the Nika rebellion the -reign of Justinian was distinguished by a series of magnificent -achievements both at home and abroad; great works were accomplished -within the Empire; beyond its borders aggressive wars were waged and a -moiety of the Western Empire was restored to the dominion of the East. -But the background of this brilliant scene was always of the same gloomy -tint, such as has been described in the present chapter, and these -splendid successes were obtained at the cost, but not to the advantage -of the Greek nation in general. While Justinian went on adding -magniloquent epithets to his name indicative of conquest and triumph -over alien races in the West,[374] his immediate subjects continued to -be afflicted by the harshness and rapacity of the administration, as -well as by the tyranny of the local aristocracy. Concomitantly the -barbarians in Europe and the Persians in Asia sapped the vitals of the -Empire and impoverished or enslaved its inhabitants. Victory and -acquisition abroad by the aid of mercenary troops were nullified by -defeat and exhaustion at home; and the extended Empire which Justinian -handed down to his successors was inferior in political vigour and -sociological prosperity to the smaller dominions which he had inherited -from Anastasius. - -[185] Nov. viii, 8, 10; xvii, 1; xxx, 11, etc. - -[186] See p. 198 _et seq._ - -[187] See p. 162. - -[188] Jn. Lydus (De Magistr., iii, 51) confirms the statement of -Procopius (Anecd., 19) that the immense savings of Anastasius were -dissipated during the reign of Justin. He supplies a reason, viz., that -the Emperor and his nephew were averse to bearing hardly on their -subjects. There seems, however to have been a sinking fund kept up under -the name of Anastasius, which continued to exist as a small reserve; Jn. -Ephes. (Smith, Oxford, 1860), p. 358. - -[189] "He spared no expense, still less did he spare the property of his -subjects"; Zonaras, xiv, 6. - -[190] "Justinian was insatiable in his lust after gold, and coveted his -subjects' property to such an extent that he sold them all in a body to -his officials and tax-collectors"; Evagrius, iv, 30; cf. Procopius, -Anecd., 21 _et passim_. - -[191] Procopius, Anecd., 14. - -[192] Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 24. - -[193] Suidas, _sb. nom._ Two separate notices, apparently of the same -Tribonian, but there is some discrepancy. - -[194] De Nov. Cod. Fac. (528), and De Confirm. (529). - -[195] Cod., I, xvii, 1; Procopius, _loc. cit._ - -[196] Cod., I, xvii (Tanta and Dedit nobis, 17), or Pand., _praef._ - -[197] He affected to live in apprehension that Justinian would be -suddenly snatched up to heaven on account of his more than mortal -virtue, like Elijah said the Christians, like Romulus thought the -Pagans; Procopius, Anecd., 13; Hesychius, De Vir. Illust., 67; Suidas, -_loc. cit._ - -[198] Hesychius and Suidas, _loc. cit._ The statement is doubted, but -Hesychius was a contemporary. - -[199] Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 25; Anecd., 20; Suidas, _loc. cit._ - -[200] Procopius, Anecd., 14. - -[201] _Ibid._ - -[202] Procopius, Anecd., 14. A referendary named Leon is said to have -first opened his eyes as to the feasibility of selling his decisions and -to have leagued with him for that purpose. Tribonian seems to have made -his chicanery profitable to himself alone. - -[203] Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 24. - -[204] Jn. Lydus, De Magistr., iii, 57. - -[205] _Ibid._ - -[206] Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 24. - -[207] Jn. Lydus, _loc. cit._, 57. - -[208] _Ibid._ He quotes a current epigram to the effect that -"Cappadocians were always bad, worse in office, worst in love of money, -and worse than worst if mounted in a grand official chariot." The -Praetorian Praefect wore a purple robe which only differed from that of -the Emperor by being cut short at the knees. His office was adorned with -a golden inkstand, weighing a hundred pounds; _Ibid._, ii, 13, 14. - -[209] Jn. Lydus, _loc. cit._, iii, 62; Procopius, _loc. cit._ - -[210] Jn. Lydus, _loc. cit._, 66-69; cf. Procopius, Evagrius, and -Zonaras, _loc. cit._ Owing to his ignorance of Latin he worked for the -abolition of that language in governmental documents. Under Theodosius -II, one Cyrus, an Egyptian, being similarly ignorant, attempted the -same, but lost the praefecture by it. There was an oracle that fortune -would desert the Romans should they forget their native tongue; Jn. -Lydus, _loc. cit._, ii, 12; iii, 42. - -[211] Jn. Lydus, _loc. cit._, 70. - -[212] Jn. Lydus, _loc. cit._, 57. Lydus says that he himself saw an old -man of his acquaintance, who was suspected of having a private hoard, -hung up by the hands with stiff ropes until he expired. - -[213] _Ibid._, 58. As an instance Lydus describes the conduct of another -Cappadocian, nicknamed Maxilloplumacius ("Puffy-Cheeks"), from his -peculiar aspect, who raided Asia for the fisc. He began at Philadelphia, -the native town of Lydus, where he established himself in great state, -and indulged himself in unbounded luxury, licentiousness, and cruelty. -One Petronius, a man of rank and culture in the town, being possessed of -some handsome jewels as heirlooms, was ordered to deliver them up. On -his refusal he was loaded with chains, beaten with rods, and shut up in -a stable. The Philadelphians were deeply grieved and the Bishop was -moved to intercede on his behalf. Bible in hand, at the head of several -of his inferior clergy, he appeared before the tyrant, but was at once -assailed with foul and abusive language. He retired in dismay, but -Petronius, at last reduced to despair, promised everything, and, on -being let out, took his jewels and other valuables to the Praetorium, -where he threw them in a heap in the vestibule. In another case an old -soldier was racked for twenty solidi which he could not pay, but, -anxious to be released at any cost, finally asserted that he had them in -concealment. Being accompanied to his dwelling, and allowed to search -apart, after some delay he was found to have hanged himself. The body -was then kicked into the street, and the wretched premises gutted by the -apparitors. - -[214] _Ibid._, 66, 67. - -[215] Jn. Lydus, _loc. cit._, 62. Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 24. - -[216] Jn. Lydus, _loc. cit._, ii, 21. - -[217] _Ibid._, iii, 64; but according to Procopius (_loc. cit._) he -spent the early part of the day in pillaging the citizens, and then -flung himself into dissipation. Different periods of his career may be -indicated. At first he would be more brisk in making his public -appearances. - -[218] Both Procopius and Lydus notice this addiction to surfeiting. - -[219] Jn. Lydus, _loc. cit._, 62. - -[220] Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 25. - -[221] Jn. Lydus, _loc. cit._, 70. - -[222] See p. 160. - -[223] Jn. Lydus, _loc. cit._, 69. - -[224] _Ibid._, 61; Procopius, Anecd., 30. According to the latter the -direct route to Persia was not tampered with. The celerity of some of -the couriers by these posts was remarkable. Of one Palladius Theodosius -II used to say that the area of the Empire seemed to be contracted to a -small space, he came and went so rapidly between distant frontiers. His -time from CP. to the Persian border was three days, about 230 miles a -day; Socrates, vii, 19. - -[225] Jn. Lydus, _loc. cit._, 70. - -[226] Nov. viii, _praef._, 11, etc. - -[227] "All can see that he who buys his office for gold, and that money -borrowed at usury, must be beset by many whom he is obliged to satisfy -from his province so that he may be liberated from debt," _Ibid._ "They -(the Rectors) had to be rapacious and have but one thought, to satisfy -creditors following them and threatening them on all sides. Thus our -subjects have been sold," etc.; Nov. xxviii, 4. - -[228] "He must also think of putting by something for the future when no -longer in office"; Nov. viii, _praef._ - -[229] Nov. cxxx; cf. cxxviii; Procopius, Anecd., 23, 30; Jn. Lydus, -_loc. cit._, 61. - -[230] Cod., II, xiv, xv, xvi; Nov. xvii, 15, etc. - -[231] Cod., XI, liii; Nov. xvii, 13, 14, etc.; see p. 202. - -[232] Nov. xxxii; xxxiii; xxxiv. "On account of the avarice of creditors -who abuse the poverty of the times (535) and acquire the allotments of -the unfortunate peasants, retaining all their property in return for a -little sustenance, we enacted," etc. This (Nov. xxxiii) is addressed to -the Praetorian Praefect of Illyricum, an official seldom heard of, who -seems to have been almost destitute of political influence as compared -with his potent colleague of the East. - -[233] "We are almost ashamed to refer to the conduct of these. Men of -great possessions, with what insolence they range the country; how they -are served by guards, so that an intolerable crowd of men follow them; -how daringly they pillage everybody, among whom are many priests, but -mostly women," etc.; Nov. xxx, 5. "What can be more trying than the -driving off of oxen, horses, and cattle in general, or even (to speak of -small matters) of domestic fowl ... whence a multitude appeals to us -here (CP.) daily; men, women, hustled from their homes, in beggary, -sometimes to die here"; Nov. lxix, 1; cf. Edict viii. - -[234] Nov. xvii, 2; lxxxv, _passim_; Edict viii, _praef._, etc. - -[235] The conduct of Rectors is often described in detail. "They dismiss -many culprits, selling to them their offences: very many innocent people -they condemn in order to benefit obnoxious persons, and not only in -money actions, but in criminal cases"; Nov. viii, _praef._ "We hear how -unjustly the provincial judges act for the sake of lucre, declining -their duties as to wills, attestation of facts, marriages, settlements, -and even burials" (without bribes); Nov. cxxxiv, 3. "He abstained from -no sort of actual depredation, plundered towns and returned to this -happy city loaded with gold, leaving the region in the utmost poverty"; -Edict xii. Also by giving a licence to agents: "They are not to despatch -'pursuers of brigands' or 'inhibitors of disorder,' rather to be called -thieves and rioters who, using the occasion as a cloak, are guilty of -the worst excesses"; Nov. viii, 12. "As to _curators_ and _tractators_, -we abolish the very names, looking back to the injuries they have -inflicted in the past on the wretched tributaries"; Nov. xxx, 2. Another -expedient was to plant deputies (_vicarii_, _loci servatores_, -+topotêrêtai+) in every part of his province, to whom the Rector -delegated his full powers, thus becoming a hundred-handed Briareus to -rack the provincials; Nov. viii, 4; xvii, 10; cxxxiv, 1; Salvian, -writing in the West, _c._ 450, complains that the Rector commits himself -every crime which he sits to punish as a judge; and, what he thinks even -worse, continues in the same courses after he has retired into the -position of a rich and powerful private citizen; De Gubernat. Dei, vii, -21. For the benefit of readers not familiar with the Corpus Juris -Civilis I may mention that in referring to "Novels" I am quoting -Justinian's own words, or at least the Acts composed under his eye. Much -of their text is clearly direct from his pen. But owing to the verbosity -of the original I am sometimes obliged to condense. - -[236] See pp. 158 _et seq._, 198 _et seq._ - -[237] Nov. xxiv, 3; xxv, 4; xxvi, 4. They are enumerated as "repairs, of -walls, roads, statues, bridges, harbours, and aqueducts; clearing of -public sites, demolition of buildings improperly located, and laying out -of gardens." - -[238] Jn. Lydus (_loc. cit._, 58) describes the doings of -Maxilloplumacius in this respect also, comparing him to Phalaris for -cruelty, to Busiris as a slayer of guests, and to Sardanapalus for -luxury and licentiousness. The institution of slavery and the absence of -a Habeas Corpus under a despotic government opened the door to most of -this infamy. - -[239] Nov. xxiv, 1. This applies to Pisidia, where the natives are -characterized as being peculiarly bloodthirsty and rebellious. - -[240] Nov. cxxxiv, 13. He points out that mutilation of the feet, by -interfering with locomotion, is a much severer penalty than removing the -hands and forbids it (against Constantine, who ordained it in the case -of fugitive slaves; Cod. VI, i, 3). - -[241] Jn. Lydus, _loc. cit._, 66. - -[242] Procopius, Anecd., 25. - -[243] _Ibid._ - -[244] Nov. xliii. - -[245] _Ibid._ - -[246] Procopius (Anecd., 7, 10) is the authority for all these details. -In every essential point he is corroborated by Evagrius, iv, 32. - -[247] Evagrius, _loc. cit._ - -[248] Both Procopius (Anecd., 17) and Evagrius (_loc. cit._) mention the -case of Callinicus, governor of Cilicia, who was impaled for vindicating -the law by the execution of two murderers of the Blue Faction. Procopius -(Anecd., 29) also recounts an _émeute_ at Tarsus, in which the Blues -were the principals. In both these cases the part of violent vengeance -was played by Theodora. Evagrius lies under the suspicion of having read -the Anecdotes of Procopius. If so, the fact that he makes no protest -against the picture there given of the Empress proves his belief in its -truth. In a parallel case he strongly defends Constantine against the -strictures of Zosimus; iii, 40, 41. Zonaras also seems to be influenced -by the work. Indeed it is difficult to see how he could have avoided -knowing it since it was familiar to "Suidas" before his time. - -[249] Jn. Lydus, _loc. cit._, 70; cf. Nov. xxiv, 2; xxv, 3; xxx, 9; -cxxviii, _praef._; cxlv, _praef._ Most fully in Nov. lxxx, _e.g._, "We -find that the provinces are being gradually despoiled of their -inhabitants; our great city here is populous with crowds of diverse men, -chiefly farmers who have left their townships and lands." Also specified -as men, women, clerics, monks, nuns, and advocates of outlying places. - -[250] Jn. Lydus, _loc. cit._, 70; cf. ii, 29, 30; Nov. xiii, lxxx. - -[251] Jn. Lydus, _loc. cit._, 70; Zonaras, xiv, 6. - -[252] See p. 303. - -[253] By a comparison of Jn. Malala (xviii, p. 473) and Theophanes (an. -6,024), the fact of the day being a Sunday can be determined. - -[254] This taunt evidently means, "You are not fit to be Christians; -abandon the Trinity and join the infidel monotheists." - -[255] This dialogue exists only in Theophanes (an. _cit._), but is -alluded to in Chron. Paschal.; an. 532. I have only sampled it, as, -beyond the animosity shown on each side, there is little pregnancy in -it, and the whole would be merely tedious to the ordinary reader. It has -often been translated at length, by Isambert, Hodgkin, Bury, Diehl, etc. - -[256] Malala and Theophanes, _loc. cit._ According to the latter they -were strung up a second time, and again fell. - -[257] Jn. Malala, p. 474. - -[258] Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 24; Malala, _loc. cit._, etc. - -[259] Theophanes, _loc. cit._ - -[260] Malala and Theophanes. _loc. cit._; cf. Procopius and Chron. -Paschal., _loc. cit._ - -[261] Procopius, _loc. cit._ - -[262] _Ibid._ - -[263] Chron. Paschal, and Theophanes, _loc. cit._ - -[264] Jn. Malala, _loc. cit._; Zonaras, xiv, 6. - -[265] Procopius, Malala, and Chron. Paschal., _loc. cit._ - -[266] Chron. Paschal., _loc. cit._ - -[267] Procopius, Malala, and Chron. Paschal., _loc. cit._ The new -Praetorian Praefect was named Phocas, whose excellent character is -eulogized by Procopius (Anecd., 21), and especially by Jn. Lydus, De -Magistr., iii, 72. - -[268] Procopius, _loc. cit._ - -[269] _Ibid._; Chron. Paschal., _loc. cit._ - -[270] Procopius, _loc. cit._, etc. About 3,000 barbarian soldiers, -according to Theophanes, _loc. cit._ - -[271] Jn. Malala, p. 475; Zonaras, _loc. cit._ - -[272] Chron. Paschal. and Zonaras, _loc. cit._ - -[273] Zonaras, _loc. cit._ - -[274] Chron. Paschal., _loc. cit._ - -[275] Chron. Paschal. and Zonaras, _loc. cit._ - -[276] Chron. Paschal., _loc. cit._ - -[277] _Ibid._; Theophanes, _loc. cit._; see p. 58. This building was -burnt by the military. - -[278] _Ibid._; see p. 56. - -[279] Chron. Pascal., _loc. cit._; see p. 56. - -[280] Cedrenus, i, p. 648; see p. 58. He and Zonaras repeat, of course, -for the most part what has been said by earlier writers. - -[281] Theophanes, _loc. cit._; see p. 68. - -[282] Procopius, _loc. cit._, etc.; see p. 68. - -[283] Marcellinus Comes (an. 532) dwells on this aspect of the -insurrection. In his view it was all a conspiracy of the three brothers, -who had bribed the seditious elements of the populace; they were -dissimulating within the Palace, etc. Jn. Lydus (_loc. cit._) alone -shows how the revolt originated from the congested malcontents in the -capital, but Zonaras gives an inkling (_loc. cit._). M. C. was long -associated with Justinian as the officer (_cancellarius_) of his legal -court (Cassiodorus, De Inst. Div. Lit., 17) and his account was probably -inspired by the Emperor as most politic. - -[284] Procopius, _loc. cit._ Most probably, but according to Chron. -Paschal. (_loc. cit._) it was the next morning. - -[285] Theophanes, _loc. cit._; Procopius (_loc. cit._) more vaguely. - -[286] Chron. Paschal., _loc. cit._; with less detail by Malala, p. 475. - -[287] The coronation, etc., of Hypatius is told most circumstantially by -Procopius (_loc. cit._), but some further details are to be found in the -briefer accounts of the later chronographists. - -[288] Chron. Paschal., _loc. cit._ - -[289] _Ibid._; Theophanes, _loc. cit._ - -[290] The eximious conduct of Theodora on this occasion is known to us -through Procopius only (_loc. cit._), but nevertheless I accept it -frankly, and do not attempt to argue its improbability; cf. M. Ducas, p. -495 ("+kalon entaphion ê tyrannis+"; Isocrates, Archidamus, 44; -"+Basileia+"; Procopius). - -[291] Procopius, _loc. cit._ - -[292] Jn. Malala, p. 476; Chron. Paschal., _loc. cit._, etc. Procopius -seems to know nothing of the part played by Narses, although he was -possibly in the Palace with Belisarius all the time. - -[293] Two hundred and fifty of the Greens, armed and mailed; Chron. -Paschal. and Theophanes, _loc. cit._ - -[294] Procopius, _loc. cit._; some of the others make it more. - -[295] Procopius, _loc. cit._ Generally assumed to be nephews of -Justinian _ex fratre ignoto_. Procopius alone seems to know of the -assistance they rendered, or the exact details of the attack in general. - -[296] Jn. Malala, _loc. cit._, etc. They are represented as pleading, -"Master, we designedly massed your enemies into the Hippodrome," to -which Justinian replies, "You did well, but why not before the city was -consumed by fire?" As all the damage was done while they were still in -personal attendance on him, this taunt seems illogical. - -[297] Zacharia Myt. (ix, 14) is the only one to mention Theodora's -implacability. "She became enraged and swore by God and him (J.)," etc. - -[298] Procopius, _loc. cit._, etc. According to Chron. Paschal., the -body of Hypatius was thrown up again, and Justinian ordered it to be -buried under an epitaph, "Here lies the Emperor of the Wolves" (see -Ducange on +Louppa+). In my account of the Nika I have followed Bury's -chronology; Journ. of Hellen. Studies, 1897. The sources are sometimes -in direct conflict, and have to be reconciled by collating them -attentively. - -[299] Jn. Malala, xviii, p. 438. - -[300] Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iii, 31. - -[301] Jn. Malala, p. 477; Chron. Paschal., _loc. cit._ - -[302] Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 25. - -[303] Tribonian oscillated between various posts. Now he came back as -Master of the Offices (Cod., I, xvii, 2), but in 535 we again find him -as Quaestor; Nov. xvii. In 545 he appears as Praefect of the City; Edict -ix (heading queried). - -[304] Nov., etc., _passim_. - -[305] Procopius, De Aedif., v, 3. - -[306] Theophanes, an. 6,025, but Malala puts it in 528 (p. 441). - -[307] He was in a very exalted frame of mind at this time, _e.g._, "We -have to thank God ... for having vouchsafed to us so many advantages and -so great, beyond what He ever granted to our predecessors"; Nov. xxviii, -4; cf. Cod., I, xvii, 2, etc. - -[308] See p. 132. - -[309] He gives as his reason that the military Dukes and the civil -governors were always quarrelling; Nov. xxiv, i; xxvi, _praef._ Thirteen -Dukes are named in the Notitia, but under this change nine Rectors -appear as officers of both sword and gown; Nov. viii; xxiv-xxviii; xxx; -xxxi; xli; l; cf. Nov. xx. - -[310] Nov. xxiv, 1; xxv, 1, etc. - -[311] The new Proconsuls took their titles from Cappadocia, Armenia, and -Palestine; Nov. xxx; xxxi; ciii. As Spectabiles, however, their -precedence was only nominal, the Praetors, etc., being also of that -grade. - -[312] Cappadocia I, II; Nov. xxx. Palestine I, II; Nov. ciii. Libya I; -II; Edict xiii, 19, 22, etc. Helenopontus to Pontus Polemoniacus, Nov. -xxviii. (Here we get some geographical information as to the limits of -the Empire on the N.E. J. remarks that Pityus and Sebastopolis are -rather military outposts than towns proper.) Paphlagonia to Honorias; -Nov. xxix. A peculiar enactment, apparently without precedent, was the -creation of a "Praefect of the Islands" with civil and military command -over five scattered provinces of both continents, viz., Scythia, Mysia, -Caria, the Cyclades, and Cyprus; Nov. xli; l; see the remarks of Jn. -Lydus on this appointment; _op. cit._, ii, 28. There seems also to have -been a junction of Dardania and part of Macedonia; Nov. xi; cxxxi. For -all we know the provinces may have been dealt with _seriatim_ from first -to last. Numberless Acts have been lost, as exemplified by the rescript -of Anastasius discovered in the Cyrenaica, 1827, and that of Justin and -Justinian in Pisidia, 1889, the former annotated by Zachariä (Sitz-Ber. -d. Berlin. Akad., 1879, p. 134), and the latter by Diehl (École d'Ath., -Bull. de Corr. Hel., 1893, p. 501.) It will be perceived that in these -new arrangements there is something of a return to the regional -dispositions of the early Empire; and, in fact, Justinian expresses -himself in that sense more than once in these Acts (see p. 132). - -[313] Paphlagonia; Nov. xxix. Arabia; Nov. cii. Palestine; Nov. ciii. -Later Arabia was renamed Palestine III; Procopius, De Aedif., v, 8. - -[314] 500 solidi (£280) was now the usual maximum; Nov. xxiv, 5, etc. -But the proconsul of Palestine could decide as high as 10 lb. of gold -(£400); Nov. ciii, 1. - -[315] Nov. xxiv, 3; xxv, 4, etc. - -[316] Nov. xxiv, 3; ciii, 1, etc. Probably they were so intent on -embezzlement that they did not trouble about the externals of office. - -[317] As "Proconsul Justinianus Cappadociae"; Nov. xxx, 5. - -[318] The Vicar of Asia became Count of Phrygia Pacatiana; V. of Pontus, -Count of Galatia I; Nov. viii, 2, 3; V. of Thrace, Praetor of Thrace; -Nov. xxvi. The Vicar of Macedonia is not accounted for; perhaps his -office was in abeyance owing to barbarian inroads. - -[319] Nov. viii, 5. - -[320] Edict xiii, _praef. et seq._ - -[321] Nov. viii, _praef._, 17. - -[322] _Ibid._; Nov. xxiv, 1; xxv, 2, etc. His favourite and frequent -expression. - -[323] Nov. viii, 8; xvii, 1; xxv, 2, etc. The salaries allotted seem to -be very small, _e.g._, Praetor of Pisidia, sol. 300 (£165), Count of -Isauria, sol. 200 (£115), but the Moderator of Helenopontus gets sol. -725 (£410), the Proconsul of Cappadocia, 20 lb. of gold (£800), and for -Palestine, the same. - -[324] Nov. xvii, 5; xxiv, 1: xxv, 2. - -[325] Nov. xxviii, 5; xxix, 4; xxx, 8, etc. Loss of the hands might also -be inflicted. - -[326] Nov. viii, 7, _Jusjur._ - -[327] Nov. xvii, 16. - -[328] Nov. viii, Ed.; lxxxvi, 2, 3, 4; cf. cxxviii, 16, 17, etc. - -[329] Nov. xv. - -[330] _Ibid._, 1, 5, etc. - -[331] Nov. viii, 9; xcv; cxxviii, 23; see p. 202. - -[332] Nov. xxviii, 7; xxx, 10. - -[333] Nov. viii, 7; xxx, 9. The Defenders of the Cities are similarly -cautioned; Nov. viii, 7, Edict 1. - -[334] Nov. xv, 3, 6; lxxxvi, 7. The limit of his court was 300 solidi -(£165). Generally the Bishops also had judicial functions, and like the -rest are threatened, as not being always above suspicion; _Ibid._, 6. -The clerics were instructed to resort to them in the first instance, and -only afterwards to the civil judges if the question proved to be beyond -their legal acquirements; Nov. lxxxiii; cf. lxxix. - -[335] Nov. xxiii. - -[336] Nov. lxxxii. A dozen of these _pedanei judices_ are mentioned by -name. In the capital they were mostly nobles, and of all ranks. - -[337] Nov. lxxx. If they were proved to be idle or unemployed persons, -work was to be found for them in the state factories, cripples and the -aged excepted; _Ibid._, 6. - -[338] Nov. xiii; cf. Procopius, Anecd., 20; Jn. Lydus, De Magistr., ii, -30. Twenty soldiers and thirty _matricarii_ (firemen?) were allotted to -him. As we have seen (p. 81), there was from the first a regional band -of the kind; but perhaps this new body was general and supervisional. - -[339] Nov. xiv. - -[340] Jn. Malala, xviii, p. 40; "five pieces of money," not aurei, but -apparently coins of small value. - -[341] Procopius, Anecd., 17; De Aedif., 1, 9. - -[342] Nov. lxxvii; cxli; Procopius, Anecd., 16, 20, etc. They were -subjected to amputation of the offending member and exhibited publicly -in their mutilated condition; Jn. Malala, p. 430. Isaiah of Rhodes and -Alexander of Diospolis are mentioned as Bishops thus treated. "Il leur -fit couper les reins, qu'il fit exposer à un poteau.... Un héraut -criait," etc. Michael Melit. (Langlois), p. 193. J. was remonstrated -with on the cruelty of the procedure, whereupon he replied, "If they had -committed sacrilege, would you not have cut off their hands?" Zonaras, -xiv, 7. - -[343] Nov. cxlii. - -[344] _Ibid._ - -[345] Nov. xxviii, 4; xxix, 5; xxx, 6, 11. - -[346] Nov. viii, 8, 10; xxviii, 5. - -[347] Nov. viii, 10. - -[348] Nov., xxv, 11; cf. Cod., I, xvii, 2, etc. - -[349] Nov. viii, 10. - -[350] _Ibid._, 11. - -[351] _Ibid._ - -[352] Nov. viii, _praef._ This is his first great Reform Act, to which -the rest are expletory. He opens by celebrating his public spirit and -philanthropy. "Day and night alike we devote to lucubrations and -cogitations respecting whatever may be of utility to our subjects, so -that they may be able to live peacefully and free from all anxiety," -etc. But he soon begins to let the cat out of the bag—"We find that many -causes of injustice have crept in whereby our subjects are reduced to -indigence, so that they cannot pay the proper tributes.... Protected -from the oppression of the governors, they will thrive, and hence the -state and treasury will overflow, having rich taxpayers at its -disposal," etc. - -[353] Procopius, Anecd., _passim_; Jn. Lydus, De Magistr., iii, 57-70; -Zonaras, xiv, 6. - -[354] See pp. 198, 444 _et seq._ - -[355] Nov., xxxi. Even the tract known as Armenia Minor, on the -proximate bank of the river, which had long been an integral part of the -Empire, was ruled by "Satraps" in an almost kingly fashion, and a -semi-regal costume was permitted to them. Four were abolished by Zeno on -account of disaffection (Procopius, De Aedif., iii, 1), and the very -name was now rejected by Justinian as being "un-Roman." - -[356] Procopius, De Bel. Pers., ii, 3. - -[357] Procopius, Anecd., 24. - -[358] _Ibid._, 20. - -[359] Procopius, Anecd., 25. - -[360] _Ibid._ - -[361] _Ibid._ The rise in price was so great (nearly forty to one) as to -be almost incomprehensible, but the manuscript was corrupt, and has been -emended on conjecture by Alemannus. It appears, however, that the value -of ordinary silk returned to what it was under Aurelian (see p. 133, its -weight in gold), while the Imperial purple (_holovera_; cf. Cod. Theod., -X, xxi; Cod., XI, ix) was rated at four times that amount. - -[362] Procopius, Anecd., 26. The _panis gradilis_ (see p. 81) was now -abolished at Alexandria. - -[363] See p. 147. - -[364] Procopius, Anecd., 26. - -[365] _Ibid._ - -[366] _Ibid._ The text of the decree has not come down to us, but -Basilius was the last Consul, and subsequently official documents are -dated as "An. I, II, etc., _post Basil_." Yet only five years before -Justinian drew up elaborate rules for the observance of the consular -season: Nov. cv. Beginning from Jan. 1, he apportioned to each day of -the week its quantum of processions with scattered largess, horse races, -hunts with dogs in the amphitheatre, boxing and wrestling, man and beast -fights, and theatrical displays in which the loose feminine element -predominated. - -[367] Procopius, Anecd., 25. He enacted that only 180 pence (follis, -about 5-4_d._) should now be given for the solidus, instead of 210, as -formerly. See p. 122. - -[368] Procopius, Anecd., 19-22. A particular impost called the "aerikon" -(windfall) worked by the Praetorian Praefect, produced 3,000 pounds of -gold (£120,000) annually. It seems to have been an income tax levied on -governmental employees. _Ibid._, 21. The _epibole_ (waste land tax; see -p. 151; Cod. Theod., XIII, xi, 12; Cod., XI, lviii; Nov. clxv, etc.) was -pushed to the most oppressive extreme in this reign. _Ibid._, 23. One -special instance of the subterfuges resorted to for confiscating private -property may be cited. A lady of Ascalon, married, inherited -considerable wealth from her father, and subsequently as a widow, by the -death of her only child, became heiress of her husband's property. -Forthwith Justinian seized on the whole estate, declaring it iniquitous -that the old lady, as she had now become, should be enriched by both -father and husband. He, however, granted her a pension of one solidus a -day, explaining that he did so "for the sake of piety, and because it is -my custom to act in a holy and pious manner." _Ibid._, 29. Other -examples in same chapter. - -[369] Speaking of Egypt, he remarks that "matters have been so -confounded down there that what is enacted in the province cannot be -known here [CP.]"; Edict xiii, _praef._ - -[370] In 548 he re-established the Vicar of Pontus on account of the -ineradicable disorders. His jurisdiction included all the northern -region of Asia Minor from the coast opposite CP. to the borders of -Armenia. His task is, as usual, to restrain every sort of outrage on -women and property, the culprits being men of all ranks, "priests, -magistrates, nobles, and plebeians."—Edict viii. Command of the army is -given him for the purpose. In 545, and even twenty years later, the -injunction as to the fifty days' delay is still being launched at the -Rectors; Nov. cxxviii, 23; clxi, 1. In 556 an all-round diatribe -denounces the time-honoured malpractices of local rulers, the bishops -even being included in the prohibitions; Nov. cxxxiv. Imperial decrees -were generally accompanied by a threat that a fine of 10 pounds of gold -(£400) and dismissal would be inflicted on the official to whom they -were addressed, if he neglected to publish and give them full force; -Nov. x, etc. - -[371] Procopius, Anecd., 21. - -[372] That Justinian and his consort were held in general detestation -during the greater part of their reign by a majority of their subjects, -who vented "curses, not loud, but deep" against them, appears to be -indicated clearly by the expressions of Procopius. "Wherefore I, and -most of my acquaintances, did not consider them to be human beings, but -pernicious demons, such as the poets call vampires," etc.; Anecd., 12. -"His mother is said to have told her friends that he was not the son of -Sabbatius, nor of any man, but that before her pregnancy a species of -demon came to her"; _Ibid._ "That he was not a man, but a demon in human -form, any one could prove by the magnitude of the ills which he brought -on the human race"; _Ibid._, 18. Jn. Lydus, however, always represents -Justinian as being "good and kind," "long-suffering," etc., and as quite -ignorant of the doings of John, who bullied his subordinates so that -none of them would have dared to breathe a word against him; De -Magistr., iii, 57, 69, etc. Lydus was a clerk in the civil service, who -rose to be the head of a department, but he complains that he never -received his pay; _Ibid._, 66, 67, etc. - -[373] Procopius, Anecd., 23. He made no concessions whatever, according -to our author, writing in 550. His first, and apparently his only, -remission of arrears was, in fact, not made till 553; Nov. cxlvii. -Malala (p. 437) records that in 528 he abolished some tax, a subsidy to -the Gothic _foederati_. The defaulting tax-payer was put on a level with -the homicide, and denied the right of sanctuary in a church; Nov. xvii, -7. To the Rectors he says, "You must see that exaction of the public -tributes be decently effected, even in the Temples ... the ecclesiastics -will aid you," etc. - -[374] His fullest style is: "Imperator Caesar Flavius Justinianus, -Alemannicus, Gothicus, Francicus, Germanicus, Lazicus, Alanicus, -Vandalicus, Africanus, pius, felix, gloriosus, victor ac triumphator, -nunquam non colendus Augustus"; Nov. xliii; cf. Chron. Paschal., an. -552, etc. If he could have added "Persicus" in the beginning of his -reign, it would have been worth all the rest. - - - - - CHAPTER VIII - CARTHAGE UNDER THE ROMANS: RECOVERY OF AFRICA FROM THE VANDALS - - -The Vandalic settlement of Africa (in Imperial nomenclature the name was -officially reserved to the north-west portion of that continent) was -more keenly resented by the Romans than the barbaric occupation of any -other province of the Western Empire. In other instances disintegration -had been gradual and the territory had been resigned to the new -possessors with a sense of political inability to retain them, whilst a -semblance of fealty to the Eastern Emperor indulged his pretensions to -supremacy; but Africa had been snatched away by a sudden conquest, and -became a hostile centre from which depredations against the opposite -shores of Europe were for long the avowed object of its ruler. - -Subsequent kings of the Vandals found the means to cement an alliance -with the Empire, and Justinian himself was in amicable relationship with -the contemporary member of the dynasty. Internal dissensions, however, -had recently effected the abrupt overthrow of his ally and the Emperor -vainly intervened on his behalf. A rupture of diplomatic relations -followed, smouldering enmities were rekindled, and the question of -despatching a military force for the reconquest of Africa was seriously -mooted at Constantinople. Justinian felt strongly impelled to the -execution of the project, and brought the subject up for discussion in -his Consistorium. There his proposals were received with tacit -disfavour, the remembrance of a former expedition, which had ended in -disaster, weighed on the minds of the nobles in attendance, and the army -contemplated with dread the idea of a campaign of which a long sea -voyage and naval warfare seemed to constitute the essential features, -whilst the Counts of the Treasury trembled at the prospect of an -expenditure which their funds might be inadequate to meet. But none -dared to appear in open conflict with the manifest wishes of the -Emperor, until at length John of Cappadocia rose and delivered a -definitely adverse opinion. Interlarding his discourse with much that -was deferential to Justinian and laudatory of his political capacity in -general, he urged with bold logic the most obvious objections. The -journey would occupy more than four months, wherefore news as to the -progress of the war could not reach the capital in less than a year -after the start. Should the announcement of victory at last break the -suspense, it must at once be felt that the distant province could not be -held in permanent subjection owing to Italy and Sicily being under -foreign domination. On the other hand, should ill success attend the -operations, the enmity of a powerful kingdom would have been provoked, -and the limits of the Empire would have to be defended against hostile -reprisals.[375] - -Justinian assented to these arguments, and for the time smothered his -resentful ambition to punish the offending power, but after no long -delay the question was finally determined by a point of religion. The -Vandals were odious in the eyes of the ecclesiastics of the East, Arian -heretics who had gained the upper hand over an orthodox Christian -population; and a fanatical bishop, indignant at the failure of the -deliberations, hurried from his see in Asia Minor to the Imperial Court. -There he represented to the Emperor that in a divine vision he had been -ordered to reprimand him for being deterred by vain fears from his -righteous purpose of upholding the Church. God had spoken to him in -definite language, and said, "Tell the Emperor that I will be with him -and will reduce Africa under his dominion." Justinian was convinced -immutably, and made all haste with his preparations so that the -expedition might be ready to start in the proximate summer (533).[376] - -The country which Justinian was now about to invade, a vast and fertile -region sufficiently spacious to form a separate empire, has always -within the historic period been the seat of a prosperous, though -fluctuating civilization, yet never of indigenous growth. Successively -Phoenician, Roman, Vandal, Byzantine, Mohammedan, and French, during the -long tract of three thousand years, the numerous native population has -invariably been a subsidiary and more or less disorderly element of the -political entity.[377] At one of the most picturesque moments of -antiquity we are presented with the scene of Caius Marius sitting as an -exile amid the ruins of Carthage.[378] That incident occurred more than -half a century after the destruction of the city (146 B.C.) owing to the -subjugating animosity of Rome, but about thirty years previously a -decree for the colonization of the deserted site had passed the Senate, -and one of the Gracchi had actually conducted a party of six thousand -settlers to rebuild and re-people the Punic capital.[379] Official -sanction, however, was shortly withdrawn from the enterprise owing to a -recrudescence of superstition, or rather, perhaps, to a shift of -political power, and for nearly a century the district was abandoned to -decay before an earnest effort was made to restore it to affluence and -order. The actual rebuilding of Carthage was due to the initiative of -Julius Caesar and the action of Augustus;[380] and the resuscitated city -rose to importance so rapidly that in the time of the elder Severus it -was regarded as second only to Rome.[381] A Proconsul, the only deputy -of that rank in the Western Empire, governed the province in which it -was situated, and was held to be a magistrate of superior -consequence[382] to the Vicar of Africa, under whom five lesser -governors controlled the country, with the exception of the westernmost -district, which was in administrative conjunction with Spain.[383] The -seven provinces of Africa thus constituted extended for fifteen hundred -miles in a straight line along the basin of the Mediterranean and -included the modern divisions of Morocco, Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli. -Southwards, the uncertain delimitations of the Atlas mountains and the -Libyan desert allowed the Romanized region a breadth which varied from -fifty to two hundred miles.[384] - -Carthage was situated on the shore of a small bay, and faced to the -east, over against the Hermaean promontory,[385] looking towards Sicily -from a distance of one hundred and twenty-five miles. Being essentially -a maritime capital it was distinguished by the extent of the -accommodation it offered to shipping; and for more than a mile along its -seaward aspect was bounded by a line of quays protected by a series of -breakwaters from the violence of the waves.[386] On the south an inner -harbour, called the Mandracium, artificially constructed, was entered by -a narrow channel defended by the usual device of a chain.[387] Still -lower down a natural expanse of water, land-locked and of considerable -area, known as the Stagnum, was capable of receiving a vast congregation -of vessels.[388] The Mandracium was circular in form, and contained in -its centre a small island of the same shape. The annular channel thus -formed was bordered all round on both sides by colonnades which extended -into the water. A double ring of covered docks was thus constituted, the -space between each pair of adjacent columns being adapted for giving -shelter to a single vessel.[389] The palace of the Praefect in charge of -the navigating interests rose from an elevated spot in the centre of the -island, and was used as a post of observation from whence he could -survey the activities of the port.[390] From the northern extremity of -the line of quays a stairway of great width and proportions, bounded and -divided by ornamental balustrades, ascended by more than a hundred -steps, and formed a grand approach to the city proper, which was built -on ground somewhat raised above the sea level.[391] A broad marble-paved -terrace, from which the inhabitants could overlook the quay and the -water, formed the marine limit of the city at this higher altitude.[392] -It was called the New Plaza.[393] Roman Carthage was adorned with all -the usual components of a great capital in this age; a spacious forum -lined with porticoes,[394] colonnaded streets, and public buildings -suited to the needs of the governing class. The latter occupied the -citadel, a lofty mound centrally situated, the transformed Punic -Byrsa.[395] As special features the main thoroughfares were shaded by -rows of trees,[396] and a remarkable street was devoted solely to the -trade of the money-changers and silversmiths.[397] Spacious halls -for the accommodation of professors of the liberal arts and -philosophers,[398] churches, public baths, theatres, a hippodrome,[399] -and a substantially constructed aqueduct more than fifty miles -long,[400] completed the equipment of the African capital. A remnant of -jealous apprehension, inherited by successive generations of Romans, -decreed that Carthage should remain without walls, and only in the first -quarter of the fifth century was the defect supplied by the younger -Theodosius.[401] Soon after the establishment of the Empire Africa -became the granary of Italy, and, as later Constantinople was dependent -on Alexandria, the arrival in the Tiber of the corn fleets from Carthage -was a matter of vital importance at Rome.[402] - -The character of the Africans has been painted in the blackest colours -by more than one writer of this age, and it appears to be indisputable -that for the extremes of luxury, vice, and perfidy they were justly -censured by their fellow subjects. It was possible, we are told, that, -owing to the populousness of the country, a few virtuous citizens might -be found;[403] but the most obvious impression was that all without -exception were addicted to drunkenness and immorality of the vilest -form.[404] The prostitution of both sexes had attained to a degree -elsewhere unknown; and the streets of Carthage were thronged with males, -who unsexed themselves habitually by adopting the manners and costume of -the opposite sex.[405] Ethnologically it is certain that the population -was extremely mixed, and the Semitic factor was well represented for -many centuries after the Roman conquest.[406] Hence the Latin language -had not displaced the Punic tongue, even among the higher classes, as -late as the reign of the Antonines.[407] Again, the native races, known -as the Moors, Kabyles, or Berbers,[408] were more prone to live by war -and rapine than to bow to the Roman sovereignty. On several occasions, -therefore, the African provinces had been the scene of serious revolts -which had to be suppressed with all the force of the Imperial arms.[409] -Christianity spread rapidly among this heterogeneous and hot-blooded -population and, as might have been anticipated, assumed a very -contentious character. Thus the fiercest schismatics and sectarians who -arose in the West, the Donatists and the Novatians, had their origin -exclusively or mainly at Carthage.[410] A fair proportion of the eminent -men by whom the Latin half of the Empire was distinguished were Africans -by birth, and, perhaps, by blood. Among the Pagans we find the -incomparable dramatist Terence, who flourished during the time of the -Republic; the last of the great soldiers who ruled the Empire integrally -before it began to succumb to the barbarians, the Emperor Septimius -Severus; and the elegant writer Apuleius, whose apologue of Cupid and -Psyche has secured a place in the literature of all modern languages. -The Christian Africans also produced perhaps the most notable of the -advocates and authors who illustrated the early centuries of the Church; -the vehement Tertullian, whose fierce style would lead us to suspect him -of kinship with the restless autochthons of the land; the scarcely less -ardent Cyprian, the masterful champion of episcopal vigour, who suffered -martyrdom under Valerian; and the diligent Augustine, devout, mild, and -imaginative, to whom the theology of the West owes its distinctive -character. - -The romantic story of the loss of Africa, the veiled rivalry of Aetius -and Bonifacius, and the treachery of the former, so fraught with evil to -his country, is an oft-read tale to which a passing allusion will -suffice for this page. The Count of Africa, being led to believe by his -insidious friend that the Empress Placidia meditated his ruin, attempted -to secure himself by inviting Genseric,[411] king of the Vandals in -Spain, to share with him the sovereignty of the seven provinces (429). -Bonifacius discovered the deception, but too late to retrieve his error; -the barbarian monarch had made good his footing in the country, and the -Roman general, having failed to arrest his progress in battle, was -ultimately driven out of Africa.[412] During ten years Genseric worked -his way to the east, gradually possessing himself of the provinces, and -in 439 crowned the success of his adventure by the capture of -Carthage.[413] A score of years later the Emperor Majorian fitted out an -expedition for the expulsion of the Vandals; but the treason of his own -officers brought about the destruction of his fleet in the bay of -Carthagena, and the enterprise collapsed.[414] A decade elapsed and -Genseric was again threatened by the eastern Emperor Leo, who massed -together ships and troops at an immense expenditure for the reconquest -of Africa. Owing to the incapacity or, perhaps, the perfidy of the -commander, Basiliscus, the brother-in-law of the Emperor, this -expedition also resulted in a disastrous failure.[415] During his long -reign of nearly forty years Genseric was the terror of the -Mediterranean, and in 455, incited by another unpatriotic invitation, -invaded Italy and sacked Rome at the instance of the ex-Empress -Eudoxia.[416] The orthodox Christians suffered much from the persecution -of their Arian conquerors,[417] but under the mild rule of Hilderic, who -succeeded in 523, the peace of the Church throughout the Vandalic -dominions at length became assured.[418] At their advent into Africa the -simple barbarians were revolted by the manners of the inhabitants; and, -as soon as they had secured themselves in their conquest, proceeded to -assimilate everything to their native ideas of chastity and temperance. -Within the first decade of their supremacy they had worked a general -reformation at Carthage; exterminated the androgynous males, suppressed -the brothels, and settled all the courtesans in a state of legitimate -nuptials.[419] This ideal dispensation was, however, by no means -permanent, and later generations of Vandals gradually became dissolved -in the luxury, and yielded to the sexual allurements which had been -abolished by their stern forefathers. Thus by the beginning of the sixth -century the rude nomads had been transformed into untiring votaries of -the theatre, the circus, and the chase, into revellers clad in silken -vestments, who had planted themselves gardens and orchards, where they -consumed their days in feasting and abandonment to sexual -gratifications.[420] - -Between Hilderic and Justinian a firm and friendly pact had been -cemented during the lifetime of Justin, and the alliance was maintained -from year to year by a liberal interchange of costly presents.[421] The -unwarlike character, however, of the Vandal king and the defeat of his -deputy by the Moors, had rendered him unpopular among his subjects, a -circumstance which was taken advantage of by his cousin Gelimer, a -grand-nephew of Genseric, and heir presumptive of the crown. He began by -assuming an arrogant state, as if he had already succeeded; and, having -reduced the authority of Hilderic to a nullity, in the seventh year of -his reign persuaded the Vandal nobles to elect him king in his stead. -Soon the deposed monarch, with his immediate supporters, was consigned -to a prison, whilst the Byzantine alliance was repudiated as being -hostile to the succession of Gelimer. On hearing of this revolution, -Justinian despatched a letter of remonstrance to the usurper, urging him -to allow Hilderic the nominal occupation of the throne, and to content -himself for the present with the realities of kingly power. Hilderic, he -reminded him, was advanced in years, so that his legitimate succession -could not be long delayed. The reply of Gelimer was curt and insolent: -"he had not seized on the crown, but had been duly elected by the -accredited chiefs of the Vandal nation: the wisest monarchs were those -who attended assiduously to their own affairs and refrained from -interference with those of other people." At the same time he imposed a -stricter durance on Hilderic, and blinded his nephew Hoamer, who had -been his principal minister. Justinian was now deeply offended and -burned with the desire to coerce Gelimer by force of arms. How the -question was debated at Constantinople, and the Emperor's wishes were -shaped to a reality has already been related circumstantially. - -On the midsummer's day of 533 the Byzantine fleet was assembled in the -harbour of the Palace, in readiness to start on its voyage to the -African coast. Belisarius, the commander-in-chief, accompanied by his -wife Antonina and his secretary Procopius, was in occupation of the -admiral's ship. As an auspicious rite a Christian proselyte, fresh from -the baptismal font, was received on board at the hands of the Patriarch, -who invoked the blessings of heaven on the expedition. The Emperor -directed the departure from the shore, and the whole fleet, following in -the wake of the admiral's ship, made sail for Heraclea in Thrace. There -they remained several days in order to complete the supply of horses, -which were delivered to them from the Imperial herds pastured in that -country. The transport service consisted of five hundred ships, in which -were carried the effective force of the expedition, ten thousand foot -and five thousand horse. Twenty thousand sailors manned the vessels, -and, in view of naval warfare, they were convoyed by ninety-two roofed -dromons, served by two thousand rowers.[422] On putting out from -Heraclea the voyage was fully entered on; and by the judicious use of -sails and oars, according to the exigences of weather and locality, the -fleet moved onwards to its destination. Belisarius and his staff were -accommodated in three ships, which chose the course and led the way for -all the rest to follow. Red sails by day and lights borne on lofty poles -at night rendered them conspicuous objects on the water. They anchored -at several places on their route, and the signal for leaving port was -given by the blowing of trumpets. The city of Abydos, in the Hellespont, -the promontory of Sigeum on the coast near Troy, Cape Malea in Laconia, -the point of Taenarum, the town of Methone in Messenia, and the island -of Zacynthus, marked stages of their voyage until they arrived in a -deserted bay of Sicily at the foot of Mount Aetna.[423] At Methone a -lengthened stay was necessitated by the incidence of a calamity which -resulted from the criminal parsimony of the Praetorian Praefect John. In -his eagerness to save the cost of labour and fuel he had stocked the -commissariat with imperfectly baked biscuit. After the lapse of two or -three weeks this unsuitable provision fell into a state of poisonous -decay, so that the troops who partook of it were seized with intestinal -inflammation. Before the cause could be recognized five hundred had -perished, and the spread of the disease was tardily checked by -Belisarius, who procured a supply of proper bread from the shore. As -soon as the Emperor had cognizance of the disaster he commended the -conduct of the general, but took no steps to punish the guilty minister. - -While in the Sicilian harbour a wave of doubt and depression swept over -the minds of the Romans. They feared that an engagement might be -imminent with a strange and formidable foe. "Where were now the Vandals, -and what was their method of fighting?" was asked on every side. "Were -they lying in wait to attack the expedition before it could arrive on -the African coast?" The Byzantine military were scared at the prospect -of a naval battle, and made no secret of their intention to avoid such a -contingency by a precipitate flight. More enlightenment as to the task -before them was, therefore, imperatively needed; and Belisarius decided -to despatch Procopius on a mission of inquiry to Syracuse. Fortune was -propitious to the messenger at the outset; meeting with an old friend -who was connected with the shipping trade, he found that one of his -slaves present had left Carthage only three days previously. The man was -produced and proved to be well informed as to the position in the Vandal -kingdom. Gelimer was totally oblivious as to the approaching invasion, -and had retired to his country house at Hermione, a distance of four -days' journey from the coast, whilst the flower of his army had just -departed for Sardinia with the object of quelling a revolt in that -island against the Vandal authority. Elated by this gratifying news, -Procopius hastened back to the fleet, which in the meantime had moved -down the coast to Caucana, within twenty-five miles of Syracuse. -Confidence was at once restored by his favourable report, and without -further delay Belisarius made sail for the African coast. They were now -well provisioned, unusual facilities for the purpose having been granted -to them in Sicily by Amalasuntha, the Queen-Regent of Italy, with whom -Justinian had entered into amicable relations. Halting on the way at -Melita, they arrived at Caputvada in the province of Byzacium just three -months after they had set out from Constantinople. Carthage lay almost -due north of their position, distant by land about one hundred and -thirty miles. - -A council of war was now held in order to decide as to the most -advisable method of conducting the campaign. The question for discussion -was whether Carthage should be approached by land or by sea. Archelaus, -one of the lieutenant-generals, argued that they should sail along the -coast with the object of entering the Stagnum, in whose ample space the -whole fleet would be effectively sheltered from wind and waves. From -thence the capital could be assaulted with facility, and, in view of the -unprepared state of the enemy, its speedy capture might be expected. -Belisarius, however, pointed out that should a storm arise in the -meantime, they must either perish on the coast or be driven far away -from it; whilst in any case the delay which must ensue would give the -enemy time to collect his forces. He also dwelt on the fact that his men -had already asserted their determination to fly rather than fight a -naval battle. He counselled, therefore, that they should forthwith -disembark, with all their arms and horses, and fortify themselves in a -camp on the shore. The advice of Belisarius was unanimously approved and -immediately acted upon. At the outset their spirits were raised by a -fortunate occurrence which they regarded as a typical omen of their -future progress. In digging the trenches they struck a copious supply of -water, a phenomenal circumstance in Byzacium, which was an exceptionally -arid region.[424] As to the fleet, a small complement of each ship's -company was left on board, just sufficient to navigate the vessels or to -repel a hostile attack. - -The next step of Belisarius was to take possession of Syllectum, a -seaport which lay about thirty miles to the north. The town, like all -others in Africa except Carthage, was unwalled in accordance with the -policy adopted by Genseric, who had rased all fortifications throughout -the country.[425] The capture, therefore, was facile, and was -accomplished without bloodshed. Here the general produced letters from -Justinian explanatory of the invasion, and caused reports to be -circulated which were likely to enlist the support of the inhabitants. -To the Vandals he said that they had come merely to vindicate the rights -of their legitimate king, who had been dethroned by a usurper; to the -Romans, upon whose racial and religious affinities he counted, that the -army would pay its way and no forcible seizure of private stores would -be made. A favourable impression was at once created, and the procurator -of the public posts handed over to Belisarius all the horses at his -disposal. - -The march towards Carthage was now begun at the rate of ten miles a day, -with a methodical disposition of the troops. Two miles in front they -were preceded by an advance guard of three hundred horse under John the -Armenian. On the left six hundred Huns, all mounted archers, at an equal -distance, kept watch against a surprise. To the right their safety was -assured by the proximity of the sea; and on that side the fleet was -ordered to follow the movements of the army as they advanced along the -coast. Each night a camp was formed or quarters were taken up in such -towns as were conveniently situated on the route. Proceeding in this -manner they passed through Leptis and Hadrumetum, and arrived at Grasse, -which lay within forty miles of the capital. Here they found a palace of -the Vandal kings, in the orchard of which they encamped amid trees laden -with fruit in such profusion, that after the soldiers had regaled -themselves there was no perceptible diminution of the supply. - -In the meantime Gelimer had news of the invasion, whereupon he sent an -order to his brother Ammatas at Carthage to slay Hilderic with all those -affiliated to him, whilst he himself was to levy an army of the best -attainable materials at Decimum, a suburb less than ten miles out from -the city. Simultaneously the usurper started from Hermione with all his -available forces in pursuit of the Romans, of whom he happened to be in -the rear. - -On the evening of his halt at Grasse scouts sent out by Belisarius -collided with parties of Vandals on a similar errand, and thus did he -first become cognizant that the enemy were active at his heels. The -Byzantines continued their forward march, and in four days came to a -stand in sight of Decimum. For a short time previously they had been out -of touch with the fleet, as the coast had become broken and precipitous, -whilst now their ways were divergent; but Archelaus, who was in command, -had been instructed to round the Hermaean promontory and come to anchor -in a position not less than twenty miles off Carthage. - -At this juncture the Romans were beset by three divisions of the Vandal -forces, but, owing to a want of concerted action, the combination -failed. Ammatas sallied forth from Carthage, his troops straggling after -him in detachments, and was unexpectedly brought up by the advance guard -of three hundred. A sharp skirmish ensued; the Vandal leader was slain, -his men fled, communicating their panic to those who were following on, -and thus all returned to take refuge in the city. On the left -Gibamundus, a nephew of Gelimer, at the head of two thousand cavalry, -fell in with the Hunnish horse, who charged them incontinently and put -them to flight with great slaughter. The Vandals were, in fact, stricken -nerveless at the sudden appearance of these warriors, whom they had -never encountered, but who were known to them by reputation. Before the -news of these engagements could reach him Belisarius had gathered all -his cavalry about him, and advanced from the camp in expectation of -meeting the enemy. He ordered a considerable part of his forces to -explore in front, and these, after no long march, found themselves in -sight of a great concourse of horse commanded by the Vandal king in -person. A desultory conflict, in a region diversified by low hills, -followed; the barbarians attacked with skill and bravery, and in the -result the Byzantines were routed, nor did they relax their flight until -they succeeded in rejoining Belisarius. At this moment the Vandals might -have been victorious had they been led by a general who knew how to -conquer. But Gelimer, neglecting his advantage, abandoned himself to -lamentations for the death of his brother, of which information was just -then brought to him, whilst the Roman general rallied his troops and -bore down upon his adversaries with irresistible vigour. The Vandal -leader, with all his forces, now fled indiscriminately, and, solicitous -only for immediate safety, chose the unfrequented road to Numidia -instead of retiring strategically on the capital. - -Belisarius was now master of the situation, though himself unaware of -the full extent of his success. Within Carthage, in fact, owing to the -great preponderance of the Roman element, a bloodless revolution had -already taken place. The gates had been thrown open on the Vandal defeat -becoming known, and, at the sight of the fleet in the offing, the chain -of the harbour had been withdrawn, whilst the bulk of the citizens -awaited with joyful expectation the moment when they might fraternize -with the victors. The Vandal officials fled into hiding or sanctuary; -the gaoler of the prison on the citadel unbolted the doors and gave exit -to all the political suspects whom the distrust of Gelimer had -incarcerated; and even the Arian clergy abandoned their churches to the -possession of the Orthodox bishops. Next day the Roman general broke up -his camp, and, still keeping his line of battle, advanced with -considerable caution to the capital, where at length he realized how -completely he had won the day. A portion of the fleet was already moored -in the Mandracium, the patency of which had been discovered accidentally -through the temerity and disobedience of one of the subordinate -officers.[426] The soldiers were received into quarters throughout the -town, while Belisarius, with his staff, ascended the Byrsa and -established himself in the royal palace.[427] The same evening a banquet -was spread for the Romans by the servants of Gelimer, when the -victorious general occupied the throne of the defeated king. - -Belisarius now applied himself energetically to restoring the -fortifications of Carthage, which had fallen into a ruinous condition, -as he felt assured that before long he would have to defend his conquest -against a siege. In an incredibly short time he repaired all the -breaches in the walls, and surrounded the city with a fosse protected by -a stout palisade. His foresight was amply justified, and it was soon -found that the outlying districts were beset by the adherents of Gelimer -to such an extent that no Byzantines could venture outside the city -without the certainty of being cut off by some hostile band. - -In a few weeks the Vandal king had collected a force which he deemed -sufficient for the recovery of his capital; and, moreover, he attacked -the city insidiously by means of secret emissaries whom he employed to -seduce the allegiance of the Arian barbarians, who were numerous in the -Roman army. His camp was situated at Bulla on the Numidian frontier, -about one hundred miles to the west of Carthage. Here he awaited his -brother Tzazo, the leader of the Sardinian expedition, whom he had -summoned to take part in the war against the invaders. His approach was -signalled, and, as soon as a landing was effected, the impulsive -barbarians threw themselves into each other's arms and bewailed with -tears and lamentations the sudden misfortunes which had overtaken their -race.[428] - -The siege of Carthage was now begun, and Gelimer's first hostile act was -to cut off the main water supply by making a breach in the aqueduct. No -military assault was attempted, nor did the Vandals raid the country, as -they looked on everything as their own property. A passive -beleaguerment, by isolating the inhabitants from the outside world, -seemed to them to be sufficient to bring about the submission of the -capital. Belisarius on his side at first maintained an equal quietude, -deferring active measures until the walls had been fully consolidated. -He was also distrustful of the Huns under his command, whose murmurs -against their protracted absence from home augured ill for their loyal -bearing in the event of a battle. - -After the lapse of a few weeks the fortifications were rendered secure, -and then the Byzantine general marched out with all his forces to seek -the enemy. Gelimer's encampment was soon discovered to be at Tricamerum, -seventeen miles beyond the city. Belisarius hastened to the spot with -all his cavalry, which on his arrival he disposed in three divisions -opposite the hostile camp, he himself occupying the centre with his -standard-bearer. The Huns drew themselves up apart, according to their -custom, and in this instance meditated treachery should the fortune of -the day prove adverse to the Byzantines. The infantry were halted at -some distance in the rear. A rivulet now separated the two armies, and -on the following morning the Vandals ranged themselves in order of -battle on the opposite bank. Tzazo, with the veterans from Sardinia, led -the van, whilst Gelimer rode along the line exhorting his troops to rely -solely on their swords. First of all the Armenian John, with a small -band, dashed across the stream against the Vandal centre, but was -repulsed. He returned to the charge with a larger following, and was -again repulsed. For the third onslaught Belisarius undertook the attack -in person; the Romans sent up a great war-shout, and the Imperial -standard was swept along as the whole centre drove down impetuously on -the barbarians. A powerful impact resulted; the Vandals made a strenuous -defence, but Tzazo was soon slain, whereupon they desisted and betook -themselves to flight. All the Roman horse now put themselves into -motion, including the vacillating Huns, and the enemy were hotly -pursued, until they saved themselves by plunging into their camp. This -victory cost the Byzantines only fifty men, but of the Vandals eight -hundred fell. - -On the evening of the same day Belisarius advanced with both horse and -foot to assault the enemy's camp. On arriving he found, however, that -Gelimer had hurried away secretly with a few friends, intent on hiding -himself in the recesses of Numidia, and that the Vandal host, on -perceiving themselves to be deserted by their King, had dispersed, eager -only to preserve their lives. Thus the derelict camp, with its whole -contents, became the immediate prize of the victors. It was found to be -replete with wealth, the accumulated treasures of the Vandal nation, -which had been amassed during the raids of Genseric on every part of the -Roman dominions. Such an immense hoard of money, it seemed, could never -before have been brought together into one repository. Pillage now -became the sole object of the Byzantine soldiery, all discipline was -ignored, and the army was only discernible in the form of numerous pairs -of companions who overran the district engaged in rapine. This -abandonment continued throughout the night, and at dawn Belisarius, with -great difficulty, collected his men, when all returned to Carthage laden -with immense booty. Besides valuables, the seizures comprised women and -boys, all men who seemed to belong to the hostile nation being -butchered. It was now the middle of December, and just three months -since the Byzantines had entered the African capital. - -To secure the person of Gelimer was a matter of prime importance, and -John, the Armenian, with a company of two hundred, had been despatched -in pursuit of the fugitive. For five days they hurried after him on his -track, and then, by a deplorable mischance, the leader was transfixed -and mortally wounded by an arrow discharged from the hand of one of his -own men. Belisarius was at once informed, and hastened to the locality, -but the unavoidable delay enabled the flying King to make good his -escape. On inquiry, it was elicited that he had taken refuge among the -Moors of Pappua, a rugged and almost inaccessible mountain in a remote -corner of Numidia. Belisarius followed on, and, having made a survey of -the stronghold, decided that it was impregnable to an attack. He -therefore appointed one of his officers, Pharas, a Herule, to blockade -the outlets and cut off supplies to the refugees. He himself returned to -Carthage by way of Hippo Regius, where he had the good fortune to -capture the reserve treasures of the Vandal King in a weather-bound -ship, which had failed to convey them to the custody of Gelimer's ally, -the King of the Visigoths in Spain. Belisarius now sent a legate to -Sardinia and Corsica, who displayed the head of Tzazo, and secured the -submission of those islands to the suzerainty of Justinian. Wherever the -Vandals had ruled missions were despatched to announce the circumstances -of the conquest, and thus the whole of North Africa, together with the -islands of Ebusa, Majorca, and Minorca, were transferred to the dominion -of the Eastern Emperor. - -In the meantime the blockade of Pappua had been rigorously maintained, -and Gelimer had been reduced to the greatest straits for the want of -proper provisions. At length Pharas expostulated with him on his -obduracy, and tempting proposals were made to him should he surrender -himself to the clemency of Justinian; the rank of a Roman patrician -fortified with a liberal endowment of lands and money. Gelimer replied -that he would never accept a favour from one who had conquered him in an -unjust war, and implored the officer not to aggravate his sufferings by -the repetition of such offers. His letter concluded with the words, "I -beg of you, my dear Pharas, to send me a lyre, a loaf of bread, and a -sponge." At a loss to understand this seemingly strange request, Pharas -interrogated the messenger, who explained that the musical instrument -was required in order to accompany a dirge in which the Vandal King -bewailed his misfortunes; that the hard fare of the Moors did not -include such a luxury as baked bread; and that the sponge was intended -to bathe the eyes of the sufferer, which had become inflamed by weeping. -The officer compassionately acceded to the prayer, but maintained his -guard as strictly as before. After the lapse of three months the pride -and resentment of Gelimer became subdued, chiefly through his being a -spectator of the hardships entailed on those who had attended him to his -comfortless retreat; and he signified his willingness to resign himself -to the custody of Belisarius. He was conducted to Carthage, and shortly -afterwards the Byzantine leader, with his principal captives and all the -spoils of the war, set sail for Constantinople. Belisarius was, in fact, -glad that the time had come for him to take his departure, as envy and -slander had lately begun to be rife about him; and it was insinuated at -Court that he had assumed a regal state, as if he contemplated an -independent sovereignty, a line of conduct which was wholly foreign to -his temperament and aspirations.[429] - -On an appointed day in the autumn of the same year a scene was enacted -in the Imperial capital which recalled the triumphs of former ages, but -so modified as to exalt the glory of the Emperor far above that of his -most conspicuous subject. Belisarius, accompanied by the deposed King, -his relatives and nobles, moved through the city, on foot, at the head -of a procession in which were displayed all the precious resources and -costly appurtenances which illustrated the recent magnificence of the -Vandal Kingdom, and were now become the prize of the conqueror. Golden -chairs, state carriages, a profusion of sparkling gems, cups of gold, -all the appointments of the royal banquets, myriads of silver talents, -and the heirlooms of plate which had adorned the palace, were borne -along the streets to the Hippodrome, in the area of which they were -accumulated to make a dazzling exhibition. Among them were the spoils of -Jerusalem, translated to Rome by Vespasian and Titus,[430] and -afterwards pillaged from thence by the insatiable Genseric, who carried -them off to Carthage. Justinian sat aloft upon his throne, and Gelimer, -still invested with the insignia of a King, was conducted to his feet. -There he was stripped of his purple robe and forced to kiss the ground -before the triumphant monarch. After his illustrious captive the -victorious general rendered a similar homage to his Imperial master. -Throughout the ceremony the Vandal King maintained a dignified -composure, but he repeated aloud continually the words of Scripture, -"Vanity of vanities, all is vanity." Subsequently ample estates in -Galatia were conferred on him, but the patriciate was withheld, as he -declined to abjure his Arian faith. All the scions of Vandal royalty had -been transported to Constantinople, and among them were the daughters of -Hilderic, who in the female line were the direct descendants of the last -Emperors of the West. These princesses were consigned to the care of -Theodora, and the ultimate representatives of the dynasty founded by the -great Theodosius became the pensioners of the fortunate prostitute.[431] -As for the treasures of the extinct Hebrew nationality, a Jewish -spectator of the pageantry inferred, within the hearing of Justinian, -that the retention of these sacred relics had brought destruction to -Rome, and determined the doom of Carthage, whence he foreboded that the -Byzantine capital would fall under the ban of the Almighty should they -remain inside its walls. No resting-place, he asserted, would be found -for them unless where Solomon had consecrated them to the worship of -Jehovah. The Emperor was struck by the admonition, and decided to divest -himself of these fateful valuables by sending them to be deposited in -the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, at Jerusalem. In the following January -Belisarius was honoured with the Consulship of the year (535), and a -large amount of the booty, which had fallen to his lot at Carthage, was -distributed as largess among the populace. His reputation had now risen -to such a height that he seemed to be too great to remain in the -position of a subject; and the Imperial couple thought it prudent to -extract from his complaisance a solemn pledge that he would never aim at -the sovereignty during the lifetime of Justinian.[432] - -When it was reported to the Emperor that the Kingdom of the Vandals was -overthrown, he at once drew up a scheme for the local government of this -accession to his dominions. A third Praetorian Praefect, with a salary -of 100 lb. of gold (£4,000), was created to administer the Diocese of -Africa, as it was now denominated. His official seat was at Carthage, -and under him seven Rectors were nominated to rule the minor divisions -of the country.[433] The island of Sardinia was included in this -disposition, and formed a separate province.[434] The civil and military -powers were kept apart, and a Master of Soldiers, with five local Dukes, -was appointed to command the army corps required for the protection of -the Diocese.[435] The Roman system of taxation had been suppressed by -Genseric, and under the Vandal supremacy the inhabitants had been almost -relieved from the burden of the imposts; but on the restoration a pair -of logothetes were commissioned to survey the country, and assess the -population for the benefit of the treasury. Much displeasure was felt by -the Africans at this recurrence to the old methods of exaction, which -they had become oblivious of during their remission for nearly a -century.[436] - -Although the Vandal power in Africa was annihilated by the victories of -Belisarius, the peaceful settlement of the Diocese was deferred for more -than ten years owing to the insubordination of the army of occupation -and the unwillingness of the Moors to submit to the Byzantine yoke. In -two instances leaders of the rebellious soldiery promoted a mutiny with -such effect that for the time being the recent conquest was virtually -severed from the Empire. The episodes of Stotzas and Gontharis may be -briefly recounted. - -1. In the first sedition three distinct parties were conjoined, who, -through circumstances peculiar to each one, were inspired with animosity -against the government. A large number of the Roman military found -fortune in Africa by the capture of wives and daughters of Vandals who -were either slaughtered at the time or expelled from their possessions. -The newcomers married these women, and installed themselves in the lands -and dwellings previously held by their male relatives. By Imperial -decree, however, the estates of the conquered were confiscated to the -crown; and thus the impromptu settlers in a short time found themselves -exposed to summary ejection. Such was the most considerable complement -of the malcontents. To these were added the Arian barbarians, numbering -about a thousand, who had taken part in the expedition. The fanaticism -of the latter was inflamed by the dispossessed Vandal clergy, to whom -the practice of Christianity according to their heretical rites was now -interdicted. The third contingent consisted of a remnant of the Vandal -army, which had taken refuge in the Aurasian mountains on the south of -Numidia.[437] This party was made up almost wholly of fugitive prisoners -of war who had been transported to Constantinople, whence it was decided -to distribute them among the garrison towns of the East. They were -despatched by sea to their destination, but on arriving at Lesbos about -four hundred of them seized the ships in which they had been embarked -and made good their escape to the African coast. Communication and -conjuration between the first two sections was established at Carthage, -and it was agreed that on Easter Sunday (536) Solomon, the Master of the -Forces, who had replaced Belisarius, should be assassinated in church. -The rebels would then seize the reins of government. The secret of the -conspiracy was well kept, for even the unaffiliated reserved their -suspicions, being privately elated at the prospect of rapine; but the -assassins elect shrunk from perpetrating the murder on the first, and -even on a subsequent occasion. Noisy recriminations in the public places -followed, and it became evident to everyone that there was a plot. The -conspirators now threw off all disguise, having discovered that they -were in a majority, and applied themselves to looting the city and -suburbs. Solomon, with Procopius as his companion, under cover of night -fled to the coast and made sail for Syracuse, where Belisarius was known -to be engaged on a mission. The three returned with the utmost speed, -and found that the rebels to the number of eight thousand, including the -fugitive Vandals, had massed themselves on the plain of Bulla. They had -chosen as their leader a guardsman of vigorous character named Stotzas. -A march on Carthage was contemplated, but Belisarius, having levied as -many loyal troops as possible, intercepted the project and forced them -to give battle. Although his forces were quadrupled by those of the -enemy, the prestige of his name, their indecision, and an adverse wind -which blew in their faces, enabled him to win a victory. The sedition, -however, was merely demulced for a time and Belisarius had to return -immediately to Sicily. Later on Justinian despatched his nephew Germanus -to Africa, and this general, by tact and blandishments, succeeded in -winning back nearly half of the supporters of Stotzas. A battle was -fought in which the rebel leader was utterly defeated and his followers -scattered, with the loss of all the valuables they had collected in -their camp. Stotzas himself fled to Mauritania, where he settled down -with a daughter of one of the petty princes as his wife; but a few years -afterwards (545) he reappeared in arms, fighting on the side of the -Moors. In an encounter he was slain tragically by the Roman general -opposed to him, who pierced him with one of his arrows, but was himself -struck down forthwith by a mortal wound. The two antagonists expired -almost in sight of one another, each one expressing his welcome -acceptance of death in view of the gratification afforded by that of his -rival.[438] - -2. About this time Areobindus, the husband of Justinian's niece -Prejecta, was appointed to be Master of the Forces in Africa. He was a -man of a timid disposition, and totally unversed in war, to such an -extent that he had never been present at the most trivial engagement. -Under this inefficient hegemony, Gontharis, Duke of Numidia, aspired to -be a despot with the aid of the factious soldiery and the Moorish -insurgents. By a league with Antalas, the most potent of the native -chiefs, he agreed to surrender to him the province of Byzacium and half -the treasures of Areobindus as the price of his support in making -himself king over the rest of the country. At first he proceeded -insidiously and associated amicably with the Master of Soldiers at -Carthage, where he simulated a capture of the city by the Moors in the -hope of so terrifying Areobindus that he would see nothing left but to -escape by flight to Constantinople. This project was just baulked by the -sudden rise of a tempest, which arrested the departing general. Shortly -afterwards the designs of Gontharis were fully penetrated, and he -thought it wisest to proclaim himself boldly as the head of the -government. An attack on the usurper was then organized, and the hostile -bands met in the precincts of the palace; but at the sight of the first -blood drawn Areobindus lost his nerve and fled to a fortified monastery -near the harbour. Gontharis was now supreme, and received the submission -of all the officials in the capital from the Praetorian Prefect -downwards. The late commander-in-chief was lured from his retreat by -threats and a promise of safe dismissal to Constantinople with his -household and property. He presented himself to the despot in the dress -of a private citizen, leaning on the bishop as he held forth a Gospel, -and made an abject profession of his acquiescence in the situation. -Gontharis treated him deferentially, and retained him to supper the same -evening. After the meal, however, he went out and sent in the captain of -his guard, who slew him, regardless of his pitiable appeals for mercy. -Africa was now to all appearances restored to independence as completely -as if the conquest had never been achieved by Belisarius. The tyrant -next attempted to substantiate his position by forming an alliance with -Prejecta, whom he induced to send letters to the Emperor, in which the -murder of Areobindus was represented as the wanton act of an insolent -subordinate. But the foundations of his authority were insecure, and a -counter-conspiracy was soon formed by the adherents of the Imperial -government, whose allegiance was a mere pretence resorted to under the -pressure of expediency. Among those who affected to support him -cordially was Artabanes, the commander of an Armenian regiment, and a -deserter from the Persian service, in which he had risen to some -distinction. He and his associates were ambitious of recovering Africa -for Justinian, and they concerted a plot for the assassination of -Gontharis during a banquet. Artabanes had been invited by the usurper, -and he entered the dining hall attended by two or three of his guards, -whose customary duty it was to stand behind their master's couch during -a meal. A number of their fellows he desired to loiter about the -approaches, mixing with the guards of the palace, as if waiting on his -orders. The soldiers in the city, when not equipped for war, were -forbidden to wear defensive armour, and allowed to carry only a sword. -To obviate this difficulty, Artabanes instructed his men to make a -pretence of playing with the shields of those on guard in the vestibule, -as they lay ready for use, but to snatch them away altogether should -they hear any commotion within. It had been agreed that Artasires, one -of the guards in waiting at the couches, should strike the first blow; -and he ingeniously protected his left arm by fastening the halves of a -split arrow-shaft inside the sleeve of his tunic. At a certain moment it -was judged that Gontharis was obfuscated by his potations, signs passed, -and then Artasires, sidling towards him with his drawn sword hidden -under his arm, aimed a sudden stroke at his head. An instant -counter-stroke by the contiguous guard of the despot was parried by his -shielded arm, and the man was laid low by a return thrust. -Simultaneously Artabanes had sprung up and finished Gontharis with a -stroke of his sword as he attempted to rise from his couch. A general -clash of arms ensued, and many not in the plot joined the liberators. -The rebel guards without, deprived of their shields as planned, were -massacred, and soon a cry of "Justinian the Victor" was sent up. A raid -on the adherents of the usurper was then undertaken, and they were -exterminated in every part of the city. The tyranny of Gontharis had -lasted only thirty-six days. Artabanes won great renown by this exploit, -a splendid donation in money was bestowed on him by Prejecta, and -shortly afterwards the Emperor's commission arrived, creating him Master -of the Forces in Africa. To his immediate petition, however, Justinian -conceded him the equivalent of his rank at Court, and he left the -country without delay. He was, in fact, enamoured of the young princess -(she is referred to as a girl), or, at least, of her Imperial -connection, and he eagerly followed her when she returned to -Constantinople.[439] - -For fifteen years after the conquest of the Vandals continual uprisings -of the Moorish clans troubled the settlement of Africa, and a fitful -warfare, sometimes furious, was waged between them and the Empire. -Swarms of these nomads often appeared in the field, but their jealousy -and distrust of each other was so inveterate that their forces could on -no occasion be mustered to act in combination. Their internecine feuds -were never allayed, and during most of their revolts great hosts of them -elected to fight as allies of the Byzantines in order to suppress the -efforts of their own kin. On each side more than one hundred thousand -often appeared in arms simultaneously, but to the disciplined and -mail-clad soldiers of the Empire their martial equipment always seemed -contemptible. Notwithstanding their contiguity to the Romans for so many -centuries, they had not profited by their observation and experience to -imitate the methods of warfare which had invariably proved effectual -against themselves. A burnous of white linen enveloped their head and -body, leaving the legs and arms bare; a small leather shield formed -their sole defensive armour; and their only weapons of attack were a -short sword and a couple of javelins.[440] When at war all the members -of a tribe, accompanied by their flocks and herds, marched in -conjunction to the battle-field. To the women was entrusted the duty of -tending the cattle, sharpening the weapons, building huts, and -entrenching the camp. A great circle was enclosed by a living rampart -consisting of the domestic animals. Externally ranks of camels, linked -together twelve deep, formed the main defence; within were ranged the -oxen, sheep, and goats. Women, children, and old men, in charge of -whatever valuables they possessed, were congregrated in the central -space.[441] At the approach of an enemy the Moorish infantry packed -themselves in the interstices of the camels' limbs, whilst the cavalry -took advantage of whatever cover was afforded by the adjacent woods and -hills. On the arrival of the hostile troops javelins were hurled from -the entrenchments, the warriors on horseback poured down on each side to -assail the enemy's flanks, and the women flung stones, balls of lead, -and lighted torches from the interior of the camp. Horses were repelled -by the sight and scent of the camels, and refused to carry their riders -forward to the attack. Under the circumstances the only expedient was to -dismount the cavalry and assault the men and animals determinedly on -foot. On one occasion Solomon, by the slaughter of about two hundred -camels, cut his way into the camp, whereupon the Moors fled -precipitately in all directions.[442] On another, the enemy had posted -themselves in immense numbers on the level top of Mount Burgaon, but the -Romans climbed the sides during the night, and at break of day suddenly -appeared above the crest on both sides of the horde. A panic ensued, and -a wild rush was made in the direction of a proximate summit. But the -fugitives were intercepted by an unsuspected gulch, into which all -dashed headlong, urged by the irresistible pressure from behind. Men and -horses rolled down until the gap was filled to the level of the opposite -side. The rest then saved themselves by passing over the bodies of those -who had perished in this manner, to the number, it was estimated, of -50,000.[443] After such victories all the occupants, contents, and -constituents of the camp became the prize of the conquerors; and the -slave market for Moorish captives at Carthage was so overstocked that a -youth could be purchased for the same price as a sheep.[444] The final -pacification of Africa was due to John Troglita, the successor of -Artabanes, who, in several campaigns extending over three years, -inflicted many defeats on the Moors, and drove the most turbulent tribes -beyond the Roman frontier.[445] His deeds of valour provoked so much -admiration among the Africans, and were of such signal benefit to the -country, that one of their number, Cresconius Corippus, was impelled to -celebrate his career in an epic poem designed to place him in the same -niche of glory as the heroes immortalized by Homer, Virgil, and -Claudian.[446] - -As a result of his conquest of Africa, Justinian came into collision -with the Visigoths of Spain, an event which led to a permanent -occupation of a portion of the south-east coast of that peninsula by the -Byzantines. The castle of Septem, on the headland to the south of the -Straits of Gades, was in the hands of these barbarians, wherefore a -brigade was sent by Belisarius to capture it.[447] Shortly after they -had succeeded in doing so, Theudias, King of the Visigoths, despatched a -counter expedition against the Byzantines, but this force was soon -destroyed through being attacked unexpectedly on a Sunday.[448] Nearly a -score of years afterwards (554) a religious war broke out in Spain -through the Arian King, Agila, wishing to coerce his Catholic subjects, -whom he besieged in their principal stronghold of Cordova. The leader of -the rebels was a noble[449] named Athanagild, and, as the Roman prestige -was now supreme in the West, as well as because of the religious -affinity, he applied to the Emperor for aid against the Arian -persecutors.[450] Justinian responded, and sent Liberius,[451] a general -who was then engaged in the reduction of Sicily,[452] with the result -that Agila suffered a crushing defeat at Seville.[453] He fled to -Merida, hoping to find a refuge among faithful subjects, but the fallen -king had become an object of contempt and fell a victim to a plot which -was speedily hatched for his assassination. The Visigoths then -surrendered to the prestige of his rival and elected Athanagild as -king,[454] whereupon a compact of tolerance was ratified between the two -parties.[455] They now wished to dispense with the services of the -Byzantines, whose proceedings struck them with alarm, as, instead of -preparing to evacuate the country, they seemed to have settled -themselves permanently in those fortresses to which they had gained -admittance through their alliance with the Catholics. A summons to -depart having been disregarded, a petty war ensued; and, although the -King gained some battles, he was ultimately obliged to acquiesce in the -Byzantine occupation of several notable cities[456] in the south-east, -among which were Cordova, Carthagena, and Malaga.[457] Such are the -facts, so far as they are known, relating to this campaign, which is -sometimes dignified by the title of "Justinian's conquest of Spain."[458] - -[375] Procopius, De Bel. Vand., i, 10. - -[376] Procopius, De Bel. Vand., i, 10. The only authority for the Vandal -war is Procopius, whom later chroniclers abridge and generally refer -back to. - -[377] See recent French works on Algeria by Vignon, Wahl, etc. - -[378] Plutarch, Marius. - -[379] Plutarch, Caius Gracchus. The name was changed to Junonia, lest -its proper designation should be ill-omened. - -[380] Appian, Hist. Rom., viii, 136; Solinus, 27, etc. - -[381] Strabo, XVII, iii, 15; Herodian, vii, 6; Ausonius, De Clar. Urb., -etc. Scarcely second to CP., according to the latter. Salvian (_c._ 450) -calls it "the Rome of Africa"; De Gub. Dei, vii, 16. - -[382] "A Consul in power and prestige," says Salvian (_loc. cit._), -"though only a Pro in name." - -[383] Notitia Occid. - -[384] Named consecutively from east to west the seven provinces were -Tripolis, Byzacium, Zeugitana ("Proconsular Africa," cap. Carthage; now -Tunisia), Mauritania Sitifensis, M. Caesariensis (these two constitute -the modern Algeria), and Tingitana (now Morocco). All lay along the -irregular coast. - -[385] Cape Bon (Ras Addar). - -[386] The remains of these works are still to be seen under water. They -were so considerable in Bruce's time that he fancied most of Carthage -must have been submerged; Travels, etc., 1790, i, p. xxi. The best -compendious guide to the existing ruins of Carthage is Babelon's -_Carthage_, Paris, 1896. He was one of the excavators, and gives a large -map which indicates everything remaining on the site. - -[387] Procopius, De Bel. Vand., i, 20, etc. - -[388] _Ibid._, 15, etc. Now the Lake or Lagoon of Tunis. Carthage was -at the north-west corner, Tunis diagonally at the opposite one. About -two miles long, one and a half wide. - -[389] See Appian's description of the Punic harbours, the Cothon, etc.; -viii, 96. The entrance at this time was probably that artificially -excavated by the Carthaginians after Scipio had blocked that in previous -use. The harbour was most likely restored by the Romans to very much its -former state. Rambaud has adopted this view in his archaeological -restoration of Carthage (_c._ 690), which he put into novelistic form; -L'Empereur de Carthage, Paris, 1904. Dureau de la Malle argues from -texts that Carthage was not "rased to the ground," as the formal -expression is, but merely dismantled; Topog. de Carthage, Paris, 1835, -p. 103, _et seq._ Certain ponds now in existence seem to represent the -inland ports, but an opposition view has been taken; C. Torr, Classical -Rev., 1891. - -[390] The island apparently is still there, but no remains of buildings -have been uncovered so far. For what has been done see Babelon, _op. -cit._ - -[391] Some ruins still remain and sufficient of the structure to present -an imposing appearance existed well into the last century. Being -quarried for later purposes, the relic has gradually lost its -distinctive form; see Beulé, Fouilles à Carthage, Paris, 1861, p. 29. - -[392] Victor Vit., De Persec. Vand., ii, 5 (written _c._ 487, and proves -the existence of the stairway, etc., in the fifth century). - -[393] _Ibid._, _Platea Nova_. - -[394] Appian, viii, 133 (from Diod. Sic., xi, 26). - -[395] Inferred from Tacitus, Hist., iv, 38, and Procopius, De Bel. -Vand., i, 20; see Dureau de la Malle, _op. cit._ - -[396] Expos. Tot. Mund. (Müller). - -[397] _Ibid._ (two versions); Augustine, Confes., vi, 9. - -[398] Apuleius, Florid., 18. - -[399] Generally see Salvian, _op. cit._, vii, 16. The remains of the -Circus are still in evidence; see Babelon, _op. cit._ - -[400] Much of it still remains; figured in Babelon (_op. cit._) and -Davis's Carthage, etc., London, 1868, with other Roman ruins of the -region. The populousness of Africa is indicated by the amphitheatre of -Tipdrus (100 miles south of Carthage), capital of Byzacium, which still -exists in great part. It was second only to the Coliseum. - -[401] Prosper Tiro, Chron. (424). Diocletian, however, carried out -extensive works here, part of which may have been protective; Aurel. -Victor, _in Vita_. - -[402] Tacitus, Hist., iv, 38, etc. In the time of Vespasian it was -feared that a revolt in Africa would lead to the capital being starved -out. - -[403] Tot. Orb. Descript. (Müller). - -[404] Salvian (_op. cit._, vii, 13) is copious in his condemnation of -the Africans and concedes them no merit whatever. "The Goths are -perfidious, but continent; the Alani incontinent, but less perfidious; -the Franks are liars, but hospitable; the Saxons are cruel and -barbarous, but wonderfully chaste. In almost all Africans I know naught -but evil. If inhumanity is blamable, they are inhuman; if drunkenness, -they are drunken; if falsity, they are most false; if dishonesty, they -are most fraudulent; if avarice, they are most avaricious; if perfidy, -they are most perfidious. But they are immoral beyond the measure of all -these taken together." In his own Aquitain the complaint is that the -nobles have their houses full of maidservants whom they use as -concubines. - -[405] _Ibid._, 17, 18, 19. - -[406] When Mithradates attempted to overthrow the Roman power in the -East (88 B.C.) they were considerable enough to send him an embassy -proffering their aid; Athenaeus, v, 50. - -[407] Thus the son-in-law of Apuleius at the age of twenty could speak -only Punic; Apology; cf. Procopius, De Bel. Vand., ii, 10. There were in -Numidia, he says, two white columns on which was inscribed, "We are -those who fled before the face of the robber, Joshua, the son of Nun." -Some notion of the dress of the Carthaginians under the Empire may be -formed from mosaics unearthed of late years and preserved in French -museums. There was nothing very characteristic, but I may quote the -following summary of what is to be seen. "Hommes en longue dalmatique -verte ou blanche ornée de larges bandes de broderies, avec le manteau -triangulaire de laine brune enveloppant le buste, et l'orarium passé -autour du cou; femmes en étroites robes collantes brodées au cou et au -poignet, serrées à la taille par un ceinture rouge et que recouvre une -ample tunique aux larges manches de couleur éclatante, avec les bijoux -sur la poitrine, l'écharpe claire flottant sur les épaules et parfois -encadrant le visage; enfants en culottes collantes alternées de jaune et -de rouge, ou courtes tuniques blanches à bandes de couleur"; Diehl, -L'Afrique Byzant., Paris, 1896, p. 392. A mosaic found in Numidia shows -a Roman mansion with horses, etc., and might pass for a view of an -English manor-house; Tissot, Géog. Comp. d'Afrique Rom., Paris, 1884, p. -360. - -[408] An exhaustive treatise has been devoted to the manners and customs -of this people by Hanotaux and Letourneux, La Kabylée, 3 vols., Paris, -1892. - -[409] One of the most important revolts was suppressed by Theodosius, -father of the first emperor of that name; another by Stilicho, the -famous general and father-in-law of Honorius; Claudian, De Bel. -Gildonico. - -[410] They are dealt with at length in all church histories; the sources -are chiefly Optatus Mil. and Cyprian's Epistles. - -[411] The story is told most fully by Procopius, De Bel. Vand., i, 3; -cf. Jordanes, De Reb. Get., 33. Boniface was a friend of Augustine, who -reproaches him for his conduct (Epist. 220). The name of the Vandal king -is found variously as Genseric, Gizeric, and Gaiseric. - -[412] The sequel to the story seems to be historical. After his return -the Count of Africa met Aetius in battle, but, though victorious with -his troops, received a mortal wound from his rival's lance. - -[413] Procopius, _loc. cit._; Marcellinus Com., Chron., an. 439, etc. - -[414] Procopius, _loc. cit._, 7. - -[415] _Ibid._, 6. He gives the cost of the expedition as 130,000 pounds -of gold (£5,200,000). - -[416] _Ibid._, 4, 5; cf. Jordanes, _op. cit._, 45. She was the daughter -of Theodosius II and widow of Valentinian III, her cousin. She was -incensed with Maximus, who assassinated her husband, usurped the purple, -and paid her unwelcome attentions. Genseric married Eudocia, one of her -daughters, to his son Huneric. - -[417] A special ecclesiastical account of this by Victor, Bishop of -Vita; De Persec. Vand. - -[418] Procopius, _loc. cit._, 9. - -[419] Salvian, _op. cit._, vii, 22. - -[420] Procopius, _op. cit._, ii, 6. - -[421] _Ibid._, i, 9. - -[422] Procopius, _loc. cit._, 11. - -[423] The rate of movement through the water may be calculated from the -statement that sixteen days were occupied by the voyage from Zacynthus -to Sicily, a distance of three hundred miles; Procopius, _loc. cit._, -13. - -[424] Procopius again refers to this miracle, as he seems to think it, -many years after; De Aedif., vi, 6. - -[425] Procopius, _loc. cit._, 5, 15; cf. De Aedif., vi, 5. - -[426] The sailors refused to hold off as Belisarius had directed, -asserting that a "Cyprian" was imminent (an easterly gale). Hence -Archelaus reluctantly steered for the Stagnum, but a lieutenant, on his -own responsibility, made a bold dash for the Mandracium; Procopius, -_loc. cit._, 20. - -[427] The gaol, as usual, formed part of the palace, and both were on a -lofty site, which can scarcely have been other than the Byrsa. The -position is clearly indicated by some of the details. Thus the gaoler -came to the prisoners and said, "What will you give me if I release -you?" All promised, according to their utmost ability. "I ask nothing," -said he, "but that you promise to befriend me should you hereafter see -me in danger." Thereupon he unbarred an outlet and showed them the Roman -fleet crossing the bay. Forthwith he opened the prison, and all went off -together; _ibid._ - -[428] With this incident Procopius ends the first book of his Vandalic -War. - -[429] The good fortune which attended Belisarius, and the fortuitous -character of most of his success in this campaign will be evident to the -most superficial reader. The Byzantines themselves seem to have been -fully alive to the fact, and Procopius (_op. cit._, i, 18; ii, 7) -indulges in some reflections which may be exactly represented by the -words of Hamlet (v, 2): - - "Rashly, - And praised be rashness for it, let us know, - Our indiscretions sometimes serve us well, - When our deep plots do pall: and that should teach us, - There's a divinity that shapes our ends, - Rough-hew them how we will." - -To the credit of the Roman General it must be remembered that his -heterogeneous and ill-disciplined army fell far short of being an -efficient fighting machine; but he seems to have incurred needless risk -both at Decimum and Tricamerum by drawing his cavalry away from his -infantry, whilst his being unaware for many days that he was surrounded -by the enemy's troops on the march from Caputvada seems wholly -inexcusable. But the incapacity of Gelimer to lead an army with skill -and determination, his want of foresight and unpreparedness, neutralized -the gravest errors. The water was left open for the enemy's fleet at a -time when the semblance even of an attack by sea would have dispersed -them for good. He failed to push his splendid success at Decimum, and on -the night after Tricamerum, when a muster of the Vandal troops might -have annihilated the Roman forces in detail, he had deserted the scene -of action. Again, the task of Belisarius was much lightened by the -timely revolt of Sardinia and by a simultaneous rising in Tripoli, -whereby the resources of his adversary were considerably diminished. -Though of little moment after the land successes, the preservation of -the Byzantine fleet was due, perhaps, to its making for port, in -opposition to the injunctions of Belisarius, instead of remaining -exposed on the incommodious coast. For an exhaustive critique of the -campaign, see Pflugk-Hartung, Belisars Vandalkrieg, Hist. Zeitschrift, -Munich, 1889. - -[430] 70 A.D.; Tacitus, Hist., v; Josephus, Bel. Jud., v, vi, etc. The -objects were figured on the Arch of Titus, the most conspicuous being -the seven-branched candlestick. - -[431] See p. 500. Their mother was Eudocia, daughter of Valentinian III -and Eudoxia, the former the grandson, the latter the great -grand-daughter, of Theodosius I. - -[432] Procopius, De Bel. Goth., ii, 29. - -[433] Cod., I, xxvii, 1. - -[434] The two Mauritanias were conjoined. - -[435] Cod. I, xxvii, 2. This is an elaborate act descriptive of the new -administration, and dealing with the duties and pay of its several -members. The Praetorian Praefect and the Master of Soldiers are often -mentioned by Procopius in the second book of his Vandalic War. For long -the government of Africa was practically a military despotism, and the -civil chief was merely the first secretary of the general in power. - -[436] Procopius, _op. cit._, ii, 8. - -[437] "The Aurasian mountains," says Procopius "resemble no other place -on earth. They have a girth of three days' journey, and on all sides the -ascent is precipitous. On the top is a level plain easily traversed, -diversified by flowery meadows, gardens planted with trees, thickets of -aromatic shrubs, fountains gushing from rocks, and rivers rolling -noisily into still lakes. The fertility is admirable, luxuriant crops -and trees laden with fruit are produced here in an abundance unknown in -any other part of Africa"; De Aedif., vi, 7; De Bel. Vand., ii, 13. - -[438] Procopius, De Bel. Vand., ii, 14-17, 24. - -[439] Procopius, De Bel. Vand., ii, 25-28. - -[440] _Ibid._, 11. - -[441] Procopius, De Bel. Vand., i, 8; ii, 11. - -[442] _Ibid._, ii, 11. - -[443] _Ibid._, 12. - -[444] Procopius, De Bel. Vand., ii, 12. - -[445] _Ibid._, 28; De Bel. Goth., iv, 17. Among the innumerable Johns of -this age he is distinguished by Procopius as "the brother of Pappus," -and by Jordanes (De Reg. Suc.) as "Troglita." - -[446] The Johannis, in eight books, but the latter part is lost. It -contains much information respecting the Moors and their mode of -fighting, but exactitude is generally sacrificed to the necessary -vaguity of poetical description. Important works by Cagnat (Paris, 1892) -and Pallu de Lessert (Paris, 1896) on Roman Africa terminate at the -Vandal conquest. - -[447] Procopius, De Bel. Vand., ii, 5. - -[448] Isidore of Seville, Hist. Goth. (Mommsen, Chron. Minora, 1877, p. -284; Mon. Hist. German, xi, 1894). - -[449] Venantius Fortunatus, VI, i, 124. - -[450] Isidore Sev., _loc. cit._, pp. 286, 475. "Through A. the Roman -soldier set his foot in Spain." - -[451] Jordanes, De Reb. Get., 58. - -[452] Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iii, 40, etc. - -[453] Isidore Sev., _loc. cit._ - -[454] _Ibid._ A gloss says that "A. was secretly a Catholic," but the -storm and stress of fanaticism was past and, after a few flickers -breathed by the irreconcilables, the Visigothic Kingdom became wholly -Catholic in 587, just twenty years after the death of A. A. was the -father of that Brunechilda who, by her marriage with Sighebert, King of -Austrasia (N.E. France and Belgium etc.), afterwards played a prominent -part in Frankish affairs. She became the rival of the infamous and -successful Fredegonda (harlot first and always, ultimately queen) and, -after many vicissitudes, ultimately perished, lashed, like an early -Mazeppa, to a wild horse (614). She, however, outlived her female -antagonist by nearly a score of years. - -[455] Isidore Sev., _loc. cit._ - -[456] _Ibid._; Gregory of Tours, iv, 8. - -[457] See H. Gelzer _ad_ George (properly Gregory) of Cyprus (Teubner), -p. xxxii, _et seq._ Surmise rather than fact. - -[458] It will be seen from the references given that none of the -Byzantine historians, not Procopius, nor Jn. Lydus, nor Agathias, seems -to have harboured a suspicion that Justinian ever "conquered" Spain. The -last, however, names Spain incidentally among the places where troops -were stationed (v, 13). Such as it was, the conquest lasted no more than -eighteen years for, at the end of that period, Leovigild (_c._ 572, -Johannes Biclar) expelled the Byzantines from Cordova, their only -important stronghold. For another century or so they probably languished -on the coast till the coming of the Mohammedans (_c._ 709) who in the -course of a decade made an actual conquest of Spain to the Frankish -border, which endured for nearly eight centuries. Through Egypt, after -wresting Syria from the Byzantines, they wound their path of victory -westwards along the African seaboard until the inviting proximity of -Ceuta to the northern mainland determined their entry into Europe. -Simultaneously the Arabs achieved the extinction of Christianity in all -these regions, where, after the lapse of more than a thousand years, a -renewal of Western civilization now seems to be steadily progressive. -Generally on the subject of this section see F. Dahn, Die Könige der -Germanen, v, p. 123 _et seq._ (Würz., 1870); Dict. Christ. Biog. -(Smith), _sb._ Leovigild; and Gibbon (Bury), v, p. 471 _et seq._; also -the Spanish and French historians. - - - - - CHAPTER IX - THE BUILDING OF ST. SOPHIA: THE ARCHITECTURAL WORK OF JUSTINIAN - - -Whilst it is evident that the distinctive character of Justinian -impelled him to be incessantly active in every branch of the monarchical -profession, the devastation wrought at Constantinople by the Nika -rebellion might have awakened a passion for building in the breast of -the most phlegmatic Emperor.[459] A mass of sightless ruins had taken -the place of those architectural adornments which are the essential -feature of a capital and the foundations of the dignity of a throne. - -The restoration of the precincts of the Palace was the most pressing -necessity, and Justinian applied himself to the task without a moment's -delay. At the same time he determined that the new buildings should -surpass in beauty those which had been destroyed, and he devoted himself -to the restoration of the great metropolitan church with especial zeal. -More fortunate than Constantine, he had not to complain that architects -of reputation were undiscoverable; and in Anthemius of Tralles and -Isidorus of Miletus,[460] he found men who were capable of conceiving -and executing great designs. Neither history nor modern research enables -us to explain with fullness the origin and evolution of that variety of -ecclesiastical building which is recognized as typically Byzantine, and -of which the church of St. Sophia, erected by Justinian, remains to the -present day as the only decided prototype. The accounts which have come -down to us of the construction of this edifice indicate clearly that the -architects engaged in the work were attempting to do something which had -not been done before; or, at least, that their design, if not original, -had never to their knowledge been put into practice on so large a scale. -Failure, therefore, was a contingency with which they had to reckon, -and, until their scheme was completed, they had to be prepared to modify -or even to abandon their plan.[461] - -The Emperor had resolved that the proportions of the new church should -be much greater than those of the old one, and therefore the extension -of the site was the first requirement of his undertaking. On the south -side the ground was clear, but the open space of the Augusteum barred -any encroachment in that direction. On the other three sides, however, -the area was hemmed in by various buildings, and several of these were -private property. Some of the difficulties encountered at the outset, -therefore, arose from the obstinacy of adjacent owners, who refused to -sell their lots at a reasonable price or to part with them on any terms -whatever. Obstacles of this class were the origin of a crop of stories -which obtained currency among the populace, who were amused by hearing -of the ruses adopted to defeat the wilfulness of certain occupants. -Their truth cannot now be tested, and in general they may be -disbelieved; but there seems to be some foundation for the anecdote -related of a widow named Anna, who stubbornly declined to negotiate for -the sale of her house. Nobles waited on her without result, and at -length the Emperor came in person and begged of her to name her terms. -Upon this she fell on her knees and declared that she would accept no -money for her freehold, but entreated him to take it as a gift to St. -Sophia on condition that she should be buried in the corner of the -church whereon her dwelling had stood. Her proposal was agreed to, and -in after ages the area in question continued to be pointed out as the -"widow Anna's lot."[462] That trouble of this kind might be real enough -may be inferred from the absence of any legislation providing for the -compulsory sale of property required for public purposes in accordance -with the decision of a board of expert arbitrators. - -As soon as the architects had matured their design for the construction -of the great edifice, the collection of the materials required to bring -their conceptions into substantial existence was in itself an arduous -task. The church was to be built of brick, but its richness was to be -derived from the liberal use of pillars and slabs of polished marble in -every available situation. An Imperial rescript was despatched to the -Rectors throughout the provinces, desiring them to search their -districts, and transmit to the capital any relics of ruined and deserted -temples which might be suitable for the Emperor's purpose. In response -to this appeal it is particularized that eight porphyry columns, the -remains of a temple of the Sun, were sent from Rome, and eight of green -marble from Ephesus;[463] and we may assume that a large quantity of -such mementoes of polytheism were amassed at Constantinople about this -time, which, if not used for St. Sophia, were employed in the -restoration of other parts of the disfigured city.[464] Much new marble -was, however, quarried in various localities widely distant in order to -obtain the variety of tints and variegated patterns needed to make a -brilliant display when placed in position throughout the building. From -Carystus came a light green, and from the Phrygian mountains a -rose-coloured marble diversified with streaks of deep red and silver. -Sparta supplied an emerald green, and the Iassian hills a blood-red -species veined with a livid white. Much porphyry was floated down the -Nile; in Lydia was found a bright-tinted marble seamed with lines of -red, and in Numidia a crocus-stained variety which shone like gold. -Atrax yielded a green and blue marble resembling grass sprinkled with -cornflowers; and lastly there was an abundant supply of the coarse white -kind in the adjacent Isle of Proconnesus.[465] - -Having cleared and surveyed the site, the architects drew out the plans -of the church and fixed the interior measurements at 270 × 230 feet. The -central portion of this area was to be covered by a dome having a -diameter of 107 feet, which should overhang the pavement at a height of -160 feet. No roof of any magnitude, elevated in this manner, was known -to them, of which the dome was not upheld by frequent supports, so that -free movement from end to end of the building was obstructed by their -presence. Anthemius and Isidorus, however, determined that the nave of -their church should lie open for its full width in a clear sweep from -the main entry to the apse, in which stood the Patriarch's throne.[466] -In the central area, therefore, at the corners of a quadrangular space, -they raised four piers of massive proportions to uphold an equal number -of arches, each of which was to have a span of 100 feet. Blocks of stone -were used for the construction of these piers, and, instead of mortar, -melted lead was poured into the interstices to knit them more firmly -together.[467] At each corner, the triangular intervals left above the -junctions of the arches were filled up with brickwork, and thus were -formed four pendentives to sustain the base of the dome.[468] To resist -the thrust of the great arches, four lesser ones, two on each side, -crossed the aisles of the church to the external walls, which in that -position were provided with heavy masses of masonry to receive -them.[469] Forty windows ranged in a great circle perforated the base of -the dome, which was divided by an equal number of ribs converging from -the circumference to its vertex. From the base of the dome the roof was -led down by a pair of semi-domes to the east and west walls, and -completed on each side by vaulted archings which joined the lateral -walls. The nave was separated from the aisles by rows of lofty columns -with sculptured capitals, on which rested a series of arches to support -the women's galleries. From them lesser pillars, more numerous,[470] -reached to the roof; and each corner of the nave proceeded by a -semicircular sweep to meet the Royal Door and the apse.[471] On the west -a narthex[472] extended all across the church, and above it the -galleries became continuous in an area posterior to the nave.[473] The -building was flooded with light from windows which in great number -passed through the external walls in every direction. - -As soon as the containing structure was completed, the decoration and -furniture of the interior was pursued with equal zeal. All vacant -surfaces in the lower part of the edifice, including the floor, were -invested with slabs of marble, showing the greatest diversity of hue and -pattern; and the roof was coated with gold mosaic[474] relieved in -prominent positions with coloured figures of a sacred type. A cross -appeared at the highest point of the dome, and colossal cherubim -occupied the four pendentives. Angels at full length were depicted in -suitable spaces, and the whole was bordered by intricate designs in -variously-tinted mosaic.[475] For the consecrated furniture of the -church, the precious metals and gems were requisitioned at great cost. -The iconostasis, fifty feet wide, which crossed the apse to shut off the -Bema, was completely encased in silver. It stood by means of twelve -pillars arranged in pairs, back to back, the intervening portions of the -screen being encrusted with images of angels and apostles with the -Virgin in the centre. The holy table was a mass of gold and precious -stones, and was covered by a ciborium resting on four pillars, the whole -being of silver. Silken curtains, richly embroidered with appropriate -designs, hung between the pillars.[476] Beneath the dome was placed an -elaborate ambo of unusual dimensions, approached on the east and west by -flights of steps. It was built of marble, elevated on pillars, and -enclosed by a circle of short columns rising from the pavement.[477] -Countless lamps suspended by rods and chains from the roof illuminated -the church at night. - -After five and a half years of labour St. Sophia was opened at Christmas -(537),[478] and made the occasion of a great popular festival with a -liberal scattering of largess. The Patriarch Menas rode in the royal -chariot to the entrance, while the Emperor walked alongside of him among -the people.[479] Filled with enthusiasm, Justinian advanced to the ambo, -and, looking around, with his arms extended, exclaimed, "Glory be to God -for thinking me worthy to finish such a work; Solomon, I have excelled -you!"[480] - -While her consort was absorbed in the erection of St. Sophia, Theodora -interested herself especially in the restoration of the Church of the -Holy Apostles, which had become dilapidated through age. A different -design was here followed, the form of a cross being given to this -edifice, which was surmounted by five domes, one in each of the -branches, and a central one at their intersection.[481] Church building -now became one of Justinian's habitual pursuits, and for many years he -continued to embellish the Empire with these samples of his religious -devotion. In the city and its immediate suburbs, on the Golden Horn and -the Bosphorus, new or renovated places of worship continually rose into -sight.[482] At Jerusalem a church to the Virgin was constructed with -exceptional magnificence, and the numerous religious bodies congregated -in that city were handsomely housed by the Imperial exchequer.[483] - -The Emperor's contributions to secular architecture were not less -noteworthy than his pious foundations. The vestibule of Chalke was -restored in a very costly manner as a quadrangular hall, with an -imposing roof made up of arches and vaults supported on four square -columns. This chamber was constituted as a memorial of the wars of -Justinian, and the walls were covered with scenes of battle and triumph -executed in mosaic. In a prominent position the Imperial couple were -depicted as standing among the members of their Court, while the -captives and trophies of victory were displayed before them by -Belisarius.[484] The Emperor also commemorated his reign by raising -public monuments in the capital to himself and his partner on the -throne. In the Augusteum, a pyramidal pedestal, rising by steps from a -broad base, supported a pillar on which stood an equestrian statue of -Justinian in martial costume, holding in one hand the globe and cross, -whilst the other was extended with a warning gesture towards the land of -the Persians.[485] On the eastern margin of the city, where the -Bosphorus meets the Propontis, Justinian laid out an esplanade, -marble-paved and colonnaded, which he adorned with a variety of -sculptures wrought by artists of the period.[486] A splendid pedestal of -porphyry, fit to support an empress, occupied the centre, upholding a -handsome statue which portrayed the "ineffable beauty of Theodora, as -nearly as a mortal chisel could express it." This figure was a gift from -the citizens, in grateful recognition of the construction of this -pleasure-resort.[487] To increase the water storage of the capital, two -underground cisterns were excavated on a larger scale than had been -attempted by any previous Emperor. The first of these, on the west side -of the Hippodrome, was formed beneath the deserted palace of Illus, the -notorious rebel in the reign of Zeno, with a roof upborne by 224 -crudely-fashioned pillars.[488] The second, of much grander conception, -was situated at a short distance to the north, contiguous to the Royal -Court of Justice. With 420 columns, whose capitals were sculptured in -conformity with the rules of Greek art, this cistern conveyed the -impression of a submerged palace rather than of an interior designed to -exist in perpetual obscurity.[489] - -Justinian was also indefatigable in beautifying provincial towns and in -executing such works of public utility as might relieve the inhabitants -from any disadvantages of topographical position. In fact, the -multiplicity, variety, and magnificence of the buildings which emanated -from the constructive zeal of this Emperor induced the chief historian -of the period to devote a separate treatise to the enumeration and -description of them, an honour which does not seem to have fallen to the -lot of any other sovereign.[490] One of his earliest cares was the -aggrandisement of his birthplace, and the hamlet of Tauresium was -transformed into the fortified outpost of a flourishing city created by -the fiat of its illustrious son. Under the significant title of -Justiniana Prima Scupi was elevated to the rank of capital of Illyricum, -and endowed by the Emperor's munificence with everything requisite to -render it worthy of its new importance. A praetorium, churches, squares, -porticoes, baths, and an aqueduct, built with lavish expenditure, -illustrated the site; and, to complete its dignity, the archbishopric of -the Diocese was transferred to, or reconstructed in its name.[491] In -the same district he founded a town to perpetuate the memory of his -uncle, and called it Justinopolis. He was, however, liberal to excess in -the bestowal of his own name or that of his wife on all places indebted -to him for restorations or improvements; and about a score of towns had -their identity concealed under the appellation of Justinian, whilst -almost half as many found themselves represented as specially -Theodorian.[492] - -Among the most important works of Justinian in Asia Minor was the -protection of towns from river floods, to which the conformation of that -country rendered many districts peculiarly liable. To obviate disasters -of this kind ingenious feats of engineering were carried out in several -instances. Dara, Circesium, Edessa, Zenobia, Helenopolis, Juliopolis, -and Tarsus, were the worst sufferers in respect of their fluviatile -vicinage.[493] By means of walls, embankments, dams, cutting away of -obstacles, and the provision of emergency channels these towns were -secured for the future from damage by inundation. As a specimen of the -magnitude of some of these operations the case of Edessa best deserves -to be cited. The course of the river Scirtus, as it approached that -city, was restrained on one side by a rocky and precipitous bank, whilst -a tract of low ground extended for a considerable distance on the other. -Hence, in flood time, a vast volume of water rolled over the flat and, -entering the town, swept everything away before it. The abolition of -this source of destruction was effected by reversing the natural -relations of the river banks. Along the shallow margin a wall was built -of sufficient strength to resist the overflow, and the rocky boundary -opposite was broken away until the ground was made level with the -surface of the water. From this side a canal was then cut, which skirted -the city and rejoined the Scirtus after its issue from the walls.[494] -Bridge building was also undertaken successfully, the most notable -examples being that over the Sangaris near Nicomedia,[495] and one of -stone which replaced the old wooden bridge across the Golden Horn.[496] - -Fortification engrossed much of Justinian's attention, and his -constructions in that category exceeded, perhaps, in bulk all the rest -of his architectural work. The repair and rebuilding of walls, the -substitution of effective for inadequate mural defences, and the -strategical modification of sites, went on continually throughout the -Empire. Constantina, the new post of the Duke of Mesopotamia, was raised -to the rank of a first class fortress,[497] but the most elaborate works -for the purpose of martial defence were executed at Dara, which still -existed as the main bulwark against Persian invasion. The fortifications -of Anastasius had been hastily built, and consisted of an uncoursed -stone wall, laid without mortar, about fifty feet high. The town was -exposed to attack over one stretch of ground only, as in its greatest -extent it lay along the edge of a rocky declivity unassailable by an -enemy. Justinian consolidated the original wall, closed its battlements -so that they became mere loopholes, and raised it thirty feet higher. -The towers were similarly treated and elevated until they overtopped the -wall to an equal extent. A covered gallery ran through its whole length, -from which the soldiers could assail the enemy with their arrows from -the numerous loopholes. For still greater security, however, a second -wall of smaller dimensions than the first, also with towers, but solid, -was erected at a short distance in front of the first, and from the top -of this rampart the main body of the military were active in repelling -an assault. Lastly, a moat was excavated and led along so as to make a -crescentic sweep from one end of the assailable wall to the other.[498] -In addition to fortifying cities the Emperor built very numerous forts -along the frontiers, and more than six hundred of these are named as -being in the vicinity of the Danube.[499] Where the configuration of a -region favoured it, whole provinces were shut off by defensive walls -against hostile inroads. This was especially the case at the pass of -Thermopylae, the isthmus of Corinth, and the entrance to the Thracian -Chersonesus, where existing barriers were now restored to -efficiency.[500] The Long Wall of Anastasius has already been -mentioned,[501] but this bulwark proved less obstructive to the -barbarians than had been anticipated, owing to its having been made -permeable continuously from end to end. Justinian, therefore, divided it -into sections, each of which he separately garrisoned, so that an enemy -could not by the capture of one portion obtain the command of the whole, -and thus win a free passage into the suburbs of the capital.[502] - -[459] See pp. 459, 462. - -[460] Some personal and family details of these professionals are given -by Agathias, v, 6-9. He also recounts an anecdote which shows that -something of the power of steam was understood in those days. It appears -that Anthemius had a next-door neighbour, a rich man, who incommoded him -by additions to his mansion which interfered with some ancient lights, -etc. The architect determined to revenge himself by terrifying the -offender while in the act of entertaining a party of friends at a -banquet. For this purpose he hit on the expedient of carrying pipes from -large covered caldrons into the roof of the mansion, where he packed -every outlet, and at a fitting moment applied fire to the vessels when -full of water. Thus, after the steam began to rise and high pressure was -induced in the confined space, a great commotion was occasioned which -shook the mansion and caused the banqueters to rush out into the street -exclaiming that there was an earthquake. Subsequently, when the affair -was generally understood, Anthemius got the reputation of being a man -who could produce artificial earthquakes. A work by Anthemius on -Mechanical Paradoxes was published at Paris in 1777. - -[461] Procopius alone (De Aedif., i, 1) gives any reliable details as to -the progress of the reconstruction; but a much longer account (Anon., -Banduri and Codinus, differing somewhat) composed in a later age exists, -most of which is of a legendary character. It might be appropriately -called "The Gospel of the Building of St. Sophia," it is so replete with -marvels, some of which read like an extract from the New Testament and -others like an episode from the Arabian Nights. - -[462] The place was shown to a Russian pilgrim, Anthony of Novogorod -(twelfth century; Soc. Orient. Latin. Sér. Géog., v). Other tales in the -legendary account refer to a eunuch who yielded on being locked up to -prevent his seeing the Circus games, and to a cobbler who stipulated to -be saluted as Emperor, etc. - -[463] Anon. (Codinus, p. 130, _et seq._). - -[464] We have seen that the City of Constantine was fitted out on the -ready-made system (p. 67, etc.), and no doubt something of the same kind -took place now. Gregorovius accepts the statement of the Anon. that -Athens contributed art relics to St. Sophia; Athen im Mittelalter, 1889, -i, 60. - -[465] These details as to the marbles are drawn from the safe authority -of Paul the Silentiary (617, _et seq._), whose poem descriptive of St. -Sophia is copious and exact. Lethaby and S. (_op. cit._, p. 235, _et -seq._) try to identify the marbles as far as they are known to modern -commerce. - -[466] The raising of domes in masonry was well understood throughout the -Empire at this time. The knowledge had probably been brought to Rome in -the second century B.C. as a result of her conquests in the East. The -dome of the Pantheon, built or restored by Hadrian (_c._ 120), measures -one hundred and forty-two feet across, but this is a circular hall which -supports the dome all round. Anthemius himself, probably, had lately -finished the church of St. Sergius and Bacchus in Hormisdas (now called -Little St. Sophia), but in this case eight pillars were given to the -dome, and he was doubtless dissatisfied with the effect. Earlier domes -in Syria are noticed in Voguë's work. By the use of iron or steel -frame-work, much greater domes have been erected in modern times than -anything known in earlier ages, _e.g._, Vienna Exhibition, 1873, 360 -feet. In London we have the Albert Hall and British Museum (219 and 140 -feet), the latter a reproduction of the Pantheon. - -[467] Procopius, _loc. cit._; Paulus, 479. According to the Anon., -relics of saints and martyrs were deposited in cavities of the masonry -in various places. - -[468] The earliest known dome on pendentives is a Roman mausoleum in -Palestine of the second century; East. Pal. Mem., 1889, p. 172 (Lethaby -and S., _op. cit._, p. 200). - -[469] Procopius (_loc. cit._) gives some indications of the difficulties -they had to contend with through the piers threatening to give way, etc. -The Anon. remarks that the dome was said to be made of pumice stone, but -that it was in reality of bricks from Rhodes, one-twelfth the weight of -ordinary bricks. The main theme of Choisy's work (L'Art de bâtir chez -les Byz.) is that domes were built without "centreing" (wooden -proppage), simply by working in circumferentially till closure. - -[470] One hundred and seven pillars altogether are counted, but only -fifty-four are visible as bounding the nave. - -[471] Technically such corners are called _exedras_, and their -shell-like roofs, _conchs_. In these corners six pillars stand over two, -at the sides over four. - -[472] See pp. 55, 111. - -[473] Measured at the level of the galleries, therefore, the length is -three hundred feet. - -[474] Procopius, _loc. cit._; Paulus, 668. - -[475] Salzenberg's great coloured illustrations (Berlin, 1854) must be -inspected in order to get a vivid notion of the interior, but it is -doubtful if any mosaic of Justinian's fixing now remains. Anything -pictorial is generally covered up with Mahometan whitewash, but in 1847 -extensive repairs had to be undertaken, of which Salzenberg, -commissioned by the Prussian government, took advantage. - -[476] Everything is minutely described by Paulus Sil. Procopius (_loc. -cit._) says the silver alone consumed in fitting up the Bema amounted to -forty thousand pounds (Troy). - -[477] The latter part, nearly half, of the Silentiary's poem is devoted -to a panegyric on this elaborate pulpit. - -[478] Marcellinus Com., an. 537. - -[479] Theophanes, an. 6030. - -[480] Codinus, p. 143. - -[481] Procopius, _op. cit._, i, 4. It is almost certain that St. Mark's, -Venice, was copied from this church. - -[482] _Ibid., passim._ - -[483] _Ibid._, v, 6, 9. - -[484] Procopius, _op. cit._, i, 10. - -[485] _Ibid._, 2. It was repaired by Michael VIII, _c._ 1270; Nicephorus -Greg., vii, 12 (with note). Gyllius saw the last of it, _c._ 1550; Top. -C.P., ii, 17. An old drawing of the horseman is reproduced by Mordtmann, -_op. cit._, p. 65. The reputation of the great Theodosius, or at least -his statue, was now obsolete, so Justinian demolished it and set up his -own in its stead, substituting base metal for the silver one (see p. 59) -of 7,400 pounds (Troy); Zonaras, xiv, 6. He also recovered much lead at -this time (543) by doing away with an underground water conduit; _ibid._ - -[486] If we accept the judgment of Procopius, "you would have taken -these objects for the productions of Phidias, Lysippus, or Praxiteles"; -_op. cit._, i, 11. - -[487] Procopius, _op. cit._, i, 4. - -[488] Jn. Malala, xviii, p. 435; Chron. Paschal., an. 528. The _Binbir -derek_ ("Thousand-one pillars") long supposed to be the cistern of -Philoxenus (see p. 74) is now with more probability recognized as this -reservoir. The identification rests on the pillars having heads of the -"impost" variety, which is not known to have been in use for long before -the sixth century. See Forscheimer, etc., Die byzant. Wasserbehälter, -1892; cf. Lethaby and S., _op. cit._, p. 248. - -[489] Procopius, _op. cit._, i, 11. The _Yeri-Batan Seraï_ ("Underground -Palace") still in existence and full of water; for details, see -Forscheimer, _op. cit._ Views of both cisterns are given in all modern -popular works on CP. - -[490] Procopius, De Aedificiis, in six books. Evagrius (ii, 18) mentions -that in Africa alone, after the conquest, J. dealt with 150 cities on a -more or less extensive scale. - -[491] Procopius, _op. cit._, iv, Nov. xi; cxxxi. - -[492] See Alemannus, _op. cit._, p. 397 _et seq._ He has made out a -complete list of every place or thing distinguished by the names of one -or other of the royal partners. - -[493] Procopius, _op. cit._, ii, 3, 6, 7, 8; v, 2, 4, 5. The -preservation of Palmyra, which seems to have been on the road to -effacement, demanded a great deal of attention; _Ibid._, ii, 11; Malala, -p. 425. - -[494] Procopius, _op. cit._, ii, 7. - -[495] _Ibid._, v, 3. The bridge exists, spanning a dry valley, and is -figured in Texier's _Asie Mineure_ (copied in Diehl's Justinian). - -[496] Notitia, Reg. xiv; Chron. Paschal., an. 528. It had twelve arches; -Codinus, p. 30, etc. - -[497] Procopius, _op. cit._, ii, 5. - -[498] _Ibid._, 1 (Texier and Pullan, _op. cit._, p. 57). - -[499] _Ibid._, iv, 4, 11. These protective castles consisted of a wall -about seven feet thick and from thirty to forty feet high, to which -towers were attached externally of nearly double the height. Most -frequently the space enclosed was a quadrangle of about one hundred -feet, but might be much larger and of irregular shape. They have been -studied mostly in French Africa, where numbers are still found in good -preservation. A large portion of Diehl's _Afrique Byzantine_ is occupied -with a minute description of them, accompanied by views, plans, etc. - -[500] Procopius, _op. cit._, iv, 2, 10. - -[501] See pp. 124, 164. - -[502] Procopius, _op. cit._, iv, 9. - - - - - CHAPTER X - ROME IN THE SIXTH CENTURY: WAR WITH THE GOTHS IN ITALY - - -In the third quarter of the fifth century, the Teutonic invaders of the -Western Empire had established themselves firmly in all its provinces, -and wielded a predominant power in the government. In the year 476 -Odovacar was the head of the barbarians in Italy, whilst a youth named -Romulus Augustulus was formally recognized as Emperor.[503] The potent -barbarian abolished the Imperial throne and relegated its occupant to a -decent exile in the castle of Lucullus in Campania.[504] At the same -time he deprecated the anger of Zeno, the Eastern Emperor, and forwarded -the Imperial regalia to Constantinople in token of his submission to him -as a vassal.[505] - -A few years later Theodoric, the young King of the East Goths, exercised -an ascendancy in Thrace almost equal to that of Odovacar in Italy, and -ravaged the country up to the gates of the capital. Zeno effected an -accommodation with him, nominated him as Master of Soldiers at Court, -and even honoured him with the Consulship (484).[506] Theodoric, -however, was impatient of control; and he proposed to the Emperor that -he should march against Odovacar with his countenance, and reign -independently in Italy under his suzerainty should he succeed in -conquering that country.[507] Zeno, glad to dispense with his formidable -service, at once assented, and the Gothic King departed forthwith on his -enterprise (488).[508] For two years Odovacar opposed the invader in -battle, but the fortune of war declared for his adversary; and at last -he found himself immured compulsorily within the walls of Ravenna. For -three years he held this stronghold against the Gothic King, until the -misery caused by the siege rendered him willing to treat. A compact was -made that both kings should rule jointly, and Theodoric was allowed to -establish himself in the city.[509] Shortly it was whispered that -Odovacar was engaged in a plot, a danger which his colleague met by -devising another. In this contest the Goth again became the victor. The -associate King was invited to a banquet, his movements were hampered -under the pretence of calling his attention to a written petition, and -Theodoric dealt him a death stroke with his sword (493).[510] - -The Goth now secured for himself the allegiance of all the barbarians in -Italy, and sent an embassy to apprize Anastasius, who had been raised to -the throne in the meantime, of the final success of his enterprise. The -new Emperor replied with congratulations, and returned to Theodoric the -Imperial insignia which had been sequestered at Constantinople.[511] The -reign of the Gothic king lasted for thirty-three years, and was -characterized by beneficence and religious toleration towards his Roman -subjects. His court was upheld politically by the most eminent men of -Latin race whom the West produced in his time. He retained, as his chief -ministers, Boethius and Cassiodorus, men of literary attainments, whose -works have come down to us and are still read for pleasure and -instruction. But in his last days the alien king became distrustful of -his officials of native lineage, and Boethius, with his father-in-law, -Symmachus, fell a victim to his morbid suspicions.[512] - -Theodoric was succeeded by his grandson Athalaric, the son of his -daughter Amalasuntha, a boy only ten years of age. The mother, a -beautiful and accomplished woman, became queen-regent; but she soon -incurred the enmity of a powerful section of the Gothic nobles by -educating her son according to the scholastic discipline usual among -civilized nations.[513] They insisted that the use of arms was the only -fit training for a Gothic youth, asserting that "the boy who had -trembled beneath a rod would never endure the sight of a sword." As a -result his tuition in letters was abandoned, and Athalaric was left free -to follow his own devices. If he died in his eighteenth year, after a -short career of dissipation and debauchery, we may feel assured that he -was incapable of either arms or letters, and the issue need not be -attributed to his emancipation from tutorial control.[514] - -Having despaired of her popularity among the chief men of her nation, -Amalasuntha began to nourish treacherous designs against the Goths. -While her son was in apparent health she concerted a flight to -Constantinople, with the interested connivance of Justinian, contingent -on her failure to destroy a faction whom she believed to be seeking her -own destruction. When his decease was in prospect she went further, and -meditated the total surrender of her kingdom into the hands of the -Eastern Emperor. Justinian listened, but the scheme was only remotely -feasible, and the Gothic queen made an effort to repair her feminine -disability by assuming her cousin Theodahad as her partner on the -throne. She offered him the name of King, with the convention that in -her alone should be resident the regal prerogative. He accepted, but in -bad faith and with a private reservation as to his own prepotency. - -Theodahad was a married man of middle age, and has the distinction of -being the first recorded scholar of the great German nation whose work -in literature and science has so much contributed to the progress of -knowledge in modern times. He was a devoted student of Latin and Greek -philosophy,[515] but he was also noted for his avarice; and, as the -possessor of large estates in Tuscany, laboured to accumulate wealth by -unflinching extortion. Previous to this time Amalasuntha had been forced -to deal sternly with him in order to repress his unscrupulous exactions. -Exasperated by her interposition, he also had contemplated the betrayal -of his countrymen; and was at the moment in treaty for the delivery of -his province to Justinian in return for a position of honour at the -Byzantine Court, and a commensurate gift of money. As soon as he was -associated to the throne he leagued with the enemies of Amalasuntha, and -made away with some of her chief supporters. His next step was to seize -the person of the queen, whom he incarcerated in an island castle of the -Volsinian lake in Tuscany. At the same time he sent two legates, members -of the Roman Senate, to explain the matter to the Emperor. They assured -him that the prisoner would suffer no personal injury, and presented a -letter, written under constraint by Amalasuntha, in which she spoke -resignedly as to her captivity. - -Immediately after the successful issue of the Vandal war Justinian -became ambitious of adding the kingdom of Italy to his dominions; and it -is probable that his wishes in this respect were more or less openly -expressed. Hence the overtures insidiously made by Amalasuntha and -Theodahad, who must have read clearly that any proposals of theirs, -which conduced to his cherished design, would be welcomed by the -Emperor. Justinian was, therefore, on the watch to find a case for war, -even in occurrences of little moment, which would ordinarily be settled -by a diplomatic conference. While Gelimer was still a fugitive, a force -was sent to occupy Lilibaeum, a fortress at the western extremity of -Sicily, on the grounds that it had been granted as a depôt to the -Vandals, on the marriage of Theodoric's sister to one of their -kings.[516] The lady, however, had been imprisoned and ultimately -executed by Hilderic, and the Goths had resumed possession of the -post.[517] Consequently the proposed Byzantine garrison was refused -admittance.[518] Further, ten Hunnish deserters from the Imperial army -had been received in asylum at Naples; and the Goths, while opposing an -inroad of the Gepaeds at Sirmium, had inflicted some damage on a -neighbouring town of the Empire. The queen-regent replied by pointing -out the triviality of the complaints, and the shadowy nature of the -claim to Lilibaeum; and concluded by maintaining that the Vandal -expedition would have been a failure only for the liberal succour she -had afforded to it as they lay off Sicily. These questions were agitated -ostensibly with the view merely of fixing the attention of the Gothic -nation; and when the Imperial legates repaired to the court of Ravenna -their real mission was to discuss the possibility of annexing Italy to -the Empire.[519] On their return to Constantinople the ambassadors had -to communicate, not only the measures concerted with Amalasuntha, but -also the proposals of Theodahad, by whom they had been secretly -approached during their stay in the Gothic kingdom. Justinian was -overjoyed at the receipt of their message, and began to hope for an -early realization of his project. Without loss of time, therefore, he -despatched another legation, more studiously constituted, at the head of -whom was Peter Magister. Events, however, had been proceeding rapidly in -Italy, and they started in ignorance of the death of Althalaric, the -elevation of Theodahad, and the deposition of Amalasuntha. In Macedonia -they were arrested by the Queen's emissaries, on the coast of Epirus by -those of the King: they halted and referred back to the Emperor. A -supplementary instruction was given them; they were to declare in no -uncertain tone that Justinian would defend the interests of Amalasuntha. - -On his arrival at Ravenna Peter found Theodahad beset by a cabal who -demanded the death of the ex-queen as essential to their own and his -safety; and, notwithstanding the preponderant presence of the Imperial -legate with his special mandate to the point, it was shortly made public -that Amalasuntha had been privately executed. Peter denounced the act -with vehemence, and apprized the Emperor, who promptly resolved on war. -In the year of his Consulship (535) Belisarius sailed for Sicily with a -moderate force, professing, however, that he was on his way to Carthage. -Such was the prestige of his name that the Goths evacuated the island -almost without striking a blow.[520] On the last day of the year the -Roman general entered Syracuse to lay down his Consulship, which he did -with much popular applause and scattering of largess. At the same time -Mundus, the master of soldiers in Illyricum, had been commissioned to -attack the enemy in Dalmatia, where he quickly achieved a success by the -capture of Salona. Justinian now declared himself openly as the -regenerator of Italy against the Arian heretics, who had wrested it by -force from the Empire; and he sent letters to the Franks, who were -Orthodox, claiming their assistance in his enterprise. The specific -permission granted to Theodoric by Zeno, and the ratification of his -title by Anastasius were ignored, and the Goths were presented in the -same light as the heterogeneous horde of barbarians whom they had -displaced. As in the case of Africa the religious sympathies of the -native population in this war were on the side of the Byzantines. - -Notwithstanding this state of active warfare, Peter had attached himself -to Theodahad, seeking an opportunity to extract from him a formal deed -of abdication. During these negotiations the Gothic King showed himself -to be a vacillating and incapable administrator. He signed a treaty in -the most abject terms, reserving to himself merely the name of King, and -dismissed the ambassadors. He became fearful, saw himself in the place -of Gelimer, recalled them, and tendered a second document, in which his -abdication was made absolute; but he imposed an oath on Peter not to -reveal it unless his first terms should be rejected. Justinian, however, -was soon made aware of the alternative proposals, whereupon he chartered -a commission to take over the government of Italy. But in the meantime -the Goths had massed their forces in Dalmatia, defeated and killed -Mundus, and regained their ascendency in that province. This success -effected a reversal in the attitude of Theodahad; he received the -Byzantine deputies haughtily, cited historical precedents to show that -the person of an ambassador was not always strictly inviolable, and -finally committed them to custody on the charge of harbouring -treasonable designs against the head of the State. - -The conquest of Italy was now undertaken in earnest, and, while a new -general repaired the Roman disaster in Dalmatia, Belisarius crossed over -to the continent and laid siege to Naples. Having drawn up his fleet and -army in a threatening position, he called on the citizens to surrender -the town. Colloquies were held by the townspeople, and, while one party -urged that the example of Sicily be followed, another argued that the -vengeance of the Goths, to whom they had given hostages, was more to be -dreaded than the attack of Belisarius. Ultimately it was decided to -defend the city, and messengers were sent to solicit extraneous aid from -Theodahad. More than a fortnight had been consumed in futile assaults -and repulses, when the chance observation of an Isaurian soldier -suggested a means of capture by surprise. While curiously exploring the -aqueduct he noticed that the water entered the town through a natural -mass of solid rock, which had been bored to give it admission. The -channel, however, was too narrow to allow the passage of an armed man, -but would do so readily if slightly enlarged. A few men, therefore, -repaired to the place secretly, and, by dint of working away the stone -noiselessly with sharp tools, they opened a passage of sufficient width -into the city. Under cover of night four hundred select men entered the -channel, and followed the course of the aqueduct through the town in -quest of a place of exit. The waterway was a vaulted gallery roofed with -brick, but at length they arrived at a point from whence they could see -the sky. On each side, however, they were confined by high walls not -easy to scale. With some difficulty a man, stripped of his armour, -clambered up, and noticed a mean house close by, inhabited by a solitary -old woman. He reached it by the aid of a tree, which grew alongside, and -terrified the occupant into silence. He then attached a rope to the -tree, and threw the free end into the aqueduct. One by one the soldiers -drew themselves up and descended, till all had arrived safely on the -ground. The party then made a sudden onslaught on two towers of the -south wall, according to a prearranged plan, slaughtered the guards, and -took possession of their posts. In the meantime Belisarius and the army -were keeping watch outside, where they strove to monopolize the -attention of the garrison by shouting to them continually to capitulate. -Suddenly a clangor of trumpets rang out; it was the preconcerted signal, -and announced that a portion of the wall was occupied by the surprise -party. A rush with ladders was made to the place, several bands -ascended, gates were seized and thrown open, the whole army poured in, -and Naples was at the mercy of the Byzantines. On the spur of the moment -a massacre was begun, especially by the auxiliary Huns, who burst into -houses and captured women and youths, but Belisarius soon succeeded in -imposing a check on the inflamed soldiery, and peace was established -within the walls before the outrages had time to become general. - -The fall of Naples provoked universal indignation among the Goths, and -they became filled with resentment against Theodahad. They determined to -depose him, and a military conventicle was held in the vicinity of Rome, -where the bulk of their forces were encamped. Vitigis was elected King, -a man of no birth, but a general of proved capacity, who had -distinguished himself in wars with the outer barbarians under Theodoric. -On the receipt of this news Theodahad fled hastily to Ravenna, but he -was hotly pursued, on the part of the new monarch, by a Gothic officer, -who owed him a private grudge. He was overtaken on the way and -remorselessly slain by his personal enemy, and thus ended his career -after a reign which had lasted three years (536). Vitigis now held a -council of war, at which it was resolved to march northwards in order to -effect an accommodation with the Franks, Venetians, and all external -tribes with whom there were disputes, by making liberal concessions in -each case. The Gothic troops occupied in such regions could then be -withdrawn and concentrated into one great army, with which to return to -the south and encounter Belisarius. Rome in the interval was to be -entrusted to a small garrison of four thousand men, while the -inhabitants were to be reminded that they had always been dealt with -liberally by the Goths, and should therefore adhere to them loyally. - -These resolutions were acted on, and, while Vitigis retreated -northwards, the way was left open for Belisarius to march on Rome. The -Byzantine general lost no time, and his progress through the Campania -was soon announced. His reputation had preceded him, and the fate of -Naples had struck terror into the citizens of the Capital of the West. A -meeting of the Romans was convened by the municipality, and, chiefly at -the instigation of Pope Silverius, it was decided to submit without -resistance to the representative of Justinian. Thereupon the Gothic -garrison, recognizing that their position was untenable, made up their -minds to abandon the city and betake themselves to Ravenna. Belisarius -was met by a deputation which invited him to take possession of Rome; -and it happened that while the Imperial army entered the city from the -south, by the Asinarian gate, that named the Flaminian was being kept -open on the north to give egress to the Gothic brigade. The day was the -ninth of December, in the year 536, and just sixty years since the -metropolis had fallen into the hands of the barbarians led by -Odovacar.[521] On this occasion the formality was gone through of -sending the keys of the city to the Emperor at Constantinople. - -Rome at this time, notwithstanding the vicissitudes it had experienced, -had lost, to the superficial eye, but little of its Imperial splendour. -A numerous population, amounting probably to more than one million,[522] -still maintained itself in affluence within the ample circuit of walls -built two centuries and a half previously by Aurelian.[523] The -construction of those walls had been necessitated by the expansion the -city had undergone since the age of the Republic and the first emperors. -Fourteen principal gates provided for communication with the surrounding -country, and an equal number of lofty aqueducts, in many situations -architecturally decorative and imposing, supplied water to the interior -from various outlying districts within a circumference extending to -sixty miles.[524] The transformation of Rome from a city of dingy and -tasteless aspect, which had arisen on the borderland of civilization, to -a handsome capital adorned by all the resources of unapproachable Greek -art, had been begun and almost accomplished by Augustus.[525] The pride -and magnificence of his successors, in their spirit of absolutism and -self-adulation, had continued his work lavishly until the seven hills, -with their disjunctive valleys, were hidden beneath a labyrinth of -sculptured stone and marble:—[526] pillared temples and palaces, great -halls upheld by endless ranges of ornate columns, continuous porticoes, -colonnaded squares occupied by lofty figured monuments and Egyptian -obelisks, public baths of immense area decorated inside with fresco and -mosaic,[527] theatres and circuses on a vast scale, stupendous triumphal -arches spanning the main thoroughfares at frequent intervals, splendid -fountains, a crowd of statues almost equalling in number the people to -be seen moving along the streets,[528] and, lastly, even sepulchres of a -magnitude and elaboration not surpassed by edifices intended for a -concourse of the living.[529] In their private sphere the great nobles -emulated the work of the emperors, and constructed such extensive and -costly dwellings that they were compared to reproductions in miniature -of the city without.[530] Beyond the walls the suxburban area was so -thickly populated as scarcely to be distinguished from the fortified -enclosure. In vain had Constantine striven to create a new Rome on the -Bosphorus which should rival in grandeur the historic capital; to the -last a native of Constantinople would be struck with wonder and -admiration on beholding the city of the Tiber.[531] From some elevated -post, such as the Capitol, crowned with its massive temples, an observer -might comprehend in a glance some of the main features of the -world-subduing metropolis. His eye would be riveted in succession by the -huge bulk of the Coliseum, girded with pillars and statues rising in -four tiers to a height of one hundred and sixty feet; by the tall -embossed columns of Trajan and Antonine projecting above their -respective peristyles; by the expansive dome of the Pantheon sheathed -with bronze tiles; by the Mausoleum of Hadrian, a commanding pile on the -river side, also encircled by superimposed rows of pillars and statues; -and by the tomb of Augustus, a lofty mound ascending from a cylindrical -base by a slope planted with evergreen trees, and surmounted by a -colossus of that emperor.[532] Yet were a Roman, who had lived in the -age of the Caesars, to revisit the capital in the sixth century, he -would be struck by some remarkable changes. Traces of the religious -revolution which had culminated in the fourth century were everywhere -apparent; Paganism effete, and Christianity bursting into bloom. -Deserted temples, neglected and often verging to dilapidation, their -columns tottering and sometimes fallen to the ground, offended the -artistic sense. On the other hand Christian basilicas had sprung up, and -in some localities were great and conspicuous objects. Below the Coelian -hill the Lateran gardens were occupied by the Constantinean Cathedral of -the Saviour; and the original basilica of St. Peter had taken possession -of the Vatican mount. Without the walls, on the south, the great church -of St. Paul had been built to supply the religious needs of the teeming -population of the suburbs.[533] - -An observant historian, resident in the West during the latter part of -the fourth century, has left us a striking picture of Roman society in -his time, which, with essential modifications, may be applied to -illustrate the manners of the Italian capital under the rule of -Theodoric. The national aspirations and energies of the Roman people, -having been nurtured and gratified progressively by success during -several centuries, arrived at the stage of inflorescence in the -pre-Augustan age. The long-continued training and encouragement of -intellectual activity was then producing those fruits which are -characteristic of the highest degree of material prosperity; men -experienced in war, habitual conquerors ambitious to rule; accumulations -of wealth in the hands of numerous private persons; and a lively -interest in literature and art. Hence sprang civil wars ending in -despotism, boundless luxury, and new creations in the realm of poetry, -history, painting, and sculpture. But the outcome of the autocracy was a -cessation of mental activity, emulation became extinct, and a period of -stagnation set in, tending gradually towards settled apathy and -indifference to all purposive effort. About two centuries after the -foundation of the Empire these results began to be fully apparent, and -an aimless abandonment to pleasure became the distinctive mark of the -age. Thus arose the sociological phenomena which at the end of the -fourth century have been recorded by the historian of the period. The -nobles revelled in the enjoyment of their great wealth; the lower orders -became seditious unless they were provided with sustenance and amusement -without having to earn them by work. The rich devoted their time to -receptions at which they were waited on by a crowd of interested -flatterers eager to win substantial proofs of their favour. They never -tired of boasting to their audience of the extent of their possessions -and the revenue they derived from them.[534] Through lack of any -legitimate occupation their dormant energies could find no outlet except -by taking an overwhelming interest in the routine of petty acts -necessitated daily by physical existence. Meal-times, most of all, -absorbed their attention; a multitude of servants stood around, and the -introduction of every dish was an event of grave importance. Fish, -birds, and dormice were the chief constituents of their fare; and as -each cooked animal was placed on the table it was subjected to the -keenest observation. Should anything excessive in the way of size or -plumpness be apparent, all present ejaculated their admiration. A -weighing-machine was sent for in order to ascertain how much it would -scale, and a secretary brought a book in which to register the -particulars of the astounding occurrence.[535] The intervals between -their repasts were given over to gambling, less frequently to music, and -on rare occasions to reading. A game of skill with dice was the -favourite pastime, and one who had mastered all the shifts and -trickeries of this diversion, even though of base origin, received -universal homage as a man of eminence and distinction.[536] Musicians -were often entertained with honour in rich houses, singers being in -great request, as well as performers on the hydraulic organ or the lyre, -which had been increased to such a size as to exceed the modern -harp.[537] The era of light fiction had not begun, but some solace was -found in perusing the satires of Juvenal, who attracted by his -indecencies in spite of his ethics, and the compositions of Marius -Maximus, the author of copious and scandalous biographies of the -Caesars.[538] In their excursions out of doors both men and women of the -wealthy classes assumed the pomp of a royal progress. The noble occupant -of an ornate gilded coach was attended by stewards who marshalled all -the servile members of the household in a lengthy procession. First came -the handsome and finely-dressed slaves addicted to light employments; -then a grimy crew of those who were busied about the kitchen; and lastly -a company of eunuchs in two bands, those in front being old men with -wrinkled and distorted features, and behind a troop of boy castrates who -were prized for their fresh appearance.[539] Costly apparel was the -special extravagance of a certain class; and when walking they displayed -themselves clad in layer upon layer of fine mantles, held at the neck -only by a jewelled clasp, so that the loose folds constantly flying open -might exhibit their variegated embroideries picturing the forms of -different animals.[540] While such men would pass an ordinary citizen -without notice or with a supercilious glance of recognition, a noted -courtesan would be greeted with effusive compliments and caressed with -flatteries as if she were Semiramis or Cleopatra.[541] No section of the -community was more esteemed than the dancing-girls, and of these three -thousand were constantly figuring on the boards of the theatres. On one -occasion, when a dearth of provisions seemed imminent, and foreigners, -including many professors of the liberal arts, were suddenly expelled -from the city, the question of dismissing these sylphs, together with -their trainers and slaves, in number much greater than themselves, was -never once brought up for consideration.[542] In such a state of -intellectual torpor the slightest journey was regarded as an enterprise -demanding extraordinary fortitude; and if a noble paid a visit to his -provincial estates or undertook a short voyage in a painted -pleasure-boat to the watering places of Baiae or Cajeta, he afterwards -extolled his achievement as if he had performed something worthy of -Alexander or Caesar.[543] As for their religion, although they scoffed -at every formal belief, they were earnest votaries of magic, and -apprenticed slaves to professed sorcerers in order to encompass the art -of injuring or influencing other persons by means of mystical -operations.[544] Nor were they willing to arrange their meal-times, -their baths, or their appearances in public, without consulting an -almanac with the view of ascertaining the station of Mercury or the -position of the moon among the constellations.[545] In the reign of -Valentinian I an epidemic of poisoning became rife, and all inconvenient -relatives were got rid of by the administration of deleterious -drugs.[546] These excesses were rigorously repressed by that irascible -emperor, who even executed some men of senatorial rank for being -concerned in magical practices.[547] At the same time adultery and -seduction were dealt with by capital punishment, and both men and women -of noble rank perished for these crimes.[548] As for the common people, -they were indolent and dissolute, spent their time in wine-shops and -brothels, were addicted to gambling, and in their lower sphere imitated -the pride of their masters by pretending to high-sounding names and -descent from illustrious families, even though without shoes to their -feet. Their devotion to the games of the Circus was as intense as that -of the Constantinopolitans, but the factions of the Blues and Greens -were not of such political weight or such breeders of riot as their -fellows of the Byzantine capital.[549] But the Roman populace were more -expectant of public gratifications in the way of amusements, largess, -and bread, and broke into violent seditions when there was any prospect -of their being limited or withheld. If the corn-fleet were delayed their -animosity was directed against the Praefect of the City; if the public -spectacles were parsimoniously provided for, against the Praetor of the -Games; and, unless those officials found means to assuage the tumult, -their houses were liable to be attacked and burnt by an infuriated -mob.[550] - -Such was Rome at the beginning of the fifth century. Secluded in the -heart of Italy, her tranquillity had never been disturbed by the -commotions which the turbulent barbarians were for ever exciting on the -distant frontiers. But in 410 the Visigoths raided Italy, and Alaric -forced Rome to capitulate. Forty-five years later the city succumbed to -Genseric, but in these cases, beyond the abstraction of a large amount -of treasure, it does not appear that any material damage was inflicted. -At the nominal fall of the Western Empire the capital was peacefully -transferred to Odovacar, and under Theodoric the Senate was maintained -in its privileges,[551] whilst the municipal officers continued to be -selected and appointed with studious regularity.[552] Repairs of the -walls and public buildings were executed systematically,[553] and the -Circus was kept up as formerly under governmental supervision.[554] But -Roman pride must have been sullied by the frequent submissions to -barbarian hosts; and the settlement of the intruders all over Italy on -private estates must have reduced the affluence of the nobles to -moderate proportions. The glowing picture of Roman life, as it comes -from the hand of the fourth-century historian, must therefore be -received with large abatement before it can be accepted as delineating -society in the capital as it was when entered by the Byzantines. - -After the departure of Vitigis, Belisarius sent his lieutenants Bessas -and Constantine into Tuscany to test the attitude of the inhabitants, -and they soon had the good fortune to receive several submissions, among -them the towns of Varnia, Perusia, and Spoleto. During this period he -himself was busy in repairing the walls and replenishing the granaries -of Rome. In the meantime the Gothic king had established himself at the -court of Ravenna, where he took active measures to consolidate the -affairs of his nation. The Franks, who had already given pledges to -Justinian, were won over to a secret alliance by the cession of -Gallia;[555] and he repaired his defect of birth by coercing -Matasuentha, a maiden in her teens, the daughter of the late queen, into -a hasty marriage with him. He now infused all his energies into the war, -and, having despatched a fleet with reinforcements to Dalmatia, marched -on Rome at the head of one hundred and fifty thousand men. As the forces -under Belisarius were reported not to exceed a tithe of that number, he -advanced with great confidence, his only fear being that before his -arrival the Byzantine general should have saved himself by flight. While -he was on his way, Bessas and Constantine, at the call of their chief, -returned to Rome with their brigades, having left a small garrison in -each of the captured towns.[556] - -The first collision with the enemy was brought about by Belisarius -himself, who went out to reconnoitre their approach accompanied by a -thousand horse. Having blocked the Milvian bridge over the Tiber, a mile -and a half to the north of the city, with a tower, he expected that -Vitigis would be delayed for some days before he could improvise means -for crossing the river. But the guards of the tower fled at the first -sight of the enemy, who at once broke through and poured into the plain. -Hence before he could effect a retreat he found himself confronted by -their cavalry in force, and a desperate encounter immediately ensued. -Mounted on a dark charger dashed with white over the forehead, the -Master of Soldiers, more admirable than prudent in his conduct, threw -himself into the fight with the utmost ardour. The horse, trained for -the battle-field, shared his rider's zeal. Belisarius was soon -recognized by some deserters, and the word ran through the Gothic ranks -that the fortunes of the war were identified with the most conspicuous -combatant. He at once became the central mark for javelins and spears, -while the bravest of the Goths rode to the spot, eager to fell him with -their swords. With untiring energy, wielding his sword, now on this -side, now on that, he struck down all who came within reach of his arm, -while his guards, with irresistible bravery, closed around him and -repelled the assailants. At length their unyielding determination won -the victory; the Goths broke and fled to their camp, leaving nearly a -thousand of their number on the field. The Romans pursued them, but were -soon driven back by a mass of infantry, and with difficulty regained the -walls of the city. There they clamoured loudly for admittance, but those -within were afraid to open the gates lest the enemy should enter along -with the fugitive band. It was now nightfall, and the hero of the day, -who was reported fallen, was unrecognizable in the dusky air under a -coating of blood and dust. Belisarius now rallied his men, and they -turned with a great shout against the attacking party, who thus received -the impression that reinforcements had issued from the city and beat a -hasty retreat. They were permitted to depart unmolested, and then, the -gates being opened, all were enabled to reach their quarters in safety. -Notwithstanding his titanic exertions Belisarius had escaped without a -wound. - -Both sides now matured their dispositions for pressing on and sustaining -the siege. Belisarius posted divisions of the garrison at each gate, -drafting into the service all the available citizens, and walled up the -aqueducts at their place of entry, lest the enemy should be tempted to -imitate his own successful stratagem at Naples. At the same time he -exhorted the townspeople, who were inclined to jeer at his temerity in -defying such a huge army, to be of good cheer, as he had excellent -reasons for predicting that he should be victorious over the Goths. On -his side Vitigis disposed his forces in seven fortified camps on the -north of Rome, one being across the river near St. Peter's by the -Vatican. In each case he dug a foss and cast a rampart, the top of which -was defended by a line of stakes. Every channel by which provisions -could enter the city was blocked, and all the aqueducts were cut through -in order to produce a water famine. A variety of machines for storming -the fortifications were also constructed: battering-rams; wooden towers -as high as the battlements, rolling on four wheels and drawn by oxen; -ladders in great number; and bundles of sticks and reeds to fill up the -moat and thus give access over level ground to the walls. To resist such -attacks engines for throwing heavy stones and darts were placed on the -top of the walls by the besieged; huge beams, provided with teeth and -worked by ropes, were hinged to the gates so as to beat down the enemy -if they attempted to force the portals; and the towers were brought to a -standstill by killing the draught-oxen with arrows. - -During the first few weeks of the siege many determined efforts to scale -the walls were made by the Goths, who expected to overwhelm the small -garrison by their superior numbers. The most notable of these attacks -was that made on the Aurelian gate, which stood on the river bank and -was connected by a bridge over the Tiber with the quadrangular base of -the Mausoleum of Hadrian. Constantine, with a small detachment of the -garrison, occupied the walls and the monument, from which a colonnade -extended to the church of St. Peter. Under cover of the portico the -Goths were able to advance to close quarters without fear of missiles -shot by hand or from the engines. They emerged from beneath in great -force, protecting themselves with large shields and carrying numerous -ladders. Some strove to ascend the monument; others crossed the bridge -to scale the city walls. As soon as they appeared in the open their -attack was hotly contested by the Byzantines, who aimed at them with -arrows and stones from the engines. By a sudden impulse, those who -defended the Mausoleum seized on the statues with which it was -decorated, broke them in pieces, and hurled the fragments with both -hands on the heads of the assailants. Thus for some time the battle -raged furiously, but at length the Goths were repulsed. - -As the siege proceeded, weekly sallies from the gates were studiously -organized by Belisarius; and in these encounters the Goths almost -invariably suffered in extraordinary disproportion to what might be -expected from the paucity of combatants arrayed against them. On one -occasion, for example, in a battle at the Salarian gate, thirty thousand -of them are stated to have been slain, while the wounded totalled a -still larger amount. Having by such results proved his forecast that -victory would incline to his side, Belisarius condescended to explain to -his staff why he had expressed himself so confidently at the beginning -of the siege. The Byzantine army, he pointed out, was composed almost -entirely of skilful horse-archers, especially the Huns, whilst the -Gothic cavalry were provided only with swords and spears, being, -moreover, without protective armour. Hence, they were powerless except -in a hand-to-hand fight; but in conflict with his mounted bowmen most of -them were brought down before they could come to close quarters. Such -was his demonstration, but nevertheless, as weeks rolled over, the Roman -general found that his position was becoming precarious owing to the -diminutive size of his army and the immense host which they had to -resist. The Goths also, taught by experience, ceased to attack the walls -in a densely packed throng, a proceeding which was the prime cause of -their being repulsed with such huge slaughter, since every missile aimed -at them told with deadly effect. He began to fear, therefore, that in -the end his task might prove to be greater than he could cope with, and -set about devising expedients to lighten the situation. In one way the -besieged were not so hard pressed as might have been anticipated; owing -to the extensive circuit of the walls, even the very numerous forces of -the Goths were unable to maintain a strict blockade. Thus communication -with the outside world, though not devoid of risk, was still facile. -Belisarius now forwarded an earnest entreaty to Justinian, praying for -reinforcements, and representing that the hardships endured by the -Romans might induce a renewal of their allegiance to the Goths. He also -determined to empty the city of all inhabitants who were useless for its -defence; and this was done one night after the enemy had returned to -their camp. An immense multitude—women, children, and slaves—were cast -adrift, and some by boats down the Tiber, others on foot along the -Appian Way, fled to the south, ultimately finding a refuge in Campania -or Sicily. For a different reason Pope Silverius and several senators -were dismissed, as suspicions were aroused that they had begun to treat -clandestinely with the Goths. - -After this departure, however, the horrors of the siege began to be felt -more acutely on both sides. Vitigis, seeing that his efforts were being -frustrated, stationed a body of troops at the mouth of the Tiber to -prevent supplies reaching the city by water; and he also transformed -some of the arches of each aqueduct into guard-houses so that they might -intercept the import of provisions from the surrounding country. Inside -Rome the agitation grew to an extreme, and, as famine and pestilence -became rife, a recrudescence of Pagan superstition began to be -manifested. In the night some eager hands essayed to open the temple of -Janus in the Forum, but the brazen doors, long rusted upon their hinges, -refused to turn; and a gaping at their junction was all that attracted -notice next day to indicate the ineffectual attempt. At the same time, -all who were fit to bear arms clamoured to be led out against the Goths. -Soon, however, fresh forces began to arrive from Constantinople, and a -regiment of fifteen hundred succeeded in entering the city. Later on, a -fleet manned by three thousand Isaurians reached Ostia and hovered about -the river mouth to convoy provision ships which were preparing to run -the blockade. Procopius and Antonina had, in fact, been sent to Naples -to organize relief measures, and they returned before long with copious -stores. A number of small boats navigated the Tiber and revictualled -Rome unopposed, although observed by the Goths, either because they had -become apathetic, or because overtures for peace had already been made -by their King. - -The siege had commenced in March, and such was the progress of events -during the succeeding nine months. When December had already been -entered upon, Vitigis found that his position was becoming desperate, -whilst the capture of Rome seemed more hopeless than ever. An almost -endless succession of defeats, together with disease and deficiency of -food in his camp, had been productive of enormous losses to the Gothic -army; and it was now rumoured that both by land and sea a great -increment of forces was on the way from Constantinople. He resolved, -therefore, to make peace with the Empire, if any reasonable terms could -be obtained from his adversaries. A conference in Rome between three -Gothic delegates and the Master of Soldiers was the result of his -decision. With the tone adopted by the Byzantine Court at the beginning -of the war rankling in their mind, the representatives of Vitigis -recapitulated the story of Odovacar, Theodoric, and the Emperor Zeno; -and thence inferred the injustice of the present invasion of Italy. -Founding his arguments on the most arrogant pretence or ignorance, -Belisarius, in reply, asserted virtually that Theodoric had been merely -a general employed by Zeno to restore Italy to his dominions, and -charged him roundly with perfidy and ingratitude for setting himself up -on an independent throne in that country. In the face of such insolent -or ignorant assurance, expostulation was evidently futile, and the Goths -could only proceed to mention hesitatingly their bid for peace. They -would cede Sicily, Campania, and Naples, and would pay a yearly tribute -to the Emperor. He thanked them ironically for their generosity; they -would give away what was no longer theirs; Britain in return should be -presented to the Goths; a much finer island than Sicily; it had once -belonged to the Romans. "At least," they urged, "let us communicate with -the Emperor, and let there be a truce for three months until we receive -his answer." To this proposal he gave a careless acquiescence, and the -deputation then withdrew. - -Belisarius, however, had no intention of not pushing his advantage in -arms. Reinforcements had been arriving in batches, whilst the enemy had -relaxed their vigilance in the belief that hostilities had practically -ceased. Finding himself, therefore, with a surplus of troops at Rome, he -began to throw detachments into every town of the neighbourhood, which -was not in a state of active defence. At the same time he ordered John, -a nephew of Vitalian, to proceed northwards with two thousand horse, -cautioning him in a tone of levity not to begin raiding the country at -once, but to await instructions. Seeing that the attitude of the Roman -general amounted to no more than a farcical observance of the truce, -Vitigis, on his side, began to ponder over some insidious stratagem by -which he might capture Rome. First, he attempted a nocturnal entry -through a subterranean aqueduct; but after exploring its channel for -some distance into the city, his men were brought up by the recent -obstructions and had to retreat. Then he bribed some of the purveyors of -wine to the garrison to ply the sentinels on the river wall, where they -were fewest in number, with drugged liquor, but one of his intended -agents betrayed the plot. He even tried to rush the walls at the Pincian -gate by a sudden onset with ladders and fire during the dinner hour, but -the approach of the surprise party was signalled, so that they were met -and repulsed. - -Through the Goths being seduced into these attempts by his own -enterprises, Belisarius found the opportunity he was looking for, and -paid no further heed to the factitious truce. He now, therefore, gave -the expected cue to John, who at once began to devastate central Italy, -in a chase from Auximum to Urbinum, and shortly arrived within sight of -Ariminum on the Adriatic. Here was another traitress, ready to betray -her nation for the sake of personal pique and vexation; and John soon -received a message from Matasuentha, the unwilling wife of the Gothic -king, proposing that the city should be surrendered to him with her -collusion. This treachery was quickly consummated, and the -lieutenant-general took possession of that important stronghold.[557] - - [Illustration: Seat of - JUSTINIAN'S WARS - in the West] - -As had been foreseen, consternation spread through the Gothic camp -before Rome the moment the news arrived that their families and -homesteads to the north were being looted by the Byzantines; and -Vitigis, himself in great concern at the malevolence of his wife, -decided at once to raise the siege. With the least delay possible the -barbarian host, having fired their encampment, put themselves in motion -and marched northwards on their return to Ravenna. The unusual activity -was soon observed by the Romans, whereupon Belisarius discharged all his -available forces through the Pincian gate to assault the retreating -enemy. A sharply contested battle ensued, but the Goths shortly took to -flight and made all haste to cross the Milvian bridge. There the crush -became excessive, with the result that numbers were drowned in their -armour as they attempted the narrow passage, whilst those in the rear -were falling under the weapons of their adversaries. Thus ended the -siege, having lasted for one year and nine days, during which time -sixty-nine battles were fought between the besieged and the besiegers. - -Belisarius was now free to undertake the conquest of central and -northern Italy, and the next eighteen months were occupied by his -efforts in that direction. While he was still pent up within the walls -of Rome the Bishop of Milan and several of the chief citizens had waited -on him with a request that he would send a small garrison to take -possession of their city, and relieve them from the dominion of the -Goths. One of his first cares was to act in accordance with their -suggestion; and thus the greatest city of the West, after Rome, -surrendered voluntarily to the Byzantines. Subsequently many other -fortified towns, including Ancona, Urbinum, Faesulae, Civita Vecchia and -Auximum were captured or submitted as a matter of choice. The Goths, on -their side, were continually active and not always without success; but -they failed in their efforts to recapture Ariminum, the beleaguering -force having fled precipitately at the simultaneous appearance of -Belisarius on land and of a Roman fleet in the bay. Throughout this war -the Romans had the command of the sea, sometimes with much inconvenience -to the Goths, who were thus liable to have their supplies cut off, but -no naval battle was fought. - -One of the most notable occurrences of this year (538) was the advent -into Italy of Narses, Count of the Sacred Largesses, with a command of -seven thousand men. The Illustrious rank of this official, and his -brilliant position at Court, seemed to unfit him for a subordinate post; -and immediately on his arrival doubts arose in the minds of many as to -whether he should not be regarded as the commander-in-chief. Although a -eunuch, he had proved himself to be a man of exceptional energy, and had -won a reputation for sagacity which placed him in the foremost rank -among the statesmen of his time. The two leaders met at Firmum, and -Narses at once adopted an attitude of independence by pronouncing an -opinion which was in conflict with that of the Master of Soldiers on a -vital question. Ariminum was hard pressed by the enemy, and appeals had -been sent out for succour. But the intervening country was held in force -by the Goths, and Belisarius thought a march to the place too risky to -be undertaken. In addition, his scheme for the defence of the town had -been nullified by John's refusal to follow his instructions, and he was -inclined to mark his sense of the infraction of discipline by leaving -him to his own resources. But the eunuch pointed out that the loss of -such an important stronghold, defended by a general of the first rank, -might be an irreparable blow to the Imperial prestige, whilst it might -be considered that John had been sufficiently punished by having been -reduced to such a strait. Belisarius yielded, and the town was relieved -successfully, as stated above; but John, on his release, declined to -express any thanks to his chief, declaring that to Narses only was his -gratitude due. After this incident the army was split into two factions, -one of which adhered to Belisarius, whilst the others ranged themselves -around Narses. Being anxious for unity, the former convoked a meeting of -the staff, and, having presented his plan of campaign, called upon the -eunuch to second his efforts with loyal consistency. Narses, however, -dissented from his views, and expressed his intention of leading the -forces which were at his disposal to a different part of the country. -Thereupon Belisarius produced a rescript from the Emperor, in which all -were enjoined to obey him as sole commander-in-chief, whilst Narses was -excluded by a special clause from having any claim to exercise such -authority. Nevertheless the dissident party, distorting a formal -expression of the rescript by a verbal quibble into permission to do as -they liked, seceded from the Master of Soldiers, and decamped with the -Imperial treasurer to wage war according to their own judgment in the -province of Aemilia.[558] - -The greatest calamity which befell Italy during this war was the -recapture of Milan by the Goths, a disaster which appeared to be a -direct result of the counsels of Belisarius having been rendered -inoperative by Narses. As soon as the dedition of that city was -announced to Vitigis, he detached one of his generals to beset it with a -large force of Goths and ten thousand Burgundians sent to his aid -clandestinely by Theodebert, King of the Franks. Belisarius wished to -despatch one half of the Byzantine army at once to its relief, but -Narses disputed the necessity, so that his proposal fell to the ground. -A small force which was sent feared to advance beyond the Po because of -its manifest insufficiency, and when at last Narses had complied with an -earnest request of Belisarius to supplement it effectively, it was too -late to avert the capture. The city had been ill provided to stand a -siege, and, while the inhabitants were reduced to feed on dogs and mice, -the garrison, being at the last extremity, were induced to accept terms -as to their own safety from the Goths. Thus Milan was delivered up, and -the barbarians, being incensed beyond measure with the Milanese for -their defection, massacred them revengefully to the number of three -hundred thousand. When Justinian heard of this catastrophe, he recalled -Narses to Constantinople, recognizing that an injurious division of -authority was an inevitable consequence of his presence at the seat of -war.[559] - -Early in the next year (439) Theodebert launched himself on a remarkable -enterprise, and, having crossed the Alps, appeared suddenly in Northern -Italy at the head of one hundred thousand men. With the exception of the -King and his staff, all these warriors consisted of infantry, their only -arms being a sword, a short-handled axe, and a shield. Their method of -fighting was to project the axe with the utmost force against their -opponent's shield, which was thus rendered useless by fracture, and then -to attack impetuously with the sword. This formidable host crossed the -Po, and soon came in sight of the Gothic camp, from which joyful -acclamations were forthwith sent up in anticipation of the splendid -assistance which was about to be rendered them by their ally. Soon, -however, they found themselves involved in a deadly tumult, myriads of -axes were flung, and their disabled comrades were slaughtered on every -side, until the whole Gothic army was routed and hurried with headlong -speed towards Ravenna. Shortly the disordered bands of Goths were -noticed flying across the country by the Roman forces engaged in that -district, among them being the redoubtable John, and they immediately -concluded that Belisarius had fought a successful battle, and was in hot -pursuit of the beaten enemy. All rose expectantly and advanced in the -direction of the impulse, when they also found themselves in collision -with the invading host, which bore down on them in an irresistible mass. -Overwhelmed by the immensely superior numbers, they turned and, -abandoning all their positions, hurried by forced marches to join -Belisarius in Tuscany. The reason of this extraordinary incursion was -now clearly apprehended; believing that the Romans and Goths had reduced -each other to a state of inanition, the King of the most faithless of -nations (the Franks are so characterized) thought the moment opportune -to possess himself of a large tract of Italian territory. A remonstrance -was at once addressed to him by Belisarius, who appealed to the -obligations of probity, and the compelling nature of his previous -engagements to divert him from his purpose. But a better argument was at -hand: bivouacked in an exhausted country, with a deficient commissariat -and no water supply but the tainted stream of the Po, an epidemic of -dysentery soon pervaded the teeming multitude, and they hastened to -regain their own habitations after losing a third of their number.[560] - -Before the summer of this, the fifth year of the war, the Goths had been -driven from nearly all their principal strongholds, and Vitigis, with -the bulk of his troops, had been obliged to take refuge in Ravenna. But -the outposts of the Gothic capital, Faesulae and Auximum, both strong by -nature, and munitioned with especial care, had to be reduced before the -blockade of the regal seat could be safely undertaken.[561] Several -months were consumed in these operations, and the Byzantine army was so -distressed by the protracted defence of Auximum, which was attacked by -the Master of Soldiers in person, that the troops were on the verge of -mutiny. At length the garrison was induced to capitulate with the -honours of war, and Belisarius was free to devote all his strategy to -the capture of Ravenna. That city was built in a swamp near the -sea-shore, about forty miles below the estuaries of the Po, and was -unapproachable on all sides by an army in force.[562] It was necessary, -therefore, to produce a famine within the walls in order to bring about -its surrender. Under the circumstances, however, the Byzantine general -possessed every facility for achieving this object. The Goths had -neither an army nor a fleet which could succour them from without, and -hence the Romans were unhampered while making their dispositions for -cutting off supplies from every direction. The environs were hemmed in -by their land forces, whilst their fleet rode at anchor off the harbour. -At the same time the transit of provision boats down the Po from the -fields of the north and west was blocked by guards stationed on the -river banks. - -Directly Theodebert heard that Vitigis was in a critical position, he -made a diplomatic attempt to encompass the subjugation of Italy. A -legation arrived with the proposal that the two kings should reign as -joint sovereigns, and contingently an army of fifty thousand Franks, -which had already surmounted the Alps, should at the first onset -annihilate the Byzantines with their axes. A companion embassy from -Belisarius, who had been apprized of the intended debate, was received -in audience at the same time. By them the Gothic king was warned not to -put his trust in numbers, but to believe that the Imperial army would -find means to deal with a multitude of Franks as effectively as it had -already done with his own very numerous forces. Moreover, he urged, the -perfidy displayed by the recent invasion proved that no compact would be -binding on the Franks. After consultation with his nobles Vitigis -decided that he would open peace negotiations with Justinian, and -dismissed the envoys of Theodebert with a negative reply. Legates were -then despatched to Constantinople, ready to accept any terms of peace -which should be granted by the Byzantine Court. - -Belisarius now became intent on reducing the Goths to the direst -necessity through shortage of foodstuffs. Externally the exclusion of -supplies had been carried to perfection, but he had been informed that -the granaries of Ravenna were well stocked. Bribery of miscreants, -effected through the agency of Matasuentha, the vindictive queen, -removed this obstacle to the speedy capitulation of the city. -Incendiaries were set to work, and the public storehouses were suddenly -consumed by fire. At this juncture plenipotentiaries arrived bringing -the Emperor's answer to the peace proposals, which afforded complete -satisfaction to the Goths. Vitigis was to reign beyond the Po, and to -retain one half of the regal treasures, while the rest of Italy, and the -other half were in future to be subject to Justinian. It was essential, -however, that the Master of Soldiers should ratify this treaty, but when -the legates presented themselves in his camp for the purpose he refused -to be a party to it, feeling assured that he would soon be master of -Ravenna, and of the person of the Gothic king with everything -appertaining to him. - -The Goths now became filled with distrust, and despaired altogether of -their fortunes. Vitigis, as an unfortunate leader, had lost their -confidence, and they feared that surrender would result in their all -being deported to some unwelcome habitation in the East. To their -anxious cogitations one way out of the impass at length presented -itself: Belisarius should be their King, and under his strenuous rule -prosperity would be restored to the Goths in Italy. Acting on the -impulse, they made the proposition formally to the general, and at the -same time a private intimation was conveyed to him from Vitigis that he -was ready to abdicate in his favour. But his ambition was not of the -autocratic order, and subservience to authority was one of the main -features of his character. The promise he had given ingenuously he -intended loyally to keep; and in the offer of kingship he saw no more -than an incident which enabled him to serve more promptly his Imperial -master. He prepared then to profit by the obsequious mood of the Goths -towards himself, and to gain his end by an astute policy of compliance -instead of by a protracted struggle in arms. His assurances, couched in -somewhat ambiguous language, were deemed by the Goths to be tantamount -to an acceptance, believing, as they did, their offer to be so tempting -as to constitute in itself a guarantee of his good faith. Belisarius now -removed from the vicinity of Ravenna on various commissions, all -officers with their commands, whom recent events had taught him to -distrust, retaining only those troops in whose attachment to himself he -had full confidence. With the latter he entered the city and at once -proceeded to arrange everything apparently in the sole interest of the -inhabitants. He was cordially received, but the Gothic women were -disappointed at the appearance of the Byzantines, and were inclined to -rate their own male relatives for allowing themselves to be beaten by -men of inferior physique to themselves. A plentiful market was -introduced by sea, and all the surplus Gothic forces were dismissed with -a safe conduct to their respective homes. Having thus equalized the -Roman and Gothic troops in the town, Belisarius repudiated his supposed -sovereignty, and declared himself to be merely the faithful vicegerent -of Justinian. He completed his measures by placing Vitigis amicably in -nominal custody, and took possession of the palace with all its valuable -contents. - -As soon as the proceedings of Belisarius were disclosed to the Gothic -nation in general, they immediately elected a new King, choosing -Ildibad, a man of the first rank, for promotion to that dignity. At the -same time the Master of Soldiers was being criminated at the Byzantine -Court, the worst motives being attributed to him by his adversaries; and -his recall was shortly issued, but ostensibly merely that he might be at -hand in view of the threatening activity of the Persian monarch. When -this news was brought to the Goths, they assumed his imminent disgrace, -and made another determined effort to induce him to accept the kingship. -In him they saw the potential saviour of their race, and even Ildibad -was moved to declare that he was ready to deposit the crown and purple -at his feet. But Belisarius remained firm in his resolution: they -reminded him of his late breach of faith, even taunted him with -preferring servitude to independence, all to no purpose. Nothing could -shake his conviction that while Justinian lived, he was in honour bound -to shun any semblance of rivalry with his authority. - -For the second time Belisarius returned to Constantinople with a captive -king and all the precious externals of majesty in his train. On this -occasion, however, no public spectacle was decreed to celebrate the -extension of the Empire, and the success of its arms. Perhaps that event -was now considered as merely normal by the Court; perhaps the Emperor -had felt insignificant in the popular eye when compared with the -victorious general who piled the spoils of victory before his throne. -The Senators were gratified with a sight of the treasures of Theodoric -heaped up within the palace, but the multitude were excluded from -contemplation of the exhilarating display. Yet the name of Belisarius -was on every tongue; and in his daily progresses through the capital he -was gazed on with admiration by the inhabitants. He moved about on -horseback amid a concourse of his personal guards, all mounted like -himself, whom he maintained to the number of seven thousand. Vandals, -Moors, and Goths swelled their ranks, and indicated by their distinctive -visages with what a variety of nations he had fought. Belisarius was -tall and handsome, with a countenance of singular dignity, equalled only -by the modesty and affability of his address. In war he was determined -and resourceful, but never oblivious of humanity, and always mindful of -the interests of those dependent on him. His soldiers were known to him -severally and constantly observed, their valour richly rewarded, their -losses repaired, whilst they were firmly restrained from all excess. -Hence he was adored by the rural population who came in contact with -him, since the grain crops and fruit trees were preserved from damage -under his generalship. He was not less distinguished for temperance than -for his other virtues; and, although the camp was often thronged with -beautiful female captives, he never even bestowed a concupiscent glance -on them; nor in the use of wine did he ever exceed the strictest -moderation.[563] - -[503] Malchus, Exc. i, 3. - -[504] Marcellinus Com., an. 476; Jordanes, De Reg. Suc., etc. He seems -to have made a show of resigning voluntarily; Malchus, _loc. cit._ - -[505] Anon. Vales., 64. - -[506] Procopius, De Bel. Goth., i. 1, etc. - -[507] Jordanes, De Reb. Get., 57. - -[508] Marcellinus Com., an. 488. - -[509] Procopius, _loc. cit._; Cassiodorus, Chron., etc. - -[510] The only circumstantial account of this affair comes from Jn. -Antioch.; Müller, Frag. Hist. Graec., v, p. 29. - -[511] Anon. Valesii, 64. - -[512] Procopius, _loc. cit._ The administration of Theodoric is fully -displayed in the so-called Epistles of Cassiodorus, his quaestor, which -form in reality a book of the Acts or rescripts of the Gothic King. -Everything in Italy was maintained according to the Imperial system of -Rome, and Theodoric differed only from the obsolete Western Emperors by -the modesty of his title and the limited extent of his dominions. - -[513] Theodoric himself was illiterate, and is said to have used the -same device as Justin (see p. 303) for signing his name; Anon. Vales. A -critic suggests that the four letters were LEGI. - -[514] For the events narrated henceforward in this chapter, there is -generally no source but Procopius (De Bel. Goth., i, ii). Some jottings -occur in Marcellinus Com. and Jordanes, but the _Liber Pontificalis_ is -indispensable as regards the local Church history. - -[515] Procopius, De Bel. Goth., i, 3. His own professions as to his -devotion to literature, etc.; _Ibid._, 6. The five last books of -Cassiodorus, written after the death of Theodoric, contain letters -supposed to have been dictated by Athalaric, Amalasuntha, and Theodahad, -etc. - -[516] Procopius, De Bel. Vand., ii, 5. - -[517] _Ibid._, i, 9; Cassiodorus, Var. Ep., ix, 1. She was accused of -plotting against the King with her Gothic guards after her husband's -death. - -[518] _Ibid._ - -[519] Procopius, De Bel. Goth., i, 3, whence the narrative continues as -below. - -[520] They held out at Panormus, but by means of archers hoisted in -boats to the mastheads of his ships, Belisarius overtopped the -sea-walls, and forced a speedy surrender. - -[521] Procopius, De Bel. Goth., i, 14. - -[522] _C._ 400 Rome contained 1,797 palaces of nobles, etc., and 46,202 -_insulae_; Notitia Occid. Including slaves, the first would account for -at least 100,000 inhabitants, and the latter (large apartment houses) -for something like 2,000,000. This is about the best basis for guessing -at the population. - -[523] Hist. August., 21, 39. - -[524] Procopius, De Bel. Goth., i, 19; Cassiodorus, Var. Ep., vii, 6. -The Porta Maggiore and the so-called Arch of Drusus belonged to -aqueducts. - -[525] He perhaps equalled Justinian as a builder; Suetonius, Augustus. -See the Mon. Ancyr. for a list. - -[526] Suetonius and Hist. August. enumerate most of their productions in -masonry. - -[527] The Baths of Diocletian covered nearly thirty acres, and some -others were almost as large. - -[528] Cassiodorus, Var. Ep., vii, 13, 15. - -[529] The Notitia gives 423 temples, 11 great baths, 11 forums, 36 -triumphal arches, 6 obelisks, etc. - -[530] Olympiodorus, p. 469. A private circus was an essential part of -such establishments; and, of course, a temple, perhaps more than one. - -[531] As in the case of Constantius II on his visit to Rome in 356; -Ammianus, xvi, 10. - -[532] Strabo, V, iii, 8. The ring of wall which formed the base still -exists, and has recently been used as a circus. - -[533] The churches said to have been built by Constantine are referred -to in the life of Pope Sylvester; Lib. Pontif. (Duchesne). St. Peter's -and St. Paul's are mentioned by Procopius, De Bel. Goth., i, 22; ii, 4, -etc. - -[534] Ammianus, xiv, 6. - -[535] _Ibid._, xxviii, 4. - -[536] Ammianus, xxviii, 4. The modern craze for "Bridge" may be -compared, and with the aid of Father Vaughan's denunciations of the -"Smart Set" at the West End, the parallel might be carried further. But -all this is merely a subsidiary part of our social fabric. - -[537] _Ibid._, xiv, 6. - -[538] _Ibid._, xxviii, 4. - -[539] _Ibid._, xiv, 6. - -[540] Ammianus, xiv, 6. Garments of this pictorial class were of course -common to the whole Empire, and were inveighed against in the East about -the same time by Asterius, Hom. 1 (Migne, S. G., xl, 165). - -[541] _Ibid._, xxviii, 4. - -[542] _Ibid._, xiv, 6. - -[543] _Ibid._, xxviii, 4. - -[544] _Ibid._, xxvi, 3; xxviii, 1. - -[545] Ammianus, xxviii, 4. - -[546] _Ibid._, 1. Cf. Voltaire's account of the fashionable poisoning -craze under Louis XIV. - -[547] Ammianus, xxvi, 3; xxviii, 1. - -[548] _Ibid._ - -[549] _Ibid._, xiv, 6; xxviii, 4; Cassiodorus, Var. Ep., i. 20; iii, 51, -etc. - -[550] Ammianus, xix, 10; xxvii, 3. - -[551] Cassiodorus, Var. Ep., i, 13, 27, 42; iii, 12; v, 41, etc. - -[552] _Ibid._, vii. This book consists of forms of instruction to newly -appointed officers, from Consuls and Praetorian Praefects downwards. - -[553] _Ibid._, i, 25, 28; iii, 31, etc. Procopius (De Bel. Goth., iv, -22) remarks that the Romans were proud of their buildings and took great -care of them. - -[554] _Ibid._, i, 20; iii, 51, etc. - -[555] A small part of southern France, modern Provence. - -[556] Procopius, De Bel. Goth., i, 11-14, whence the narrative proceeds -as below. - -[557] I forgot to mention that when Belisarius was merely on his way to -Naples, Ebrimuth, the son-in-law of Theodahad, came over to the -Byzantines. He was sent to CP., where he became a patrician, etc. There -were other unnecessary transfers of allegiance, showing that many of the -Goths were incapable of remaining true to themselves. In general, -indeed, the barbarians were dazzled by the glory of the Eastern Emperor, -and when they had been formed into cohorts under the title of -"Justinian's Goths," "Justinian's Vandals," etc., their ambition was -gratified to the utmost. - -[558] Of the misery caused throughout Italy by the protracted war, -Procopius has some anecdotal illustrations to give about this time. In -one case a fugitive mother had to abandon her infant in its cradle, -whereupon the family goat, attracted by its wailing, entered the hut, -and managed to suckle the child effectively. This lasted for some time -till the villagers returned, when the maternal solicitude of the animal -for its anomalous nursling became a spectacle for exhibition in the -district. As agriculture was brought to a standstill in many places -famine was often urgent, and he mentions the instance of two women -killing and eating seventeen men whom they had received as guests, but -they were detected and killed by the eighteenth; De Bel. Goth., ii, 17, -20. - -[559] It is curious that among the conquests of Narses in this campaign -should be mentioned "the island of the Vulsinian Lake," that is the -scene of Amalasuntha's death; Marcellinus Com., an. 538. - -[560] At this date the French Kings alone, of the potentates outside the -Empire, issued a gold coinage bearing their own effigy. Even the -Shahinshah stamped his image on the silver currency only. The reason of -this restriction was that all but Byzantine gold, denoted by the figure -and superscription of the Eastern Emperor, was excluded from commerce as -suspect; Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iii, 33. - -[561] Here we are informed that the Byzantine infantry used a trumpet -made of wood and leather, the cavalry one of brass. They were, however, -merely blown on occasion to make an impressive noise. Procopius makes a -great point of his having suggested that the latter should be used to -sound an attack, the former a recall. Belisarius summoned a military -meeting, and formally adopted his suggestion; De Bel. Goth., ii, 23. - -[562] The description of Strabo (V, iii, 7) shows that Ravenna was a -town like modern Venice, built in the brackish lagoons on piles, etc. -While the vine flourished in the vicinity, potable water was scarce and -valuable. Hence the joke (Martial, iii, 56, 57) that wine was cheaper -than water at R. Sidonius Apol. (Epist., i, 5, 8, _c._ 470) inveighs -against the bad water, turbid canals, stinging gnats, incessant croaking -of bullfrogs, etc. But the sea was receding, and even at that time much -new land was being recovered from the water; Jordanes, De Reb. Get., 29. - -[563] Procopius begins the third book of his Gothic War with this -characterization and eulogy of Belisarius. - - - - - CHAPTER XI - THE SECOND PERSIAN WAR: FALL OF ANTIOCH: MILITARY OPERATIONS IN LAZICA - - -While Justinian was thus conquering in the West and substituting his own -rule for that of barbarian potentates, the tide of war was rising in the -East, and almost similar disasters to those he was inflicting were -impending on the integral territory of the Empire. - -The triumphal progress of the Imperial arms in Africa and Italy was -watched with the keenest solicitude by Chosroes, and he began to fear -that the power and resources of his hereditary rival were being so -formidably increased that he would soon be able to make an irresistible -attack on his own dominions. Even before the formalities of the -Perpetual Peace had been completely adjusted the news arrived of the -virtual subjugation of the Vandalic kingdom; and Chosroes, while -congratulating the Emperor by his legates, jestingly put forward a claim -to share in the spoils, which, he observed, could not have been won but -for his own ready assent to the Roman suit for peace. Justinian, -however, took his banter seriously, and presented him with a large sum -of money as a conciliatory gift.[564] - -Chosroes is represented by the historian of the period as a man who -talked humanity and philosophy in a most engaging manner, but with -treacherous intent, and who never failed to take advantage of his -opponents after he had lulled their suspicions by an outward show of -sympathy and benevolence.[565] Whatever his individual inclination may -have been in 539 as to the expediency of entering on a war with the -Empire, ample incitement from without was not wanting to induce him to -bend his mind intently to the question. While Vitigis was struggling to -retain his kingdom the natives of Roman Armenia were in revolt against -Justinian's newly imposed taxes and stricter system of local -government.[566] Hoping to divert the armaments of the Emperor from -themselves, both parties successively sent legations to Chosroes urging -that in his own interest he should make war on their oppressor. If he -did not take up arms in time, they argued, his encroachments would -continue unchecked, and Persia would shortly find that no option was -left to her but that of being devoured last. To such representations the -Persian monarch was quickly responsive, and in each instance the -emissaries departed feeling satisfied that their object had been -attained.[567] - -In the autumn of 539 Chosroes made up his mind to wage war with the -Romans, and cast about him for some plausible pretext to begin his -military operations. He accused Justinian of tampering with the -allegiance of his Saracenic ally Alamundar by pecuniary inducements, of -bribing the Huns to invade Persia, and finally he instigated the Arab -sheikh to make a raid into Syria in order to provoke a declaration of -war from his rival. Justinian, however, was very anxious to keep the -peace, and addressed a dignified expostulation to the Persian Court, in -which he exhorted the Shahinshah to deal with him in good faith. To this -appeal Chosroes deigned no reply, but retained the ambassador till he -had matured his preparations for invading the Empire. In the spring of -540 he crossed the Euphrates in great force, and advanced along the -river for four hundred miles until he arrived in the vicinity of -Callinicum. During the latter third of this march he was on Roman -territory, where he exacted a pecuniary ransom from some small towns, -and destroyed others. At this point he dismissed Justinian's legate, -telling him simply to go and inform his master in what part of the world -he had left Chosroes, the son of Cavades. - -The whole of Syria was now at the mercy of the Persian King, and -deputies arrived on all sides to inquire what amount he would accept in -order to leave their districts unmolested. A small force stationed at -Hierapolis was deserted by its commander, Buzes, who disappeared -suddenly and forgot to leave his address. Chosroes soon appeared before -the walls, but he allowed himself to be bought off for two thousand -pounds of silver; and from thence he proceeded further on his -depredations, but his price rose as he went along. At Beroea, a much -smaller place, having been paid a similar sum, he demanded more, and, in -default, ended by sacking and burning the town. At the same time he was -convened by a bishop on the part of the Antiochians, who offered him a -thousand pounds of gold (£40,000) to quit the country. To these terms he -agreed, but when the bishop returned to Antioch to clinch the bargain, -he found that legates had arrived from Constantinople, who issued a -prohibition against the Syrians continuing to buy back the Emperor's -cities from the Persian monarch. Having received an intimation, -therefore, consonant to this decree, Chosroes marched with all speed -against the city. - -Antioch, with a previous history of eight centuries, was the great -commercial emporium between the Far East and the West; and it is -supposed that the term Ta-Thsin,[568] which represents the Roman Empire -in Chinese annals, is a travesty of the proper name of the overflowing -Syrian mart, of which alone they had any practical cognizance. Under the -Empire, its history is especially dignified by the names of Julian, -Libanius, and Chrysostom. But it must have been shorn of much of its -splendour by the disastrous earthquake of 526, an account of which has -been given on a previous page.[569] - -The city was situated in a plain about two miles wide between the -Orontes and Mount Casius. On the north the river, which flowed past the -walls, afforded adequate protection, but on the south two spurs from the -mountain projected to such an extent that part of the city was built on -their declivities and in the valley between them. On that side, -consequently, the fortifications were disposed in two loops, which rose -over the hills with a dip in the interspace. The moment information as -to the hostile irruption was conveyed to Justinian, he sent his nephew, -Germanus, with a small brigade, to the seat of war, promising him that -large forces should follow with the least possible delay. On his -arrival, Germanus inspected the fortifications, and observed that on the -summit of one of the hills masses of rock arose at a short distance -outside the walls, which they almost equalled in height. Hence an enemy, -by occupying this elevation, could dominate that part of the town. He -advised, therefore, that a deep foss should be excavated so as to render -the walls inaccessible on that aspect, or that a huge tower conjoined to -the wall should be built opposite the rocks, which could thus be -rendered untenable by showers of missiles. The local engineers, however, -decided that there was no time to undertake works of such magnitude, -whilst an unfinished attempt would only advertise the enemy as to the -weak point in the line of defence. Shortly afterwards, Germanus, having -no news of a Byzantine army being on the route, retired into Cilicia, -giving as his reason that the presence of a prince of the blood would be -an incentive to Chosroes to exert all his force to capture the city. - -When Chosroes reached Antioch, he was still willing to accept a ransom, -but the citizens were now in no mood to meet his proposals. A certain -number, the most timid, had already fled, but those who remained were -suddenly reassured by the arrival of six thousand troops from the south -under the military governors of Libanus. Having encamped his army along -the Orontes, the Shah sent forward an interpreter to interrogate the -municipality as to a ransom, but a mob congregated on the walls -immediately overwhelmed him with jeers and insults; and shortly he had -to run for his life in order to escape from a shower of stones. Burning -with resentment, Chosroes now commanded that the siege should be pressed -on all sides with the utmost ardour. He himself, with the most strenuous -body of troops he could select, ascended the southern hill, where he -took up his position on the rocky plateau, from whence, with all the -advantage of being on level ground, his men began to discharge their -arrows with tireless energy against the defenders of the wall. On their -side the garrison had improvised a means of doubling their powers of -resistance by erecting a wooden platform above the battlements in the -interspace between the pair of towers which confronted the threatening -ridge of rock. From thence soldiers commingled with citizen volunteers, -in superimposed ranks, launched their darts against the enemy. The -battle with missiles raged hotly for some time, when suddenly the wooden -platform, imperfectly sustained, gave way with a loud crash, and -precipitated all those who were supported by it to the ground. A -senseless panic then ensued, a cry was raised that the Persians had -forced the wall and were pouring into the city, whereupon the -newly-arrived garrison descended and leaped on to their horses, which -were tethered below, and rushed to the gate of Daphne on the opposite -side of the town. Their leaders rode at their head, and, wishing to get -away without hindrance, scattered the news that Buzes was at hand with -an army of relief, which they were hastening to admit into the city. But -the citizens thronged after them excitedly, and a fatal crush occurred -in the vicinity of the gate, where people of all ages were trampled to -death by the horses of the flying cavalry. - -In the meantime the Persians, seeing the walls deserted, brought up -ladders, and, ascending in great numbers, took possession of the -battlements. There they remained for some time, for Chosroes, seated -outside on a high tower, having noticed the flight of the military, -thought it wisest to give them time to evacuate the city, instead of -provoking them to rally by an untimely attack. As soon as the tumult -appeared to have subsided, the Persians began to descend and make their -way into the level part of the city with some difficulty, as the tract -adjoining the south wall inside consisted for the most part of -precipitous crags. In a short time, however, they unexpectedly found -themselves in conflict with a large mass of the youth of Antioch, -members of the Circus factions, who had assembled in the Forum, some -armed in military fashion, others provided only with stones. The first -bands of the Orientals were severely repulsed, and already the -Syrio-Greeks began to sing the pæan of "Justinian the Victor," when -large forces arrived and extinguished their resistance. A ruthless -massacre then followed, neither age nor sex being spared, until the Shah -thought fit to give the signal for its cessation. - -Previous to the commencement of the siege, the Roman legates had been -received in the Persian camp, where they vainly endeavoured to dissuade -Chosroes from continuing the war. He now summoned them to his presence, -and, in a lacrymose tone, delivered a homily on the diversified nature -of human fortune. The ruin of this noble capital, he remarked, was a sad -spectacle, which he had done all in his power to prevent. By their rash -defence with unequal forces, the citizens had brought this calamity on -themselves, but he had restrained the incensed soldiery and given time -for great numbers to escape. The arrogance of mortals, he continued, was -visited with condign punishment by the Deity, who sought to restrain -them from encroaching beyond their proper sphere. He pointed at -Justinian, on whom he cast the whole onus of originating the war. But to -his hearers it seemed that only wanton aggression had impelled him on -this campaign, whilst all understood that he had delayed the assault -discreetly lest his own army should incur needless risk. - -The fate of Antioch was presently decided. All the remaining inhabitants -were seized as captives, and the buildings were given over to pillage -and fire. Treasures of gold and silver and works of art in marble were -accumulated for the special benefit of the Shah, who departed, leaving -incendiaries in the city to complete the task of destruction. -Ultimately, however, Chosroes showed himself as a benignant master of -the Antiochians whom he had carried off. In the vicinity of Ctesiphon he -built a new city, to which he gave the name of Chosroantioch, and -furnished it with everything appertaining to a Roman town, including a -circus and public baths. Here the captives were housed under the eye of -the monarch himself, with no intermediary satrap, and endowed with many -privileges which were not enjoyed by his Persian subjects. Moreover, if -any of the relatives of the inhabitants, who had been enslaved, -succeeded in escaping to this town, they were granted a permanent -asylum, so that their masters could not reclaim them, even should they -be nobles of the court.[570] - -It might be said, without much sacrifice of accuracy, that the war which -had now broken out between Rome and Persia only terminated a century -later, when the Sassanian dynasty was extinguished by the votaries of -Mohammed. There were interruptions to hostilities, vicissitudes in the -martial relations of the two empires, yet no stable peace. But the -Saracens then became the neighbours of Rome on the Euphrates, as they -had always previously been on the Arabian frontiers; and, viewing the -conflict as one between East and West, between Grecian and Oriental -civilization, we might traverse a millennium and aver that the war never -ended until 1453, when Mohammed II made his victorious entry into -Constantinople. Henceforward Justinian was almost perpetually engaged in -desultory and indecisive military operations on the eastern marches; and -the repair of damages inflicted by his restless compeer constituted a -permanent drain on the resources of the Empire. - -After this signal success there was a lull in the activity of Chosroes, -and he showed a disposition to grant a peace. He discussed the subject -with the Byzantine envoys, and finally dismissed them with a precise -statement as to what terms he would accept.[571] He then took a pleasure -trip to the sea at Seleucia, the port of Antioch, visited the grove of -Daphne, after which his greed for acquisition returned, and he bethought -himself of the rich city of Apamea, which was in the vicinity. He -appeared before the gates, but, as an informal truce was supposed to be -in existence, he professed himself to be an amicable visitor, desirous -only of viewing the objects of interest in the town. He was admitted -with a guard of cavalry, and presided in the Circus in imitation of the -Byzantine autocrat. Hearing that Justinian favoured the Blues, he -announced himself in opposition as a partisan of the Greens. As, -however, his temper was uncertain, it was thought prudent to conciliate -him with a gift of a thousand pounds of silver before his departure; -but, still insatiate, he insisted also in appropriating the treasures of -the cathedral.[572] He now discarded all respect for the peace -negotiations, and resumed his career of subjugation. Ransoms were -exacted as before, and he decided on the blockade of Edessa, but was -deterred by the evil omen of a boil on his cheek. He then laid siege to -Dara, and drove a tunnel beneath the walls. His design, however, was -betrayed, and frustrated by a counterwork on the part of the besieged, -whereupon he abandoned the enterprise and returned to Persia for the -winter. - -Justinian now repudiated the peace convention, which had been made by -his legates, on the ground that Chosroes had violated the conditions; -and in the spring of 541 Belisarius arrived at Dara to organize the -defences of the country. The result of a military council was an -advance, with all the forces which could be mustered, on Nisibis. Here -the usual round of skirmishes were fought outside the walls, but at -length it was decided that the fortress was impregnable, and the Roman -army retired. A conflict with the Shah had been expected, but he was -reported to be occupied with a Hunnish incursion, and did not make his -appearance on the Euphrates this year. After directing some raids on -Persian territory, in the course of which Sisauranum, an important -fortress, with its garrison, was captured, Belisarius returned to -Constantinople for the winter. Arethas, the Saracen sheikh, with a large -following, took part in this expedition, and even crossed the Tigris -into Assyria; but, being ill-directed and supported, rendered little -effective service. The Persian soldiers who had been taken as prisoners -of war, about eight hundred in number,[573] were sent to Italy, there to -do duty as combatants against the Goths. - -In the meantime Chosroes had really absented himself on an expedition -which he had undertaken insidiously against Byzantine commerce in the -Euxine Sea. After the Lazi and Iberians had taken refuge in the arms of -Rome, Justinian had proceeded to make his suzerainty practical by -building a strong fortress on the coast of Lazica. Founded among -inaccessible rocks, and approachable from the plain on one side only, -this stronghold received the appropriate name of Petra. A pair of -military Dukes, distinguished as usual for rapacity, were placed in -charge, and they immediately created a monopoly in their own favour of -the imports by sea, on which the Lazi were almost wholly dependent. The -region, in fact, was devoid of agricultural produce and salt.[574] For -such necessaries they bartered slaves and skins. Soon the fiscal -oppression became so intolerable that deputies were secretly despatched -to implore the Persian King to take up arms on behalf of the Lazi and -expel the Romans. Chosroes seized the opportunity, and, giving out that -he was marching against the Huns, proceeded with a numerous army to the -occupation of Lazica. The country was shut in by precipitous mountains, -but level passes existed, which, however, were blocked by a dense -forest. With the aid of native guides and a strong body of pioneers, a -route was quickly opened; and Gubazes, the King, met and adored the Shah -on his arrival. The Persians poured in rapidly and disposed themselves -for an assault on Petra. At the onset they suffered severely through a -ruse of the Byzantine commandant, who withdrew all his men from the -battlements so as to give the fortress a deserted appearance. The -Orientals, therefore, crowded up carelessly, and began to arrange their -siege engines in suitable positions, when suddenly the gates were flung -open, and the garrison, charging impetuously, drove them back with great -slaughter. Within a few days, however, the resourceful author of this -success was slain by an arrow, and thereafter the defence became languid -and ineffective. Two great towers were the chief bulwarks of the town, -and the Persians, without being observed, bored a tunnel which -terminated under the base of one of them. Then the stone foundations -were cautiously removed and substituted by a mass of inflammable wood. -On fire being applied, the ponderous pile soon collapsed; whereupon the -besieged gladly accepted the terms offered them to surrender. The -treasures of John Tzibus—such was the name of the Duke who had been in -command—which he had amassed by his extortions to a large amount, fell -into the hands of the victor, who then evacuated the principality, -leaving a Persian garrison in the fortress. Chosroes was now in a -position to ruin Byzantine commerce in the Euxine, but it was first -essential that he should build a fleet in order to make his conquest of -Petra effective for the purpose. In order to guard his retreat during -this expedition, the Shah had impelled an irruption of Huns into Roman -Armenia, but they were met and defeated by the Master of Soldiers in -that region, who, however, neglected to follow up his success, being -ignorant or misdirected as to the opportunity of intercepting the -Persians on their way through the mountain passes of Lazica.[575] - -The insufficiency of the Byzantine forces in the East was such that next -year (542), when Belisarius returned to the seat of war, he was obliged -to trust to a ruse to stop the progress of the Persian army. Chosroes -again led the invasion, and this time with Jerusalem as the object of -his cupidity, when he heard that a Roman camp had been formed on the -river, south of the frontier, so as to intercept him should he return by -his usual line of march. Thereupon he sent an exploratory legation, -ostensibly to interrogate the Master of Soldiers as to Justinian's -intentions with respect to a treaty. Having named a day for their -reception, Belisarius advanced from his camp accompanied by six thousand -of his tallest soldiers, chosen from as many diverse nationalities as -possible. When the time of meeting was at hand, he appeared reclining in -an extemporized tent, as if resting after a hunting expedition, whilst -in various directions, as far as the eye could reach, were seen -Thracians, Mysians, Goths, Herules, Vandals, and Moors, all in undress, -hurrying to and fro, seemingly busied with matters relating only to the -chase. On the opposite side of the river a thousand cavalry were -disposed, making as much show as possible by their evolutions. When the -Persians came up, Belisarius, regarding them in a questioning manner, -with an air of repellant surprise, inquired what might be the object of -their visit to his camp. At the same time the men, passing and -repassing, one with a horse-whip, another with an axe, a sword, or a -bow, gave them a look of careless and contemptuous scrutiny, and went on -as if too intent on their occupation to notice them any further. In -reply to the general, the chief legate said that the Shah was indignant -at Justinian's not having sent an ambassador with a definite answer as -to the proposed treaty. "It is not customary," said Belisarius in a -haughty tone, "for people to act like Chosroes—to invade a neighbouring -kingdom with a great army, and then to inquire what pacific measures -would be most acceptable. Withdraw your forces; we decline to treat with -you unless upon equal terms." Making a gesture of dismissal, he then -turned away and began to occupy himself with something else. - -Duly impressed by this burlesque, the envoy reported to Chosroes that he -had never met a general so decided and authoritative, nor seen soldiers -of such splendid proportions, whilst the main army must be very -numerous, since so many could be out of arms at one time as a mere -hunting party. Moved by this report, the Shah thought it prudent to -retreat across the Euphrates at the spot where he found himself instead -of retracing his usual route to Ctesiphon. Thus was Palestine saved; and -by many Belisarius was credited with a finer achievement than when he -led Gelimer or Vitigis captive to Constantinople. Yet it was the last -occasion on which he held a command in the Orient; and his activities in -future were to be confined to Italy and the vicinity of the capital. -Even on this occasion, however, the Persian monarch did not regain his -capital empty handed, but, finding on his way back that Callinicus was -poorly fortified, he took it by a sudden assault, and made a clean sweep -of everything worth removing from the site. - -During the following year, owing to the prevalence of a fatal epidemic, -Chosroes remained inactive; but the Romans penetrated into Persarmenia, -where they carried on the war with little success, and sustained at -least one decisive defeat. In 544, however, the Shah again emerged from -his boundaries, this time resolved on the capture of Edessa, a city -which affirmed itself to possess a direct guarantee from the Deity that -it would never be taken by an enemy, and a passage to that effect from a -letter, said to have been written by Jesus to Abgar, a former ruler, was -inscribed over the gates. But Chosroes was ambitious of disproving the -validity of this safeguard, and, therefore, set about beleaguering the -city in a manner which should exclude the possibility of being -unsuccessful. His ardour in this undertaking was sustained by the -fanaticism of the Magi, who, having adored Jesus at his birth, ever -afterwards regarded him as an impostor most obnoxious to their religion. -A preliminary skirmish, however, having turned out unfavourably for his -arms, he began to dread the disgrace of failure, and proposed a ransom; -but the amount was so exorbitant that the citizens elected rather to -endure a siege. Preparations for capture were, therefore, pushed on -energetically; and first of all the Persians began to construct an -immense quadrangular mound, from the flat top of which they intended to -dominate the city with their missiles. Trunks of trees, stones, and -earth were congested together, in the beginning at a distance beyond -bow-shot from the walls, but as the work progressed towards the town, -the builders became attainable by the arrows and engines of the -garrison. The discharge was at first effective, especially that of -flaming darts, but the Orientals soon erected huge screens made of -hides, under cover of which they were able to work in safety. The -citizens now became seriously alarmed, and sent a further deputation to -Chosroes, but in vain, fifty thousand pounds of gold (£4,000,000) being -the lowest price he would accept to raise the siege. All hope of an -accommodation being now lost, the engineers of the city began to devise -means to counteract the hostile operations. First they tried to raise a -mound, conjoined to the walls, to oppose that of the enemy, but the task -proved to be beyond their powers, and so they desisted. Then they bored -a tunnel, which reached as far as the centre of the mound, designing to -destroy it by fire from below, but the Persian sentinels heard the -excavators at work, and the scheme was frustrated by a counterboring. -Another tunnel, which only attained the proximate part of the mound, was -achieved with better success, and a cavern was hollowed out, into which -a vast quantity of dry wood impregnated with oil, sulphur, and bitumen -was introduced. Here a fire was kept burning constantly by fresh -supplies, whilst the enemy's attention was diverted from the rising -smoke by an incessant discharge of blazing arrows and pitch-pots. After -some days, however, as the fire pervaded the viscera of the mound, -volumes of smoke betrayed the real nature of the conflagration. The -Persians then essayed to extinguish it with earth and water, but, -failing to check it, they decided to abandon this siege work. A surprise -attack by night with ladders was the next manœuvre, but the Romans were -too vigilant, and the coup only led to a slaughterous repulse. During -the whole period of the beleaguerment, sallies were regularly organized -by the garrison, and generally with considerable loss to the besiegers. -Finally Chosroes nerved himself to make a supreme effort with all his -powers to storm the city. With this object in view, myriads of adobes -were moulded and laid over the top of the smouldering mound. The assault -was begun in the early morning, and at first bid fair to be successful, -the defenders of the wall being comparatively few; but, as the day wore -on, the whole effective population—men, women, and children, crowded to -the battlements. Then improvised projectiles of every available -substance were hurled, cauldrons of oil were brought up and fired along -the top of the wall, and, with the aid of suitable sprinklers, drops of -the burning liquid were rained down on the escaladers. After a prolonged -and vigorous attack, the besiegers retired and informed the Shah that -they could make no headway. He raged, and drove them back again; they -returned to the assault with reckless fury; ladders, towers, and engines -of every description were rushed up to the walls, but for the second -time the ceaseless torrent of missiles put them to flight. Chosroes then -resigned himself and left his post of observation, while the townspeople -hurled their taunts of defiance after his retreating figure. The siege -of Edessa had failed; and, with the slight compensation of five hundred -pounds of gold (£20,000), he broke up his camp and departed. - -Shortly after Justinian's legates again convened Chosroes and in 545 he -granted a truce for five years in exchange for two thousand pounds of -gold (£80,000), and a Greek physician, whose skill had formerly relieved -him from a painful malady.[576] Yet such was his ill faith that when he -sent a plenipotentiary to conclude the pact at Constantinople, he -commissioned him to attempt the capture of Dara, while on his way, by a -stratagem. But for the wariness of the inhabitants of that fortress, the -emissary would have gained admission with a large retinue, fired the -houses in the night, and opened the gates to the army of Nisibis, which -was to lie in waiting outside the walls. - -Notwithstanding the establishment of peaceful relations, a desultory -warfare was still carried on in Lazica. A twelve-month's experience of -Persian domination convinced the Lazi that there was something even -worse than Byzantine extortion, and they prayed to be received again -into the fold of a nation which was at least Christian like themselves. -Nor could the Romans endure the loss of Petra, but sent an expeditionary -force into the country to retake it. They were opposed by a Persian -army, and for many years the principality was the scene of numerous -petty successes and defeats. Chosroes imported a large quantity of -material for the purpose of building a fleet on the Euxine, but it was -suddenly consumed by lightning, whence it happened that the command of -the sea in these regions was never obtained by the Persians. - -Intermittently the siege of Petra was pressed for eight years before the -stronghold again came into the hands of the Byzantines (551). The -successful general was Bessas, who, though above seventy years of age, -was the first to ascend the scaling ladders at the last assault. The -defence of the fortress had been persisted in by the Persians with -extraordinary fortitude; and out of seven hundred and thirty men of the -garrison, who were taken prisoners, it was found that only eighteen had -not received a wound. Five hundred of the survivors took refuge in the -citadel, and in spite of an earnest exhortation by Bessas, preferred -death by fire to surrender; whence all of these perished in the flames -with which the Romans consumed the buildings. The fortress contained a -store of provisions calculated to last for five years, and the reserve -of arms and armour would have sufficed to fit out each man of the -garrison five times over. But the captors were chiefly amazed at seeing -a copious flow issuing from an aqueduct, although every channel of water -supply had apparently been cut off. In the only possible track a surface -conduit had been divided, but for long afterwards no signs could be -detected of a lack of water in the town. Evidently there must be a -second supply; they dug down and came on an underground conduit beneath -the first, and that also was severed. Only after the capture of the -fortress was it discovered that at a still greater depth a third -watercourse for the supply of the inhabitants had been constructed. -Petra was now abolished by Bessas, who razed every building to the -ground level, and departed with his prisoners to the capital.[577] - -Two years after the beginning of this war an outbreak of bubonic plague, -the first circumstantially recorded in history, was manifested in the -Eastern Hemisphere. The phenomena of the disease were first noted at -Pelusium, whence it spread throughout Egypt on the one hand, and Asia -Minor on the other. In the spring of the next year (543) it reached -Constantinople, where it raged for four months. At first few persons -were stricken, but the epidemic became intensified gradually, until at -the height of its virulence as many as ten thousand victims died in one -day. The cessation of all normal activities of social life, and the -changed aspect of the Imperial capital have been described by -Procopius,[578] who was present there at the time. Deserted streets, -except for those hurrying to bury the dead without religious rites; the -oppletion of all ordinary sepulchres and cemeteries; the digging of -graves in every available patch of ground in the suburbs; the ultimate -difficulty of disposing of the corpses by any recognized method, when -some were projected into the sea, and others were hurled down the wall -towers of Sycae, the roofs having been temporarily removed for the -purpose; the stench afterwards pervading the city when the wind set from -that quarter; the wailing of the bereaved and the fearful who betook -themselves to the churches; the opulent households in which sometimes a -few slaves were the sole survivors of the family; the dying left -untended and those who fell dead in the thoroughfares while conveying -their relatives to the tomb; finally the obliteration of the feud -between the Circus factions, and their dejectedly working in harmony for -the removal of their own dead and those of others; such were the main -features which denoted the state of hopeless desolation prevailing -during this calamitous visitation. - -The symptoms of this plague have been described by the contemporary -historian with an accuracy which leaves little to be added by a modern -physician having a clinical acquaintance with the disease. In typical -cases the victim at some unexpected moment felt a sharp stab, almost -invariably in the groin or the axilla; whence the superstitious declared -that they had seen a demon who at the critical instant approached and -struck them. Fever, with the development of a bubo at the sensitive -spot, rapidly set in; coma or delirium then supervened, and death -occurred in three or four days. Black patches often appeared on the -body, and were premonitory of an immediately fatal ending. Among the -worst signs, vomiting or spitting of blood was also observed. In the -most violent attacks the patient without warning fell down in -contortions and died before other symptoms became apparent. Some rushed -madly through the street, others flung themselves from windows or roofs. -The disease was not contagious, and those who handled the infected -bodies were not on that account more liable to be seized. Recovery was -forecasted by ripening and suppuration of the buboes, whilst indolence -of those tumours was surely indicative of a fatal termination. The -medical faculty dissected the corpses with assiduity, but found neither -explanation nor remedy. In their prognosis also they were often wrong, -some recovering whom they had given up, and others dying, of whom they -had entertained the best hopes. Having once manifested itself, the -plague became endemic, and more than half a century afterwards continued -to be one of the chief causes of mortality.[579] - -[564] Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 26. - -[565] Procopius, De Bel. Pers., ii, 9. The veneration of the Persians -for truth has been referred to in a former chapter, but in actual fact -deceitfulness was a prominent characteristic of the nation. Thus Horace -alludes to the "lying Persians" ("infidi Persae," Od., iv, 15) as the -verdict of common experience. Truth was rare and precious in Persia, and -esteemed accordingly. The opinions of modern travellers coincide. See -Müller, Encycl. Brit., xxii, p. 663; cf. Palgrave, _Ibid._, ii, p. 248. - -[566] In this rebellion they managed to kill Sittas, Theodora's -brother-in-law, and, it was said, by the hand of Artabanes, who joined -the Imperial service soon after, and so much distinguished himself in -Africa. See p. 522. - -[567] Procopius, De Bel. Pers., ii, 2, 3, whence the narrative proceeds -as below. - -[568] See p. 193. - -[569] Founded and developed by Macedonian Kings of Syria, beginning at -300 B.C. For a full history, see Mülller, Antiq. Antioch., Götting., -1839. For a topographical and sociological account the bulk of the -materials are to be found in Libanius, Chrysostom, and Jn. Malala. - -[570] On the taking of Antioch, etc., cf. Jn. Lydus, De Magistr., iii, -54. Not a taxpayer was left in Syria, he says, but nevertheless the -Rector had to extort the revenue out of the province in some way. - -[571] Five thousand pounds of gold (£200,000) paid down, and five -hundred (£20,000) annually. The latter was for the upkeep of the Caspian -gates, which he, like his father, chafed at having to guard without -specified assistance from the Romans; Procopius, _loc. cit._, 10. - -[572] Apamea was one of those places where a log of wood, said to be a -fragment of the true cross, was preserved and venerated. On this -occasion it was brought out and paraded, a miraculous light following -the Bishop as he went on his round with it; Procopius, _loc. cit._, 11 -(by hearsay); Evagrius, iv, 26, who says he was taken to see it himself -when a schoolboy. Chosroes did not allow his soldiers unbounded licence. -Thus, when a citizen of Apamea complained that his daughter had been -ravished, he hanged the man, in spite of the prayers of his comrades. - -[573] Procopius, Anecd., 2. - -[574] _Ibid._, 15, 28. - -[575] Procopius, Anecd., 2. - -[576] Cf. Zachariah Myt., xii, 7. - -[577] Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iv, 11, _et seq._; where he continues -his history of the Persian war after the record closes in his work -specified to that subject. - -[578] De Bel. Pers., 22 _et seq._ The great plague at Athens (430 B.C.) -was probably the same, but the historian (Thucydides, ii, 47, _et seq._) -does not give the pathognomonic symptoms with exactitude. - -[579] Evagrius, iv, 29. A long and lugubrious account of the plague is -given by John Ephes. (Hist. _ad calc._ Com., p. 227, _et seq._), not -only at CP., but in Asia and Egypt. It lacks, however, the precision of -that of Procopius. - - - - - CHAPTER XII - PRIVATE LIFE IN THE IMPERIAL CIRCLE AND ITS DEPENDENCIES - - -While the diplomacy of Justinian and the strategy of Belisarius were -apparently dictated only by motives of state policy and military -expediency, there were private influences at work, which modified -considerably the execution of their projects. The feminine proclivities -and prejudices of Theodora and Antonina on more than one occasion -diverted both men from the course which their better judgment inclined -them to follow. Distinctive as were the characters of the Emperor and -his most renowned general, in the quality of uxoriousness their -similarity was complete. In order that the power exercised by the women -in question over the destinies of the Empire at critical periods may be -realized, it is necessary to refer to some domestic incidents which -exemplify the extent of their conjugal gynarchy. - -When Belisarius and his wife set out for Africa they were accompanied by -a young Christian proselyte named Theodosius, whom they had affiliated -as their adopted son. Of this youth Antonina became intensely enamoured, -and succeeded in establishing an illicit intercourse with him, which was -obvious to every member of the household except her too trusting -husband. During their stay at Carthage Belisarius entered fortuitously a -remote chamber of the palace, where he surprised his wife in company -with Theodosius, whose dress was disordered in a manner which indicated -unmistakably the nature of their commerce. The general was about to -express himself indignantly, when Antonina, with perfect assurance, -explained: "I have just come here with this young man in order to hide -the most precious objects in our share of the booty from the cupidity of -the Emperor." Her husband stifled his suspicions and, blind to the -evidence of his senses, retired submissively, leaving the youth in the -act of adjusting his clothing so as to accord with the requirements of -decency.[580] - -This intrigue went on, therefore, indefinitely, but at Syracuse a -slave-girl, named Macedonia, vengeful or indignant, revealed it in -precise terms to Belisarius, and produced two of her fellow-slaves to -corroborate her evidence. The general was convinced, and swore not to -betray his informants; and thereupon charged some of his military -intimates to make away with Theodosius. They, however, more solicitous -as to the favour of his wife, gave the paramour a warning in consequence -of which he fled to Ephesus.[581] At the same time Antonina managed to -persuade her husband that she had been calumniated, with the result that -he surrendered the three witnesses to her discretion. They perished by a -cruel death at the hands of their mistress, who killed them by torture, -and had their bodies thrown into the sea. In the next phase of the -intrigue we see Antonina in conflict with her son Photius, whose -animosity against Theodosius was such that the latter refused to return -to the embraces of his mistress unless he were expelled from the -household. This end was achieved by domestic persecution, and the -paramour was shortly afterwards reinstated with the connivance of -Belisarius himself. When the Master of Soldiers was sent into -Mesopotamia against Chosroes, Antonina, contrary to precedent, remained -at Constantinople to enjoy the society of her lover. Dreading, however, -the interference of her son, she plotted to encompass his death. In -self-defence he brought forward irrefragable evidence of the adulterous -life that his mother was leading, whereupon Belisarius engaged him by a -solemn compact to punish the enemy of his conjugal peace.[582] With this -design Antonina was summoned to join her husband, and consequently, as -had been foreseen, Theodosius betook himself to his retreat at Ephesus, -where he had attached himself to a religious fraternity. Photius -followed on and, having made himself master of his person, caused him to -be detained under strict surveillance. - -It was in this year (541) that Chosroes undertook his expedition into -Lazica, thereby denuding Persia of his most effective troops. For an -enterprising Roman general the way lay open through the richest part of -Assyria to Ctesiphon, where were congregated the captives and spoils of -Antioch, within reach of a strategical march. But Belisarius could not -persuade himself to quit the vicinity of the frontier, intent as he was -on settling his relations with his wife; and on hearing of her approach -he retreated with his forces to a position which enabled her to join -him. Subsequent events in this connection now become merged in -occurrences which I have yet to relate. - -Chosroes, on his side simultaneously, was beset with untoward -circumstances. Owing to the barren nature of Lazica his army was -ill provided with necessaries, and many of his soldiers had perished -through disease and want. A mutinous spirit became rife, and during -their retreat, hearing of the successes of Belisarius and Valerian, they -feared to be cut off in the rocky passes commanded by heights accessible -to a hostile force. The Shah was assailed with reproaches for having -entered unadvisedly on a war with a nation of so much political -competency, and he began to be alarmed for the security of his throne. -In this strait his good fortune had provided him with a remedy of a -peculiar kind, which emanated from the assumption and indiscretion of -the Byzantine Empress herself. Zaberganes, his most influential adviser, -had received a letter from Theodora, to whom he was personally known, -imploring him to incline his master to grant considerate terms of peace. -"Should you achieve this object," she added, "I can promise you a -splendid recompense on the part of my husband, who is absolutely -dependent on my advice." Having read this epistle Chosroes inquired of -his staff whether a state could be efficiently governed in which a woman -exercised such a preposterous ascendancy. They agreed unanimously that -such an adversary did not deserve to be considered seriously, and -acquitted the Shah of having acted rashly in embarking on a war with -them. Confident, therefore, in the imbecility of the Byzantines, they -resumed their march and soon arrived safely within the borders of their -own country. - -So far in the course of my narrative we have often seen the names of -Theodora and Antonina coupled together, but merely in juxtaposition. As -I proceed in my attempt to elucidate the sequence of events we shall -arrive at a point of time when their lives actually become mingled. Some -retrogression, however, is necessary in order to enter on the political -track of Theodora nearer its beginning before we can reach those -entanglements in her secret machinations where concerted action between -the two women becomes apparent. I have already alluded cursorily to the -circumstances under which Queen Amalasuntha met her death,[583] but the -most effective cause of that crime was one which remained hidden from -the public. In addition to her royal descent, which was derived from a -long line of kingly ancestors, the Gothic queen was a woman of great -personal charm, of cultivated mind, and of an age scarcely exceeding -that of the Eastern Empress. Justinian was much impressed at the -prospect of a princess of her rank placing herself under his protection, -and he prepared a temporary establishment at Epidamnus, in a style -suitable to her dignity, in anticipation of her being obliged to fly -from the soil of Italy. Later on he expected to receive her at -Constantinople, where he doubtless intended that she should be housed -permanently in one of the palaces adjacent to the Court. This project, -so grateful to the Emperor, was viewed with more than equal abhorrence -by his consort. That Amalasuntha, pre-eminent by her birth, her talents, -and her beauty, would receive unremitting homage and admiration from -Justinian and his nobles, and eclipse the Empress in her own halls, -might be foreseen as an inevitable result of such an arrangement. While -this affair was under consideration, and might at any moment be -realized, another woman appeared on the scene, to whom the rivalry of -the Gothic queen was at once as odious as it threatened to become to -Theodora herself. Gudelina, the wife of Theodahad, participating in her -husband's elevation, assumed the attributes of royalty at the Court of -Ravenna, where she immediately found herself outshone by her brilliant -cousin, whose prerogatives and merits were so much superior to her own. -An instinctive alliance between the two women, the sting to whose -vanities was projected from the same source, was quickly formed. Letters -passed between them, cautiously expressed, but clear to the mind of -each; and Theodora infused some of her own determination into the mind -of the nominal queen in the West.[584] The details of the plot which -ensued are lost to us, and we can only see that the daughter of -Theodoric, probably without apprehensions as regards those for whom she -had been the author of fortune, was ensnared by a coalition of her foes, -and under some specious pretence deported from her own court. By this -consummation the Gothic clique might, perhaps, have been appeased; but -the Empress was no advocate of half measures, and when Peter departed on -his embassy to Ravenna he was intrusted by her with a secret mandate to -encompass the death of Amalasuntha. Instead, therefore, of acting on -behalf of Justinian, he obeyed Theodora, and through his insidious -counsels the unfortunate princess perished forthwith in her obscure -prison.[585] - -Hitherto Theodora and Antonina had pursued their respective courses at a -distance from each other, but they were on convergent paths, which after -the outbreak of the Gothic war necessarily became united. Although she -had previously viewed her with dislike, the Empress now found that the -wife of Belisarius was the only congenial agent she could employ for the -furtherance of her underhand designs. Whether through policy or -prejudice, Theodora had always been a zealous partisan of the -Monophysite sect, and she was anxious to wring some concessions from the -Catholics, which should conduce to the union of Christendom. To promote -a willing instrument to the Papal chair was the leading move towards -this end; and as a first step Silverius had to be removed to make room -for such a pliable occupant. After the capture of Rome the opportunity -occurred, and the commission was given to Antonina. By her artifices the -Pope was accused of collusion with the Goths and banished to the lonely -isle of Palmaria. There shortly afterwards he ended his life at the -hands of an assassin suborned by the same intriguant. By her address and -success on this occasion Antonina conquered the favour of the Empress, -who for the future deigned to make use of her whenever some object had -to be attained by means of bold and deceitful assurance. Her skill in -such diplomacy was soon to be tested in a more delicate enterprise. - -On his restoration to office after the Nika riot John of Cappadocia -attained to the summit of his power. He accumulated wealth to a -prodigious amount, and at length his mind became inflated by the -possession of vast resources to such an extent that he deemed nothing -less than the purple to be an adequate reward of his merit. He had -recourse to soothsayers, who predicted for him the highest fortune he -could desire; and he displayed himself to an expectant element of the -populace in dazzling apparel and surrounded by extraordinary state. To -publish his importance to the utmost he went on a progress through the -Orient, where he enthralled the vulgar by his magnificence, and appalled -the sober-minded by the unscrupulousness of his extortions. Having -fulfilled his purpose by this expedition, he returned to the capital, -and made a triumphal entry escorted, or rather borne along, by a pageant -of female nudity, thinly veiled by a diaphanous material which exposed -more than it concealed of their beauties.[586] - -Notwithstanding his singular talents and versatility in devising -expedients, there was one relationship in which John showed himself to -be obtuse and indiscreet in the highest degree. Overpowered by his own -conceit, and feeling that the Emperor reposed unlimited confidence in -him, he was unable to appreciate the fact that Theodora exercised a -boundless dominion over her husband. He, therefore, not only neglected -to pay his court to the Empress, but, contemning and resenting her -interference in affairs, met her with a hostile countenance, and even -went so far as to asperse her in conversation with Justinian. Becoming -fully aware of his sentiments towards her, Theodora soon came to hate -him with an intensity she displayed towards no other member of the -bureaucracy. His ruin was long uppermost in her thoughts, and she sought -assiduously for some opportunity of killing him without incurring the -odium of the deed. On his side the Cappadocian was keenly perceptive of -the enmity he had kindled against himself in the breast of his Imperial -mistress, and lived in continual dread of her murderous intent. Although -he was encompassed by thousands of private guards, such as no Praetorian -Praefect had ever before maintained, and his palace was paraded by -wakeful sentinels every hour of the day and night, he was unable to -sleep without rising from time to time to explore with his eye every -passage leading to his bedchamber, fearful lest some barbarian might be -lurking in the dark ready at any instant to deal him his death-blow. - -Such was the posture of affairs in relation to John until in the tenth -year of his magistracy the inevitable catastrophe befell him. It was in -541, when Belisarius left his wife behind him at Constantinople, that -Theodora unbosomed herself to her confidential friend, as that lady had -now become,[587] as to her grievances against the insolent Praefect. The -wile-weaving Antonina immediately evolved a plot to deliver her royal -mistress from her pet aversion. Euphemia, an only child, was the -daughter of the Cappadocian, and for her he cherished a deep affection. -In sympathy with her father, the girl abhorred the Empress as the source -of his disquietude; and would have welcomed eagerly a change of -sovereignty. Intuitively conscious of her sentiments, Antonina -approached Euphemia with blandishments, and, by professing a fellow -feeling, soon captured her confidence. She bewailed the lot of her -husband, whose magnificent services had been ill-requited by Justinian, -and simulated a demeanour of hopeless discontent. "But why, my dearest -friend," exclaimed the girl, "when you have the remedy in your own -hands, the devotion of the army, do you hesitate to redress your -wrongs?" "In the camp," replied the temptress, "we could do nothing -unless we had a powerful coadjutor in the capital; but, were your father -to join our party, we should doubtless effect what God wills with the -greatest ease." The Cappadocian was at once informed by his daughter of -all that had passed, and she expressed her belief in the sincerity of -Antonina with warm enthusiasm. He was captivated by the brilliant -suggestion, which seemed to him to signalize the providential fulfilment -of the prophecies on which he relied. He, therefore, instructed Euphemia -to prepare an interview between himself and Antonina for the following -day, but first to extract from her an oath, in the form most sacred to -the Christians, that she was acting in strict good faith. Antonina -perjured herself without hesitation in the most impressive manner,[588] -but represented that an immediate colloquy in the city would be -perilous. She, however, was about to join her husband in the East, and -would halt on her way at their suburban residence, where a meeting might -take place without arousing suspicion. Hence it was agreed that on a -certain date John should repair by night to the place indicated, where -mutual pledges could be given and their plans matured for execution. -Justinian was now quietly informed that John was engaged in a plot -against the throne, whereupon he ordered Narses, with a company of -guards, to be present at the meeting, in concealment. Should John be -overheard to utter anything treasonable, they were to rush in and cut -him down on the spot. At the same time, such was his attachment to the -man, he sent a secret emissary warning him to have no clandestine -relations with Antonina. The caution was, however, disregarded by the -ambitious conspirator; the interview took place, and he expressed his -intentions clearly in the hearing of the eunuch. He was attacked -forthwith by the soldiers, but his own guards, who had also been lying -in wait, flew to his assistance, and in the scuffle which ensued he made -his escape. Had he even now sought the presence of the Emperor he could -have saved his credit by some plausible explanation; but he acknowledged -his guilt by hastening to take sanctuary in a church, and thus gave -Theodora time to elaborate all her charges in due form. - -A sentence of degradation and confiscation was now passed, and -John was banished to Cyzicus, where, under the Gospel name of Peter, -he was forcibly ordained as a cleric. A bishopric, however, he -declined—criminals of lofty rank in that age were punished by being made -bishops—still indulging himself in visions of restoration, and chose to -remain in the unattached orders of the ministry. Shortly, in fact, he -began to live in his old style of splendour, for Justinian had not -exacted a rigorous surrender of all his property, whilst he was also -able to draw on large reserves which he had hidden away. Nevertheless -further trials awaited him; an unpopular bishop of Cyzicus was murdered, -and he was accused of the deed. A commission of Senators repaired to the -place, and, although his innocence was proved, old charges of peculation -were raked up, and in the end he was stripped of everything, and turned -out as a mendicant with a single garment. He was then shipped to -Alexandria, where he was forced to beg his bread; again under some -pretence he was seized and imprisoned for three years; yet, while living -as a vagrant, he often had the audacity to try and raise money by -claiming arrearages from defaulting debtors of the treasury.[589] - -We are now in a position to take up the thread of our narrative as -regards Belisarius, whom we left, in a state of mental distraction over -his wife's irregularities, in Mesopotamia. As soon as he came up with -her he placed her under guard in strict seclusion, divested of the -honours due to her rank, and began to prepare a process for the -severance of their relationship for the future. But he vacillated, -postponing any decisive step; and at length a will more powerful than -his own intervened to deprive him of all option in the matter. The news -of her confidant's disgrace was quickly carried to Theodora, and she -resolved that her right to do as she pleased should be vindicated in the -most complete and effectual manner. All her adversaries were arrested at -a single coup, and Belisarius was commanded peremptorily to make his -peace with his wife. Photius was seized and submitted to the torture, -but he kept his faith steadfastly, and refused to disclose where he had -sequestered Theodosius. Theodora, however, put her agents on his track, -and in no long time succeeded in unearthing him from his enforced -obscurity. Only after several years of suffering did Photius escape from -the prison he had been consigned to, and, making his way by secret paths -to Jerusalem, at last freed himself from persecution by becoming a -monk.[590] - -In the autumn (541) the Master of Soldiers and his wife returned to -Constantinople, where the reception accorded to them at Court was in -conformity with their respective merits in the eyes of Theodora. At the -first convenient moment the Empress received her friend in private and -addressed her: "Dearest Patrician Lady, a jewel fell into my hands the -other day, the like of which no one ever saw before; but, if you wish to -see it, I shall be pleased to show it to you." Antonina begged -effusively to be permitted to see the treasure; when Theodora, passing -her hand behind a curtain which veiled the entrance to another -apartment, led out Theodosius and presented him to his mistress. The -raptures which ensued, and the expressions of gratitude bestowed by -Antonina on her benefactress, surpassed description; but the reunion of -the lovers was of brief duration. Theodosius, for whom the Empress was -meditating great honours, was shortly afterwards seized with a -dysentery, and disappeared from the ranks of the living. - -Much deeper humiliation, however, was in store for Belisarius. Next -year, when he was absent with the army in the East, a report was spread -that the Emperor, resident in the plague-stricken capital, was himself -in the throes of a fatal attack of the malady. The question of the -throne becoming vacant was anxiously debated by the generals, and some -of them observed that, if the people of Constantinople proceeded to -elect a successor, he should not have the allegiance of the army. -Justinian, however, recovered unexpectedly, and the attitude adopted by -the military council was divulged at Court. Theodora was especially -enraged, as she assumed it to be part of her prerogative, in the case of -her husband's death, to nominate the next occupant of the throne.[591] -When the generals returned to Constantinople for the season, she -instituted an inquiry, and chose to see in Belisarius, though without -proof, the leader of the culprits. She denounced him in the bitterest -terms to the Emperor, who was doubtless only too pleased at finding a -pretext to subdue the excessive popularity of his eminent subordinate. -He was forthwith deprived of his post of General of the East; his -veteran guards, who had followed him into so many battles, were divided -into parcels and assigned to various magnates of the Court, and his -fortunes were seized for the benefit of the fisc. As a mere private -citizen he might be seen daily walking dejectedly alone between his -house and the Court, where he was viewed with neglect and disfavour, but -feared to absent himself lest a worse fate might befall him. In the -meantime Antonina enjoyed the highest favour with the Empress, whilst -the intercourse between husband and wife was of the coldest description. -For several weeks the great general languished in the abject condition -to which he had been reduced, although it appeared that his wife, being -possessed of such powerful interest, should be regarded as the arbiter -of his fate. On a certain day he left the palace, where he had been -treated with such contumely, even by minions of low grade, that on the -way home he glanced around involuntarily, fearful lest assassins should -be posted in some obscurity with a mandate to terminate his life. On his -arrival he threw himself on his couch, despairing of any alleviation of -his lot, while in an adjacent chamber he heard his wife's footsteps as -she walked to and fro restlessly, under the influence apparently of some -painful agitation. It was already dark when some one from without was -heard demanding admission, and shortly an emissary was announced as the -bearer of a despatch from the Empress. Belisarius shuddered and drew -himself up, anticipating him to be the messenger of death. A letter was -then presented to him, which he opened and read as follows: "You are not -ignorant, my good sir, as to what your conduct has been towards us. But -I am extremely indebted to your wife, and for her sake I pardon you, and -make her a present of your life; look upon her as your saviour, and -remember that our favour towards you in future shall be strictly -measured by the amiability of your disposition towards her." A sudden -revulsion of feeling was produced by the perusal of these words; he -rushed to his wife and knelt before her. He kissed her feet and -protested that he owed her everything; for the future she might call him -her slave, and he should never again claim to control her as a husband. - -After this crisis Theodora dealt definitely with the fortune of -Belisarius, which he had amassed during his wars. His money and -valuables were estimated to amount to six thousand pounds of gold -(£240,000), and of this she made two portions—one half to be returned to -the owner, the other she presented to the Emperor. Jealous even of so -much wealth remaining in private hands, she now sought to cement a -marriage between a young relative of her own and Joannina, the only -child of Belisarius.[592] - -The general now petitioned to be reinstated in his military rank, in -order that he might march against the Persians, but Antonina protested -that she would never again visit a country where she had been subjected -to such outrageous treatment. He was appointed, therefore, to the -equivocal position of Count of the Stables, which left the rulers of his -destiny the option of employing him on any opportune service.[593] - -The sequels of two episodes related in a previous portion of this work -may form a fitting conclusion to the present chapter. The first concerns -the son of Theodora, who, as an infant, was apprehensively removed from -the custody of his mother. In the remote province of Arabia the child -grew up to manhood under the tutelage of his father, who watched with -interest the career of his former mistress, but without revealing to the -youth the secret of his birth. Being on his death-bed, however, he -thought it right to communicate to him all the details as to his origin. -After his father's decease, therefore, John set out for Constantinople, -expecting that his mother would recognize his claims and provide for him -accordingly. On his arrival he introduced himself among her servitors, -stating plainly who he was, and awaited her pleasure. But Theodora was -alarmed lest the knowledge of this amour and its result should come to -the ears of Justinian, and determined that all trace of it should be -effaced. Hence she received her son in strict privacy, and at once -commended him to the attention of certain satellites of hers, who were -generally regarded as the authors of unexplained disappearances. What -method of suppression was adopted remained uncertain, but, whether alive -or dead, nothing further was ever seen of this John.[594] - -When Artabanes returned to Constantinople (546) after his signal -exploits at Carthage, he was received with great applause, and -immediately promoted to the rank of Master of Soldiers at Court. He was -much exalted by his good fortune, and especially at the prospect of -marrying the Emperor's niece, Prejecta, on whose account he had resigned -his independent vicegerency of Africa. With the acquiescence of all -parties, the brilliant nuptials were being prepared, when, at the last -moment, an unexpected obstacle intervened to shatter his impassioned -hopes. A wife of his youthful days, long since repudiated and forgotten, -still languished in his native land. In the times of his humble fortune -she was indifferent to the relationship, but, learning by report of her -husband's eminent success in the Byzantine service, she became eager to -enjoy the benefit of his advancement. Abandoning Armenia, therefore, she -arrived opportunely in the capital, and became informed of the projected -union which would exclude her for ever from his life. She presented -herself at the Palace with her sad story, and prayed for an audience of -the Empress. Theodora, who always evinced a lively desire to act as the -special providence of distressed women,[595] readily granted her -admission, and resolved to interfere on her behalf. She did so with her -usual effectivity, the imminent marriage was broken off, and the -unwilling Artabanes was forced to establish his rejected consort in her -conventional position as the head of his household. As for Prejecta, she -was shortly consoled with another partner, and became the wife of John, -son of the luckless Pompeius, who had perished more than a dozen years -before in the Nika rebellion. But Artabanes was so exasperated that he -was induced by some malcontents of his own nation to join a conspiracy -which had for its object the assassination of Justinian and the -elevation of Germanus to the throne.[596] The plot, however, was quickly -betrayed, and proved such a complete fiasco, that, after a commission of -the Senate had sat on the offenders and passed a nominal sentence, the -Emperor lost all interest in the matter.[597] Even Artabanes within a -twelvemonth was lifted out of his disgrace and given an active -appointment as Master of the Forces in Thrace.[598] - -[580] Procopius, Anecd., 1. Except where indicated, nearly the whole of -this chapter depends on the first four sections of this work. - -[581] On this occasion Constantine, a sub-general, who has been -mentioned (pp. 564, 567), remarked: "I should rather have got rid of the -woman than of the young man." During the siege of Rome by the Goths this -Constantine was summoned before Belisarius on a charge of appropriating -some valuable spoils. An altercation ensued, and the offender, -concluding rather hastily that he was about to be condemned to death, -made a rush at the Master of Soldiers with his drawn sword. He was -immediately seized and slaughtered in the antechamber at the command of -Belisarius, or, at least, with his acquiescence. This somewhat arbitrary -execution was attributed to the vengeance of Antonina, to whom the above -remark had been reported; Anecd., 1; De Bel. Goth., ii, 8. - -[582] Anecd., 2. Belisarius earnestly exhorts his step-son to co-operate -with him, claiming his allegiance as due to him in return for the care -he had bestowed on him during his youth. Cf. De Bel. Goth. i, 5. - -[583] See p. 550. - -[584] Cassiodorus, Var. Ep., x, 20, 23. - -[585] Procopius, De Bel. Goth., i, 4, with the elucidation in Anecd., -16, 24. In a letter from Gudelina to Theodora (Cassiod., _loc. cit._, -20), we find the statement, "Your remarks respecting a _certain person_ -have reached our ears with titillating effect (_titillatio_). Well, I -may tell you that we are going to do what will please you." There is no -plausible explanation of these sentences except that the two jealous -women were plotting against Amalasuntha. Soon after (_Ibid._, 23) -Gudelina again writes: "I am glad you approve of what has lately taken -place in this Kingdom"; a palpable allusion to the death of the Queen. -The lightest warning from Peter to the shuffling and scared Theodahad -would have deterred him from any hostile act against his royal -colleague; but he never spoke it, and, when the King affirmed that the -murder was perpetrated without his knowledge or consent, it is most -probable that he was stating a truth. It may be taken as certain, -therefore, that the death-blow of Amalasuntha was aimed from Byzantium. - -[586] Jn. Lydus, De Magistr., iii, 64, etc. - -[587] On winning the favour of Theodora she received a Court -appointment, viz., "Mistress of the Wardrobe," in modern phraseology; -Codinus, pp. 108, 125. - -[588] Procopius, Anecd., 2. - -[589] Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 25, where all the circumstances -relative to the fall of John are narrated at length. His disappearance, -however, was in no way a public benefit, as, after a few months Peter -Barsymes took his place. Although a man of higher stamp, his hand -weighed just as heavily on the taxpayers; Anecd., 22, 25. - -[590] Photius now disappears for ever from the pages of Procopius; but -he turns up again in John Ephes. (Hist., p. 66, Smith), who says that, -having taken the tonsure for some reason, he afterwards went up to -Justinian in his monkish habit and received from him a military command -in Syria, where he made himself obnoxious to the "orthodox" (Monoph.) by -his harsh treatment of them. - -[591] See p. 328. - -[592] His name was Anastasius, and he is represented as her grandson by -a daughter. The young people, one or both, were apparently not of -marriageable age, and so the wedding was put off. But they had arrived -at puberty by 547 at latest, so the birth of Theodora's daughter could -not have been later than 515. See below. Here is further evidence as to -the antiquity of the relations of Justinian and Theodora. If she could -try to bury her past in this way, perhaps Justinian never knew of it. -Hence a long interval may have separated her dissolute life from their -first meeting. But a daughter born in 515, before Justinian could have -thought of the succession? If we have the facts correctly, Theodora's -age should be much greater than is generally supposed. In John Ephes. -(Hist., pp. 51, 53, 59, Smith) the youth is called Athanasius, "the son -of Queen Theodora's daughter." Possibly this was another illegitimate -child (see p. 343) who was born before her meeting with Justinian. This -Athanasius appears in Church history as the founder of a peculiar -heresy. - -[593] Procopius, Anecd., 3, 4, where the details of this collision with -Theodora, chiefly _re_ Antonina and her incontinence, are given at -length. Without this revelation we should be puzzled to understand the -subsequent career of Belisarius, his never returning to Persia, etc. Cf. -Marcel. Com. an. 545. This title of _Comes Stabuli_, that is, Constable, -was afterwards a very lofty one in the West, _e.g._, _the Constable_ of -Bourbon, etc. - -[594] Procopius, Anecd., 17. Procopius (Anecd., 16) states that Theodora -kept a number of spies, who reported all that was said about the Court -in the public places and in private mansions. When she wished to get rid -of some one of position secretly she had him seized late at night, and -conveyed, with his head veiled, on board a ship, by which he was carried -to some distant place of confinement. Such persons generally succumbed -to harsh treatment, but occasionally obtained the forgiveness of the -Empress and reappeared in society. - -[595] Irrespective of rectitude, as shown by the case of Antonina; and -not invariably, as seen in the instance of Amalasuntha. On another -occasion she forced two noble ladies to marry men of low rank, through -some caprice or spite. Although they took sanctuary in a church, she -succeeded in starving them out; Anecd., 17. - -[596] He married Matasuentha, widow of Vitigis, who died two or three -years after his exile to CP.; Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iii, 39. -Jordanes calls this a union of the Amalian and Anician families (De Reb. -Get., lx), which shows that this ridiculous adulation as to Justinian's -pedigree was practically rife in the West. - -[597] Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iii, 31, 32. - -[598] _Ibid._, 39. - - - - - CHAPTER XIII - THE FINAL CONQUEST OF ITALY AND ITS ANNEXATION TO THE EMPIRE - - -Notwithstanding the signal success of Belisarius in his Italian -campaign, the Gothic Kingdom was even further from being actually -subjugated to the Byzantine power than was Africa after the capture of -Gelimer. The first care of Justinian was to appoint Alexander, an -eminent Logothete, popularly known as "the Scissors," to supervise the -financial administration of the country. His distinguishing sobriquet -had been acquired through his remarkable dexterity in clipping round the -gold coin according to an ingenious method of his own, which left the -margin apparently intact. This noted extortioner descended on the -Italians and sacked them mercilessly for suppositious debts, so that in -a short time the public allegiance was wholly alienated from the -victors. Even the army of occupation was defrauded of its pay to such an -extent that the soldiers began to view the hostile operations of the -enemy with complete indifference.[599] - -After the departure of Belisarius, Ildibad applied himself to revive the -spirit of the remnants of the Gothic forces, and to attract to his -standard all the malcontents among the Italians. He made Ticinum[600] -his headquarters, and soon found himself strong enough to join battle -with the only Roman army which was willing to take the field. He -defeated these troops with great slaughter, and was on the way to win a -reputation in arms, when, as the result of a private feud, he was -assassinated at a banquet. To him succeeded Eraric, but his elevation -was displeasing to the Goths in general, and in a few months he also was -killed insidiously to make room for Totila, a nephew of Ildibad. - -Totila, or Baduela,[601] the most illustrious King of the Goths in Italy -after the great Theodoric, had already made his submission to Justinian, -when the messengers arrived to offer him the crown of his nation. He was -in command of Tarvisium, and explained to them candidly his position, -but promised that, if they should take off Eraric by a certain day, -before his truce expired, he would accept the sovereignty. The -distasteful king disappeared; he was already a traitor, and had stated -his price to the Emperor, and the election of Totila was unanimously -ratified by the Goths (541). - -For many years Totila engaged himself in the reconquest of Italy, during -which time he traversed the peninsula from north to south, and recovered -nearly all the towns which had been lost to the Goths. The Byzantines -failed to put an army into the field which could oppose him, and in two -minor engagements they were defeated with considerable loss. The first -blood was drawn at Faventia, whither Totila, in the year after his -accession, hastened to meet the enemy. His whole force amounted to five -thousand men, the relics of two hundred thousand whom the Goths had at -their command eight years previously at the outset of the war. The -Romans were twice as numerous, and the battle was begun by a single -combat between Artabazes, an Armenian general of the Persian contingent -transported from Sisauranum, and a strenuous Goth who proposed himself -as a champion. The Armenian was the victor, but received a fortuitous -wound, which ultimately proved fatal. A general collision followed, when -a skilfully posted ambush created a panic among the Byzantines, who were -dispersed with great carnage and the loss of all their ensigns. - -The year after this success, to which was added the capture of several -towns and districts, Totila laid siege to Naples. In general he adopted -a policy of clemency towards those communities which fell into his -hands, a disposition which disarmed resistance, and often much -facilitated his progress. Thus he approached the Neapolitans with -liberal promises, but they were influenced by the Roman garrison to -decline a surrender. A blockade was established, therefore, in regular -form. After some time, when the inhabitants began to be severely pressed -by famine, an attempt to raise the siege was made by Demetrius, a Master -of Soldiers who had just arrived from Constantinople. A few hundred -infantry constituted his sole force, but he endeavoured to make the most -of his slight resources by putting into Sicily, and, while there, -loading a large number of freight vessels with provisions. Having given -this fleet the semblance of conveying numerous troops, he set sail for -Naples, whereupon the small Gothic army were thrown into consternation, -believing that he was advancing against them with an overwhelming force. -Hence they were on the point of breaking up their camp, when he, not -being resolute enough to push the enterprise to a practical issue, -declined from his course and steered for the port of Rome. There he -essayed to transform the semblance into a reality by enlisting soldiers -from among those who had crowded to the capital, where John, nephew of -Vitalian, was in command. Their experience of the Goths, however, had -lately been discouraging, wherefore they refused to associate themselves -to his expedition. He was obliged, therefore, to proceed to the relief -of Naples without any increment of force. But in the meantime, Totila, -having become enlightened in the matter, posted a number of war-galleys -in hiding, and attacked the provision ships as soon as a landing was -attempted. All the vessels were taken, the crews were mostly captured or -slain, whilst the residue, including Demetrius, managed to escape in -small boats. Later on, another effort was made, which was even more -disastrous. A newly-created Praetorian Praefect, in command of a -considerable war fleet, manned by Thracians and Armenians, was -despatched by Justinian to regulate the affairs of Italy. As a purely -civil official he was incapable of maturing any plan of campaign, and, -after wasting much time on the voyage, at length arrived at Sicily. Here -he yielded to urgent pressure, and entrusted his forces to Demetrius, -who again made sail for Naples. A storm arose, however, and all the -vessels were cast ashore in confusion in the vicinity of the Gothic -camp, where they at once became the prey of the enemy. The general -himself was taken prisoner, and immediately utilized by Totila to bring -about a surrender of the town. With a rope round his neck he was led -before the walls and compelled to proclaim to the citizens that all hope -of relief for them was at an end. Shortly afterwards the Gothic King -himself came up and harangued a meeting of the Neapolitans to induce -them to desist from their futile resistance. He represented to them that -on account of their determined defence against Belisarius he not only -regarded them with no animosity, but was even grateful for the loyalty -they had shown on that occasion. He besought them, therefore, to let him -take peaceful possession, and to receive him as a friend whose -intentions were wholly amicable. They asked for thirty days; he replied -by granting them three months; but in a short time they surrendered -voluntarily, glad to be relieved from the intolerable state of -destitution to which they had been reduced. Totila then acted with the -greatest benignancy. The small Byzantine garrison were dismissed safe -and sound, and even assisted with horses and supplies to enable them to -make their way to Rome. As for the inhabitants, he was so solicitous -about their health that he posted guards at the gates to see that -foodstuffs were at first introduced sparingly, lest a sudden surfeit of -the long-famished stomachs should engender a fatal illness throughout -the city. His last procedure was to level the greater part of the walls -to the ground, a method of treatment he applied to all other strongholds -when captured, in order to deprive the Byzantines of places of shelter -from which they could safely carry on the warfare. - -In those cases, however, where Totila considered severity to be -expedient he showed himself to be as relentless as the most tyrannical -monarch. Thus, among his prisoners was one Demetrius, the commissary of -Naples, who during the siege had thought fit to provoke him by the most -unlicensed insults if he came within earshot of the walls. This man he -punished by excising his tongue and amputating both his hands, after -which infliction he set him at liberty. In another instance an Italian -complained to the King that his daughter had been ravished by a Gothic -guard, who happened to be a soldier of distinguished prowess. He was at -once committed to custody, but his companions pleaded earnestly on his -behalf. Thereupon Totila made them a speech in which he dwelt on the -necessity for the Goths to adhere to the principles of rectitude and to -maintain an honourable reputation among the people of the country. He -also referred to the case of Theodahad, who by his iniquities had become -the prime cause of the present war. Having persuaded his hearers by -these arguments, he had the culprit executed, and assigned his -possessions to the girl who had been outraged. - -Totila now began to turn his attention to the recovery of the capital, -and his first move towards that object was to address a letter to the -Roman Senate with the view of pre-disposing their minds in his favour. -He reproached them gently with having forgotten the generous treatment -they had received at the hands of Theodoric and his successors, and -contrasted the behaviour of the Byzantines since they had gained a -footing in Italy with that of the Goths. At the moment, indeed, he was -able to use as an object-lesson, not only the reinstituted financial -oppression, but the conduct of the army of occupation, who were leading -a dissolute life in the fortresses among prostitutes, whilst they -pillaged the people of the neighbourhood without compunction for the -supply of their wants. The King followed up this missive by causing -agents who were in collusion with him in the city to post up notices -full of liberal promises to the Roman citizens should they return to the -Gothic allegiance. Whatever effect these overtures may have had on the -minds of the Romans, they were not immediately fruitful to Totila, and -the Byzantine garrison continued to retain a firm hold on the capital. - -Not for another twelvemonth, however, was a Gothic encampment again seen -before the walls of Rome (545); but in the meantime Totila had -elaborated his preparations so as to render a siege effective to the -utmost. By capturing the fortress of Tibur, situated on the Anio, twenty -miles to the north-east of the capital, he was enabled to command the -fluviatile navigation and to prevent supplies reaching Rome from the -fields of Tuscany. On the other hand, by posting numerous war-galleys -among the islands off the coast, in the track of the corn-ships which -sailed from Sicily, he cut off all possibility of the Roman granaries -being replenished by sea-borne provisions. Bessas was now governor of -Rome, but the garrison under his command amounted to only three -thousand, and their ardour was soon damped by the result of the first -sally against the enemy. A band of Goths approached the gates and drew -upon themselves the attack of two eager lieutenants, who chased them in -simulated flight until they fell into a skilfully-contrived ambush, from -which few of them returned. After this mishap, which was incurred -against the advice of Bessas, no more sallies were made by the besieged. - -Such was now the prosperous position of Totila's affairs. Yet a -twelvemonth had already elapsed since Belisarius had received a -commission from Justinian to go to the relief of Italy. But he dismissed -him to this command without resources from the state, telling him coldly -that out of his own great wealth he was to provide for the expenses of -the expedition. The Constable, for such he is now to be called, -travelled slowly through Illyricum and arrived at Salona with four -thousand recruits, whom while on his way he had induced with difficulty -to join his standard. He now embarked for Pola in Istria, from whence -after a short delay he arrived at Ravenna. At the former place he was -met by a group of Gothic spies, who explored his camp and then returned -to Totila with the report that his martial equipment was contemptible. -They deceived the general by presenting a forged letter pleading for -help on behalf of Bonus, the governor of Genoa, who was said to be in a -sore strait. At Ravenna Belisarius issued a proclamation expressed in -seductive terms, inviting Italians and Goths to join him, but his appeal -met with no response, for the reputation of the Byzantines was at the -lowest ebb throughout the country. From the time of his arrival at Pola -he had begun to send out small bands both by land and sea to attempt -something against the enemy, but success had generally been -counterbalanced by disaster. He now decided to apply to the Emperor for -assistance; and he intrusted his despatch to John, whose place at Rome -he filled by transferring Bessas from Spoleto. His petition was -conceived as follows: "Most puissant Prince, we have arrived in Italy, -and, if nothing but the presence of Belisarius were necessary, the -country would now be subjugated to your dominion. For here I am in the -midst of the Italians—but without soldiers, horses, arms, or money. If -such resources be requisite to carry on warfare it must be allowed that -I am totally unprepared. As I passed through Thrace and Illyria I -enlisted a few volunteers, but they are only raw recruits, who shun the -enemy, desert their horses, and fling their arms on the ground. We have -no money at command; the Goths have already collected whatever was due -to us from the taxpayers. If I essay to address the soldiers my mouth is -stopped by knowing that they are hungering after their pay; whilst -numbers, who should be with us, have gone over to the enemy. I beg of -you to send me my veteran guards, and at the same time as many troops of -Huns and other barbarians as possible. Funds also are urgently needed." - -These representations produced no immediate result, and nearly a year -passed away before the desired reinforcements began to arrive. In the -meantime Belisarius had returned to Dalmatia, where he established his -headquarters at Epidamnum. His main object was now to take action for -the relief of Rome, but he seemed to have lost much of the energy and -enterprise which formerly characterized him. As soon, however, as he had -received an increment of force he sent two of his lieutenants to Portus, -at the mouth of the Tiber, where a strong fort was still held by the -Byzantines. From thence, with the co-operation of Bessas, they were to -assail the Goths, both parties acting simultaneously from opposite -sides. They made two attacks, in accordance with their instructions, but -nothing could move Bessas to emerge from his shelter; and on the second -occasion the Goths, having been forewarned, caught them in an ambush -with a fatal result to almost the whole band, including the leaders. - -So far military assistance had failed, but an effort to re-provision the -capital was now made from another quarter. Vigilius, the Roman Pontiff, -was at the moment staying in Sicily, where he possessed large estates. -He, therefore, freighted a fleet of corn-ships and directed them to sail -up the Tiber by the way of Portus. But while they were still a long -distance off their approach was signalled to the Goths, who thereupon -came down in effective force and concealed themselves near the mouth of -the river. The movement was observed by the garrison of the fort, who at -once climbed to the highest points of the battlements, and by waving of -hands and garments tried to warn the convoy off. The ships' crews, -however, mistook the gesticulations and imagined that their advent was -being hailed with rejoicings, wherefore they redoubled their energies in -order to complete the voyage. Hence they steered straight into the -ambuscade of barbarians and were all captured without a chance of being -rescued. Among the prisoners was a bishop, whom Totila relieved of both -his hands, as the penalty of answering falsely to his interrogations. - -At the beginning of the next year (546) the Romans were hard pressed by -famine, and began to debate the advisability of surrender. As a -preliminary they sent an envoy to Totila to ask for a short truce on -condition that if succour did not arrive in the interval they would give -themselves up. Pelagius, the chosen deputy, was a man who acted a -considerable part on the ecclesiastical stage, and was already well -known to Justinian, at whose Court he had resided for several years as -Papal legate. The Gothic king received him warmly, but interrupted him, -as he was about to begin his exhortation, in order to enter on a -justification of himself. First he warned Pelagius that there were three -things which it would be useless for him to solicit, viz., clemency -towards the Sicilians, to spare the walls of Rome, or to deliver up -fugitives who had joined his army. He went on to picture the happy state -of Sicily when the Goths first conquered the peninsula, abounding in -wealth through the splendid fertility of its soil, and able to export -copious supplies for the sustenance of Rome. At the prayer of the Romans -Theodoric had left the island almost ungarrisoned, lest the inhabitants -should be disturbed in their peaceful occupations to the detriment of -the capital. Yet when a small Byzantine force landed they were received -everywhere with open arms and the island was allowed to become a base -for the invasion of Italy. As for Rome itself, the Greeks had shut -themselves up there and harassed the Goths by artifices and stratagems -without ever daring to march out and meet them fairly in battle. The -citizens, he added, would profit by the destruction of those walls which -were the cause of their being reduced to destitution while the hostile -armies were intent on their schemes of attack and defence. In reply to -this harangue Pelagius merely protested that he had not been permitted -to deliver his message, and, on his return to the city, declared that he -had found the King in too impracticable a mood to be influenced by any -entreaties. - -The Romans now felt desperate and approached Bessas and his staff with -supplications that he would either provide them with food, turn them out -of the city, or at least end their sufferings by killing them at once. -His only answer was a recommendation to contain themselves for the -present, as Belisarius would soon be at hand with an army of relief. -Thus the reign of famine was prolonged until the last stages of -starvation were reached. Money and every kind of property were -sacrificed to buy any residue of corn that could be discovered or the -meanest description of animal food. When horses, dogs, and mice were -consumed, the people took to feeding on nettles, which grew in profusion -among ruins and around the inner circuit of the walls. Deaths and -suicides from the unbearable distress were of frequent occurrence. -Nevertheless the garrison was fairly nourished, for Bessas had stored a -large quantity of grain in well-guarded granaries, from which he not -only maintained his men, but sold portions regularly to the richer -citizens. Thus he kept on amassing wealth at a rapid rate, and was -unwilling that the siege should be raised as long as his lucrative trade -continued. In the direst extremity some citizens purchased from the -soldiers the right to escape, for the last payment they were able to -make; and, ultimately, large numbers were turned adrift to perish by the -wayside or to be seized and slain by the Goths. - -By this time Belisarius, having been joined at Epidamnum by as many -troops as he saw any prospect of obtaining, determined to proceed with -all his force against Totila. John had at last returned,[602] and with -him he concerted his measures of transit and attack. The former, with a -portion of the army, was to land at Hydruntum,[603] and make his way -northwards with Rome as his objective; while the Constable, with the -bulk of the troops, was to sail round the peninsula, and make a descent -on the enemy from the waters adjacent to the capital. As for the part -played by John in this campaign, it may be dismissed at once by saying -that after landing he carried on a desultory warfare in southern Italy, -made marches and counter-marches through being impeded by the enemy, but -never arrived within striking distance of Rome.[604] Belisarius, -however, soon achieved his proposed voyage, and appeared at the mouth of -the Tiber, where he at once began offensive operations against the -Goths. One of his first steps was to relieve himself of the delicate -charge of his wife, and to have her guarded in a place of safety. He, -therefore, consigned her to the fortress of Portus, under the charge of -one of his lieutenants named Isaac, whom he enjoined to devote all his -attention to shielding her from harm. "Remain at your post," said he, -"even should you hear that I am slain." - -The most pressing necessity was now to revictual Rome, and this -Belisarius essayed to do by carrying a fleet of provision ships up the -Tiber. He had at his disposal two hundred war-galleys, which he loaded -with foodstuffs and also equipped most effectively with a view to -forcing a passage. Thus on the forecastle of each vessel he constructed -a wooden bulwark after the pattern of mural battlements, from the -shelter of which his marines could safely discharge their darts. As -Totila had foreseen that such attempts would be made he had long taken -measures to render them ineffectual. Across the river, at a narrow part -about three miles up, he had raised an obstruction in the form of a -wooden bridge, at each end of which on the bank he built a large tower, -also of timber. In addition chains were used to close the passage over -the water farther down. With a view to assailing this structure the -Roman general joined together laterally two of his vessels, and on them -he erected a tower, high enough to overtop those constructed by the -Goths at the sides of the stream. A boat filled with combustibles, -pitch, sulphur, resin, was placed on the summit of the tower; and this -fabric he caused to be navigated in advance of his flotilla. His spare -cavalry and infantry he drew up on the river bank near the sea; and he -notified Bessas to make a diversion by sallying forth and assaulting -simultaneously the Gothic camp. - -Everything prospered as had been intended; the chains were broken -through, the defenders of the wooden bridge were severely smitten by the -arrows which were showered from the galleys, and the floating tower was -brought into close contact with the obstructive barrier. Then the boat -was set alight and launched on to the top of one of the enemy's towers, -which took fire and was consumed with two hundred of its occupants. One -detail only of the manœuvres failed of accomplishment; Bessas never -moved, wholly engrossed as he was with his mercenary avidity. - -Suddenly, when success appeared to have been almost attained, the -operations were abandoned and Belisarius drew off his forces without -attempting to push his advantage. Antonina, though unwittingly, was the -cause of this disastrous collapse. While the assault was proceeding a -glowing account of the victorious progress of the Byzantines was brought -to Portus, whereupon Isaac, inflamed with ardour, collected a hundred -cavalry, and made a dash for a section of the Gothic army which was -encamped near Ostia. At first the enemy were dispersed, but they shortly -rallied, and, recognizing the paucity of their adversaries, charged -them, with the result that many were slain, while Isaac and some others -were captured. A few, however, escaped, who rode full speed to -Belisarius and informed him that Isaac was taken prisoner. The general, -without stopping to inquire, immediately sounded the signals of retreat, -and made all haste to Portus, concluding that his wife had fallen into -the hands of the Goths. There he learned the true details as to the -temerity of Isaac, which affected him so deeply that he became seriously -ill, and was incapacitated for some time from taking the field. Such was -the last effort to save Rome from being retaken by the Goths, and before -long Totila succeeded in making himself master of the city. - -Nothing could have been more languid and ill organized than the defence -of Rome under Bessas. The garrison lost all sense of discipline, no -strict watch was kept, and the officers rarely went on their rounds to -see that the sentinels remained awake at their posts. Under these -circumstances four Isaurians, who were on guard at the Asinarian gate, -conceived the possibility of making their fortunes. Choosing a quiet -hour of the night, they let themselves down the wall by ropes, and paid -a visit to the barbarian King in his camp. There they explained to him -with what facility they were able to pass in and out, and proffered to -introduce Gothic soldiers in the same manner. He promised liberally, but -distrusted his informants and sent back two of his men to put the matter -to the proof. They passed in and reported favourably, but still Totila -hesitated, suspecting a stratagem. A few nights later the Isaurians -returned and made the same representations, whereupon the King repeated -the experiment by the agency of two other spies. They also entered the -city, and explored the feasibility of the scheme, but Totila delayed -taking any decisive step. The question, however, was talked over in the -Gothic camp, and soon after a Roman patrol, coming on a group of the -enemy loitering near the walls, seized them and brought them before -Bessas. On being examined they confessed that they had hopes of the city -being betrayed by some Isaurians, but he dismissed their statement as -being not worth considering. For the third time the traitors approached -Totila, and he now sent two officers of his staff, in whom he reposed -the utmost confidence, to investigate the proposal. On their confirming -the previous reports he decided to act. - -One evening after nightfall Totila got all his men under arms, and -marched in silence to the Asinarian gate. Four Goths, selected for their -strength and courage, surmounted the wall by means of ropes let down to -them by the Isaurians. Inside they attacked the gate with axes, and cut -away all the woodwork in which the locks and bolts were fixed. The -portal was then thrown open, and the King entered with his troops. Still -apprehensive of some deception, he drew them up in close order in the -nearest open space and waited for daylight. Insensibly a report as to -what had happened spread through the city, upon which the garrison -crowded to Bessas, and all fled through one of the opposite gates. Of -the citizens a few nobles and about five hundred of the proletariat were -all that remained within the walls; and these, emaciated by famine, -dragged themselves with difficulty to take refuge in the churches. As -soon as morning broke the Goths laid aside their suspicions and began to -scour the streets, when a few soldiers, who had remained, and about -threescore civilians, fell victims to their rage. Totila wended his way -to the church of St. Peter, with the intention of offering up a -thanksgiving, and was met on the threshold by Pelagius, who adjured him -by the Gospels which he held in his hand, to spare the Romans. "Still a -suppliant, Pelagius!" exclaimed the King. "Yes," replied the priest, -"since God has made me your servant." - -The victor now issued his commands to stay all further massacre, but, -with reservations as to his own share, permitted his soldiers to spoil -the houses. Much wealth came into his hands from the palaces of the -nobles, and especially the immense treasures accumulated by Bessas as -the gains of his nefarious traffic. Such poverty now prevailed at Rome -that members of the noblest families might be seen in mean apparel -begging their bread through the streets from the enemy. Among these was -Rusticiana, the daughter of Symmachus and widow of Boethius, who had -expended all she possessed in relieving the indigent. Some time -previously she purchased from the Byzantine rulers at a great price the -privilege of overthrowing the statues of Theodoric in revenge for his -having executed her father and husband.[605] The Goths would now have -retaliated, but Totila saved her from their hands, and also restrained -them from violating any of the females found in the city. - -The day after the capture the Gothic King convened his forces, and -preached them a sermon on the advantages of ethical conduct in warfare. -He pointed out to them that in the first campaign, although numerous and -rich, they had succumbed to seven thousand Greeks, because they shrunk -from no excesses and committed every crime that seemed expedient at the -moment. Now, however, through adhering to the principles of rectitude, -although diminished to a mere handful with slight resources, they had -triumphed over twenty thousand of the enemy. He also addressed the -Romans in the same sense as his former despatch and proclamations, -reproaching them for their ingratitude to the Goths, and again -expressing his amazement at their indiscretion and prejudice in -preferring the oppressive rule of the Byzantines. - -Totila's next procedure was to send a legation, of whom Pelagius was the -chief, to solicit an equitable peace from Justinian. They were the -bearers of a letter in which he prayed for a restoration of the amicable -relations which had prevailed between Anastasius and Theodoric; but they -also had verbal instructions to threaten the total destruction of Rome, -the massacre of the Senate, and a Gothic invasion of Illyricum. In -response the Emperor did not enter into any negotiations, but merely -indicated that Belisarius was his plenipotentiary, through whom only he -was willing to treat. - -When this answer was conveyed to Totila, he resolved to raze Rome to the -ground, and transform the area into a sheep pasture; after which he -planned a march into Southern Italy against John, who had lately -inflicted some damage on the Gothic forces in that region. He began by -ruining the walls, of which he had levelled about a third part of the -circumference, when he received an expostulation from Belisarius, who -had been apprised of his design. "Men of wisdom," wrote the general, -"have always been characterized by the desire to build great cities, but -to ruin them can only be described as the work of fools. Rome, by reason -of its extent and magnificence, is the most excellent of all the cities -of the earth; built gradually in the course of many ages by a long -series of emperors, with the assistance of numerous architects and -artificers; the realization of immense resources brought together from -every part of the world. Destroy this splendid creation, and you will -incur eternal obloquy in the memory of succeeding generations. But pause -and reflect that the issue of this war must be one of two events: either -you conquer or are defeated. In the first case you will find that the -injury is your own, and you have demolished the proudest ornament of -your kingdom. In the second you have aroused the just resentment of the -victor, and can expect no clemency at his hands." Totila was persuaded -by these arguments, and refrained from doing any further damage to the -capital. The Senators, however, he placed under guard in his camp as -hostages, and the residue of the inhabitants he deported into Campania. -He then removed from the neighbourhood to inspect the progress of his -affairs in other parts of Italy. Rome was thus left wholly -deserted.[606] - -As soon as Belisarius heard of the departure of Totila, he determined to -re-occupy the vacant capital. He brought all his men up from Portus, -therefore, and set them to work in rebuilding in a temporary fashion the -ruined stretches of wall. The stones, which lay scattered around, were -collected and placed in position, without mortar, as accurately as -possible; stakes were planted outside; the fosse was cleared; and the -adjacent ground was plentifully sown with calthrops. In three weeks the -work was completed, and, before long, many of the Romans, eager to -occupy their old domiciles, returned, for whom the general laid up a -copious store of provisions. When Totila heard of this procedure, he was -much annoyed, and hastened back with all speed to recapture the city. -The Goths delivered several assaults, but were invariably repulsed with -loss, notwithstanding that they had torn down and destroyed all the -gates, which had, therefore, to be defended by bodies of men packed in -the open passages. Seeing no prospect of success, the Gothic King soon -retired with his army, from whom he had to endure many reproaches for -not having adopted more effective measures to render Rome untenable. In -his retreat on this occasion he destroyed all the bridges over the Tiber -except the Milvian. Belisarius now fitted new gates to the city and -again went through the form of sending the keys to Justinian. - -During the next year (547) the hostile armies frequently came into -collision, but no decisive success was won. In 548 Belisarius recognized -that the peninsula could not be conquered without much greater forces -than he had at command, but Justinian appeared to be lukewarm in the -matter, and the contingents he despatched from time to time were barely -sufficient to counterbalance the losses. The Constable resolved, -therefore, to send his wife on a special mission to Constantinople, -hoping that, if she brought the question before the Empress, her -exceptional influence might obtain for him the needed reinforcements. -Antonina arrived at the Imperial capital, but only to learn that the -Augusta had died a few weeks previously, whilst Justinian was immersed -in theological studies to such an extent that his administrative energy -had completely deserted him. She acted, therefore, on the alternative, -which doubtless had been proposed by her husband, and petitioned the -Emperor for his recall. Her request was readily granted, and thus -terminated the second campaign of five years which Belisarius had -conducted in Italy. This time he returned home without martial honour, -but with a considerable accretion of wealth, which he had exacted with -little scruple from the Italians, according to the usual practice of the -age, whenever an opportunity offered.[607] - -After the departure of Belisarius, Totila breathed more freely, and -determined to devote all his energies to the recovery of Rome. During -the last year of his stay the Constable, by hovering around Southern -Italy with his fleet, had confined the attention of the Gothic King to -that quarter, while the capital had been committed to the charge of an -excellent soldier named Diogenes, with a garrison of three thousand -picked men. Early in 549 the third siege of Rome by the Goths was begun, -but the city was now well provisioned, and the governor vigilant, so -that for several months the enemy made no sensible progress. There was -still, however, among the defenders a band of Isaurians, to whom was -entrusted the custody of a gate on the south, that named after the -Apostle Paul; and they also conceived the idea of betraying their charge -to Totila. As the reward of their treachery, they saw some of their -former comrades abounding in wealth, whilst the arrears of pay due to -the Byzantine army already extended over several years. They opened up -communications, therefore, with the King; and in collusion with the -traitors a plan of capture was soon agreed upon. But the circumstances -were now very different, and an elaborate scheme had to be devised in -order to attain to the same result. Success, however, was made -commensurate with the greater complication of detail. The Tiber was now -entirely at the command of Totila, as he had recently taken the fortress -of Portus; whilst the only stronghold in the vicinity still held by the -Romans was Centumcellae, a seaport nearly forty miles to the north. -Having posted a strong ambush on the road to the latter place, the King -led the bulk of his forces secretly in the first watch of the night to -the neighbourhood of the gate in question. At the same time he -instructed two boats carrying trumpeters to row quietly up the river, -and, as soon as they arrived at the north wall of the city, to begin -sounding their instruments with all their force.[608] Everything turned -out as had been anticipated; when the garrison heard the blast of the -trumpets, all rushed to the proximity of the Aurelian gate, thinking -that a surprise assault was being delivered on that side. Thus the -Isaurians were left in sole charge of the gate of St. Paul, which they -immediately opened for the admission of the Gothic army. The news -quickly circulated that the enemy were within the walls, with the usual -consequence of panic and flight by those gates which were remote from -the vicinity of the hostile troops. Centumcellae was the destination of -most of the fugitives, where they expected to find a safe retreat, but -on the way they fell into the ambuscade set by Totila, so that almost -all perished. Four hundred of the garrison, however, fortified -themselves in the tomb of Hadrian and nearly as many took refuge in the -churches, but they were soon induced by Totila's liberal promises to -give themselves up. A majority of them even took service with his -forces. - -Totila now did all in his power to restore Rome to its pristine -splendour, as he had lately been taunted by Theodebert with not being -the actual sovereign of Italy, since his capital, besides being held by -the Greeks, was partly in ruins. He had sought an alliance with the -Franks through marriage with one of the King's daughters, and on these -grounds the hand of the princess had been refused to him. Hence he -re-established a Senate composed of Italians and Goths, and tried to -repatriate as many as possible of the inhabitants who had been scattered -in various directions. - -At this period the Gothic King again attempted to compose a peace with -Justinian, but his overtures were treated with unconcern. It is probable -that at this juncture the Emperor would have been willing to ratify a -treaty, but he had at his side an adviser who urged him persistently not -to abandon Italy to the dominion of the Arian heretics. Pope Vigilius -had been for a couple of years resident at the Byzantine Court, and, as -the representative of Orthodox Italy, he could by no means endure that -the Papal seat should be under the control of the Goths. Germanus was, -therefore, appointed to be commander-in-chief, but he died on his way -through Illyricum, and for the next two years the war continued to be -waged by land and sea on the same indecisive lines. The principal -exploit of Totila was the reconquest of Sicily, but he left it -incomplete; and shortly afterwards Artabanes virtually recovered the -island for the Empire. - -In the autumn of the year 551, a naval battle off Ancona, disastrous to -the Goths, again induced Totila to approach the Emperor with peace -proposals, but Justinian remained obdurate, and seemed to be possessed -with a rooted prejudice against entering into any convention with the -Goths. The name had become odious to him, and, after so many years of -quasi-occupation of Italy, he doubtless looked on that nation merely as -heretic rebels who disturbed the peace in an integral part of his -dominions. - -In this naval engagement, the only express conflict on the water in this -century, the Romans were provided with fifty warships of the utmost -capacity, the Goths with forty-seven.[609] John was in chief command on -the side of the Romans, Indulfus, a renegade officer of Belisarius, on -that of the Goths. The fight was begun with great ardour on both sides, -and conducted as nearly as possible in the form of a battle on land. A -cloud of arrows was interchanged by the hostile crews, and then the -ships were impelled against each other in order to facilitate the use of -swords and spears. The Byzantine fleet, however, was manned by sailors -who were skilful in manœuvring their vessels, but the barbarians, not -being a maritime nation, could not dispose of crews who were versed in -nautical evolutions. On the one side the ships were navigated -methodically and kept in just array, while on the other they were urged -indiscriminately to the attack. Certain groups of the Gothic fleet were -marshalled with an excessive interspace, and among these the Romans -drove in, isolating the vessels, and easily sinking them by their -combined action. In other positions the ships of the barbarians were -packed together so closely that they hampered each other's progress and -checked the use of the oars; and in such cases their efforts were -perverted into a contest to regain their freedom of movement. Hence the -battle resulted in thirty-six vessels being destroyed by the Byzantines, -whilst the remaining eleven escaped to the shore, where they were burnt -to save them from the enemy. The preservation of Ancona for the Empire -was the immediate result of this victory.[610] - -After the death of Germanus the Emperor decided to appoint Narses to the -command of the war in Italy, although the eunuch was now a very old man, -and, according to evidence which cannot be ignored, probably almost an -octogenarian.[611] We are also told that he was short of stature and -slightly built, but mentally strenuous and decisive in character to a -remarkable degree.[612] As soon as the question was broached of -ordaining him to the conduct of the Gothic war, he declared frankly that -he would not accept the commission unless he were granted resources -adequate to the magnitude of the enterprise. Justinian yielded, with the -result that an invasion of Italy was planned by the eunuch on a scale -which was a revelation to those habituated to the fitful and partial -efforts of the last dozen years. Not only did he levy an army -commensurate with the undertaking, but he insisted on being provided -with funds to liquidate the arrears due to the half-hearted troops who -had languished in the country for so long without receiving their pay. - -Narses set out for Italy in 551, but he was delayed on his route by an -eruption of the Huns, which it was no part of his duty to arrest. He -established a camp, therefore, at Philippopolis, and waited calmly until -the barbarians had divided into two streams, one of which bore -destruction to Thessalonica, and the other in the direction of the -metropolis. The Illyrian frontier, was, indeed, the training school of -Byzantine generals, and the eunuch himself was one of those who had -often been engaged in the task of resisting barbarian raids by which the -Danubian provinces were continually pillaged and depopulated. His -progress was also impeded somewhat by a deficiency in the commissariat, -which arose from a convoy of provision ships having been captured in the -Adriatic, previous to the battle of Ancona, by Totila's fleet. Early in -552, however, he was able to concentrate all his forces at Salona, where -the vital problem of transit into Italy began to be discussed. Besides a -numerous Byzantine army of the conventional type, he had been joined by -fully ten thousand barbarian auxiliaries from tribes not regularly drawn -upon, as Foederati for the Imperial Service. Lombards, Herules, Huns, -and Gepaeds crowded to his standard, and he even disposed of a -considerable Persian contingent led by Cavades, the real or reputed -grandson of the late Shahinshah.[613] All those who made a profession of -arms among the Byzantines or their allies, both officers of rank and -private soldiers, were eager to take part in this expedition; the one -class attracted by the illustrious dignity held by Narses at Court, the -other by the munificence displayed by him towards the armies he had -commanded, and because of the benignancy of his personal bearing among -the troops.[614] - -Totila, on his side, had not been idle, but had made himself well -acquainted with the extent of the hostile preparations which were -impending against him, and he, therefore, employed every means that -foresight could devise to render the invasion of his kingdom difficult -and dangerous. He knew that the prime objective of the Byzantine general -would be Ravenna, but he had ascertained that he did not possess such a -fleet of transports as could convey the whole army at once across the -Ionic Gulf. Should the troops, however, sail by detachments, he expected -to be able to cut off the separate brigades when they were in the act of -disembarking. On the other hand, should Narses elect to march by land, -it was necessary for him to round the head of the Adriatic Sea and -pursue his route along the foot of the Alps through the plains which -stretched past the city of Verona. To the latter district, therefore, he -sent his most able general Teïas, instructing him to render the passage -arduous and impracticable by every art known to the military engineer. -Thus Teïas obstructed and broke up the ground in the vicinity of the Po -in all conceivable ways. Over a width of several miles trees were felled -and strewn in the paths of access, broad and deep trenches were -excavated, precipitous gulches were delved, and extensive areas were -hollowed out, into which water and mud were allowed to run from adjacent -streams. On the proximate side of this rudely diversified barrier the -Gothic general awaited the Byzantine army, to attack them with his -troops should they venture to pass. - -Having determined to march overland, Narses advanced with his army from -Salona to the north of Istria, where he halted on the border of the -Venetian territory. Under the semblance of a friendly pact with the -Goths, the Franks, still cherishing the design of extending their -dominions, were in occupation of Transpadane Italy in its whole breadth. -A recent legation from the Emperor to win them over as allies against -Totila had failed; and, if the Byzantines were to pass by the route of -Verona without being harassed by the Franks, it was obligatory to have -some prior understanding with them. The emissaries, however, sent by -Narses to the generals of that nation returned with a specious refusal, -but at the same time informants arrived who made him aware that the -permission, if granted, would have been futile owing to the obstructive -dispositions of Teïas. A military council was now held; there was still -a third way of entering the peninsula, which Totila had left unguarded, -beset as it was by obstacles which seemed to preclude the passage of an -army. By proceeding along the coast they would be secure from hostile -interruption, but the land line was irregular, marshy, and broken by -numerous estuaries of navigable rivers. By the advice of John, however, -whose experience of a decade in the country qualified him to act as -guide, this seemingly impassable route was undertaken and successfully -accomplished. All the available ships and boats followed the army close -to the shore; and by means of them, as often as the mouth of a river was -reached, a floating bridge was improvised, over which the troops passed -in safety. - -After Narses arrived at Ravenna he gave the whole army a nine days' -rest, during which time he received a further accession of strength -through being joined by all the Byzantine detachments remaining in that -region.[615] Just as the work of recuperation was completed the Gothic -governor of Ariminum, Usdrilas by name, taking umbrage at his apparent -inactivity, addressed him a sharp, provocative letter. "After filling -all Italy with rumours of the terrible host of barbarians, which you are -bringing against us," said he, "you now stay loitering behind the walls -of Ravenna. Come out at once and show your spirit to the Goths; no -longer tantalize us, who are eager to meet you in the field." The eunuch -smiled at the bravado of the Goth, and shortly afterwards resumed his -march with all his forces. The first skirmish with the enemy occurred at -the crossing of a small stream near Ariminum, from whence Usdrilas came -out at the head of a troop of horse; and the Romans were elated by the -happy omen, as they considered it, of the boastful Goth being slain in -this encounter. Narses now pushed onwards with all speed, having the -Flaminian Way on his left, and began to move through the Apennines -towards the fields of Tuscany. - -In the meantime Totila, having effected a junction with Teïas in the -vicinity of Rome, pressed forward to meet the invaders at a distance as -far as possible from the capital. As soon, however, as news was brought -in of their rapid progress, he called a halt and pitched his camp near -the village of Taginae, among the western slopes of the Apennines.[616] -Before long the approach of the Byzantine army was signalled; and when -Narses found himself within a dozen miles of the enemy's camp he sent -forward his legates with an invitation to the Gothic king to surrender -peacefully, representing to him that he could not hope to resist the -whole force of the Roman Empire. As an ulterior proposal, should they -find him resolved to fight, he was to be asked to name a day of battle. -Being admitted to an audience they submitted the prescribed offer, to -which Totila replied angrily that he would accept no terms, but that -they must prepare for a conflict. Thereupon the legates at once -propounded the request: "Appoint a time then, good lord, to decide the -matter by arms." "On the eighth day from the present," said the King, -and dismissed his interrogators. - -On receiving this response Narses immediately began to instruct his line -of battle, anticipating that Totila would advance to the attack without -delay, in the hope of finding him unprepared. Nor was he deceived, for -on the following day the whole Gothic army poured into the neighbourhood -and drew themselves up not farther than a couple of bowshots from his -own position. The site of hostilities was a small plain surrounded by -eminences, which were popularly supposed to be the sepulchral mounds of -a Gallic host who had been slaughtered here by Camillus in the early -years of the Republic. Hence the place was named the "Graves of the -Gauls." Close to the Roman army on the left was a low hill, which -protected them from being assailed directly on that flank, but which, if -held by the enemy, might become the source of a deadly play of darts. -The night was tempestuous, and, while it was yet dark, the eunuch sent a -squad of fifty infantry to occupy this elevation. Directly day broke -Totila saw the advantage which had been gained, and determined to -dislodge the occupants. A troop of cavalry were sent against them, but -what with the adverse slope, the discharge of arrows, the spear thrusts, -and the clashing of shields, which terrified the horses, the Goths could -make no headway, and had to retire discomfited. A second, and a third -time, Totila urged a similar attack, but nothing could overcome the -strenuous resistance offered by the Byzantines, and at length he had to -desist from his efforts. - -The time of the main battle was now at hand, and on each side the -generals delivered an exhortation to their troops. Narses lauded the -superiority of his own men and spoke of the enemy with contempt, -asserting them to be mostly renegades from the Imperial service, whose -best prospect was to perish while making a desperate onslaught. Totila -encouraged his army by impressing on them that this was the critical day -of the war, and by a present victory they would irretrievably crush the -power of the Emperor. As for the forces opposed to them he pointed out -that they were only mercenary barbarians, who would be chary of risking -their personal safety merely in exchange for the high pay by which they -had been allured. - -Both armies were now marshalled over against each other in a long and -deep array. Narses collected all his barbarian auxiliaries, with whom he -was unfamiliar, into the centre, and made them stand dismounted from -their horses. The flower of the Roman troops he placed in the wings, -four thousand foot-archers in front, and behind them fifteen hundred -cavalry in each division. On the opposite side the Goths were ranged in -two lines, all their cavalry being in front and the infantry behind. The -two generals now rode along their respective battle fronts, uttering -words of encouragement; and Narses added the objective stimulus of rich -jewels, armlets, necklets, and golden chains, displayed aloft on the -points of spears, and promised the bestowal of them as the rewards of -valour. As in most cases, there was a single combat in the interspace, -the champions this time being a Roman renegade and an Armenian, when the -triumph of the latter infused an access of confidence into the Imperial -troops. Totila, however, was anxious for a short delay, as he was -awaiting the advent of two thousand horse, whose approach had just been -intimated to him. In the meantime he essayed to divert the attention of -the enemy by exhibiting his address in equitation and play of arms. He -was dressed with regal magnificence, and his weapons and armour were -resplendent with gold. Purple plumes flowed from his helmet and lance, -and he was mounted on a charger of faultless proportions. He began to -caracole along the front of his line, wheeling his horse in circles and -pulling him up short at one instant or another to turn in a different -direction. Simultaneously his spear was tossed into the air and caught -dexterously with interchanging hands, now by one part, now by another. -In this saltatory exercise he frittered away the whole forenoon; and -then he sent a herald to ask for a parley with Narses. The eunuch, -however, replied that it was mere trifling for him to propose a debate -on the field, which he had declined at the fitting time. - -It was now announced to Totila that the expected accession of cavalry -had arrived, whereupon he retired to his tent and passed the word for -his troops to fall out and partake of their midday meal. With a swift -change, however, all returned to their ranks, and the Gothic cavalry at -once began an impetuous charge against the enemy, thinking to catch them -in disorder. But Narses had suspected a ruse, and therefore had -restrained his men from breaking into loose order or laying aside any -part of their equipment. At the same time, lest they should suffer by -fasting, he caused them to be served with refreshments while standing in -line with their eyes fixed on the movements of the enemy. As soon as he -perceived in what manner the battle had begun, the Roman general -executed an evolution which was fatally adverse to the chances of the -attacking troops. The wings were signalled to deploy towards the centre, -and thus in a moment the Byzantine army assumed a crescentic formation, -which embraced the Gothic cavalry between its extended horns. From each -side the four thousand archers poured their arrows into the dense -squadrons of horse, who by some strange perversity or misjudgment had -been ordered to rely solely on their spears and the force of their -charge to overthrow the ranks of the enemy. A small proportion only of -the Gothic horsemen succeeded in reaching the Roman line, most of them -falling or becoming disabled the moment they entered the deadly -interspace between the two fires. Nevertheless they maintained their -efforts with tenacity till the decline of day, when the Byzantine army -by a unanimous impulse began to move forwards against them in firm -array. Gradually the Goths were pushed backwards, becoming more and more -disordered as they retreated, until they again came in contact with -their own infantry. In proportion as the enemy yielded the ardour of the -Romans had become inflamed; men of all arms attacked fiercely, and soon -the retreat became a rout; whilst the Gothic infantry, seeing the defeat -of their main force, attempted no defence, but fled wherever the way -seemed to lie open for escape. Six thousand of the Goths were slain on -the field, and, in addition, a large number of the Imperial troops, who, -during the last decade, had from time to time deserted to their -standard.[617] - -The life and fortunes of Totila were forfeited on the day of Taginae, -but the mode of death of the Gothic King is wrapped in some uncertainty. -At the outset of the battle, according to one account, a chance arrow -pierced him with a mortal wound, and compelled his removal from the -field. After his departure, the Goths engaged the enemy without tactical -direction, and failed through being deprived of his skilful supervision. -Another version relates that as soon as the catastrophe was complete he -fled through the darkness with a few followers, when he received a -lance-thrust from the hand of a barbarian, who was unaware that he had -struck the King. Whatever may have been the immediate cause of the -fatality, it seems certain that on that night he arrived at Caprae, -about ten miles from the scene of the battle, in a dying state. There he -shortly expired and was buried by his companions, who at once left the -neighbourhood. Soon afterwards a Gothic woman, resident on the spot, who -had seen the occurrence, told some Roman soldiers that the King was -dead, and indicated to them his grave. Disbelieving her story, they -disinterred the body and found that she had spoken the truth.[618] -Before they restored the corpse to the earth they stripped it of its -regal apparel, which they brought to Narses. He, in his turn, forwarded -the spoils to Justinian.[619] Such was the inglorious end of the reign -of Totila, whose martial talents and civil magnanimity deserved a better -fate; and we would fain believe that version of his death which -elucidates by an inevitable mischance the infelicitous result of this -ill-conducted battle so unworthy of his previous reputation. - -Narses now marched on Rome, receiving on his way the submission of -several towns which had been taken and retaken during the present war. -At the same time the remnant of the Goths mustered at Ticinum, which -Totila had fortified as the repository of his treasure in North Italy, -and there they immediately elected Teïas as King. When the eunuch -arrived before the capital, he found the Gothic garrison prepared to -offer a vigorous resistance; but their dispositions were unskilful, and -they were far from being able to foresee the various possibilities of -capture. The siege, therefore, was of brief duration, and they were -shortly circumvented by a simple strategical ruse. Three simultaneous -assaults were made on distant portions of the wall; and the defenders -allowed their attention to be concentrated on these points, whilst -leaving the rest of the wide circuit vacant. Then Narses, seizing a -favourable moment, ordered one of his lieutenants named Dagisthaeus, -supported by a strong brigade, to make a sudden attempt with scaling -ladders on one of the deserted stretches of wall. They ascended, meeting -with no obstruction, gates were thrown open, and the Imperial standard -was displayed from the battlements; whereupon the Goths abandoned the -defence and saved themselves by every available outlet.[620] Thus for -the fifth time in less than a score of years was Rome captured by one or -other of the contending nations; and again on this, the third occasion, -the Emperor had the gratification of receiving the keys of the city from -one of his generals. - -Yet the subjugation of Italy was still far from complete; and an arduous -task had still to be executed by Narses before he could proclaim the -peaceful settlement of the ruined Gothic kingdom to be an accomplished -fact. Desperate bands of Gothic marauders now pervaded the country and -wreaked their vengeance uncontrolled on the Italians for the ill success -of their arms. All the Roman senators were murdered in Campania, where -for their own safety they had been located by Totila; and even at -Ticinum a band of hostages, selected from the noblest families, were -slaughtered by order of the new Gothic King. And Teïas, notwithstanding -his limited resources, was not in the least inclined to make his -submission to the victorious eunuch, but determined to oppose him to the -last by every means in his power. First, he tried to win the alliance of -Theodebald, who had lately succeeded his father on the throne of the -Franks, but that monarch declined to identify himself with a failing -cause. - -The prime object of contention between the hostile generals was now the -city of Cumae in Campania, where Totila had deposited the richest -complement of his treasures and on that account provided it with a -strong garrison. At first John was sent into Tuscany to obstruct the -avenues of approach from the north; but Teïas eluded his vigilance, and, -by pursuing devious and unfrequented paths in the vicinity of the -Adriatic coast, penetrated into Campania before the Byzantines had -become aware of his escape. There he fortified his camp on the distal -side of Mount Vesuvius, close to the Bay of Naples. The position chosen -by the Goths was the south side of a bridge over the Draco, a small -river flowing between steep banks, impassable even for infantry. On this -spot they built wooden towers and constructed military engines, by means -of which, owing to the difficulty of access, they were able to withstand -the efforts of the whole Roman army for two months. With their fleet in -proximity they held the command of the sea, so that they suffered from -no lack of provisions. At the end of that time, however, the ships were -betrayed to the enemy by a traitorous Goth who was in charge of them, -and thus their supplies were cut off. They now took refuge on the -Lactarian Mount, which rises from the ridge of land separating the Bay -of Naples from that of Salerno. Here they soon found themselves in -danger of being starved out, and resolved, therefore, to make a -desperate effort to regain their freedom. Unexpectedly they came down on -foot in a solid mass, and threw themselves on the Byzantine troops. -Teïas, in the forefront of the battle, performed prodigies of valour, -and soon became the central aim for his adversaries. A dozen spears -became fixed in his shield, so that he could no longer wield it freely -to shelter himself. He called loudly for his armour-bearer, and an -attempt to exchange it was made, but for a moment his body remained -unprotected and he received a fatal wound. Nevertheless, his men fought -on till night terminated the conflict. At the dawn of day the fight was -resumed, and again persevered in till night. At last they sent a -deputation to Narses, proposing that they should be allowed to possess -themselves of whatever funds they had deposited at their homes in -various parts of the country, upon which they would leave Italy to go -and live according to their own laws among other barbarians. Following -the counsel of John, Narses made a convention to that effect; whereupon -the Goths agreed to surrender all their remaining strongholds and to -evacuate the peninsula.[621] - -Such was the end of the dominion of the Ostrogoths in Italy, but Narses -still had a considerable war to wage, partly owing to the convention not -being strictly carried out, but chiefly because the Franks were firmly -convinced that they could make themselves masters of Italy. Their -resources were great, but for more than a decade they had been witnesses -of the successful resistance offered by Totila with his small army to -the anxious efforts of the Emperor; and hence they were itching to find -a plausible pretext for invading the country in force. Theodebald was a -feeble youth, evidently tottering to the grave, and two nobles of his -court, the brothers Leuthar and Butilin, professed to rule both the King -and the nation. As soon, therefore, as it became patent that the power -of the Goths in Italy was irretrievably shattered, they affected to be -moved by the prayers of a few refugees of that people, who had dwelt in -the Transpadane region, and had not been directly concerned in the -compact with Narses. Hence they quickly levied an army of over seventy -thousand men, and suddenly appeared in North Italy under the semblance -of being zealous allies of the Goths, but in reality because they -believed the country to be without a master. The Roman general had not -yet received the submission of Cumae, whilst some thousands of Gothic -soldiers had fortified themselves at Compsae under a bellicose Hunnish -leader, named Ragnaris; but on hearing of the Frankish invasion he -abandoned his operations against them, and marched into Tuscany. Here he -stayed to accept the capitulation of a number of towns, but sent on the -greater part of his forces to block the way of the invaders on the -southern bank of the Po. Some slight successes were obtained, but the -eunuch was really incapable of opposing the Frankish host, and he soon -retired to the shelter of Ravenna for the winter (553). Italy was now -virtually lost again to the Empire had the barbarians who invaded it -been capable of organizing a government or founding an administration. -But to indulge themselves in rapine was the only course that was -intelligible to them, and they possessed the country as brigands, not as -civilized conquerors. The bulk of their army was, in fact, composed of -German tribes, who had not yet been converted to Christianity. Even the -Goths recognized shortly that they had nothing to hope for from such -allies; and before long, Aligernus, the brother of Teïas, journeyed -voluntarily to the north and presented himself before Narses with the -keys of Cumae in his hand. - -At the first flush of spring Leuthar and Butilin roused themselves to -prosecute their raid, and made a rapid and destructive march through -Central Italy until they arrived on the south of Rome. The brothers now -divided their forces, and, while one half carried their ravages down to -the Sicilian strait, the other devastated the eastern tract of the -peninsula until they were brought up by the waters of the Mediterranean. -The churches were broken into and rifled of all their precious ornaments -by the heathen Germans, but the Orthodox Franks abstained scrupulously -from any such sacrilege. The summer was already at its height, when -communication was reopened between the Frankish leaders; and Leuthar -announced his decision to return home forthwith in order to enjoy the -fruits of the expedition. He exhorted his brother to follow his example, -and not stake the rich spoils of Italy on the doubtful event of a war -with the Romans. Between Butilin and the Goths, however, a bond had been -executed in precise terms, by which it was prearranged that, should he -succeed in ousting the Byzantines, he should become their king. He, -therefore, remained in Campania, whilst his brother proceeded to retrace -his steps to the north. On the way a foreguard of three thousand men -fell into an ambush, contrived by Artabanes at Fanum, with disastrous -results, but the main army continued its march unopposed, crossed the -Po, and pitched their camp at Ceneta, in Venetia. Here they bewailed the -loss of much of their booty on the long route, and gave themselves up to -a life of indolence and relaxation in compensation for their protracted -predatory exertions. Soon, however, a pestilence invaded the camp, -emanating doubtless from an ill-ordered commissariat and defective -sanitation, by which most of them perished, including Leuthar himself. - -As for Butilin and the moiety of the host which remained with him, they -also succumbed to disease in considerable numbers. The plenteous supply -of grapes in Campania induced them to indulge too freely in a raw wine -of their own concoction, and hence many of them fell victims to a fatal -flux from the bowels. Since Butilin hoped to obtain a permanent seat in -the country, he decided to fortify himself in a strong position, and -await the development of events. At Casilinum,[622] on the river -Vulturnus, he found a suitable spot, and there he fixed his camp within -an enclosure strongly fenced by wagons and stakes. Their front was -defended by the river, and wooden towers which they built at the foot of -an adjoining bridge. His army amounted to about thirty thousand men, and -he was also expecting reinforcements which had been promised by his -brother as soon as he had deposited his treasures in a place of safety. - -Narses now thought himself strong enough to meet the diminished host of -Franks in the field; and he therefore came down from the north and -encamped on the other side of the river, almost in sight of the enemy. -His whole force, however, did not exceed eighteen thousand men, a great -many of the barbarians, who had accompanied him into Italy, having been -dismissed to their homes shortly after the defeat of Totila. He began -hostilities by cutting off the foraging parties, on which the Franks -were dependent for supplies, a proceeding which harassed them so much -that they decided to end the molestation by a battle. When the Roman -general noticed that the enemy were preparing to attack him he disposed -his forces in order, placing all his infantry in the centre, and his -cavalry on the wings. A certain number of his troops who were armed only -with missiles, bowmen, and slingers, he posted at the rear, and he also -concealed a detachment of horse in an adjacent wood. The martial -equipment of the army opposed to him was very incomplete. All were -infantry who bore no defensive armour, except shields and an occasional -helmet; and their only offensive weapons were a sword, a barbed javelin, -and a two-edged axe. They drew themselves up in the form of a wedge with -the apex in front, and when the order to charge was given they drove -down on the Roman centre with an impetus which carried them right -through the troops opposed to them, so that they seemed to be on the way -to capture the camp of their adversaries. Narses now signalled for his -wings to wheel round towards the centre, until they faced almost the -reverse way, and then to empty their quivers into the unprotected backs -of the enemy. At the same time they were assailed in front by a brigade -of Herules who had not arrived at their place in the centre before the -sudden onslaught of the Franks. The result of these tactics was the -practical annihilation of the barbarian host, along with whom Butilin -himself perished. While most of them were slain and many driven into the -river, it is said that only five escaped death on the field of battle. -Of the Romans only eighty were killed, and these were the men who stood -in the ranks where they had to withstand the first shock of the Frankish -charge. Shortly after this victory Narses proceeded to the reduction of -Compsae,[623] where the number of recalcitrant Goths, who had taken -asylum with Ragnaris, now amounted to seven thousand. The fortress was -blockaded during the winter; and at the beginning of spring (555), after -their leader had been slain in a chance encounter, the occupants -surrendered unconditionally to the eunuch, who sent them to -Constantinople, so that their services might be utilized for the future -in the defence of the Empire. - -After a war of twenty years Justinian at last felt himself to be the -veritable sovereign of Italy; and he drew up forthwith a comprehensive -Act for the future government of the country. The title of this -document, the legate to whose hand it was entrusted, and the place -chosen for its promulgation, were all worthy of its importance. In the -autumn of 554 the exiled Pope Vigilius quitted the Imperial capital to -annunciate the Pragmatic Sanction from the throne of St. Peter as the -Emperor's message of amity to the Italian people. Yet the concessions -made to the inhabitants by this Constitution were, perhaps, not worthy -of the name; and many who benefited, through the adoption of a definite -Imperial policy, did so at the expense of others. Not altogether -inequitably, however, as the main object of the Emperor was to restore -the _status quo_ before the accession to power of Totila. The Pragmatic -Sanction, therefore, enacted a universal reinstatement of, and -restitution to those who were the losers by the interior administration -of that monarch. In his efforts to consolidate his power he had made, or -winked at, sweeping transfers of real and personal estate to his -supporters from those who were disaffected to his cause. Now everyone -was called on to take his own again wherever he could find it, without -being troubled to make out his claim in conformity with the niceties of -legal practice, it being conceded that there might have been an -indefinite loss or destruction of instruments of title during the -general upset. Lands and cattle, houses and movables, were to revert to -their original owners; slaves of both sexes, who had obtained or assumed -their freedom in the laxity of the times, were to return to the hand of -their masters; and even the marriage tie was declared to be a nullity if -contracted under the altered social conditions. Thus, husbands and wives -who relapsed into servitude could be repudiated by their hymeneal -partners; and even nuns, who had tasted of matrimony, had the option of -re-entering their convents. On the other hand, Justinian did not -encroach on the liberty of his new subjects by depriving them of -advantages which they had formerly enjoyed; for instance, the provincial -Rectors were to be chosen locally by the prelates of the Church from -among the Italians themselves; and the salaries customarily paid at Rome -for the promotion of liberal studies, literature, rhetoric, law, and -physic, were to be continued to the professors. He also invited the -Roman senators to visit him at the Byzantine Court whenever it pleased -them to do so; and enacted that travellers might pass without let or -hindrance between Italy and the rest of the Empire. The usual formulas -as to the efficient collection of the taxes and against fiscal -oppression were, of course, prominently expressed in this Constitution; -and in this department we may be sure that the Gothic rule was often -regretted.[624] - -[599] Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iii, 1 (whence the narrative proceeds as -below). Cf. Anecd., 24, 26. - -[600] Afterwards and now Pavia. - -[601] Baduela on coins, but the Greeks always call him "Tõtilas," -perhaps phonetically. - -[602] He had delayed at CP. to celebrate his nuptials with the daughter -of Germanus; Procopius, _loc. cit._, 12. - -[603] Now Otranto, the nearest point to the opposite coast of Greece. - -[604] He was really afraid to be in the vicinity of Antonina, says -Procopius (Anecd., 5), as he believed that she had a mandate from -Theodora to make away with him, the latter having an inveterate enmity -against Germanus and his family. - -[605] See p. 546. - -[606] In a later part of his work, however, Procopius says (_loc. cit._, -iv, 33) that Totila also burnt many of the buildings at this time. -Marcellinus Com. (an. 547) corroborates, and says that for forty days -there was neither man nor beast within the city. - -[607] Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iii, 35; Anecd., 5. He left Italy this -time as in surreptitious flight, glad to abandon his task. In this year -(548), Procopius tells us (De Bel. Goth., iii, 29), the great whale -Porphyrio (see p. 368) was found stranded near the mouth of the Euxine. -It had got into shallow water, too eager in its pursuit of dolphins. The -measurements were 45 by 15 feet, but some doubted it to be the same -animal as had been known in the Propontis for fifty years. Procopius -does not, however, mention the "wonderful dog," who visited CP. in 530, -and runs through all the Chroniclers from Jn. Malala to Zonaras. Rings -and coins placed in a heap on the ground he restored to their owners, or -fetched according to their value correctly. He also indicated to order -among the bystanders pregnant women, brothel-keepers, bawds, adulterers, -misers, and benevolent persons. - -[608] Perhaps this is the origin of a statement by Paul Diac. (Hist. -Miscel., xvii) that on capturing Rome T. kept his trumpets sounding all -night to warn the citizens to take sanctuary from his turbulent -soldiery. "He lived among the Romans," says that historian, "like a -father with his sons." (The same passage occurs in Lib. Pontif., -Vigilius.) "The teaching of St. Benedict," he adds, "had moulded his -character to this clemency." - -[609] Altogether, however, Totila had equipped a war fleet of three -hundred first class ships (Procopius, _loc. cit._, 22); with these he -made some successful descents on the opposite coast of the Adriatic. - -[610] These Italian campaigns had evidently caused the Byzantines to -develop their naval power, and caused a reversal of the state of things -which prevailed at the beginning of the Vandal war. See p. 503. - -[611] Just previously he had built a church and monastery in Cappadocia, -to which he intended to retire for the rest of his days (John Ephes., -Hist. (Smith), p. 75). - -[612] Agathias, i, 16. - -[613] See p. 415. - -[614] This campaign of Narses occupies the latter part of the fourth -book of the Gothic War of Procopius. More than the first half of that -book is devoted to Persian affairs, and would properly be called the -third book of the Persian War. - -[615] It will be observed that Ravenna was never captured unless by -stratagem. Both Theodoric (p. 545) and Belisarius (p. 581) entered by a -pretended treaty with the occupants. - -[616] "Taginae lies just below the central watershed of the Apennines, -near the modern Gubbio" (Oman, _op. cit._, p. 32). - -[617] Founding on Theophanes, an. 6044, and Cedrenus, i, p. 659, this -battle must have been fought in July, or at latest the beginning of -August. - -[618] Procopius (_loc. cit._, iv. 32) gives both stories of his death, -the first vaguely, the second, which he appears to believe, -circumstantially. - -[619] Jn. Malala, xviii, p. 486; Theophanes, _loc. cit._ - -[620] Procopius (De Bel. Goth., iv. 33) notes a curious parallel between -the careers of Dagisthaeus and Bessas. The latter, as we have seen, -disgraced himself at Rome, and subsequently distinguished himself by the -capture of Petra (p. 601). But just before Dagisthaeus had been deported -under arrest from Lazica, where he had held the command, on the charge -of accepting bribes from the Persians. He now retrieved his disgrace by -the capture of Rome. - -[621] This is the last scene in the historical work of Procopius. -Agathias now takes up the narrative and begins with an epitome of his -predecessor. In his first and second books he treats of the further -warfare of Narses. - -[622] Modern Capua, the ancient town, retaining its name, having been -moved to this site. - -[623] Apparently a town near the Aufidus, on the northern border of -Lucania. - -[624] The Pragmatic Sanction is found at the end of all editions of the -Corpus Juris Civilis. In the affix Narses is named as the Praepositus of -the Sacred Cubicle, that is Grand Chamberlain, or Chief Eunuch, the -title under which he became military governor of Italy. He was provided -with a Praetorian Praefect. There is a fragment of a later Act in which -J. legalises a composition _pro rata_ between debtors and creditors, -having regard to the losses caused by the Frankish invasion. - - - - - CHAPTER XIV - RELIGION IN THE SIXTH CENTURY: JUSTINIAN AS A THEOLOGIAN - - -The reign of Justinian in its theological aspect was a long contest -between the Dyophysites, that is, the Orthodox Christians according to -the creed of the dominant hierarchy, and the Monophysites. Although the -Emperor was devotedly attached to Orthodoxy, he was above all things -desirous of finding some common ground on which the conflicting sects -could meet and be reconciled. From the opposite side Theodora was -animated by a similar policy; she warmly espoused the Monophysite -doctrine, but was equally anxious with her husband to promote a general -union of the Christian Church. The Monophysites at this time were -divided into two parties, viz., the uncompromising Acephali, who would -concede nothing, and those who accepted the Henoticon of Zeno (482). The -former, almost all Egyptians, anathematized the Council of Chalcedon; -the latter, chiefly Asiatics, pretended to tolerate that synod with the -reservations expressed by the Henoticon.[625] Thus, in the East there -was a partial agreement between the Orthodox and Monophysites; but the -Christians in the West were as uncompromisingly Orthodox as the Acephali -in Egypt were dissident: the Patriarch Acacius, the author of the -Henoticon, had been excommunicated for that piece of work by the -contemporary Pope, Felix.[626] - -After the death of Anastasius, the hierarchies of Rome and -Constantinople had resumed friendly relations, owing to the policy -adopted by Justin and Justinian of persecuting the Monophysites;[627] -but under the influence of Theodora, or because of the Emperor's -discouragement at the results of these harsh measures, the opening of -the new reign wore a much more benign aspect toward the heretics. -Amicable discussion of the points of controversy and mutual concession -became the prevalent sentiment of the Court; and soon Monophysites of -every grade in the priestly office began to crowd into the capital. -Justinian received them with condescension and Theodora afforded them -material hospitality, finding them quarters according to their rank in -the house of Hormisdas and even in the Imperial palace.[628] The Emperor -argued questions of doctrine with them as a prelate might do with his -inferior clergy, and convened representative meetings of both parties -with a view to the resolution of differences.[629] His success, however, -was limited to the addition of one of the less contestable formulas of -the Monophysites to the Catholic theology, viz., that "God was crucified -for us,"[630] but this step did not meet with universal or permanent -approbation.[631] Yet Theodora was able to push her influence to such an -extent that she procured the translation of Anthimus, Bishop of -Trebizond, who was known to have heretical leanings, to the Patriarchate -of Constantinople (535).[632] This appointment was such a triumph for -the dissident sect that they assumed their advent to power to be -actually realized; and the recognized leader of the Monophysites, -Severus, the deposed Bishop of Antioch, who had previously repulsed -Justinian's advances as being illusory, now issued from his retreat and -appeared among the dependents of the Byzantine Court.[633] - -This ascendancy, however, rested on no solid ecclesiastical foundation, -but was sustained merely by the breath of Court favour, as directed by -Theodora. At the moment when the prospects of the Monophysites seemed -brightest it is probable that disaster from some quarter was imminent -and inevitable, but the immediate cause of their ruin was a fortuitous -circumstance arising in connection with Justinian's foreign policy. In -the beginning of 536 Pope Agapetus arrived at Constantinople, -commissioned by Theodahad to effect some favourable accommodation for -him with the Emperor.[634] Among the more intimate members of his suite -were two deacons of noble family, Vigilius and Pelagius. The Catholic -prelates, who were indignant at the elevation of Anthimus, immediately -surrounded the Pope and induced him to refuse communion with the new -Patriarch unless he should prove his Orthodoxy.[635] Agapetus, -therefore, challenged Anthimus to a debate on the articles of the faith -in the presence of Justinian, and easily convicted him of flagrant -error. Excommunication, notwithstanding the menaces of Theodora, at once -followed, and the Emperor could not resist the Pope's demand that he -should be expelled from his see.[636] The Empress at once took him under -her personal protection, and gave him private apartments in the -Palace.[637] At the same time she began to intrigue for his restoration, -and the course of events seemed to shape itself very fortunately in her -favour. The Pope died in the spring of the same year before he could set -out on his return journey; and concomitantly Belisarius was making -brilliant progress in his invasion of Italy. Vigilius was a recognized -candidate for the see of Rome, and had, in fact, been irregularly -nominated before the consecration of Agapetus.[638] Theodora approached -him with bribes and threats; he should be Pope, and receive also a large -pecuniary grant, if he agreed to adopt the policy she defined for him. -Vigilius gave her all the assurances she required; he would condemn the -Council of Chalcedon and communicate with the three leaders of the -Monophysites, Anthimus, Severus, and Theodosius of Alexandria, the only -one who was in occupation of a see. At her dictation he at once wrote a -letter to these prelates, confessing the same faith as themselves;[639] -and then he departed for Italy with a mandate for Belisarius directing -that he should be installed in the Papal seat.[640] He joined the Master -of Soldiers at Naples, and, after the capture of that city, accompanied -him to Rome.[641] - -In the meantime, however, Theodahad had filled the vacancy, and caused -Silverius to be created Pope in due form. When the Byzantine army -entered the Western capital after the flight of the Goths, as already -related, Belisarius took up his abode in a palace on the Pincian -Hill;[642] and, in concert with his wife, who was better versed than -himself in such matters, endeavoured to carry out the ecclesiastical -policy of the Empress. At first, persuasion was tried, in order to -induce Silverius to adapt himself to altered circumstances, but he was a -strenuous upholder of Orthodoxy and would make no concession. It was -decided, therefore, to find a pretext for deposing him, and with that -view libels were circulated, insinuating that he was now acting in -collusion with the Goths. His residence was in the Lateran palace near -the Asinarian gate, and he was accused of plotting to admit the enemy -through that portal. He repudiated the charge and removed his habitation -to an interior part of the city.[643] A letter was then forged, in which -his treasonable relations with Vitigis were set forth in precise -terms;[644] whereupon he was summoned to the presence of the general on -the Pincian. He found Belisarius sitting at the feet of his wife, who -was reclining on a couch; and the moment he entered, Antonina addressed -him with: "My Lord Pope, what have we done to you and the Romans that -you should wish to betray us to the Goths?" She had scarcely finished -speaking, when a pair of subservient deacons stripped him of his -pallium, and hastily enveloped him in a monkish habit. He was then -hurried away to exile, while the information was spread among the -populace that the Pope had been made a monk.[645] After his deposition, -Vigilius was consecrated without delay or difficulty, little or nothing -being known at Rome of the pledges he had given at the Byzantine Court -to apostatize from the Catholic faith. Theodora soon claimed the -fulfilment of his promises, but in the West he found himself in an -atmosphere where no departure from Orthodoxy would be tolerated, whilst -in the East the tide was running so strongly against the Monophysites -that no neutral ecclesiastic could be so indiscreet as to espouse their -cause. He, therefore, put her off with professions of inability and -evasive replies, so that the heretics were as far off as ever from being -countenanced by the Papal chair.[646] Vigilius even thought it prudent -to purge himself of any suspicion of heresy by writing to Justinian and -the Patriarch Menna, who had succeeded Anthimus, in terms which left no -doubt of his orthodoxy.[647] As for Silverius, his first place of exile -was Lycia, and from thence reports were sent up to the Court -representing that he had been wrongfully accused. Justinian was thus -influenced to issue a mandate for him to return to Italy, and clear -himself, but, as he drew near to Rome, he was again arrested and -deported to the isle of Palmaria, where he died within the year.[648] It -was generally believed that he perished gradually through inanition, the -result of his being kept on a very meagre diet by Vigilius;[649] but the -definite statement of Procopius that he was made away with by one -Eugenius, an assassin suborned by Antonina at the instance of Theodora, -has the strongest claims on our credence.[650] - -After the death of Silverius, the theological peace of the West remained -undisturbed for several years; but Justinian and Theodora at New Rome -never flagged in their efforts to approach from opposite sides the goal -of union between the two great Christian sects. After the deposition of -Anthimus, however, the Emperor felt that he had been too yielding to the -heretics; and he now allowed the Orthodox bishops of the East to give -practical effect to their abhorrence of the Monophysites. It must be -admitted, indeed, that the members of that sect who had flocked to the -capital under the impression that the injunction against their teaching -had been for ever rescinded, went far beyond the limits of moderation; -and entered on a tireless mission which seemed to aim at no less than to -proselytize the whole mass of the Constantinopolitans to their -creed.[651] One of the first acts, therefore, of the new Patriarch, -Menna, was to convene a Council under the Imperial sanction, at which -more than three score bishops and a number of inferior clergy received -protests from all parts of the Empire, and pronounced sentence of -deprivation against their opponents, wherever they might be found.[652] -A general flight of the sectaries, who had shown themselves to be so -irrepressible in the city, ensued; and a repetition of the persecution -which marked the accession of Justin was reintegrated throughout the -Asiatic provinces.[653] Nevertheless, the Empress provided secure -refuges for numbers of those who were pursued, and even determined by -her active interference the tenure of the Patriarchate of Alexandria. -That city was the stronghold of the Acephali, and when the episcopal -throne became vacant in 536, an extremist named Gaianus was immediately -elected to fill it by the most powerful local faction.[654] Theodosius, -who accepted the Henoticon, was the nominee of the local government, as -inspired by Theodora, but his confirmation was resisted by violent -riots. The Empress at once despatched Narses to establish her candidate -by the aid of the military; and the eunuch had to wage a civil war in -the streets of the hostile city, amid showers of missiles launched from -windows and from roofs of houses by infuriated women, before he could -achieve his object.[655] Yet the Orthodox party had become so -reinvigorated that the very next year the presence of the Egyptian -primate was commanded at the Imperial capital, where he was offered the -option of accepting fully the Council of Chalcedon, or of deposition -from his see. He chose the latter alternative, and was banished to the -Castle of Dercos in Thrace, which had been chosen for the seclusion of -Monophysites who were unable, or who had not deigned to escape.[656] -Shortly, however, there was a lull in the storm of Orthodox rancour; and -a flourishing brotherhood of Monophysites was permitted to exist at -Sycae, where a monastery had been built for them, and liberally endowed -by Theodora. To this establishment Theodosius returned before a -twelvemonth, and continued for more than a quarter of a century to be -the head of it.[657] - -Early in the fifth decade of the sixth century the great theological -question which agitated the subsequent years of Justinian's reign, had -its origin. Paul, the Alexandrian Patriarch who had replaced Theodosius, -became involved shortly after his accession in a scandal connected with -the unwarrantable execution of a deacon by Rhodo, the Augustal Praefect. -The Emperor and his consort were much affected by this circumstance, and -decreed that Paul should be tried for his share in it by an -ecclesiastical court.[658] The Patriarch was convicted, deposed, and one -Zoilus appointed in his stead, but these occurrences were merely -collateral to the main event. Among the ecclesiastics in favour at the -Byzantine Court were Pelagius, the Papal nuncio, and Theodore Ascidas, -Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia.[659] Their rivalry for the Imperial -patronage was keen, and they were mutually desirous of damaging one -another in the estimation of the sovereign. The court which tried Paul -assembled at Gaza (542), and was summoned for the purpose by Pelagius, -acting as Imperial Commissioner. Certain monks of Jerusalem availed -themselves of his proximity and authority to forward a petition to the -Emperor against an antagonistic fraternity who were earnest -disseminators of the doctrines of Origen.[660] The brothers complained -of emanated from the New Laura in that region;[661] and it happened that -Theodore Ascidas had formerly been one of their associates. Knowing, -therefore, that he would be zealous in the defence of Origen, Pelagius -eagerly accepted the advocacy of the complainants as a means of injuring -his rival; and on his return to Constantinople at once apprised the -Emperor as to the teeming crop of error which threatened to befoul the -sources of the faith in Palestine. Justinian listened with avidity, and -forthwith began an assiduous study of the works of Origen with a view to -the disclosure of noxious passages. As that father had lived before any -definite creed of the Christian faith had been specified, and had been -deeply imbued with notions derived from Egyptian and Oriental mythology, -Justinian was shortly successful in unearthing a mass of glaring heresy -from his writings. This material was then systematically drafted into -canons, which were embodied in a formal requisition from the Emperor to -the Patriarch that Origen should be anathematized in a council of -bishops.[662] In the meantime Theodore, anxious to retaliate against -Pelagius, and to disturb the convictions of the Orthodox in general, as -well as to divert attention from Origen to a greater issue, had devised -a skilful attack on the Council of Chalcedon. The action of the Roman -legate had created a precedent for reviewing and censuring the opinions -of ecclesiastics long since dead; and his adversary perceived that this -new method could be applied effectively to damage the authority of the -synod in question. Two bishops, who had incurred the charge of -Nestorianism, had been expressly approved at Chalcedon; whilst a third, -who was infected, had been passed over without animadversion.[663] -Besides being an Origenist, Theodore was a temperate Monophysite;[664] -and he now persuaded the Emperor that a qualified condemnation of the -defunct prelates would purge the Council of every blemish and win for it -the acceptance of all of his creed. Justinian again applied himself to -his studies, and soon convinced himself that the theologians indicated -had been tainted with flagrant impiety; upon which he published an edict -wherein their respective errors were reprobated in three sections.[665] -In the East but little commotion was occasioned by this document, as the -objections were familiar to those accustomed to read the Greek Fathers, -but among the Latins the Church was agitated violently because nothing -was comprehended[666] except that the Council of Chalcedon, the -decisions of which had been dictated by Pope Leo, was convicted of -fallacy. On that side of the Empire, therefore, controversy and stubborn -resistance was at once manifested against the Emperor's proscription of -the "Three Chapters," the title conveniently bestowed on the matters in -dispute.[667] - -Justinian, as usual, was determined to carry his point; and he now -concluded that the most effective means of attaining his end was to -procure a Papal ordinance in confirmation of his own edict. But Vigilius -at Rome was beyond the power of persuasion, and might soon not be -amenable even to force. His presence at Constantinople was, therefore, -an urgent necessity; and when the Emperor expressed himself to that -effect he was eagerly seconded by Theodora, who was anxious to arraign -the Pope for having broken faith with her. With the decision that was -habitual to her she resolved that he should be compulsorily deported, -and at once despatched an officer with strict injunctions to seize -Vigilius wherever he should find him, with the single exception of St. -Peter's Cathedral.[668] The Italian capital was not yet beset by the -Goths, and the orders of the Empress were executed to the letter (545). -In broad day, while celebrating the holy office in the church of St. -Cecilia, the Pope was arrested by a company of guards and hurried -through the streets to a ship which lay waiting in the Tiber. A -concourse of people thronged after him, and, as soon as they saw him -standing without restraint on the deck of the vessel, they clamoured for -a benediction. He acceded to their request, and when he had finished, -the ship began to put off from the shore. Only then did they realize -that he was actually about to leave them, whereupon their demeanour -changed suddenly, and they gave a striking proof that they were inspired -by two natures. Stones, sticks, and old pots were hurled after the -receding pontiff, whilst they yelled abusive epithets at the top of -their voices: "Famine and death go with you! You have done badly by the -Romans; may you fare ill wherever you go!"[669] - -Vigilius did not now complete the voyage to the Imperial city, but, -being landed at Syracuse, remained there about a year,[670] as Justinian -was not yet prepared to push the question to a crisis. In 547, however, -Emperor and Pope met at Constantinople, and embraced each other with the -greatest seeming cordiality.[671] For some time they worked together in -perfect concord, while Justinian entirely won over the head of the -Western Church to his views; and in the next year a papal decree was -promulgated, under the title of the "Judicatum," in which the Three -Chapters were anathematized in the terms dictated by the Imperial -theologian.[672] But this decisive act was the signal for Western -indignation to rise to its height; and Vigilius was stricken with awe at -finding that he could scarcely count on a single adherent in the Roman -half of the Empire.[673] Latin ecclesiastics at once began to compose -and circulate elaborate treatises in which they contravened the Imperial -and Papal pronouncements and maintained that the proceedings at -Chalcedon had been infallible in every detail.[674] Vigilius, therefore, -withdrew his Judicatum without reserve, a measure which caused the -tension of opinion between Emperor, Pope, and Patriarch to become acute. -The arch-priests excommunicated each other,[675] and Justinian became -desperate at finding himself defied at the moment when he believed -himself to be in touch with the goal. He issued a new edict (551), -condemning the Three Chapters, and insisted that the Pope should sign -it.[676] But Vigilius had now been joined by some Western bishops and -clerics, and especially by the resolute Pelagius, who thought the -contest demanded his presence in the East. With the support of these -coadjutors, Vigilius persisted in his refusal to sign, while the -attitude of the Emperor became more and more threatening from day to -day. At length, fearing that personal violence would be resorted to, he -fled from his residence in the palace of Placidia to take sanctuary in -the adjacent church of St. Peter in Hormisdas; and here the Pope with -some of his supporters sought to save themselves by clinging to the -columns of the altar. As soon as this flight was announced to Justinian, -he commanded a praetor with an armed guard to arrest the fugitives in -the sanctuary, and drag them to his presence. The military entered the -church, followed by a popular concourse, and proceeded to execute their -orders. The lesser clerics were soon detached, but Vigilius embraced the -pillars of the altar with all his might. The soldiers laid hold of him, -some by the feet, some by the hair and beard, and strove to bear him off -by main force, but the massive structure gave way and would have crushed -the pontiff in its fall had its collapse not been prevented by some of -the deacons standing by.[677] A groan of horror arose from the crowd of -onlookers; the assailants then desisted from the struggle and released -their victim. Fearing that he might have gone too far, the praetor now -called off his men, and retired to inform the Emperor of what had -occurred. On hearing his report Justinian decided to proceed no further -by compulsion, and sent a deputation to give the Pope assurances that he -might return to the Placidian palace without fear of being again -subjected to physical coercion.[678] Vigilius acted according to these -representations and left the sanctuary; but a few months afterwards his -apprehensions were renewed and he again determined to vacate his secular -residence. One night, just before Christmas (551) he crept out at the -back of the premises, scaled a half-built wall, and made his way to the -water's edge. A boat was in waiting which carried him across to -Chalcedon, and there he took refuge in the Church of St. Euphemia. -Within the same walls a century previously had been held the famous -Council, of which he had involuntarily become the champion. In this -retreat a body of delegates, headed by Belisarius, soon arrived, bearing -protests from the Emperor as to his pacific intentions, and offering -every inducement for the Pope to return to the capital. Vigilius, -however, would listen to no entreaties, but drew up a history of his -sufferings in the cause of orthodoxy, which he embodied in an Encyclical -and published to the whole Christian world.[679] Justinian now decided -that perseverance in violent hostilities would be futile, and that a -personal reconciliation with the Pope on any terms would best serve his -Church policy. He, therefore, sent Menna and Theodore to offer ample -apologies for all that had passed, and to promise Vigilius that he -should in future be free to follow his own course with respect to -theological doctrine. The Pope accepted their professions, and, after a -mutual withdrawal of anathemas, returned to his quarters in the palace -of Placidia.[680] - -Justinian now resolved that his reign should be distinguished by an -Œcumenical Council, at which the Catholic faith should be postulated in -accordance with his own theological bias. Almost all the Bishops of the -East were willing to confirm his edicts relating to Christian doctrine -in a general synod; and those who acted in opposition to him did so at -the peril of being ejected from their sees. In the spring of 553, -therefore, the assenting prelates poured into Constantinople from -diverse regions to the number of one hundred and sixty-five; and the -great assembly was held in one of the collateral halls of St. Sophia in -the month of May of that year.[681] The clerical concourse were -extremely anxious that Vigilius should take his seat with them at the -Council, but he was immutable in his resolution to uphold the Three -Chapters. Several deputations waited on him, with whom he held -colloquies, but to their invitations he replied invariably that the -Oriental bishops were many, whilst in his own following there were but -few.[682] In vain they urged that a very small number of Occidental -prelates had attended the previous Councils, for he had, in fact, -prepared a document, which he denominated his "Constitutum,"[683] to be -published before the meeting of the synod, in contravention of its -decrees. The Pope had now about him seventeen Latin bishops, as well as -Pelagius and other clerics, who inspired his determination and appended -their signatures to the Constitutum. That decretal was a lengthy -composition which included the responses of Vigilius to sixty -propositions of Theodore Ascidas, but the tenor of it was summed up in a -single sentence: "That it was not lawful to subvert anything constituted -by the Holy Council of Chalcedon."[684] The Fifth Œcumenical Council, -therefore, was held without the presence of the Pope, although he was -for the moment resident at its gates; and the discussion of his hostile -Constitutum formed an important part of its transactions. The Emperor -quoted passages from his Judicatum,[685] whereby he demonstrated that -Vigilius was in contradiction with himself; and ultimately the Council -decided that he had associated himself with impiety and voted that his -name should be erased from the sacred diptychs. At the same time they -asserted that their union with the Apostolical See of Rome remained -intact, notwithstanding that they dissociated themselves from the person -of the occupying pontiff.[686] Fourteen canons against the Three -Chapters were then proposed and ratified,[687] and a further rule of -credence was thus established for the Christian Church, which Justinian -at once proceeded to enforce with all the resources of his sovereignty. -A number of recalcitrant ecclesiastics were deprived and banished, or -placed in durance, among the latter being Pelagius.[688] As for -Vigilius, since Rome and Italy had now been brought permanently under -the dominion of the Emperor by the victories of Narses, he was anxious -to return to his see with the Imperial countenance; and within a year -after the sitting of the Council he effected a reconciliation with -Justinian by the issue of a second Constitutum, by which he retracted -the first, and again advocated the views he had professed in his -Judicatum.[689] Being thus restored to Court favour he was entrusted -with the Pragmatic Sanction and set out for Rome, as related above; but -he was now broken by years, and illness compelled him to interrupt his -voyage at Syracuse, where he died in the spring of 555.[690] The Emperor -now judged sagaciously that the vacant Popedom was an allurement which -would dissipate the most assured theological convictions; and he -determined to test its potency on the man who above all others was best -fitted for the Papal seat. When an intimation was conveyed to the -redoubtable champion of Chalcedon, Pelagius, that the pontificate was -the prize of his recantation, the weapons with which he had so long -defended the Three Chapters escaped from his nerveless grasp; and, while -he accepted the tiara of the West with one hand, he signed with the -other a convention that his faith was assimilated in all respects to -that of the princely donor.[691] The report of his defection preceded -him to Rome, and on his arrival there the influence of Narses scarcely -availed to induce three ecclesiastics of sufficient rank to perform the -ceremony of his consecration. He had covenanted with Justinian to -enforce the decrees of the Fifth General Council in the West with the -authority which attached to the occupant of St. Peter's chair; but the -hostility of the Latin bishops was so positive that he was obliged to -shelter himself behind ambiguous utterances and pronouncements as to his -unfaltering allegiance to the Council of Chalcedon. He organized a -solemn procession to St. Peter's, and, standing before the high altar -with the Cross and Gospels held above his head, and the Imperial -vicegerent at his side, affirmed his innocence of all the charges which -had been made against him.[692] He also addressed an Encyclical "To All -the People of God," in which he expressed his reverence in detail for -everything held sacred in the West, and his especial veneration for the -memory of "the Orthodox bishops, Theodoret and Ibas."[693] By these -asseverations he won over the Italian people and hierarchs in general to -his side, but the sees of Milan and Aquileia for long maintained a -schismatic attitude to the pontificate, and the Church of Gaul declined -communion with Rome for more than half a century.[694] - -The Fifth Oecumenical Council was totally ineffective in procuring a -union between the Monophysites and the Catholic world. For more than a -decade before that synod the heretics of the One-Nature had been a -spreading sect, and they ultimately established themselves as one of the -permanent Churches of the East. This result is, perhaps, to be -attributed to the steady patronage bestowed on them by Theodora. From -the monastery at Sycae, with which she zealously associated herself, -emanated several prelates, whose missional activities brought over whole -districts and even nationalities to their creed; and especially that -extraordinary man, Jacob Baradaeus, in recognition of whose prodigious -efforts, sustained for more than thirty years, the title of Monophysites -was abrogated in favour of that of Jacobites. After an ascetic seclusion -of fifteen years at Constantinople he was (in 543) ordained Bishop of -Edessa by Theodosius, the exiled Patriarch of Alexandria; and thereafter -he pursued his labours untiringly throughout the Asiatic provinces, -returning continually from his round to the Imperial or Egyptian -capital, where the centres of the sect were maintained. Concealed under -a variety of disguises and penetrating the most inaccessible regions, he -walked thirty or forty miles daily to win over converts. During all this -time he eluded the vigilance of those who were eager to capture him, -either to obtain the reward offered by the Emperor, or to satiate the -rancour of the Orthodox. The ordination of two Patriarchs, twenty-seven -bishops, and one hundred thousand lesser clergy is recorded as the fruit -of his activities.[695] About the same time, Theodora, in conjunction -with Theodosius, despatched a missionary to Nubia, who was successful in -gaining the favour of King Silco of that country, and even caused a -rival, who was acting in the interests of Justinian, to be dismissed -with a rebuff.[696] At the petition of Arethas, prince of the -Ghassanides, the Empress also procured the ordination of a bishop for -Bostra, a populous town in the north of Arabia.[697] Thus, before her -death in 548, she had the satisfaction of seeing her favourite sect -dividing the allegiance of the population with the Catholics throughout -Asia and Africa.[698] Thenceforward, the Orthodox in the East were -called Melchites ("Royalists"), in contradistinction to the Jacobites, -as representing the Imperial party in religion. - -In his relations with religion, Justinian is presented to us in no less -than six different aspects. We have seen him as a builder of churches, -and as an ecclesiastical statesman; it still remains for us to consider -him as a hierarch or clerical legislator, as a persecutor of heretics, -as a missionary or converter of the heathen, and as a theologian or -Christian metaphysician. - -1. In the first department the Emperor enacted Constitutions dealing -with clerical life and authority in every relationship, his maxim being -that the salvation of the State and the individual depended on the -Church being maintained in its integrity.[699] In the case of a -bishopric becoming vacant, three candidates were to be nominated, and -the most fit elected by the votes of the ecclesiastics and the principal -citizens of the locality; but, if obtained by bribery, the election was -annulled. Essential qualifications of a bishop were that he should be -above thirty years of age and have no children or grandchildren, whereby -his attention might be distracted from his sacred duties. It was -necessary also that he should not be addicted to a curia, unless he had -gained his freedom from the same, through having spent fifteen years in -a monastery.[700] In the exercise of his office he was authorized to -supervise almost all the activities of civil life. He could demand an -account of expenditure from all persons charged with public works, such -as baths, roads, bridges, statues, aqueducts, harbours, and -fortifications, selecting three experts to assist him with their -experience; and he could call on the Rector with his cohort to help him -in dealing with recalcitrants.[701] He was enjoined to prohibit -gambling,[702] and to visit the prisons every Sunday in order to inquire -into the cases of those under detention.[703] It was his duty to see -that legacies left to the Church or to charities were properly applied -by the heirs or trustees;[704] and at one time Justinian allowed such -bequests to be exacted even after the lapse of a century, but he -subsequently reduced the limit to forty years.[705] Litigants could -choose him as a judge of first instance, or they could appeal to him -from the Rector; but they could also, if dissatisfied with his decision, -appeal to the provincial governor.[706] A bishop was immune from charges -which were incumbent on ordinary citizens, that is, trusteeships of all -kinds. He need not accept the post of tutor or curator to young -relations, nor the care of those who were demented;[707] nor could he be -compelled to attend in court as a witness.[708] The ethics of a bishop's -life were scrupulously regulated by law. No woman could be resident in -his house, except a wife, a sister, a daughter, or a first cousin.[709] -He was not permitted to indulge in any gambling game, nor to attend the -spectacles of the circus or the theatre.[710] He also laboured under the -disability of being unable to make a will or execute a deed of gift, so -that his mind should be wholly free from worldly concern.[711] The -lesser clergy, that is, presbyters, deacons, and sub-deacons, were -obliged to live under the same stringent rules as far as applicable to -their rank; and only for the lowest grades of the ministry, viz., -chanters and readers, was marriage lawful.[712] But even to them second -nuptials were forbidden, under the penalty of forfeiting all claim to -promotion in the service of the Church.[713] The children of illicit -marriages contracted by clerics were ignored by the State so far that -they were not even entitled to the privileges of bastards.[714] Nor -would the Emperor tolerate idle ecclesiastics, but enacted that all -should perform a part methodically in prayers and psalmody for the -benefit of the laity.[715] Women of fifty could be ordained as -deaconesses in the Church, but after some time Justinian reduced the age -to forty.[716] The constitution of monasteries was also minutely -regulated by legislation. Not the senior, but the most suitable person, -was to be elected as abbot or abbess. The segregation of males and -females was to be rigidly carried out, and only one old male servitor -was to be employed in a nunnery.[717] Husband or wife might elect to -lead a religious life without incurring any of the penalties for the -neglect of family duties to which an ordinary citizen was exposed.[718] -By entering a monastery the individual divested himself of all his -worldly goods in favour of the religious community, but not to the -prejudice of wife or children, who were still entitled to their legal -share of the estate.[719] Abduction of a nun, even with her own consent, -rendered not only the ravisher liable to capital punishment, but also -any persons who harboured or aided him in the crime.[720] Alienation of -Church property, as well as of that of monasteries and charitable -foundations, was carefully guarded against, and leases were to be -granted only to the rich.[721] Ruins, however, and surplus treasure in -the form of vessels and vestments might be sold to allow of the funds -being applied to some more useful purpose.[722] But an exception was -made in the case of money being required for the redemption of captives, -"since it was only reasonable to prefer human souls to material -valuables."[723] Some relief with respect to the incidence of the taxes -was also granted to religious bodies in recognition of "the distinction -existing between things divine and human."[724] Clerical criminals were -punished by expulsion from the cloth and surrendered to be dealt with by -the secular arm; in minor cases by relegation to a monastery for three -years, there to be subjected to a stringent discipline.[725] - -2. The attitude of Justinian towards those of his subjects who did not -profess the Orthodox faith was one of the most complete intolerance. A -heretic[726] was scarcely fit to live, and it was only strict justice -for him to be "deprived of all earthly advantages, so that he might -languish in misery."[727] Hence the legal enactments against such -religious dissidents subjected them to civil and sometimes to physical -death. They were accordingly excluded from all offices of dignity in the -State, as well as from holding any magistracy "lest they should be -constituted as judges of Christians and bishops."[728] Similarly, the -liberal professions were barred to them, "for fear of their imparting to -others their fatal errors."[729] Wills made by them were not recognized -in law unless in favour of Orthodox children or relatives, and, if they -had none such, then the Treasury instituted itself as their -successor.[730] The testimony of heretics was not received in court -against the Orthodox,[731] and they were forbidden to hold Christian -slaves.[732] Hence, the slaves of heretics possessed the power of -self-emancipation by professing themselves converts to the Orthodox -faith. There were, however, degrees in heresy, and the proscriptive laws -were not pressed with equal force against all. Manichaeans, Pagans, -Montanists and the various sects of Gnostics were the most odious,[733] -whilst Arians, Nestorians, and Monophysites were not pronounced against -by name in the first decade of Justinian's reign.[734] The disciples of -Mani were frankly condemned to death wherever found, "so that their very -name might perish from among the nations."[735] It was a crime to -possess their books and not hand them over to a public official in order -that they should be burnt.[736] - -Such were the principles which were laid down in the Byzantine state for -dealing with heretics, but in practice the penalties were not always -strictly enforced, and the law often slumbered unless some special -stimulus set it in motion. A couple of years after Justinian's accession -his zeal for Orthodoxy inflamed him with a desire to encompass a general -conformity in religion throughout the Empire. He issued a decree, -therefore, that all heretics of the flagrant type would lie under the -extreme penalties of the statutes unless they accepted Christianity -within three months.[737] As a result, many votaries of polytheism were -discovered in the capital, and several high officials were dismissed -from their posts.[738] At the same time, a numerous body of inquisitors -pervaded the provinces in order to enforce the edict, whereupon many -conformed through fear, whilst others who were fanatically attached to -their belief fled to distant regions or even committed suicide.[739] -Among the most insensate devotees of the latter class were the -Montanists of Phrygia, who shut themselves up in their churches and then -set fire to the buildings, so that all perished together.[740] Prior to -this decree Jews and Samaritans had enjoyed the ordinary protection of -the law in their own communities, and only suffered the disabilities of -heretics when legally opposed by Catholics; but now the latter sect was -included among those upon whom the State religion was to be enforced. In -their case the measure was carried out with the greatest harshness, and -their synagogues were closed, emptied of their contents, or altogether -ruined.[741] As the Samaritans were very numerous in Palestine, they -soon congregated together, and broke into open revolt. A brigand chief -named Julian was chosen as their King, and under his leadership more -than twenty thousand of the rebels assembled. Doubtless they were very -inefficiently armed and equipped, but they proceeded at once to -retaliate on the Christians by pillaging their property, massacring -those who came in their way, and setting fire to the churches. -Scythopolis and Neapolis were the chief scenes of their depredations. At -the first news of the riots the Emperor became very irate and ordered -the immediate execution of the local governor, but when subsequent -accounts indicated that the movement had attained to the magnitude of a -rebellion, he commanded the military Duke of the province to attack -Julian with all the forces he could muster. After some preliminary -skirmishes a considerable battle was fought, in which the Samaritan King -was slain, and his army routed. The head of Julian, encircled with the -diadem, was sent as a trophy to Constantinople; and the wretched -sectaries were exterminated wherever they could be found among the -mountains in which they had taken refuge. Altogether, twenty thousand -are said to have perished by the sword; the young of both sexes to an -equal number were captured by Arethas, and sold into slavery among the -Persians and Indians; but the majority escaped by abandoning their homes -and offering themselves as subjects to the Shahinshah.[742] - -The devastation and depopulation of Palestine, which resulted from this -civil war, had reduced a great part of the country to a desert, but, -nevertheless, Justinian made no sign that the fiscal precept, for which -the province was assessed, would be remitted. Thus the Christians, who -had been despoiled by the rebels, were now presented with demand notes -for a greatly increased amount.[743] Extreme destitution was induced, -and an appeal to the Emperor became a matter of urgent necessity. The -Patriarch of Jerusalem headed the movement, and it was decided that -Saba, an anchorite whose reputation for sanctity was greatest in that -age, should be the bearer of the petition. He was the founder of the -Great Laura in a wilderness near the Jordan, and was now upwards of -ninety years of age. He undertook the mission with alacrity and departed -for the capital (530), where the rumour of his approach preceded him, -and occasioned a great commotion. A fleet of war-vessels, having the -Patriarch Epiphanius and several Illustrious officials on board, sailed -down the Propontis to meet him; and on his arrival at Court Justinian -embraced him with joy and tears. Yet the Emperor was alarmed at the -prospect of a reduction of the revenue, and attempted a diversion by -offering the saint a large sum for the monasteries in which he was -interested. But Saba was immovable and imperturbably pressed his -petition for five concessions, remission of taxes, rebuilding and -subsidies for ruined churches, the foundation of a hospital at -Jerusalem, the completion of a church to the Virgin in that city, and -the erection of a fort in the desert to protect his monasteries from the -Saracens. Finally Justinian yielded at every point, and the Holy City -was enriched with an infirmary to receive two hundred sick and a -magnificent church to the Theotokos, which it took twelve years to -build, as a part of the tangible outcome of the mission. Saba was also -brought into the presence of the Empress, who saluted him with the -deepest reverence and solicited him to pray for her that she might have -a son. But to this request he replied simply, "God save the glory of -your Empire," and left her in a very tristful mood. Her depression being -noticed, some of the ecclesiastics questioned him, to whom he explained, -"Believe me, Fathers, God does not will that there should be any issue -of her womb, lest he should vex the Church worse than Anastasius."[744] - -As for the Samaritans, those who survived the blast of persecution, -either by pretended conformity or temporary seclusion, formed a -considerable multitude. As soon as the penal laws became dormant, they -crept out of their hiding places and gradually settled down in their old -haunts, so that after the lapse of a decade they again appeared as a -conspicuous section of the Palestinian population. In 542 Justinian -thought it wise to conciliate them by a formal amnesty, and he published -an Act by which they were virtually restored to all their civic -privileges.[745] Yet fourteen years later, they fomented an insurrection -at Caesarea in conjunction with some Jews, murdered the Proconsul, and -the same scenes of violence against the Christians and their churches -were repeated.[746] A similar wave of oppression, though probably only -of local origin, was doubtless the cause of this uprising, but the -sedition was soon quelled by a special commissioner, who was sent down -from the capital and punished the ringleaders by impalement, -decapitation, mutilation, or confiscation of property, according to the -degrees of guilt.[747] Early in the next reign, however, their -turbulence appeared to be so incurable as to call for a re-enactment of -almost all the disabilities under which they lay after Justinian's first -decree against them.[748] - -It was, of course, a foregone conclusion that in Africa and Italy after -the conquest the Arians should be a proscribed sect. No sooner had the -Vandal Kingdom passed under the Byzantine rule than the same measure was -meted out to the previously dominant religionists, as the African -Catholics had generally received at their hands under Genseric and most -of his successors. Dispossessed of all their churches and divested of -civil rights, they were directed by the Emperor's edict to "consider -themselves as humanely treated in being suffered to live at all."[749] -In Italy the revulsion was less decided as, owing to the tolerant policy -of Theodoric, the Orthodox Church in that country had not been -disturbed. No special legislation, therefore, is extant, and it appears -that the Italian Arians were only despoiled on occasion under some -specious pretence in order that their riches might go to swell the -treasury, as frequently happened in the case of their conquerors of the -East.[750] Although Jews were held in abhorrence by the Emperor and his -Catholic subjects, they were allowed to adhere to their traditional -faith within certain limits.[751] Thus such a blasphemous departure from -the creed of the State as denial of resurrection and judgment, or the -creation of angels, was not permitted to them; and they were compelled -to use a version of the Old Testament according to the Septuagint in -Greek or Latin, and not any Hebrew text of their own.[752] In one -instance, however, a community of Jews at Borium in North Africa were -forced to become Christians; and their synagogue, which they declared to -have been built by Solomon, was accordingly transformed into a -church.[753] - -3. Having the power of compulsion in his hands, the efforts of Justinian -to convert heathens to Christianity are not easily to be distinguished -from persecution. As a rule his chief argument was the sword or the -stake, but, as difficulties sometimes stood in the way of applying that -mode of persuasion, he was obliged occasionally to have recourse to -milder methods. The only notable instance, however, is that in which he -appointed John, the Monophysite Bishop of Ephesus, to preach the Gospel -in the wilds of Caria, Asia, Phrygia, and Lydia. It seems that in those -provinces there were many small communities interspersed among rugged -and barely accessible mountain tracts, who were still addicted to some -primitive form of idolatry. Some peculiar fitness recommended the -heretic prelate to the Emperor for this arduous task; and doubtless it -was not intended that the rude proselytes should imbibe any nice -theological distinctions. According to the account of the missionary -himself his success was very great, and seventy thousand persons were -baptized, for whom a sufficient number of churches and monasteries were -built in the sequestered districts which they inhabited.[754] It is -probable that this mission conduced to the spread of civilization, and -that the regions dealt with were opened by various public works to a -freer intercourse with the more advanced dwellers in the plains. Two -other examples of Justinian's propagation of the Gospel are rather to be -classed as military subjugation and enforced conversion. On the -outskirts of the Empire between Armenia and the Caucasus lived a number -of predacious tribes, offshoots of a common stock, called the Tzani. -Their homes were situated in mountain fastnesses hemmed in by dense -forests, and at an elevation which rendered agriculture impossible. -Their sustenance was derived from cattle, and from incursions for the -sake of rapine into the surrounding districts. A punitive expedition, -however, was undertaken by the Byzantine soldiery, who penetrated to -their retreats, and reduced them to submission. The permanency of the -conquest was then assured by the clearing of avenues for facile access -and by the building of forts. Instruction in Christianity naturally -followed, and the wild men, who had previously deified groves and birds, -were taught to resort to churches which were erected for their -accommodation.[755] Near the eastern extremity of the new Praefecture of -Africa a numerous people existed who maintained a magnificent temple -served by a throng of hierodules, in which the divinity claimed by -Alexander was still adored in conjunction with that of Jupiter Ammon. By -a mandate of the Emperor this obsolete religion was abolished, and -Christian worship in a church dedicated to the Virgin was substituted -for the Pagan rites previously held in honour there.[756] - -It is uncertain whether the arrival of barbarian princes at -Constantinople, petitioning to be baptized under Imperial patronage, is -to be attributed to missionary activity, to the prestige of the Empire, -or to accidental persuasion by Christian devotees.[757] From whatever -cause, however, such occurrences were not uncommon, and two further -instances may be noticed.[758] In 527 a king of the Herules presented -himself at the Court, with a numerous retinue, and begged to be made a -Christian. All were baptized, Justinian himself acting as godfather to -the King, whom he dismissed with handsome presents, and an intimation -that, for the future, he should rely on him as an ally.[759] A similar -case happened shortly afterwards, which was attended with unfortunate -consequences for the royal neophyte, who was a Hunnish chief reigning in -the vicinity of Bosporus. On his return, assuming too hastily that all -his subjects were ready to follow his example, he seized on the idols of -the tribe, which were cast in silver and electron,[760] and transmuted -them into coined money. The native priests, however, were indignant at -this act, and, having transferred their allegiance to his brother, -quickly procured his assassination. The new ruler then marched against -Bosporus, and massacred a small Byzantine force which was habitually -stationed there in order to guard the interests of trade with the Huns. -This outrage necessitated the despatch of a punitive force across the -Euxine, but the barbarians contrived a hasty disappearance without -risking a battle, and thereafter the peace of the region remained -unmolested.[761] With these cases may be classed that of the Abasgi, who -dwelt beyond Lazica on the north-east of the Euxine. They worshipped -woods and groves, but under Justinian received an impulse which caused -them to embrace Christianity. They were ruled by a dual kingship, the -associates in which made a practice of seizing and castrating all -handsome boys, whom they sold in great numbers within the Empire. They -lived in dread, however, of the Roman power, and hence slew the fathers -of such boys, lest they should be moved to appeal to the Emperor against -their tyranny. But when a deputation of the Abasgi appeared at the -Byzantine Court to solicit that a bishop should be sent to them, -Justinian not only granted their petition, but published and enforced an -edict that no more eunuchs should be made in that country. He also built -a church to the Virgin among them, so that they should be permanently -retained in their attachment to the rites of their new faith.[762] - -4. As a doctor of theology Justinian believed himself to be the superior -of any of the prelates of the Church who lived in his time.[763] He -pored over the ponderous tomes of the Fathers whose subtle disquisitions -on the divine nature had inspired the decrees of the four great -Councils, and assumed the rôle of a priestly expositor of the Catholic -faith. As his age advanced, his pious ardour increased, and he pursued -his studies far into the night, closeted with venerable ecclesiastics in -his library, a circumstance which caused him to incur some contempt -among the more active political and military spirits.[764] Thus, when -the plot, in which Artabanes was involved, was organized, the -conspirators based their hopes of success chiefly on the facility with -which he might be surprised during such nocturnal vigils, bereft of -guards, who had been dismissed lest they should disturb his devout -researches.[765] Several of his theological treatises have come down to -us, which, though not voluminous, might have sufficed to give him a -respectable rank among ecclesiastical authors, had not his royal -position rendered him independent of such distinction. As a specimen of -the intellectual activities of an age, in which philosophy and science -had been abandoned as worthless pursuits, it may be interesting to quote -two passages from Justinian's writings, wherein damnable heresy may be -seen opposed to the inestimable conceptions of orthodoxy. In the first -he exposes the pernicious errors of Origen, in order that they may be -anathematized by an episcopal council; and in the second he defines the -true views which must be held as to the ineffable conjunction of the two -natures in the Saviour. The Palestinian monks, who cherished the -Alexandrian Father, he urges, were engaged in ruining souls by infusing -into them ideas assimilated to those of Pythagoras, Plato, and Plotinus, -thus perverting them towards the tenets of Paganism and -Manichaeanism.[766] - - "... They say," expounds Justinian, "that there were originally an - innumerable host of minds united in contemplation and love of God. But, - being subdued by satiety, their devotion cooled, and hence they became - associated with bodies and names of a higher or lower nature in - proportion to the degree of their falling off. Those who were least - deteriorated passed into the sun, moon, and stars; a lower class into - gross bodies like our own; whilst those affected with the greatest - perversity coalesced with the frigid and fuliginous matter of which - demons are constituted. One only remained unchanged in love and - contemplation of the Deity, and that one was Christ. But all bodies are - liable to perish utterly; and he, becoming at once God and man, first - threw off his body; and all bodies will ultimately do likewise, - returning into unity and again becoming minds. Hence impious men and - demons will at last attain to the same celestial state as the divine - and saintly. Thus Christ differs in no manner from other living beings. - But Pythagoras said that unity was the beginning of all things; and - Plato taught similarly, and asserted that souls were sent into bodies - as a punishment. Wherefore he called the body a sepulchre and a chain, - as being that wherein the soul was buried and bound. And the soul of a - philosopher which pollutes itself with paederasty and iniquity performs - a triple circuit of chastisement in a millennium, and in the thousandth - year becomes winged and takes its flight.... Therefore I exhort you, - holy fathers, to examine and condemn in general synod all who think - like Origen." - -The next extract I draw from his lengthy exposition of the principles of -Catholicism with a view to the condemnation of the Three Chapters. In -this document he relies mainly on the interpretation of Scripture by -Athanasius, Cyril of Alexandria, Basil the Great, Gregory Nazianzen, and -Gregory of Nyssa[767]: - - "... And when we say that Christ is God, we do not deny him to be man; - and when we say that he is man we do not deny him to be God. For should - he be only God, how should he suffer, be crucified, and die? For such - is alien to God. Wherefore when we say that Christ is composed of both - natures, divine and human, we introduce no confusion in the union, but - in the two natures we confess Jesus Christ, the Incarnate Word. When we - say that there is a composition, we must allow there to be parts in the - whole, and the whole to consist in its parts. The divine nature is not - transmuted into the human, nor the human into the divine. Rather is it - to be understood that, each nature abiding within its own limits and - faculties, a union has been made according to the substance. The union - according to the substance signifies that God the Word, that is, one - substance of the three substances of the Deity, was not united to a - previously formed human body, but created for Himself in the womb of - the Holy Virgin from her substance the living flesh, which is human - nature." - -He then drew up a number of canons against the Three Chapters and -heretics generally, to which he appended a diffuse argument to prove the -necessity for their being anathematized. These canons are virtually the -same as the fourteen adopted by the Fifth Oecumenical Council.[768] - -[625] The gist of the Henoticon was that all being devoted adherents of -the Nicene Council, they repudiated anything which was in conflict with -its decisions, whether promulgated "at Chalcedon or elsewhere"; -Evagrius, iii, 14. - -[626] Concil. (Labbe, Mansi, 1759, etc.), vii, 1053; Theophanes, an. -5980. - -[627] The correspondence between Justin and Justinian and the Holy See -of Rome (Baronius, Concil., Migne) has lately been re-edited in Script. -Eccles. Lat., Vienna, 1895, xxxv, from the Avellana Collection. - -[628] John Ephes. Comm. de Beat. Or. (Laud, etc.), pp. 127, 154. - -[629] Concil., viii, 818 _et seq._ The _Collatio_ consisted of five or -six bishops of each side. They were convened by Strategius, Count of the -Sacred Largesses, who said they were called together, not under Imperial -compulsion, but as in response to a "paternal and priestly exhortation." -Afterwards they were met by Justinian, who invited them into Hormisdas, -where he addressed them "with Davidian kindness, Mosaic patience, and -Apostolic clemency." - -[630] Cod. I, i, 6; cf. Facundus Defens, i, 1. - -[631] Abrogated by Council of 692, can. 81. At this time (533) J. -addressed several letters to the Church and the public laying down the -lines of Orthodoxy (Cod. I, i, 5-8). - -[632] Marcel. Com., an. 535; Theophanes, an. 6029, etc. - -[633] Zachariah Myt., ix, 16, 19; letters passed between Anthimus and -the Monophysite leaders, in which he accepted the Henoticon, "enacted to -annul the Council of Chalcedon and the impious Tome of Leo" (_ibid._, -21-26). The latter was the document which decided the rule of faith at -Chalcedon. In it Pope Leo I demonstrated the two natures of Jesus from -the Gospels. Thus when he performed miracles he called upon his divine -nature, but when he felt human passions, hunger, thirst, sorrow, etc., -he allowed himself to be influenced by his human nature (Concil., v, -1359; Evagrius, ii, 18). The confession of Eutyches, the father of the -Monophysites, was "I acknowledge that our Lord originated from two -natures, but after the union I confess only one nature" (_ibid._, i. 9); -cf. Liberatus, Brev., 21. - -[634] Zachariah Myt.; Lib. Pontif., Agapetus, etc. - -[635] Theophanes, an. 6029. - -[636] Liberatus, 21; Lib. Pontif., _loc. cit._, J. also threatened at -first, whereupon the Pope compared him to Diocletian. Victor Ton. (an. -540) says that Agapetus even excommunicated Theodora. - -[637] John Ephes. Comm., pp. 157, 247. - -[638] Lib. Pontif., Boniface II. - -[639] Victor Ton., an. 536; Liberatus, 22. - -[640] According to Liberatus Antonina forced him to write the aforesaid -letters from Rome; but I cannot help thinking that Theodora extracted -something better from him than mere professions before she despatched -him to the West with such a powerful instrument in his hands. - -[641] Victor Ton., an. 536; Liberatus, 22. - -[642] Lib. Pontif., Silverius. - -[643] Liberatus, 22; Lib. Pontif., Silverius. - -[644] Liberatus, 22. - -[645] Lib. Pontif., Silverius. - -[646] Lib. Pontif., Vigilius. She wanted him to restore Anthimus, but he -said he was idiotic when he made such promises, etc.; cf. Victor Ton., -and Liberatus, _loc. cit._ - -[647] Concil., ix, pp. 35, 38. - -[648] Lib. Pontif., Silverius; Vigilius. - -[649] Liberatus, 22; Lib. Pontif., Silverius. - -[650] See p. 611. - -[651] Concil., viii, 885. The most determined propagandist was the monk -Zooras. His life in John Eph., Com., p. 11. "What can I do with a -truculent man, who fears no one?" said Justinian, when asked to restrain -him. - -[652] Concil., viii, 873 _et seq._; Nov. xlii. - -[653] John Eph., Com., p. 157 _et seq._ Ephraim, who had been Count of -the East, and had been raised to the Patriarchate by a popular vote, was -the great persecutor; _ibid._, pp. 204-207; cf. Evagrius, iv. 6. - -[654] When Severus was banished from Antioch and Julian from -Halicarnassus, on the accession of Justin, they fled to Alexandria, and -there Julian began to inculcate the heresy that the body of Jesus was -incorruptible. He was opposed by Severus, and shortly the Alexandrians -were divided into two parties, the Corruptibles and Incorruptibles. The -latter were in a great majority, and now constituted the Gaianites. -Zachariah Myt., ix, 9-13; Liberatus, 19, 20. - -[655] _Ibid._ The soldiers were beaten, but Narses "won by fire where -iron could not," that is, he burnt them out. - -[656] John Eph., Com., pp. 14, 114 _et seq._; Victor Ton., an. 540, etc. - -[657] John Eph. Com., pp. 11, 66, 154, etc. It was opposite Blachernae. -She also had a refuge for proscribed Monophysites in the island of -Chios; _ibid._ Zooras was at first head of the monastery at Sycae, but -he ended his days at Dercos. - -[658] Liberatus, 23; Procopius, Anec., 27. - -[659] Liberatus, 23; Evagrius, iv, 38. - -[660] Liberatus, 23. - -[661] The N. L. was founded by sixty rebels against the rule of Saba; -Cyril Scythop, St. Saba, 36. - -[662] Concil., ix, 487, 395; Cedrenus, i, p. 660 _et seq._ (_c._ 544). -After this J. wrote a bulky pamphlet against Origen (Jn. Migne, S. G., -lxxxvi). Some of the notions of Origen condemned were, that human souls -pre-existed as holy spirits; that at the resurrection human bodies will -be globular; that the sun, moon, and stars, etc., are animated; that -Jesus will be crucified again for devils; that punishment in hell will -not be eternal, etc. It is scarcely certain that the council was held. - -[663] Theodore of Mopsuestia, Theodoret, and Ibas. An open letter of I. -spoke of the "blessed Theodore," and said that Cyril, Patr. of Alex., -arrived first at the Council of Ephesus (431), and "filled their ears -with poison and blinded their eyes." Hence Nestorius was condemned -without "judgment or question." This document was read and passed at -Chalcedon; Concil., vii, 242; xi, 297; cf. Evagrius, ii, 18. - -[664] Liberatus (24) says he was an Acephalus, the only authority. - -[665] Facundus, Defens., ii, 3; iv, 4. - -[666] Pope Vigilius himself confesses that he did not understand Greek; -Concil., ix, 98. - -[667] Facundus, Contr. Mocianum; Liberatus, 24, etc. - -[668] Lib. Pontif., Vigilius. "If you fail," said she to the officer, -"I'll flay you alive." I have no doubt she held this sort of language to -her servants; but the Lib. Pontif. is a very poor authority. - -[669] _Ibid._ - -[670] Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iii, 15; Marcel. Com., an. 547; Jn. -Malala, p. 483. See p. 632. - -[671] Jn. Malala, p. 483, Theophanes, an. 6039. - -[672] Facundus, Contr. Moc.; extracts in Concil., ix, 181. - -[673] Victor Ton., ann. 549, 550. The African bishops excommunicated the -Pope. - -[674] Facundus, _op. cit._ Fulgentius Fer., Epist. 6 (Migne, S. L., -lxvii) etc. - -[675] Jn. Malala, p. 484; Theophanes, an. 6039. - -[676] Chron. Paschal., an. 552 (also Concil., etc.). - -[677] Vigilius is thought to have been a very strong man as he is said -to have killed a deacon, who taunted him, with a blow of a book; Lib. -Pontif. - -[678] Epist. Legat. Franc., Concil., ix, 151 (Baronius and Migne, also); -Theophanes, an. 6039, etc. - -[679] Concil., ix, 50, etc. - -[680] Concil., ix, 61 _et seq._ (also in Col. Avellana). According to -Lib. Pontif. he was seized in St. Euphemia and dragged round CP. till -evening, with a rope round his neck, by order of Theodora—four years -after she was dead! - -[681] Concil., ix, 157 _et seq._; Evagrius, iv, 38. - -[682] Concil., ix, 191 _et seq._ - -[683] _Ibid._, 61 _et seq._ (and Col. Avel.). - -[684] Concil., ix, 103. Seventeen bishops, Pelagius, and two others -signed it. - -[685] _Ibid._, 181. - -[686] _Ibid._, 367. - -[687] _Ibid._, 376. Origen was practically passed over; can. 16. - -[688] Victor Ton., an. 553, etc. He was one of them. This chronicler is -generally wrong in his dates. - -[689] Concil. ix, 457. He paved the way by a letter to the new Patriarch -of CP., Eutychius; _ibid._, 413. - -[690] Lib. Pontif.; Marcel. Com., an. 554. - -[691] Victor Ton., an. 558; Facundus, Ep. Fid. Cath. - -[692] Lib. Pontif., Pelagius; Marcel. Com., an. 554. There was a popular -rumour that he had murdered Vigilius. - -[693] Epist. 6 (Migne, S. L., lxix, 391). - -[694] See his Epistles; Hefele, Hist. Councils, iv, 343, etc., for -details of the schism. According to Liberatus (24) Theodore Ascidas gave -it as his confidential opinion that he and Pelagius ought to have been -burnt alive for the trouble they had brought into the Church over Origen -and the Three Chapters. - -[695] Two lives of him in John Eph., Com., pp. 160, 206. A modern life -by Kleyn, Leyd., 1882. - -[696] The particulars in John Eph., Hist. (Smith), p. 250 _et seq._ - -[697] John Eph., Com., pp. 162, 206. In the Semitic, Arethas = -Harith-ibn-Gabbala. Duchesne has treated of Christian missions to the -south of the Empire at some length; Mis. chrét. au sud de l'emp. rom., -1896. - -[698] She died of cancer of the breast, according to Vict. Ton. (an. -549), who regarded the disease as a penalty of her heretical impiety. - -[699] Cod., I, iii, 42; Nov. vi, pf., etc. - -[700] Cod., I, iii, 42; Nov. vi, 1; cxxiii, 1; cxxxvii, 2. - -[701] Cod., I, iv, 26. - -[702] _Ibid._, 25. - -[703] _Ibid._, 22. - -[704] _Ibid._, iii, 46, 49. - -[705] _Ibid._, ii, 23; Nov. cxxxi, 6; v, ix; cf. Procopius, Anec., 28. - -[706] Cod., I, iv, 8; Nov. cxxiii, 21. - -[707] Cod., I, iii, 52; iv, 27; Nov. cxxiii, 5. He generally supervised -their appointment. - -[708] _Ibid._, iii, 7; Nov. cxxiii, 7. - -[709] Cod., I, iii, 19; Nov. xxii, 42; v, 6. - -[710] Cod., I, iii, 17; iv, 34; Nov. cxxiii, 10. - -[711] Cod., I, iii, 42. - -[712] _Ibid._, 45; Nov. xxii, 42, etc. - -[713] Nov. xxii, 42. - -[714] Cod., I, iii, 45. - -[715] _Ibid._, 42. - -[716] _Ibid._, 9; Nov. vi, 6; cxxiii, 13. - -[717] Cod., I, iii, 44; Nov. v; cxxiii; cxxxiii. - -[718] Cod., I, ii, 13; Nov. v, 5; cxxiii, 38. - -[719] Nov. cxxiii, 38; Cod., I, iii, 56. - -[720] _Ibid._, 54; Nov. cxxiii, 43. - -[721] Cod., I, ii, 24; Nov. cxx, 6, 7, etc. - -[722] Nov. cxx, 1, 10, etc. - -[723] Cod., I, ii, 21. - -[724] _Ibid._, 22. - -[725] Nov. cxxiii, 20. As Justinian's laws relating to religion are very -bulky, I merely give samples to show their general tendency. - -[726] A heretic is defined as anyone not being an Orthodox churchman; -Cod., I, v, 12, 18. - -[727] Cod., I, xi, 10. - -[728] _Ibid._, v, 12. - -[729] _Ibid._ - -[730] _Ibid._, 13, 18, 19; Nov. cv, 3. - -[731] Cod., I, v, 21. - -[732] _Ibid._, iii, 56; vi, 3. - -[733] _Ibid._, v, 11, 18, 21, etc. - -[734] Nov. cix. By this law heretic wives are deprived of the right to -recover their dowry, etc. - -[735] Cod., I, v, 12, 16, etc. - -[736] Cod., I, v, 12, 16, etc. - -[737] Jn. Malala, p. 449; Theophanes, an. 6022; cf. Cod., I, i, 5. - -[738] _Ibid._ - -[739] Procopius, Anecd., 11. - -[740] _Ibid._ - -[741] Cod., I, v, 17. - -[742] Jn. Malala, p. 445; Procopius, Anecd., 11. - -[743] Jn. Malala, p. 445; Procopius, Anecd., 11. - -[744] Cyril Scythop., St. Saba, 70-72. Saba prophesies that J. will -conquer Rome and Africa, which, if the biographer can be relied on, -indicates that as early as 530 the idea of recovering the Western Empire -was being mooted. - -[745] Nov. cxxix. - -[746] Jn. Malala, p. 487. - -[747] Jn. Malala, p. 487. - -[748] Nov. cxliv. - -[749] Nov. xxxvii; Procopius, Anecd., 18. - -[750] Agnellus, Lib. Pontif., Agnellus, 2; Procopius, Anecd., 11. At -Ravenna all the Gothic churches, with their contents, were handed over -to the Catholics. Presumably there were very few Arian congregations -left in Italy. The Exocionite Arians at CP. (Goths) were always -respected; Cod., I, v, 12; Jn. Malala, p. 428. - -[751] Cod., I, ix; x. - -[752] Nov. cxlvi. - -[753] Procopius, De Aedif., vi, 2. It is only fair to note that -Justinian, for the most part, only re-enacted or confirmed laws -formulated by his predecessors, beginning with Constantine; but he -sometimes enforced them more zealously. - -[754] John Ephes., Hist. (Smith), pp. 159, 229 _et seq._ - -[755] Procopius, De Aedif., iii, 6. Sittas was the general. Cf. Nov. i, -pf. - -[756] Procopius, De Aedif., vi, 2. - -[757] As an illustration of the way in which Christianity was spread -unofficially, through captives carried off by the barbarians, etc., see -Zachariah Myt., xii, 7. - -[758] See p. 312. - -[759] Jn. Malala, p. 427; Theophanes, an. 6020. - -[760] An alloy of gold and silver; Instit., ii, 1. - -[761] Jn. Malala, p. 431; Theophanes, an. 6020. - -[762] Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iv, 3. - -[763] John Ephes., Hist. (Com.), p. 249. In 543 he brought a party of -grammarians, advocates, ship-masters, and monks from Alexandria, and -held _séances_ in which he argued to convert them from the Egyptian -Monophysitism; "for," says the historian, "he thought none of the -bishops or others equal to him in the art of argument." - -[764] Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iii, 32. - -[765] See p. 622. - -[766] Cedrenus, i, p. 660 _et seq._ - -[767] Chron. Paschal., an. 552. - -[768] Three considerable monographs treat of religion in the sixth -century: Duchesne, Vigile et Pelage (Rev. d. quest. hist., 1884); -Knecht, Die Relig. Polit. Kais. Justin., Würz., 1896; and Hutton, The -Church in the Sixth Cent., Lond., 1897. Gasquet's De l'autor. impér. en -mat. relig. à Byzance, Paris, 1879, also contains matter germane to the -subject. - - - - - CHAPTER XV - PECULIARITIES OF ROMAN LAW: THE LEGISLATION OF JUSTINIAN - - -The mutual relations of the members of a community naturally fall into -two divisions, that is, public and private.[769] In the first we have to -consider the activities of the citizens politically, or with reference -to the work of the government or administration, which enacts, or -sanctions and enforces, the laws under which they live. In this sphere -of sociology the connection of the individuals with each other arises -only through their dwelling in contiguity within some circumscribed -area, and thus, while being obliged to exist under the same human -influences, they may for the most part be personally strangers to each -other. In this department, then, the tie of natural affection, which -originates in blood or sexual relationship, or, perhaps, from friendly -association, is in general wanting. In the second category the community -must be regarded as consisting of an aggregate of natural groups, that -is, families, the members of which are so intimately connected as to be -affected at every moment by each other's acts. Such groups in their -mutual relations are necessarily subject to the laws of the state; but -in the privacy of the family circle it is also essential that the -individuals should conform to a minor system of law, which may vary in -every household according to the expediency of its particular -circumstances. Of the latter code of conduct it will be unnecessary to -speak further; it might be identical in part or wholly, in ancient and -modern times, and among different nations, or differ considerably in -families living in the same age and adjacent to one another. But statute -law affects similarly all persons subject to its jurisdiction, and it is -of this only we have to treat. - -The origin of, and necessity for, law, humanly enacted, arises from the -gregarious tendency of mankind, through which the desires and acts of -the individual become circumscribed with reference to those of his -neighbours. At a very early stage in civilisation the conception of -individual rights is awakened by each person becoming keenly perceptive -of self-interest; and hence those in a neutral position feel inclined to -resent that another should suffer a wrong to which they themselves would -be unwilling to submit. Thus the germs of altruism are sown in a -community, and the general utility of some rule of justice being -enforced soon becomes apparent to all. Yet each one is loth to abandon -advantages which he finds to be within his grasp; and the abuse of power -leads to oppression, injustice, and crime. Power is of various kinds, -and consists in the ability to take from another some valued thing by -open force, by strict legality, or by stealth. The last-named is theft, -and, in its various aspects, creates the necessity for almost all -criminal law; but the former are with difficulty dealt with by, and -sometimes form the paradox of legislation. Thus, by a general convention -the greatest injustice may be enforced within a state, and that in two -relationships, viz., as regards the members of other states, and with -respect to its own citizens. In the category thus indicated I propose to -advert only to two phenomena in Roman sociology, namely, slavery and -debt. - -1. In modern times the only slavery recognized in Western civilization -has been that of some degraded race, whom nature seems to have created -as almost akin to the lower animals. Hence it was considered to be no -injustice to subjugate or domesticate them as such, and to pass them -from owner to owner at a price. But the Roman slave, as a rule, was not -racially distinguishable from his master; and might even be his superior -in natural endowments and education. For the latter advantage, however, -he would almost invariably be indebted to his owner. He was generally a -member of a foreign state, most probably a captive taken in war, or the -descendant of one; but sale by parents within the Roman dominions and -kidnapping were not uncommon. In the early ages of the Republic the -master had as much power over his slave as over his ox or his ass, and -lay under no penalty if he should choose to kill him; but the position -of the human commodity was gradually ameliorated. The advance of humane -conceptions, which attained their most emphatic expression in the Stoic -philosophy,[770] soon exerted its influence on the servile condition; -and even under Augustus a master could not imperil the life of his slave -without first obtaining magisterial sanction.[771] Half a century later -it was enacted by Claudius that a man who wantonly killed his slave -should be guilty of murder.[772] Hadrian[773] and the Antonines[774] -legislated in the same spirit to protect them from cruelty, and gave -them the right of being compulsorily sold when they had just cause of -complaint against their actual owner.[775] It has already been mentioned -that Constantine,[776] although a slave could have no legal relatives, -forbade that servile families should be separated by sale to different -persons; but, nevertheless, in the sixth century the abolition of -slavery was never contemplated as a social possibility. A Roman slave -wore no badge of servitude, and when on one occasion it was proposed -that they should do so, the proposition was negatived on the grounds -that it would be hazardous to provide them with a means of recognizing -how very numerous they were.[777] - -Such, in general, was the position of slaves within the Empire when -Justinian came to the throne; and in many important details they were -indebted to him for an increase of their privileges. That emperor was a -busy law-giver in every department of the state; and, when not blinded -by fanaticism or financial greed, his measures tended to the extension -of liberty and the removal of technical restrictions. Obstacles were -placed in the way of the manumission of slaves, and in many the freedom -bestowed was only partial. Justinian abolished such irksome -distinctions, and decreed that all freedmen should enjoy the full rank -of Roman citizenship irrespective of their previous status or -formalities in the mode of manumission.[778] By a law passed in the time -of Augustus a man could not by will confer liberty on all his slaves, -but only on a proportion of them;[779] and a youth who was considered to -have attained to manhood, that is, to fourteen years of age, so that he -could legally make a will, yet was denied the power of manumitting a -slave. The first of these enactments was abrogated,[780] the second -modified by Justinian.[781] In the case of a slave being in the joint -possession of two or more persons, and one of the owners desiring to -manumit, he made it compulsory that the others should sell their share -to that one;[782] and if a free woman married a slave he enacted that -she should retain her liberty, contrary to previous law on the -subject.[783] He also forbade the prostitution of female slaves, to whom -in such case he ordained that freedom should at once accrue as a -consequence of the offence.[784] In general he declared himself to be -the friend of liberty,[785] and endeavoured to expedite the solution of -all legal difficulties in wills, and the wishes of testators in favour -of the slave being speedily emancipated.[786] Finally he deprived the -slave of the option of remaining in servitude, stating that no one had -the right to reject the gift of Roman citizenship.[787] He asserted, -however, very strictly that a freedman should fulfil his duties towards -his patron, that is, his former master, to whose generosity he owed his -liberty, and threatened him with relapse into servitude should he prove -himself to be an ingrate.[788] But he relaxed the rule which compelled a -freedman to leave half his property to his patron; and in ordinary cases -relieved him altogether of the obligation,[789] whilst he also attempted -to institute some legal relationship among the emancipated by tracing -the connections of a family through those still retained in -slavery.[790] Another liberal provision of this Emperor was that if an -unmarried man kept one of his slaves as a concubine and died intestate, -she and her children forthwith became free instead of passing into the -hands of the heirs as part of the inheritance.[791] He also pronounced -against foundlings being reduced into servitude, either as slaves or -serfs,[792] on the assumption that they were not free born. By the same -rule a slave cast out or abandoned, the fate sometimes of those who had -become useless through illness or decrepitude, became free.[793] Yet the -colons or serfs of an estate gained no step towards freedom in this -reign; on the contrary Justinian confirmed the laws which bound them to -the soil and interdicted them from migrating to another locality under -pain of forfeiting their chance of being emancipated.[794] In this -connection he feared, doubtless, lest anything which might hamper the -profitable cultivation of estates would lessen the returns to the fisc. - -2. The very harsh laws of debt, which prevailed among the primitive -Romans, were one of the chief sources of civil commotion in the first -centuries of the Republic. The defaulting debtor might be seized by his -creditor, imprisoned, and sold as a slave; and the terms of one law of -the Twelve Tables have been held by many jurists to indicate that joint -creditors were legally empowered to hew the body of their debtor in -pieces in order that each of them might take possession of a -section.[795] The various popular measures which were passed from time -to time with the view of relieving the citizens of debt and restraining -the oppressive creditor are treated of at length by the Latin -historians.[796] Such enactments compelled a spirit of moderation among -those who practised usury, and many debtors were assisted by -arrangements comparable to modern bankruptcy. Ultimately the increase of -power and wealth in the Republic, and the concessions granted to the -overflowing population by aspirants to personal dominion effaced most of -the hardships which were so galling in the primitive community; but no -permanent legislation was ever devised which effectually curbed a -creditor prone to drastic exaction of money due. Thus in the eleventh -year of this reign we find Justinian forbidding that the corpse of a -debtor should be impounded with the object of forcing immediate payment -of a debt from his heirs, the attached penalty being confiscation of the -sum owing, together with a third of the fortune of the offending -person.[797] And nearly twenty years later he was obliged to enact that -creditors should not seize the sons of debtors and retain them in -slavery as a gage of the amount owing being paid.[798] In this case the -delinquents were to forfeit the debt and also an equal sum to the youth -kept in bondage, and in addition were to be sentenced to a flogging by -the local Rector. At the same time the Emperor decreed that securities -given by women in respect of their husband's debts were to be void of -effect; whilst under no circumstances were females, even when liable to -the fisc, to be sent to a common prison for debt. They were only to be -immured in monasteries or ascetic establishments, where they would be in -charge of custodians of their own sex.[799] Justinian also legislated in -restriction of interest on money lent, which in this age seems generally -to have been calculated at twelve per cent. per annum. He now fixed the -precise amount which he considered it fair for lenders to receive in -proportion to the risk they ran and the importance to them of the -transaction. Thus nobles of Illustrious rank were allowed to take only -four per cent.; but ordinary citizens were to be entitled to six. -Merchants in legitimate trade, if they lent money, might demand eight -per cent.; but the investor in any risky venture, such as nautical -enterprises, was permitted to stipulate for twelve per cent.[800] - -The despotic power exercised by a Roman father over his family, -expressed by _patria potestas_, was almost peculiar to that nation, but -in practice it seems to have been very rarely abused. By this convention -wife and children were subjected to the male parent almost as completely -as if they had been his slaves; but at the same time sons of mature age -had all the rights of citizens with respect to voting at elections, -holding magistracies, and commanding armies. By tacit consent, however, -this exaggerated jurisdiction was gradually abandoned, and in the time -of Justinian had become more nominal than real.[801] Thus already, -during the reign of Augustus, it was agreed that a father could not -inflict more than ordinary chastisement on a son without obtaining -magisterial sanction;[802] whilst Constantine publicly decreed that a -parent who killed his child should suffer death by the paradoxical -method invented to emphasize the unspeakable atrocity of the crime of -parricide.[803] But two centuries previously Hadrian had pronounced it -to be "illicit and disgraceful" for a father even to sell his -children.[804] Justinian began early to limit by definite legislation -the extent of paternal absolutism, and in 533 decreed that patricians -should be released from it, on the grounds that it was "intolerable for -one whom the Emperor had chosen to be his father" to lie under such a -disability.[805] At the same time he forbade parents to oppose by any -overt act the resolution of any of their offspring who should elect to -lead a religious life; providing, however, that if the latter should -tire of asceticism and return to the world, the special favours shown to -them should be withdrawn.[806] Six years later he followed up the -principle by declaring the exemption of practically all high officials, -viz., consuls, ordinary or honorary, praetorian prefects, and those of -the two Romes, masters of soldiers, and, of course, bishops.[807] -Justinian also abolished the power of the father to surrender his -children to those upon whom they had inflicted an injury in lieu of -compensation.[808] Further, he issued Constitutions in which he -reiterated more emphatically the prohibition against the exposure of -infants.[809] - -Originally a son could have nothing of his own during the lifetime of -his father, but in the reign of Augustus an exception was made in favour -of whatever he might gain in military service.[810] In the first half of -the fourth century the right was extended, and the privilege of -retaining anything received as pay from the government was bestowed on -officials of the civil service.[811] Justinian went a step further and -enacted that a son's independent or extraneous earnings should be his -own, but yet he permitted the father to have the usufruct of any capital -thus acquired.[812] Later (541), he made another concession that a son -might inherit anything from a relative, as part of his separate estate, -if left to him with a proviso that it should not come under his father's -control.[813] - -The artificial conception of blood-relationship which prevailed among -the Romans, whereby those connected through females were excluded from -all legal rights in a family, had been modified in some of its most -inequitable features before the sixth century. In the earliest times if -a citizen died intestate having no agnates to inherit, that is, persons -related to him through males, the property was divided among his _gens_. -The latter consisted of all those of the same stock or name as himself, -being the reputed descendants in the male line of some common ancestor. -Possibly, however, by this dispensation some of his heirs might not even -be of the same blood, owing to adoptive children having conferred upon -them all the legal rights of those naturally born to the father by whom -they had been assumed. Thus it happened that the children of a married -daughter could claim nothing of their maternal grandfather's estate; -and, as a rule, their mother would be in the same position. A mother -could not inherit from her sons and daughters; whilst emancipated -children, that is, those who had been relieved by their father from the -semi-servile condition in which they stood towards him, thereafter -became as strangers to their own family in the eye of the law. The -narrow conceptions of the primitive laws as defined in the Twelve Tables -(462 B.C.) were productive of much flagrant injustice of this kind, as -it appeared to the Romans themselves as time wore on.[814] After the -lapse of about a century, a new magistrate, second in authority only to -the Consuls, was created under the title of Praetor, and his functions -gradually evolved themselves into those of the chief justice of the -Republic.[815] Although legislative powers were not bestowed on him, he -became virtually a legislator, and in his court equity was administered -in accordance with the current development of public opinion. Thus he -became a special providence for all those who found themselves hard -pressed by the cramped enactments of the old laws, which were sometimes -supplemented, sometimes evaded by a legal fiction or subterfuge in the -Praetor's Court.[816] On taking office, each Praetor published an edict -in which he stated the views he took of debatable questions in law; and -his rules and decisions, though caduciary, were often confirmed and -fixed by Imperial legislation.[817] By the reign of Hadrian a -considerable body of law had been thus concreted, which that emperor -ordered to be codified by Salvius Julianus, and thus a collection of -statutes, called the Perpetual Edict, was permanently approved and took -the place of the variable practice of successive Praetors.[818] - -While in Republican times the rights of succession to an intestacy had -been constrained within narrow limits of agnation and male -precedence,[819] the laws of inheritance as ultimately settled by -Justinian became the most liberal that the world has seen. Priority of -birth had never been recognized as constituting a title to preference in -Roman law; and now every notion of any prescriptive claim being inherent -in sex was abolished. The state of the deceased was divided equally -between male and female children, grandchildren, of course, subdividing -a predeceased parent's share. By this disposition a wife took her -marriage settlement, but if there were none such she ranked as one of -the children, as did also a husband. If the intestate left no issue, but -several brothers and sisters, the property devolved on them according to -the same principle, but to them the parents of the deceased, if living, -were preferred. Thus the degree of affinity by blood was alone -considered in regulating heirship. Under this system adopted children -inherited from their natural parents as if no such formality had taken -place, but they also had a claim, in the absence of near kindred, to -succeed to those who had adopted them.[820] - -In the earliest times a Roman could bequeath his property to any member -of the community he pleased, but not to a foreigner. In the time of -Augustus, however, a law was passed, in completion of previous tentative -efforts, which made it compulsory for him to leave a fourth part of his -estate to his children, otherwise he had to state expressly why he -disinherited them.[821] Justinian confirmed and reduced legislation of -this class to a compact form, defining the relations of parents and -children to each other as regards the disposition of their possessions -in precise terms. Fourteen causes were enumerated, which the law would -recognize as just grounds for a parent to disinherit a child, and eight -which would confer the same right on the latter. Among these, lapse into -heresy holds the most prominent place, and also neglect to ransom if the -parent or child should be taken captive by an enemy.[822] - -The dissolute tendencies of society under the early Empire induced the -promulgation of laws which imposed a penalty on celibacy, and granted -privileges to those citizens who were fertile in offspring. Legal -incapacity to inherit was inflicted on a bachelor, whilst in the -division of an estate larger amounts were assigned to the heirs in -proportion to the number of their children.[823] With the introduction -of Christianity and asceticism, qualities of this kind began to occupy -reversed positions; and, if marriage did not fall altogether into -disrepute, second nuptials, at least, were ranked almost as a crime -deserving to be visited with penalties comparable to those decreed -against heretics.[824] Justinian modified this stringency, remarking -that natural passion might fairly lead persons of both sexes to -re-marry, and that free procreation of children was ultimately for the -benefit of the state.[825] Legitimation of children by subsequent -marriage had long been recognized, and Justinian extended the principle -by a decree that a woman seduced under promise of marriage could compel -her lover to complete the contract, or, in default, to endow her with a -quarter of his property.[826] By a law of Anastasius, illegitimate -children were called on to inherit the estate in the case of an -intestacy without legal offspring, but in the second year of Justin this -rule was abrogated. At the beginning of his reign, however, Justinian -restored the former claim to the extent of one half, and later he -supplemented it by enacting that a father could leave all his -possessions to his natural children if he had none who were -legitimate.[827] - -From the first ages of the Republic liberty to divorce his wife was -considered to be the inalienable right of every Roman, but the privilege -was rarely, if ever, taken advantage of in the primitive community. This -strict attachment, however, to the conjugal contract gradually -disappeared, and in Imperial times the marriage bond was tied and loosed -on many occasions in their lives by persons of unstable character. Not -until the fifth century did the Christian emperors attempt to impose any -stringency on the freedom of divorce, when the younger Theodosius -published a list of offences, in the absence of one or more of which -repudiation of the nuptial tie by either husband or wife would be -legally insufficient.[828] From the moment of his accession Justinian -began to elaborate legislation of this kind,[829] and in 541 went so far -as to forbid the dissolution of marriage by mutual consent,[830] a right -with which no previous emperor had ventured to interfere. The -restriction, however, was probably inoperative and highly unpopular, and -one of the first acts of his successor was the repeal of the obnoxious -measure.[831] - -The difficulties which in this age beset the practice of the law courts, -owing to the confused condition of legal literature and the consequent -absence of attainable information, on forensic questions, has already -been adverted to. The pressing need of rescuing the elements of -jurisprudence from the two thousand volumes in which they were entombed -had been felt by previous emperors, but, if they apprehended the -possibility of executing it, they shrunk from the magnitude of the task. -No sooner, however, was Justinian seated on the throne than he engaged -in this enterprise and nominated a commission of ten jurists to prepare -a code in which all extant and effective Acts of various emperors should -be repeated and arranged in lucid order. Tribonian was included among -these commissioners, as an adjurant rather than as a principal, but -during the execution of the work it is certain that he proved himself to -be the master spirit of the undertaking. The materials which had to be -manipulated consisted of the Theodosian Code, in sixteen books, composed -under the auspices of that feeble-minded prince, whose simple piety -assumed that all but the laws of Christian emperors should be expunged -from the statute book. This ineffective performance, therefore, left -unnoticed all legislation previous to Constantine, but there were two -other extensive compilations, the Gregorian and Hermogenian Codes, of -private origin, in which had been amassed a multitude of Imperial -constitutions, beginning with those of Hadrian. The work was begun in -February, 528, and finished by April of the following year. It was then -announced to the Praefect of the East as the "Justinian Code," to which -alone for the future reference was to be made in order to ascertain the -law of the Empire; and he was directed to give it effect from the next -month. If, the Emperor added, certain enactments were found to have been -altered in tenor by additions, detractions, or verbal changes, such -modifications had been necessitated by the exigences of the age; and it -was forbidden that anyone should thereafter cite such passages as they -appeared in previous books, with the view of inducing decisions not in -conformity with the new Code.[832] - -The capacity and erudition of Tribonian, which had been revealed during -the preparation of the Code, inspired Justinian to undertake in the next -year a work of much greater magnitude, which it was anticipated would -demand fully ten years for its achievement. It was proposed to extract -all the essential pronouncements of jurisprudential law to be found in -the two thousand volumes, which emanated from the recognized legal -luminaries of the previous fourteen centuries, and dispose them -categorically in fifty books, so that they should be readily available -for forensic consultation. The Constitution which enjoined the -preparation of this comprehensive work, to be called the "Digest," or -"Pandects," was addressed to Tribonian alone, and he was left -untrammelled in the choice of coadjutors in the stupendous task.[833] -Nowhere throughout the Empire, indeed, was there known to be a legal -library which contained all the books necessary for the compilation of -the Pandects, except in the collection which had been formed with vast -pains and accurate judgment by Tribonian.[834] He now made choice of -sixteen associates, and all engaged assiduously on the materials at -their disposal. To their surprise, they found that the work advanced -much more rapidly than had been expected, and at the end of three years -they were able to announce that the Digest had assumed a practical -shape. The three million sentences had been reduced to one hundred and -fifty thousand, which were distributed in an orderly manner throughout -the fifty books in seven categories. Among these were to be found all -the matter required to enlighten the hesitating lawyer as to official -duties, judicial functions, pledges, contracts, usury, nuptials, wills -and codicils, legacies and trusts, relations of slaves and freemen, -heirship, intestacy, liabilities of those occupying land and dwellings, -crimes and punishments in "two terrible books," public works, and -miscellaneous definitions.[835] Having achieved this great work -Justinian became apprehensive that it would be corrupted by copyists, -wherefore he ordained that no abbreviations should be used in writing -out the original or reproductions. But he was still more alarmed lest -his concentrated text should be overwhelmed by commentators, so that -after the lapse of a certain period there might be a return to the -former state of things, when administrators of the law should again -suffer bewilderment amid the overplus of legal literature. Commentaries, -therefore, were forbidden, and, should any persons attempt them, they -were warned that they would be considered as perverters and falsifiers -of the law. Should any doubts arise, reference was to be made to the -Emperor, as the sole legislator and interpreter of the law.[836] - -When the Pandects were approaching completion, Justinian decided on the -issue of a third work, which should form a handbook for the law-student -and ground him in the principles of Imperial jurisprudence as set forth -in the two ponderous Codes. Under the name of the Institutes this little -treatise soon took shape in four books, being for the most part a -remodelled edition of a similar work by a certain Gaius, which had been -in circulation for several centuries. This compendium was then announced -to the student as furnishing him with as much legal information in a -small compass as he could have attained to previously after a four -years' investigation of the diffuse compositions to which he was obliged -to have recourse. "Take these our laws," said the Emperor, "and study -them assiduously, encouraged by the bright hope that your proficiency -will one day enable you to govern our Republic in some province which -may be entrusted to your care."[837] At the same time Justinian mapped -out the work of the class-rooms for legal education, in which the new -law books were to supersede all texts previously placed before the -student during his five years' course. The first year was to be devoted -to the Institutes, the next three to Pandects, and the last to the Code. -He also directed that the freshmen were henceforward to discard their -ridiculous cognomen of _Dupondii_, and enter on their career under the -dignified title of "New Justinians." He also sternly prohibited the -rough games which students had been wont to play off on one another, on -rude novices, and even on professors, such reckless proceedings having -sometimes eventuated in actual crimes. Finally he decreed the abolition -of the law schools of Alexandria, Caesarea, and elsewhere, since he had -heard that in those places unskilful men with insufficient licence had -been engaged in imbuing their disciples with adulterated doctrine. For -the future, as previously, Berytus was to be the chief academy of -jurisprudence, but the Royal Cities of Rome and Constantinople were also -sanctioned to continue as centres of legal instruction.[838] - -No sooner had Justinian completed his reintegration of the legal -profession than he entered on an active career of new legislation which -rendered much of his former work obsolete. The close attention paid to -law during the preparation of the Digest had revealed a number of -disputed questions, and these the Emperor determined to decide once for -all by virtue of his own Imperial inspiration. When they had accumulated -to the number of fifty the list seemed to be exhausted, and thereupon a -fasciculus of "Fifty Decisions" was published to settle the law on these -moot points. This supplement seemed to antiquate the Code, and hence it -was resolved to abolish it in favour of a revised edition, which should -be perfected by the inclusion of all more recent legislation. A new Code -was, therefore, published in 534 with an injunction that the first -should be consigned to oblivion, and never again opened in the law -courts.[839] Still, however, Justinian found an unlimited field for his -legislative proclivities, and every year saw the promulgation of new -Acts, until his energy began to succumb to senility. Most of the new -enactments were called Novels, and many of them were elaborated at great -length. For these compositions the Greek language was almost invariably -used, but a contemporary Latin translation was made. More than one -hundred and sixty of them remain, but some of them are in a fragmentary -condition. In addition thirteen other pronouncements, named Edicts, are -extant, and also the Pragmatic Sanction, of which an analysis has been -given in connection with the annexation of Italy. Such are the four -complements of Justinian's legislation, of which in bulk his own -productions constitute about one fifth, but some considerable portion of -the latter has probably been lost.[840] - -[769] Pand., I, i, 1; Instit., i, 1. - -[770] See p. 241. - -[771] Pand. XLVIII, viii, 11, etc. Illustrated by the story of Androcles -and the lion; Aulus Gel., v. 14. - -[772] Suetonius, Claudius, 25. - -[773] Hist. Aug., Hadrian, 18. - -[774] Gaius, i, 52, etc.; Seneca, De Benef., iii, 22; see p. 43. - -[775] Cf. Cod., I, xxv. - -[776] See p. 114. - -[777] Seneca, De Clement., i, 24. - -[778] Cod. VII, vi; vii; Instit., i, 5. - -[779] Suetonius, Octavius Aug., 40; Gaius, i, 42 _et seq._ - -[780] Cod., VII, iii; Instit., i, 7. - -[781] Instit., i, 6. He allowed him to manumit at 17 instead of 20 as -previously. - -[782] Cod., VII, vii, 1. - -[783] _Ibid._, xxiv; Instit., iii, 13. - -[784] _Ibid._, vi. - -[785] _Ibid._, vii, 2. - -[786] Cod., VI, xxxv, ii; VII, ii, 15. He quotes a sentiment of Lucan, -"To think nothing accomplished while anything remained to be done," -_àpropos_ of some legislation of Marcus Aurelius, which he essays to -complete. - -[787] _Ibid._ - -[788] Nov. lxxviii. - -[789] Instit., iii, 8. - -[790] Cod., VI, iv, 4; Instit., iii, 7. - -[791] Cod., VII, xv, 3. - -[792] Cod., I, iv, 24; VIII, lii, 3; Nov. cliii. - -[793] Cod., VIII, lii, 4; Nov. cliii, 1. - -[794] Cod., XI, xlvii, 23, etc. - -[795] XII Tab., iii, 5 (Aul. Gel., xx, 1). - -[796] Livy, vi, 34; vii, 42, etc. - -[797] Nov. lx. - -[798] Nov. cxxxiv, 7. - -[799] Nov. cxxxiv, 8, 9. - -[800] Cod., IV, xxxii, 26; Nov. cvi; cxxxviii, etc. - -[801] Instit., i, 9; Cod., VIII, xlvii. - -[802] Seneca, De Clement., i, 14, 15. - -[803] Cod., IX, xvii. He was to be thrown into the sea sewn up in a sack -with a dog, a cock, a viper, and an ape; cf. Instit., iv, 18. - -[804] Cod., VII, xvi, 1; cf. Pand., XLVIII, ix, 5. - -[805] See p. 90. - -[806] Cod., I, iii, 55; Nov. cxxiii, 41, etc. - -[807] Nov. lxxxi. - -[808] Instit., iv, 8. - -[809] Cod., VIII, lii, 3; Nov. cliii. - -[810] Gaius, ii, 106; Juvenal, Sat. xvi, 51. - -[811] Cod., XII, xxxvii. - -[812] Cod., VI, lxi, 6 - -[813] Nov. cxvii, 1; cf. cxxxiv, 11. - -[814] Generally see Muirhead's Private Law of Rome (by Gould), Edin., -1899, pp. 163, 270 _et seq._, and the reconstruction of the XII Tab. -thereto appended; also Gaius, iii, 18, etc. - -[815] Livy, vi, 42; vii, 1, etc. - -[816] Pand., I, i, 7. - -[817] The way in which the Prætor gave relief to those hard pressed by -the letter of the law, is expressed very clearly throughout the -Institutes, especially in iii, 1, 2, 9, etc. - -[818] Eutropius, viii, 9; Cod. I, xvii, Tanta (+Dedôken+), etc. - -[819] By the XII Tab., as J. points out, males and females, apart from -agnation, had equal rights in successions; Cod., VI, lviii, 14. - -[820] Nov. cxviii; cxxvii; cf. Instit., i, 11; iii, 1. - -[821] The Lex Falcidia, concerning which there is much matter in Code, -Pand., and Nov., etc.; cf. Gaius, ii, 226. - -[822] Nov. cxv. Other causes for disinheriting were a son going on the -stage, or a daughter under twenty-five refusing to marry a certain -person, etc. - -[823] Lex Papia-Poppaea, Pand., XXXVIII, xi; XXIII, i, and commentators; -Gaius, i, 178, etc. - -[824] Cod., V, ix. - -[825] Cod., VI, xl; Nov. xxii, 43. He speaks of a law said to have been -passed by one Julius Miscellus, but there was no such person. For a clue -to the muddle, see Daremberg and S. Dict. Antiq. _sb._ Lex, where the -best list of these old laws will be found. - -[826] Nov. lxxiv, 4, etc. He excuses these lapses by "nothing is -stronger than the fury of love, and how can those so affected resist the -blandishments of those they love?" - -[827] Cod. V, xxvii, 6, 7, 8; Nov. lxxxix, 12, 15, etc. Incestuous -children are, however, barred from all such privileges. - -[828] Cod., V, xvii, 8. - -[829] _Ibid._, 11; Nov. xxii. Some of Justinian's just causes of divorce -are procuring abortion and bathing in the public baths with men. -Wife-beaters are not divorceable, but must make large pecuniary -compensation; Nov. cxvii, 14. - -[830] Nov. cxvii, 10; cxxxiv, 11. - -[831] Nov. cxl. - -[832] See the two prefaces to the Code. - -[833] Cod., I, xvii, 1. - -[834] As mentioned in Cod., I, xvii, 2, 3 (Tanta and +Dedôken+). - -[835] Thirty-nine legal writers were excerpted, but many others are -referred to incidentally. A sketch of the origin and development of -Roman law, as well as the names and connection of the chief -practitioners from Pomponius, is included; Pand., I, ii, 2. - -[836] Cod., I, xvii, 2, 3; cf. I, xiv, 12. It was part of the scheme -that no antinomies or contradictions should occur. Several such, -however, have been detected by later jurists. - -[837] Instit., _præf._ - -[838] Pand., _præf._ (Omnem). See p. 219. - -[839] Cod., _præf._, 3. The fifty Decis. are scattered through the Code -without clue to their location. One Merillus spent twenty years in -trying to solve the crux of identifying them. - -[840] Some jottings as to the practice of the bar in this age occur in -Ammianus, xxx, 4; Jn. Lydus, De Magistr., ii, 17; and Agathias, iii, -1. From the first it seems that there were a great many pettifogging -lawyers, who made a practice of fleecing clients by involving them in -interminable litigation. - - - - - CHAPTER XVI - THE LAST DAYS OF JUSTINIAN: LITERATURE AND ART IN THE - SIXTH CENTURY: SUMMARY AND REVIEW OF THE REIGN - - -In the spring of 550, when the five years' truce with Persia expired, -Justinian became anxious to effect a further pacification with Chosroes, -and Peter Magister, with whose diplomatic work we are already familiar, -was entrusted with the negotiations. The Shah, however, declined to -formulate any definite terms at the moment and dismissed him with a -promise that he would shortly send a plenipotentiary of his own to the -Byzantine Court, who should have full powers to draft a treaty in -accordance with the best interests of both nations. He was as good as -his word, and the Persian embassy soon arrived at Constantinople, headed -by Isdigunas, a man insufferably pompous and arrogant, who brought with -him in his train such an immense following that he seemed to be -advancing to the battlefield rather than conducting a peaceful mission. -He was accompanied by his wife, children, and a brother; and also by two -members of the highest Persian nobility, who displayed themselves in -public wearing golden diadems on their heads. The Byzantines resented -the overwhelming magnificence of this legation, regarding it as an -intolerable assumption of superiority by the Orientals; and they were -especially indignant when they saw Justinian receiving them with an -effusive ceremony which suggested that he conceded everything to their -pretensions. These negotiations were protracted over eighteen months, -during which the multitude of Persians were allowed to pervade the city -with the utmost freedom, engaging in every sort of commerce as if they -were natives of the place; and, contrary to custom, subjected to no -supervision which might restrain them from gaining information of -strategic value. At length a second truce for five years was purchased -from Chosroes for two thousand pounds of gold (£80,000), whilst, as -compensation for the cessation of arms since the arrival of the -ambassador, a further sum of six hundred (£24,000) was agreed upon. The -Emperor, judiciously enough, wished to pay by annual instalments, so -that he might retain a pledge in his hands to ensure the faithful -observance of the compact, but the idea was abhorrent to the Byzantine -populace, who considered that they should thus become tributaries of the -Persian monarch. The amount was, therefore, paid down in full, and -Isdigunas returned home, the bearer on his own part of a splendid -pecuniary gift from Justinian.[841] - -In the meantime the subsidiary war in Lazica went on continuously, as -Chosroes was unwilling to relinquish his hold on the principality, and -professed that his pacific engagements did not apply to that outlying -region. Thus the capture of Petra by Bessas, as already related, was an -occurrence of the same year as the renewal of the truce with Isdigunas. -After those events the Persian occupation was still maintained by -Mermeroes, who had already been many years in the country, and contested -the supremacy of the Byzantines with varying success. His most notable -effort was the siege of Archaeopolis, the capital, in 550, when, after -many strenuous attempts, he tried to capture the town by bribing one of -the natives to fire the granaries. He thought by this means to divert -the attention of the small garrison from the walls, so that the -attacking force should be unresisted while effecting an entry. Contrary -to expectation, however, the Byzantines were just prepared for a sally; -and, leaving a few of their number within to extinguish the flames, they -burst out suddenly on the besiegers. The latter, taken by surprise, -suffered such loss that Mermeroes forthwith raised the siege and retired -to another part of the country.[842] - -Mermeroes died in 554, and was replaced by Nachoragan, whose career was -short and unfortunate. In the following year he essayed the siege of -Phasis, a town by the sea at the mouth of the river of the same name. He -had an army of sixty thousand at his disposal, while the Roman forces, -under Martin and Justin the son of Germanus, did not amount to a third -of that number. As the town was built of wood the Persian general -expected an easy conquest, and resolved to destroy the walls by fire. On -the south, where not defended by river and sea, an external muniment had -been improvised in the shape of a fosse, filled with water from an -adjacent lake, and a palisade. On the water were stationed a number of -vessels with baskets fixed to the mastheads; and from these, as from -towers, darts and missiles were shot or hurled. The Orientals, who had -rendered their line of blockade continuous by a bridge of boats across -the Phasis, were provided with elephants, having towers on their backs, -and had constructed machines for attack of every description. After a -few days' work the fosse had been levelled up to the ground by the -ingestion of various materials; and Nachoragan, at the outset of a -determined assault, said to a band of two thousand pioneers whom he was -despatching to a neighbouring wood to bring up further supplies of -timber, "When you see the smoke rising you will know that the Roman -defences are in flames, and may hasten back to aid in the work of -destruction." On the morning of the same day Justin, by a divine -inspiration, as we are told, had stolen out of the town with five -thousand cavalry and a brigade of infantry, in order to pray at a church -of great sanctity in the vicinity. Subsequent events now become shaped -by a prior incident which I have next to mention. Fearing that his men -might lose heart by comparing the paucity of their numbers with the -multitude of the enemy, Martin had a few days before caused a -travel-stained messenger to arrive ostentatiously amid a concourse of -the soldiery and hand him a letter, which he opened and read aloud. The -missive purported to come from the Emperor and to convey a notice that -large reinforcements had arrived within a score of miles and would -shortly join the garrison. "Tell them," said he, with assumed -indignation, "that their aid is not required: just as we are about to -discomfit the enemy, their coming will snatch from us the glory of -victory." The ruse succeeded; his action was acclaimed by the troops; -and not only were they inspirited, but some anxiety was communicated to -the besiegers, to whom the affair was reported, and a considerable body -of men was detached to watch the route by which the visionary army was -expected to arrive. The Persians attacked vigorously on the land side, -and were resisted with equal energy by the Byzantines. A great clamour -arose, and Justin, on the return from his pious errand, became aware -that a fierce battle was raging. He found himself in the rear of the -assaulting force, when, with sudden determination, he ordered his ensign -to be raised and charged the enemy in the back. The Romans routed those -upon whom they swept down, and a panic quickly spread through the -Oriental troops. The army of relief, whose propinquity had been -credited, was assumed to be actually present, and a general flight -ensued. Justin followed on hotly, and ten thousand of the Persians were -slain before the pursuit was abandoned. At last he collected his men and -returned to Phasis, where all the siege engines now appeared, scattered -around, as deserted by the enemy. Their destruction by fire was at once -resolved upon, and the column of smoke rose in proximity to the walls. -To those engaged felling timber in the distant wood it seemed to -indicate the consummation of their general's designs; whereupon the two -thousand pioneers at once threw down their implements, and hastened -impetuously to the town, fearing to be too late to deserve a share in -the predicted success. Thus they unwittingly ran into the arms of the -Byzantines, who slaughtered them to the last man.[843] As soon as the -news of this disaster was conveyed to Chosroes he was filled with rage -against Nachoragan, whom he immediately recalled and ordered to be -flayed alive. His skin, torn off in one piece from head to foot, so as -to retain the shape of the body, was sewn up and inflated like a -bladder; and then suspended from the summit of a lofty rock to signalize -the fate which should befall anyone who fled before the enemies of the -Shahinshah.[844] - -Among the most notable incidents during this period of the war in Lazica -was the affair of King Gubazes. The mother of that prince was the -daughter of a senator, and before his succession he had borne arms for -some years as a silentiary at the Byzantine Court. Shortly before the -death of Mermeroes, owing to an error of judgment on the part of the -Roman generals, a section of the army had been severely handled by the -Persians; and the Lazic king had taken upon himself to report the matter -to Justinian as resulting from the incapacity of his officers. Martin -and two of his subordinates, the brothers Rusticus and John, were those -chiefly concerned; and in their minds much animosity was excited against -Gubazes. They concerted a plot, therefore, to encompass his death; and -John made a special journey to Constantinople with the object of -accusing him to the Emperor. Owing to his former defection to the -Persians, Justinian was easily persuaded that he was again meditating a -similar treachery; wherefore he ordered that he should be arrested and -brought to the capital for interrogation. "But," queried John, "should -he resist your mandate?" "Then," said the Emperor, "you may kill him as -an open enemy." Armed with this authority in a written warrant John -returned to Lazica; and the brothers at once sent Gubazes an invitation -to meet them at a certain spot, using as a pretext that they wished to -confer with him as to an attack upon the Persians. Unsuspectingly the -King advanced with a few unarmed followers to the place indicated. With -the knowledge of the other generals, who contemplated merely an arrest, -Rusticus and John, accompanied by an armed band, proceeded to meet him. -The plotters, however, knowing that an interrogatory would reveal their -treachery, had it in their minds to provoke Gubazes by an altercation, -and then to assassinate him in pretended compliance with the terms of -their warrant The parties met, and the brothers challenged the King to -join them in an expedition against the common enemy. But he declined, -saying that, until they had retrieved their errors and proved themselves -to be capable leaders, he would not follow them to the battlefield. This -attitude was taken as sufficiently evincing a determination to resist -the Imperial authority; and John struck him with his sword, causing him -to fall from his horse. Then as he lay on the ground, at the bidding of -Rusticus, some of the guards standing by consummated the murder.[845] - -This foul deed aroused the utmost indignation among the Lazi; and the -nation decided forthwith to transfer their allegiance to the Persians. A -public debate, however, was held, at which moderate counsels ultimately -prevailed; and it was resolved to send delegates to demand justice of -the Emperor. On their arrival at the Court they asserted the criminality -of the assassins, and defended Gubazes from their imputations. They also -solicited that Tzathes, his younger brother, then resident in the -capital, should be appointed King in his stead. Justinian accepted their -assurances and acceded to their request; and he at once commissioned -Athanasius, a senator of the highest rank, to proceed to Lazica in order -to bring the culprits to trial. A judicial court was constituted in -public with great pomp to impress the natives; the senator occupied a -lofty throne surrounded by guards and legal assessors, and Rusticus and -John were produced loaded with shackles. Advocates of the Lazi, who were -versed in Greek, conducted the prosecution, and demonstrated that the -innocence of Gubazes was beyond question. The written commission of -Justinian was read, by which it was shown that only armed resistance to -arrest would have justified what was done. The prisoners made an -elaborate defence, asserting, but without a shadow of proof, that the -King had been a traitor, and maintained that they had acted with the -cognizance and assent of Martin. Athanasius summed up the case calmly, -and concluded that Gubazes was acting within his rights when he refused -to join the proposed expedition in view of the adverse opinion he had -formed as to their military competency. He, therefore, pronounced the -brothers to be guilty, and condemned them to be decapitated. They were -forthwith mounted on mules, and paraded to the place of execution, -whilst a herald announced their delict and proclaimed the supremacy of -the laws (555). As to Martin, his complicity was not investigated -openly, but it was considered prudent to supersede him in his command, -and relegate him to a private position. Justin was then appointed to be -principal general in Lazica.[846] After this date the Lazic war flagged, -and within a year or two the two monarchs gladly agreed to a cessation -of arms, with the understanding that each was to retain those positions -in the country of which they happened at the moment to be in -occupation.[847] - -The defence of the Danubian frontier against the scarcely remittent -barbarian raids was very inefficiently maintained, at least during the -latter years of Justinian's reign. Hence the safety of life and property -in Thrace and Illyricum was in continual jeopardy. In 549 the Slavs were -first emboldened to cross the river, when a horde of three thousand -rushed headlong against the Roman forces, whom they utterly routed, -though considerably more numerous than themselves. They then pursued -their course, devastating the country mercilessly, until they arrived at -Toperus, a town of sixty thousand inhabitants, and the most important -seaport of Thrace. By a ruse they enticed the garrison to make a sally, -and, having massacred them, soon captured the town by means of scaling -ladders. The whole adult male population, amounting to fifteen thousand, -was slaughtered, and the women and children were reduced to servitude. -The Slavs then returned to their own abodes, leaving their track -littered with the unburied corpses of their victims, whom it was their -custom to kill by transfixing them to the ground by means of stakes -driven through their bodies.[848] - -Less than ten years later a populous nation of barbarians, the Avars, -appeared on the west of the Caspian, who were destined during the next -couple of centuries to become troublesome enemies of the Byzantine -Empire. Justin still held the chief command in Lazica, and to him they -made overtures that they should be received into the Roman alliance. He -forwarded a chosen legate, Candich by name, to Constantinople, who -boastfully informed the Emperor that he belonged to the greatest nation -of the earth, who were capable of annihilating all his enemies. But they -demanded rich presents, a yearly subsidy, and the bestowal of a fertile -region for them to inhabit, before they entered the service of the -Empire. Justinian, as the historian informs us, was now broken by years, -and there remained to him little of the force of mind which he had -displayed when he conquered the Vandals and Goths. He was tired of war -and desired to avoid it by any pacific means. He at once accepted the -suggestion of the Avars, and despatched an ambassador to them, the -bearer of golden chains, silken vestments, and numerous other costly -gifts, which Justin was instructed to distribute judiciously and to -direct the hostilities of the recipients against various turbulent -tribes. This was done effectively, and severe chastisement was inflicted -in many quarters. The Avars, however, refused a grant of land in -Pannonia, as being too distant from their ancient seats. Subsequently -the Chagan, such was the title of the Avar chief, sent a numerous -deputation to the capital, but, after long detention, they were -dismissed without definite result. Their strange appearance was one of -the spectacles of the city at this time, and the populace wondered at -their long hair, plaited and tied up with ribbons. During their stay -they took the opportunity of purchasing a large quantity of arms, and -the Emperor notified Justin that they must by no means be allowed to -import these safely into their own district. The weapons were seized, -therefore, while in transit, by the military; and the circumstance was -the origin of the bitter hostility which was afterwards displayed by the -Chagan and his subjects towards the Empire.[849] - -In 559 the most alarming barbarian invasion which occurred during the -reign of Justinian is recorded. Zabergan, an enterprising Hunnish -leader, conceived no less a design than to subvert, or, at least, to -pillage the whole Eastern Empire. The statement suggests the irruption -of a vast horde of barbarians, who would spread themselves far and wide -over the country and sweep everything before them in their destructive -course; but such was the deplorable condition of the defences of the -Empire, that this bold scheme was undertaken with an army which could -scarcely have exceeded fifteen thousand horse. With this force Zabergan -crossed the Danube on the ice in the month of March, and when he had -penetrated the interior for a sufficient distance, divided his army into -three sections. To the first was allotted the conquest of Greece; the -second was impelled towards the Thracian Chersonnesus, from whence it -was contemplated that it should pass the Hellespont and overrun the -Asiatic provinces; whilst with the third division, consisting of seven -thousand cavalry, the leader advanced against the metropolis. This plan -of campaign was entered on without hindrance, as the provinces were -almost destitute of soldiery. Those of the military who were in an -opulent position abandoned themselves to dissipation, devoting their -time to the Circus, the theatre, and courtesans, while the rank and file -of the army deserted the colours and tried to make a living as -civilians. Such was the result of the conduct of the pay-masters and -commissaries, who embezzled the funds apportioned to the military -establishment; and here again, as a second historian tells us, the -senile ineptitude of the Emperor was manifested. As Zabergan pursued his -course the districts through which he passed were devastated savagely on -every side. Private mansions and convents were broken into, women of all -classes were seized and subjected to the brutal excesses of his -followers, and infants were scattered about the fields to become a prey -to dogs and vultures. The Long Walls were dilapidated, and even those of -the city itself; the damage being chiefly the effect of earthquake -shocks, which had been severe during recent years. The barbarians passed -through the former, therefore, and encamped on the river Athyras, less -than twenty miles from Constantinople. In the meantime the capital -became filled with consternation, which was increased by crowds of -fugitives who rushed thither from the outlying tracts. From the Golden -Gate to Blachernae the suburban churches were emptied of their precious -ornaments, cartloads of which were borne within the walls. There was no -regular garrison to occupy the battlements; the Scholars and other -Palace guards, who had been ordered out to defend the Long Walls, fled -at the sight of the enemy, and the multitude of civilians and rustics -were devoid of military instinct and unable to wield the weapons which -were supplied to them; nor had the government a single officer with the -slightest capacity for active warfare at their disposal. In this strait -the Emperor found that he had no resource but to commission Belisarius -to undertake the defence of the city. The veteran general, long -unemployed, had already succumbed to age and infirmity, but he obeyed -with alacrity, and again appeared in the martial attire which he seemed -to have laid aside for ever. With difficulty he collected three hundred -soldiers of those who had served under him in his wars, and with these -as his main force, he proceeded to employ as effectively as possible the -unwarlike rabble. They were instructed to post themselves behind a long -trench which he caused them to excavate, and numerous fires were lit to -indicate the presence of a great host. At the approach of the enemy they -were also enjoined to raise a huge din by clashing together their swords -and shields. Zabergan, however, was led to suspect the real state of the -defenders, and directed a mass of two thousand cavalry to make an -impetuous dash against the Byzantines. Belisarius, forewarned, divided -his veterans into three equal bands, one of which he retained about his -own person, whilst the others were concealed in the woods, so as to -attack the enemy on the flanks as they passed. These tactics were put -into practice effectively; the general charged the Huns in front as soon -as they came in sight, and simultaneously the ambushed troops fell on -them from each side. An immediate rout of the barbarians was the result, -and they fled back with all speed to their own camp. Four hundred were -slain in the pursuit which ensued, whilst among the Romans no single -life was lost. When Belisarius returned to Constantinople he was -acclaimed as a saviour by the populace, but from the magnates of the -bureaucracy he experienced nothing but repellent looks and invidious -utterances, and he relapsed at once into the obscurity from which he had -emerged for the moment like a meteor.[850] - -As for the further efforts of Zabergan's expedition, they may be -dismissed in a few words. At the Pass of Thermopylae the Huns were -brought up by a wall from which they were repulsed by the garrison; and -at the entrance to the Chersonnesus their career was similar checked. In -the latter case, however, they constructed a fleet of rafts, by means of -which six hundred of them tried to land on the peninsula from the waters -of the Hellespont; but they were attacked by a number of Byzantine -galleys during their perilous navigation, and almost all perished by -drowning. Ultimately the survivors of both failures rejoined their -leader, who still maintained his ground and proclaimed that he would not -quit the Roman soil until he had been paid a large sum in gold. His -captives were then reviewed and assessed at so much a head, and with the -ransom thus accumulated Zabergan retreated to the Danube. Justinian, -however, was determined to prevent his escaping at so little cost to -himself; and he forthwith despatched an emissary to Sandichl, chief of -another tribe of Huns, who had been heavily subsidized for guarding the -approaches to the Empire from the north. Having upbraided him for -negligence, he informed him that the funds which should have been his -had now been paid out to Zabergan, wherefore he must be satisfied to -lose the amount unless he could recover it by force. Hence an -internecine war broke out between the two tribes, who were named Utigurs -and Cotrigurs respectively, in the course of which they mutually -destroyed each other, much to the advantage of the Byzantines.[851] At -the same time a fleet of biremes was sent up the Danube to assist in the -retaliative operations. Soon after the departure of the enemy, a great -concourse of citizens, with the Emperor himself at their head, although -now probably in his seventy-seventh year, went out from the capital to -survey the Long Walls; and Justinian continued to reside in the vicinity -all the summer engaged in supervising the restoration of that -bulwark.[852] - -In 562 a definite and comprehensive treaty was at last concluded with -Persia, by which Chosroes agreed to relinquish all claim to Lazica in -consideration of an annual payment of thirty thousand solidi (£17,000). -This peace, which was to remain in force for fifty years, was the final -diplomatic achievement of Peter Magister, who died soon after, on his -return to Constantinople.[853] During the next year Justinian undertook -a pilgrimage to Myriangeli, a holy place in Galatia, at a distance of -three hundred miles from the capital, being the longest journey he had -made since he mounted the throne.[854] On his return, octogenarian -though he was, a conspiracy to assassinate him was promoted by some -officials who had access to the Palace, but the design was betrayed by -one of the associates of the plot. Many arrests were made, and some of -the prisoners tried to save themselves by pretending that they had -merely been suborned by Belisarius. The general was summoned before the -Imperial council for interrogation, and, although there was no evidence -to substantiate the accusation, he was degraded from his rank and -ordered to be detained as a prisoner in his own mansion.[855] This -formal incarceration was not relaxed for over six months, but at last -Justinian became persuaded of his innocence and allowed him to resume -his position at Court.[856] About eight months afterwards the great -soldier died, having had nothing but disregard and ingratitude for his -lot during the final years of his life, but there is no foundation for -the story of later centuries that he was actually reduced to indigence -and used to sit as a mendicant in the streets of Constantinople, -protesting his blindness and begging a copper of those who passed -along.[857] After his death, we read that his fortune was raked into the -coffers of the state,[858] whence it is inferred that his daughter -Joannina, the only relative he is known to have possessed, must have -predeceased him. The death of his stepson Photius is mentioned as having -occurred a decade or so previous to his own,[859] but his wife Antonina, -notwithstanding that she was so much his senior, appears to have long -outlived him and to have ended her days in the odour of sanctity. It is -recorded that the pious widow went to live with Vigilantia, the sister -of Justinian, and at her suggestion restored a church which had been -destroyed by fire.[860] - -In the closing scene of his life Justinian is exhibited to us as -agitated by his ruling passion, devotion to theological subtleties, and -as expending his last breath in an attempt to impose on the Church a -heresy which he had rejected when his faculties were more acute. With -one foot in the grave he became convinced that the Aphthartodocetae or -Incorruptibles had arrived at the true view as to the properties of the -flesh of Christ; and the octogenarian Emperor embarked on the enterprise -of elevating this tenet to the rank of an Orthodox dogma. The resistance -of Eutychius, the Patriarch of Constantinople, who had presided at the -Fifth General Council, was punished by expulsion from his see; and -Anastasius, the Patriarch of Antioch, was threatened with a similar -fate. To enforce conformity with the Emperor's most recent conviction an -edict was prepared, which would have excited a commotion among the -Orthodox communions throughout the Empire, but its issue was prevented -by the unexpected death of its author.[861] - -Justinian died in November, 565, at an early hour of the morning, in the -thirty-ninth year of his reign, and the eighty-third of his age.[862] -The news was at once conveyed to the Senate, who forthwith aroused -Justin, the son of Vigilantia, and besought him to accept the Crown. He -occupied the post of Curopalates, or intendant of the Imperial -household, and his succession had doubtless been privately arranged for -some time previously. After his formal acquiescence the funeral rites of -the deceased monarch were the first care. The body was placed upon a -golden bier in a hall of the Palace, and Sophia, the wife of Justin, and -a niece of Theodora, herself enshrouded it in a purple robe, on which -were pictorially embroidered all the great events of Justinian's reign. -By sunrise the people had become informed, and the assemblage in the -Hippodrome followed in accordance with time-honoured precedent. Justin -appeared, was acclaimed and hoisted on a buckler, and all the customary -preliminaries of a coronation were enacted. The new Emperor made a -speech, in which he promised to reform all abuses, and gave a practical -earnest of his intentions by announcing that his uncle's debts would be -paid forthwith. A band of notaries, accompanied by a gang of porters -bearing bags of gold, then entered the arena, and all creditors who -presented themselves had their accounts settled. The completion of the -obsequies was the next duty to be accomplished. The people thronged the -hall where the corpse lay in state; the bier was lifted up and borne -away amid a crowd of mourners carrying wax lights, and a choir of -virgins who intoned hymns as the procession moved along. The Church of -the Holy Apostles was its destination, and when that edifice was reached -the body was deposited in a golden sarcophagus which had been prepared -for its reception by Justinian himself. A popular festival followed; the -city was decorated with flowers, fruits, reeds, and olive branches; a -variety of musical instruments resounded from every quarter amid popular -applause and rejoicings; and the reign of Justin II was inaugurated with -all the illusive hopes which foresaw the return of the Golden Age in the -accession of the new monarch.[863] - -With respect to literature and art in this age, a few remarks may be -added to what has already been said upon the subject in a previous -chapter of this work. But in relation to the productions of the Eastern -or Later Roman Empire, the words literature and art must be used in a -modified sense, because there were no Byzantine classics and no artistic -masterpieces. Greek poetry ended with Menander and Theocritus, nearly -three centuries before the Christian era; the last Latin poet was -Claudian, who flourished more than a century before the time of -Justinian. During the succeeding millennium, however, there were many -versifiers at Constantinople, but no poet. Yet we could rarely spare -their works, as they are often valuable for the historical or other -information which they contain. As regards prose, of course, the -position is different; for in that domain highly meritorious works can -be produced without the aid of genius. The chief Byzantine writer there -is Procopius, to whose compositions, considerable in bulk as they are, -we are indebted for almost all detailed history of the sixth century. He -was, as we have seen, for the most part the companion of Belisarius in -his wars, not in a military capacity, but as a civil adjutant; and hence -he is generally describing events in which he himself took an active -part. He appears to be absolutely truthful, and it is improbable that he -has given currency to any deliberate falsehood. In recondite matters he -is sometimes corroborated by other historians, and he has never been -contradicted.[864] Close critics of his text are able to point out that -he used Herodotus and Thucydides as his models.[865] He was a man of -abundant common sense, well informed for his epoch, and less -superstitious than any typical specimens of his contemporaries. In -religion he was a freethinker, believing in a Providence, which, -however, had not become concrete in the form of any personal being in -his mind.[866] When making use of previous writers he adopts their -accounts with little discrimination, though he sometimes suggests that -the reader may disbelieve if he sees fit to do so.[867] Three terms may -be distinguished in his literary career. During the first, which extends -to about 550, he was actively engaged in the Persian, Vandalic, and -Gothic wars, and wrote his account of them in seven books. In the -meantime he had opportunities of becoming intimately acquainted with the -system of government and personality of the bureaucracy; and his -observations led him to feel a strong repugnance for the administration -and all connected with it. In the second term he resolves to register in -a secret work his adverse conclusions and private information respecting -the actors in the scenes which were passing around him, in the hope that -it may lead to their being one day shown up in their true colours for -the common benefit of humanity, when the dangers of such a publication -shall no longer exist.[868] In 550, therefore, he writes his Secret -History or Anecdotes, which he anticipates will attain the desired -end.[869] He then turns his attention to the more recent operations of -the Persian and Gothic wars, in which he had not himself borne a part, -and describes them by adding an eighth, and final, book to his -historical compositions. Gradually his literary work becomes generally -known, and its merit recognized; the Emperor himself becomes one of his -readers, and concludes that Procopius is the historian by whom his name -will be handed down to future ages. He becomes personally interested in -him, and the third term sees him enjoying the sunshine of Court favour. -Justinian, proud of his extensive building achievements, is anxious that -his activity in this sphere shall not perish in obscurity, and employs -the historian to compose a work in which all his notable architectural -works shall be described in realistic detail. For this compilation the -Emperor himself affords information, and has the book written under his -own eye in the flattering style usually adopted by courtiers when -referring to the sovereign. Procopius, not indifferent to material -advantages, complies with established formalities, and receives the meed -of his talents and industry from the Emperor impersonally, as the state -official who acts as the deputy of the public. Later on he is promoted -to the post of Praefect of the City; and it falls to his lot to become -custodian of his former chief when arrested on suspicion of -conspiracy.[870] He had no biographer, and of his private life and -connections nothing is known except that he was a native of Caesarea, in -Palestine.[871] - -As literature, all other Byzantine authors are practically negligible, -but their value as sources of historical information has been -sufficiently evidenced in the course of this work. At no subsequent -period did a second Procopius arise, but a few words may be said about -his immediate continuator, Agathias. He was an advocate by profession, -in modern phrase, a briefless barrister, whose tastes were literary -rather than forensic. He attempted poetry with slight success, and -finally hoped to find his vocation in writing history in emulation of -Procopius.[872] Not being a man of action like his predecessor, nor -occupant of a post which enabled him to base his narrative mainly on -personal experience, he wrote as a student rather than as an observer of -events. He is thus better acquainted with books than with men, more -widely read than Procopius, but studied, diffuse, deficient in personal -convictions, and lacking in historical insight. His short history, which -was interrupted by death, is, however, invaluable as being a sole -source; and it is unlikely that, had he not undertaken it, anyone else -would have filled his place and done it better.[873] - -The sixth century in the West was not altogether an age of darkness and -ignorance, but was illuminated by two writers—who have already been -mentioned as intimates of Theodoric—Cassiodorus and Boethius. The latter -was a voluminous and able author; and his _Consolation of Philosophy_, -composed in the prison from which he was released only by a death -sentence, is well known to modern readers, and has every title to rank -as one of the Latin classics. Cassiodorus, also a prolific writer, -though of no great talent, is important in the world of letters as -having been the founder of literary monkhood, which he originated in a -monastery erected by himself at Squillace, whither he retired after his -political career.[874] He is understood to have survived there for -thirty years, and almost to have become a centenarian in the enjoyment -of learned leisure. St. Benedict also flourished in the first half of -the sixth century; and the well-known order instituted by him, the -Benedictines, ultimately took up the work initiated by Cassiodorus, and -produced some of the most erudite contributors to knowledge of the -ancient classics. - -When treating of Byzantine art the question must always arise whether -that term can be applied to productions which in previous or subsequent -ages would not have been accepted as competent work. The renaissance of -art in Italy is a phrase virtually synonymous with emancipation from -Byzantine methods, but the latter, as already explained, ultimately -became rooted in a conventionalism which was not typical of earlier -efforts.[875] In the time of Justinian there is no evidence that -painting and sculpture in the higher sense existed at all. We know of no -pictorial representations, with the exceptions of miniatures in -manuscripts and mosaics on the walls of sacred edifices,[876] while the -glyptic art seems to have been almost confined to columnar capitals and -carving on plates of ivory.[877] Of the former class it can only be said -that all specimens are not bad, of the latter that there is some -meritorious work. - -The Byzantines were great builders, and in this sphere alone are their -artistic creations really worthy of consideration. The features of -classical Greek architecture, which with certain variations subsequently -became Roman, are familiar to all. A Hellenic city of the best period -was a chaste arrangement in white marble, in which the simplicity of the -straight line was applied to define the form of all public buildings. -Rows of accurately proportioned pillars, supporting a continuous -entablature, invested both edifices and open spaces, and formed -sheltered colonnades which were a defence against extremes of weather at -all seasons. The architectural conception originated at some time far -back when timber was the only material used for construction. -Geometrical curves were rarely if ever seen, except in fluted columns, -but the diversity of form to be found in the undulating lines of nature -was profusely represented by foliaceous capitals, and in pediments, -friezes, and metopes sculptured with the various figures of animal life. -The Byzantine Greeks, however, completely reversed the conceptions of -their ancestors, and abandoned the purity of classical style. Interest -in form was gradually lost along with the capacity to execute it; and -the taste of the age found its refuge in an overwhelming attachment to -diversity and brightness of colour. To satisfy this craving recourse was -had to variegated marbles, of which lavish use was made, for pillars in -the mass, and in thin slabs for mural decoration. For the latter purpose -also every available space was invested with glaring mosaics, the gaudy -hues of which compensated for the absence of grace and natural -proportions in the gaunt figures with which they were crowded. But these -methods were applicable only to interiors, whence the building itself -came to be considered as merely a packing-case into which was to be -stuffed the wealth of meretricious adornment. Thus a temple, that is a -church, became a ponderous and shapeless mass of brickwork, with an -appearance appropriate, perhaps, to a barrack or a barn, instead of -being a civic ornament of light and beauty. The Romans had the secret of -a form of construction other than the continued entablature, and were -attached to the method of sustaining superimposed masses by means of the -arch, akin to which was the dome, which they probably adopted after -their arms had penetrated to the East. On the Tiber, therefore, the -straight entablature began to be displaced by a series of arches; and -vaulted roofs were occasionally seen under the first emperors. In the -new Byzantine architecture, which originated, or, at least, came to -maturity under Justinian, both these methods of building were developed -to the fullest extent. Among the lost arts at Constantinople about this -time, seems to have been the skill to sculpture capitals after the -Corinthian or Ionic patterns, the place of which was taken by clumsy -inverted pyramids, quadrangular and truncated, which were used to effect -a junction between the pillars and the superimposed structure.[878] It -is possible, as suggested,[879] that this device may have been first -adopted to support the roof in the obscurity of an underground cistern, -but it was afterwards transported to the upper air and employed, as at -St. Sophia, to complete the columns in the most decorative edifices. In -these positions it was necessary to abolish the crudeness of such -capitals, and, as there was a partial revival of art under Justinian, -this object was accomplished with some success by cutting the surface of -the pyramid over with a tracery of vegetable foliage, in the midst of -which simple monograms were often interspersed. As such shapes are not -produced in any strict conformity of outline, they are usually imitated -with facility, and a measured or geometrical treatment is, in general, -satisfactory to the eye. - -In the sixth decade of this century, three incidents occurred, which -were of more or less importance in connection with the subject of this -section. In 551 some Asiatic monks introduced themselves to Justinian, -and informed him that it was in their power to solve the difficulties -which oppressed him with respect to the silk trade. Having resided long -in China, they had become familiar with the method of rearing the -silkworm, and they explained that if the eggs were transported to Europe -they could be hatched in dung, so that a native manufacture of silk -could be established. The Emperor promised to reward them liberally if -they should succeed in the enterprise; and the next year they again -presented themselves, furnished with a stock of the eggs, which, as some -say, they had been obliged to carry away furtively concealed in hollow -canes. Successful incubation followed; the worms were fed on mulberry -leaves; and from this beginning dates the active propagation of the -insects throughout Southern Europe, from whence nearly half the quantity -of silk in commercial demand is supplied to the markets of the -world.[880] In 554 a severe earthquake occurred, the violence of which -was chiefly operative along the Syrian coast. The city of Berytus was -totally wrecked, and many persons, including numbers of law students, -perished in the ruins. The law school was then removed to the -neighbouring town of Sidon until Berytus should be rebuilt, but, -although the restoration was effected satisfactorily, there is some -doubt as to whether the city regained its celebrity as a centre of legal -education.[881] Another disastrous earthquake happened in 557 and -wrought much havoc at Constantinople. One of the results of the -catastrophe was that the dome of St. Sophia collapsed, bringing -destruction to many of the elaborate and precious structures which -occupied the floor of the church. The original architects were dead, but -a younger Isidorus was entrusted with the work of reinstatement, and a -new dome was constructed, having its altitude increased by twenty feet. -At the re-opening a grand ceremony was enacted comparable to that which -had taken place on the first occasion a score of years previously.[882] - - * * * * * - -It appears that the requisites for the welfare of a nation might with -general consent be defined as peace abroad, and prosperity at home. We -have seen that the reign of Justinian was one of incessant activity, but -we fail to discern that the continuous ferment, the motive impulse of -which emanated from Constantinople, was in any way beneficial to the -human race. For nearly forty years war was almost peripheral with -respect to the dominions of that Emperor; in Africa, in Italy, -aggressive; on the Danube and on the Euphrates, defensive. It is -possible that the lot of the Orthodox Christians in Africa may have been -ameliorated by the expulsion of their Vandal rulers; but we are told by -an eye-witness that the country, which had previously been flourishing -and populous, was thereby reduced for hundreds of miles to a desert, and -that as an ultimate result the Byzantine invasion might be credited with -the annihilation of fully five millions of the inhabitants.[883] There -is good reason to conclude, however, that before the time of Justinian, -the religious rancour which had prevailed between the Arians and the -Orthodox in the African provinces had been subdued to the level of -mutual toleration, so that in the best interests of that region a -continuance of the Vandal administration would have been desirable. If -there be any doubt as to whether the Vandal war was really harmful to -the people chiefly concerned, there can be no question but that the -invasion of Italy was an unmitigated calamity for the inhabitants of -that peninsula. It would be difficult to define an age, even prior to -the dissolution of the Roman Republic, during which the Italians could -be said to have lived in the uninterrupted enjoyment of peace and -prosperity. From the foundation of Rome the peninsula was distracted for -more than twelve centuries, first by ethnical and then by civil -commotion, and ultimately by barbarian devastation. But for nearly forty -years under the rule of Theodoric, a settlement was reached, when -beneficent government without fiscal rapacity went hand in hand with -religious toleration.[884] It must be conceded that the successors of -the founder of the Gothic monarchy were true neither to their own -interests nor to those of the Italians, but the wanton warfare carried -on so persistently by Justinian for nearly two decades, whilst he -neglected the defence of his own dominions, was more fraught with -disaster to Italy than the transient, though determined, barbarian -irruptions: and we have it from the same authority that the depopulation -of the country was even more evident to the contemporary observer than -was that of Africa.[885] - -The incapacity of the Byzantine administration to create and protect a -thriving population, has been sufficiently exemplified in the foregoing -chapters, wherein we have seen the results of fiscal oppression and of -ineffective preparations for repelling the Persians and barbarians.[886] -A glance at the course of events after the time of Justinian will -complete the picture, and illustrate more fully the imbecility of the -empire which that monarch attempted, but failed to consolidate. Scarcely -three years had elapsed from the death of Justinian until the Lombards -invaded Italy, and in a short time the greater part of the peninsula as -far south as Naples was permanently wrested from the Byzantines. It is -said that this irruption was provoked by Narses himself out of revenge -for his having been treated with contumely by the Byzantine Court. He -sent samples of fruits and agricultural produce to King Alboin, and -counselled him to migrate southwards with his nation in order to enjoy -the fertility of Italy.[887] But, being soon repentant, the eunuch died -at Rome shortly afterwards at the age of ninety-five (568).[888] The -fifty years' peace with Persia lasted only ten years, and in 572 -Chosroes again crossed the Euphrates, ravaged the Roman provinces, and -made himself master of Dara. Later on, however, he was successfully -opposed by the Emperor Tiberius, and in 579 he died of chagrin, as it is -said, at the ill success of his arms.[889] But early in the seventh -century Chosroes II overran Syria and Asia Minor, taking Damascus and -Jerusalem, and established his camp at Chalcedon, in sight of -Constantinople. About 622, however, the fortune of the Byzantines was -restored by the notable campaigns of the Emperor Heraclius; and in 650 -the Saracenic successors of Mohammed conquered the Persian empire. But a -decade before that event, they had overthrown the Byzantine armies, and -had taken permanent possession of Syria and Egypt. In the meantime the -Imperial capital itself had been severely oppressed by the martial -activities of the age; and between 625 and 680 had undergone several -sieges by Persians, Avars, and Saracens. Such was the state of the -Eastern Empire less than a century after the death of Justinian. One -third of its home territory had passed into the hands of the -Mohammedans, and half of the appanage of Italy into those of the -Lombards. Before the year 700 the Arabs had worked their way to the -extreme West, and the whole of Christian North Africa had been effaced -by the votaries of Islam. If the Vandal kingdom had been left -undisturbed, there is no reason to suppose that it could have withstood -the conquering fanatics who were inspired by the Apostle of Mecca; -although the existence of a flourishing Western civilization for more -than seven hundred years between the Red Sea and the Atlantic proves -that states of the highest European type might be permanently -established in those latitudes. The subject need not be pursued into -further detail; the samples given illustrate sufficiently how the -Græco-Roman power became progressively dilapidated, with occasional -intervals of better fortune, until in the fifteenth century the -Byzantine Empire became synonymous with the area circumscribed by the -walls of Constantinople. In 1453 the city was taken by the Turks, and -the fact announced to Christendom that civilization and progress in the -modern sense had become extinct in three-fourths of the countries which -lie around the basin of the Mediterranean.[890] - -Shortly after his accession we find Justin II reprobating in the old -strain the rapacity of the Rectors,[891] deploring the fact that they -buy instead of earning their appointments as the reward of having proved -their capacity, and reiterating the futile injunction that they are to -delay their departure from the provinces for fifty days after laying -down their office. In the exordium to this Constitution he characterizes -in a pregnant allusion the administration of his predecessor, and may be -said to pronounce the epitaph of Justinian: - -"THE MERE PROMULGATION OF ADMIRABLE LAWS IS NOT THE SOLE ESSENTIAL IN A -STATE, BUT THE ENACTMENTS MUST BE ZEALOUSLY MAINTAINED AND ENFORCED, -WHILST DELINQUENTS ARE SUBJECTED TO CONDIGN PUNISHMENT. FOR WHAT CAN BE -THE UTILITY OF LAWS WHICH APPEAR ONLY ON PAPER, AND ARE NOT RENDERED -BENEFICENT TO THE SUBJECT BY BEING PRACTICALLY APPLIED?" - -THE END - -[841] Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iv, 11, 15. - -[842] Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iv, 14. - -[843] Agathias, iii, 19 _et seq._ - -[844] _Ibid._, iv, 23. - -[845] Agathias, ii, 2 _et seq._ - -[846] Agathias, iv, 1 _et seq._ - -[847] _Ibid._, 30. An incident in the Lazic war may serve to illustrate -the usual manners of the soldier of the period. A band of forty beset a -mountain fortress inhabited by a tribe in league with the Persians. It -was called the Iron Castle from its supposed impregnability. A single -rocky path, steep and narrow, led to the gate, where some huge stones -were poised, capable of sweeping the track from top to bottom in their -downward course if set in motion. In the darkness of the night, the -Romans essayed the capture. Eight sentinels were seen at their posts, -but all asleep. One of the ascending party slipped and made a racket -with his shield, which roused the guards, who snatched up torches and -gazed in every direction. But the Romans stood stock still, and escaped -notice in the dark. The sentinels returned to their slumbers, and were -at once attacked and slain. The Romans then rioted through the town, set -fire to the houses, which were of wood; massacred women who scurried -around; even a lady of rank, jewelled and elegantly dressed, who stepped -out with a torch, was received with lance thrusts in the abdomen; -children were flung into the air and transfixed by being caught on the -points of pikes; until all seemed to be exterminated. The Byzantines -then rested carelessly, as assured of safety, but the enemy collected -from another quarter and, observing their fewness, killed nearly all by -an unforseen attack; Agathias, iv, 15 _et seq._ - -[848] Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iii, 38. It was about this time, after -the death of Theodora, that John of Cappadocia returned to the capital, -but he had fallen into too great disrepute to be reinstated in any -creditable post by the Emperor. Being reduced to great poverty, he found -that at last he must take seriously to the priesthood. At the ceremony -of his ordination, not having a decent cassock, a monk named Augustus, -who was standing by, lent him his garment. Shortly it was noised through -the city that the prophecy as to John's exaltation had been fulfilled, -and that he had now really "assumed the mantle of Augustus"; De Bel. -Pers., ii, 30. - -[849] Menander, Legat., i; Theophanes, an. 6050. - -[850] Agathias, v, 11, _et seq._ - -[851] Agathias, 24, _et seq._ But Menander says Sandichl only seized on -their horses, declining to make war on his own blood; Legat., ii; cf. p. -415. - -[852] Theophanes, an. 6051. - -[853] Menander, Legat., ii. - -[854] Theophanes, an. 6056. The chronology seems to be muddled here. - -[855] Jn. Malala, p. 493. - -[856] Theophanes, an. 6055. - -[857] Codinus, p. 29 (from Banduri). - -[858] Theophanes, an. 6057. - -[859] John Eph., Hist. (Smith), _loc. cit._ - -[860] Codinus, p. 108. On her return to Constantinople after the death -of Theodora, Antonina broke off the match with Anastasius, although, in -order to make sure of the alliance, the Empress had caused the young -people to cohabit during their betrothal; Procopius, Anecd., 5. - -[861] Evagrius, iv, 39, _et seq._; Eustathius, Vit. Eutychii, etc. - -[862] Theophanes, an. 6057, etc. - -[863] The funeral and coronation scenes are described by Corippus in his -poem, De Laud. Justini Min., i, 226, _et seq._, iii, 28, _et seq._, etc. -Theophanes Byz. mentions a general of the East, "Theodore, son of -Justinian," who is generally supposed to be a son of the Emperor by a -concubine after the death of Theodora. Procopius gives an account of a -youth whom the latter was attached to, but treated cruelly. He seems, -however, not to have been a lover, but merely a _protégé_; Anecd., 16. -Justinian figures in Dante's Paradise (vi), and has a whole canto to -himself. He summarizes Roman history both before and after his own -times, and confesses that he owes his salvation to having been converted -from Monophysitism by Pope Agapetus. - -[864] See pp. 345, 348, 441, 442, 454, 620. - -[865] A fallacy seems to have gained currency that Procopius is pedantic -because he nearly always calls Constantinople Byzantium. He could not do -otherwise without being singular: the new name is scarcely ever used, -except in official documents and ecclesiastical writers. It is to this -persistence of the original title of the city that we owe the survival -into modern times of the epithet Byzantine. - -[866] See p. 514; cf. De Bel. Pers., ii, 9, 10; De Bel. Goth., i, 3, -etc. - -[867] The general ignorance of this age is well illustrated by the -ridiculous account Procopius gives of Britain; De Bel. Goth., iv, 20. -The island, he says, is divided longitudinally by a wall on account of -the diversity of climatical conditions which prevail on the different -sides. To the east the country is genial and salubrious, fertile with -corn crops and fruit trees, and thickly populated. But on the west of -the wall everything is the contrary, and no man could exist there, even -for half an hour. The region is thronged with vipers, serpents -innumerable, and poisonous beasts. And, what is hardly credible, if -anyone should cross the wall, he at once succumbs fatally to the -pestilential air—as the natives relate. But he thinks it must be -altogether a fable when they say that the villagers on a certain part of -the Gallic coast, who live as fishers and farmers are absolved from -payment of taxes on condition of their ferrying the souls of the dead -across the ocean to this adjacent isle of Britain. In tempestuous -weather, at the dead of night, they are summoned from their beds, and -have to rush to the sea-shore. There they find numbers of apparently -empty boats. They have to seize the oars and row for a day and a night. -When they start, the vessels are weighed down to the water's edge, but -on returning, they are so light as barely to skim the surface. Yet all -the time they see no one; but when landing the souls, they hear a voice -calling out the names and titles of each of the deceased. - -Procopius also makes an excursion into British history, which is, -perhaps, no more authentic than his ghostly narrative. The Franks, he -informs us, claimed some extent of suzerainty over the island, and when -they sent a legation to Justinian in 548, they included, for the sake of -ostentation, a number of Angles in the party. He goes on to relate that -a prince of the Varni, a nation occupying lands to the north of the -Rhine over against Britain, had betrothed his son Radiger to a British -maid, the sister of the King of the Angles. He had himself recently -taken, as his second wife, a sister of Theodebert, the Frankish monarch. -Soon afterwards, finding himself on his death-bed, he exhorted his son -to marry his step-mother, a connection permitted by their law, as being -more to the interest of the Varni than the British alliance. On his -father's decease, Radiger obeyed these instructions, whereupon the -British princess, indignant at being jilted, assembled an army of one -hundred thousand, under one of her brothers' generalship, and invaded -the country of her faithless lover. Procopius explains that all this -force consisted of infantry, since the islanders had never even seen a -horse. A great battle was fought, in which the Varni were defeated and -put to flight. Radiger being taken prisoner, was brought before the -martial princess, who reproached him severely for his conduct towards -her. He excused himself by pointing out the various necessities which -had weighed upon him, but expressed his present willingness to fulfil -his first contract of marriage. His offer was accepted, and ultimately -the nuptials of Radiger and the English princess were peacefully -solemnized; _ibid._ - -[868] Anecd., _praef._ - -[869] He mentions (Anecd., 18, 23, 24), that he is writing thirty-two -years after Justinian came into power, meaning 518, the date of the -accession of the superannuated Justin; see p. 304. The credit of -pointing out the very obvious fact that Procopius ignores Justin as a -cypher, is due to Haury, Procopiana, Augsburg, 1891. - -[870] Jn. Malala, _loc. cit._ The name was not uncommon, so that the -identification is only highly probable. - -[871] De Bel. Pers., i, 1. - -[872] See his own remarks, i, introd., iii, 1. - -[873] For an expanded account and appreciation of Byzantine writers, see -Krumbacher's Gesch. d. Byz. Lit., 2nd ed., Munich, 1896; also the -introduction to Diehl's _Justinian_, and his Études Byzant., 1904. -Useful summaries and jottings on various points are also to be found in -the appendixes to Bury's Gibbon, especially vol. iv. - -[874] See his tracts for educational purposes, some of which are -referred to on p. 212. - -[875] See Agincourt's pictorial series, which exemplifies the perfection -of Greek and Roman art, traces its decay, and finally illustrates its -rehabilitation in the fifteenth century. In Diehl's _Justinian_ there -are many excellent photographs of sixth century productions. - -[876] The mosaics of Ravenna can be examined in the South Kensington -facsimiles, and their crudity recognized by comparing them with modern -work of the same kind executed on the walls of the museum. One of the -faces in these tableaux, that of Maximian, Bishop of Ravenna, who stands -besides Justinian, gives the impression of being a faithful likeness; -which is probable, since the work was executed under his own supervision -(_c._ 545). This was a man of some force of character, who gained -considerable repute in his day. Of him an amusing story is told: it is -said that he discovered a great treasure, which it was his duty to hand -over to the Emperor, but, as he wished to retain a portion for his -charitable obligations, he hit on the following expedient. Having killed -an ox, he emptied the abdomen and stowed a quantity of the gold inside. -He then took a pair of boots and filled them with a further amount. With -the rest of the treasure he set out for Constantinople and, on his -arrival, presented it to Justinian. The Autocrator immediately inquired, -"Is this the whole of what you discovered?" "All," said Maximian, -"except what I put in the belly and the boots." By this answer he is -supposed to have hoodwinked the Emperor, who imagined him to allude -merely to his sustenance and travelling expenses while on the road; -Agnellus, Lib. Pontif., _in Vita_. - -[877] There is one very pleasing example, the well-known diptych of the -archangel Michael in the British Museum, but it seems of unique merit. - -[878] A century or so before Justinian, however, very fine capitals of a -Corinthian type were being sculptured at Thessalonica; see the pictorial -exposition of the churches in that city by Texier and Pullan. Some of -those done in the sixth century are represented, and seem to be very -inferior, as are those at St. Vitale. - -[879] See p. 539. - -[880] Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iv, 17; Theophanes Byz. etc. - -[881] Agathias, ii, 15. - -[882] _Ibid._, v, 9; Theophanes, an. 6051, etc. - -[883] Procopius, Anecd., 18. - -[884] The reign of Theodoric has been treated most fully by Hodgkin, -Italy and her Invaders, Lond., 1880, etc. - -[885] Procopius, Anecd., 18. - -[886] It appears that Justinian kept up an army of no more than 150,000 -men, whereas for the Eastern Empire alone twice that number at least was -considered necessary by former rulers. Agathias, v, 13; see p. 167. -Thus, notwithstanding the numerous forts he built ostentatiously, he -neglected to garrison them, both in Europe and Asia; (Procopius, Anecd., -24; see p. 541), whilst the lavish subsidies paid to the barbarians -constituted a standing invitation for the most distant tribes to present -themselves constantly in order to receive those gratifications (_Ibid._, -8, 11, 19). As for the Long Walls, they were so devoid of troops that, -as Agathias remarks (v, 13), they were not even so well protected as a -farm yard, where at least a watch-dog's bark might be heard. - -[887] It is said that in his latter days he incurred the enmity of his -subordinates through parsimony, whence they petitioned for his recall. -On his refusal to return to the capital in obedience to a mandate, -Sophia taunted him by writing, "Come and take up your proper place among -the handmaids who ply the distaff in the women's apartments," to which -he replied, "I will find a yarn for her to spin which she will not be -able to get through in her lifetime"; Paulus Diac., Hist. Miscell., -xviii, etc. - -[888] Agnellus, Lib. Pontif., Agnellus, Peter Sen. - -[889] Agathias, iv, 29. - -[890] The history of the Empire up to the fall of Constantinople, has -been narrated by Gibbon, and at greater length by Finlay. The fullest -account of the siege is that of Pears, Lond., 1896. - -[891] Nov. clxi. At all times and places the Byzantine system was so -oppressive, that even the Abasgi and Tzani, who were supposed to have -found salvation in Christianity (pp. 700, 702), revolted to the Persians -and had to be reconquered; Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iv, 9; Agathias, v, -1. Notwithstanding his Roman experience, his having retrieved his -character at Petra, and his age, Bessas at once entered on another -campaign of fiscal extortion in Pontus and Armenia; Procopius, De Bel. -Goth., iv, 13. Justin also, the son of Germanus, countenanced a -subordinate in harrying the farmers for military stores which they could -not supply, in lieu of which they had to buy off their liability for an -exorbitant sum; Agathias, iv, 22. - - - - -INDEX - - -Abasgi, conversion of, 702; - revolt of, 758. - -Academy of Plato, 421. - -Achaemenian dynasty of Persia, 373. - -Adarbâd, revisor of Avesta, 384. - -Aerikon, a tax, 485. - -Africa, provinces of, 492; - campaigns of Belisarius in, 501 _sqq._; - Byzantine government of, 517. - -Africans, character of, 496; - dress of, 497. - -Agapetus, Pope, at CP., 671. - -Agathias, historian, on philosophers, 436; - his writings, 748. - -Agnates, relatives by males, 715. - -Ahura-Mazda, Persian "Lord of Wisdom," 376. - -Alamundar, Arab sheikh, invades Syria, 404. - -Alexander the Great, his conquests and successors, 371. - -Alexander the "Scissors," 624. - -Alexandria, corn monopoly at, 483; - religious war at, 676. - -Amalasuntha, Gothic Queen, 546; - her death, 550, 611. - -Amshaspands, Persian council of Heaven, 377. - -Anastasius, his savings dissipated, 441. - -Ancona, naval battle of, 646. - -Angra-Mainyu, Persian "Devisor of Evil," 376. - -Anthemius, architect, 529. - -Anthimus, Monophysite Patriarch, 670. - -Antioch, 587; - capture of, 590. - -Antonina, wife of Belisarius, her infidelities and intrigues, 605, - 611, 673; - supposed capture at Portus, 637; - her death, 741. - -Apamea, Persian King at, 592. - -Apostles, Holy, new church of, 537, 743. - -Aphthartodocetæ, heresy of, 742. - -Arab conquests, 757. - -Archaeopolis, siege of, 728. - -Arda Virâf, visits heaven and hell, 384. - -Ardeshír, founder of later Persian Empire, 373; - avenger of Darius, 385. - -Areobindus, African governor, his murder, 522. - -Arethas, Arab sheikh, 407, 594, 688. - -Ariminum, betrayal of, 572; - siege of, 574; - battle at, 652. - -Aristotle, philosopher, 421. - -Arsacid or Parthian dynasty of Persia, 371, 373. - -Art, Byzantine, 749 _sqq._ - -Artabanes, a general, in Africa, 522; - in Armenia, 585; - at CP., 621; - in Sicily, 646; - in Italy, 662. - -Artabanus, defeated by Ardeshír, 373. - -Asclepigeneia, female philosopher, 428. - -Athanagild, Visigothic King, 527. - -Athanasius, judge in Lazica, 732. - -Augustus, his limiting of the Empire, 371; - tomb of, 557. - -Aurelian, walls of, at Rome, 555. - -Auximum, siege and capture of, 572, 573, 578. - -Avars, embassy from, 735. - -Avesta, the Persian Bible, 376. - - -Bachelors, disabilities of, 718. - -Baduela, Gothic King. _See_ Totila. - -Balâsh, Shah, dethroned for building baths, 379. - -Barbarians, assaults of on Empire, 417, 734, 736. - -Barishnûm, Persian purification, 379. - -Belisarius, his campaigns against Persia, 397, 593, 596; - quells Nika riot, 468; - in Africa, 505; - his triumph, 515; - in Italy, 550, 630; - at Ravenna, 580; - characterization of, 580, 582; - in disgrace, 618, 740; - letters of, 631, 641; - last campaign, 738; - his death, 741. - -Berytus, loses silk trade, 483; - law school at, 724; - ruin of, 753. - -Bessas, a general, in Armenia, 413; - at Petra, 601; - at Rome, 634, 637; - his avarice, _ib._, 758. - -Bishops, rules for appointing, 689; - ethics of, 690; - exemptions of, _ibid._ - -Boarex, Queen of Huns, 418. - -Boethius, statesman and author, 546, 749. - -Bolum, a fort, 402. - -Bosporus, revolt of, 701. - -Britain, fabulous account of, 745. - -Brunechilde, daughter of Athanagild, 528. - -Burial in earth illegal in Persia, 378. - -Butilin and Leuthar, Frankish generals, invade Italy, 661; - their death, 663, 664. - -Butzes, a general, 395. - -Buzes, a general, 398, 413; - he deserts Hierapolis, 586. - - -Callinicus, battle of, 407; - taking of, 597. - -Callinicus, a Rector, impaled, 455. - -Carthage, topography of, 493 _sqq._; - siege of, 510. - -Casilinum, battle of, 664. - -Cassiodorus, statesman and author, 546, 749. - -Cassius, Avidius, his massacre of the Seleucians, 372. - -Cavades, Persian king, his deposition, 387; - restoration, 388; - his war with Rome, 395; - his death, 414. - -Cavades, Persian prince in Roman army, 415, 649. - -Centumcellae, 644. - -Chalke, vestibule, restoration of, 537. - -Children, illegitimate, 691, 719. - -Chosroantioch, 591. - -Chosroes, Persian king, his accession, 415; - his character and studies, 435, 484; - in Lazica, 594, 607; - his death, 757. - -Church property, 692. - -Circus factions, affectations of, 453; - enormities of, 454. - -Cisterns at CP., 539; - Strzygowski and Forscheimer on date of, _ibid._ - -Clergy, rules for, 691. - -Code of Justinian, 721. - -Comito, sister of Theodora, 403. - -Constantina, new anti-Persian fortress, 416. - -Constantine, a general, 564, 567; - his death, 606. - -Constitutum, Justinian's doctrinal thesis, 684 _sqq._ - -Consuls, abolition of, 484. - -Corippus, poet, 526, 743. - -Cothon, harbour at Carthage, 494. - -Council, Fifth Oecumenical, 684, 899. - -Cow, sacred to Persians, 379. - -Cremation, illegal in Persia, 378. - -Cruelties of Roman soldiers in Lazica, 733. - -Ctesiphon, Parthian capital of Persia, 374; - taken by Trajan, 372. - -Cudworth, Cambridge Platonist, 439. - -Cumae, siege of, 659; - surrender of, 662. - -Cutzes, a general, 395. - -Cyrus, the Achaemenian, founder of Persian Empire, 371; - a new, at Istakhr, 373. - - -Dagisthaeus, a general, parallel between and Bessas, 658. - -Damascius, philosopher, 432, 438. - -Daphne, grove at Antioch, 589, 592. - -Dara, battle of, 397; - fortifications of, 542. - -Darmsteter on Zoroaster, 376 _sqq._ - -Debtors, new laws in favour of, 712. - -Decimum, battle of, 507. - -Defenders of Cities, restoration of, 476. - -Demetrius, a general, 626 _sqq._ - -Demarch and Mandator, dialogue between, 456. - -Diehl, Byzantine archaeologist, 410, 473, 497, 543, 749. - -Digest or Pandects, 722. - -Dinkhard, late Pahlavi treatises, 394. - -Diocletian, his Persian wars, 372. - -Divorce, laws respecting, 719. - -Dog, wonderful, 643. - -Domitian, resemblance of Justinian to, 366. - -Druj Nasu, Persian demon of lies, 377. - - -Edessa, engineering at, 541; - siege of, 598. - -Elesbaas, Negus, embassy to, 410. - -Elijah, Justinian compared to, 443. - -Encyclical, Papal decree, 687. - -_Epibole_, a tax, 485. - -Epicurus, philosopher, 423. - -Erse, Irish and Sanskrit, 375. - -Eudaemon, Prefect of City, 458. - -Eudocia, Roman princess, marries Vandal King, 500, 516. - -Eudoxia, Empress, 499. - -Euphemia, daughter of John of Cappadocia, 614. - - -Father and son, laws as to, 713. - -Firdausi, Persian poet, 394. - -Fire-temples, Persian, 393. - -Forscheimer (and Strzygowski) on date of cisterns at CP., 539. - -Forts, Byzantine, 542. - -Foundlings, laws as to, 711. - -Funeral rites, Justinian's described, 742. - - -Gaianus, heresiarch, 675. - -Galerius, his Persian wars, 372. - -Gelimer, Vandal king, 501; - his capture, 514; - at CP., 516. - -Genseric, Vandal king, 499, 563. - -Germanus, nephew of Justinian, in Africa, 520; - at Antioch, 588; - his death, 646. - -Goat, abandoned infant reared by a, 575. - -Golden Horn, new bridge at, 541. - -Gontharis, revolt of, 521. - -Gubazes, Lazic king, revolts to Persia, 594; - his murder, 731; - trial respecting, 732. - -Gudelina, wife of Theodahad, 610, 611. - - -Hadrian, Emperor, Mausoleum of (Castle of St. Angelo), 557, 567; - his Perpetual Edict, 716. - -Heraion, palace of, 368. - -Heretics, disabilities of, 692 _sqq._; - punishment of, _ibid._ - -Hermogenes, minister and general, 396. - -Hierapolis, desertion of, by Buzes, 586. - -Hilderic, Vandal king, 500, 549. - -Homerites, or Himyarites, 410. - -Hormisdas, palace, later use of, 669, 682, etc. - -Huns, irruptions of, 412, 648, 736; - conversion of, 701. - -Husband and wife, laws as to, 719. - -Hypatius and Pompeius, usurpers, 460, _sqq._ - - -Illegitimate children, 691, 719. - -Inheritance, laws as to, 715, _sqq._ - -Institutes of Justinian, 723. - -Interest on money lent, 713. - -Iran, native name of Persia, 373. - -Iron Castle, Lazica, taking of, 733. - -Isdigunas, Persian ambassador, 600, 726. - -Isidorus, architect, 529, 754. - -Islands, prefect of, 473. - -Istakhr, capital of Persis, 373; - a new Cyrus arises at, _ibid._ - - -Jacob Baradaeus, apostle of Monophysites, 688. - -Jews, treatment of, 698. - -Joannina, daughter of Belisarius, 741. - -John, nephew of Vitalian, a general, in Italy, 571, 572, 574, 651, 660. - -John of Antioch, historian, 417, 545. - -John of Cappadocia, a financier, 444; - his carousing, 447; - his fall, 613; - his return, 735. - -John, officer, murders Gubazes, 731. - -John of Ephesus, Monophysite bishop and historian, 699, etc. - -John, son of Theodora, 621. - -John the Armenian, 506, 511; - his death, 512. - -John Troglita, a general, 526. - -Judges, puisne, 478. - -Judicatum, Papal decree, 681, 685. - -Julian, legate to Aethiopia, 410. - -Julian, Emperor, 425, 433. - -Julian, heresiarch, 675. - -Julian, rebel, 695. - -Junonia, first name of Roman Carthage, 492. - -Justin, a general in Lazica, 728, 735. - -Justin II, Emperor, his accession 742. - -Justinian, Emperor, personal appearance and character, 365; - suppresses revolt, 467; - popular execration of, 486; - his clerical laws, 689; - his persecutions, 692; - his theological works, 702; - his legislation, 709, _sqq._; - his heresy, 742; - his death, _ibid._ - - -Kavádh. _See_ Cavades. - -Krumbacher, editor of Byzantine literary history, 748. - -Kvêtûk-das, Persian marriage custom, 382. - - -Lactarian Mount, 660. - -Latin, proposed abolition of at CP., 445. - -Lazica, war in, 594, 600, 608, 727. - -Leo, Emperor, African expedition of, 499. - -Leuthar. _See_ Butilin. - -Literature, Persian, 395; - Byzantine, 744. - -Lombards invade Italy, 756. - -Lydus, Jn., his office, 487. - - -Magdalen Asylum, 479. - -Majorian, Emperor, 499. - -Mandator and Demarch, dialogue between, 456. - -Mandracium, harbour at Carthage, 493. - -Marcus Aurelius endows Athenian schools, 424. - -Marinus, philosopher, 430. - -Marriages, incestuous, legal in Persia, 380; - Chrysostom on, 381. - -Martin, a general, in Lazica, 729, 733. - -Martyropolis, siege of, 412. - -Mashita palace, 394. - -Matasuentha, wife of Vitigis, 564; - her treacheries, 572, 580; - marries Germanus, 623. - -Maxilloplumacius, extortioner, 446, 452. - -Maximian, bishop, 750. - -Mazdak, Persian heretic, 386; - his sect massacred, 388. - -Mazdeism, Persian religion, 376. - -Melchites, 689. - -Menna, patriarch, 675. - -Mermeroes, Persian general, 727. - -Milan, surrender of, 573; - recapture of, 575. - -Milvian bridge at Rome, 573, 643. - -Missions to Nubia, 688; - to Caucasus, 700. - -Mithra, Persian sun-god, 377. - -Monasteries, constitution of, 691. - -Monophysites, encouraged by Theodora, 370, 669 _sqq._ - -Montanists, revolt of, 694. - -Moors, their method of warfare, 524. - -Mosaics, 497, 535, 538, 751. - -Mundas, a general, 419; - at CP., 467; - his death, 551. - -Mutilation as punishment, 452, 480. - -Myriangeli, Justinian's pilgrimage to, 740. - - -Nachoragan, Persian general, 728; - his punishment, 730. - -Naples, sieges of, 552, 626. - -Narses, eunuch general, at CP., 467; - in Italy, 574, 648, _sqq._; - takes Rome, 658; - at Casilinum, 664; - at Alexandria, 676; - his death, 756. - -Nasks, divisions of Avesta, 376. - -Negus of Axum, embassy to, 410. - -Neoplatonism, 425. - -Neoplatonists in Persia, 434 _sqq._ - -Neoplatonism and Christianity, 438. - -Nestorius, heresiarch, 679. - -Nika revolt, 459. - -Nisibis, Persian, 395, 399, 416, 593, 600. - -Nöldeke, his Persian researches, 374. - -Novels of Justinian, 725. - -Nubia, mission to, 688. - -Numidia, pillars in, 497. - -Nushirvan (Chosroes) 389. - - -Odovacar, barbarian king in Italy, 545. - -Origen, Egyptian Father, 677, 701. - -Ormuzd and Ahriman, 376. - -Orontes, river of Antioch, 587. - -Otter or water-dog, sacred to Persians, 379. - - -Pahlavi, old Persian, 376. - -Palestine, religious wars in, 694, 697. - -Palladius, rapid courier, 448. - -Pan, Great God, death of, 431. - -Pandects. _See_ Digest. - -Parthians, their conquest of the Seleucidae, 371. - -_Patria potestas_, 713. - -Patricians, 90, 714, 770. - -Paul, Patriarch, 677. - -Paul the Silentiary, his poem on St. Sophia, 533. - -Peace, Perpetual, 416. - -Pelagius, Pope, at Rome, 633, 639; - at CP., 677; - in Italy, 686. - -Pergamus, philosophy at, 425. - -Perozes, Persian prince, his attack on Dara, 397. - -Perpetual Edict, 716. - -Persepolis, Persian capital, 373; - fired by Alexander, _ibid._ - -Persian queen, a Christian (?), 415. - -Persians, sociology of, 374 _sqq._ - -Persis, home of Persian race, 372. - -Peter Magister, ambassador in Italy, 540; - in Persia, 726, 740. - -Petra, sieges of, 594, 601. - -Petronius, official plundering of, 446. - -Pharangium, a fort, 402. - -Pharas, Gelimer's captor, 513. - -Phasis, siege of, 728. - -Philosophers, female, 428. - -Philosophy, Greek, various sects of, 421, _sqq._; - in Persia, 434. - -Photius, son of Antonina, 607, 616; - his death, 741. - -Plague in the East, 602. - -Plato, philosopher, 421. - -Plotinus, philosopher, 427, 430. - -Plutarch, philosopher, 426. - -Pompeius and Hypatius, usurpers, 460, _sqq._ - -Pontus, Vicar of, restored, 486. - -Porch, painted, 422. - -Porphyrio, a ferocious whale, 368; - capture of, 643. - -Porphyry, philosopher, 430. - -Portus, operations at, 632, 635, 644. - -Praetor, Edict of, 716. - -Praetor of the people, new official, 478. - -Pragmatic Sanction, 665. - -Prejecta, Justinian's niece, 521, 622. - -Proaeresius, philosopher, 426, 428. - -Proclus, Neoplatonist, 427, _sqq._ - -Procopius, historian, 503, 578; - his writings, 744; - arrests Belisarius, 748. - -Property, church, 692. - -Prostitution, at CP., 479; - of slaves forbidden, 710. - -Provinces, changes in government of, 473 _sqq._ - - -Queer occurrences, 382, 575, 735, 750. - -Quicherat on Plotinus, 437. - - -Ravenna, mosaics at, 366, 367, 750; - sieges of, 545, 578. - -Rectors of provinces, their rapacity, 449, _sqq._; - reforms respecting, 472; - rewards for, 477. - -Robespierre compared to Justinian, 366. - -Rome, topography of, 555; - sociology of, 558; - sieges of, 566, 630, 642, 643, 658. - -Rufinas, legate to Persia, 396; - his peace, 416. - -Rusticiana, widow of Boethius, 639. - -Rusticus, officer, murders Gubazes, 731. - - -St. Saba at CP., 696. - -St. Sophia, church of, 530; - dilapidation of, 754. - -Salona, taking of, 551; - Narses at, 649. - -Salvian on rapacity of Rectors, 451; - against the Africans, 496. - -Salvius Julianus, lawyer, 716. - -Samaritans, revolt of, 695, 697. - -Sandichl, Hunnish leader, 739. - -Sanskrit, related to Zend, Erse, etc., 376. - -Sapor, Shah, persecutes Christians, 386. - -Sassanian dynasty of Persia, 373. - -Seleucus and Seleucidae, successors of Alexander the Great, 371. - -Severus, heresiarch, 675. - -Severus, Sept., his Persian wars, 372. - -Silk trade, 411, 483. - -Silkworm imported into Europe, 753. - -Silverius, Pope, 554, 569; - his deposition and death, 612, 673. - -Simplicius, philosopher, 435. - -Sisimithres, his mother-wife, 382. - -Sittas, a general, 403, 700; - his death, 585. - -Slaves, new laws in favour of, 708. - -Slavs, irruption of, 734. - -Socrates, philosopher, 420. - -Spain, Byzantines in, 526. - -Stagnum, harbour at Carthage, 493. - -Stoa, painted, 422. - -Stoic philosophers, 422. - -Stotzas, revolt of, 518. - -Strzygowski (and Forscheimer) on date of cisterns at CP., 539; - _Byzantinische Denkmäler_, 770, 771. - -Sycae, Theodora's monastery at, 676. - -Synesius at Athens, 426. - -Syrianus, philosopher, 426, 432, 433. - - -Taginae, battle of, 654. - -Tansar, his letter, 384; - oldest document of Mazdeism, _ibid._ - -Taxes, oppressive, 445, 481; - in Persia, 391. - -Teïas, Gothic general, 650; - elected king, 657; - his death, 660. - -Theodahad, Gothic king, 547, 550; - his death, 554. - -Theodebald, Frankish king, 659, _sqq._ - -Theodebert, Frankish king, 576, 579, 645, 746. - -Theodora, Empress, personal appearance and character, 367; - conduct during revolt, 466; - popular execration of, 486; - her intrigues, 609; - letters of, 608, 619; - her religious policy, 669, _sqq._; - her death, 643, 689. - -Theodore Ascidas, bishop, 677, 687. - -Theodoric, Gothic king, 544, 755. - -Theodosius, lover of Antonina, 603, _sqq._ - -Three Chapters, controversy of, 678, _sqq._ - -Tiberius, Emperor, 431, 433. - -Tibur, capture of, 630. - -Ticinum, the Goths at, 657, 659. - -Tiridates, Parthian King, visits Nero, 379. - -Totila or Baduela, Gothic king, his accession, 625; - at Naples, 626; - at Rome, 629, 643; - at Taginae, 652; - his death, 656. - -Toperus, massacre at, by Slavs, 734. - -"Towers of Silence" or Dakhmas, 378. - -Trajan, Emperor, his conquests, 371. - -Tribonian, a lawyer, 442; - his legal work, 720. - -Tricamerum, battle of, 510. - -Triumph at CP., 515. - -Tyre, loses silk trade, 483. - -Tzani, conversion of, 700; - their revolt, 758. - -Tzathes, Lazic King, 732. - - -Uranius, charlatan, 436. - -Usdrilas, Gothic general, 651. - - -Vandals, persecute Catholics, 494; - their character, 500. - -Vendidâd, part of Zend-Avesta, 377, etc. - -Vigilius, Pope, in Sicily, 632; - at Rome, 680; - at CP., 681, _sqq._; - his death, 686. - -Vitigis, Gothic king, 553; - at Rome, 566, _sqq._; - capture of, 581; - his death, 623. - - -Walls, Long, 543, 737, 756. - -Water, sacred among Persians, 378. - -Water storage at CP., 539. - -Whale. _See_ Porphyrio. - -Wife, husband and, laws as to, 719. - -Wills, laws as to, 715, 717. - -Women in the church, 691. - - -Xenophon, his description of Syrian desert, 405. - - -Yemen, Christianity in, 409. - - -Zabergan, Hunnish leader, 736. - -Zaberganes, Persian minister, 608. - -Zend, language, 376. - -Zeno of Citium, philosopher, founder of Stoics, 422. - -Zooras, fanatical monk, 675. - -Zoroaster or Zarathushtra, 376; - Darmsteter on, _ibid., sqq._; - Mills on, 384. - - - - -CORRIGENDA ET ADDENDA - - -Pp. 19, 744, notes. See a letter of mine in _The Athenæum_, 30th June -1906, p. 798, in which I show that, almost without exception, Byzantine -writers use the old name even as late as Photius and Anna Comnena. Cf. -note to p. 632 _infra_. - -P. 20, _for_ 446 _read_ 409. - -P. 34, n. 2, insert, the elephants are. - -P. 49. There is an ivory carving thought to represent a religious -procession passing the Chalke, _c._ 552: reproduced in Strzygowski, -Byzant. Denkmäler, iii, 1903, p. xviii; also in Beylié's work and -others. The identifying feature is a bust of the Saviour above a portal -(see text). - -P. 61, _for_ xv, 7, _read_ vii. - -P. 66, n. 7, _add_ Suetonius, Augustus, 96. - -P. 67, n. 4, _for_ 325 _read_ 334. - -P. 80, n. 4, _for_ xiii _read_ xviii. - -P. 87. A monograph on the headdress of Byzantine ladies has been written -by Molinier (Etudes hist. du moyen âge, 1896). It was a usual fashion to -puff up the hair in a great roll or crown such as is often noticed in -the miniatures of medieval MSS. - -P. 88, n. 2, _for_ 21 _read_ 181. - -P. 90. The difference between the Patricians created by Julius Caesar -(Suetonius, J. C., 41) and those by Constantine is that the former were -hereditary, the latter only life peers. - -P. 91, n. 4, _read_ Hefner-Alteneck. - -P. 110, _add_ Jn. Lydus, De Magist. i, 32 _et seq._ - -P. 114, n. 6, _add_ Cod. III, xxxviii, 11. - -P. 126, n. 4, _for_ 770 _read_ 792. - -P. 133, n. 3, _read_ +Karximades+. - -P. 167, n. 3, _add_ They were under the Master of the Offices. - -P. 169, n. 6, _read_ Marcellinus. - -P. 188, n. 1, _for_ 330 _read_ 530. - -P. 191, n. 1, _for_ xii _read_ XII. - -P. 202, n. 1, _add_ cxxviii. - -P. 216, n. 3, _for_ A to E _read_ a to e. - -P. 222, n. 3, _read_ Juliana. The miniatures in this work have been -critically discussed by Diez in Strzygowski's Byzant. Denkmäler, 1903. - -P. 232, n. 1, _add_ on its way to resolution into the formless protyle -or ether. - -P. 237, note, _read_ Olympius. - -P. 238, n. 2, _read_ Peripatetics. - -P. 245, _read_ currents for; n. 1, _read_ of Abonoteichos. - -P. 265, l. 8, _read_ and Iranian ... those. - -P. 273, n. 1, for the two _read_ Pagan and Christian metaphysics. - -P. 281, n. 4, _add_ Some others, and especially one Paul of Thebes, -assumed the eremitic life previous to Anthony, but their example did not -become conspicuous enough to set the fashion; see the life of Paul by -Jerome. - -P. 283, _read_ the outposts. - -P. 300, n. 6, _add_ cf. Jn. Malala, xxiii, p. 430. - -P. 330, n. 2, _read_ VIII, vi, 20. - -P. 332, note, _add_ Suetonius wrote the lives of Roman _meretrices_, but -the work is lost; Jn. Lydus, De Magist., iii, 54. Not known otherwise. - -P. 342, n. 2, _read_ 497 as the date of her birth. - -P. 482, n. 3, _for_ Minor _read_ Major (Roman). See the collection of -Armenian historians (in French) by Langlois, Paris, 1864-69. According -to Moses of Chorene (iii, 42) the partition into Roman and Pers-Armenia -was made by Sapor and Arcadius. But the Persian here concerned must have -been Shapur III who, (Nöldeke) reigned 383-388. Hence the Roman -potentate could be no other than Theodosius the Great. All the Armenian -writers mention the division (as Faustus, Byz. vi, 1), but do not name -the contracting rulers. Persarmenia comprised the eastern two-thirds of -the country. Theodosiopolis, the seat of government in the Roman third, -was built _c._ 420 by Theodosius II (?). Procopius, De Aedif., iii, 15, -Moses, iii, 59. Needless to say Nöldeke's dates do not agree with St. -Martin's. - -P. 523, last line, _read_ "girl." Apparently then she was not an old or -even a mature woman. - -P. 540, _read_ Asia Minor and Syria. - -P. 612. _After_ could desire, _read_ he should wear the robe of -Augustus, etc. - -P. 632. Epidamnum. Procopius always uses this name, but twice adds, -"they now call it Dyrrhachium" (De Bel. Vand., i, 1, etc.), meaning, I -presume, locally, his readers knowing only the original name. The Greeks -as a nation never took to these new names. Thus he makes a similar -remark about Antioch (De Aedif., v, 5, etc.) which never became -Theopolis to the general. Dyrrhachium was about fifty-five miles down -the coast from the southernmost point of Dalmatia. - -P. 675, l. penult. Date 535 according to Brooks, _Byzant. Zeitsch._, -xii, 494, 1903. - -P. 731, _read_ Byzantine Court.[892] - -P. 734. _After_ unforeseen attack _read_ a nemesis approved of by the -historian who relates the occurrence. - -[892] Procopius, De Bel. Pers., ii, 29. 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- } - } - - </style> - </head> -<body> -<p style='text-align:center; font-size:1.2em; font-weight:bold'>The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Age of Justinian and Theodora, Volume II (of 2), by William Gordon Holmes</p> -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online -at <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. If you -are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the -country where you are located before using this eBook. -</div> - -<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Title: The Age of Justinian and Theodora, Volume II (of 2)</p> -<p style='display:block; margin-left:2em; text-indent:0; margin-top:0; margin-bottom:1em;'>A History of the Sixth Century A.D.</p> - <p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Author: William Gordon Holmes</p> -<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Release Date: June 27, 2021 [eBook #65717]</p> -<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Language: English</p> - <p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em; text-align:left'>Produced by: Turgut Dincer, Chris Pinfield, and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This book was produced from images made available by the HathiTrust Digital Library.) </p> -<div style='margin-top:2em; margin-bottom:4em'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE AGE OF JUSTINIAN AND THEODORA, VOLUME II (OF 2) ***</div> - -<div id="tnote"> - -<p>Obvious printer errors have been corrected. Hyphenation has been -rationalised.</p> - -<p>The Corrigenda at the end include references to Volume I as well as to -this volume.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="fronta-container"> -<div class="fronta"> - -<div class="print">LONDON: GEORGE BELL AND SONS</div> -<div class="print">PORTUGAL ST. LINCOLN'S INN, W.C.</div> -<div class="print">CAMBRIDGE: DEIGHTON, BELL & CO.</div> -<div class="print">NEW YORK: THE MACMILLAN CO.</div> -<div class="print">BOMBAY: A. H. WHEELER & CO.</div> - -</div> -</div> - -<div class="front"> - -<h1>THE AGE OF JUSTINIAN AND THEODORA<br /> - A HISTORY OF THE SIXTH CENTURY A.D.</h1> - -<p><small>BY</small><br /> -WILLIAM GORDON HOLMES</p> - -<p>VOL. II<br /> -<i>SECOND EDITION</i></p> - -<p>LONDON<br /> -G. BELL AND SONS, LTD.<br /> -1912</p> - -<p class="small">CHISWICK PRESS: CHARLES WHITTINGHAM AND CO.<br /> -TOOKS COURT, CHANCERY LANE, LONDON.</p> - -</div> - -<h2>CONTENTS</h2> - -<table class="toc" summary="ToC"> - -<tr> - <td class="chapnum small"><span class="smc">Chap.</span></td> - <td class="title"></td> - <td class="pag small">PAGE</td> -</tr> - -<tr> - <td class="chapnum">V.</td> - <td class="title"><span class="smc">The Persians and Justinian's First - War with them</span></td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_365">365</a></td> -</tr> - -<tr> - <td class="chapnum">VI.</td> - <td class="title"><span class="smc">The Schools of Philosophy at Athens - and their Abolition by Justinian</span></td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_420">420</a></td> -</tr> - -<tr> - <td class="chapnum">VII.</td> - <td class="title"><span class="smc">The Internal Administration of the - Empire: Insurrection of the Circus - Factions in the Capital</span></td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_440">440</a></td> -</tr> - -<tr> - <td class="chapnum">VIII.</td> - <td class="title"><span class="smc">Carthage under the Romans: Recovery - of Africa from the Vandals</span></td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_489">489</a></td> -</tr> - -<tr> - <td class="chapnum">IX.</td> - <td class="title"><span class="smc">The Building of St. Sophia: The - Architectural Work of Justinian</span></td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_529">529</a></td> -</tr> - -<tr> - <td class="chapnum">X.</td> - <td class="title"><span class="smc">Rome in the Sixth Century: War with - the Goths in Italy</span></td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_544">544</a></td> -</tr> - -<tr> - <td class="chapnum">XI.</td> - <td class="title"><span class="smc">The Second Persian War: Fall of - Antioch: Military Operations in Lazica</span></td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_584">584</a></td> -</tr> - -<tr> - <td class="chapnum">XII.</td> - <td class="title"><span class="smc">Private Life in the Imperial Circle - and its Dependencies</span></td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_605">605</a></td> -</tr> - -<tr> - <td class="chapnum">XIII.</td> - <td class="title"><span class="smc">The Final Conquest of Italy and its - Annexation to the Empire</span></td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_624">624</a></td> -</tr> - -<tr> - <td class="chapnum">XIV.</td> - <td class="title"><span class="smc">Religion in the Sixth Century: Justinian - as a Theologian</span></td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_668">668</a></td> -</tr> - -<tr> - <td class="chapnum">XV.</td> - <td class="title"><span class="smc">Peculiarities of Roman Law: The - Legislation of Justinian</span></td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_706">706</a></td> -</tr> - -<tr> - <td class="chapnum">XVI.</td> - <td class="title"><span class="smc">The Last Days of Justinian: Literature - and Art in the Sixth Century: - Summary and Review of the Reign</span></td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_726">726</a></td> -</tr> - -<tr> - <td colspan="2" class="title"><span class="smc">Index</span></td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_761">761</a></td> -</tr> - -<tr> - <td colspan="3" style="text-align:center">MAPS</td> -</tr> - -<tr> - <td colspan="2" class="title"><span class="smc">Seat of Justinian's Wars - in the East</span></td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_396">396</a></td> -</tr> - -<tr> - <td colspan="2" class="title"><span class="smc">Seat of Justinian's Wars - in the West</span></td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_572">572</a></td> -</tr> - -</table> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_365" id="Page_365">{365}</a></span> - -<div class="front"> -<p style="font-size:150%">THE AGE OF JUSTINIAN<br />AND THEODORA</p> -</div> - -<h2 class="nobreak">CHAPTER V<br /> -<small>THE PERSIANS AND JUSTINIAN'S FIRST WAR WITH THEM</small></h2> - -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap">ON the death of Justin the absolute control of the -Empire became centred in the hands of Justinian. -Nine years of virtual sovereignty during the lifetime of his -uncle had familiarized him with Imperial procedure, and -nullified the influence of a bureaucracy which might aspire -to govern vicariously by taking advantage of his ignorance -of affairs. His tutors in the art of autocracy were dead or -superannuated, and his present subordinates owed their -elevation to his favour and judgment. The new Emperor -was a man of middle stature, spare rather than stout, and on -the verge of becoming bald and gray. His features were -sufficiently regular, his face was round, his complexion -florid, and he wore neither beard nor moustache.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_1" id="Ref_1" href="#Foot_1">[1]</a></span> Those -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_366" id="Page_366">{366}</a></span> -whom he impressed unfavourably were fond of pointing out -that he bore a striking resemblance to Domitian.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_2" id="Ref_2" href="#Foot_2">[2]</a></span> He -affected a pleasant demeanour, appeared always with a set -smile,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_3" id="Ref_3" href="#Foot_3">[3]</a></span> and was so studious of personal popularity that even -the meanest of his subjects might hope for an audience of -his sovereign. With an unbounded belief in his own capacity -for discrimination, he was always ready to listen, but -never to be convinced. His assurance communicated itself -to those with whom he came in contact, and his associates -rarely ventured to dispute his opinions.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_4" id="Ref_4" href="#Foot_4">[4]</a></span> His mode of life -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_367" id="Page_367">{367}</a></span> -tended strongly towards asceticism, and he yielded no indulgence -to his natural appetites. In his diet he restricted -himself to the barest necessaries, he seemed to exist almost -without sleep, and there is no evidence that he was ever attracted -sexually by any woman except Theodora. Without -commanding abilities, his mental activity was incessant, and -he was perpetually busy in every department of the state.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_5" id="Ref_5" href="#Foot_5">[5]</a></span> -He plunged into politics, law, and theology, with the conviction -that he could master every detail and deal effectively -with all questions which might arise for decision. Yet he -was credulous and lent a willing ear to those who brought -in doubtful reports, which he was generally prone to act -upon without due inquiry as to their authenticity.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_6" id="Ref_6" href="#Foot_6">[6]</a></span></p> - -<p>The Empress Theodora,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_7" id="Ref_7" href="#Foot_7">[7]</a></span> after her elevation, still presented -in most aspects of her life and character a marked -contrast to Justinian. She was devoted to the care of her -person, and a great part of each day was given over to the -mysteries of her toilet.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_8" id="Ref_8" href="#Foot_8">[8]</a></span> She trusted especially to sleep for -the preservation of her beauty, and passed an excessive -number of hours, both day and night, upon her couch. -Gratification of the senses absorbed most of her time, and -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_368" id="Page_368">{368}</a></span> -she indulged herself in the luxury of a table always spread -with the rarest delicacies. The air of the city was uncongenial -to her, and she resided during the greater part of the -year at the Heraion,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_9" id="Ref_9" href="#Foot_9">[9]</a></span> a palace over against the capital on the -Asiatic shore of the Bosphorus, where a second centre of -Imperial state was maintained for her benefit with lavish -magnificence. But she was ever vigilant in preserving the -closest relationship with the machinery of government, and -in her retirement she meditated persistently on the exigencies -of the autocracy. Her numerous emissaries were to be -observed continually passing and repassing the strait which -separated the Heraion from Constantinople, regardless of -tempestuous weather, and even of a ferocious whale which -had long infested the vicinity and made a practice of attacking -the small craft sailing in those waters, often with fatal -result to the occupants.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_10" id="Ref_10" href="#Foot_10">[10]</a></span> The personal relations of the -royal partners during the whole course of their joint reign, -continued to be of the most intimate description. Justinian -not only deferred habitually to the judgment of his consort, -but took every opportunity of making a public profession of -his indebtedness to her co-operation. In Imperial acts and -edicts she appeared constantly as the "revered wife whom -God had granted to him as the participator of his counsels."<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_11" id="Ref_11" href="#Foot_11">[11]</a></span> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_369" id="Page_369">{369}</a></span> -It may, indeed, be assumed as certain that the resolution -and verve to be found in the character of Theodora supplied -some real deficiencies in the imperturbable and less acute -nature of her husband;<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_12" id="Ref_12" href="#Foot_12">[12]</a></span> and Justinian was well inclined to -justify his extraordinary marriage by insisting that exceptional -advantages accrued to the state from his choice of -so able a consort. Although the spectacle of a Roman empress -electing to lead the life of a prostitute was almost a -familiar one in previous history,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_13" id="Ref_13" href="#Foot_13">[13]</a></span> that an actual courtesan -should be raised to the throne, was a unique event in the -annals of the empire. Nor was Theodora at all exercised to -veil her ascendancy in the affairs of government; on the -contrary, she scarcely refrained from proclaiming publicly -that her will was predominant in the work of the administration.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_14" id="Ref_14" href="#Foot_14">[14]</a></span> -Her pretensions were generally allowed, and those -who sought preferment through Court influence regularly -crowded her ante-chamber, with the assurance that success -depended on winning her favourable regard. Unlike Justinian, -Theodora made herself difficult of access, and an -assiduous attendance for many days was an indispensable -preliminary to obtaining an audience of the Empress.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_15" id="Ref_15" href="#Foot_15">[15]</a></span> -Doubtless but a small portion of each day could be spared -from the seclusion she imposed on herself for the nurture -and elaboration of her person. As both Emperor and -Empress by an un-hoped for chance had leaped to the Imperial -seat from the obscurity of plebeian life, they were -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_370" id="Page_370">{370}</a></span> -proportionately jealous of their authority in the lofty position -to which they had attained without the qualifications of rank -or lineage. Hence they exacted the most servile respect -from all who approached them, and emphasized more than -at any former time humility of speech and abject prostration -in the presence of the sovereign. Any subject, without the -exception of patricians or even of foreign ambassadors, on -arriving at the foot of the throne was compelled to extend -himself on the ground with his face to the floor and then to -kiss both feet of the monarch before he was privileged to -deliver his message or to make a request.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_16" id="Ref_16" href="#Foot_16">[16]</a></span> On such occasions -the titles of "emperor" and "empress," as expressing -a merely official hegemony, were considered to be insufficient, -and it was expected that, by substituting the terms -"master" and "mistress," the subject should confess himself -to be the actual slave of his sovereign.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_17" id="Ref_17" href="#Foot_17">[17]</a></span> In previous -reigns the forms of adoration had been reserved for the -Emperor, but Theodora ignored such precedents and -claimed for herself all the homage due to an independent -potentate. In one respect only did the conjugal harmony of -the Imperial couple appear to be seriously disturbed; while -Justinian was strictly orthodox in religion, Theodora gave an -uncompromising support to the Monophysites. The public, -however, refused to believe in the reality of this dissension, -and attributed the seeming discord to an astute policy which -obliged the conflicting sects to give their united support to -the throne.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_18" id="Ref_18" href="#Foot_18">[18]</a></span></p> - -<p>The war with Persia, which had developed in a desultory -fashion under Justin, began to be waged with determination -at the outset of Justinian's reign. A thousand years before -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_371" id="Page_371">{371}</a></span> -this date the Persian Empire, founded by Cyrus the Achaemenian, -had reached from the frontiers of India to the -shores of the Mediterranean, and had even held Egypt precariously -as an integral province. Diverse nationalities -marched under her standard, and immense hosts of Asiatics -were habitually mustered for the achievement of foreign -conquest. But this monarchy proved to be short-lived, and -was destroyed in less than two centuries, after the invasion -of Greece by Darius and Xerxes had disclosed the fact that -a few thousands of patriotic Hellenes were of more martial -worth than the vast and heterogeneous armies led by the -Persian king. Less than ten years of actual warfare sufficed -to bring the Achaemenian Empire and its dependencies -under the rule of Alexander; and the indigenous races were -kept in subjection by the Graeco-Macedonian invaders for a -longer period than the kindred dynasty established by Cyrus -had endured. The Persian Empire, in its widest extent, as -it existed under the Achaemenidae, was never restored; nor -did any subsequent conqueror issue from the west to repeat -the exploits of Alexander. The Asiatic successors of that -monarch, the Seleucidae,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_19" id="Ref_19" href="#Foot_19">[19]</a></span> were gradually ousted from their -dominions by a wild race which attacked them from the -north, and became known historically as the Parthians. -Under their native rulers, the Arsacidae, they might have -restored the empire of Cyrus, but the simultaneous growth -of the Latin power in Asia Minor and Syria for ever confined -the Parthians to the eastern bank of the Euphrates. The -policy of Rome, as defined by Augustus, forbade the extension -of the empire beyond the limits assigned to it after the -battle of Actium; but at least one emperor, the indomitable -Trajan, was ambitious of emulating the prowess of Alexander -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_372" id="Page_372">{372}</a></span> -and designed to advance on India. Although not uniformly -victorious, he transformed the kingdom of Armenia into a -Roman province, and almost reduced Parthia to the condition -of a vassal state.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_20" id="Ref_20" href="#Foot_20">[20]</a></span> Death, or the more pressing claims -of home affairs, imposed a term to his activity in the field, -and his great schemes of conquest were never again entertained; -but several later emperors, notably Severus, Carus, -and Galerius, often demonstrated the superiority of the -Roman forces under competent generalship over their -Oriental antagonists.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_21" id="Ref_21" href="#Foot_21">[21]</a></span> But after the Graeco-Roman supremacy -had declined to the stagnant mediocrity of Byzantinism -this ascendancy could no longer be maintained; and -as often as East and West came into collision the honours -of war almost invariably rested with the Asiatic power.</p> - -<p>For more than five centuries after the overthrow of -Darius by the armies of Macedon the remnants of the -Persian race languished in the Province of Persis, a small -state lying east of the Persian Gulf, to which was allowed a -semi-independence by the supreme government. Here was -the original home of Cyrus, and here he matured his plans -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_373" id="Page_373">{373}</a></span> -for the conquest of Media. From thence was derived the -name of Persia, which was applied by the western nations -to the whole land of Iran, the native appellation of the -extensive plateau ranging from the Hindu Kush to the river -Tigris. In Persis was situated Persepolis, the traditional -capital of the Persians, where the sacred fires of the Zoroastrians -was kept perpetually alight in a temple by the Magi. -In a drunken freak, or perhaps as a signal to all Asia that -he had succeeded to the sovreignty of Iran, the ancient city -had been committed to the flames by Alexander;<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_22" id="Ref_22" href="#Foot_22">[22]</a></span> but -eventually a capital was reinstated on the old site, and -in later centuries became known as Istakhr.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_23" id="Ref_23" href="#Foot_23">[23]</a></span> About 200 <i>A.D.</i> -a reawakening of Persian aspirations became apparent, and -a new Cyrus arose at Istakhr to lead his nation to the -reconquest of their former empire. Ardeshír was the grandson of -Sásán, who by a fortunate marriage had united the -pre-eminence of the priestly caste with that of the princely -house of Persis. Having gained possession of the local -throne by his superior energy, he began to exercise himself -in active warfare by attacking the neighbouring states, -whose princes, like himself, were the vassals of the Parthian -king. At first his operations were disregarded, and not -until he had made himself the lord of a considerable territory -was he summoned by his suzerain to explain his -encroachments. His reply was a defiance and a challenge -to battle. In the war which ensued Artabanus was overthrown -by Ardeshír, and the Parthian dynasty of the -Arsacidae was replaced by that of the Sassanidae (<i>c.</i> 227). -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_374" id="Page_374">{374}</a></span> -The Persian now assumed the title of <i>Shahinshah</i>, that is -"King of Kings," which had usually been affected by the -potentates of all Iran, and established himself at the Parthian -capital of Ctesiphon on the Tigris, a position more -suitable for the seat of government than the remote Persepolis. -The empire thus regenerated by the Sassanians, -held its own among the surrounding powers for four hundred -years, until the general irruption over Asia of the fanatical -hosts of Islam.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_24" id="Ref_24" href="#Foot_24">[24]</a></span></p> - -<p>The dominions of Ardeshír and his successors covered -an area almost equal to that of the Eastern Empire, but -were probably much less populous. The table-land of Iran -is far from being so well adapted for the sustentation of -animal and vegetable life as the countries amalgamated into -a single state by the Roman arms. More than a fourth of -the surface is occupied by desert and salt swamps;<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_25" id="Ref_25" href="#Foot_25">[25]</a></span> while -the greater portion of the remainder is broken up by immense -mountain ranges, some of which rise to a height of -18,000 feet. The prevailing population of this region -within the historic period has always been a division of the -Aryan race, of the great Indo-Germanic family of mankind, -who at some early epoch spread themselves across two continents, -from the frontiers of Burmah to the Atlantic seaboard -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_375" id="Page_375">{375}</a></span> -of Europe. Originally the possessors of a common language, -the elements of their speech are to be found in the -Sanskrit, once colloquial throughout the valley of the Ganges, -and in the Erse of the Irish peasant, who inhabits the -wilds of Connemara. Although the face of the country has -been scarred by the march of numerous invaders, and even -by religious revolution, the sociological condition of these -Eastern lands has scarcely changed at all during the millenniums -of recorded history; and the Persian citizen or rustic -of to-day is almost a counterpart of those who looked out -on the progresses of Darius and Xerxes.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_26" id="Ref_26" href="#Foot_26">[26]</a></span> The primitive -Iranians were an agricultural people, and as such showed -an attachment to the cattle which composed their farm -stock almost amounting to veneration. But the tiller of the -soil in Iran was often exposed to harsh conditions in the -effort to draw his livelihood from the ground. The land -was not uniformly fertile, climatic severity not seldom -hampered the labourer, and predatory bands of nomads, -who raided the country from the north, were a frequent -cause of disaster.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_27" id="Ref_27" href="#Foot_27">[27]</a></span> Life was a series of vicissitudes, circumstances -of time and place were in general sharply contrasted, -and the normal activities of nature seemed to the peaceful -native to be the outcome of perpetual strife between spirits -of good and evil. In Bactria, the north-eastern tract of -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_376" id="Page_376">{376}</a></span> -Iran, all these conditions were most typically presented. -About 1000 <small>B.C.</small> that region was ruled by King Vistaspa,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_28" id="Ref_28" href="#Foot_28">[28]</a></span> -under whom flourished the prophet Zarathushtra, the -original redactor of the religion and ethical system accepted -by the Persians. He gave a distinct expression to the philosophical -tendencies of his age, and refined the loose polytheistic -conceptions at first held by the Aryans to the -complete dualism in which Ahura-Mazda, the Lord of -Wisdom, and Angra-Mainyu, the Devisor of Evil, became -the essential factors of a definite theological faith.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_29" id="Ref_29" href="#Foot_29">[29]</a></span> On this -foundation an Avesta or Bible of Mazdeism was elaborated, -which laid down the law for the whole conduct of human -life.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_30" id="Ref_30" href="#Foot_30">[30]</a></span> Among the primitive deities most reverence had been -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_377" id="Page_377">{377}</a></span> -paid to Mithra, the sun-god, to Spenta Aramaiti, the earth -spirit, and to Anahita, the goddess of the waters.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_31" id="Ref_31" href="#Foot_31">[31]</a></span> As subordinates -of Ahura-Mazda, these divinities still held an -established place, and were made the immediate objects of -the rites and ceremonies imposed on the pious Iranian. -Hence the sanctity of fire, earth, and water became an -article of faith, and it was believed to be a heinous crime to -contaminate them with any impurity. Whatever was evil -was esteemed to be impure, and, therefore, the work of -Angra-Mainyu. The Druj Nasu, a female demon, personifying -the lie, was regarded as his universal agent, and as -being present imminently under all adverse circumstances. -Such were the principles of Mazdeism, the rigid application -of which, and they were rigidly applied by the Magi, was -productive of many curious sociological phenomena strangely -at variance with the customs of other nations.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_32" id="Ref_32" href="#Foot_32">[32]</a></span> Death was -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_378" id="Page_378">{378}</a></span> -considered to be the greatest of calamities, and hence a -corpse became possessed of the Druj, and the most active -of all sources of contamination. That so foul an object -should be placed in intimate contact with the holy elements -of fire, earth, or water, was sacrilege in the highest degree. -Cremation and burial were, therefore, held in abhorrence, -and a deceased person had to be borne to some isolated -spot, far from fire and water, there to be exposed on an -elevated bier with the intention that the flesh should be -devoured by wild dogs, birds, etc.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_33" id="Ref_33" href="#Foot_33">[33]</a></span> Disease was, of course, -a grade of demoniacal obsession, so that sympathy for the -sick was almost alienated by superstition. If an ordinary -soldier were taken ill on the march he was abandoned by the -wayside, some provisions being left with him, and also a -stick, with which to beat off any carnivorous animals. -Should he recover, on his reappearance all fled from him as -from an apparition risen out of the infernal regions; nor -could he resume intercourse with his relations until he had -undergone a rigorous purification by the Magi.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_34" id="Ref_34" href="#Foot_34">[34]</a></span> Owing to -the holiness of water great reverence was felt for rivers, -which were protected by law from all defilement; and no good -Zoroastrian would travel by ship lest he should pollute the -sea with his normal excrement.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_35" id="Ref_35" href="#Foot_35">[35]</a></span> For purposes of cleansing -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_379" id="Page_379">{379}</a></span> -water was used very charily, and it was sinful to take a bath.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_36" id="Ref_36" href="#Foot_36">[36]</a></span> -The vegetable productions of the earth were viewed with -profound admiration, wherefore the cultivation of gardens -and parks was among the greatest delights of the Persians.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_37" id="Ref_37" href="#Foot_37">[37]</a></span> -The estimation in which cattle were held was the cause of -some singular legislation and ritual enactments. Thus the -urine of the cow was habitually collected and made use -of daily for the purification of the body by washing.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_38" id="Ref_38" href="#Foot_38">[38]</a></span> The -sheep-dog was an object of extreme solicitude, so much so -that the penalty exacted for manslaughter was only half as -onerous as that inflicted for the crime of giving bad food to -such a precious animal,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_39" id="Ref_39" href="#Foot_39">[39]</a></span> but even the latter was a mild -offence compared with the infamy of killing a water-dog, -the name by which the otter was identified, as the wretch -convicted was sentenced to be beaten to death.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_40" id="Ref_40" href="#Foot_40">[40]</a></span> On the -other hand, noxious animals were regarded as the creation -of Angra-Mainyu, and the Magi made it a religious duty to -kill them with their own hands, especially ants, serpents, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_380" id="Page_380">{380}</a></span> -reptiles in general, and certain birds.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_41" id="Ref_41" href="#Foot_41">[41]</a></span> In some cases it was -permitted to the subject to take the law into his own hands -and to slay the guilty person on the spot. Such culprits -were the highwayman, the sodomite, the prostitute, and -anyone caught in the act of burning a corpse.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_42" id="Ref_42" href="#Foot_42">[42]</a></span> On the -whole, however, capital punishment was infrequent, and -almost any trespass, even murder, could be atoned for by -making a money payment to the Magi.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_43" id="Ref_43" href="#Foot_43">[43]</a></span></p> - -<p>In the sociology of Mazdeism the strangest phenomenon -that developed itself was the tenet that affinity by blood was -the highest requisite in a marriage contract. This principle -was inculcated by the priests to an extreme degree, so that -the closer the relationship the more acceptable was the -union affirmed to be in the eyes of the Deity. Not only -could brother and sister marry under religious sanction, but -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_381" id="Page_381">{381}</a></span> -even father and daughter;<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_44" id="Ref_44" href="#Foot_44">[44]</a></span> and, most repugnant of all to the -common inclinations of humanity, the nuptials of mother -and son were expressly enjoined as a righteous act by the -Avesta. This anomalous association of the sexes was justified -partly by the false analogy of certain physiological facts -supplied by the animal kingdom, and partly by an appeal to -precedents to be found in the Iranian mythology. Hybrids -were notoriously infertile, and the congress of horses with -asses engendered mules who were impotent to propagate -their kind. Hence the mingling of family blood was indicated -as essential to preserving the integrity of the race. -Further, it was pointed out that the primaeval man, Gaya -Maretan, impregnated Spenta Aramaiti; that is, his mother -earth, the result of this conjunction being a son and a -daughter. By this union the brother and sister became the -progenitors of the whole human race. At least one Parthian, -and probably several of the Achaemenian and Sassanian -kings, may be noted as having chosen their own mother for -their consort on the throne.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_45" id="Ref_45" href="#Foot_45">[45]</a></span> Such marriages were not -merely ceremonial, although in some instances the chief -inducement may have been to insure the support of the -Magi for a disputed succession.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_46" id="Ref_46" href="#Foot_46">[46]</a></span> Incestuous offspring were -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_382" id="Page_382">{382}</a></span> -not unknown, and the case of Sisimithres, a provincial -potentate subdued by Alexander, is specially mentioned as -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_383" id="Page_383">{383}</a></span> -that of one whose mother-wife had borne him two sons.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_47" id="Ref_47" href="#Foot_47">[47]</a></span> -Rich Persians indulged themselves with several wives, besides -maintaining numerous concubines, but, as monogamy -only was contemplated by the Avesta, the senior wife was -the undisputed mistress of the household.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_48" id="Ref_48" href="#Foot_48">[48]</a></span></p> - -<p>The Parthians found it politic to assimilate their supremacy -to that of the Greeks whom they had displaced; and -thus to attract to themselves the influence which had so -recently been predominant throughout Iran. They, therefore, -distinguished themselves by the epithet of "Philhellen," -and continued to impress their coins in Greek -characters with that affix, even after the Romans had become -most potent in the East. By degrees, however, the memory -of the Greek dominion faded, and before the middle of the -second Christian century orientalism was completely re-established. -Legends in the Pahlavi, or Parthian language, -were adopted for the superscription of the currency, upon -which the Hellenized Serapis now yielded his place to -Mithras or the Mazdean fire-altar.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_49" id="Ref_49" href="#Foot_49">[49]</a></span> As a scion of the house -of Sásán, Ardeshír was naturally much swayed by priestly -influence, and relied on the support of the Magi as the chief -element of his power. By his edicts and inscriptions he proclaimed -himself to be a Mazdayasn, or devout servant of -Ahura-Mazda, and the dynasty he founded was always noted -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_384" id="Page_384">{384}</a></span> -for its firm adherence to the national religion.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_50" id="Ref_50" href="#Foot_50">[50]</a></span> On his accession -Ardeshír undertook the restoration of the Avesta, a -great part of which had been neglected or altogether lost, -and under the supervision of the Magi he caused a purification -or reformation of the faith of Zarathushtra to be begun.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_51" id="Ref_51" href="#Foot_51">[51]</a></span> -This work was continued by his successors, but, as no canon -of scripture had been formed, there were many conflicting -sects, and not until the reign of Sapor II<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_52" id="Ref_52" href="#Foot_52">[52]</a></span> (<i>c.</i> 330) was the -text of the sacred book fixed beyond dispute. Then Adarbâd, -a holy man, produced his recension of the Avesta among -the assembled Magi, and offered to submit himself to the -ordeal of fire in proof of its strict orthodoxy. Molten brass -was poured upon his breast, he passed the test unscathed, -and his reading of the tenets of Mazdeism was never afterwards -contested.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_53" id="Ref_53" href="#Foot_53">[53]</a></span> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_385" id="Page_385">{385}</a></span></p> - -<p>Ardeshír did not, however, base his message of fortune -solely on an appeal to the mystical emotions of his nation; -but he also sought to attach them to himself by stimulating -their patriotism. He professed that he would avenge the -murder of Darius on the inheritors of Alexander, and -asserted himself to be the rightful ruler of all western Asia, -which had been unlawfully wrested from his ancestors. -Thus the Persian empire, as restored by the Sassanians, was -inspired with sentiments which urged it to maintain an inveterate -conflict with Rome.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_54" id="Ref_54" href="#Foot_54">[54]</a></span></p> - -<p>Although there is evidence of constant religious commotion -in Persia under the Sassanidae, it does not appear that -any considerable number of the historical adherents of -Zarathushtra ever swerved from their faith. The numerous -priestly tribe of the Magi not only surrounded the throne, -but were fully disseminated throughout the provinces as the -guardians of Mazdeism. The valley of the Euphrates and -Tigris, however, the most densely populated district of the -empire, was the site of a very heterogeneous ethnology, with -archaeological records which extend backwards for some -thousands of years prior to the descent of the Arians into -Iran. There had existed the kingdoms of Sumer and Akkad, -having an ancient mythology of their own, which was liable -to be diversified by the infiltration of Semitic elements from -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_386" id="Page_386">{386}</a></span> -the south-west.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_55" id="Ref_55" href="#Foot_55">[55]</a></span> In this region Mani flourished and was -enabled to spread his doctrines, but as soon as he threatened -to pervert the loyal Zoroastrians his downfall was brought -about by the resentment of the Magi.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_56" id="Ref_56" href="#Foot_56">[56]</a></span> Here also Christianity -essayed to penetrate into Persia, but with the same result, -and we possess some details of the cruel persecution to -which Christians were subjected whenever they came into -collision with the established religion of the state.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_57" id="Ref_57" href="#Foot_57">[57]</a></span> In some -instances, however, Roman heretics, such as the Nestorians -who fled before the face of an orthodox Emperor, were -accorded an asylum in Persia by a politic Shah.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_58" id="Ref_58" href="#Foot_58">[58]</a></span></p> - -<p>Towards the end of the fifth century a serious ferment in -the ranks of the Zoroastrians themselves was occasioned by -the preaching of a fanatical demagogue named Mazdak. -This reformer aimed at nothing less than a subversion of -the existing sociological status by the induction of a communistic -partage of women and property. All practical class -distinctions were thus to be swept away, so that a level -affluence should prevail throughout the land. It appears that -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_387" id="Page_387">{387}</a></span> -in the early years of his reign Cavades found himself greatly -hampered by the arrogant pretensions of his nobles, wherefore -he lent a favourable ear to the new propaganda, and -gave public encouragement to Mazdak. But the power of -the throne was unequal for the achievement of such a revolution; -the Magi and the nobles met in council, deposed -Cavades, and, with some hesitation conceding to him his -life, caused him to be imprisoned in a stronghold called the -Castle of Oblivion. From this durance he was shortly released -through the devotion of a handsome sister-wife, who -seduced the fidelity of the gaoler by the promise of her -person. Being allowed to sleep for one night in her brother's -apartment, she had him carried out next morning enrolled -in her bed-furniture, for the exemption of which from inspection -she invented a plausible excuse.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_59" id="Ref_59" href="#Foot_59">[59]</a></span> Cavades now -made good his escape to Bactria, where he spent a couple -of years as a guest of the King of the Hephthalites. Ultimately -he obtained the loan of an army from that monarch,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_60" id="Ref_60" href="#Foot_60">[60]</a></span> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_388" id="Page_388">{388}</a></span> -with which he drove his brother Jamâsp, who had been -created king in the meantime, from the throne. As for -Mazdak, it seems that for the next quarter of a century he -was allowed a free hand to propagate his opinions, an attitude -of neutrality being adopted by the Shah and the Magi. His -gospel was accepted by an increasing number of the Iranians, -whom he persuaded that his communism was the only mode -of life which accorded with the precepts of Zarathushtra. -At length the growing transformation of the social system -began to be viewed with alarm; a generation of children -had sprung up who were ignorant of their parentage, and in -all directions the ownership of property was falling into -abeyance.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_61" id="Ref_61" href="#Foot_61">[61]</a></span> It was resolved, therefore, by the Shah and -priests in council that the Mazdakites should be extirpated -by the sweeping Oriental device of a general massacre. In -order to achieve this object an assemblage of all the members -of the sect was convened by Chosroes, the designated -heir to the crown, who had ingratiated himself with Mazdak -and his disciples under the pretence of being a convert to -their doctrines. It was represented that Cavades on a certain -day would abdicate in favour of his son, who would at once -reinstate the throne on the principle that for the future -the Mazdakites should be its chief supporters. The ruse -succeeded; Cavades received the leaders in state surrounded -by the Magi, asserted his imminent retirement, and desired -them to muster their whole following in a place apart. -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_389" id="Page_389">{389}</a></span> -There Chosroes would join them and institute the new -<i>régime</i> with due formality. They obeyed, and were immediately -surrounded by a division of the army, who cut them -to pieces. The remnants of the sect throughout the provinces -were afterwards hunted down, and got rid of by burning at -the stake.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_62" id="Ref_62" href="#Foot_62">[62]</a></span></p> - -<p>The moment we turn our attention to the Persian court, -and begin to observe the material and ceremonial attributes -of the monarch, we discover the prototype of almost the -whole fabric of Byzantine state as displayed at Constantinople. -In the East was found the model of those accretions -which gradually transformed the unassuming Roman Emperor -of the Tiber into the haughty autocrat who overawed -his subjects with pageantry on the Bosphorus; but the -native sobriety of Europe always stopped short of the pronounced -extravagance and hyperbole of Orientalism. The -throne of the Sassanians stood between four pillars which -upheld a ciborium.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_63" id="Ref_63" href="#Foot_63">[63]</a></span> On sitting down, the Shahinshah inserted -his head into the crown, a mass of precious metal -and jewels suspended by a chain, too ponderous to be worn -without extraneous support.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_64" id="Ref_64" href="#Foot_64">[64]</a></span> No epithet was too lofty for -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_390" id="Page_390">{390}</a></span> -the Persian monarch to assume in his epistles; he was -brother of the sun and moon, a god among men, and in -merely mundane affairs the King of kings, the lord of all -nations, as well as everything else expressive of unlimited -power and success.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_65" id="Ref_65" href="#Foot_65">[65]</a></span> When he made a progress out of doors -the streets were cleansed and decorated in the manner -already described as customary during the passage of the -Eastern Emperor.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_66" id="Ref_66" href="#Foot_66">[66]</a></span> Personal reverence was, of course, carried -to the extreme point, and even officials of the highest -rank kissed the ground before venturing to address the -Shah.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_67" id="Ref_67" href="#Foot_67">[67]</a></span> The succession -to the throne was strictly hereditary -and, although several revolutions occurred during the four -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_391" id="Page_391">{391}</a></span> -centuries of the Sassanian rule, in every instance the crown -devolved to a prince of the blood of Ardeshír.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_68" id="Ref_68" href="#Foot_68">[68]</a></span></p> - -<p>A Persian army of this date was very similar to a Roman -one, but there were some essential differences. With the -exception of the Royal guards, which, like those of the -Achaemenians, included a body of ten thousand, called -"the Immortals,"<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_69" id="Ref_69" href="#Foot_69">[69]</a></span> and necessary garrisons, a standing army -was not maintained.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_70" id="Ref_70" href="#Foot_70">[70]</a></span> On each occasion, therefore, the -fighting force had to be levied afresh whenever a campaign -was in prospect, but, as a traditional part of Persian education -was that every youth should be taught to ride and to -become an efficient archer,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_71" id="Ref_71" href="#Foot_71">[71]</a></span> the new recruits were not necessarily -deficient in military training. During a battle, in -fact, they relied chiefly on their missiles, and a Persian -horseman was provided with two bows and thirty arrows.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_72" id="Ref_72" href="#Foot_72">[72]</a></span> -Less importance was attached to the infantry, but they also -consisted of bands of archers. The cavalry were generally -almost as numerous, and in addition a troop of elephants -was often a prominent feature in a Persian army.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_73" id="Ref_73" href="#Foot_73">[73]</a></span></p> - -<p>The revenue of Persia previous to the sixth century was -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_392" id="Page_392">{392}</a></span> -mainly derived from agricultural industry; and every inhabitant -who cultivated the ground handed over to the state -collectors a tithe of whatever economical growth his land -produced. Cavades, however, from personal observation became -impressed with the disadvantages of this system, which -often seriously hampered his subjects in providing for their -daily wants, and deprived them of the full benefit of the -newly ripened crops.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_74" id="Ref_74" href="#Foot_74">[74]</a></span> Thus the rustic population feared to -be accused of falsification if they ventured to supply their -present needs before the arrival of an official whose duty it -was to inspect the produce of the soil and of the fruit-bearing -trees while still in position, and to deliver to them their -note of assessment. Cavades, therefore, decided on the -abolition of tithes in favour of a land-tax, a sweeping reform, -beset with many difficulties, which engaged his attention for -many years, and was only fully established by his successor.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_75" id="Ref_75" href="#Foot_75">[75]</a></span> -With the inhabitants of towns and villages, who did not -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_393" id="Page_393">{393}</a></span> -subsist by agriculture, the Persians adopted the usual expedient, -in this age, of imposing a poll-tax.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_76" id="Ref_76" href="#Foot_76">[76]</a></span></p> - -<p>The Sassanian Empire did not distinguish itself in the -realm of art; and the scanty remains which have been discovered -indicate that their architectural productions owed -much to Byzantine co-operation.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_77" id="Ref_77" href="#Foot_77">[77]</a></span> As temple worship was a -minor feature of the Zoroastrian religion, which consisted -almost wholly in forms of private devotion,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_78" id="Ref_78" href="#Foot_78">[78]</a></span> no ruins pertaining -to buildings of that class have been found;<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_79" id="Ref_79" href="#Foot_79">[79]</a></span> but in -several places portions of dilapidated palaces exist, which -enable us to estimate accurately the artistic proficiency of -the Sassanians.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_80" id="Ref_80" href="#Foot_80">[80]</a></span> The residence of the Shahinshah was a -quadrangular edifice built around a central court. Externally -the walls were diversified by two or three superimposed -rows of slender columns, those rising from the ground being -much taller than the upper ranges. The distinctive part of the -architectural design was an arched entrance, wide and lofty, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_394" id="Page_394">{394}</a></span> -which led into a great domical hall, from whence small -doors gave access to the various chambers of the palace. -All the apartments, at least those of any size, were covered -with a domed roof. To the rather tasteless exterior decoration -of these palaces the remains of an unfinished one discovered -at Mashita, on the edge of the Syrian desert,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_81" id="Ref_81" href="#Foot_81">[81]</a></span> offers -a striking exception. For several feet from the foundations -the walls are covered with an intricate tracing of carving, in -which lions, tigers, and doves, appear entangled amid the -leaves and contorted branches of some luxuriant vegetation.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_82" id="Ref_82" href="#Foot_82">[82]</a></span> -A considerable number of bas-reliefs have come to light -among the ruins of Sassanian palaces, some of them illustrating -the achievements of the dynasty during its wars with -Rome and various powers, others representing hunting -scenes in which are shown the methods of the chase and the -magnificence of the monarch on such occasions amid his -attendant throng of courtiers and guards. The execution of -these works cannot be spoken of as art in the Hellenic -sense, but in chiselling the forms of animal life some -approach to excellence may sometimes be noted, especially -in the case of elephants.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_83" id="Ref_83" href="#Foot_83">[83]</a></span> As for literature, it appears that -the Sassanians produced little or nothing national, with the -exception of priestly elaboration of the Mazdean scriptures, -but in the last days of the empire, a crude history under the -title of <i>Shahnameh</i>, that is, a Book of Kings, was compiled.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_84" id="Ref_84" href="#Foot_84">[84]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_395" id="Page_395">{395}</a></span> -The first important commission entrusted to Belisarius by -Justinian, after his accession to undivided power, was the -construction of a fort at Mindo, a village on the Roman -frontier between Dara and Nisibis.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_85" id="Ref_85" href="#Foot_85">[85]</a></span> As soon as the news of -this bold measure was announced to Cavades he determined -to prevent the execution of the work by every means in his -power. He had already despatched a considerable army -under two of his sons through Persarmenia in order to make -an incursion into Lazica. This force he now diverted from -its original purpose, and directed them to march with all -speed to the scene of the offensive operations.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_86" id="Ref_86" href="#Foot_86">[86]</a></span> Information -of the impending attack was immediately transmitted to the -Emperor. He promptly resolved to frustrate it by a counter-move -of a similar kind. The troops posted in the province -of Libanus under the brothers Cutzes and Butzes, two young -Thracians, were therefore ordered to hasten northwards to -strengthen the hands of Belisarius. Their arrival was well-timed, -and the Persians found themselves intercepted before -they could make an onslaught against the works. The -Orientals halted and proceeded to encamp themselves -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_396" id="Page_396">{396}</a></span> -methodically over against the Romans. They then took the -precaution to cover their line secretly with a series of pits, -at the bottom of which they fixed stakes, and afterwards -restored the surface so as to give the appearance of unbroken -ground.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_87" id="Ref_87" href="#Foot_87">[87]</a></span> The young Thracians, rash and inexperienced, -neglected to observe the precise movements of the enemy, -nor did they delay to take counsel with Belisarius, but -pushed forwards impetuously to join battle with their opponents -as soon as they were able to dispose their forces in -order for an attack. The Persians calmly awaited the assault -until the Byzantines had entered on the treacherous ground, -and became disorganized by falling into the numerous traps -which had been prepared for them. An indiscriminate -slaughter then ensued, most of the officers being killed, but -some of them were taken prisoners, among the latter being -Cutzes. No effort could now avail to save the fort, which -was at once abandoned by Belisarius, who, with the wreck -of the army, made good his retreat to Dara.</p> - -<div class="image-center"> - <img src="images/east.jpg" width="780" height="1000" alt="east" /> - <div class="caption"> - <p>Seat of JUSTINIAN'S WARS in the East</p> - </div> -</div> - -<p>After this disaster Justinian promoted Belisarius to the -rank of Master of the Forces in the East, and authorized -him to levy an army of the greatest possible strength. -In this task he joined with him Hermogenes, Master of -the Offices, whom, with Rufinus, a patrician, he despatched -to the theatre of war. The latter was well known as a -legate at the Persian court, and he was directed to take -advantage of the customary suspension of hostilities during -the winter, which was now at hand, to make overtures to -Cavades for the conclusion of a peace. An interchange of -propositions on the subject was kept up for some months, -during which the Shah maintained an equivocal attitude, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_397" id="Page_397">{397}</a></span> -until, on the approach of spring, scouts brought in the -intelligence that the Persians were advancing with a great -army, evidently counting on the capture of Dara. In a short -time a taunting message was brought to Belisarius from -Perozes, who was in chief command, charging him to prepare -a bath in the town against his arrival on the following -evening.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_88" id="Ref_88" href="#Foot_88">[88]</a></span> This Perozes was one of the elder sons of -Cavades,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_89" id="Ref_89" href="#Foot_89">[89]</a></span> and his insolent confidence was inspired by the -success of the recent action, in which he had borne the -principal part. His notice was taken as a serious warning, -and the Roman generals at once set about disposing their -forces in order of battle, anticipating a decisive engagement -on the following day. Their army consisted of about -25,000 men, most of whom were mounted, and they were -drawn up within a stone's throw of the wall of Dara. -Belisarius and Hermogenes, surrounded by their personal -guards, posted themselves in the rear, next to the town. -Immediately in front of them was ranged the main body of -their troops, in a long line, made up of alternating squads of -horse and foot. A little in advance of these, at each end, -was stationed a battalion of six hundred Huns.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_90" id="Ref_90" href="#Foot_90">[90]</a></span> Such was -the centre to which, but at some distance forward, wings -were supplied, each one composed of about three thousand -cavalry. A trench, interrupted at intervals for passage and -dipping in to meet the centre, covered the whole of this -formation in front, but excluding the two bodies of Hunnish -horse standing at each reentrant angle.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_91" id="Ref_91" href="#Foot_91">[91]</a></span> Lastly, advantage -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_398" id="Page_398">{398}</a></span> -was taken of a small hill lying on the extreme left to form -an ambush of three hundred Herules under their native -leader, Pharas.</p> - -<p>As soon as the Persian host had established itself on the -field, they were perceived to be much more numerous than -the Romans, amounting to quite forty thousand men. The -Mirrhanes, such was the military title borne by Perozes, -drew up his forces in two lines with the design that when -those in front were exhausted they should be replaced by -fresh troops from behind, the movement to become alternating, -if necessary, with intervening periods of rest for each -line. The wings were composed of cavalry, the famous -band of Immortals being stationed on the left, whilst -Perozes himself led the van, supported by the heaviest mass -of combatants. On the first day that the armies stood -facing each other the Persians' left wing suddenly improvised -a skirmish with those opposed to them, but retired -after a brief collision with the loss of seven of their number. -Later on a Persian youth of great prowess rode into the -interspace and defied any Roman to meet him in single -combat. No soldier seemed inclined to respond, but at -length one Andrew, the tent-keeper of Buzes, lately a -trainer of athletes at Constantinople, took up the challenge. -The adversaries charged each other with poised lances, the -Persian was unhorsed, and Andrew, quickly dismounting, -cut his throat with a knife. The Romans shouted with -delight, whilst the Persians, chagrined, determined to retrieve -the mischance, and soon presented another champion. -A horseman, middle-aged, but of great weight, advanced -cracking his whip and calling out for some confident opponent. -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_399" id="Page_399">{399}</a></span> -Still no response from the military on the Roman -side. At last Andrew, despite the express prohibition of -Hermogenes, advanced again and braced himself for the -encounter. The pair charged, their lances glanced aside, -but the horses crashed against each other breast to breast, -and both animals rolled over on the turf. The riders -essayed to rise, but the athlete anticipated his heavy opponent -and despatched him before he could regain his feet. -It was now almost nightfall, and both armies withdrew -from their positions, the Persians to their encampment, the -Romans within the walls of Dara.</p> - -<p>Next day the troops were drawn out on both sides in the -same order, but the Roman generals, relying on the peace -proposals, which they considered to be still in progress, -deemed it possible that a conflict might be avoided. They -addressed a letter, therefore, to the Mirrhanes, representing -the uselessness of further bloodshed at a time when their -respective sovereigns were bent on the resumption of amicable -relations. In his answer Perozes accused his adversaries -of ill faith, and declared his disbelief in the genuineness -of their overtures on behalf of peace. To this Belisarius -replied that Rufinus would shortly be at hand with letters -which would convict the Persians of a wanton rupture of -their engagements, and that they should be fixed to the top -of his standard at the outset of the battle. The rejoinder -of the Mirrhanes closed the parley; he expressed unbounded -confidence, and reiterated his mocking request that a bath -and a suitable repast should be prepared for him forthwith -within the city. His assurance was, in fact, increased at -the moment, for, that very morning, a reinforcement of ten -thousand men had joined him from Nisibis.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_92" id="Ref_92" href="#Foot_92">[92]</a></span> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_400" id="Page_400">{400}</a></span></p> - -<p>As a prelude to the battle the opposing leaders mutually -harangued their men. "The recent encounter," said the -Byzantine generals, "has taught you that the Persians are -not invincible. You are better soldiers than they, and -it is easy to see that on former occasions you suffered -because you disobeyed your officers. The enemy knew it, -and came on here trusting to profit by your want of discipline, -but since their arrival they have been awed by your firm -array. You see before you an immense host, but the -infantry are contemptible, wretched rustics, and mere camp-followers, -fit only to dig beneath the walls or to strip the slain. -They carry no arms to assault you with, and merely cover -themselves with great shields to avoid our darts. Bear -yourselves bravely, and the Persians will never again dare -to invade our country." On the other side, Perozes bade his -troops to take no heed of the skilful tactics now first -observable among the Romans. "You think," said he, -"that your adversaries have become more warlike because -of this imposing formation. On the contrary, the ditch -they have covered their positions with proves their increased -timidity; nor have they, though thus protected, ventured to -attack us. But never doubt that they will fall into their -accustomed confusion the moment we assault them; and -remember that your conduct will hereafter be judged of by -the Shahinshah."</p> - -<p>Shortly after midday<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_93" id="Ref_93" href="#Foot_93">[93]</a></span> the action was begun by the Persian -archers, and, until the quivers were exhausted, showers of -arrows were discharged from each side so thick as to darken -the sky. The rain of missiles from the Orientals was heaviest, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_401" id="Page_401">{401}</a></span> -but an adverse wind rendered it less effective, so that the -Byzantines suffered no more than they inflicted. On its -cessation several thousands of the Persians bore down on -the left wing of the Romans and threw it into disorder. -Already the flight had commenced, when the six hundred -Huns held in reserve on that side charged the left flank of -the enemy; and simultaneously the three hundred Herules, -rushing down the slope of the hill from their ambush, fell -upon them behind. Terrified by these unforseen attacks -the Persians turned and fled indiscriminately, whereupon -the Romans joined in a triple band to take the offensive, -and inflicted on them a loss of fully three thousand before -they could reach their own lines. Considering it unwise, -however, to proceed too far, the Romans soon desisted from -the pursuit, and retired to their original positions.</p> - -<p>A moment later the Persian left wing, including the whole -regiment of Immortals, made a fierce descent on those -opposite them, and succeeded in beating them back to the -wall of Dara. At the sight of this defeat, however, the -Byzantine generals ordered the Hunnish reserve just returned -from pursuit to join their fellows of the right wing, -and launched the whole twelve hundred, together with -their personal guards, against the enemy's flank. As a result -that wing of the Persians was cut in two, the after portion -being arrested in its charge, and among these happened to -be the standard-bearer, who was slain on the spot. Alarmed -at the collapse of the ensign, those who were fighting in -advance, being the majority, now turned to attack the mass -of troops who had gained possession of the ground in their -rear. The discomfited right wing of the Byzantines, thus -freed from danger, immediately rallied and dashed forward -after their lately victorious adversaries. Simultaneously the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_402" id="Page_402">{402}</a></span> -general of the Persian wing in action fell before the lance of -one of the leaders of the Roman reserves and disappeared -from his saddle. A panic then seized on the Orientals, and -they thought of nothing but escape by flight. From all sides -the Romans rushed to make an onslaught on them, they -became hemmed in by a circle of steel, and were slaughtered -without resistance to the number of five thousand. A general -rout of the Persian army ensued; the infantry, on seeing the -destruction of the cavalry, threw away their shields and fled, -but they were quickly overtaken, so that a great majority of -them perished. Belisarius and his colleague, however, fearing -lest the reaction of despair in so great a host might lead to -some disaster, recalled their forces as soon as they judged -the defeat of the enemy to be complete. Such was the -victory of Dara, the achievement of which appears to have -been due mainly to the military talents of Belisarius, whose -age at this date (530) was probably under thirty.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_94" id="Ref_94" href="#Foot_94">[94]</a></span> For the -rest of this war the Persians always avoided fighting a pitched -battle with the Romans.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_95" id="Ref_95" href="#Foot_95">[95]</a></span></p> - -<p>During the succeeding summer desultory hostilities were -carried on in Armenia, where, as a rule, the Byzantines had -the advantage; and two fortified posts of some importance, -Bolum and Pharangium,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_96" id="Ref_96" href="#Foot_96">[96]</a></span> in the Persian division of that -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_403" id="Page_403">{403}</a></span> -country, fell into their hands. At the same time three Persarmenians, -who held commands in the Persian service, deserted -and fled to Constantinople. There they were received -and provided for by a fellow-countryman of their own, the -eunuch Narses, who at the moment filled the office of Count -of the Privy Purse, the same who afterwards attained to great -military celebrity.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_97" id="Ref_97" href="#Foot_97">[97]</a></span> This part of the war was conducted by -Sittas, who had become the husband of Comito, the sister -of Theodora.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_98" id="Ref_98" href="#Foot_98">[98]</a></span> He also had been promoted to the rank of a -Master of Soldiers.</p> - -<p>In the meantime Justinian was still desirous of concluding -a peace, and towards the close of 530 his ambassador, -Rufinus, succeeded in gaining an audience of Cavades. In -reply to a general appeal the Persian monarch complained -bitterly that the whole responsibility of guarding the Caspian -Gates had been thrown on his shoulders, and that the -fortress of Dara was maintained as a constant threat against -his frontier. He also adverted to the fact that Persia was a -poor country, and accused the Romans of penuriousness in -money matters. "Either," said he, "let Dara be dismantled, -or pay an equitable sum towards the upkeep of the Caspian -Gates."<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_99" id="Ref_99" href="#Foot_99">[99]</a></span> He showed no inclination, however, to agree to -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_404" id="Page_404">{404}</a></span> -any specific terms, and dismissed the Roman emissaries in -the evident expectation that some decisive success would -enable him to dictate the articles of a treaty. He was encouraged -by the fact that he was entertaining at the time -several thousand refugees of the Samaritan sect, who had -been driven from their homes in Palestine by religious persecution. -Such internal disorders must lessen the offensive -powers of his rival, whilst the expatriated sectarians were -even anxious to bear arms against their late oppressor.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_100" id="Ref_100" href="#Foot_100">[100]</a></span></p> - -<p>In the beginning of spring (531) it became manifest that -the Persians had been maturing a plan of campaign based -on a strategical diversion, by which they hoped to surprise -the enemy and possess themselves of a rich booty before -their operations could be arrested. The originator of the -scheme was Alamundar, his Saracenic ally, who pointed out -to Cavades that if a descent were made on Euphratesia, the -overlying province of Syria, they might advance to the walls -of Antioch through a populous district teeming with wealthy -towns but slightly guarded, and totally unapprehensive of -their security being threatened. "Antioch itself," said he, -"the richest city of the East, is always given over to public -festivities and theatrical rivalries, and is divested of a garrison. -Well might we capture it and make good our retreat to -Persia without meeting with a hostile force. In Mesopotamia, -to which the war has been confined hitherto, the -enemy is prepared for us, and we can inflict no damage on -them without engaging in a perpetual series of battles." His -advice was acted upon, and a Persian general, Azarathes, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_405" id="Page_405">{405}</a></span> -invaded Euphratesia with fifteen thousand horse, supported -by a numerous body of Saracenic auxiliaries. The news of -their entry on Roman territory was speedily conveyed to -Belisarius at Dara, and he resolved to proceed at once by -forced marches to meet the raiders. His army consisted of -about twenty thousand men, including cavalry and infantry, -and he moved with such rapidity that he succeeded in -bringing the enemy to a stand at Gabbulae, before they had -had time to commit any serious depredations.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_101" id="Ref_101" href="#Foot_101">[101]</a></span> Azarathes -and Alamundar were taken aback at this encounter, which -falsified all their calculations. They were devoid of confidence -in their power to resist a Roman force, especially -when led by a general who had so lately proved his -superiority; and they, therefore, decided to abandon the -expedition and to retrace their steps with all haste to their -own country. Belisarius, on his side, was well satisfied when -he perceived that his adversaries were anxious only to beat -a retreat, and he determined to leave them unmolested, but -to follow their movements until he saw them safely over the -border of the province. The two armies were separated from -each other by about a day's march, and they proceeded for -several days in an easterly direction along the bank of the -Euphrates, which lay to the left of their route. Each evening -the Byzantines spread their tents on the same camping -ground which had been occupied by the Orientals during -the previous night. They began to cross the northern extremity -of the Syrian desert.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_102" id="Ref_102" href="#Foot_102">[102]</a></span> In the meantime, however, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_406" id="Page_406">{406}</a></span> -the Roman troops had become inflamed with the desire to -attack an enemy whom they saw constantly flying before -them; and at length they broke into open murmurs against -their general who, from sloth and timidity, they exclaimed, -was restraining them from a glorious success. Belisarius -strove to repress their ardour by urging that no fruitful -victory was possible under the conditions present, whereas -the enemy, if driven to desperation, might inflict a defeat -which would restore to them their liberty of action, and be -attended with disastrous consequences to the surrounding -country. He also represented to his men that their strength -was sapped by incessant marching, and especially by the -fasts imposed on them by the season of Lent, through which -they were passing; finally, that a portion of the army had -not yet arrived. At last he was overborne by their clamours, -in which many of his officers joined, and even expressed his -confidence that a general could not fail to conquer when in -command of troops so eager to be led into action.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_103" id="Ref_103" href="#Foot_103">[103]</a></span> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_407" id="Page_407">{407}</a></span></p> - -<p>On Easter Eve the Romans overtook the Persians, and -the two armies encamped in sight of each other at a short -distance from the town of Callinicus on the Euphrates. The -day was observed as a strict fast, but nevertheless on the -Sunday morning Belisarius drew out his forces and disposed -them in order of battle. His infantry he placed on the left, -so that their flank should be protected by the river. The -centre was composed of cavalry, among whom he took up -his own station, whilst the right wing was allocated to a -body of Saracens under Arethas, a sheikh who had been -induced to become an ally of the Empire as a counterpoise -to the power of Alamundar. On the other side two divisions -only were made, the Persians occupying the right and the -Saracens the left. As usual the engagement was begun by -the archers, who consumed nearly two-thirds of the day in -emptying their quivers. The Persians, however, shot out -weakly with relaxed strings, and their darts were to be seen -continually leaping backwards after impinging on cuirasses, -helmets, or shields. But the Byzantine bowmen, though -much fewer in number, were more robust, and almost always -succeeded in transfixing those whom they struck with their -arrows. A determined charge on the Romans by the best -troops of the enemy ensued, upon which the tribesmen led -by Arethas, cowed by the superior prestige of Alamundar, -fled almost without striking a blow. As a consequence Belisarius, -with his cavalry, was surrounded on three sides, and -subjected to a fierce attack which it was impossible to resist. -A band of two thousand Isaurians, who had been among -those most eager for a conflict, scarcely dared to use their -weapons, and nearly all of them were slain on the spot. A -large number of the centre, however, exhausted though they -were with fasting, defended themselves strenuously, and inflicted -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_408" id="Page_408">{408}</a></span> -great loss on their opponents. When at length -Belisarius saw that there was no hope for the residue of his -cavalry but annihilation, he drew them off rapidly to the -left, and joined those of the infantry who still held their -ground on the river's bank. There, with great presence of -mind, he improvised a phalanx, dismounting himself and -ordering all his horsemen to follow his example. With -serried shields and projecting lances they formed an impenetrable -mass which every effort of the enemy failed to -break. Again and again the whole body of the Persian horse -rode down upon the bristling phalanx; but the Romans -drove them back with lance thrusts, and so terrified the -animals by clashing their shields, that they shook their riders -off. The conflict was only terminated by nightfall, when the -Persians returned to their camp, and Belisarius, having -obtained possession of a ferry-boat, transferred the remnant -of the army to a safe retreat on an adjacent island of the -river. Next day he summoned a batch of transports from -Callinicus, and in a short time all were securely lodged -within the town.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_104" id="Ref_104" href="#Foot_104">[104]</a></span></p> - -<p>Soon after the battle on the Euphrates Justinian recalled -Belisarius to Constantinople and entrusted him with the -organization of an expedition which he contemplated against -the Vandals in the west. The chief command in the east -then devolved on Sittas.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_105" id="Ref_105" href="#Foot_105">[105]</a></span> As for the Persian generals who -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_409" id="Page_409">{409}</a></span> -had been opposed to Belisarius in the two leading engagements -of the war, they incurred almost equal odium in the -eyes of their royal master. The Mirrhanes was deprived of -the rich insignia of an order of nobility which conferred a -dignity second only to that of the throne; whilst Azarathes, -who claimed the honours of a victorious general on his reappearance -at court, could produce no evidence of his success -and, after a muster of the troops, was upbraided by Cavades -for having lost the half of his army.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_106" id="Ref_106" href="#Foot_106">[106]</a></span></p> - -<p>At this juncture Justinian seems almost to have despaired -of obtaining a peace on any equitable terms from Persia, -although he kept his legates, Rufinus and Hermogenes, on -the confines of both empires in continual readiness to institute -negotiations. He began, therefore, to devise some means -of neutralizing the injurious effect of being in perpetual conflict -with his impracticable neighbour. To provoke a hostile -incursion against his antagonist from some remote frontier -might force him to suspend his assaults on the Empire; -whilst the serious interference with Byzantine commerce due -to the import of silk across his enemy's dominions being in -abeyance would disappear if the trade in that indispensable -commodity could be diverted to some friendly route. The -geographical and political situation of Aethiopia or Axum -and the amicable relations of that kingdom with the Empire -seemed to satisfy all the conditions essential to the success -of this project. The civilization of Axum and part of its -population had originally been derived from the Arabian -province of Yemen, on the opposite side of the Red Sea. -In the course of time the offspring prospered and turned -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_410" id="Page_410">{410}</a></span> -upon its parent; and by the middle of the fourth century -the Negus<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_107" id="Ref_107" href="#Foot_107">[107]</a></span> of Axum had become the overlord of his less -powerful neighbour, the king of the Homerites or Himyarites, -as the inhabitants of that district of Arabia were called in -this age. Christian missions began to penetrate these regions -shortly after the reign of Constantine, and at the present time -the Axumites were enthusiastic votaries of that religion and -of Rome. Himyar, however, was full of Jews who had fled -before Hadrian and his predecessors after the subjection of -Palestine and the destruction of Jerusalem, and, therefore, of -religious dissension; and the championship of the Cross -more than once furnished an occasion for the Aethiopian -despot to carry his arms into the Arabian kingdom for the -maintenance of his rather precarious suzerainty. Only recently, -in the reign of Justin (<i>c.</i> 524), the Negus of the day, -Elesbaas,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_108" id="Ref_108" href="#Foot_108">[108]</a></span> had -crossed the gulf, expelled a Jewish ruler, and -established Esimphaeus, a Christian, in his stead.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_109" id="Ref_109" href="#Foot_109">[109]</a></span></p> - -<p>To Elesbaas, therefore, Justinian determined to apply, and -forthwith detached an ambassador named Julian to enlist his -aid against Persia. The embassy, provided with a letter and -suitable presents, took ship for Alexandria, navigated the -Nile to Coptos, crossed the desert to Berenice, and from thence -sailed down the Red Sea to Adule.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_110" id="Ref_110" href="#Foot_110">[110]</a></span> The Negus was transported -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_411" id="Page_411">{411}</a></span> -with joy as soon as he heard that a party of Roman -delegates was approaching Axum, and advanced from his -capital to meet them sustained by all the excess of barbaric -state. He was standing on a lofty car adorned with plates of -gold, which was drawn by four elephants. His guards -crowded around him, each one armed with a pair of gilded -spears and a small gilt shield, and a company of musicians -blew with exultant strains on their shrill pipes. The dusky -potentate himself was almost devoid of clothing proper, but -was decked from head to foot with a profusion of precious -ornaments. On his head he wore a white turban interwoven -with gold thread and four golden chains hung from it on each -side. A linen mantle weighted with pearls and golden nails, -open in front, flowed from his shoulders; and a kilt seamed -with precious metal was dependent from his girdle. A necklace -and bracelets of gold, with arms similar to those borne -by his guards, completed his equipment.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_111" id="Ref_111" href="#Foot_111">[111]</a></span></p> - -<p>Julian knelt and presented his letter, but was immediately -bidden to rise, whilst the Negus kissed the seal of the missive, -and listened to its contents as read by an interpreter. -He at once promised compliance with all Justinian's requests; -an army of his vassal Saracens should march against -the Sassanian realm, and the cargoes of silk from Malabar -should be diverted from the Persian Gulf to be discharged -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_412" id="Page_412">{412}</a></span> -at Adule.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_112" id="Ref_112" href="#Foot_112">[112]</a></span> After the lapse of a year another envoy was -despatched from Constantinople, and Nonnosus, one of a -family of legates, familiarized with these regions by constant -visits, traversed not only Axum, but Yemen, in order to -stimulate the execution of these important schemes.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_113" id="Ref_113" href="#Foot_113">[113]</a></span> In -the end, however, the project failed of achievement; the -tribes of Himyar shrunk from entering on a long and -arduous journey over the sandy wastes to attack an enemy -whom they believed to be more bellicose than themselves, -while the shipmasters could not be induced to avoid the -Persian ports, where they found eager buyers for all the silk -they could procure.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_114" id="Ref_114" href="#Foot_114">[114]</a></span> The death of Elesbaas occurred shortly -afterwards, but not before an interior revolt had freed Himyar -for a time from the Aethiopian supremacy.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_115" id="Ref_115" href="#Foot_115">[115]</a></span></p> - -<p>In the next phase of the war, martial activity centred -around Martyropolis, a fortified town of Roman Armenia, -situated on the river Nymphius. A considerable Persian -army, under several veteran generals, beset the stronghold -with all the engines proper to a determined siege in the warfare -of the period. At the same time Cavades, octogenarian -though he was, resolute in his purpose to do all the damage -possible to his adversaries, provoked an artificial irruption -of the Huns into Roman territory, and opened the Caspian -Gates to a great host of those barbarians. At his instigation -they carried their depredations rapidly to the south, and in -the autumn of 531 effected a junction with the Persian forces -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_413" id="Page_413">{413}</a></span> -around Martyropolis. Buzes and Bessas commanded the -garrison of the town, but without confidence in their powers -of resistance to the assault; for not only were the walls -easily surmountable in many places, but the beleaguered -were ill supplied with sustenance, and with warlike machines -to repel the assaults of the enemy.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_116" id="Ref_116" href="#Foot_116">[116]</a></span> Nor had the Byzantines -any troops in the field with whom they could hope to raise -the siege; and Sittas, though posted at only one day's -march from the scene of hostilities, feared to approach -nearer with the slender army at his disposal.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_117" id="Ref_117" href="#Foot_117">[117]</a></span> From time to -time successful sallies were made by the besieged, and -Bessas, who was a bold cavalry leader, now, as on former -occasions, found opportunities of inflicting considerable loss -on the foe; but nevertheless it was felt that a crisis disastrous -to the Romans could not long be delayed.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_118" id="Ref_118" href="#Foot_118">[118]</a></span> In this -impass a stratagem was concerted and carried out effectively, -which blunted the ardour of the siege and eventually -saved the town. As in all ages, it was the practice to maintain -spies in an enemy's camp; and between both nations -there was a habitual interchange of renegades who were -anxious to betray the secrets of their country, attracted by -the substantial rewards which generally accrued to such -treason. A man of this class was now at hand, one whose -reliability had been tested by the Emperor himself, and he -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_414" id="Page_414">{414}</a></span> -was instructed to reveal to the Persian generals with professed -good faith his pretended discovery that the Huns, -corrupted by Byzantine gold, only awaited an opportune -moment to change sides in their warfare. The spy executed -his commission faithfully, and his communication was listened -to with consternation by the military council.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_119" id="Ref_119" href="#Foot_119">[119]</a></span> The -Orientals, distrustful of their uncongenial allies, relaxed -their energies, and the siege was protracted until the severity -of the weather compelled a cessation of arms for the season. -The Persians gladly agreed to a truce and retired into -winter quarters, but the Huns, now freed from control, -began to work their way towards the south with Antioch as -their goal, plundering every assailable habitation which lay -in their track. They were pursued unremittingly by Bessas, -who cut up marauding bands, captured their spoils, and -finally succeeded in chasing the survivors out of the -country.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_120" id="Ref_120" href="#Foot_120">[120]</a></span></p> - -<p>In the meantime an event had occurred which produced -an immediate change in the relations of the two empires, -and virtually ended the war before the advent of spring -called for a resumption of hostilities. Early in September -Cavades was suddenly prostrated by illness, whereupon he -summoned Chosroes, and caused him to be crowned hastily -at his bedside. A few days afterwards he expired, at the age -of eighty-two in the forty-fourth year of his reign.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_121" id="Ref_121" href="#Foot_121">[121]</a></span> As usual -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_415" id="Page_415">{415}</a></span> -in Oriental successions the new Shah was unable to seat -himself firmly on the throne without making away with -several of his near relatives who formed a nucleus around -whom malcontents might cluster.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_122" id="Ref_122" href="#Foot_122">[122]</a></span> Preoccupied, therefore, -with his domestic affairs, he was anxious to be relieved from -the onus of a foreign war, and signified shortly to the -Roman legates his willingness to negotiate a treaty.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_123" id="Ref_123" href="#Foot_123">[123]</a></span> Rufinus -was credited with being a peculiarly grateful personage to -Chosroes owing to his having consistently advised Cavades, -during his long intimacy with him, to elevate his third son -to the throne. It was also reported that the Persian queen-mother -was in secret sympathy with Christianity and, therefore, -used her influence over her son to promote peaceful -relations with the Byzantines.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_124" id="Ref_124" href="#Foot_124">[124]</a></span> But the lessons of the war -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_416" id="Page_416">{416}</a></span> -had not been lost on Chosroes, and he felt strong enough to -impose conditions so exacting that the Roman plenipotentiaries -were unable to accept them on their own responsibility. -Invasion of the empire in force had been the distinctive -feature of every campaign and, while Persian territory -had been subjected only to some desultory raids, the -brunt of the war had been borne by the Byzantines on their -own ground. Under an obligation to perform the double -journey in seventy days, Rufinus posted to Constantinople -to hold a special conference with Justinian. He returned -with a virtual consent to all the effective demands of Chosroes, -and in less than a year after the death of Cavades a -treaty was ratified under the reassuring title of "the Perpetual -Peace." By this convention the substantial captures -made by each party were to be exchanged; the fugitive -Iberians were to be allowed the option of residing peacefully -in their own country or of remaining under the protection of -Justinian; Dara was not to be demolished, but the military -Duke of Mesopotamia was to remove his headquarters from -thence to an unimportant town at some distance from the -frontier;<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_125" id="Ref_125" href="#Foot_125">[125]</a></span> and the -Caspian Gates were to be left in the sole -charge of Persia. The two last articles were concessions on -the part of the Shahinshah, to counterbalance which the -Romans agreed to pay an indemnity of one hundred and -ten centenaries of gold (£440,000).<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_126" id="Ref_126" href="#Foot_126">[126]</a></span> Rufinus deposited the -amount in specie at Nisibis, and the war was thus terminated -with some military glory to the Byzantines, but with no -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_417" id="Page_417">{417}</a></span> -inconsiderable loss of their material possessions, which -accrued for the most part to the advantage of the Orientals.</p> - -<p>During the whole of this period the barbarians to the -north of the Danube and Euxine were kept in a state of -active commotion by various influences; and, if at any -moment the countless wild hordes, who peopled that immense -region, could have been moved by a unanimous impulse -to hurl their combined force against the Empire, it -seems impossible but that the Byzantine administration -must have succumbed at once and finally to the irresistible -shock. But there were always three forces in being which -co-operated to avert such a catastrophe, and saved the Empire -for many centuries from sudden annihilation. Its -lengthened preservation in this connection was due to the -diverse powers of arms, of wealth, and of religion. Conversion -to Christianity was continually inspiring a proportion of -these semi-savage races with a desire to enter into amicable -relations with the Roman Emperor, in whom they saw the -prime source of the mystical lore which they had just been -taught to regard with awe. Rich presents were despatched -to the most accessible of the barbarian rulers, who were thus -induced to pledge their allegiance to the Byzantine state.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_127" id="Ref_127" href="#Foot_127">[127]</a></span> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_418" id="Page_418">{418}</a></span> -These various influences not only protected the Empire from -many impending assaults, but, by animating the barbarians -with invidious feelings against each other, often caused dissentient -tribes to engage in the work of mutual self-destruction. -Lastly, the residue who actually crossed the frontier -with hostile intent were met by the Masters of Soldiers, and -with varying success checked in their advance, or cut to -pieces.</p> - -<p>The influence of religion, at the same time conjunctive and -disruptive, has already been exemplified in connection with -Lazica and Iberia; and a couple of nearly similar instances, -occurring shortly after the accession of Justinian, will be -noticed explicitly in a future chapter.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_128" id="Ref_128" href="#Foot_128">[128]</a></span> An illustration of the -advantage derived by the Emperor from the judicious bestowal -of treasure on barbarian potentates is also brought -before us during this war with Persia.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_129" id="Ref_129" href="#Foot_129">[129]</a></span> Two Hunnish kings, -subsidized by Cavades, were on the march to join the Persian -army with an auxiliary force amounting to twenty -thousand men. But a queen of the Sabirian Huns, named -Boarex, who had been the recipient of Justinian's liberality, -was able to put a hundred thousand of her nation under -arms. This martial female did not hesitate to attack her -kindred; but, falling on them before they could reach their -destination, destroyed the expeditionary force, slew one of -the leaders, and sent the other to Constantinople, where he -was impaled on the shore at Sycae, by order of the Emperor.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_130" id="Ref_130" href="#Foot_130">[130]</a></span> -On the Illyrian frontier the Masters of the Forces -in that region were in almost perpetual conflict with barbarian -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_419" id="Page_419">{419}</a></span> -raiders. Previous to 529 the command on the Danube had -been entrusted to Ascum, a Christian Hun, but, being captured -by a marauding band of his own race during a skirmish, -he was carried off and permanently retained by them -in their native abodes. He was succeeded by Mundus, a -Gepœd of royal race, who had formerly been in the service of -Italy. After the death of Theodoric, however, he placed his -sword at the disposal of Justinian, to whom he proved a -faithful servant not only in the defence of Illyricum, but -shortly afterwards at a critical period of his reign in the -capital.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_131" id="Ref_131" href="#Foot_131">[131]</a></span></p> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_1" id="Foot_1" href="#Ref_1">[1]</a> -The minute description of Justinian's personal appearance is due to -Procopius (Anecd., 8), and Malala (xviii, p. 425), whose descriptions -seem to correspond fairly. There are several representations of Justinian, -but it is doubtful whether any of them rise to actual portraiture. Those -found on a large gold medal formerly in a museum at Paris (stolen 1835) -were probably the best (reproduced by Isambert, <i>op. cit.</i>; Diehl, <i>op. cit.</i>, -p. 23). He appears in the great mosaics at Ravenna (see p. 91), and -also in a half-length figure in St. Apollinare of the same town. Further -there is a MS. sketch at CP. (Mordtmann, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 65). In addition -there is the current coinage, especially the copper, on which his image -is impressed. Generally the face is pronouncedly round, but, one and -all, these likenesses are too crude to convey any physiognomical information. -See also p. 308.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_2" id="Foot_2" href="#Ref_2">[2]</a> -Procopius, Anecd., 8. He relates that after the butchery of Domitian -all his statues were broken to pieces, but his wife afterwards fitted -the fragments of his body together and caused a new figure to be sculptured -from them. There is an almost perfect statue of Domitian in the -Vatican, which may be the one he alludes to, if there is any truth in his -story.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_3" id="Foot_3" href="#Ref_3">[3]</a> -Jn. Malala, xviii, p. 425; Chron. Paschal, an. 566. "You would -have taken him for a man with the mind of a sheep," says Procopius, -Anecd., 13.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_4" id="Foot_4" href="#Ref_4">[4]</a> -His character and manners can be collected from Procopius (Anecd., -6, 8, 10, 13, 15, 22, etc.) and Zonaras, xiv, 8. His personal influence -is well illustrated by the incident already related (p. 303) of his rescuing -a patrician from the mob although at the time he was only a Candidate; -and by his deliberate <i>mésalliance</i> with Theodora being permitted without -a murmur from Church or State. His stolid conviction may be compared -to that of Robespierre, of whom, when he first began to speak on -public affairs, Mirabeau remarked, "That young man will go far; he -believes every word he says."</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_5" id="Foot_5" href="#Ref_5">[5]</a> -Procopius, Anecd., 8; 13. In many of his enactments he emphasizes -his unremitting assiduity in the interest of his subjects, <i>e.g.</i>: "We -shun no difficulties, continually watching, fasting, and labouring for our -subjects, even beyond what can be borne by the human frame"; Nov. -xxx, 11; cf. viii, <i>pf.</i>; lxxx, <i>pf.</i>, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_6" id="Foot_6" href="#Ref_6">[6]</a> -Procopius, Anecd., 22. "He was excessively senseless and like a -dull ass that follows whoever holds the bridle," <i>ibid.</i>, 8. "As to his -opinions he was lighter than dust, and at the mercy of those who wished -to urge him to one side or the other," <i>ibid.</i>, 13.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_7" id="Foot_7" href="#Ref_7">[7]</a> -There is but one representation of Theodora, that in the companion -mosaic to the one above-mentioned at Ravenna, but the face is too unfinished -and expressionless to give any idea of her features or character.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_8" id="Foot_8" href="#Ref_8">[8]</a> -Procopius, Anecd., 12.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_9" id="Foot_9" href="#Ref_9">[9]</a> -Procopius, Anecd., 15.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_10" id="Foot_10" href="#Ref_10">[10]</a> -Procopius, Anecd., 15. This Porphyrio, such was the popular name -bestowed on the monster, must have been a cachalot or sperm whale, -which inhabits tropical and sub-tropical seas. It grows to a length of -50 or 60 feet. The males fight viciously among themselves. Small ships -have been damaged by the animal when provoked by an attack.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_11" id="Foot_11" href="#Ref_11">[11]</a> -Nov. viii, 1. Officials, on taking office, had to swear to Justinian -and Theodora conjointly; <i>ibid.</i>, <i>jusjur.</i>; cf. Nov. xxviii, 5; xxix, 4; -xxx, 6, 11. Zonaras remarks, "In the time of Justinian there was not -a monarchy, but a dual reign. His partner for life was not less potent, -perhaps even more so than himself," xiv, 6; cf. Paul Silent., i, 62. -The reign has been compared to that of Louis XIV; but the character -of that monarch was more evident in Theodora than in her husband.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_12" id="Foot_12" href="#Ref_12">[12]</a> -"In fact she was much abler than he was and highly ingenious in -finding new and varied expedients." Zonaras, <i>loc. cit.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_13" id="Foot_13" href="#Ref_13">[13]</a> -As Messalina, the elder Faustina, Soaemias, etc.; see chap. iv.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_14" id="Foot_14" href="#Ref_14">[14]</a> -Procopius, Anecd., 2.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_15" id="Foot_15" href="#Ref_15">[15]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, 15.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_16" id="Foot_16" href="#Ref_16">[16]</a> -Procopius, Anecd., 30.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_17" id="Foot_17" href="#Ref_17">[17]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_18" id="Foot_18" href="#Ref_18">[18]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, 10; Evagrius, iv, 10; Victor Ton.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_19" id="Foot_19" href="#Ref_19">[19]</a> -See Bevan's House of Seleucus, Lond., 1902.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_20" id="Foot_20" href="#Ref_20">[20]</a> -The campaigns of Trajan are very imperfectly recorded in the only -extant account, that of Dion Cassius as preserved in the careless epitome -of Xiphilinus; Zonaras, xi, 21. It is certain that he took the twin -capitals of Parthia, Seleucia and Ctesiphon, which faced each other -from opposite sides of the Euphrates, and advanced to the Persian Gulf. -He marched into Arabia, but the evidence that he penetrated to the -Indian Ocean, as Tillemont thinks, is insufficient.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_21" id="Foot_21" href="#Ref_21">[21]</a> -The capture of Seleucia by Avidius Cassius (165), and his brutal -massacre of 300,000 of its inhabitants, mostly Greeks, is often alluded -to as an irreparable blow to Western civilization in the East; Dion Cas., -lxxi, 2, etc. Severus took Ctesiphon in 199; Herodian; Hist. August. In -283 Carus also took Ctesiphon; Hist. August.; Aurelius Vict. Under -Diocletian, Galerius extended the Empire beyond the Tigris; Aurel. -Vict.; Eutropius, ix.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_22" id="Foot_22" href="#Ref_22">[22]</a> -See Plutarch's account of the affair and his general remarks on it; -Vit. Alex.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_23" id="Foot_23" href="#Ref_23">[23]</a> -In the vicinity of Shiraz; described by modern travellers as a garden -of fertility.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_24" id="Foot_24" href="#Ref_24">[24]</a> -Most information as to the rise, etc., of Ardeshír (Artakhshathr on -coins, that is, Artaxerxes as adapted to their language by the Greeks), -will be found in Tabari with Nöldeke's commentary; <i>op. cit.</i>; cf. -Zotenberg, <i>op. cit.</i>, ii, 40. The great value of Nöldeke's book consists -not so much in the flimsy text as in his notes and excursuses which bring -together all collateral information to be found in other writers of the -period. Zotenberg's version is, of course, from the Persian, the translation -of a translation.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_25" id="Foot_25" href="#Ref_25">[25]</a> -The Great Salt Desert in the interior of Persia is somewhat triangular, -each of the sides measuring about 400 miles.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_26" id="Foot_26" href="#Ref_26">[26]</a> -Modern Orientalists are of opinion that the pictures of Persian life -given by James Morier (Hajji Baba of Ispahan, 1824, etc.) may be -applied without much loss of truth even to the age of the Achaemenians. -When we reflect that till 1888 Persia had no railway, and now only -eight miles, the verisimilitude of the statement will be apparent.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_27" id="Foot_27" href="#Ref_27">[27]</a> -See the first Fargard of the Vendidâd where the "Kine's soul," -representing mankind, bewails her hard lot before the supreme being. -Generally the primitive conditions of life in Iran are well set forth by -Max Duncker, Hist. of Antiquity, Lond. 1881, vol. v.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_28" id="Foot_28" href="#Ref_28">[28]</a> -His actual date is unknown, and his existence at any time not certain, -but Duncker surmises this period.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_29" id="Foot_29" href="#Ref_29">[29]</a> -The Iranian mythology is summarized at length by Duncker, but -the person of Zoroaster is altogether shadowy, and his date can only be -fixed by conjecture. He is, of course, done away with altogether by -some Orientalists, <i>e.g.</i> Darmsteter. In later times, as among the modern -Persians (Parsees), the names of the opposing gods were abbreviated to -Ormuzd and Ahriman.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_30" id="Foot_30" href="#Ref_30">[30]</a> -The Persian Bible is written in a language without a name, and, it -may be added, without an alphabetical character. The name <i>Zend</i>, -however, is now firmly attached to it among Western scholars through a -mistake of the first investigators, who, always finding it coupled with -<i>Avesta</i>, thought it must apply to the language of the sacred text. It -actually means commentary. Zend is a sister tongue of that spoken in -the same age across the Indus, and the oldest specimens (the Gáthas of -the Avesta) by slight systematic alterations can be turned into good old -Sanskrit. The alphabet applied to it, as now preserved, is that of the -Middle Persian or Pahlavi, which was the language spoken by the Sassanians. -Old Persian, the speech of Darius and Xerxes, was written in -cuneiform (Behistun inscription, etc.), like the impressions on the well-known -clay tablets, etc., of the long-previous literature of Babylonia. -The Avesta originally consisted of twenty-one <i>nasks</i> or books, but less -than a quarter is now extant. There is, however, an epitome of it in the -Dinkard, a religious compilation of the eighth century. The book was -unknown to the Greeks and Romans, but Pausanias (v, 27) mentions -that the Magi had a volume from which they read. Darmsteter (Sacred -Books of the East, Lond., 1895, Introd. to Vendidâd) considers that -the composition is almost in its entirety of a date subsequent to Alexander. -The sacred books of the Parsees, as far as they have been translated, -are to be found in Max Müller's series (Lond., 1880, etc.), just -mentioned, vols. iv, xxiii, xxxi (Zend-Avesta), and v, xviii, xxiv, xxxviii -(religious treatises in Pahlavi).</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_31" id="Foot_31" href="#Ref_31">[31]</a> -Mithra, so-named, long enjoyed a supremacy among the Aryans -both in India and Persia. Spenta Aramaiti is one of the Amesha Spentas -(later Amshaspands, that is, "Holy Immortals," or Council of Ormuzd, -but, although they appear in the Avesta, Darmsteter (<i>loc. cit.</i>) argues a -Platonic and, therefore, late origin for them. Thus Vohu Manô ("Good -Thought"), their chief and the premier of Ormuzd, appears to be an -exact counterpart of the Philonic Logos. Anahita stands for the Vedic -Varuna, the waters of the sky, but the name is that of the Babylonian -Venus, and her attributes are partly of the concupiscent type.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_32" id="Foot_32" href="#Ref_32">[32]</a> -The Vendidâd ("laws against the evil ones") is the nask which -contains all the legislation respecting rites and ceremonies, offences, -crimes, etc., punishments to be inflicted, means of expiation, etc. Like -parts of the Pentateuch, it is all in the form of a dialogue between the -prophet and the Deity.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_33" id="Foot_33" href="#Ref_33">[33]</a> -These Dakhmas, or "Towers of Silence," for the disposal of the -dead are well-known to the Anglo-Indians who have resided at Bombay, -which almost all Parsees, the present-day Zoroastrians, have adopted as -their native city. They number about 60,000.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_34" id="Foot_34" href="#Ref_34">[34]</a> -This account is due to Agathias, ii, 23; cf. Herodotus, i, 138.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_35" id="Foot_35" href="#Ref_35">[35]</a> -Agathias, ii, 24; Herodotus, <i>loc. cit.</i> Contrary to former belief -(Rawlinson, etc.), the Parthians were pious Mazdeites, as Darmsteter -has shown. Thus, when Tiridates visited Nero, he and his retinue, including -several priests, journeyed overland to avoid defiling the sea; -Justin, xli; Pliny, Hist. Nat., xxx, 17.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_36" id="Foot_36" href="#Ref_36">[36]</a> -One Shah, Balâsh, was, in fact, dethroned by the Mohbeds (Magi) -for having erected public bath-houses; Jos. Stylites, <i>op. cit.</i> (Wright).</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_37" id="Foot_37" href="#Ref_37">[37]</a> -Xenophon, Oeconom., iv, 13; Xerxes, on his way to Greece, arriving -at a handsome plane tree, adorned it with jewels of gold, and left -one of his personal guards as a custodian of it; Herodotus, vii, 31.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_38" id="Foot_38" href="#Ref_38">[38]</a> -The Bareshnûm, or great ceremony of purification, lasted nine days -and consisted chiefly in the systematic application of <i>nirung</i> or <i>gomez</i> -(urine of kine) to different parts of the body; see West's translation of -the rubric, Sacr. Bks. of the East, xviii, 431.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_39" id="Foot_39" href="#Ref_39">[39]</a> -Vendidâd, xiii, 24 (63). The manslaughterer got off with sixty -stripes, but the bad feeder became a <i>peshotanu</i> and received two hundred, -the maximum, it seems, actually inflicted.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_40" id="Foot_40" href="#Ref_40">[40]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, xiv, 1; iv, 40 (106).</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_41" id="Foot_41" href="#Ref_41">[41]</a> -Vendidâd, xiv, 5 (9). Part of the expiation for the murder of an otter -was to kill 10,000 of every sort of noxious animal. The punishments, -or tasks imposed in lieu of, are sometimes so extravagant, that they can -only be intended to emphasize the heinousness of the sin, a useful principle -to elevate the authority of the priesthood; cf. Herodotus, i, 140.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_42" id="Foot_42" href="#Ref_42">[42]</a> -Vendidâd, viii, 26 (74); 74 (233); xviii, 61 (123); cf. iii, 38 (130); -iv, 47 (130). As will be seen from these passages a proselyte to Mazdeism -began a new life with a clean slate. Thus a member of an alien faith -could commute the severest penalty by announcing himself as a convert -to the religion of Zerdusht.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_43" id="Foot_43" href="#Ref_43">[43]</a> -Vendidâd, xiv, 2; cf. Herodotus, i, 137; vii, 194. Punishment was -inflicted with a <i>sraosha</i> (sort of whip), and each stripe was valued at six -rupees. In practice the maximum was 200 stripes for a <i>peshotanu</i> or -culprit of the worst class, whatever the nature of the crime, but when it -was really meant to decree the death penalty the allotted number was -much greater, even up to 10,000; see Darmsteter, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. lxxxv. -In the entourage of the monarch, however, the same cruel punishments -were maintained as have always been associated with Oriental despotism, -viz., flaying alive (Ammianus, xxiii, 6; Agathias, iv, 23), and even "the -boat" (Plutarch, Artaxerxes; Damascius, Vit. Isidori).</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_44" id="Foot_44" href="#Ref_44">[44]</a> -See Herodotus, iii, 81; Plutarch, Artaxerxes.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_45" id="Foot_45" href="#Ref_45">[45]</a> -Phraates V of Parthia. His mother was Thea Urania Musa, an -Italian slave girl presented to his father by Augustus; Josephus, Antiq., -xviii, 2. The relations of Parysatis to Artaxerxes and of Sisygambis to -Darius Cod. were very close, but are not known to have been actually -conjugal.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_46" id="Foot_46" href="#Ref_46">[46]</a> -These filio-maternal marriages have been generally discredited by -modern historians (Rawlinson, Oriental Monarchies, ii, 351; even partly -by Max Duncker, <i>op. cit.</i>, v, 220) through their not being in possession -of all the classical evidence and having apparently none of the Oriental. -Probably the first to make the practice known in the West was Quintus -Curtius, and lastly Agathias. But the evidence of Chrysostom alone, a -Syrian reared on the borders of Persia, would be conclusive. As usual, -he anatomizes the subject. Preaching against sexual abandonment, he -says: "Love, you maintain, is not a matter of will.... Whence does -it arise, then? From a beautiful form which strikes the wound, you -answer. Your excuse is an idle one.... Were not Joseph and David -handsome, the latter especially so in the eyes, which is the most attractive -style of beauty? But was any man enamoured of them? By no -means, for love does not arise from mere admiration. Many have -mothers most distinguished for their beauty, but do their sons, therefore, -fall in love with them? Perish the thought! They admire them, -but do not yield to a disgraceful passion. Ah! you will urge, this is a -law of nature. Of what nature, tell me? Because they are our mothers, -you say. Do you not know that the Persians, without any compulsion, -cohabit with their mothers? Not one or two, but the whole nation. -Whence it is evident that this disease is not inspired by beauty, but by -a vice of the mind"; In Epist. ii ad Cor. Hom. vii, 6 (in Migne, x, -451). Contemporary Parsees also wish to repudiate the idea that their -forefathers solemnized these incestuous nuptials, and treat it as a libel of -the Greeks, as modern Mazdeism yields to no closer union than that of -first cousins. The whole question, however, of consanguineous marriage -has been threshed out from the evidence of the Pahlavi texts by West -(Sacr. Bks. of the East, xviii, 389 <i>et seq.</i>), who shows how strenuously -the Mohbeds laboured to inculcate the practice as a pious duty. A -special term in Pahlavi, <i>Khvêtûk-das</i>, meaning literally "a giving of -one's own," was applied to it. There is no clear reference to the custom -in the extant part of the Avesta, but in the Dinkard epitome (ix, 60; -Sacr. Bks. of the East, xxxvii) great stress is laid on the merit of adhering -to it, and in the same theological compilation a long chapter (iii, -82, 431) is devoted to the defence and exposition of Khvêtûk-das. As -West observes, however, it is evident from the amount of space and -argument expended on the subject that the priesthood had some difficulty -in bending an unwilling laity to comply with their injunctions. -We may note that the Persians were not the only race addicted to such -marriages. According to Strabo (IV, v, 4), they were habitual among -the Irish of his time ("mothers and sisters"); and even the aboriginal -Macedonians favoured them, so that when the <i>Oedipus Rex</i> of Sophocles -was played in that country the audience jeered at the distress of the -titular character. An amusing dialogue between actor and audience then -ensued; see Tertullian, Ad Nat., 16.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_47" id="Foot_47" href="#Ref_47">[47]</a> -Quintus Curtius, viii, 4 (19).</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_48" id="Foot_48" href="#Ref_48">[48]</a> -Herodotus, iii, 68, 88; Athenaeus, xiii, 3, etc.; Ammianus, xxiii, 6. -As usual in the East, women were kept out of sight; Plutarch, Themistocles. -Still, Queen Statira used to drive about openly in public; <i>ibid.</i>, -Artaxerxes. Cf. Max Duncker, <i>op. cit.</i>, v, 219.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_49" id="Foot_49" href="#Ref_49">[49]</a> -See Gardner's Parthian Coinage, Lond., 1877; cf. Mordtmann, -Zeits. f. Numis., iv, vii.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_50" id="Foot_50" href="#Ref_50">[50]</a> -See the letter of Tansar to the king of Tabaristân (Ilyrcania); -Journal asiatique, 1894, i (text and French transl.). This, according to -Darmsteter, is the earliest and most authentic document of Zoroastrianism. -The best MS. is in the East India House. From it we learn that -under the Parthians the unity of Iran was gradually dissolved into a -number of principalities, in which each king claimed a practical independence -and set up a fire-altar of his own. Ardeshír extinguished all -these subordinate fire-altars and made himself supreme in his capital of -Istakhr. The letter has been largely interpolated at a later date, especially -by the long apologue of the King of the Apes. Partly against Darmsteter -see Mills' Zoroastrianism, 1905, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_51" id="Foot_51" href="#Ref_51">[51]</a> -He treated the traditions of the old religion pretty freely and -abolished whatever did not accord with his scheme of restoring the -empire of the Persians; <i>ibid.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_52" id="Foot_52" href="#Ref_52">[52]</a> -Properly Shahpûr, meaning "king's son."</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_53" id="Foot_53" href="#Ref_53">[53]</a> -See Darmsteter, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. xlvii. The story of Arda Viraf's visit to -heaven and hell (part of the lost Spend Nask) under the influence of a -narcotic in the presence of a great conventicle of the Magi, in search of -spiritual guidance for the restoration of Mazdeism, seems to be a mere -legend to be referred to the sixth century rather than to the times and -intention of Ardeshír. It has been cited as serious history by some -former writers.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_54" id="Foot_54" href="#Ref_54">[54]</a> -Letter of Tansar, <i>ut supra</i>, cf. Herodian, vi, 3. H. is generally -treated as a romancer, but in this instance he is confirmed by independent -evidence. His statement that Ardeshír had the best of it -in a great battle with Alex. Severus is rejected in favour of that of -Lampridius (Hist. Aug.), who says the Roman was the victor. The -war on this occasion, as often subsequently, was probably quite indecisive.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_55" id="Foot_55" href="#Ref_55">[55]</a> -See Sayce's Babylonians, etc., Lond., 1900, and other works of that -class which condense the results of the excavations in progress on that -site.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_56" id="Foot_56" href="#Ref_56">[56]</a> -See p. 267. Fragments of the Manichaean Bible recently discovered -in Central Asia show that Mani was a native of Babylon.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_57" id="Foot_57" href="#Ref_57">[57]</a> -Sozomen, ii, 9; Theodoret, v, 39. Some were partly flayed, on the -face and the hands, or the back. Others were thrown bound into pits -with mice, etc. The first of these persecutions seems to have sprung -from the religious fervour caused by Sapor's zeal for the faith; the -second was originated by a fanatical Christian bishop, who attacked -and destroyed a Pyreum or Fire-temple. See Hoffmann's Akt. Pers. -Märt., Leipsic, 1880.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_58" id="Foot_58" href="#Ref_58">[58]</a> -Asseman, Bibl. Orient., iii, 2. They had the ear of the Shah as -against any of the Orthodox in Persia; John Eph. Com. (Land, etc.), -p. 52.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_59" id="Foot_59" href="#Ref_59">[59]</a> -Nöldeke, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 145; Zotenberg, <i>op. cit.</i>, ii, 148. They were -soiled by her menstrual flux, she said. To touch anything of the kind -would have subjected him to a ceremony of purification and, perhaps, a -flogging; Vendidâd, xviii, 5. The scene reminds us of that in <i>The -Merry Wives of Windsor</i>, where Falstaff is carried out in the foul-clothes -basket. Procopius relates that she changed clothes with him, and the -Shah walked out disguised as a woman; De Bel. Pers., i, 6.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_60" id="Foot_60" href="#Ref_60">[60]</a> -This was not his first sojourn with the Hephthalites. His father -Peroz, who ultimately perished in a battle with these Huns, had left -him in Bactria as a hostage for the payment of an indemnity. In Tabari -the story goes that on his journey thither he stopped incognito at the -house of a noble (N.) or peasant (Z.), where he was accommodated -with a daughter of the family as an informal wife. When Balâsh was -dethroned (see p. 379), he returned to take up the succession by the -same route and found that the girl had become the mother of a boy, the -same who was afterwards known as Chosroes, his favourite son (see -p. 314).</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_61" id="Foot_61" href="#Ref_61">[61]</a> -"Hence he set the lower against the upper classes; wretches of -every sort were mingled with the best blood; and it became usual for -those who coveted other people's goods to seize on them; for the disorderly -to riot around; and for libertines to gratify their passions and -approach the noblest women, whom previously they never had a thought -of intimacy with"; Tabari, p. 154 (N.). This passage with the context -is not in Zotenberg.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_62" id="Foot_62" href="#Ref_62">[62]</a> -The details of this affair are incompletely known. The Greeks -seem never to have heard of Mazdak, but confound his followers with -the Manichaeans. The above account is based on that of Theophanes, -modified so as to accord with Nöldeke's views; <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 457 (Excurs.). -He thinks the surname of Nushirvan ("the blessed") was bestowed on -Chosroes for the part he played in this massacre. Existing Manichaeans -were also involved in it.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_63" id="Foot_63" href="#Ref_63">[63]</a> -Theophylact. Sim., iv, 7; cf. Athenaeus, xii, 8.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_64" id="Foot_64" href="#Ref_64">[64]</a> -Nöldeke, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 221. He was concealed with "clothes" -until he settled himself in a dignified position. But in Zotenberg -(p. 205) the clothes become merely a covering to keep the dust off the -jewels. Such differences are perpetual throughout the two versions of -Tabari. On coins and sculptures the Shah wears a crown surmounted -by a pedunculated ball of considerable size. At the siege of Amida -(359) Sapor wore a golden ram's head instead of a crown; Ammianus, -xix, 1. Theophylactus (who is noted for his turgidity) gives a description -of Hormidz IV sitting in state on his throne (590). "He was -clad with a regal robe of precious material. His tiara of gold and -jewels was brilliant with the effulgence of carbuncles. A profusion of -pearls glittered around the crest, scintillating on a sea of smaragdite, so -that the eyes were almost blinded by the dazzling exuberance of the -gems. His trousers, a priceless sample of the weaver's art, were embroidered -on cloth of gold"; iv, 3. Cedrenus (i, 721) also furnishes -some curious details as what was found when Heraclius broke into the -treasure city of Gazaca and rifled the palace of Chosroes Parviz (622). -The contents of a private fire-temple astonished them. "On entering -the spherical chamber he found the impious effigy of Chosroes sitting, -as it were, in the heavens among the sun, moon, and stars, whom -the fanatic worshipped as gods. Sceptre-bearing angels stood around, -and the wretch had devised machines which discharged water like -rain, and emitted a sound as of thunder. All this was consumed by -fire."</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_65" id="Foot_65" href="#Ref_65">[65]</a> -Ammianus, xxiii, 6; cf. Menander, Leg., p. 335; Theophylact., -iv, 8; letters in which Chosroes, Nush. and Parviz, assume all their -titles.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_66" id="Foot_66" href="#Ref_66">[66]</a> -Herodotus, vii, 54; Q. Curtius, v, 1 (20).</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_67" id="Foot_67" href="#Ref_67">[67]</a> -Nöldeke, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 222; Zotenberg, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 231, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_68" id="Foot_68" href="#Ref_68">[68]</a> -As evidenced notably in the struggle between the successful rebel -general, Bahram, and Chosroes Parviz; Theophylact. Sim., iv.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_69" id="Foot_69" href="#Ref_69">[69]</a> -Herodotus, vii, 83; Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 14, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_70" id="Foot_70" href="#Ref_70">[70]</a> -Jn. Lydus, De Magist., iii, 34.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_71" id="Foot_71" href="#Ref_71">[71]</a> -Herodotus, i, 136. Jn. Lydus (<i>loc. cit.</i>) says the whole nation was -trained to arms, and always ready to enter on a campaign.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_72" id="Foot_72" href="#Ref_72">[72]</a> -Tabari (N.), p. 245. In Zotenberg (p. 228) the number is given as -eight score, which would probably weigh the horse too heavily. Some -injunctions as to armour are given in Vendidâd, xiv (32). Here also -thirty arrows are recommended. For slingers, thirty stones each man is -the fixed number. The horse and his rider were so well shielded with -metal that Ammianus speaks of them as an "iron cavalry"; xix, 1; -cf. xxv, i.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_73" id="Foot_73" href="#Ref_73">[73]</a> -Ammianus, xxv, 1; Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iv, 13; Aedif., ii, 1.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_74" id="Foot_74" href="#Ref_74">[74]</a> -In Zotenberg, the reason why Kavádh was led to reform the -taxation is accounted for by an anecdote (p. 241). One day while -hunting he became separated from his party, and sat down to rest himself -near a peasant's cottage. While there, he noticed a child bringing -two or three grapes to its mother, who at once seized them and with -great concern ran to attach them again to the vine, exclaiming that the -inspector had not yet been round to assess the amount of the crop. -The absurdity and harshness of the tithe law was thus practically -exemplified to the Shah. Both versions relate that a strange scribe who -ventured to dispute the soundness of the proposed financial change in an -assembly convened to hear it announced, being convicted of starting a -futile objection by Cavades, was thereupon, at a nod from the monarch, -belaboured by his fellow scribes with their ink-horns till he expired. -His point was that the relations of the land and its owners would vary -continually, and he was met by the statement that there would be a -yearly survey to readjust the burdens.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_75" id="Foot_75" href="#Ref_75">[75]</a> -Tabari (N.), pp. 152, 222; <i>Ibid.</i> (Z.), p. 241.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_76" id="Foot_76" href="#Ref_76">[76]</a> -Zachariah Myt., ix, 6.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_77" id="Foot_77" href="#Ref_77">[77]</a> -Besides the objective evidence, there is a direct statement of the -fact; Theophylactus Sim., v, 6.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_78" id="Foot_78" href="#Ref_78">[78]</a> -The practical application of the doctrine of the Avesta has been -described at considerable length by Max Duncker (<i>op. cit.</i>, v), but the -school of Darmsteter would aver that his exposition applies with more -accuracy to the age of the Sassanians than to that of the Achaemenians, -whom alone he deals with.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_79" id="Foot_79" href="#Ref_79">[79]</a> -Some remains, almost certainly those of fire-temples, exist, but -they are architecturally insignificant, being, in fact, merely low stone -towers a few feet square. The interior was only a cell with just room -enough to accommodate a small altar, on which a perpetual fire was -kept up; see Ferguson, Hist. Archit., Lond., 1874, i, 202; cf. Perrot -and Chipiez, Persian Art, i, 892.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_80" id="Foot_80" href="#Ref_80">[80]</a> -The chief work which gives representations of Sassanian architecture -is that of Flandin and Coste, Voyage en Perse, Paris, 1851. Many -have been copied by Rawlinson, <i>op. cit.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_81" id="Foot_81" href="#Ref_81">[81]</a> -About twenty miles due east of the northern end of the Dead Sea.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_82" id="Foot_82" href="#Ref_82">[82]</a> -See Tristram's Land of Moab, Lond., 1873, and for a restoration, -Ferguson, <i>op. cit.</i>, i, 392. The slabs have now been removed to a -Berlin museum, where they are attributed to the Ghassanides, an Arab -dynasty.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_83" id="Foot_83" href="#Ref_83">[83]</a> -See the reproductions in Flandin and Coste, etc., <i>op. cit.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_84" id="Foot_84" href="#Ref_84">[84]</a> -The work on which the well-known poem of Firdausi was founded -(<i>c.</i> 1,000). There is much theological exegesis in Pahlavi, but, except -the Avesta and its commentaries, this is post-Mohammedan. Much of -it has been translated by West, as stated above. The chief works in -the collection are the Dinkard, a sheaf of treatises in nine books; the -Bundahish, or "Story of Creation," a sort of Iranian Genesis, but of -greater length; and the Sad-Dar, a controversial work, in which the -follower of Mazda is taught to refute the "twaddle" of Christians and, -guardedly, of Mohammedans.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_85" id="Foot_85" href="#Ref_85">[85]</a> -For the details of this war we have the first-rate account of Procopius -(De Bel. Pers., i, 12-22), an eye-witness of a great part of it. -Additional information on some events can be gleaned from Zachariah -Myt. (ix, 1-7) and Jn. Malala, both nearly contemporary. The later -chronicles are practicably negligible.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_86" id="Foot_86" href="#Ref_86">[86]</a> -Jn. Malala, xviii, 441; the inference may be drawn by comparing -the passage with Procopius.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_87" id="Foot_87" href="#Ref_87">[87]</a> -Zachariah Myt., ix, 2. The exact wording of the sentence is doubtful, -but the intention is clear.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_88" id="Foot_88" href="#Ref_88">[88]</a> -Procopius, <i>loc. cit.</i>, 13.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_89" id="Foot_89" href="#Ref_89">[89]</a> -Malala calls him the eldest son, but in Procopius Caoses is the -name given to the eldest; <i>loc. cit.</i>, 11; see p. 314.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_90" id="Foot_90" href="#Ref_90">[90]</a> -Hunnish Foederati. According to Ammianus (xxxi, 2) they almost -lived on horseback, often not dismounting even to sleep.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_91" id="Foot_91" href="#Ref_91">[91]</a> -See Oman (<i>op. cit.</i>, 28) for a plan of the battle with remarks. It -does not quite accord with the phraseology of Procopius, but I find it -impossible to understand him in any other way.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_92" id="Foot_92" href="#Ref_92">[92]</a> -Procopius, <i>loc. cit.</i>, 14.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_93" id="Foot_93" href="#Ref_93">[93]</a> -The enemy, says Procopius, kept the Romans standing in line all -the forenoon to prevent their having their midday meal; they themselves -did not eat till sundown.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_94" id="Foot_94" href="#Ref_94">[94]</a> -Bury (<i>op. cit.</i>) makes him only twenty-five, but later, in 562, represents -him as being near seventy. His age can only be guessed at from -Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 12.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_95" id="Foot_95" href="#Ref_95">[95]</a> -If we adopt Oman's interpretation of the tactics of Belisarius (which -requires the interchange of <span title="aristera">"ἀριστερᾷ"</span> and -<span title="dexia">"δεξιᾷ"</span> the subsequent -evolutions of the battle become quite clear. Following the text as it -stands it seems to me that they would have been impossible. But in -the first case "left" is due to an evidently stupid emendation of Maltretus -(<span title="dexia">"δεξιᾷ"</span>" now restored by Haury).</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_96" id="Foot_96" href="#Ref_96">[96]</a> -Gold mines worked by the Persians were at Pharangium, and the -place was betrayed by the commandant in order that he might embezzle -the stock of ore which he happened to have in hand; Procopius, <i>loc. -cit.</i>, 15. Jn. Malala (p. 455) seems to be partly in conflict with the -above. He says the output was formerly divided between both nations, -but in the time of Anastasius was wholly ceded to the Romans.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_97" id="Foot_97" href="#Ref_97">[97]</a> -Procopius, <i>loc. cit.</i>, 15.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_98" id="Foot_98" href="#Ref_98">[98]</a> -Jn. Malala, xviii, p. 430: "He became engaged to her at the house -of Antiochus, near the Hippodrome." This was probably an Imperial -appanage or the house of some noble to whose guardianship the sisters -had been confided on the elevation of Theodora.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_99" id="Foot_99" href="#Ref_99">[99]</a> -Cf. Procopius (<i>loc. cit.</i>, 16), with Malala (pp. 449-450). He harked -back to the old quarrel with Anastasius over the loan; see p. 176.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_100" id="Foot_100" href="#Ref_100">[100]</a> -Jn. Malala, pp. 445, 455; Procopius, Anecd., 11, 18. I pass over -events in which religion was the chief question at issue, as the whole -can be treated most instructively in a special chapter; see below, -chap. xiv.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_101" id="Foot_101" href="#Ref_101">[101]</a> -Procopius, <i>loc. cit.</i>, 18; cf. Malala, p. 462. The latter gives some -details as to the mischief already done by the marauders, and states that -the Antiocheans began to fly in terror to the sea coast. Gabbulae was -about ninety miles east of Antioch.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_102" id="Foot_102" href="#Ref_102">[102]</a> -They were at this time almost exactly on the track of Xenophon -when he accompanied Cyrus nearly a thousand years previously through -a country then strange to the Greeks, but now become a part of their -native land. His description is familiar to those of the old school: "In -this place the earth was smooth all over, like the sea, and full of wormwood. -Every other kind of shrub or reed was sweet-smelling and of the -class of aromatics, but there was nothing in the way of a tree.... -With the Euphrates on the right we arrived at Pylae. In these stages -many of the beasts of burden perished of hunger; for there was no grass, -nor any sort of tree, but the whole country was bare," etc.; Anabasis, -i, 5. He adds that the only occupation the inhabitants had was digging -up mill-stones, which they took to Babylon for sale.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_103" id="Foot_103" href="#Ref_103">[103]</a> -Hermogenes was also present at this time, but only through having -fallen in with the army as he was on his way to Hierapolis, where Rufinus -was constantly stationed as the most convenient post from which to open -up diplomatic relations with Ctesiphon. Zachariah Myt. relates that -Azarathes begged Belisarius to postpone the battle on account of the -"Nazarenes and Jews" in the Persian army, who were also keeping the -fast.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_104" id="Foot_104" href="#Ref_104">[104]</a> -Malala (p. 464), however, shows up Belisarius in a very unfavourable -light. As soon as he saw that the day was lost, he seized his -standard, jumped into a boat, and rowed away with all speed to Callinicus. -But Sunicas, the leader of the cavalry he had abandoned, dismounted -and sustained the attack of the enemy as described by -Procopius. It is safest to believe the latter.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_105" id="Foot_105" href="#Ref_105">[105]</a> -Here again Zachariah and Malala (p. 466) differ from Procopius, -and assert that Belisarius was superseded on account of his failure on -the Euphrates. But subsequent events show that P. is more to be -trusted, and that Justinian attached small blame to Belisarius.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_106" id="Foot_106" href="#Ref_106">[106]</a> -Procopius, <i>loc. cit.</i>, 18.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_107" id="Foot_107" href="#Ref_107">[107]</a> -"Nejâshi" is the nearest transliteration of the Semitic title; see -Nöldeke, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 195; Zotenberg, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 182, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_108" id="Foot_108" href="#Ref_108">[108]</a> -Ela-Atsbeha is the correct name as found on coins; see Schlumberger, -Rev. Numismat., 1886.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_109" id="Foot_109" href="#Ref_109">[109]</a> -Most information about these nations will be found in Godefroy ad -Cod. Theod., XII, xii, 2, and Act. Sanct. (Bol.) lviii, 660-762 -(Mart. Arethas). For a clue to recent additions see Diehl, <i>op. cit.</i>, -p. 392 <i>et seq.</i>, and below, chap. xiv.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_110" id="Foot_110" href="#Ref_110">[110]</a> -Jn. Malala (p. 457) indicates that the regular route to Axume was -still the same as that described above from earlier writers when I was -sketching the commercial activities of the age; see p. 190. He places -the embassy before the action on the Euphrates, but his chronological -sequence is often wrong. From Procopius (<i>loc. cit.</i>, 19, <i>et seq.</i>) it seems -to have been before or at least about the same time. The Berenice -mentioned by Procopius (De Aedif., vi, 2) is not that on the Red Sea -(see p. 190), but on the Great Syrtis.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_111" id="Foot_111" href="#Ref_111">[111]</a> -We owe this description of Soudanese pageantry to Jn. Malala -(xviii, p. 457), who professes to be copying a report published by the -ambassador himself.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_112" id="Foot_112" href="#Ref_112">[112]</a> -Procopius, <i>loc. cit.</i>, 20; Malala, <i>loc. cit.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_113" id="Foot_113" href="#Ref_113">[113]</a> -The abstract of Nonnosus's own account has been preserved by -Photius.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_114" id="Foot_114" href="#Ref_114">[114]</a> -Procopius, <i>loc. cit.</i>, 20.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_115" id="Foot_115" href="#Ref_115">[115]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, 19. Further details in Tabari, for which see chap. xiv -below.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_116" id="Foot_116" href="#Ref_116">[116]</a> -Procopius, <i>loc. cit.</i>, 21. It should be noted that P. is not now relating -his own experiences, as he returned to Constantinople with -Belisarius.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_117" id="Foot_117" href="#Ref_117">[117]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i> He was at Attachae, not far from Amida; cf. Zachariah Myt., -<i>loc. cit.</i>, 6.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_118" id="Foot_118" href="#Ref_118">[118]</a> -The exploits of Bessas are dwelt on by Zachariah Myt., <i>loc. cit.</i>, 5 -<i>et seq.</i> Most details of the siege are given by Malala (p. 468 <i>et seq.</i>), -which, however, I omit here as we shall have more interesting opportunities -later on of studying the mode of procedure at sieges in this age.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_119" id="Foot_119" href="#Ref_119">[119]</a> -Procopius, <i>loc. cit.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_120" id="Foot_120" href="#Ref_120">[120]</a> -He became rich through these successes, says Zachariah Myt. It -seems that in such cases the spoils became the property of the army, -and no attempt was made to restore what was recaptured to the former -owners.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_121" id="Foot_121" href="#Ref_121">[121]</a> -Orientalists consider that Malala (p. 471) is best informed here. -Procopius relates that Cavades left a will, on the strength of which -Chosroes was elected Shah by an assembly of the nobles in opposition -to the claim of the eldest son, Caoses; <i>loc. cit.</i>, 21. Sometimes Theophanes -seems to copy Malala, but in this case he is so ignorant as to -make Chosroes succeed in 525!</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_122" id="Foot_122" href="#Ref_122">[122]</a> -Some details of this dissension are given by Procopius; <i>loc. cit.</i>, 23. -A party conspired to set up a younger Cavades, grandson of the elder -through his second son Zames, who was debarred by reason of his being -blind of one eye. Ultimately this Kavádh fled to CP. (<i>c.</i> 546), and it -is supposed that he is the authority whence Procopius derived his knowledge -of Persian history. The historian, however, gives vent to his -suspicion that this fugitive was an impostor, the real pretender having -most probably perished.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_123" id="Foot_123" href="#Ref_123">[123]</a> -Procopius, <i>loc. cit.</i>, 22; Jn. Malala, p. 471. According to the first -the Roman legates sued for peace with cringing flattery, whereas Malala -states that Justinian's reply to an announcement from Chosroes that he -had ascended the throne was, "We do not acknowledge you as king of -Persia, nor do we permit our legates to visit you." Moreover he taunted -Chosroes with having invited the Huns, and only after the latter had -repudiated all responsibility for their acts were diplomatic relations -established.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_124" id="Foot_124" href="#Ref_124">[124]</a> -Zachariah Myt., ix, 6, 7. He says that she was privately a convert -to Christianity after a cure wrought upon her by a hermit when -physicians had failed.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_125" id="Foot_125" href="#Ref_125">[125]</a> -To Constantina: cf. De Aedif., ii, 5. A great deal of money was -then spent in rendering it worthy of its increased importance. It appears -to have been about eighty miles west of Dara.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_126" id="Foot_126" href="#Ref_126">[126]</a> -The terms of the peace are only clearly expressed by Procopius, -<i>loc. cit.</i>, 22; De Aedif., ii, 5.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_127" id="Foot_127" href="#Ref_127">[127]</a> -Justinian's policy is well exemplified in a letter said to have been -written by him to a Hunnish chief: "I sent presents to you, intending -to honour the most powerful of your nation, and taking you to be that -one. But, while the presents were on their way, I hear that another has -seized them, asserting himself to be the most potent among you. Now -see to it that you prove yourself to be his superior. Take what you have -been deprived of and revenge yourself on him. Otherwise we shall consider -him to be the first, and he shall be favoured by us accordingly, -and our presents will be lost to you." As a result of this attitude of the -Emperor intestine wars broke out among the Huns, who thus mutually -destroyed each other; Jn. Antioch. (Müller), fg. 217; Alemannus, -p. 400.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_128" id="Foot_128" href="#Ref_128">[128]</a> -See ch. xiv, below.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_129" id="Foot_129" href="#Ref_129">[129]</a> -Jn. Malala, pp. 427, 430; Theophanes, an. 6,020, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_130" id="Foot_130" href="#Ref_130">[130]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i> Malala says she was won over by "gifts of hospitality, a -collection of silver vases, and a considerable present in money."</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_131" id="Foot_131" href="#Ref_131">[131]</a> -Jn. Malala, p. 450; Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 24.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_420" id="Page_420">{420}</a></span> - -<h2 class="nobreak">CHAPTER VI<br /> -<small>THE SCHOOLS OF PHILOSOPHY AT ATHENS AND THEIR ABOLITION BY JUSTINIAN</small></h2> - -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap">THE systematic teaching of philosophy at Athens had -its origin in the dialectic of Socrates, whose mental -bias impelled him to a persistent search after the fundamental -truths which underlie the sociological organization -of mankind. His constant effort was to discover what principles -should be instilled into young men in order to render -them worthy members of the community; and in pursuit of -this object he made a practice of perambulating the city -intent on applying his method of question and argument to -all persons accredited with any kind of knowledge. Thus he -laboured unremittingly in earnest effort to elicit sound -opinions or to convict of fallacy. Every Greek town was -adorned with a gymnasium, and large cities, such as Athens, -possessed several institutions of the kind. Established for -the physical training and athletic development of youth, a -gymnasium consisted of covered halls, of porticos provided -with sculptured stone seats, and of a small park or exercise -ground shaded with plane and olive trees.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_132" id="Ref_132" href="#Foot_132">[132]</a></span> Ultimately the -gymnasiums assumed something of the form of the colleges -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_421" id="Page_421">{421}</a></span> -of a modern university, and were resorted to habitually by -teachers of young men, sophists, rhetoricians, and philosophers, -in order to procure pupils, and to lecture to classes -already formed. In such localities Socrates found most -scope for his activities,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_133" id="Ref_133" href="#Foot_133">[133]</a></span> but, after his death by a judicial -sentence in 399 <small>B.C.</small> as an innovator and theological sceptic, -his system of inciting the youth to seek after genuine knowledge -was not publicly professed for a number of years. In -the course of a decade, however, the Athenians repented of -their severity, and Plato, who had been his principal -disciple, was allowed to resume Socratic instruction in a -suburban gymnasium called the Academy,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_134" id="Ref_134" href="#Foot_134">[134]</a></span> situated on the -north-west of the city. This institute proved to be the first -permanent school of philosophy founded at Athens, and was -always known as the Academy, although Plato soon removed -his classes to a private garden which he acquired in the -vicinity, where he built a Museum, or Hall of the Muses, -for their accommodation.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_135" id="Ref_135" href="#Foot_135">[135]</a></span> Plato had numerous successors, -all of whom continued to teach in the same garden, which -was inherited regularly for many centuries by the chief of -the Academy.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_136" id="Ref_136" href="#Foot_136">[136]</a></span></p> - -<p>The most remarkable pupil of the original Academy was -Aristotle, a native of Stageira, but he, after protracted -studies, finding that his thirst for knowledge remained -unsatisfied by the dreamy and inconclusive philosophy of his -master, determined to follow a more practical path of -inquiry according to the bent of his own genius. Observation -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_422" id="Page_422">{422}</a></span> -and correlation of facts, sociological, zoological, and -physical, assumed the greatest importance in his eyes, and -he thus became the founder of natural science in the widest -sense. The Stagirite essayed to teach in various places, -and was successful in impressing his views on many of -those with whom he came in contact. His growing reputation -attracted the attention of Philip of Macedon, who -soon claimed his services for the tuition of his son -Alexander, and embellished his native town as an inducement -for him to open a school there.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_137" id="Ref_137" href="#Foot_137">[137]</a></span> In a few years, -however, the young prince passed from his class-rooms to -the throne, and Aristotle migrated to Athens, where he -fixed on the Lyceum,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_138" id="Ref_138" href="#Foot_138">[138]</a></span> a gymnasium in the eastern suburbs, -for the scene of his prelections (<i>c.</i> 355 <small>B.C.</small>). More than -half a century had elapsed since the foundation of the -Academy, and Plato had now been dead for many years. In -the shady walks of the Lyceum Aristotle continued to give -instruction for a dozen years, and it is understood that he -usually kept on foot, moving about while discoursing with -his disciples, whence the sect received the name of Peripatetics,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_139" id="Ref_139" href="#Foot_139">[139]</a></span> -that is "promenaders."</p> - -<p>The third philosophical school at Athens was established, -about twenty-five years later than that of the Peripatetics, -by Zeno of Citium, in Cyprus, who is reputed to have been -inspired by reading treatises emanating from the followers -of Socrates.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_140" id="Ref_140" href="#Foot_140">[140]</a></span> Zeno convened his disciples in the heart of -the city, in a colonnade called the Painted Stoa or Porch, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_423" id="Page_423">{423}</a></span> -whence the name of Stoics became attached popularly to -his philosophical coterie.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_141" id="Ref_141" href="#Foot_141">[141]</a></span> As the founder of Stoicism -was an immigrant from the near East his mind was overcast -by the Oriental sense of resignation under oppression;<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_142" id="Ref_142" href="#Foot_142">[142]</a></span> -and an ethical doctrine of doing and suffering in a world of -adversity was the gift of the Porch to the humanity of the -period. The circumstances of the times created and -gradually increased the need for such a philosophy in the -West. Grecian liberty passed under the despotic sway of -Macedon, and later, under that of Rome, whilst the Latin -Republic at length succumbed to the ambition of its military -chiefs, and an arbitrary emperor usurped the place of a -spirited democracy. Thus the tenets of all those ardent -souls who shunned the servility of a court, and chafed -under political restraints which they were powerless to -throw off were derived from Zeno.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_143" id="Ref_143" href="#Foot_143">[143]</a></span></p> - -<p>The foregoing schools were essentially of a theological -cast, and inculcated more or less dogmatically an attitude -of veneration and piety in respect of a divine providence, -but the leading feature of a fourth, founded about the same -time as that of the Stoics, was a frank repudiation of any -form of religious ritual. Epicurus was an Athenian by -blood, but his youth had been passed abroad;<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_144" id="Ref_144" href="#Foot_144">[144]</a></span> and he -claimed to have originated, without the aid of a master,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_145" id="Ref_145" href="#Foot_145">[145]</a></span> the -rule of life which he taught to his disciples. At the age of -thirty-five he settled in his ancestral city (306 <small>B.C.</small>), within -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_424" id="Page_424">{424}</a></span> -which he purchased a garden for the reception of those -whose inclinations were in harmony with his peculiar doctrines.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_146" id="Ref_146" href="#Foot_146">[146]</a></span> -The vanity of human effort, and the superiority of -a simple life of ease and contentment, formed the burden -of the Epicurean didactic. In seclusion the tranquil mind -might apply itself to intellectual pleasures, as oblivious of -the gods as they themselves evidently were of the restless -race of mortals. Death was merely the term of life, and no -anxiety as to a hereafter should ruffle the placidity of a man -of philosophical temperament. As "Know thyself" was the -germinal thought of the Socratic school, so "Live unknown" -was that of the Epicurean. An asceticism of this -hue, which advocated the suppression of all energy, whilst -allowing a mild, but aesthetic indulgence of the passions, -was extremely acceptable to the average man of the period, -for whose sensuous nature it afforded the consolations of -Stoicism without the strain inseparable from that vigorous -doctrine.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_147" id="Ref_147" href="#Foot_147">[147]</a></span></p> - -<p>The philosophers of these four sects maintained their -position at Athens as dictators of human thought for more -than five centuries before their vitality began to be chilled -into immobility by the new life which was arising in the -widely Christianized Empire. When Marcus Aurelius -halted at Athens in 176, on the return from his Asiatic -expedition, he found the schools in a flourishing condition, -and gave them a firmer constitution by bestowing a fixed -salary of 10,000 drachmas (£400), payable by the Imperial -treasury, on the heads of each of the four.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_148" id="Ref_148" href="#Foot_148">[148]</a></span> It is improbable -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_425" id="Page_425">{425}</a></span> -that this subsidy was assured to them for long after the -death of that emperor (180), or that they could have claimed -it successfully in the disorganization of the Empire which -followed the murder of his son Commodus (192). But -Pagan philosophy was still independent of state aid, and -the first step in the dissolution of these schools had its -origin within when their individuality was submerged by the -tide of eclecticism, upon which Neoplatonism rose to pre-eminence -about the middle of the third century.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_149" id="Ref_149" href="#Foot_149">[149]</a></span> Henceforward -Athens had a serious rival in Alexandria, and -somewhat later in Pergamus,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_150" id="Ref_150" href="#Foot_150">[150]</a></span> whence the mysticism and -theurgy of Plotinus and Iamblichus enthralled the senses of -almost all non-Christians by the fervent hopes to which they -gave birth. The teaching of the Academy, of the Peripatetics, -and of the Porch, were the soul of Neoplatonism, -but the Epicureans were abhorred by the new school as -being most hostile to their vivid theistic aspirations, and at -this juncture that sect must have rapidly become extinct.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_151" id="Ref_151" href="#Foot_151">[151]</a></span> -Subsequently to 425, the year in which the Auditorium at -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_426" id="Page_426">{426}</a></span> -Constantinople was founded by Theodosius II,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_152" id="Ref_152" href="#Foot_152">[152]</a></span> the -Athenian rhetoricians, so famous in the youth of Julian -and Gregory Nazianzen,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_153" id="Ref_153" href="#Foot_153">[153]</a></span> appear to have suffered greatly in -prestige, but long before that date the teaching of philosophy -was in the way of becoming a lost art at Athens. The -disappointment of Synesius at finding no trace of the -schools, when he landed in Attica about 410, has already -been adverted to.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_154" id="Ref_154" href="#Foot_154">[154]</a></span> If, however, he had carried his investigations -a little deeper he would have discovered that in at -least one quarter the traffic in the honey of Mount Hymettus -was not the sole care of the dwellers on the Cephisus. The -garden of Plato, even at that date, was still possessed by the -philosophic succession,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_155" id="Ref_155" href="#Foot_155">[155]</a></span> and the actual occupant, the -venerable Plutarch,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_156" id="Ref_156" href="#Foot_156">[156]</a></span> had achieved a reputation which deserved -the devotion of several eminent disciples. Yet the -school was languishing, and even after the murder of -Hypatia, the holder of the professorial seat, Syrianus, was -apprehensive lest he should find no worthy successor.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_157" id="Ref_157" href="#Foot_157">[157]</a></span> But -a movement of recuperation was at hand, and surviving -Neoplatonists soon began to turn their eyes towards Athens -as the appointed retreat of the sect. A new votary had -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_427" id="Page_427">{427}</a></span> -arisen, gifted with the genius to revive their hopes, and -to infuse a fresh enthusiasm into their almost moribund -philosophy.</p> - -<p>One evening in the summer of 431 a youth of nineteen, -having made the voyage from Alexandria, disembarked at the -Piraeus and was received on the shore by Nicolaus, a -countryman of his own, and some other friends who had -been apprised of his coming. Proclus belonged to a Lycian -family, but was born at Constantinople, and he had already -won a reputation as a student of extraordinary powers and -promise. This youth was regarded as the last hope of the -expiring school, and when the custodian at the entrance of -the city exclaimed, "I should already have shut the gates, -had I not seen you approaching," the utterance was hailed -as an omen symbolical of its resuscitation. Before entering -Athens, Proclus complained of thirst and fatigue, and by a -fortuitous circumstance rested in a seat and had a drink -from a fountain, which were known as those of Socrates. -Such auspicious occurrences redoubled the expectations -which were kindled by his advent, and even the aged -Plutarch issued from his retirement to superintend the -initiation of the new pupil.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_158" id="Ref_158" href="#Foot_158">[158]</a></span></p> - -<p>The general doctrines of Neoplatonism, as a practical -religion, had been fixed by Plotinus and his immediate -successors, and nothing remained for later devotees but to -elaborate the details of the system by analysis and disquisition. -The execution of this task fell to the Athenian -school, and for more than a century its members busied -themselves in spinning a fine web of scholasticism around -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_428" id="Page_428">{428}</a></span> -the fundamental principles of their faith. Its roots were -traced backwards to Plato and Aristotle, and the complexity -of every fibre was demonstrated by the aid of certain mystic -hymns, supposed to be of ancient date, termed Orphic and -Chaldaean oracles.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_159" id="Ref_159" href="#Foot_159">[159]</a></span> Proclus, as had been anticipated, succeeded -to Syrianus, and from his labours in this field -resulted a second summer of Neoplatonism, which bloomed -for fully fifty years.</p> - -<p>The theology of Plotinus had been comparatively simple, -but it became more complicated in the hands of Iamblichus, -whilst in those of Proclus it assumed a comprehensiveness -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_429" id="Page_429">{429}</a></span> -and extension which enabled it to find a place for all metaphysics -and mythology within reach. The great conception -of the Lycian philosopher was his ternary system, by which -he succeeded in deducing the whole invisible world, as well -as the objective universe, in a series of triads from the -supreme One to the remote apogee of matter itself.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_160" id="Ref_160" href="#Foot_160">[160]</a></span> All -these speculations he embodied in a number of vast treatises,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_161" id="Ref_161" href="#Foot_161">[161]</a></span> -several of which are extant and have been rendered into -modern languages by some thinkers of the last century, who -found his cosmology more illuminating than that of the -creed of Christendom.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_162" id="Ref_162" href="#Foot_162">[162]</a></span> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_430" id="Page_430">{430}</a></span></p> - -<p>The life of Proclus was written by his disciple and -successor Marinus; and from this document we gain some -insight into the mode of life of a pious Neoplatonist. The -Athens of that day seems to have retained at least the -external aspect of the classical capital as it has been described -by the early topographers. The principal monuments of -polytheism were still erect, and Proclus had the satisfaction -of occupying a house between the temples of Aesculapius -and Dionysus, from which he could behold the Parthenon. -The sect was strongly inclined to vegetarianism; and abstinence -from animal food, though not strictly enforced, was -advised in deference to the possibility of metempsychosis.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_163" id="Ref_163" href="#Foot_163">[163]</a></span> -They worshipped the heavenly bodies and practised daily a -set form of adoration to salute the sun and moon at their -rising, meridian, and setting. Every month a ceremonial -bath in the sea was considered to be essential as a tribute of -respect to the divinity of that element, Poseidon. Although -celibacy was not enjoined, it was approved by the example -of the great lights of the sect, who never married, but they -were not on that account precluded from illicit sexual -indulgence to a moderate extent.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_164" id="Ref_164" href="#Foot_164">[164]</a></span> The life of Proclus was -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_431" id="Page_431">{431}</a></span> -an exceptionally busy one owing to the interminable ritual -he imposed on himself; for, in fact, he declared himself to -be the "priest of all religions,"<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_165" id="Ref_165" href="#Foot_165">[165]</a></span> and he laboured incessantly -to act up to that character. As a teacher he was indefatigable, -lecturing five times daily, apparently to crowded -audiences in a theatre, whilst his evenings were devoted to -philosophic colloquies. He was, of course, reputed to be -highly favoured by the gods, and his biography is almost as -full of marvels as a Christian Gospel. Celestial visions were -frequently vouchsafed to him, especially on the occasion of -the sacrilegious removal of the statue of Athena from the -Parthenon by order of the state officials. The goddess incontinently -appeared to Proclus and announced that henceforth -she would dwell with him in his own house.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_166" id="Ref_166" href="#Foot_166">[166]</a></span> He was -an adept at incantations, by means of which he procured a -rainfall in time of drought and arrested the progress of an -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_432" id="Page_432">{432}</a></span> -earthquake which threatened destruction to Athens. The -sick were often restored by his prayers, which, however, he -seems to have relied on merely for the purpose of invoking -success on the orthodox medical treatment. Proclus attempted -to wield some power in local politics, and at one -time incurred the enmity of the predominant party, doubtless -the Christians, so that he deemed it wise to retire into -exile for a twelvemonth.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_167" id="Ref_167" href="#Foot_167">[167]</a></span> He died at the age of seventy-three -(485) and was buried near Mount Lycabettus in a -bilocular sepulchre with his master Syrianus, for whom he -always entertained the greatest veneration.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_168" id="Ref_168" href="#Foot_168">[168]</a></span></p> - -<p>After the death of Proclus, the Neoplatonic school of -Athens was probably somewhat eclipsed, but considerable -activity was still maintained, and votaries continued to be -drawn to it from Alexandria and other parts of the Empire.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_169" id="Ref_169" href="#Foot_169">[169]</a></span> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_433" id="Page_433">{433}</a></span> -Although it was recognized by the devotees that the evolution -of metaphysical doctrine had reached its final stage, -the endless task of commenting on Plato and Aristotle still -kept their pens busy, and they continued to exercise their -ingenuity in reconciling the views of those masters.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_170" id="Ref_170" href="#Foot_170">[170]</a></span> In 529, -however, their labours were abruptly brought to a conclusion -by a decree of Justinian that there should be no more teaching -of Pagan philosophy at Athens.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_171" id="Ref_171" href="#Foot_171">[171]</a></span> The piety or enthusiasm -of Proclus had led him to declare that he would welcome -the destruction of all writings except the Timaeus of Plato -and the oracular hymns,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_172" id="Ref_172" href="#Foot_172">[172]</a></span> a confession which reminds us that -devotion to some special study is apt to blind our perceptions -to the value of all extraneous knowledge. An Imperial -Proclus would doubtless have emulated the example of the -Emperor Julian and aimed at the suppression of Christianity. -Justinian was a devout student of the Nicene theology, and -arrogated to himself the chief place among the doctors of -the Church.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_173" id="Ref_173" href="#Foot_173">[173]</a></span> He was naturally proclive to fanaticism, and -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_434" id="Page_434">{434}</a></span> -it could scarcely be expected that his mind would be less -warped by his restricted studies than that of the Pagan -philosopher, nor that he would display a tolerant disposition -on finding himself in the seat of power. It became his -settled conviction that profane learning was an idle pursuit, -and he decided to enrich his treasury by forfeiting the -grants which still continued to be paid to physicians and -professors of liberal education.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_174" id="Ref_174" href="#Foot_174">[174]</a></span> As the result of this policy -a general illiteracy began to pervade the Empire,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_175" id="Ref_175" href="#Foot_175">[175]</a></span> but ultimately -Justinian was induced to restore the stipends.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_176" id="Ref_176" href="#Foot_176">[176]</a></span></p> - -<p>When the philosophers of the day found themselves -reduced to silence by an Imperial prohibition they took -counsel together and resolved to desert an empire in which -their only prospect for the future was isolation. As they -glanced around them in search of a new sphere of activity, -the West, almost relapsed into barbarism, presented no -aspect hospitable to philosophy. From the East, however, a -ray of illumination had recently penetrated to their classic -retreat and warmed them with the hope of being received as -welcome immigrants at the court of the Persian monarch. In -that kingdom, it was rumoured, the posture of affairs was -one of such ideal felicity that the dream of Plato,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_177" id="Ref_177" href="#Foot_177">[177]</a></span> as to the -occupant of a throne being at once a prince and a philosopher, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_435" id="Page_435">{435}</a></span> -was fully realized. Everything was under the sway -of the just and honourable; thieves and bandits and perpetrators -of iniquity were no longer born there; so that the -most precious property might be left unguarded in the -desert with the certainty of its remaining intact until the -owner should reclaim it. The youthful Chosroes, whose -accession had lately been announced, was the author of this -beatific revolution. An enthusiastic student of Greek literature, -he had applied himself to the study of Aristotle with a -zeal equal to that of Demosthenes when he made repeated -transcriptions of Thucydides. The works of Plato were not -less familiar to him; nor could the subtleties even of the -Timaeus and the Parmenides escape the acuteness of his -intelligence. This alluring picture determined the most -eminent representatives of the proscribed school to seek -their fortune in Persia. They formed a band of seven, the -chief among them being Damascius and Simplicius, who are -known to modern philosophers through some treatises of -value which have survived to the present day.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_178" id="Ref_178" href="#Foot_178">[178]</a></span> But no -sooner had they crossed the Euphrates than their disillusionment -commenced. Everywhere criminals were numerous -and crime was very imperfectly repressed. Those -in authority showed themselves to be pompous and arrogant, -and oppressed their inferiors without measure; whilst, -although polygamy was permitted, the sexual instinct could -scarcely be gratified without the added zest of adultery. -Already they felt repentant of their migration, but they -pushed onwards until they arrived at the court. There, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_436" id="Page_436">{436}</a></span> -indeed, they were received with marked distinction by the -Shahinshah, who condescended to converse with them -affably, and encouraged their attendance on his person. In -philosophy, however, they found that he had tasted merely -the rudiments, and had never approached the sublimities of -their fine conceptions. The political views common to -barbarian monarchs had been in no way modified by his -superficial knowledge, nor did it avail to induce even a -semblance of agreement during the discussions they held -with him. Chosroes was proud of their apparent homage, -and would have retained them with him at any cost, but the -ethics of the Orient were insufferable in their eyes, and the -party gave the most convincing proof of their sincerity by -declining his generous proposals and electing to return to -the precarious life of their native land. At the moment of -their departure the peace negotiations with Justinian were -pending, and Chosroes showed no little magnanimity by -insisting that the treaty should contain a clause granting -them the right to occupy their former abodes and to indulge -their metaphysical speculations secure from official molestation.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_179" id="Ref_179" href="#Foot_179">[179]</a></span></p> - -<p>No long time elapsed before the Shahinshah was consoled -for the loss of Damascius and his companions by another -Byzantine immigrant, who was more fitted to play the part -of court philosopher than the earnest Neoplatonists. A certain -Uranius, nominally a physician, having skimmed the works -of the philosophers, pretended to a profound acquaintance -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_437" id="Page_437">{437}</a></span> -with them, and made a somewhat unenviable reputation at -Constantinople by his garrulous and argumentative disposition, -as well as by his usually dissolute mode of life. Having -managed to attach himself to Areobindus, the ambassador -elect to Persia, he arrived there in his suite, and soon captivated -the ear of Chosroes by the glibness of his rhetoric -and his pliability in adopting fulsomely the sentiments of -the despot. He discoursed with the Magi, and flattered -them by admitting that their ontology was in perfect accord -with that of the deepest thinkers of the West. Chosroes -avowed that he had never met with his equal, and made him -the recipient of the unprecedented distinction of sharing his -viands with him at the royal banquets. After Uranius returned -to Constantinople the monarch opened a familiar -correspondence with him, and retained him as his intellectual -adviser. The glorification of this charlatan at the Persian -court guides us to estimate accurately the extent of the -philosophical acquirements of the Shahinshah, and indicates -how far his amateur studies contributed to his mental -elevation.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_180" id="Ref_180" href="#Foot_180">[180]</a></span> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_438" id="Page_438">{438}</a></span></p> - -<p>The extinction of the Neoplatonists as a religious fraternity -followed the compulsory closure of the Athenian school. -The surviving members continued to work in seclusion at -their favourite theses, and even produced some commentaries -to which students still resort in order to elucidate the -history of philosophy.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_181" id="Ref_181" href="#Foot_181">[181]</a></span> But, although Neoplatonism was -objectively defunct, the soul of the movement was irrepressibly -vital, and many of the Catholic ecclesiastics had -long been in secret sympathy with the mystical tenets of the -sect. Some of the Christian fathers had been nurtured in -the same intellectual atmosphere as the first Neoplatonists, -and had sat in the same class-room with Plotinus as hearers -of Ammonius at Alexandria. A stealthy admirer of Proclus -had adapted his ternary system with great ingenuity to the -Christian hierarchy, and produced his treatise as the composition -of Dionysius the Areopagite, who was known to -have been a companion of St. Paul. The Pagan triads of -the Athenian scholarch reappeared under Biblical names, -and a long array of Cherubim, Thrones, Principalities, -Virtues, Powers, Archangels, and Angels, were ranged in -orderly sequence as a heavenly host proper to intervene -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_439" id="Page_439">{439}</a></span> -between the homoousian Trinity and the earth.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_182" id="Ref_182" href="#Foot_182">[182]</a></span> The moment -Neoplatonism became obsolete as a visible creed, the Greek -fathers did not recoil from giving a welcome acceptance to -this gorgeous fabric, which in due time travelled westwards -to be promulgated among the Gallic churches by the famous -Scotus Erigena. Throughout the Middle Ages the spirit of -the Alexandrian School was rife among the German mystics,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_183" id="Ref_183" href="#Foot_183">[183]</a></span> -and later even among English Platonists.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_184" id="Ref_184" href="#Foot_184">[184]</a></span> Nor scarcely was -it repressed in the nineteenth century until the growth of -physical science and evolutionary philosophy gave a deathblow -to the belief that knowledge could be drawn from our -inner consciousness by processes of mental incubation in -the closet.</p> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_132" id="Foot_132" href="#Ref_132">[132]</a> -Vitruvius (v, 11) is the source for the topography of the gymnasium, -Becker-Göll's Charicles for the elaboration of scattered details.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_133" id="Foot_133" href="#Ref_133">[133]</a> -The liveliest picture of Socrates debating in a gymnasium will be -found in Plato's Lysis.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_134" id="Foot_134" href="#Ref_134">[134]</a> -Diogenes Laert., Plato, 9, 14; Pausanias, i, 30; cf. Pliny, Hist. -Nat., xii, i.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_135" id="Foot_135" href="#Ref_135">[135]</a> -Diogenes Laert., Speusippus, 3.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_136" id="Foot_136" href="#Ref_136">[136]</a> -Damascius, Vit. Isidori, 158; Suidas, Plato.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_137" id="Foot_137" href="#Ref_137">[137]</a> -Plutarch, Alexander, 5.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_138" id="Foot_138" href="#Ref_138">[138]</a> -Diogenes Laert. <i>in Vita</i>, 4, 7.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_139" id="Foot_139" href="#Ref_139">[139]</a> -Zeller, in his History of Philosophy, prefers this explanation of the -name. It is also held that they were so designated merely because -A. taught in the <span title="peripatos">περίπατοζ</span> or promenade of the gymnasium.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_140" id="Foot_140" href="#Ref_140">[140]</a> -Diogenes Laert., 3.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_141" id="Foot_141" href="#Ref_141">[141]</a> -Diogenes Laert., 6, 7.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_142" id="Foot_142" href="#Ref_142">[142]</a> -Cyprus was at first Phoenician; later at various times Greek, -Egyptian, and Persian.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_143" id="Foot_143" href="#Ref_143">[143]</a> -The best known Roman Stoics are Cato of Utica, Seneca, Lucan -the poet, Helvidius Priscus, Arrian, Epictetus, and the Emperor -Marcus Aurelius.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_144" id="Foot_144" href="#Ref_144">[144]</a> -Diogenes Laert., Epicurus, 1.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_145" id="Foot_145" href="#Ref_145">[145]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, 7.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_146" id="Foot_146" href="#Ref_146">[146]</a> -Diogenes Laert., Epicurus, 9, 10; Pliny, xix, 4.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_147" id="Foot_147" href="#Ref_147">[147]</a> -The chief Roman Epicureans were Lucretius, the poetical expositor -of his system, Horace, Atticus, and the younger Pliny.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_148" id="Foot_148" href="#Ref_148">[148]</a> -Dio Cass., lxxxi, 31; Philostratus, Vit. Soph., ii, 2. The action -in Lucian's "Eunuch" is laid at this time, and seems to represent a -real contest. The castrate claimed one of the salaried positions, but an -outcry arose in view of his emasculated condition. The most obvious -objection taken appeared to be that a philosopher should be adorned -with a long beard. "In that case," he retorted, "your best plan would -be to elect a goat." The litigation had to be referred to Rome, but -with what result we are not told.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_149" id="Foot_149" href="#Ref_149">[149]</a> -See p. 258 <i>et seq.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_150" id="Foot_150" href="#Ref_150">[150]</a> -In the time of Julian Pergamus was the most active centre of -Neoplatonism; and his principal tutors, Aedesius, Chrysanthius, and -Maximus, taught there. For their ridiculous practices, half charlatanism, -half fanaticism, see the lives by Eunapius.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_151" id="Foot_151" href="#Ref_151">[151]</a> -"Away with every word of Epicurus and Pyrrho!" exclaims Julian. -"Thanks to the gods, most of their books are now lost." Frag. Epist. -(H., p. 386).</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_152" id="Foot_152" href="#Ref_152">[152]</a> -See p. 207.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_153" id="Foot_153" href="#Ref_153">[153]</a> -Among the most noted of these teachers was Proaeresius, who is -described as a colossus, nine feet high. During a visit to Rome he -made such an impression that a statue was erected to him with the inscription: -"The Queen of Cities to the Prince of Eloquence." He, -however, was a Christian, and, therefore, was forced to resign by Julian. -By way of a set off to this giant, another very able rhetorician, Alypius, -was a pigmy; see their lives by Eunapius.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_154" id="Foot_154" href="#Ref_154">[154]</a> -See p. 207.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_155" id="Foot_155" href="#Ref_155">[155]</a> -Damascius and Suidas, <i>loc. cit.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_156" id="Foot_156" href="#Ref_156">[156]</a> -Usually referred to as the son of Nestorius to distinguish him from -the well-known writer of lives, who lived under Trajan.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_157" id="Foot_157" href="#Ref_157">[157]</a> -Marinus, Vita Procli.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_158" id="Foot_158" href="#Ref_158">[158]</a> -Marinus, Vita Procli. The schools of rhetoric were not extinct at -this date, as they are stated to have made overtures to Proclus, but he -refused to engage himself to any of them.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_159" id="Foot_159" href="#Ref_159">[159]</a> -It is generally agreed among scholars that the writings of Orpheus -now extant are spurious productions emanating from the Neoplatonists -themselves, who, as a pious fraud, expanded very scanty relics to considerable -bulk with the object of providing an old traditional basis for -their theology. In this age the daughters of philosophers, like Hypatia, -often worked with their fathers, and, when advanced enough, gave -instruction to the classes. Thus Aclepigeneia, the daughter of Plutarch, -was the only one versed in the so-called Chaldaean lore, and she in that -department became the preceptress of Proclus; Marinus, <i>op. cit.</i> The -work of Damascius (Vit. Isidor.) is dedicated to a certain Theodora -who, with her sisters, had been pupils of himself and Isidorus. The -course of study is shown to have been prolonged and comprehensive, -extending sometimes over a decade or more. It included rhetoric, -dialectic, literature in prose and verse, mathematics, and astronomy -(Ptolemy's system), besides the philosophy of Plato, Aristotle, and the -Neoplatonists; Photius, Cod., 181. From a passage in Olympiodorus -(Creuzer, Frankf., 1820, ii, pp. xii, 141), it seems that to the last the -school continued to be open free to students as in the days of Plato -himself. The fact is also indicated by the anecdote related of Proaeresius -and his friend Hephaestion. Armenians both of them, they arrived at -Athens so destitute that they possessed between them only clothing -sufficient for one person. When, therefore, one went out to hear a -lecture, the other had to remain within wrapped up in some old bed -coverlets; (Eunapius in Vit.). Presents must, however, have been -received, as it is mentioned (Damascius and Suidas, <i>loc. cit.</i>) that under -Proclus the funds of the Academy rose to the amount of 1,000 gold pieces.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_160" id="Foot_160" href="#Ref_160">[160]</a> -Vacherot has arranged a table, in which the numerous divinities -admitted by Proclus are seen according to their roll of precedence; -Ecole d'Alexandrie, Paris, 1846, ii, p. 378. A comprehensive work by -Jules Simon with the same title came out almost simultaneously. Zeller -(Philos. d. Griech., v, pp. 548, 808) defines the position of matter -according to the views of Plotinus and Proclus. The first considers it -to be the original evil, but with the latter it is neutral, and bad only in -relation to that which is better. These notions, however, are embedded -in pages of refinements, so that no real finality is attained.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_161" id="Foot_161" href="#Ref_161">[161]</a> -By the age of twenty-eight Proclus had finished his commentary on -the Timaeus, which exceeded in bulk the whole writings of Plato. -Half of it is lost, but the portion preserved makes a ponderous tome.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_162" id="Foot_162" href="#Ref_162">[162]</a> -Victor Cousin and Thomas Taylor. The latter professes himself to -be a complete convert to the religion of Proclus, and the former, who -was a leader of thought, almost goes as far. The difference in theological -standpoint between Christians, Stoics, and Neoplatonists is -explained by the historians of philosophy. The Christian triune God -exists apart from the universe, which he produces by his own voluntary -act. With the pantheistic Stoics the Deity is pervasive without limit, -and in all best things most immanent. Thus the good man may be his -most perfect manifestation, and in no degree less than Zeus himself. -But the essence of Neoplatonism is the Oriental conception of emanation, -and in this pantheism everything is viewed as progressively inferior -in proportion to its distance from the transcendent source, <i>i.e.</i>, the One. -In this system the good man cannot be equal to the Deity; he can only -endeavour to elevate himself to reunion with his source by ecstatic -detachment from all lower grades. In the other systems the world had -a beginning and end in time, but the eternity of the cosmos was a -necessary dogma of Neoplatonism.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_163" id="Foot_163" href="#Ref_163">[163]</a> -See Porphyry's elaborate treatise, De Abstinentia ab Esu Carnium. -He tries to prove the quasi-humanity of animals; they have a language -of their own, which some men have understood, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_164" id="Foot_164" href="#Ref_164">[164]</a> -Proclus, like Plotinus, acted the part of a father to all the young -people of his acquaintance. Porphyry, somewhat late in life, married a -widow named Marcella, stating that he only did so in order to fulfil the -paternal office towards her children. Yet fornication was not a Neoplatonic -sin, and even Proclus resorted to it restrainedly. A letter of -Porphyry to Marcella, a condensed manual of ethics, is extant, and has -recently appeared in an English dress.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_165" id="Foot_165" href="#Ref_165">[165]</a> -Or literally, "the hierophant of the whole world."</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_166" id="Foot_166" href="#Ref_166">[166]</a> -Marinus also informs us that he was on terms of great cordiality -with Pan, but according to another authority this god had died some -centuries previously. Plutarch (De Defect. Orac., 17) tells us, on the -report of "a well-known man of very sound character," that a vessel -sailing in the Ambracian Gulf touched one evening at the Isle of Paxae. -Shortly, a voice from the land thrice summoned Thames the Egyptian, -one of the crew, and gave him the injunction, "When you come to -Paloda, announce that the Great Pan is dead." The mandate was -obeyed, they put in at a deserted spot, and Thames, standing in the -bows, shouted the required information. Immediately the whole ship's -company heard "a deep groan, proceeding as it were from a multitude -of men." The news was carried to Rome, and Tiberius, after interviewing -Thames, decided to hold an inquest. All the savants of the -Court sat on the deceased, and, without viewing the body, pronounced -him to be Pan, the son of Hermes and Penelope. The witness in this -case was doubtless of the same class as those who from time to time -contribute marvels to the reports of the Psychical Society and the -Occult Review.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_167" id="Foot_167" href="#Ref_167">[167]</a> -The alumni of the school went and taught in other places; for instance, -Agapius, a hearer of Proclus, under whom Jn. Lydus studied -(De Magist., iii, 26), the same, perhaps, who was the "big wig" of -the medical faculty at CP., about that time, and made a large fortune, -as related by Damascius and Suidas. Damascius (Vit. Isidori) gives an -account of the practice of Jacob Psychristus, an eminent physician of -the latter part of the fifth century. He trusted chiefly to purgations, -baths, and diets, used the knife and cautery sparingly, and repudiated -bleeding. On visiting CP. he found the profession there neither experienced -nor learned, but relying on a routine derived from their predecessors, -which they followed in a blind and careless manner. Pamprepius, -one of the ablest disciples of Proclus, deserted the Academy -for the Byzantine court, and attached himself to Illus, the great rebel in -the reign of Zeno; but ultimately he was executed by his patron for -having ventured on predictions which were falsified by the event; -Suidas, <i>sb. nom.</i> (Malchus); Theophanes, an. 5976, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_168" id="Foot_168" href="#Ref_168">[168]</a> -Marinus, <i>op. cit., ad fin.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_169" id="Foot_169" href="#Ref_169">[169]</a> -Of this period there is a sort of chronicle extant in the form of a life -of Isidore of Gaza, who became scholarch next after Marinus. The -whole work has been abridged from the original of Damascius by -Photius (Cod. 242), and portions of it are given by Suidas, apparently -in full, under various biographical headings, <i>e.g.</i> Aedesia, Archiadas, -Asclepiodotus, Domninus, Hegias, Hermeias, Hierocles, Pamprepius, -Salustius, Serapion, etc., all philosophers of this later time. The narrative -is stuffed with nonsense to an even greater extent than the life by -Marinus, and gives instances of prophecy by crystal-gazing, of casting -out of devils, etc. Curiously enough, it contains some of the earliest -recorded observations of electric phenomena, viz. an ass of Tiberius and -a horse of Severus that emitted sparks; that fire issued from the body of -Walamir, father of Theodoric the Goth, without singeing his clothing, -etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_170" id="Foot_170" href="#Ref_170">[170]</a> -Syrianus had devoted himself particularly to this task, and his extant -commentaries are a necessary part of the armament of the modern -Aristotelian.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_171" id="Foot_171" href="#Ref_171">[171]</a> -Jn. Malala, xviii, 451. Alemannus (<i>op. cit.</i>, p. 459) cites an anonymous -Greek chronicle, in which astronomy as well as philosophy is -prohibited.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_172" id="Foot_172" href="#Ref_172">[172]</a> -Marinus, <i>op. cit., ad fin.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_173" id="Foot_173" href="#Ref_173">[173]</a> -Jn. Ephes. Com., p. 249.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_174" id="Foot_174" href="#Ref_174">[174]</a> -Procopius, Anecd., 26. Olympiodorus (<i>op. cit.</i>), writing probably -just before the closure of the schools, notices that these confiscations -had been going on for some time. It seems that Justinian began systematically -to seize on the property of all teachers he disapproved of.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_175" id="Foot_175" href="#Ref_175">[175]</a> -Zonaras, xiv, 6.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_176" id="Foot_176" href="#Ref_176">[176]</a> -The Pragmatic Sanction addressed to Pope Vigilius (554) indicates -the restoration; sect. 22. It would seem that state aid must have been -in abeyance for twenty years or more, as the evidence of Procopius extends -to 550.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_177" id="Foot_177" href="#Ref_177">[177]</a> -Republic, vi, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_178" id="Foot_178" href="#Ref_178">[178]</a> -The commentaries of Simplicius on Aristotle, besides being of considerable -bulk, are the most valuable of that class of writings which -have come down to us. They have been repeatedly published since -1499.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_179" id="Foot_179" href="#Ref_179">[179]</a> -The narrative of this migration to Persia is due to Agathias (ii, 28, -<i>et seq.</i>), who does not, however, mention that they were driven out by -legislation, but represents them merely as dissatisfied with the religion -of the Empire. He speaks of them with the greatest respect; they were -the "fine flower" of the philosophy of his age.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_180" id="Foot_180" href="#Ref_180">[180]</a> -Agathias, <i>loc. cit.</i> Quicherat (<i>ad calc.</i> Dübner's Plotinus, Paris, -1855) endeavours to refute Agathias in respect of his low estimate of -the intellectual attainments of Chosroes. In the first place he relies on -a Syrian MS. discovered by Renan in the British Museum, which is an -epitome of Aristotle's Logic, purporting to have been made by Paul the -Persian, a Nestorian priest, for the use of Chosroes. This neutralizes -the objection of A. that the niceties of Greek philosophy could not be -rendered in the rude Pahlavi, it being known that the Shahinshah was -obliged to have recourse to translations. Syriac, however, is a language -of considerable literary refinement. Further he publishes a MS.—not -long unearthed at St. Germains—a Latin version by Scotus -Erigena(?) of the solutions given by Priscian, one of the seven, to certain -"doubts" entertained by Chosroes. The work is incomplete, but -nine of the questions which puzzled the monarch are dealt with, viz. the -soul, sleep, dreams; the routine of the seasons; why doctors differ; the -tides; rain and lightning; variation of animal and plants after removal -to a different climate; and the venom of serpents. Indisputably Chosroes -was a very able ruler, and it is clear that he evinced great curiosity -in every department of knowledge, but that he could have studied with -the assiduity necessary for the attainment of erudition is a scarcely -tenable supposition; and the episode of Uranius falls in very aptly with -what we should predicate as likely to be the outcome of his desultory -inquisitiveness.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_181" id="Foot_181" href="#Ref_181">[181]</a> -Damascius profited by his Persian experiences to give an account of -Babylonian dualism in one of his treatises. This work has received -considerable attention of late. See books by Ruelle, Paris, 1889, and -Chaignet, Paris, 1898.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_182" id="Foot_182" href="#Ref_182">[182]</a> -See Bigg's Neoplatonism, Lond., 1892, for a tabulated synopsis. -There were also earthly triads, which included the sacraments and the -various orders of priests, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_183" id="Foot_183" href="#Ref_183">[183]</a> -Simon and Zeller stop short at the fall of the school of Athens, but -Vacherot has devoted a third volume to tracing out the diffusion of Neoplatonic -ideas in Western thought throughout the Middle Ages until -recent times. Mystics such as Jacob Boehme, Molinos, Madame -Guyon, etc. (Quietists), are connected with this stage of the fantasy.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_184" id="Foot_184" href="#Ref_184">[184]</a> -Cudworth, one of the "Cambridge Platonists," is the central figure -of this group. In his True Intellectual System of the Universe (pp. 900, -fol., 1678, an inceptive fragment of a larger(!) work never completed) -he appears as a modern Plotinus labouring in the realm of metaphysics -under the obsession of Hebrew and Orthodox mythology in which he -had been nurtured, but in verbosity and expansiveness he well outdistances -his prototype. He is inclined to believe in ghosts, and thence -to draw a theistic proof of the existence of a "supreme ghost," <i>i.e.</i> the -Deity. See Tulloch's Rational Theology in England in 17th Century, -1874, ii, p. 240 <i>et seq.</i></p> - -</div> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_440" id="Page_440">{440}</a></span> - -<h2 class="nobreak">CHAPTER VII<br /> -<small>THE INTERNAL ADMINISTRATION OF THE EMPIRE: INSURRECTION -OF THE CIRCUS FACTIONS IN THE CAPITAL</small></h2> - -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap">THE keystone of Justinian's administration was his -lavish expenditure of money. Every enterprise that -could engage the attention of a monarch incited him to -emulation, and in arms, legislation, civil reform, public -works, and religion, he aspired to equal the achievements of -the greatest princes. Hence the persistent need for a well-filled -treasury, and the constant injunction to the Rectors in -the provinces. "Above all things apply yourselves to gathering -in the imposts"; whilst the subject is urged by the frequent -reminder, "Pay up your taxes promptly, our great -undertakings cannot be accomplished without money."<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_185" id="Ref_185" href="#Foot_185">[185]</a></span></p> - -<p>For centuries, as we have already seen,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_186" id="Ref_186" href="#Foot_186">[186]</a></span> a latent anarchy -had prevailed throughout the Empire, but the evils of such -a condition had always been less apparent under a quiescent -administration. Moderation in the bureaucracy in the capital -gave a measure to the proceedings of its deputies in the -provinces, and doubtless had a restraining influence, at least -that of example, over the rural aristocracy who almost arrogated -to themselves a local sovereignity. The considerate, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_441" id="Page_441">{441}</a></span> -though firm rule of Anastasius, appears to have reduced to a -minimum the most flagrant abuses, whilst his studied parsimony, -which led to the accumulation of large reserves,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_187" id="Ref_187" href="#Foot_187">[187]</a></span> must -have lessened the severity of fiscal oppression. The latter -advantage was extended into the reign of Justin, and, while -Justinian was dissipating the great funds left by his uncle's -predecessor,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_188" id="Ref_188" href="#Foot_188">[188]</a></span> his reputation for benignancy -was not imperilled -by rapacity in collecting the tributes. Soon after his -accession, however, to undivided power, he found himself -without other resource than the property of his subjects for -the supply of his financial requirements. Then the maintenance -of the exchequer assumed the highest importance -in his eyes, and every conceivable device for swelling the -revenue was resorted to, while little or no regard was paid -to the equity of the means employed.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_189" id="Ref_189" href="#Foot_189">[189]</a></span> As an inevitable result -all the worst features of the Byzantine political system -underwent an exacerbation during the first few years of -Justinian's reign. The species of effectivity demanded by -the Emperor induced the rise of the most unscrupulous -persons to high office; a statesman became the equivalent -of an extortioner, and the native venality of the governing -class showed exuberant throughout all its grades. Assured -of the Emperor's favour as long as he could be noted for his -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_442" id="Page_442">{442}</a></span> -zeal in directing the flow of gold towards the treasury, every -servant of the state grasped at private affluence by means of -illicit exactions, or an overt accessibility to bribes.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_190" id="Ref_190" href="#Foot_190">[190]</a></span></p> - -<p>As a consequence of his unexpected advent to power, -Justinian was scarcely affected by the prejudices peculiar to -monarchs born in the purple; and hence, disregarding conventionalism, -he usually chose the most direct and practical -methods for carrying out his designs. He was willing on -occasion to usurp the functions of any of his subordinates,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_191" id="Ref_191" href="#Foot_191">[191]</a></span> -and, in the selection of his instruments, he promoted the -most likely candidates to the highest posts without reference -to their rank, seniority, or antecedents. Among his earliest -coadjutors in the capital were two remarkable men, Tribonian, -a lawyer, and John of Cappadocia, a financier, whose -activities became the leading feature in the politics of the -age. The former was a native of Pamphylia,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_192" id="Ref_192" href="#Foot_192">[192]</a></span> and began his -career as an advocate in the praefectural courts of Constantinople.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_193" id="Ref_193" href="#Foot_193">[193]</a></span> -As Master of the Agentes-in-rebus<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_194" id="Ref_194" href="#Foot_194">[194]</a></span> he attracted -the notice of the Emperor, who soon claimed him as his -personal assessor, and raised him to the quaestorship.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_195" id="Ref_195" href="#Foot_195">[195]</a></span> -Tribonian was a man of great learning in the law and an -assiduous reader, whence he was led to form a library of -legal books such as existed in no other custody at the time.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_196" id="Ref_196" href="#Foot_196">[196]</a></span> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_443" id="Page_443">{443}</a></span> -He was gifted with a remarkable suavity of manner, and -was so artful a flatterer<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_197" id="Ref_197" href="#Foot_197">[197]</a></span> that, although he had not become -a convert to Christianity, and was even said to be an atheist,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_198" id="Ref_198" href="#Foot_198">[198]</a></span> -Justinian deferred to him as his favourite minister. Tribonian, -however, was beset by the vice of avarice, and, though -his forensic erudition was invaluable to the Imperial council -in relation to the subject, he resorted to it for no other purpose -than to make a traffic of justice. His legal decisions -were always at auction, and, under ordinary circumstances, -his interpretation of the law was fitted ingeniously to meet -the requirements of the highest bidder.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_199" id="Ref_199" href="#Foot_199">[199]</a></span></p> - -<p>The approach to the Imperial tribunal had to be sown -with gold before a suitor could advance within sight of an -adjudication on his appeal. To pass the sentries who were -on guard at the portals necessitated the disbursement of -a tangible sum.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_200" id="Ref_200" href="#Foot_200">[200]</a></span> Then the attention of the referendary, or -attorney who put the case into shape prior to its being -submitted to the court, could not be captured until he had -been largely bribed.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_201" id="Ref_201" href="#Foot_201">[201]</a></span> Lastly, the Quaestor had to be satisfied -pecuniarily in a ratio adequate to his assessment of -the value to the claimant of a favourable decision. Justinian -was initiated early in the artifices by which legal -chicanery could be made to subserve to undue gains, and -became a prime sharer in the profits to be drawn from this -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_444" id="Page_444">{444}</a></span> -mercenary jactitation of the law.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_202" id="Ref_202" href="#Foot_202">[202]</a></span> Hence the venality of the -Emperor's Court of Appeal soon incurred obloquy in the -capital, and a resentment was kindled among the citizens -against his administration.</p> - -<p>Yet the ills inflicted on the community by distorted -judgements were slight and partial in comparison with the -financial tyranny of John of Cappadocia after he had -attained to the rank of Praetorian Praefect. Devoid of -literary education, and even inefficient with the pen,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_203" id="Ref_203" href="#Foot_203">[203]</a></span> this -man began his career in an unimportant clerical post under -the government.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_204" id="Ref_204" href="#Foot_204">[204]</a></span> While serving in this capacity he came -in contact with Justinian, whose favour he courted with an -astuteness popularly supposed to be the distinguishing -mark of natives of his province.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_205" id="Ref_205" href="#Foot_205">[205]</a></span> Having a singular aptitude -for figures, and being extremely ready with expedients for -solving any knotty question,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_206" id="Ref_206" href="#Foot_206">[206]</a></span> he won over the Emperor by -laying before him many subtle schemes for amplifying the -incidence of the taxes and proportionately swelling the -revenue.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_207" id="Ref_207" href="#Foot_207">[207]</a></span> These allurements assured -him a speedy promotion -to the position of logothete, from which he ascended -with little delay to the dignity of an Illustrious, and soon -made an easy conquest of the praetorian prefecture of the -East.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_208" id="Ref_208" href="#Foot_208">[208]</a></span> Once in the supreme seat of deputed -power he had -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_445" id="Page_445">{445}</a></span> -to justify his elevation to the Emperor by the signal success -of his methods; but he was no less intent on making his -potent office inordinately profitable to himself.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_209" id="Ref_209" href="#Foot_209">[209]</a></span> Every fiscal -enactment which had ever passed into law was unearthed -from the archives of the Empire, and applied factitiously to -compass the transference of the money of the subject to the -coffers of the state.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_210" id="Ref_210" href="#Foot_210">[210]</a></span> The discovery of a name sufficed for -the creation of a claim, and demands were issued for an -endless succession of duties, tolls, tallages, censuals, cess, -and customs, together with arrearages and apportionments -of unpaid imposts, which foreshadowed the reduction of -every possessor of property to a common level of indigence.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_211" id="Ref_211" href="#Foot_211">[211]</a></span> -All persons of means were noted by the agents of the fisc, -and called on to pay according to the impression formed as -to their resources. No excuses were accepted, protestations -of inability were disbelieved, and, in order to meet the case -of recalcitrant subjects, a torture chamber was fitted up in -a secluded spot of the Praetorium. Here was collected an -assortment of chains, manicles, pedicles, instruments of -compression for the hands and feet, in short, every kind of -apparatus which was suitable for subjecting the members to -a state of painful strain or constraint. To this den defaulters -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_446" id="Page_446">{446}</a></span> -were hurried, and by means of rackings and suspensions -were forced to surrender whatever they possessed unless -actually killed by the severity of the torture.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_212" id="Ref_212" href="#Foot_212">[212]</a></span> Such was -John's method of procedure at his own headquarters, but -for the provinces he picked out emissaries of approved -brutality, and despatched them into all districts with injunctions -to follow his example.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_213" id="Ref_213" href="#Foot_213">[213]</a></span> Under this régime the -Court of Appeal of the Praetorian Prefect was, of course, as -venal as that of the Emperor and Tribonian; and the formalities -of a trial were almost dispensed with, so that a -hasty dispatch of the cases might facilitate the gathering in -of the bribes.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_214" id="Ref_214" href="#Foot_214">[214]</a></span> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_447" id="Page_447">{447}</a></span></p> - -<p>The infamy of the Cappadocian, as an officer of state, was -almost surpassed by his mode of life as a private citizen. -He rapidly accumulated wealth, and at once applied himself -to spend it in gastronomical and libidinous excesses of -the most unbridled description.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_215" id="Ref_215" href="#Foot_215">[215]</a></span> His first care was to erect -a palace of such vastness and magnificence that, in the -hyperbolical language of an official of the period, it could -only be characterized by the epithets which writers on the -wonders of Egypt had applied to the architectural piles -reared by Sesostris and the Pharaohs.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_216" id="Ref_216" href="#Foot_216">[216]</a></span> In the halls of this -resplendent edifice he passed his time in a continuous round -of feasting and sensuality, only terminating his orgies with -the rise of Lucifer, whilst his attention to business was -deferred until the appearance of Hesperus.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_217" id="Ref_217" href="#Foot_217">[217]</a></span> Surrounded by -a throng of courtesans and debauched youths, he gorged -himself with the most costly delicacies until his overloaded -stomach ejected its contents over the marble pavements or -the persons of those who sat next to him.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_218" id="Ref_218" href="#Foot_218">[218]</a></span> To glut his -appetite the woods of the Euxine were depopulated of their -pheasants, whilst the sea was raided for luscious fish to such -an extent that, according to the conceit of the same author, -the molluscs, expanding their shells to serve as wings, fled -through the air instead of through the water, to escape the -voracious Cappadocian.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_219" id="Ref_219" href="#Foot_219">[219]</a></span> As for his religion he made no -account of Christianity, but pinned his faith to sorceries -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_448" id="Page_448">{448}</a></span> -and incantations. If ever he appeared at church he did so -in the habiliments of a pagan priest, and ministered to -himself with the mummeries of some occult cabbalism -instead of following the established ritual.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_220" id="Ref_220" href="#Foot_220">[220]</a></span></p> - -<p>The appointment of John to the office of Praefect of the -East took place early in 530, and before the end of the -following year his system resulted in producing a state of -misery and destitution throughout the Empire unparalleled in -any former age. The visitations of his agents became more -dreaded among the rural population than an incursion of -barbarians.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_221" id="Ref_221" href="#Foot_221">[221]</a></span> Everywhere the adaeratio of -the annones<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_222" id="Ref_222" href="#Foot_222">[222]</a></span> was -carried to excess; and, while money was demanded instead -of the contributions in kind as usually accepted, the agricultural -produce was often left to perish on the ground.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_223" id="Ref_223" href="#Foot_223">[223]</a></span> -Injudicious measures of retrenchment were the principal -cause of this evil. By a false economy the public posts -and the military train were in great part suppressed, with disastrous -results. A limited supply of asses was substituted -for the considerable number of horses, camels, and mules -formerly maintained.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_224" id="Ref_224" href="#Foot_224">[224]</a></span> Hence, while the department of -public intelligence and the commissariat of the army were -seriously affected, the farmer also suffered from the greatly -lessened demand for fodder. With the crops left unexpectedly -on their hands, and the means of carriage almost -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_449" id="Page_449">{449}</a></span> -abolished, the wretched rustics were driven to despair in -their efforts to dispose of their stock. Thus the roads were -constantly filled with straggling bands of women, heavily -laden, and often with infants at the breast, obliged to cover -a long route in order to effect a shipment at the sea-ports; -whilst the wayside was littered with the unburied corpses -of those who succumbed under the excessive toil.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_225" id="Ref_225" href="#Foot_225">[225]</a></span></p> - -<p>Such were the hardships the Byzantine population had to -suffer as a consequence of the obligations imposed on them -directly by the Imperial government, but these were largely -aggravated by their being forced to minister to the private -needs and even lustful passions of all those in power throughout -the Empire. Every impost was augmented by an overplus -which went into the pocket of the agent who exacted it -or through whose hands it passed. The Rector of the province, -generally an impecunious aspirant to place and fortune, -had paid a large sum to the bureaucracy, and borrowed it at -usury, for the bestowal of his codicil.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_226" id="Ref_226" href="#Foot_226">[226]</a></span> He proceeded, therefore, -to his local seat of power accompanied by a body of -creditors to whom he had guaranteed the liquidation of their -claims out of the revenue of his vicegerency;<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_227" id="Ref_227" href="#Foot_227">[227]</a></span> and he had, -moreover, to make a provision from the artificially swollen -taxes against the time when he hoped to retire from office -into a position of leisured affluence.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_228" id="Ref_228" href="#Foot_228">[228]</a></span> When an army passed -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_450" id="Page_450">{450}</a></span> -through a district, not only were the soldiers quartered on -the inhabitants, who for the time being were expelled from -their proper dwellings, but contributions for the support of -the troops were levied under every sort of false pretence, -even by persons who had no authority whatever to collect -funds for the commissariat.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_229" id="Ref_229" href="#Foot_229">[229]</a></span> To all this was added the constant -oppression by the local magnates of their weaker -neighbours, whose lands they seized, advertising by notices -fixed to the ground that they assumed them as their own -property.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_230" id="Ref_230" href="#Foot_230">[230]</a></span> At the same time the owners were claimed as -serfs, bound for the future in service to an overlord.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_231" id="Ref_231" href="#Foot_231">[231]</a></span> In the -main these proceedings were quite arbitrary, and differed in -no way from professed brigandage, but as a rule they were -conducted under the shadow of legality by giving them the -form of distraints or evictions in respect of money lent.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_232" id="Ref_232" href="#Foot_232">[232]</a></span> -Attended by a numerous body of armed retainers the -wealthy landowners made a descent on the coveted homestead, -plundered the household, drove off the cattle, and -abducted wives and daughters for the purpose of concubinage.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_233" id="Ref_233" href="#Foot_233">[233]</a></span> -But not in all cases without resistance being -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_451" id="Page_451">{451}</a></span> -offered; where such attacks were anticipated, the small -farmers prepared for them, and with the aid of the local -peasantry joined battle with the raiders. Thus the provinces -were almost constantly the scene of a miniature warfare.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_234" id="Ref_234" href="#Foot_234">[234]</a></span> In -the midst of these disorders the Rector held the balance of -justice and inclined the scale towards whoever weighted it -with the heaviest bribe. Often, in fact, he was himself one -of the worst offenders; and in his capacity as collector of -the revenue, or under the pretence of giving police protection, -he plundered and committed outrages in every direction -throughout the country.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_235" id="Ref_235" href="#Foot_235">[235]</a></span> And in such license he was -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_452" id="Page_452">{452}</a></span> -usually afforded countenance and example by the logothetes -and other officers, who were superior to him in authority, -during their special visitations as agents of the fisc.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_236" id="Ref_236" href="#Foot_236">[236]</a></span> These -harpies resorted to every imaginable device for embezzling -money, and especially by presenting long bills to the -decurions for public works which were never executed.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_237" id="Ref_237" href="#Foot_237">[237]</a></span> -They also invented legal pretexts to commit outrages on the -families of the debtors, and wives, virgins, and youths were -regularly debauched by them.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_238" id="Ref_238" href="#Foot_238">[238]</a></span> In some localities even the -collection of the tributes was regularly opposed and attended -with bloodshed.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_239" id="Ref_239" href="#Foot_239">[239]</a></span> As for convicted criminals, even they could -feel no assurance of having to suffer only the statutory -punishments, but according to the temper of the judge they -had to undergo a penalty, and hands and feet were lopped -off continually, with little or no regard to law or humanity.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_240" id="Ref_240" href="#Foot_240">[240]</a></span> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_453" id="Page_453">{453}</a></span></p> - -<p>All the evils and abuses of the Byzantine system were -magnified and multiplied by the ruthless policy of John, -and at Constantinople the widespread discontent began to -show signs of tending to a crisis. Every class was more or -less affected, and the numberless sufferers were increasingly -associated in the capital. Advocates went without employment, -since it was considered useless to protract trials by -pleadings or the examination of witnesses.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_241" id="Ref_241" href="#Foot_241">[241]</a></span> The shipping -interest was ruined by the imposition of onerous port dues -and the establishment of custom-houses at the approaches -to the city, both in the Hellespont and the Bosphorus.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_242" id="Ref_242" href="#Foot_242">[242]</a></span> As -a result numbers of those engaged in maritime commerce -burnt their vessels, and a shortage of foodstuffs distressed -the inhabitants.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_243" id="Ref_243" href="#Foot_243">[243]</a></span> At all times the briskness of trade was -sapped for the mercantile class by the privileges granted to -the religious orders and their abuse of the concessions. Not -only were there eleven hundred shops free of excise belonging -to St. Sophia,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_244" id="Ref_244" href="#Foot_244">[244]</a></span> but all other churches, as well as -monasteries, hospitals, poorhouses, and orphan homes, -claimed a like immunity. Nor did the list end even here, -for the three grades of nobles arrogated to themselves an -equal right to trade with remitted taxes.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_245" id="Ref_245" href="#Foot_245">[245]</a></span></p> - -<p>The Blue Faction were favoured by Justinian and his -consort, who accorded them such indulgence that they considered -themselves to be above the law. Their affiliation to -the throne caused them to enjoy great credit among the -ordinary citizens, wherefore they decided to distinguish -themselves objectively by adopting a peculiar uniform. -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_454" id="Page_454">{454}</a></span> -Thus they discarded the use of the razor and wore full -Persian beards, allowed their back hair to grow long, in -imitation of the Huns, and donned richly embroidered tunics -furnished with sleeves which bellied out in an extraordinary -fashion from the wrist up to the shoulder. Secure of impunity -for any excesses they might commit, the more vicious -members carried weapons day and night, ostensibly for the -purpose merely of chastising their sworn enemies, the Green -Faction, but in reality with the intention of robbing and -murdering peaceful inhabitants. Under the pretence of -carrying on their historical feud, they assassinated in the -streets, despoiled private houses of their valuables, and even -outraged wives and daughters. Similar enormities on the -part of the Greens were severely dealt with by the magistrates, -but they were terrorized by the dominant Faction into -ignoring their misdeeds. Those who defied the malefactors -by acting impartially paid for their integrity with their lives. -The better spirits of the Blue Deme bewailed the lawlessness -of their fellows, and the Emperor made fitful efforts to repress -the disorders, but Theodora resisted any attempt to -restrict the licence of her favourite clan.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_246" id="Ref_246" href="#Foot_246">[246]</a></span> Numbers of the -Greens were driven from their homes by the ceaseless persecution, -and, finding themselves everywhere in discredit, -avenged their wrongs on society in general by taking to the -road and practising brigandage by the most merciless -methods.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_247" id="Ref_247" href="#Foot_247">[247]</a></span> In a lesser degree every city -of the Empire presented -a scene of confusion similar to that which reigned at -Constantinople.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_248" id="Ref_248" href="#Foot_248">[248]</a></span> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_455" id="Page_455">{455}</a></span></p> - -<p>Into a capital thus agitated by numberless grievances of -its own, a varied crowd of fugitives from the provinces began -to pour, in the autumn of 531. Their proper abodes had -been made uninhabitable for them, and they fled in terror -from the local tyrants to seek redress at the hands of the -autocrator. Peasant farmers with their wives, priests, monks, -and nuns, often accompanied by their lawyers, thronged the -city as they pressed onwards to lay their appeals at the foot -of the throne.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_249" id="Ref_249" href="#Foot_249">[249]</a></span> They clamoured incessantly in all the public -places, so that to meet the emergency it became necessary -to revive a number of forgotten magistracies, praetors and -quaesitors,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_250" id="Ref_250" href="#Foot_250">[250]</a></span> who might hear complaints and appease the -rising tumult. On all sides the populace reviled the bureaucracy -who had brought about such an impass, and, as the -old year went out, a general feeling prevailed that the existing -order of things must come to an end.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_251" id="Ref_251" href="#Foot_251">[251]</a></span> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_456" id="Page_456">{456}</a></span></p> - -<p>With the opening of January, 532, the season of the -Consular Festivals was at hand, but both in this year and -the previous one ardour for parade had been deadened -by political distraction, and the appointment of a consul -was passed over. Preparations were made, however, for a -display in the Circus, and it was hoped that something of -the deepening gloom might be lifted by the diversion thus -afforded. But the result disappointed expectation, and the -assembly of the people in the vast area provided an opportunity -for the actively smouldering discontent to work its -way to the surface and to burst into flame. The possibility -of the throne becoming vacant had been brooding in the -minds of the Factions, and, as usual, when confronted with -that contingency, there was a tendency to a temporary -accord between the Blues and Greens.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_252" id="Ref_252" href="#Foot_252">[252]</a></span> On a Sunday, the -eleventh day of the month, Justinian, with the customary -pomp, took his seat in the Cathisma.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_253" id="Ref_253" href="#Foot_253">[253]</a></span> A protest against the -administration had been previously concerted, and the -Greens, as being frankly discountenanced by the Emperor, -were most forward to evince their hostility. At first a respectful -tone was adopted, and the Autocrator was acclaimed -with the usual formulas, "Many years to Justinian Augustus! -May you be victorious!" The Greens then raised a cry that -the people were oppressed, and prayed to be delivered from -their sufferings. A heated dialogue between the throne and -the demagogy then ensued, which ended in bitter recriminations -passing from side to side. On such occasions the -Emperor made use of an officer called a <i>Mandator</i> as his -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_457" id="Page_457">{457}</a></span> -mouthpiece, whilst the Demarch acted as spokesman for the -Faction concerned. At the outset one Calopodius was -named as the object of complaint, doubtless the executive -officer of the Praefect of the City, whose brutality in preserving -order had awakened the resentment of the masses: -<i>D.</i> "I am oppressed; I can bear it no longer, God knows." -<i>M.</i> "Who is in fault? we know of no one." <i>D.</i> "Thrice -August, I fear to name him." <i>M.</i> "Of whom do you complain? -We have no idea of the person meant." <i>D.</i> "Master -of us all, it is Calopodius the centurion." <i>M.</i> "Calopodius -is not in authority." <i>D.</i> "May the lot of Judas be his! God -will pay him out." <i>M.</i> "You have come here to insult the -magistrates, not to look on at the games." <i>D.</i> "I say, may -he suffer like Judas!" <i>M.</i> "Hold your tongue, Jews, Manichaeans, -Samaritans!" <i>D.</i> "Oh, you call us Jews and -Samaritans! Holy Virgin, be with us!" <i>M.</i> "I do, and bid -you all to get baptized in the name of the One."<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_254" id="Ref_254" href="#Foot_254">[254]</a></span> <i>D.</i> "Oh, -bring the water; let us be baptized as you say." <i>M.</i> "I will -have your heads cut off." <i>D.</i> "Oh, we must not speak the -truth for fear of losing our heads. Take no offence, Emperor, -I have some right to liberty." <i>M.</i> "Rascals, will you -risk your lives?" <i>D.</i> "Would that Sabbatius had never been -born! Then a son of his would not have been a murderer. -Who killed the wood-seller at the Zeugma?" <i>M.</i> "You killed -him." <i>D.</i> "Who killed the son of Epagathus?" <i>M.</i> "You -killed him also, and you say the Blues did it." So far the -Blues had maintained a sullen silence, but at this suggestion -some of them were roused to taunt the Greens. Presently -the latter all trooped out of the Circus, exclaiming, "Goodbye -to justice! We will turn Jews; better to be a Pagan than -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_458" id="Page_458">{458}</a></span> -a Blue." Thus Justinian and the Blues were left alone at -the performance.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_255" id="Ref_255" href="#Foot_255">[255]</a></span></p> - -<p>In the evening of the same day Justinian determined on -an effort to quell the sedition by making an example of -those who had been most insolent to him in the Hippodrome. -Seven persons, drawn from both factions, were seized -by Eudaemon, the Praefect of the city, and led off to execution. -Four were decapitated and the remaining three were -hung; but in the case of two of the latter the rope broke, -and the culprits fell to the ground. At the sight of this -moving accident the bystanders were greatly agitated, and -an outcry for pardon arose, whereupon some monks interposed -and carried off the men by boat to the monastery of -St. Laurence. One of those rescued was a Blue, the other a -Green; and the circumstance caused the union between the -factions to be more firmly cemented. On hearing of the -rescue, Eudaemon placed a guard of soldiers outside the -sanctuary, but did not dare to violate it.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_256" id="Ref_256" href="#Foot_256">[256]</a></span> On the following -Tuesday the spectacle was resumed in the Circus, and, -during the whole time of the exhibition both factions -clamoured conjointly to the Emperor for the release of the -prisoners, intermingling cries of "Long years to the wretched -Blues and Greens," with their prayers. But Justinian remained -sternly irresponsive, and the assembly had to disperse -without receiving any indication of Imperial sympathy.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_257" id="Ref_257" href="#Foot_257">[257]</a></span> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_459" id="Page_459">{459}</a></span> -The popular rancour now rose to fever-heat, and the leaders -of the Demes counselled extreme measures. In order that -all who were on the side of the insurgents might have a -means of recognizing each other, the device of a countersign -was adopted, and the word <i>Nika</i>, that is, "victory," was -chosen for the purpose, whence the movement was known -ever afterwards as the "Nika revolt."<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_258" id="Ref_258" href="#Foot_258">[258]</a></span> First a rush was made -to the Praetorium of the City Praefect to demand the removal -of the guard from the monastery, but no answer could -be obtained. At this moment a slight concession might have -appeased the rage of the multitude, so that the ferment -would have been modified for the time. Obduracy, however, -inflamed their passions beyond measure, the Praetorium was -set on fire, and an irruption was then made towards the -Augusteum with the object of assailing Justinian himself. A -number of soldiers encountered on the way were butchered -by the mob,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_259" id="Ref_259" href="#Foot_259">[259]</a></span> firebrands were hurled into the Chalke, and -soon the external chambers of the palace were all in flames. -The conflagration spread rapidly, the principal buildings in -the square became quickly involved, and during the evening -the Baths of Zeuxippus, the Senate House, and the great -church of St. Sophia were reduced to a heap of smoking -ruins.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_260" id="Ref_260" href="#Foot_260">[260]</a></span></p> - -<p>On the following day the rioters came out early in greatly -increased numbers, and all those who had previously been -disaffected to the government now ranged themselves openly -against it. At the same time people of every class who -wished to stand aloof during the rebellion fled from the city -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_460" id="Page_460">{460}</a></span> -and hid themselves in places of safety on the opposite continent.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_261" id="Ref_261" href="#Foot_261">[261]</a></span> -The Demarchs convened a meeting in the Forum of -Constantine,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_262" id="Ref_262" href="#Foot_262">[262]</a></span> where they were joined by a considerable body -of nobles and senators. The ministers were denounced, the -deposition of Justinian was agreed upon, and it was resolved -that Probus, one of the nephews of Anastasius, should be -proclaimed as Emperor. With the multitude surging after -them the leaders then proceeded to the house of that general, -which was situated near the harbour of Julian. His presence -and acceptance of the dignity was demanded, whilst, as he -was known to possess a private arsenal, cries arose from the -throng that they should be supplied with arms. Probus, -however, was found to have disappeared, and, on ascertaining -the fact, the mob set fire to the premises and retired.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_263" id="Ref_263" href="#Foot_263">[263]</a></span> -Simultaneously heralds were announcing, on the part of -Justinian, that the games in the Hippodrome were to be -continued; but the populace responded by injecting fire into -the arena, and refused to enter, exclaiming that he merely -wished to catch them in a trap.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_264" id="Ref_264" href="#Foot_264">[264]</a></span> The leaders were now at a -loss what step to take, for Hypatius and Pompeius, the two -other nephews of Anastasius, were not only believed to be -loyal to the Emperor, but were actually on duty as members -of his staff within the palace. The general concourse, however, -did not hesitate as to how to act, but yielded to their lust -for revenge, and rushed off shouting, "Down with Tribonian, -John of Cappadocia, and Eudaemon," determined to seek -them out and lynch them as soon as they could be found.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_265" id="Ref_265" href="#Foot_265">[265]</a></span></p> - -<p>The Emperor now became anxious as detailed information -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_461" id="Page_461">{461}</a></span> -came in as to the havoc already wrought in the capital, and -he began to realize the extent of the defection. The wild -uproar, harping incessantly on a special note, reached his -ears, and he sent an officer to ascertain what the people were -vociferating.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_266" id="Ref_266" href="#Foot_266">[266]</a></span> As soon as an answer was brought to him he -decided to yield, hoping that conciliation would induce an -immediate calm. The three obnoxious officials were displaced -from their posts, and others, popular for their well-known -integrity, were appointed in their stead. Effective -measures were taken to announce the change publicly, but -the concession failed to appease the tumult.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_267" id="Ref_267" href="#Foot_267">[267]</a></span> The provisional -government of the insurgents felt that they had gone too -far to retreat with safety, whilst their secret emissaries -had already been at work endeavouring to entice Hypatius -from the palace with the promise of his elevation to the -purple.</p> - -<p>During the next three days the devastation of the metropolis -continued, and Constantinople assumed the aspect of -a city taken by the enemy.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_268" id="Ref_268" href="#Foot_268">[268]</a></span> The only hope for the government -now lay in its being able to suppress the revolt by -force, but the Byzantine soldiery showed signs of disaffection, -and it was recognized that even the Excubitors, of -whom Justinian himself had held the command, could not -be trusted.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_269" id="Ref_269" href="#Foot_269">[269]</a></span> Within the precincts of the Palace there was, -however, a considerable body of barbarian mercenaries, as -well as several of the Imperial generals who remained loyal -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_462" id="Page_462">{462}</a></span> -and were ready to act against the rioters.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_270" id="Ref_270" href="#Foot_270">[270]</a></span> On the Thursday -Belisarius issued forth with a body of Goths and Herules, -and a fierce battle ensued around the Milium and in the -adjoining streets.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_271" id="Ref_271" href="#Foot_271">[271]</a></span> The rebels defended themselves furiously, -and, while the men fought below, women, posted in the -upper chambers of the houses, hurled stones and tiles through -the windows on the heads of their military antagonists. -Numbers of these Amazons were among the slain.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_272" id="Ref_272" href="#Foot_272">[272]</a></span> At a -certain hour of the day an attempt was made to restore -order by priestly intervention, and a train of ecclesiastics, -presenting the sacred books and holy images to the eyes of -the combatants, descended into the scene of the conflict. -The Byzantines might have been influenced, but the barbarians -took no account of their presence, and the strife -raged without abatement.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_273" id="Ref_273" href="#Foot_273">[273]</a></span> The civil war in the streets was -continued for the two succeeding days,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_274" id="Ref_274" href="#Foot_274">[274]</a></span> ineffectively on the -part of the authorities, while the confidence of the insurgents -increased. The work of incendiarism went on, and now on -both sides, for the soldiers tried to dislodge those who assailed -them from the domiciles and public edifices by firing -the buildings.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_275" id="Ref_275" href="#Foot_275">[275]</a></span> The wind often assisted the conflagration by -sweeping the flames along.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_276" id="Ref_276" href="#Foot_276">[276]</a></span> Among the architectural monuments -consumed during this period of the sedition were the -Octagon,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_277" id="Ref_277" href="#Foot_277">[277]</a></span> the church of St. Irene, -<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_278" id="Ref_278" href="#Foot_278">[278]</a></span> the Hospital of Sampson -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_463" id="Page_463">{463}</a></span> -with its infirm inmates,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_279" id="Ref_279" href="#Foot_279">[279]</a></span> the House of Lamps with its rich -wares,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_280" id="Ref_280" href="#Foot_280">[280]</a></span> the Palace of Lausus with its -irreplaceable art -treasures,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_281" id="Ref_281" href="#Foot_281">[281]</a></span> and the porticos ranging between the Augusteum -and the Pavement.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_282" id="Ref_282" href="#Foot_282">[282]</a></span></p> - -<p>In the meantime Justinian and the Imperial party within -the Palace began to despair of their fortunes. The Excubitors -and the other corps of domestics did not break -into open mutiny, but their faces appeared lowering and -indifferent, and it was evident that their sympathies were -veering steadily in the direction of the rebels. That the insurgents -were intent on replacing him with Hypatius was -well known to the Emperor, and he became apprehensive -lest at any moment his own guards might consummate their -wishes by the seizure of his person and the proclamation of -his rival.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_283" id="Ref_283" href="#Foot_283">[283]</a></span> He summoned the nephews of Anastasius to his -presence, and urged them to leave the palace in order to -safeguard their own households. They protested that it was -their duty to stand by their sovereign in such a crisis, but -he suspected their loyalty and insisted peremptorily on their -departure. They obeyed with reluctance, and quitted the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_464" id="Page_464">{464}</a></span> -Court on the Saturday evening.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_284" id="Ref_284" href="#Foot_284">[284]</a></span> At the same time Justinian, -anticipating that a successful assault might be made on the -Palace, heaped all his most precious possessions into a swift -galley, which lay in the Imperial harbour, and held himself -in readiness for a precipitate flight to the Thracian town of -Heraclea.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_285" id="Ref_285" href="#Foot_285">[285]</a></span></p> - -<p>Early on Sunday morning the Emperor resolved on making -a final effort to win back the allegiance of his subjects. -By assuming an attitude of contrition, and proving his -sincerity by a promise of universal amnesty, he might yet be -able to save his throne. Holding the Gospels in his hand, -he proceeded at dawn to the Hippodrome, and established -himself in the regal seat. A proclamation was made, and -the people, now confident in their own strength, came flocking -in on all sides, attracted by the belief that something -unusual was about to take place. Justinian advanced, and -protending the sacred volume, adjured the assemblage: -"By the might of this hallowed Word I condone everything -that has happened. None of you shall be arrested; only be -pacified. My sins have brought about this impass; no blame -attaches to you. On me the guilt for not answering your -appeal for mercy." Murmurs of approval were heard for a -moment, but a general hooting quickly drowned them, and -loud cries of "Ass, thou liest!" were repeated by a myriad -of voices.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_286" id="Ref_286" href="#Foot_286">[286]</a></span> Finally the tumult resolved -itself into persistent -calls for Hypatius. The Emperor persevered no further, but -retired in silence to the Palace.</p> - -<p>The news spread rapidly that the disinherited princes -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_465" id="Page_465">{465}</a></span> -were at liberty, and the revolutionaries immediately thronged -to their residence. Hypatius was demanded, and in despite -of the outcry of his wife, who foreboded disaster, was forced -along to the Forum of Constantine. There the usual forms -of a coronation were enacted; he was hoisted on a shield -and crowned with a golden necklace. Exulting in this -achievement, a wave of excitement swept over the crowd, -and all clamoured that the new Emperor should be borne -in triumph to the Circus and installed in the Cathisma, -whilst a determined effort was being made for the capture -of the Palace. A senator named Origen protested warmly -against this move as being too rash and hasty. "Have -patience for the present," said he, "let us fortify ourselves -in another palace, of which there are several in the city. -Whilst his resources are being frittered away, Justinian will -be tired out and fly of his own accord; or at some opportune -moment we shall be able to take him without risk." His -prudent counsel was, however, cried down; Hypatius was -hurried along reluctantly, and compelled to usurp the Imperial -seat, whilst the people thronged the arena and acclaimed -him with reckless enthusiasm.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_287" id="Ref_287" href="#Foot_287">[287]</a></span> But he contemplated -his sudden rise with dismay, and felt profoundly insecure in -his new position. Taking his opportunity, he privately -despatched a Candidate to assure Justinian that he was -involuntarily acting a part, and was only too anxious to -repudiate the unwelcome honours thrust upon him. In a -short time his messenger returned with a joyous air; as he -strove to enter the Palace, the chief physician had accosted -him: "Where are you going," said he, "there is no one -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_466" id="Page_466">{466}</a></span> -within, the Emperor has taken his departure." "Master," -exclaimed the Candidate, "God wishes you to reign; Justinian -has fled and the Palace is empty." At this announcement -Hypatius resigned himself with some confidence to his -fortune.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_288" id="Ref_288" href="#Foot_288">[288]</a></span> The populace went on applauding -him tumultuously, -whilst they were loud in their vituperation of Justinian -and Theodora.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_289" id="Ref_289" href="#Foot_289">[289]</a></span></p> - -<p>The report that Justinian had virtually abdicated by -abandoning his post was false, but the author of it may -have supposed that he was speaking an imminent truth, as -that event seemed on the point of being realized. Hesitating -to commit himself to the irrevocable step, the Emperor -paused to throw a last glance at the situation. He initiated -a debate, but his advisers were despondent, and their -opinions half-hearted and divergent. Of all those concerned -Theodora felt most deeply the ignominy of flight, and, -unable to restrain her indignation at their halting resolution, -burst into a passionate remonstrance. She deprecated the -assurance of a woman in presuming to address a body of -men, and pleaded the exigences of the moment as her -excuse. "Even at this adverse crisis," said she, "I think -the alternative of flight is out of the question. Though he -may be permitted to live in safety as an exile, the master of -an empire should not survive the loss of his dignity. As for -myself, may I never live to see the day when this purple -mantle shall fall from me, and people no longer salute me -as Empress. I hold no sentiment so dear as that old saying, -'Royalty is a fine thing to be buried in.'"<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_290" id="Ref_290" href="#Foot_290">[290]</a></span> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_467" id="Page_467">{467}</a></span></p> - -<p>By this bold speech Theodora infused her own intrepid -spirit into the Imperial party. No longer wavering in their -counsels, they resolved to assume the offensive, and thought -only of how to strike with most effect at the usurper and the -rebels who supported him. The barbarian mercenaries congregated -in the Palace still amounted to three or four -thousand men, and several reliable officers were at hand to -lead them. These troops were divided into two brigades and -placed under the command of Belisarius and Mundus the -Goth respectively.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_291" id="Ref_291" href="#Foot_291">[291]</a></span> At the same time Narses, the Chief -Eunuch, opened negotiations with the Blue Faction, and by -extensive bribery succeeded in detaching a large number -of them from their associates. Some dissension in the -Hippodrome resulted, voices were raised in favour of -Justinian, and Hypatius was no longer the object of unalloyed -enthusiasm.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_292" id="Ref_292" href="#Foot_292">[292]</a></span> And now Belisarius, supported by his -colleague, determined to make a direct onslaught on the -Cathisma, which was crowded with the improvised guards of -the newly constituted emperor.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_293" id="Ref_293" href="#Foot_293">[293]</a></span> He essayed to pass by the -Cochlea, but found the way blocked by the Excubitors, who -had adopted a neutral attitude, and decided to be deaf to all -orders as long as the fortunes of the rival parties hung in the -balance. Seeing that any effort in that direction would be -futile, he abandoned the scheme and, somewhat disheartened, -returned to consult Justinian. A different plan of attack was -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_468" id="Page_468">{468}</a></span> -then concerted with Mundus. Both generals made their way -out with some difficulty over the ruins of the Chalke, and -drew up their men in a compact body in the Augusteum. -Marching around from thence they inspected all the inlets -of the Circus, but saw that those on the north were held in -force by the armed adherents of Hypatius. On arriving at -the sphendone, however, Belisarius noticed that the way lay -open into the arena, where the unarmed mob were collected -in a dense throng. With a sudden impulse he called his -men to arms and rushed on the crowd with vengeful determination. -A remorseless massacre followed, and was continued -as long as the barbarians found any living being -within their reach. As for Mundus, the moment he perceived -how Belisarius had become engaged, he swept rapidly -round the southern circuit of the Hippodrome and made a -similar irruption through the opposite entry, that called the -Gate of the Dead. The doomed people, thus caught between -the two brigades of infuriated troops, were cut off from all -chance of escape; and, when at length the slaughter ceased, -it was computed that at least thirty-five thousand citizens -had been slain in this military execution.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_294" id="Ref_294" href="#Foot_294">[294]</a></span></p> - -<p>At the sight of the massacre consternation seized on the -immediate partisans of Hypatius, and their confident union -was completely dissolved. All felt that the cause of the -upstart emperor was lost, and thought only of falling off -from his perilous proximity in order to ensure their individual -safety. A corresponding sense of assurance quickly -spread among the inmates of the Palace as soon as they -became aware that the rebels massed in the Hippodrome -were undergoing extermination. Justus and Boraides, two -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_469" id="Page_469">{469}</a></span> -young relatives of Justinian,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_295" id="Ref_295" href="#Foot_295">[295]</a></span> seeing their opportunity, -placed themselves at the head of a small body of faithful -guards and made an impetuous rush to the Cathisma. No -one daring to withstand them, they ascended at once, -seized on Hypatius and his brother, and hurried them -before the Emperor. They were submitted to a brief -examination, during which Hypatius maintained a dignified -attitude, and asserted his consistent loyalty, asseverating -that they had merely acted under popular compulsion. On -the other hand, Pompeius, a man less experienced in affairs, -broke down utterly, and abjectly bewailed his misfortune. -Justinian remanded them in custody, and consulted with -his ministers as to their fate.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_296" id="Ref_296" href="#Foot_296">[296]</a></span> He suggested clemency, but -the Empress intervened with her usual vehemence, and -insisted on the infliction of the death penalty.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_297" id="Ref_297" href="#Foot_297">[297]</a></span> She bore -down all opposition, and next morning they were handed -over to the soldiery, who executed them and threw their -bodies into the sea. Their property was confiscated to the -state, as well as that of the other men of rank who had -associated themselves to the Nika, but after a short time a -partial restitution was made to their families.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_298" id="Ref_298" href="#Foot_298">[298]</a></span> That Justinian, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_470" id="Page_470">{470}</a></span> -though often severe, and even reckless in punishments, -was not vindictive, is shown by an incident which -occurred in connection with Probus, who just escaped being -involved in the insurrection. A few years previously he was -accused of treasonable utterances against the Emperor, -whereupon a court of inquiry was held, at which the charge -was brought home to him. The finding of the judges was -delivered in writing to Justinian, but he, tearing up the -document in the presence of the delinquent, said, "Probus, -I forgive you; pray to God that he may do likewise."<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_299" id="Ref_299" href="#Foot_299">[299]</a></span> -Some years after the riot, John, a son of the unfortunate -Pompeius, was in favour at Court, and married into the -Imperial family.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_300" id="Ref_300" href="#Foot_300">[300]</a></span></p> - -<p>By the fortuitous suppression of the Nika revolt the -despotism of Justinian was established on a foundation -unassailable by any popular commotion. A few thousands -of barbarian mercenaries maintained in the heart of New -Rome had sufficed to coerce the democracy in the capital, -and to stifle the indignation of the whole Empire against a -shameless and rapacious tyranny. Justinian's first care was -to proclaim his victory over the usurpers and the rabble -who supported them throughout the provinces,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_301" id="Ref_301" href="#Foot_301">[301]</a></span> and then -to restore the bureaucracy to its former efficiency for fiscal -exaction.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_302" id="Ref_302" href="#Foot_302">[302]</a></span> The ministers nominated under compulsion of -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_471" id="Page_471">{471}</a></span> -the vulgar outcry were soon displaced, and Tribonian and -John returned to their seats at the heads of their respective -departments, where they reverted to their old methods of -statecraft and extortion.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_303" id="Ref_303" href="#Foot_303">[303]</a></span> The infamous Cappadocian -resumed his sway over the Emperor and the Empire, and -during the next decade almost all public Acts were headed -with the superscription, "To John, the Most Glorious -Praefect of the Sacred Praetorium of the Orient, ex-Consul -and Patrician."<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_304" id="Ref_304" href="#Foot_304">[304]</a></span></p> - -<p>Theodora, on her side, to express her sense of assured -supremacy, made a triumphal progress through the country -to the hot-baths of Pythia,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_305" id="Ref_305" href="#Foot_305">[305]</a></span> in Bithynia. A crowd of patricians, -illustrious officials, eunuchs, and officers of rank -attended her, constituting a retinue amounting in all to -over four thousand persons. At every halting place she -made munificent donations to the public institutions of the -vicinity; and churches, monasteries, and hospitals benefited -largely by her ostentatious liberality.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_306" id="Ref_306" href="#Foot_306">[306]</a></span></p> - -<p>We should certainly do Justinian less than justice if we -asserted that his regard for the welfare of his subjects was -limited to a desire that no one should plunder them but -himself. That statement, however, might not be an unfair -definition of his objective attitude towards them. Three -years after the rebellion he began the issue of a series of -enactments intended to work a complete administrative -reform throughout the Empire. He had in the meantime -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_472" id="Page_472">{472}</a></span> -waged a successful war in the West, and for the moment the -treasury was redundant with the rich spoils. His scheme of -reform was doubtless influenced by this fact, and he legislated -in the temporary belief that for the future the national -burdens might be lightened.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_307" id="Ref_307" href="#Foot_307">[307]</a></span> His measures were directed -to three principal requirements, viz., (1) to fortify the -authority of his local vicegerents; (2) to elevate their ethical -motives by abolishing venality; and (3) to invigorate the -collection of the taxes.</p> - -<p>1. In order to achieve the first of these objects he began -to reverse, in great part, the provincial policy elaborated by -Diocletian and Constantine.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_308" id="Ref_308" href="#Foot_308">[308]</a></span> In a number of provinces he -dispensed with the dual control, and united both civil and -military power in the hands of the Rector.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_309" id="Ref_309" href="#Foot_309">[309]</a></span> Enhanced rank -naturally followed this increase of authority, and thus the -former Clarissimus rose to be a Spectabilis, whilst, at the -same time, he was granted the emoluments of both offices.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_310" id="Ref_310" href="#Foot_310">[310]</a></span> -A loftier official title was also necessitated by these changes, -and hence a simple Praeses or Judex became a Moderator, -Praetor, or Count, and in three instances was elevated to -the almost regal dignity of a Proconsul.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_311" id="Ref_311" href="#Foot_311">[311]</a></span> In some of these -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_473" id="Page_473">{473}</a></span> -cases, however, the promotion of the Rector was due chiefly -to the extension of his authority over a wider area. Some -of the smaller provinces lying adjacent were annexed to -each other, and received a single governor, especially those -which had been previously known as "First" and "Second" -of the same name.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_312" id="Ref_312" href="#Foot_312">[312]</a></span> In general the power of those Rectors -who did not take over the military command was augmented -by granting them an official guard sufficient to render them -incontestably superior to such of the local magnates as had -previously terrorized the district by the multitude of their -armed retainers.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_313" id="Ref_313" href="#Foot_313">[313]</a></span> As the ordinary judge, the Rector's position -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_474" id="Page_474">{474}</a></span> -was also improved by opening his tribunal to lawsuits -in which greater pecuniary interests were at stake.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_314" id="Ref_314" href="#Foot_314">[314]</a></span> Some -control was also conferred on them over agents of the fiscs, -whom they were enjoined to restrain from collection of -funds for public works, unless they presented an imperial -commission for doing so.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_315" id="Ref_315" href="#Foot_315">[315]</a></span> Justinian further directed his -vicegerents as to the official pageantry by which they were -properly distinguished, and urged them not to be lax in the -matter of public display. They were reminded of their -right to wear a purple robe of a certain form and hue, to sit -in a silver chariot and to be preceded in their progresses by -an officer bearing the axe and fasces.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_316" id="Ref_316" href="#Foot_316">[316]</a></span> The Emperor himself -was, indeed, unusually prone to ostentation, and when -instituting these reforms he showed no little pride by enacting -that all the newly created dignities should be denoted -by the epithet "Justinian."<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_317" id="Ref_317" href="#Foot_317">[317]</a></span></p> - -<p>Another sweeping change made by Justinian at this time -increased the importance of the individual Rectors by -limiting their subservience to intermediary authorities, and -placing them in more direct dependence on the bureaucracy -of the capital. He abolished the division of the Empire -into dioceses, and the six groups of provinces which had -hitherto obeyed an administrator in chief ceased to be -regarded officially as being thus connected. The title of -Vicar became obsolete, and the four vicegerents who had -borne it were resolved into simple Rectors of their residential -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_475" id="Page_475">{475}</a></span> -provinces.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_318" id="Ref_318" href="#Foot_318">[318]</a></span> The magnificent Count of the East was -detached from his great array of provinces, and restricted to -the governorship of Syria,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_319" id="Ref_319" href="#Foot_319">[319]</a></span> still an enviable charge, since he -reckoned Antioch as his capital; and the Augustal Praefect -resigned the control of all Egypt for that of Alexandria and -the adjacent country.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_320" id="Ref_320" href="#Foot_320">[320]</a></span></p> - -<p>2. The foregoing reconstruction was neither difficult to -conceive nor inapplicable in practice, but when Justinian -determined to quell the greed for illicit gains among his -subordinates he struck at the most vital part of Byzantine -officialism. With no halting judgement he began by directing -the lethal weapon against his own breast, and decreed -that in future no candidate should be permitted to secure -an appointment as Rector by purchasing the interest of any -of his great officers of state or their dependents.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_321" id="Ref_321" href="#Foot_321">[321]</a></span> Henceforward -the Rector, having won his commission simply by -proving his fitness for office, would proceed to his government -unhampered by debt, and no longer compelled to -despoil the tributaries in order to liquidate his heavy -obligations. With paternal benignancy he would mete out -strict justice, and administer his charge with "pure hands,"<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_322" id="Ref_322" href="#Foot_322">[322]</a></span> -eschewing sordid gains, and content with the stipend -allotted to him by the state.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_323" id="Ref_323" href="#Foot_323">[323]</a></span> He would show no mercy to -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_476" id="Page_476">{476}</a></span> -homicides, adulterers, or abductors of virgins; would sternly -suppress brigandage, and never quail before the most -potent and wealthy delinquent in his province.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_324" id="Ref_324" href="#Foot_324">[324]</a></span> Titles -affixed to a neighbour's land, when found, were forthwith to -be detracted and broken over the head of the offender, -whether agent or principal.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_325" id="Ref_325" href="#Foot_325">[325]</a></span> Before his departure from the -capital he was obliged to attest his allegiance to the Emperor -and Empress by a solemn oath, swearing at the same time -that he had not obtained his post by bribery, and that his -conduct should be in every way exemplary towards the -subjects committed to his care.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_326" id="Ref_326" href="#Foot_326">[326]</a></span> On arriving at his seat of -government he was enjoined to convene the clergy and laity, -and read to them the Imperial ordinances under which he -had accepted office, a copy of the same to be posted also in -every district under his jurisdiction.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_327" id="Ref_327" href="#Foot_327">[327]</a></span></p> - -<p>Justinian did not, however, confine himself to exhortation -and verbal obligations to ensure the observance of his precepts, -but he also had recourse to material precautions -against the Rector's deviating from the path of rectitude. -In the first place local supervision of his actions was provided -for in three different quarters. Primarily the bishops -were authorized to receive complaints against the Rector, -and even to test their validity by sitting on the bench with -him to hear causes in which his ruling had been impugned.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_328" id="Ref_328" href="#Foot_328">[328]</a></span> -A mandate was also addressed to the Defenders of the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_477" id="Page_477">{477}</a></span> -Cities, whose office had fallen into disrepute, reviving and -extending their powers and animating their energies.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_329" id="Ref_329" href="#Foot_329">[329]</a></span> The -Rector was deprived of the right of dismissing them from -their posts, and they were directed to report him at headquarters -if he presumed to interfere with their functions.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_330" id="Ref_330" href="#Foot_330">[330]</a></span> -Lastly the Emperor gave full force to the old injunction of -Zeno that a retiring governor should remain for fifty days -within his province, exposing himself to the accusations of -all who should deem themselves aggrieved by his improbity.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_331" id="Ref_331" href="#Foot_331">[331]</a></span></p> - -<p>Nor did Justinian dispense with a system of rewards and -punishments to encourage the upright, or to deter the faithless -Rector. Having won golden opinions from his official -superiors, the former should expect to retain his position -for a longer period and subsequently to be promoted to a -higher charge with authority over a greater population.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_332" id="Ref_332" href="#Foot_332">[332]</a></span> On -the other hand, confiscation and exile, stripes and torture, -were to be inflicted on the transgressor as the penalty of his -misdeeds.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_333" id="Ref_333" href="#Foot_333">[333]</a></span></p> - -<p>Still further to safeguard the welfare of his subjects the -Emperor enacted comprehensive measures to facilitate the -administration of justice. In the provinces the legal status -of the Defenders of the Cities was raised, and the inhabitants -were directed to bring all minor cases before them instead -of crowding to the Rector's court from the outlying districts.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_334" id="Ref_334" href="#Foot_334">[334]</a></span> -At the same time courts of appeal were multiplied -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_478" id="Page_478">{478}</a></span> -by conferring on the Spectabiles intermediate jurisdiction -between the Rectors of lesser rank, the Clarissimi, and the -illustrious functionaries of the capital.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_335" id="Ref_335" href="#Foot_335">[335]</a></span> Thus the overwhelming -influx of the provincials into the Imperial city, to -lay their grievances before the supreme courts, was materially -diminished. Similarly at Constantinople the activity of the -puisne judges was much increased, and they were required -to sit in the Royal Basilica "morning, noon, and evening" -to determine lawsuits of lesser import.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_336" id="Ref_336" href="#Foot_336">[336]</a></span> A permanent -Quaesitor was also appointed to deal specially with the -throng of immigrants, to ascertain the propriety of their -appeals and direct them to the proper courts; or, should it -appear that they had come on a futile errand, to relegate -them back to their provinces with letters commending them -to the notice of the Rector.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_337" id="Ref_337" href="#Foot_337">[337]</a></span></p> - -<p>With a view to the repression of crime and the moral -depuration of the capital Justinian also took some active -measures, in which Theodora co-operated with him as far -as the feminine element was concerned. Under the title -of "Praetor of the People" the office of Praefect of the -Watch, formerly an important post in the Roman municipality, -was restored, and a posse of soldiers and firemen -was placed at his disposition.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_338" id="Ref_338" href="#Foot_338">[338]</a></span> To this praetor, who might -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_479" id="Page_479">{479}</a></span> -be a noble of illustrious rank, was assigned the duty of -organizing a patrol of the streets day and night for the -protection of life and property. At this time the traffic in -prostitution had grown to enormous dimensions, and the -country was overrun by panders who bought young maidens -from poor parents for a small sum in order to devote them -to public debauchery. Girls in their tenth year and upwards -were enticed by promises of fine clothes and ornaments to -become inmates of proprietary brothels, and were even -paraded about the streets as decoys for the dissolute. The -newly appointed praetors now received a mandate from the -Emperor to suppress these vile habitations and to drive -those who maintained them from the city.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_339" id="Ref_339" href="#Foot_339">[339]</a></span> The Empress -herself had been for some time engaged in the work of -reclaiming these unfortunates, whom she redeemed from -their owners by paying a stipulated price in each case.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_340" id="Ref_340" href="#Foot_340">[340]</a></span> A -disused palace on the Bosphorus was converted into a Magdalen -asylum, which she called "the Penitentiary"; and -here a considerable number of former courtesans were -immured in the hope of their moral reformation. Some -scandal, however, was occasioned by the conduct of several -of those rescued, who, driven to despair by the monotony -of their new life, preferred to throw themselves from the -windows at night into the water to enduring the unaccustomed -restraint; but we may assume the comparative -rarity of this untoward result.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_341" id="Ref_341" href="#Foot_341">[341]</a></span> Justinian also pronounced -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_480" id="Page_480">{480}</a></span> -very sternly against paederasty, and even made a public -example of certain bishops who were convicted of that -offence.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_342" id="Ref_342" href="#Foot_342">[342]</a></span> He further forbade the making of eunuchs within -the Empire, threatening confiscation, exile, and retaliative -castration against those who infringed his prohibition.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_343" id="Ref_343" href="#Foot_343">[343]</a></span> Consistently -he ordained that eunuchs of servile condition should -for the reason alone of their defect become free men.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_344" id="Ref_344" href="#Foot_344">[344]</a></span></p> - -<p>3. In the midst of his most earnest efforts at reform -Justinian never failed to impress on all concerned that with -himself and his Imperial partner the rights of the crown -and the maintenance of the revenue were of paramount -importance.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_345" id="Ref_345" href="#Foot_345">[345]</a></span> At the head of their codicils the Rectors -were admonished to make it their study above all things -to expedite the fiscal exactions; whilst the tributaries were -warned that no matter how vehemently their governor had -enforced payment of the imposts, no cause of action was -granted to them against him.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_346" id="Ref_346" href="#Foot_346">[346]</a></span> On the contrary, they were -to conduct him with all deference from the province at the -end of his term, and, should they presume to molest him -during his fifty days of postponed departure on that account, -they would be subjected to penalties of exceptional severity.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_347" id="Ref_347" href="#Foot_347">[347]</a></span> -The Emperor deplores the diminution of Roman territory -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_481" id="Page_481">{481}</a></span> -which has resulted from the inactivity of former rulers, and -calls attention to his own energy and prowess by which the -repair of their errors has been begun.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_348" id="Ref_348" href="#Foot_348">[348]</a></span> Military operations, -however, are expensive, and hostile incursions can only be -repelled if people respond freely to the demands of the tax -collectors.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_349" id="Ref_349" href="#Foot_349">[349]</a></span> Justinian asserts that he disdains -to imitate the -example of his predecessors who sold the offices of the -state, thus depriving themselves of the right to expostulate -with unjust administrators who embezzled the national -funds.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_350" id="Ref_350" href="#Foot_350">[350]</a></span> But a new era has now dawned, government with -<i>pure hands</i> is assured for the future, and liability will be -limited strictly to the legitimate imposts. Therefore let all -alike sing hymns of praise to God and the Saviour for the -passing of these new laws.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_351" id="Ref_351" href="#Foot_351">[351]</a></span></p> - -<p>Justinian, notwithstanding his professions, was mainly -influenced by the hope of pecuniary gain when he essayed -to reverse the administrative system of his predecessors. -He calculated that the rooted abuses which they had tolerated -for centuries were a cause that only one third, possibly, -indeed, not more than a fourth, of the taxes collected -found their way to the Imperial treasury.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_352" id="Ref_352" href="#Foot_352">[352]</a></span> Hence his -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_482" id="Page_482">{482}</a></span> -ministry of the interior soon resolved itself into a mere -organization for the invention of legislation which would -conduce to the raising of money.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_353" id="Ref_353" href="#Foot_353">[353]</a></span> The devices which -suggested themselves from time to time as financial expedients -were multifarious and of the most unrelated character. -Some of these have been already alluded to,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_354" id="Ref_354" href="#Foot_354">[354]</a></span> but a -few others which were productive of more signal changes -require particular notice. Roman Armenia was joined to -the less important region of that name on the west of the -Euphrates and reduced to the level of an ordinary province, -with a Proconsul for its principal Rector.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_355" id="Ref_355" href="#Foot_355">[355]</a></span> Consequently -taxes were imposed, and the inhabitants found themselves -racked for payments which they had previously escaped.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_356" id="Ref_356" href="#Foot_356">[356]</a></span> -In the time of Justin, Justinian added four troops to the -Scholars of the Palace, and received from each new member -a premium for his position in the force. Soon after his -accession he disbanded them as a measure of retrenchment, -but retained the purchase money. Subsequently he made a -practice of ordering these carpet soldiers for active service, -with the understanding that they would buy themselves off -the dreaded prospect by surrendering a quota of their pay.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_357" id="Ref_357" href="#Foot_357">[357]</a></span> -Every opportunity was taken to consolidate trade monopolies -to the advantage of the government;<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_358" id="Ref_358" href="#Foot_358">[358]</a></span> and this was -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_483" id="Page_483">{483}</a></span> -especially the case with respect to silk. Justinian pretended -to be indignant when a rise of price was operated by the -deficient supply, and decreed that the maximum retail cost -should be eight solidi (£4 10s.) the pound.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_359" id="Ref_359" href="#Foot_359">[359]</a></span> Confiscation -was the penalty for contravening this regulation, but the -traffic was still carried on in secret. Here Theodora found -an opening for the exercise of her talents, and through -private channels succeeded in discovering the merchants -who were implicated. Thereupon a fine of 100 lb. of gold -(£4,000) was imposed on each of them.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_360" id="Ref_360" href="#Foot_360">[360]</a></span> Soon the factories -at Tyre and Berytus, the headquarters of the commerce, -began to languish, the operatives were thrown out of work, -and ultimately the Praetorian Praefect possessed himself of -the whole manufacture. Exorbitant prices were then fixed -which yielded an immense profit to the Imperial exchequer, -but numberless persons were ruined during the process of -transfer.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_361" id="Ref_361" href="#Foot_361">[361]</a></span> Like results obtained in relation to the corn -supply of Egypt through manœuvres at Alexandria, by -which the Praefect of the City was constituted the sole -purveyor of that commodity. A scarceness and dearness -of bread was the natural consequence of this innovation.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_362" id="Ref_362" href="#Foot_362">[362]</a></span> -Another fiscal move, far-reaching in its effects, was the -diversion of the separate revenues of the municipalities<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_363" id="Ref_363" href="#Foot_363">[363]</a></span> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_484" id="Page_484">{484}</a></span> -into the hands of the Emperor. The local curiae being no -longer permitted to deal with them, public works were -neglected and the inhabitants ceased to be entertained by -the popular spectacles.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_364" id="Ref_364" href="#Foot_364">[364]</a></span> A blight seemed to fall on the -Empire, says the contemporary historian, and people had -no resource but the discussion of present calamities and the -expression of their fears for the future.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_365" id="Ref_365" href="#Foot_365">[365]</a></span> Related to this -policy was the formal abolition of the Consulship with its -attendant train of festivities which enlivened the opening -of each year. During the space of a decade the office had -only been filled in a desultory manner, but the last Consul -was actually seen in 541, and soon afterwards that link -between the Byzantines and the glories of the old Republic -was severed by a definite Act.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_366" id="Ref_366" href="#Foot_366">[366]</a></span> To tamper with the currency -has always been an inviting procedure with needy princes, -and Justinian did not resist having recourse to this artifice. -By giving a fictitious value to copper he managed to rake in -the gold coinage at about five-sixths of its actual worth.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_367" id="Ref_367" href="#Foot_367">[367]</a></span> -Such are the chief methods by which in this reign the -revenue was inflated beyond its normal proportions, and, to -complete the list, reference may be made to ill-advised -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_485" id="Page_485">{485}</a></span> -economies effected by the suppression of pay and pensions -usually granted by a state and to forfeitures of private -property constantly decreed on slight pretexts.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_368" id="Ref_368" href="#Foot_368">[368]</a></span></p> - -<p>If Justinian's studied scheme of reform could have been -applied successfully in practice, it is possible that fiscal -oppression might have been banished from the Empire. -But the Autocrator at Constantinople was scarcely more than -a suzerain in the provinces, and his fiat was but slightly regarded -by those who occupied any position of power in districts -remote from the capital.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_369" id="Ref_369" href="#Foot_369">[369]</a></span> Doubtless his technical -enactments as to the rank and territorial jurisdiction of -diverse Rectors were received as indisputable, but at the -same time they marked the limits of his power to work a -change in methods of local rule which had been practised -for centuries. Once invested with authority, the provincial -governor departed to tread in the footsteps of his predecessors, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_486" id="Page_486">{486}</a></span> -while the same futile prohibitions continued to issue -periodically from the mouth of the Emperor, secluded in his -distant Court.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_370" id="Ref_370" href="#Foot_370">[370]</a></span> Before the lapse of a twelvemonth Justinian -resigned himself to ignoring his own self-denying ordinance, -and a candidate for office was noted only in relation to his -ability to pay at the moment, and the magnitude of his promises -for the future.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_371" id="Ref_371" href="#Foot_371">[371]</a></span> His repeated denunciations of the -venality of his vicegerents represented no more than his -formal recognition of the lamentations which continually -reached his tribunal, or his exasperation at a prospective loss -of revenue from the flagrant excesses of some reckless extortioner.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_372" id="Ref_372" href="#Foot_372">[372]</a></span> -He was also extremely parsimonious in remitting -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_487" id="Page_487">{487}</a></span> -arrears of taxation, even in districts which had suffered from -hostile invasions or other calamities. Thus numbers of the -small landowners were allowed to languish under the apprehension -that at any moment their whole property might be -seized in order to wipe out their liabilities.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_373" id="Ref_373" href="#Foot_373">[373]</a></span></p> - -<p>A river of wealth flowed through the Byzantine exchequer -at the bidding of the Emperor. The sources were exhausted, -and the reservoir was discharged under the influence of the -same will. The people, who formed the well-head, suffered -untold miseries in contributing under compulsion to the -supply, but they possessed no control over the ultimate distribution -of the stream. These activities have now been -sufficiently considered on the one side; it remains for us to -turn our attention to the other. During the twenty years -which followed the Nika rebellion the reign of Justinian was -distinguished by a series of magnificent achievements both -at home and abroad; great works were accomplished within -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_488" id="Page_488">{488}</a></span> -the Empire; beyond its borders aggressive wars were waged -and a moiety of the Western Empire was restored to the -dominion of the East. But the background of this brilliant -scene was always of the same gloomy tint, such as has been -described in the present chapter, and these splendid successes -were obtained at the cost, but not to the advantage of the -Greek nation in general. While Justinian went on adding -magniloquent epithets to his name indicative of conquest -and triumph over alien races in the West,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_374" id="Ref_374" href="#Foot_374">[374]</a></span> his immediate -subjects continued to be afflicted by the harshness and -rapacity of the administration, as well as by the tyranny of the -local aristocracy. Concomitantly the barbarians in Europe -and the Persians in Asia sapped the vitals of the Empire -and impoverished or enslaved its inhabitants. Victory and -acquisition abroad by the aid of mercenary troops were -nullified by defeat and exhaustion at home; and the extended -Empire which Justinian handed down to his successors was -inferior in political vigour and sociological prosperity to the -smaller dominions which he had inherited from Anastasius.</p> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_185" id="Foot_185" href="#Ref_185">[185]</a> -Nov. viii, 8, 10; xvii, 1; xxx, 11, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_186" id="Foot_186" href="#Ref_186">[186]</a> -See p. 198 <i>et seq.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_187" id="Foot_187" href="#Ref_187">[187]</a> -See p. 162.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_188" id="Foot_188" href="#Ref_188">[188]</a> -Jn. Lydus (De Magistr., iii, 51) confirms the statement of Procopius -(Anecd., 19) that the immense savings of Anastasius were dissipated -during the reign of Justin. He supplies a reason, viz., that the -Emperor and his nephew were averse to bearing hardly on their subjects. -There seems, however to have been a sinking fund kept up -under the name of Anastasius, which continued to exist as a small reserve; -Jn. Ephes. (Smith, Oxford, 1860), p. 358.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_189" id="Foot_189" href="#Ref_189">[189]</a> -"He spared no expense, still less did he spare the property of his -subjects"; Zonaras, xiv, 6.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_190" id="Foot_190" href="#Ref_190">[190]</a> -"Justinian was insatiable in his lust after gold, and coveted his -subjects' property to such an extent that he sold them all in a body to -his officials and tax-collectors"; Evagrius, iv, 30; cf. Procopius, -Anecd., 21 <i>et passim</i>.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_191" id="Foot_191" href="#Ref_191">[191]</a> -Procopius, Anecd., 14.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_192" id="Foot_192" href="#Ref_192">[192]</a> -Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 24.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_193" id="Foot_193" href="#Ref_193">[193]</a> -Suidas, <i>sb. nom.</i> Two separate notices, apparently of the same -Tribonian, but there is some discrepancy.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_194" id="Foot_194" href="#Ref_194">[194]</a> -De Nov. Cod. Fac. (528), and De Confirm. (529).</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_195" id="Foot_195" href="#Ref_195">[195]</a> -Cod., I, xvii, 1; Procopius, <i>loc. cit.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_196" id="Foot_196" href="#Ref_196">[196]</a> -Cod., I, xvii (Tanta and Dedit nobis, 17), or Pand., <i>praef.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_197" id="Foot_197" href="#Ref_197">[197]</a> -He affected to live in apprehension that Justinian would be suddenly -snatched up to heaven on account of his more than mortal virtue, -like Elijah said the Christians, like Romulus thought the Pagans; -Procopius, Anecd., 13; Hesychius, De Vir. Illust., 67; Suidas, -<i>loc. cit.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_198" id="Foot_198" href="#Ref_198">[198]</a> -Hesychius and Suidas, <i>loc. cit.</i> The statement is doubted, but -Hesychius was a contemporary.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_199" id="Foot_199" href="#Ref_199">[199]</a> -Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 25; Anecd., 20; Suidas, <i>loc. cit.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_200" id="Foot_200" href="#Ref_200">[200]</a> -Procopius, Anecd., 14.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_201" id="Foot_201" href="#Ref_201">[201]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_202" id="Foot_202" href="#Ref_202">[202]</a> -Procopius, Anecd., 14. A referendary named Leon is said to have -first opened his eyes as to the feasibility of selling his decisions and to -have leagued with him for that purpose. Tribonian seems to have made -his chicanery profitable to himself alone.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_203" id="Foot_203" href="#Ref_203">[203]</a> -Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 24.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_204" id="Foot_204" href="#Ref_204">[204]</a> -Jn. Lydus, De Magistr., iii, 57.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_205" id="Foot_205" href="#Ref_205">[205]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_206" id="Foot_206" href="#Ref_206">[206]</a> -Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 24.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_207" id="Foot_207" href="#Ref_207">[207]</a> -Jn. Lydus, <i>loc. cit.</i>, 57.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_208" id="Foot_208" href="#Ref_208">[208]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i> He quotes a current epigram to the effect that "Cappadocians -were always bad, worse in office, worst in love of money, and -worse than worst if mounted in a grand official chariot." The Praetorian -Praefect wore a purple robe which only differed from that of the Emperor -by being cut short at the knees. His office was adorned with a -golden inkstand, weighing a hundred pounds; <i>Ibid.</i>, ii, 13, 14.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_209" id="Foot_209" href="#Ref_209">[209]</a> -Jn. Lydus, <i>loc. cit.</i>, iii, 62; Procopius, <i>loc. cit.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_210" id="Foot_210" href="#Ref_210">[210]</a> -Jn. Lydus, <i>loc. cit.</i>, 66-69; cf. Procopius, Evagrius, and Zonaras, -<i>loc. cit.</i> Owing to his ignorance of Latin he worked for the abolition of -that language in governmental documents. Under Theodosius II, one -Cyrus, an Egyptian, being similarly ignorant, attempted the same, but -lost the praefecture by it. There was an oracle that fortune would desert -the Romans should they forget their native tongue; Jn. Lydus, <i>loc. -cit.</i>, ii, 12; iii, 42.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_211" id="Foot_211" href="#Ref_211">[211]</a> -Jn. Lydus, <i>loc. cit.</i>, 70.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_212" id="Foot_212" href="#Ref_212">[212]</a> -Jn. Lydus, <i>loc. cit.</i>, 57. Lydus says that he himself saw an old man -of his acquaintance, who was suspected of having a private hoard, hung -up by the hands with stiff ropes until he expired.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_213" id="Foot_213" href="#Ref_213">[213]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, 58. As an instance Lydus describes the conduct of another -Cappadocian, nicknamed Maxilloplumacius ("Puffy-Cheeks"), from his -peculiar aspect, who raided Asia for the fisc. He began at Philadelphia, -the native town of Lydus, where he established himself in -great state, and indulged himself in unbounded luxury, licentiousness, -and cruelty. One Petronius, a man of rank and culture in the town, -being possessed of some handsome jewels as heirlooms, was ordered to -deliver them up. On his refusal he was loaded with chains, beaten with -rods, and shut up in a stable. The Philadelphians were deeply grieved -and the Bishop was moved to intercede on his behalf. Bible in hand, -at the head of several of his inferior clergy, he appeared before the -tyrant, but was at once assailed with foul and abusive language. He -retired in dismay, but Petronius, at last reduced to despair, promised -everything, and, on being let out, took his jewels and other valuables to -the Praetorium, where he threw them in a heap in the vestibule. In -another case an old soldier was racked for twenty solidi which he could -not pay, but, anxious to be released at any cost, finally asserted that he -had them in concealment. Being accompanied to his dwelling, and -allowed to search apart, after some delay he was found to have hanged -himself. The body was then kicked into the street, and the wretched -premises gutted by the apparitors.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_214" id="Foot_214" href="#Ref_214">[214]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, 66, 67.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_215" id="Foot_215" href="#Ref_215">[215]</a> -Jn. Lydus, <i>loc. cit.</i>, 62. Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 24.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_216" id="Foot_216" href="#Ref_216">[216]</a> -Jn. Lydus, <i>loc. cit.</i>, ii, 21.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_217" id="Foot_217" href="#Ref_217">[217]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, iii, 64; but according to Procopius (<i>loc. cit.</i>) he spent the -early part of the day in pillaging the citizens, and then flung himself -into dissipation. Different periods of his career may be indicated. At -first he would be more brisk in making his public appearances.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_218" id="Foot_218" href="#Ref_218">[218]</a> -Both Procopius and Lydus notice this addiction to surfeiting.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_219" id="Foot_219" href="#Ref_219">[219]</a> -Jn. Lydus, <i>loc. cit.</i>, 62.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_220" id="Foot_220" href="#Ref_220">[220]</a> -Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 25.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_221" id="Foot_221" href="#Ref_221">[221]</a> -Jn. Lydus, <i>loc. cit.</i>, 70.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_222" id="Foot_222" href="#Ref_222">[222]</a> -See p. 160.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_223" id="Foot_223" href="#Ref_223">[223]</a> -Jn. Lydus, <i>loc. cit.</i>, 69.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_224" id="Foot_224" href="#Ref_224">[224]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, 61; Procopius, Anecd., 30. According to the latter the -direct route to Persia was not tampered with. The celerity of some of -the couriers by these posts was remarkable. Of one Palladius Theodosius II -used to say that the area of the Empire seemed to be contracted -to a small space, he came and went so rapidly between distant -frontiers. His time from CP. to the Persian border was three days, -about 230 miles a day; Socrates, vii, 19.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_225" id="Foot_225" href="#Ref_225">[225]</a> -Jn. Lydus, <i>loc. cit.</i>, 70.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_226" id="Foot_226" href="#Ref_226">[226]</a> -Nov. viii, <i>praef.</i>, 11, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_227" id="Foot_227" href="#Ref_227">[227]</a> -"All can see that he who buys his office for gold, and that money -borrowed at usury, must be beset by many whom he is obliged to satisfy -from his province so that he may be liberated from debt," <i>Ibid.</i> "They -(the Rectors) had to be rapacious and have but one thought, to satisfy -creditors following them and threatening them on all sides. Thus our -subjects have been sold," etc.; Nov. xxviii, 4.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_228" id="Foot_228" href="#Ref_228">[228]</a> -"He must also think of putting by something for the future when -no longer in office"; Nov. viii, <i>praef.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_229" id="Foot_229" href="#Ref_229">[229]</a> -Nov. cxxx; cf. cxxviii; Procopius, Anecd., 23, 30; Jn. Lydus, <i>loc. -cit.</i>, 61.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_230" id="Foot_230" href="#Ref_230">[230]</a> -Cod., II, xiv, xv, xvi; Nov. xvii, 15, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_231" id="Foot_231" href="#Ref_231">[231]</a> -Cod., XI, liii; Nov. xvii, 13, 14, etc.; see p. 202.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_232" id="Foot_232" href="#Ref_232">[232]</a> -Nov. xxxii; xxxiii; xxxiv. "On account of the avarice of creditors -who abuse the poverty of the times (535) and acquire the allotments of -the unfortunate peasants, retaining all their property in return for a -little sustenance, we enacted," etc. This (Nov. xxxiii) is addressed to -the Praetorian Praefect of Illyricum, an official seldom heard of, who -seems to have been almost destitute of political influence as compared -with his potent colleague of the East.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_233" id="Foot_233" href="#Ref_233">[233]</a> -"We are almost ashamed to refer to the conduct of these. Men of -great possessions, with what insolence they range the country; how -they are served by guards, so that an intolerable crowd of men follow -them; how daringly they pillage everybody, among whom are many -priests, but mostly women," etc.; Nov. xxx, 5. "What can be more -trying than the driving off of oxen, horses, and cattle in general, or even -(to speak of small matters) of domestic fowl ... whence a multitude -appeals to us here (CP.) daily; men, women, hustled from their homes, -in beggary, sometimes to die here"; Nov. lxix, 1; cf. Edict viii.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_234" id="Foot_234" href="#Ref_234">[234]</a> -Nov. xvii, 2; lxxxv, <i>passim</i>; Edict viii, <i>praef.</i>, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_235" id="Foot_235" href="#Ref_235">[235]</a> -The conduct of Rectors is often described in detail. "They dismiss -many culprits, selling to them their offences: very many innocent people -they condemn in order to benefit obnoxious persons, and not only in -money actions, but in criminal cases"; Nov. viii, <i>praef.</i> "We hear how -unjustly the provincial judges act for the sake of lucre, declining their -duties as to wills, attestation of facts, marriages, settlements, and even -burials" (without bribes); Nov. cxxxiv, 3. "He abstained from no -sort of actual depredation, plundered towns and returned to this happy -city loaded with gold, leaving the region in the utmost poverty"; Edict -xii. Also by giving a licence to agents: "They are not to despatch -'pursuers of brigands' or 'inhibitors of disorder,' rather to be called -thieves and rioters who, using the occasion as a cloak, are guilty of the -worst excesses"; Nov. viii, 12. "As to <i>curators</i> and <i>tractators</i>, we -abolish the very names, looking back to the injuries they have inflicted -in the past on the wretched tributaries"; Nov. xxx, 2. Another expedient -was to plant deputies (<i>vicarii</i>, <i>loci servatores</i>, -<span title="topotêrêtai">τοποτηρηταί</span>) in -every part of his province, to whom the Rector delegated his full powers, -thus becoming a hundred-handed Briareus to rack the provincials; -Nov. viii, 4; xvii, 10; cxxxiv, 1; Salvian, writing in the West, <i>c.</i> 450, -complains that the Rector commits himself every crime which he sits to -punish as a judge; and, what he thinks even worse, continues in the -same courses after he has retired into the position of a rich and powerful -private citizen; De Gubernat. Dei, vii, 21. For the benefit of readers -not familiar with the Corpus Juris Civilis I may mention that in referring -to "Novels" I am quoting Justinian's own words, or at least the -Acts composed under his eye. Much of their text is clearly direct from -his pen. But owing to the verbosity of the original I am sometimes -obliged to condense.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_236" id="Foot_236" href="#Ref_236">[236]</a> -See pp. 158 <i>et seq.</i>, 198 <i>et seq.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_237" id="Foot_237" href="#Ref_237">[237]</a> -Nov. xxiv, 3; xxv, 4; xxvi, 4. They are enumerated as "repairs, -of walls, roads, statues, bridges, harbours, and aqueducts; clearing of -public sites, demolition of buildings improperly located, and laying out -of gardens."</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_238" id="Foot_238" href="#Ref_238">[238]</a> -Jn. Lydus (<i>loc. cit.</i>, 58) describes the doings of Maxilloplumacius in -this respect also, comparing him to Phalaris for cruelty, to Busiris as a -slayer of guests, and to Sardanapalus for luxury and licentiousness. The -institution of slavery and the absence of a Habeas Corpus under a -despotic government opened the door to most of this infamy.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_239" id="Foot_239" href="#Ref_239">[239]</a> -Nov. xxiv, 1. This applies to Pisidia, where the natives are characterized -as being peculiarly bloodthirsty and rebellious.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_240" id="Foot_240" href="#Ref_240">[240]</a> -Nov. cxxxiv, 13. He points out that mutilation of the feet, by interfering -with locomotion, is a much severer penalty than removing the -hands and forbids it (against Constantine, who ordained it in the case of -fugitive slaves; Cod. VI, i, 3).</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_241" id="Foot_241" href="#Ref_241">[241]</a> -Jn. Lydus, <i>loc. cit.</i>, 66.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_242" id="Foot_242" href="#Ref_242">[242]</a> -Procopius, Anecd., 25.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_243" id="Foot_243" href="#Ref_243">[243]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_244" id="Foot_244" href="#Ref_244">[244]</a> -Nov. xliii.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_245" id="Foot_245" href="#Ref_245">[245]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_246" id="Foot_246" href="#Ref_246">[246]</a> -Procopius (Anecd., 7, 10) is the authority for all these details. In -every essential point he is corroborated by Evagrius, iv, 32.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_247" id="Foot_247" href="#Ref_247">[247]</a> -Evagrius, <i>loc. cit.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_248" id="Foot_248" href="#Ref_248">[248]</a> -Both Procopius (Anecd., 17) and Evagrius (<i>loc. cit.</i>) mention the -case of Callinicus, governor of Cilicia, who was impaled for vindicating -the law by the execution of two murderers of the Blue Faction. -Procopius (Anecd., 29) also recounts an <i>émeute</i> at Tarsus, in which the -Blues were the principals. In both these cases the part of violent vengeance -was played by Theodora. Evagrius lies under the suspicion of -having read the Anecdotes of Procopius. If so, the fact that he makes -no protest against the picture there given of the Empress proves his -belief in its truth. In a parallel case he strongly defends Constantine -against the strictures of Zosimus; iii, 40, 41. Zonaras also seems to be -influenced by the work. Indeed it is difficult to see how he could have -avoided knowing it since it was familiar to "Suidas" before his time.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_249" id="Foot_249" href="#Ref_249">[249]</a> -Jn. Lydus, <i>loc. cit.</i>, 70; cf. Nov. xxiv, 2; xxv, 3; xxx, 9; cxxviii, -<i>praef.</i>; cxlv, <i>praef.</i> Most fully in Nov. lxxx, <i>e.g.</i>, "We find that the -provinces are being gradually despoiled of their inhabitants; our great -city here is populous with crowds of diverse men, chiefly farmers who -have left their townships and lands." Also specified as men, women, -clerics, monks, nuns, and advocates of outlying places.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_250" id="Foot_250" href="#Ref_250">[250]</a> -Jn. Lydus, <i>loc. cit.</i>, 70; cf. ii, 29, 30; Nov. xiii, lxxx.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_251" id="Foot_251" href="#Ref_251">[251]</a> -Jn. Lydus, <i>loc. cit.</i>, 70; Zonaras, xiv, 6.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_252" id="Foot_252" href="#Ref_252">[252]</a> -See p. 303.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_253" id="Foot_253" href="#Ref_253">[253]</a> -By a comparison of Jn. Malala (xviii, p. 473) and Theophanes -(an. 6,024), the fact of the day being a Sunday can be determined.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_254" id="Foot_254" href="#Ref_254">[254]</a> -This taunt evidently means, "You are not fit to be Christians; -abandon the Trinity and join the infidel monotheists."</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_255" id="Foot_255" href="#Ref_255">[255]</a> -This dialogue exists only in Theophanes (an. <i>cit.</i>), but is alluded to -in Chron. Paschal.; an. 532. I have only sampled it, as, beyond the -animosity shown on each side, there is little pregnancy in it, and the -whole would be merely tedious to the ordinary reader. It has often -been translated at length, by Isambert, Hodgkin, Bury, Diehl, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_256" id="Foot_256" href="#Ref_256">[256]</a> -Malala and Theophanes, <i>loc. cit.</i> According to the latter they were -strung up a second time, and again fell.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_257" id="Foot_257" href="#Ref_257">[257]</a> -Jn. Malala, p. 474.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_258" id="Foot_258" href="#Ref_258">[258]</a> -Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 24; Malala, <i>loc. cit.</i>, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_259" id="Foot_259" href="#Ref_259">[259]</a> -Theophanes, <i>loc. cit.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_260" id="Foot_260" href="#Ref_260">[260]</a> -Malala and Theophanes. <i>loc. cit.</i>; cf. Procopius and Chron. Paschal., -<i>loc. cit.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_261" id="Foot_261" href="#Ref_261">[261]</a> -Procopius, <i>loc. cit.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_262" id="Foot_262" href="#Ref_262">[262]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_263" id="Foot_263" href="#Ref_263">[263]</a> -Chron. Paschal, and Theophanes, <i>loc. cit.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_264" id="Foot_264" href="#Ref_264">[264]</a> -Jn. Malala, <i>loc. cit.</i>; Zonaras, xiv, 6.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_265" id="Foot_265" href="#Ref_265">[265]</a> -Procopius, Malala, and Chron. Paschal., <i>loc. cit.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_266" id="Foot_266" href="#Ref_266">[266]</a> -Chron. Paschal., <i>loc. cit.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_267" id="Foot_267" href="#Ref_267">[267]</a> -Procopius, Malala, and Chron. Paschal., <i>loc. cit.</i> The new Praetorian -Praefect was named Phocas, whose excellent character is eulogized -by Procopius (Anecd., 21), and especially by Jn. Lydus, De -Magistr., iii, 72.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_268" id="Foot_268" href="#Ref_268">[268]</a> -Procopius, <i>loc. cit.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_269" id="Foot_269" href="#Ref_269">[269]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>; Chron. Paschal., <i>loc. cit.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_270" id="Foot_270" href="#Ref_270">[270]</a> -Procopius, <i>loc. cit.</i>, etc. About 3,000 barbarian soldiers, according -to Theophanes, <i>loc. cit.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_271" id="Foot_271" href="#Ref_271">[271]</a> -Jn. Malala, p. 475; Zonaras, <i>loc. cit.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_272" id="Foot_272" href="#Ref_272">[272]</a> -Chron. Paschal. and Zonaras, <i>loc. cit.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_273" id="Foot_273" href="#Ref_273">[273]</a> -Zonaras, <i>loc. cit.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_274" id="Foot_274" href="#Ref_274">[274]</a> -Chron. Paschal., <i>loc. cit.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_275" id="Foot_275" href="#Ref_275">[275]</a> -Chron. Paschal. and Zonaras, <i>loc. cit.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_276" id="Foot_276" href="#Ref_276">[276]</a> -Chron. Paschal., <i>loc. cit.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_277" id="Foot_277" href="#Ref_277">[277]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>; Theophanes, <i>loc. cit.</i>; see p. 58. This building was burnt -by the military.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_278" id="Foot_278" href="#Ref_278">[278]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>; see p. 56.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_279" id="Foot_279" href="#Ref_279">[279]</a> -Chron. Pascal., <i>loc. cit.</i>; see p. 56.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_280" id="Foot_280" href="#Ref_280">[280]</a> -Cedrenus, i, p. 648; see p. 58. He and Zonaras repeat, of -course, for the most part what has been said by earlier writers.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_281" id="Foot_281" href="#Ref_281">[281]</a> -Theophanes, <i>loc. cit.</i>; see p. 68.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_282" id="Foot_282" href="#Ref_282">[282]</a> -Procopius, <i>loc. cit.</i>, etc.; see p. 68.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_283" id="Foot_283" href="#Ref_283">[283]</a> -Marcellinus Comes (an. 532) dwells on this aspect of the insurrection. -In his view it was all a conspiracy of the three brothers, who -had bribed the seditious elements of the populace; they were dissimulating -within the Palace, etc. Jn. Lydus (<i>loc. cit.</i>) alone shows how the -revolt originated from the congested malcontents in the capital, but -Zonaras gives an inkling (<i>loc. cit.</i>). M. C. was long associated with -Justinian as the officer (<i>cancellarius</i>) of his legal court (Cassiodorus, De -Inst. Div. Lit., 17) and his account was probably inspired by the -Emperor as most politic.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_284" id="Foot_284" href="#Ref_284">[284]</a> -Procopius, <i>loc. cit.</i> Most probably, but according to Chron. Paschal. -(<i>loc. cit.</i>) it was the next morning.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_285" id="Foot_285" href="#Ref_285">[285]</a> -Theophanes, <i>loc. cit.</i>; Procopius (<i>loc. cit.</i>) more vaguely.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_286" id="Foot_286" href="#Ref_286">[286]</a> -Chron. Paschal., <i>loc. cit.</i>; with less detail by Malala, p. 475.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_287" id="Foot_287" href="#Ref_287">[287]</a> -The coronation, etc., of Hypatius is told most circumstantially by -Procopius (<i>loc. cit.</i>), but some further details are to be found in the -briefer accounts of the later chronographists.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_288" id="Foot_288" href="#Ref_288">[288]</a> -Chron. Paschal., <i>loc. cit.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_289" id="Foot_289" href="#Ref_289">[289]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>; Theophanes, <i>loc. cit.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_290" id="Foot_290" href="#Ref_290">[290]</a> -The eximious conduct of Theodora on this occasion is known to -us through Procopius only (<i>loc. cit.</i>), but nevertheless I accept it frankly, -and do not attempt to argue its improbability; cf. M. Ducas, p. 495 -("<span title="kalon entaphion ê tyrannis">καλὸν ἐντάφιον ἡ τύραννιζ</span>"; Isocrates, -Archidamus, 44; "<span title="Basileia">Βασιλεία</span>"; Procopius).</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_291" id="Foot_291" href="#Ref_291">[291]</a> -Procopius, <i>loc. cit.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_292" id="Foot_292" href="#Ref_292">[292]</a> -Jn. Malala, p. 476; Chron. Paschal., <i>loc. cit.</i>, etc. Procopius -seems to know nothing of the part played by Narses, although he was -possibly in the Palace with Belisarius all the time.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_293" id="Foot_293" href="#Ref_293">[293]</a> -Two hundred and fifty of the Greens, armed and mailed; Chron. -Paschal. and Theophanes, <i>loc. cit.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_294" id="Foot_294" href="#Ref_294">[294]</a> -Procopius, <i>loc. cit.</i>; some of the others make it more.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_295" id="Foot_295" href="#Ref_295">[295]</a> -Procopius, <i>loc. cit.</i> Generally assumed to be nephews of Justinian -<i>ex fratre ignoto</i>. Procopius alone seems to know of the assistance they -rendered, or the exact details of the attack in general.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_296" id="Foot_296" href="#Ref_296">[296]</a> -Jn. Malala, <i>loc. cit.</i>, etc. They are represented as pleading, -"Master, we designedly massed your enemies into the Hippodrome," -to which Justinian replies, "You did well, but why not before the city -was consumed by fire?" As all the damage was done while they were -still in personal attendance on him, this taunt seems illogical.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_297" id="Foot_297" href="#Ref_297">[297]</a> -Zacharia Myt. (ix, 14) is the only one to mention Theodora's -implacability. "She became enraged and swore by God and him -(J.)," etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_298" id="Foot_298" href="#Ref_298">[298]</a> -Procopius, <i>loc. cit.</i>, etc. According to Chron. Paschal., the body of -Hypatius was thrown up again, and Justinian ordered it to be buried -under an epitaph, "Here lies the Emperor of the Wolves" (see Ducange -on <span title="Louppa">Λούππα</span>). In my account of the Nika I have followed Bury's -chronology; Journ. of Hellen. Studies, 1897. The sources are sometimes -in direct conflict, and have to be reconciled by collating them -attentively.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_299" id="Foot_299" href="#Ref_299">[299]</a> -Jn. Malala, xviii, p. 438.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_300" id="Foot_300" href="#Ref_300">[300]</a> -Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iii, 31.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_301" id="Foot_301" href="#Ref_301">[301]</a> -Jn. Malala, p. 477; Chron. Paschal., <i>loc. cit.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_302" id="Foot_302" href="#Ref_302">[302]</a> -Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 25.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_303" id="Foot_303" href="#Ref_303">[303]</a> -Tribonian oscillated between various posts. Now he came back as -Master of the Offices (Cod., I, xvii, 2), but in 535 we again find him as -Quaestor; Nov. xvii. In 545 he appears as Praefect of the City; -Edict ix (heading queried).</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_304" id="Foot_304" href="#Ref_304">[304]</a> -Nov., etc., <i>passim</i>.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_305" id="Foot_305" href="#Ref_305">[305]</a> -Procopius, De Aedif., v, 3.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_306" id="Foot_306" href="#Ref_306">[306]</a> -Theophanes, an. 6,025, but Malala puts it in 528 (p. 441).</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_307" id="Foot_307" href="#Ref_307">[307]</a> -He was in a very exalted frame of mind at this time, <i>e.g.</i>, "We -have to thank God ... for having vouchsafed to us so many advantages -and so great, beyond what He ever granted to our predecessors"; -Nov. xxviii, 4; cf. Cod., I, xvii, 2, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_308" id="Foot_308" href="#Ref_308">[308]</a> -See p. 132.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_309" id="Foot_309" href="#Ref_309">[309]</a> -He gives as his reason that the military Dukes and the civil -governors were always quarrelling; Nov. xxiv, i; xxvi, <i>praef.</i> Thirteen -Dukes are named in the Notitia, but under this change nine Rectors -appear as officers of both sword and gown; Nov. viii; xxiv-xxviii; -xxx; xxxi; xli; l; cf. Nov. xx.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_310" id="Foot_310" href="#Ref_310">[310]</a> -Nov. xxiv, 1; xxv, 1, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_311" id="Foot_311" href="#Ref_311">[311]</a> -The new Proconsuls took their titles from Cappadocia, Armenia, -and Palestine; Nov. xxx; xxxi; ciii. As Spectabiles, however, their -precedence was only nominal, the Praetors, etc., being also of that -grade.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_312" id="Foot_312" href="#Ref_312">[312]</a> -Cappadocia I, II; Nov. xxx. Palestine I, II; Nov. ciii. Libya I; -II; Edict xiii, 19, 22, etc. Helenopontus to Pontus Polemoniacus, -Nov. xxviii. (Here we get some geographical information as to the -limits of the Empire on the N.E. J. remarks that Pityus and Sebastopolis -are rather military outposts than towns proper.) Paphlagonia to -Honorias; Nov. xxix. A peculiar enactment, apparently without precedent, -was the creation of a "Praefect of the Islands" with civil and -military command over five scattered provinces of both continents, viz., -Scythia, Mysia, Caria, the Cyclades, and Cyprus; Nov. xli; l; see the -remarks of Jn. Lydus on this appointment; <i>op. cit.</i>, ii, 28. There seems -also to have been a junction of Dardania and part of Macedonia; -Nov. xi; cxxxi. For all we know the provinces may have been dealt -with <i>seriatim</i> from first to last. Numberless Acts have been lost, as -exemplified by the rescript of Anastasius discovered in the Cyrenaica, -1827, and that of Justin and Justinian in Pisidia, 1889, the former -annotated by Zachariä (Sitz-Ber. d. Berlin. Akad., 1879, p. 134), and -the latter by Diehl (École d'Ath., Bull. de Corr. Hel., 1893, p. 501.) -It will be perceived that in these new arrangements there is something -of a return to the regional dispositions of the early Empire; and, in -fact, Justinian expresses himself in that sense more than once in these -Acts (see p. 132).</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_313" id="Foot_313" href="#Ref_313">[313]</a> -Paphlagonia; Nov. xxix. Arabia; Nov. cii. Palestine; Nov. ciii. -Later Arabia was renamed Palestine III; Procopius, De Aedif., v, 8.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_314" id="Foot_314" href="#Ref_314">[314]</a> -500 solidi (£280) was now the usual maximum; Nov. xxiv, 5, -etc. But the proconsul of Palestine could decide as high as 10 lb. of -gold (£400); Nov. ciii, 1.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_315" id="Foot_315" href="#Ref_315">[315]</a> -Nov. xxiv, 3; xxv, 4, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_316" id="Foot_316" href="#Ref_316">[316]</a> -Nov. xxiv, 3; ciii, 1, etc. Probably they were so intent on embezzlement -that they did not trouble about the externals of office.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_317" id="Foot_317" href="#Ref_317">[317]</a> -As "Proconsul Justinianus Cappadociae"; Nov. xxx, 5.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_318" id="Foot_318" href="#Ref_318">[318]</a> -The Vicar of Asia became Count of Phrygia Pacatiana; V. of -Pontus, Count of Galatia I; Nov. viii, 2, 3; V. of Thrace, Praetor of -Thrace; Nov. xxvi. The Vicar of Macedonia is not accounted for; -perhaps his office was in abeyance owing to barbarian inroads.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_319" id="Foot_319" href="#Ref_319">[319]</a> -Nov. viii, 5.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_320" id="Foot_320" href="#Ref_320">[320]</a> -Edict xiii, <i>praef. et seq.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_321" id="Foot_321" href="#Ref_321">[321]</a> -Nov. viii, <i>praef.</i>, 17.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_322" id="Foot_322" href="#Ref_322">[322]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>; Nov. xxiv, 1; xxv, 2, etc. His favourite and frequent -expression.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_323" id="Foot_323" href="#Ref_323">[323]</a> -Nov. viii, 8; xvii, 1; xxv, 2, etc. The salaries allotted seem to -be very small, <i>e.g.</i>, Praetor of Pisidia, sol. 300 (£165), Count of -Isauria, sol. 200 (£115), but the Moderator of Helenopontus gets -sol. 725 (£410), the Proconsul of Cappadocia, 20 lb. of gold (£800), and -for Palestine, the same.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_324" id="Foot_324" href="#Ref_324">[324]</a> -Nov. xvii, 5; xxiv, 1: xxv, 2.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_325" id="Foot_325" href="#Ref_325">[325]</a> -Nov. xxviii, 5; xxix, 4; xxx, 8, etc. Loss of the hands might also -be inflicted.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_326" id="Foot_326" href="#Ref_326">[326]</a> -Nov. viii, 7, <i>Jusjur.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_327" id="Foot_327" href="#Ref_327">[327]</a> -Nov. xvii, 16.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_328" id="Foot_328" href="#Ref_328">[328]</a> -Nov. viii, Ed.; lxxxvi, 2, 3, 4; cf. cxxviii, 16, 17, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_329" id="Foot_329" href="#Ref_329">[329]</a> -Nov. xv.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_330" id="Foot_330" href="#Ref_330">[330]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, 1, 5, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_331" id="Foot_331" href="#Ref_331">[331]</a> -Nov. viii, 9; xcv; cxxviii, 23; see p. 202.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_332" id="Foot_332" href="#Ref_332">[332]</a> -Nov. xxviii, 7; xxx, 10.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_333" id="Foot_333" href="#Ref_333">[333]</a> -Nov. viii, 7; xxx, 9. The Defenders of the Cities are similarly -cautioned; Nov. viii, 7, Edict 1.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_334" id="Foot_334" href="#Ref_334">[334]</a> -Nov. xv, 3, 6; lxxxvi, 7. The limit of his court was 300 solidi -(£165). Generally the Bishops also had judicial functions, and like the -rest are threatened, as not being always above suspicion; <i>Ibid.</i>, 6. The -clerics were instructed to resort to them in the first instance, and only -afterwards to the civil judges if the question proved to be beyond their -legal acquirements; Nov. lxxxiii; cf. lxxix.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_335" id="Foot_335" href="#Ref_335">[335]</a> -Nov. xxiii.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_336" id="Foot_336" href="#Ref_336">[336]</a> -Nov. lxxxii. A dozen of these <i>pedanei judices</i> are mentioned by -name. In the capital they were mostly nobles, and of all ranks.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_337" id="Foot_337" href="#Ref_337">[337]</a> -Nov. lxxx. If they were proved to be idle or unemployed persons, -work was to be found for them in the state factories, cripples and the -aged excepted; <i>Ibid.</i>, 6.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_338" id="Foot_338" href="#Ref_338">[338]</a> -Nov. xiii; cf. Procopius, Anecd., 20; Jn. Lydus, De Magistr., -ii, 30. Twenty soldiers and thirty <i>matricarii</i> (firemen?) were allotted to -him. As we have seen (p. 81), there was from the first a regional band -of the kind; but perhaps this new body was general and supervisional.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_339" id="Foot_339" href="#Ref_339">[339]</a> -Nov. xiv.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_340" id="Foot_340" href="#Ref_340">[340]</a> -Jn. Malala, xviii, p. 40; "five pieces of money," not aurei, but -apparently coins of small value.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_341" id="Foot_341" href="#Ref_341">[341]</a> -Procopius, Anecd., 17; De Aedif., 1, 9.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_342" id="Foot_342" href="#Ref_342">[342]</a> -Nov. lxxvii; cxli; Procopius, Anecd., 16, 20, etc. They were -subjected to amputation of the offending member and exhibited publicly -in their mutilated condition; Jn. Malala, p. 430. Isaiah of Rhodes and -Alexander of Diospolis are mentioned as Bishops thus treated. "Il -leur fit couper les reins, qu'il fit exposer à un poteau.... Un héraut -criait," etc. Michael Melit. (Langlois), p. 193. J. was remonstrated -with on the cruelty of the procedure, whereupon he replied, "If they -had committed sacrilege, would you not have cut off their hands?" -Zonaras, xiv, 7.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_343" id="Foot_343" href="#Ref_343">[343]</a> -Nov. cxlii.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_344" id="Foot_344" href="#Ref_344">[344]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_345" id="Foot_345" href="#Ref_345">[345]</a> -Nov. xxviii, 4; xxix, 5; xxx, 6, 11.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_346" id="Foot_346" href="#Ref_346">[346]</a> -Nov. viii, 8, 10; xxviii, 5.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_347" id="Foot_347" href="#Ref_347">[347]</a> -Nov. viii, 10.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_348" id="Foot_348" href="#Ref_348">[348]</a> -Nov., xxv, 11; cf. Cod., I, xvii, 2, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_349" id="Foot_349" href="#Ref_349">[349]</a> -Nov. viii, 10.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_350" id="Foot_350" href="#Ref_350">[350]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, 11.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_351" id="Foot_351" href="#Ref_351">[351]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_352" id="Foot_352" href="#Ref_352">[352]</a> -Nov. viii, <i>praef.</i> This is his first great Reform Act, to which the -rest are expletory. He opens by celebrating his public spirit and -philanthropy. "Day and night alike we devote to lucubrations and -cogitations respecting whatever may be of utility to our subjects, so -that they may be able to live peacefully and free from all anxiety," etc. -But he soon begins to let the cat out of the bag—"We find that many -causes of injustice have crept in whereby our subjects are reduced to -indigence, so that they cannot pay the proper tributes.... Protected -from the oppression of the governors, they will thrive, and hence the -state and treasury will overflow, having rich taxpayers at its disposal," -etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_353" id="Foot_353" href="#Ref_353">[353]</a> -Procopius, Anecd., <i>passim</i>; Jn. Lydus, De Magistr., iii, 57-70; -Zonaras, xiv, 6.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_354" id="Foot_354" href="#Ref_354">[354]</a> -See pp. 198, 444 <i>et seq.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_355" id="Foot_355" href="#Ref_355">[355]</a> -Nov., xxxi. Even the tract known as Armenia Minor, on the -proximate bank of the river, which had long been an integral part of -the Empire, was ruled by "Satraps" in an almost kingly fashion, and -a semi-regal costume was permitted to them. Four were abolished by -Zeno on account of disaffection (Procopius, De Aedif., iii, 1), and the -very name was now rejected by Justinian as being "un-Roman."</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_356" id="Foot_356" href="#Ref_356">[356]</a> -Procopius, De Bel. Pers., ii, 3.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_357" id="Foot_357" href="#Ref_357">[357]</a> -Procopius, Anecd., 24.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_358" id="Foot_358" href="#Ref_358">[358]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, 20.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_359" id="Foot_359" href="#Ref_359">[359]</a> -Procopius, Anecd., 25.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_360" id="Foot_360" href="#Ref_360">[360]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_361" id="Foot_361" href="#Ref_361">[361]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i> The rise in price was so great (nearly forty to one) as to be -almost incomprehensible, but the manuscript was corrupt, and has been -emended on conjecture by Alemannus. It appears, however, that the -value of ordinary silk returned to what it was under Aurelian (see p. 133, -its weight in gold), while the Imperial purple (<i>holovera</i>; cf. Cod. Theod., -X, xxi; Cod., XI, ix) was rated at four times that amount.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_362" id="Foot_362" href="#Ref_362">[362]</a> -Procopius, Anecd., 26. The <i>panis gradilis</i> (see p. 81) was now -abolished at Alexandria.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_363" id="Foot_363" href="#Ref_363">[363]</a> -See p. 147.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_364" id="Foot_364" href="#Ref_364">[364]</a> -Procopius, Anecd., 26.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_365" id="Foot_365" href="#Ref_365">[365]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_366" id="Foot_366" href="#Ref_366">[366]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i> The text of the decree has not come down to us, but -Basilius was the last Consul, and subsequently official documents are -dated as "An. I, II, etc., <i>post Basil</i>." Yet only five years before -Justinian drew up elaborate rules for the observance of the consular -season: Nov. cv. Beginning from Jan. 1, he apportioned to each day -of the week its quantum of processions with scattered largess, horse -races, hunts with dogs in the amphitheatre, boxing and wrestling, man -and beast fights, and theatrical displays in which the loose feminine -element predominated.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_367" id="Foot_367" href="#Ref_367">[367]</a> -Procopius, Anecd., 25. He enacted that only 180 pence (follis, -about 5-4<i>d.</i>) should now be given for the solidus, instead of 210, as -formerly. See p. 122.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_368" id="Foot_368" href="#Ref_368">[368]</a> -Procopius, Anecd., 19-22. A particular impost called the "aerikon" -(windfall) worked by the Praetorian Praefect, produced 3,000 pounds of -gold (£120,000) annually. It seems to have been an income tax levied -on governmental employees. <i>Ibid.</i>, 21. The <i>epibole</i> (waste land tax; see -p. 151; Cod. Theod., XIII, xi, 12; Cod., XI, lviii; Nov. clxv, etc.) -was pushed to the most oppressive extreme in this reign. <i>Ibid.</i>, 23. -One special instance of the subterfuges resorted to for confiscating -private property may be cited. A lady of Ascalon, married, inherited -considerable wealth from her father, and subsequently as a widow, by -the death of her only child, became heiress of her husband's property. -Forthwith Justinian seized on the whole estate, declaring it iniquitous -that the old lady, as she had now become, should be enriched by both -father and husband. He, however, granted her a pension of one solidus -a day, explaining that he did so "for the sake of piety, and because it -is my custom to act in a holy and pious manner." <i>Ibid.</i>, 29. Other -examples in same chapter.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_369" id="Foot_369" href="#Ref_369">[369]</a> -Speaking of Egypt, he remarks that "matters have been so confounded -down there that what is enacted in the province cannot be -known here [CP.]"; Edict xiii, <i>praef.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_370" id="Foot_370" href="#Ref_370">[370]</a> -In 548 he re-established the Vicar of Pontus on account of the -ineradicable disorders. His jurisdiction included all the northern -region of Asia Minor from the coast opposite CP. to the borders of -Armenia. His task is, as usual, to restrain every sort of outrage on -women and property, the culprits being men of all ranks, "priests, -magistrates, nobles, and plebeians."—Edict viii. Command of the army -is given him for the purpose. In 545, and even twenty years later, the -injunction as to the fifty days' delay is still being launched at the Rectors; -Nov. cxxviii, 23; clxi, 1. In 556 an all-round diatribe denounces the -time-honoured malpractices of local rulers, the bishops even being -included in the prohibitions; Nov. cxxxiv. Imperial decrees were -generally accompanied by a threat that a fine of 10 pounds of gold -(£400) and dismissal would be inflicted on the official to whom they -were addressed, if he neglected to publish and give them full force; -Nov. x, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_371" id="Foot_371" href="#Ref_371">[371]</a> -Procopius, Anecd., 21.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_372" id="Foot_372" href="#Ref_372">[372]</a> -That Justinian and his consort were held in general detestation -during the greater part of their reign by a majority of their subjects, who -vented "curses, not loud, but deep" against them, appears to be -indicated clearly by the expressions of Procopius. "Wherefore I, and -most of my acquaintances, did not consider them to be human beings, -but pernicious demons, such as the poets call vampires," etc.; Anecd., 12. -"His mother is said to have told her friends that he was not the son of -Sabbatius, nor of any man, but that before her pregnancy a species of -demon came to her"; <i>Ibid.</i> "That he was not a man, but a demon in -human form, any one could prove by the magnitude of the ills which he -brought on the human race"; <i>Ibid.</i>, 18. Jn. Lydus, however, always -represents Justinian as being "good and kind," "long-suffering," etc., -and as quite ignorant of the doings of John, who bullied his subordinates -so that none of them would have dared to breathe a word against him; -De Magistr., iii, 57, 69, etc. Lydus was a clerk in the civil service, who -rose to be the head of a department, but he complains that he never -received his pay; <i>Ibid.</i>, 66, 67, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_373" id="Foot_373" href="#Ref_373">[373]</a> -Procopius, Anecd., 23. He made no concessions whatever, according -to our author, writing in 550. His first, and apparently his only, -remission of arrears was, in fact, not made till 553; Nov. cxlvii. Malala -(p. 437) records that in 528 he abolished some tax, a subsidy to the -Gothic <i>foederati</i>. The defaulting tax-payer was put on a level with the -homicide, and denied the right of sanctuary in a church; Nov. xvii, 7. -To the Rectors he says, "You must see that exaction of the public -tributes be decently effected, even in the Temples ... the ecclesiastics -will aid you," etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_374" id="Foot_374" href="#Ref_374">[374]</a> -His fullest style is: "Imperator Caesar Flavius Justinianus, -Alemannicus, Gothicus, Francicus, Germanicus, Lazicus, Alanicus, -Vandalicus, Africanus, pius, felix, gloriosus, victor ac triumphator, -nunquam non colendus Augustus"; Nov. xliii; cf. Chron. Paschal., -an. 552, etc. If he could have added "Persicus" in the beginning of -his reign, it would have been worth all the rest.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_489" id="Page_489">{489}</a></span> - -<h2 class="nobreak">CHAPTER VIII<br /> -<small>CARTHAGE UNDER THE ROMANS: RECOVERY OF AFRICA FROM THE VANDALS</small></h2> - -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap">THE Vandalic settlement of Africa (in Imperial nomenclature -the name was officially reserved to the north-west -portion of that continent) was more keenly resented -by the Romans than the barbaric occupation of any other -province of the Western Empire. In other instances disintegration -had been gradual and the territory had been -resigned to the new possessors with a sense of political -inability to retain them, whilst a semblance of fealty to the -Eastern Emperor indulged his pretensions to supremacy; -but Africa had been snatched away by a sudden conquest, -and became a hostile centre from which depredations against -the opposite shores of Europe were for long the avowed -object of its ruler.</p> - -<p>Subsequent kings of the Vandals found the means to -cement an alliance with the Empire, and Justinian himself -was in amicable relationship with the contemporary member -of the dynasty. Internal dissensions, however, had recently -effected the abrupt overthrow of his ally and the Emperor -vainly intervened on his behalf. A rupture of diplomatic -relations followed, smouldering enmities were rekindled, and -the question of despatching a military force for the reconquest -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_490" id="Page_490">{490}</a></span> -of Africa was seriously mooted at Constantinople. -Justinian felt strongly impelled to the execution of the project, -and brought the subject up for discussion in his -Consistorium. There his proposals were received with tacit -disfavour, the remembrance of a former expedition, which -had ended in disaster, weighed on the minds of the nobles -in attendance, and the army contemplated with dread the -idea of a campaign of which a long sea voyage and naval -warfare seemed to constitute the essential features, whilst -the Counts of the Treasury trembled at the prospect of an -expenditure which their funds might be inadequate to meet. -But none dared to appear in open conflict with the manifest -wishes of the Emperor, until at length John of Cappadocia -rose and delivered a definitely adverse opinion. Interlarding -his discourse with much that was deferential to Justinian -and laudatory of his political capacity in general, he urged -with bold logic the most obvious objections. The journey -would occupy more than four months, wherefore news as to -the progress of the war could not reach the capital in less -than a year after the start. Should the announcement of -victory at last break the suspense, it must at once be felt -that the distant province could not be held in permanent -subjection owing to Italy and Sicily being under foreign -domination. On the other hand, should ill success attend the -operations, the enmity of a powerful kingdom would have -been provoked, and the limits of the Empire would have to -be defended against hostile reprisals.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_375" id="Ref_375" href="#Foot_375">[375]</a></span></p> - -<p>Justinian assented to these arguments, and for the time -smothered his resentful ambition to punish the offending -power, but after no long delay the question was finally -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_491" id="Page_491">{491}</a></span> -determined by a point of religion. The Vandals were odious -in the eyes of the ecclesiastics of the East, Arian heretics -who had gained the upper hand over an orthodox Christian -population; and a fanatical bishop, indignant at the failure -of the deliberations, hurried from his see in Asia Minor to -the Imperial Court. There he represented to the Emperor -that in a divine vision he had been ordered to reprimand -him for being deterred by vain fears from his righteous -purpose of upholding the Church. God had spoken to him -in definite language, and said, "Tell the Emperor that I will -be with him and will reduce Africa under his dominion." -Justinian was convinced immutably, and made all haste with -his preparations so that the expedition might be ready to -start in the proximate summer (533).<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_376" id="Ref_376" href="#Foot_376">[376]</a></span></p> - -<p>The country which Justinian was now about to invade, a -vast and fertile region sufficiently spacious to form a separate -empire, has always within the historic period been the seat -of a prosperous, though fluctuating civilization, yet never of -indigenous growth. Successively Phoenician, Roman, Vandal, -Byzantine, Mohammedan, and French, during the long tract -of three thousand years, the numerous native population has -invariably been a subsidiary and more or less disorderly -element of the political entity.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_377" id="Ref_377" href="#Foot_377">[377]</a></span> At one of the most picturesque -moments of antiquity we are presented with the -scene of Caius Marius sitting as an exile amid the ruins of -Carthage.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_378" id="Ref_378" href="#Foot_378">[378]</a></span> That incident occurred more than half a century -after the destruction of the city (146 <small>B.C.</small>) owing to the subjugating -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_492" id="Page_492">{492}</a></span> -animosity of Rome, but about thirty years previously -a decree for the colonization of the deserted site had passed -the Senate, and one of the Gracchi had actually conducted -a party of six thousand settlers to rebuild and re-people the -Punic capital.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_379" id="Ref_379" href="#Foot_379">[379]</a></span> Official sanction, however, -was shortly withdrawn -from the enterprise owing to a recrudescence of -superstition, or rather, perhaps, to a shift of political power, -and for nearly a century the district was abandoned to decay -before an earnest effort was made to restore it to affluence -and order. The actual rebuilding of Carthage was due to -the initiative of Julius Caesar and the action of Augustus;<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_380" id="Ref_380" href="#Foot_380">[380]</a></span> -and the resuscitated city rose to importance so rapidly that -in the time of the elder Severus it was regarded as second -only to Rome.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_381" id="Ref_381" href="#Foot_381">[381]</a></span> A Proconsul, the only deputy of that rank -in the Western Empire, governed the province in which it -was situated, and was held to be a magistrate of superior -consequence<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_382" id="Ref_382" href="#Foot_382">[382]</a></span> to the Vicar of Africa, under whom five lesser -governors controlled the country, with the exception of the -westernmost district, which was in administrative conjunction -with Spain.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_383" id="Ref_383" href="#Foot_383">[383]</a></span> The seven provinces of Africa thus constituted -extended for fifteen hundred miles in a straight line along -the basin of the Mediterranean and included the modern -divisions of Morocco, Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli. Southwards, -the uncertain delimitations of the Atlas mountains -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_493" id="Page_493">{493}</a></span> -and the Libyan desert allowed the Romanized region a -breadth which varied from fifty to two hundred miles.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_384" id="Ref_384" href="#Foot_384">[384]</a></span></p> - -<p>Carthage was situated on the shore of a small bay, and -faced to the east, over against the Hermaean promontory,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_385" id="Ref_385" href="#Foot_385">[385]</a></span> -looking towards Sicily from a distance of one hundred and -twenty-five miles. Being essentially a maritime capital it -was distinguished by the extent of the accommodation it -offered to shipping; and for more than a mile along its seaward -aspect was bounded by a line of quays protected by a -series of breakwaters from the violence of the waves.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_386" id="Ref_386" href="#Foot_386">[386]</a></span> On -the south an inner harbour, called the Mandracium, artificially -constructed, was entered by a narrow channel defended -by the usual device of a chain.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_387" id="Ref_387" href="#Foot_387">[387]</a></span> Still lower down a natural -expanse of water, land-locked and of considerable area, -known as the Stagnum, was capable of receiving a vast congregation -of vessels.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_388" id="Ref_388" href="#Foot_388">[388]</a></span> The Mandracium was circular in form, -and contained in its centre a small island of the same shape. -The annular channel thus formed was bordered all round on -both sides by colonnades which extended into the water. A -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_494" id="Page_494">{494}</a></span> -double ring of covered docks was thus constituted, the space -between each pair of adjacent columns being adapted for -giving shelter to a single vessel.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_389" id="Ref_389" href="#Foot_389">[389]</a></span> The palace of the Praefect -in charge of the navigating interests rose from an elevated -spot in the centre of the island, and was used as a post -of observation from whence he could survey the activities of -the port.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_390" id="Ref_390" href="#Foot_390">[390]</a></span> From the northern extremity -of the line of quays -a stairway of great width and proportions, bounded and -divided by ornamental balustrades, ascended by more than -a hundred steps, and formed a grand approach to the city -proper, which was built on ground somewhat raised above -the sea level.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_391" id="Ref_391" href="#Foot_391">[391]</a></span> A broad marble-paved terrace, from which -the inhabitants could overlook the quay and the water, -formed the marine limit of the city at this higher altitude.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_392" id="Ref_392" href="#Foot_392">[392]</a></span> -It was called the New Plaza.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_393" id="Ref_393" href="#Foot_393">[393]</a></span> Roman Carthage was adorned -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_495" id="Page_495">{495}</a></span> -with all the usual components of a great capital in this age; -a spacious forum lined with porticoes,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_394" id="Ref_394" href="#Foot_394">[394]</a></span> colonnaded streets, -and public buildings suited to the needs of the governing -class. The latter occupied the citadel, a lofty mound -centrally situated, the transformed Punic Byrsa.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_395" id="Ref_395" href="#Foot_395">[395]</a></span> As special -features the main thoroughfares were shaded by rows of -trees,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_396" id="Ref_396" href="#Foot_396">[396]</a></span> and a remarkable street was devoted -solely to the -trade of the money-changers and silversmiths.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_397" id="Ref_397" href="#Foot_397">[397]</a></span> Spacious -halls for the accommodation of professors of the liberal arts -and philosophers,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_398" id="Ref_398" href="#Foot_398">[398]</a></span> churches, public baths, theatres, -a hippodrome,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_399" id="Ref_399" href="#Foot_399">[399]</a></span> -and a substantially constructed aqueduct more than -fifty miles long,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_400" id="Ref_400" href="#Foot_400">[400]</a></span> completed the equipment of the African -capital. A remnant of jealous apprehension, inherited by -successive generations of Romans, decreed that Carthage -should remain without walls, and only in the first quarter of -the fifth century was the defect supplied by the younger -Theodosius.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_401" id="Ref_401" href="#Foot_401">[401]</a></span> Soon after the establishment of the Empire -Africa became the granary of Italy, and, as later Constantinople -was dependent on Alexandria, the arrival in the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_496" id="Page_496">{496}</a></span> -Tiber of the corn fleets from Carthage was a matter of vital -importance at Rome.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_402" id="Ref_402" href="#Foot_402">[402]</a></span></p> - -<p>The character of the Africans has been painted in the -blackest colours by more than one writer of this age, and it -appears to be indisputable that for the extremes of luxury, -vice, and perfidy they were justly censured by their fellow -subjects. It was possible, we are told, that, owing to the -populousness of the country, a few virtuous citizens might -be found;<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_403" id="Ref_403" href="#Foot_403">[403]</a></span> but the most obvious impression was that all -without exception were addicted to drunkenness and immorality -of the vilest form.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_404" id="Ref_404" href="#Foot_404">[404]</a></span> The prostitution of both sexes -had attained to a degree elsewhere unknown; and the -streets of Carthage were thronged with males, who unsexed -themselves habitually by adopting the manners and costume -of the opposite sex.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_405" id="Ref_405" href="#Foot_405">[405]</a></span> Ethnologically it is certain that the -population was extremely mixed, and the Semitic factor was -well represented for many centuries after the Roman conquest.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_406" id="Ref_406" href="#Foot_406">[406]</a></span> -Hence the Latin language had not displaced the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_497" id="Page_497">{497}</a></span> -Punic tongue, even among the higher classes, as late as the -reign of the Antonines.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_407" id="Ref_407" href="#Foot_407">[407]</a></span> Again, the native races, known as -the Moors, Kabyles, or Berbers,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_408" id="Ref_408" href="#Foot_408">[408]</a></span> were more prone to live by -war and rapine than to bow to the Roman sovereignty. On -several occasions, therefore, the African provinces had been -the scene of serious revolts which had to be suppressed with -all the force of the Imperial arms.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_409" id="Ref_409" href="#Foot_409">[409]</a></span> Christianity spread -rapidly among this heterogeneous and hot-blooded population -and, as might have been anticipated, assumed a very -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_498" id="Page_498">{498}</a></span> -contentious character. Thus the fiercest schismatics and -sectarians who arose in the West, the Donatists and the -Novatians, had their origin exclusively or mainly at Carthage.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_410" id="Ref_410" href="#Foot_410">[410]</a></span> -A fair proportion of the eminent men by whom the Latin -half of the Empire was distinguished were Africans by birth, -and, perhaps, by blood. Among the Pagans we find the -incomparable dramatist Terence, who flourished during -the time of the Republic; the last of the great soldiers -who ruled the Empire integrally before it began to succumb -to the barbarians, the Emperor Septimius Severus; and the -elegant writer Apuleius, whose apologue of Cupid and -Psyche has secured a place in the literature of all modern -languages. The Christian Africans also produced perhaps -the most notable of the advocates and authors who illustrated -the early centuries of the Church; the vehement Tertullian, -whose fierce style would lead us to suspect him of -kinship with the restless autochthons of the land; the -scarcely less ardent Cyprian, the masterful champion of -episcopal vigour, who suffered martyrdom under Valerian; -and the diligent Augustine, devout, mild, and imaginative, -to whom the theology of the West owes its distinctive -character.</p> - -<p>The romantic story of the loss of Africa, the veiled rivalry -of Aetius and Bonifacius, and the treachery of the former, -so fraught with evil to his country, is an oft-read tale to -which a passing allusion will suffice for this page. The -Count of Africa, being led to believe by his insidious friend -that the Empress Placidia meditated his ruin, attempted -to secure himself by inviting Genseric,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_411" id="Ref_411" href="#Foot_411">[411]</a></span> king of the Vandals -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_499" id="Page_499">{499}</a></span> -in Spain, to share with him the sovereignty of the seven -provinces (429). Bonifacius discovered the deception, but -too late to retrieve his error; the barbarian monarch had made -good his footing in the country, and the Roman general, -having failed to arrest his progress in battle, was ultimately -driven out of Africa.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_412" id="Ref_412" href="#Foot_412">[412]</a></span> During ten years Genseric worked his -way to the east, gradually possessing himself of the provinces, -and in 439 crowned the success of his adventure by -the capture of Carthage.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_413" id="Ref_413" href="#Foot_413">[413]</a></span> A score of years later the Emperor -Majorian fitted out an expedition for the expulsion of -the Vandals; but the treason of his own officers brought -about the destruction of his fleet in the bay of Carthagena, -and the enterprise collapsed.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_414" id="Ref_414" href="#Foot_414">[414]</a></span> A decade elapsed and Genseric -was again threatened by the eastern Emperor Leo, who -massed together ships and troops at an immense expenditure -for the reconquest of Africa. Owing to the incapacity or, -perhaps, the perfidy of the commander, Basiliscus, the -brother-in-law of the Emperor, this expedition also resulted -in a disastrous failure.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_415" id="Ref_415" href="#Foot_415">[415]</a></span> During his long reign of nearly forty -years Genseric was the terror of the Mediterranean, and in -455, incited by another unpatriotic invitation, invaded Italy -and sacked Rome at the instance of the ex-Empress Eudoxia.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_416" id="Ref_416" href="#Foot_416">[416]</a></span> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_500" id="Page_500">{500}</a></span> -The orthodox Christians suffered much from the persecution -of their Arian conquerors,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_417" id="Ref_417" href="#Foot_417">[417]</a></span> but under the mild rule of -Hilderic, who succeeded in 523, the peace of the Church -throughout the Vandalic dominions at length became assured.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_418" id="Ref_418" href="#Foot_418">[418]</a></span> -At their advent into Africa the simple barbarians -were revolted by the manners of the inhabitants; and, as -soon as they had secured themselves in their conquest, proceeded -to assimilate everything to their native ideas of -chastity and temperance. Within the first decade of their -supremacy they had worked a general reformation at Carthage; -exterminated the androgynous males, suppressed the -brothels, and settled all the courtesans in a state of legitimate -nuptials.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_419" id="Ref_419" href="#Foot_419">[419]</a></span> This ideal dispensation was, however, by no -means permanent, and later generations of Vandals gradually -became dissolved in the luxury, and yielded to the -sexual allurements which had been abolished by their stern -forefathers. Thus by the beginning of the sixth century the -rude nomads had been transformed into untiring votaries of -the theatre, the circus, and the chase, into revellers clad in -silken vestments, who had planted themselves gardens and -orchards, where they consumed their days in feasting and -abandonment to sexual gratifications.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_420" id="Ref_420" href="#Foot_420">[420]</a></span></p> - -<p>Between Hilderic and Justinian a firm and friendly pact -had been cemented during the lifetime of Justin, and the -alliance was maintained from year to year by a liberal interchange -of costly presents.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_421" id="Ref_421" href="#Foot_421">[421]</a></span> The unwarlike character, however, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_501" id="Page_501">{501}</a></span> -of the Vandal king and the defeat of his deputy by the -Moors, had rendered him unpopular among his subjects, a -circumstance which was taken advantage of by his cousin -Gelimer, a grand-nephew of Genseric, and heir presumptive -of the crown. He began by assuming an arrogant state, as -if he had already succeeded; and, having reduced the -authority of Hilderic to a nullity, in the seventh year of his -reign persuaded the Vandal nobles to elect him king in his -stead. Soon the deposed monarch, with his immediate supporters, -was consigned to a prison, whilst the Byzantine -alliance was repudiated as being hostile to the succession of -Gelimer. On hearing of this revolution, Justinian despatched -a letter of remonstrance to the usurper, urging him to allow -Hilderic the nominal occupation of the throne, and to content -himself for the present with the realities of kingly -power. Hilderic, he reminded him, was advanced in years, -so that his legitimate succession could not be long delayed. -The reply of Gelimer was curt and insolent: "he had not -seized on the crown, but had been duly elected by the -accredited chiefs of the Vandal nation: the wisest monarchs -were those who attended assiduously to their own affairs and -refrained from interference with those of other people." At -the same time he imposed a stricter durance on Hilderic, -and blinded his nephew Hoamer, who had been his principal -minister. Justinian was now deeply offended and burned -with the desire to coerce Gelimer by force of arms. How -the question was debated at Constantinople, and the Emperor's -wishes were shaped to a reality has already been -related circumstantially.</p> - -<p>On the midsummer's day of 533 the Byzantine fleet was -assembled in the harbour of the Palace, in readiness to start -on its voyage to the African coast. Belisarius, the commander-in-chief, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_502" id="Page_502">{502}</a></span> -accompanied by his wife Antonina and his -secretary Procopius, was in occupation of the admiral's ship. -As an auspicious rite a Christian proselyte, fresh from the -baptismal font, was received on board at the hands of the -Patriarch, who invoked the blessings of heaven on the -expedition. The Emperor directed the departure from the -shore, and the whole fleet, following in the wake of the -admiral's ship, made sail for Heraclea in Thrace. There -they remained several days in order to complete the supply -of horses, which were delivered to them from the Imperial -herds pastured in that country. The transport service consisted -of five hundred ships, in which were carried the -effective force of the expedition, ten thousand foot and five -thousand horse. Twenty thousand sailors manned the -vessels, and, in view of naval warfare, they were convoyed -by ninety-two roofed dromons, served by two thousand -rowers.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_422" id="Ref_422" href="#Foot_422">[422]</a></span> On putting out from -Heraclea the voyage was fully -entered on; and by the judicious use of sails and oars, -according to the exigences of weather and locality, the -fleet moved onwards to its destination. Belisarius and his -staff were accommodated in three ships, which chose the -course and led the way for all the rest to follow. Red sails -by day and lights borne on lofty poles at night rendered -them conspicuous objects on the water. They anchored at -several places on their route, and the signal for leaving port -was given by the blowing of trumpets. The city of Abydos, -in the Hellespont, the promontory of Sigeum on the coast -near Troy, Cape Malea in Laconia, the point of Taenarum, -the town of Methone in Messenia, and the island of Zacynthus, -marked stages of their voyage until they arrived in a -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_503" id="Page_503">{503}</a></span> -deserted bay of Sicily at the foot of Mount Aetna.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_423" id="Ref_423" href="#Foot_423">[423]</a></span> At -Methone a lengthened stay was necessitated by the incidence -of a calamity which resulted from the criminal parsimony of -the Praetorian Praefect John. In his eagerness to save the -cost of labour and fuel he had stocked the commissariat with -imperfectly baked biscuit. After the lapse of two or three -weeks this unsuitable provision fell into a state of poisonous -decay, so that the troops who partook of it were seized with -intestinal inflammation. Before the cause could be recognized -five hundred had perished, and the spread of the -disease was tardily checked by Belisarius, who procured a -supply of proper bread from the shore. As soon as the -Emperor had cognizance of the disaster he commended the -conduct of the general, but took no steps to punish the -guilty minister.</p> - -<p>While in the Sicilian harbour a wave of doubt and depression -swept over the minds of the Romans. They feared -that an engagement might be imminent with a strange and -formidable foe. "Where were now the Vandals, and what -was their method of fighting?" was asked on every side. -"Were they lying in wait to attack the expedition before it -could arrive on the African coast?" The Byzantine military -were scared at the prospect of a naval battle, and made no -secret of their intention to avoid such a contingency by a -precipitate flight. More enlightenment as to the task before -them was, therefore, imperatively needed; and Belisarius -decided to despatch Procopius on a mission of inquiry to -Syracuse. Fortune was propitious to the messenger at the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_504" id="Page_504">{504}</a></span> -outset; meeting with an old friend who was connected with -the shipping trade, he found that one of his slaves present -had left Carthage only three days previously. The man was -produced and proved to be well informed as to the position -in the Vandal kingdom. Gelimer was totally oblivious as -to the approaching invasion, and had retired to his country -house at Hermione, a distance of four days' journey from -the coast, whilst the flower of his army had just departed -for Sardinia with the object of quelling a revolt in that -island against the Vandal authority. Elated by this gratifying -news, Procopius hastened back to the fleet, which in the -meantime had moved down the coast to Caucana, within -twenty-five miles of Syracuse. Confidence was at once -restored by his favourable report, and without further delay -Belisarius made sail for the African coast. They were now -well provisioned, unusual facilities for the purpose having -been granted to them in Sicily by Amalasuntha, the Queen-Regent -of Italy, with whom Justinian had entered into -amicable relations. Halting on the way at Melita, they -arrived at Caputvada in the province of Byzacium just three -months after they had set out from Constantinople. Carthage -lay almost due north of their position, distant by land about -one hundred and thirty miles.</p> - -<p>A council of war was now held in order to decide as to -the most advisable method of conducting the campaign. -The question for discussion was whether Carthage should -be approached by land or by sea. Archelaus, one of the -lieutenant-generals, argued that they should sail along the -coast with the object of entering the Stagnum, in whose -ample space the whole fleet would be effectively sheltered -from wind and waves. From thence the capital could be -assaulted with facility, and, in view of the unprepared state -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_505" id="Page_505">{505}</a></span> -of the enemy, its speedy capture might be expected. Belisarius, -however, pointed out that should a storm arise in the -meantime, they must either perish on the coast or be driven -far away from it; whilst in any case the delay which must -ensue would give the enemy time to collect his forces. He -also dwelt on the fact that his men had already asserted -their determination to fly rather than fight a naval battle. -He counselled, therefore, that they should forthwith disembark, -with all their arms and horses, and fortify themselves -in a camp on the shore. The advice of Belisarius -was unanimously approved and immediately acted upon. -At the outset their spirits were raised by a fortunate occurrence -which they regarded as a typical omen of their -future progress. In digging the trenches they struck a -copious supply of water, a phenomenal circumstance in -Byzacium, which was an exceptionally arid region.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_424" id="Ref_424" href="#Foot_424">[424]</a></span> As to -the fleet, a small complement of each ship's company was -left on board, just sufficient to navigate the vessels or to -repel a hostile attack.</p> - -<p>The next step of Belisarius was to take possession of -Syllectum, a seaport which lay about thirty miles to the -north. The town, like all others in Africa except Carthage, -was unwalled in accordance with the policy adopted by -Genseric, who had rased all fortifications throughout the -country.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_425" id="Ref_425" href="#Foot_425">[425]</a></span> The capture, therefore, was facile, -and was accomplished -without bloodshed. Here the general produced -letters from Justinian explanatory of the invasion, and caused -reports to be circulated which were likely to enlist the support -of the inhabitants. To the Vandals he said that they -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_506" id="Page_506">{506}</a></span> -had come merely to vindicate the rights of their legitimate -king, who had been dethroned by a usurper; to the Romans, -upon whose racial and religious affinities he counted, that -the army would pay its way and no forcible seizure of private -stores would be made. A favourable impression was at once -created, and the procurator of the public posts handed over -to Belisarius all the horses at his disposal.</p> - -<p>The march towards Carthage was now begun at the rate -of ten miles a day, with a methodical disposition of the -troops. Two miles in front they were preceded by an advance -guard of three hundred horse under John the Armenian. -On the left six hundred Huns, all mounted archers, at an -equal distance, kept watch against a surprise. To the right -their safety was assured by the proximity of the sea; and on -that side the fleet was ordered to follow the movements of -the army as they advanced along the coast. Each night a -camp was formed or quarters were taken up in such towns -as were conveniently situated on the route. Proceeding in -this manner they passed through Leptis and Hadrumetum, -and arrived at Grasse, which lay within forty miles of the -capital. Here they found a palace of the Vandal kings, in the -orchard of which they encamped amid trees laden with fruit -in such profusion, that after the soldiers had regaled themselves -there was no perceptible diminution of the supply.</p> - -<p>In the meantime Gelimer had news of the invasion, whereupon -he sent an order to his brother Ammatas at Carthage -to slay Hilderic with all those affiliated to him, whilst he -himself was to levy an army of the best attainable materials -at Decimum, a suburb less than ten miles out from the -city. Simultaneously the usurper started from Hermione -with all his available forces in pursuit of the Romans, of -whom he happened to be in the rear.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_507" id="Page_507">{507}</a></span> -On the evening of his halt at Grasse scouts sent out by -Belisarius collided with parties of Vandals on a similar -errand, and thus did he first become cognizant that the -enemy were active at his heels. The Byzantines continued -their forward march, and in four days came to a stand in -sight of Decimum. For a short time previously they had -been out of touch with the fleet, as the coast had become -broken and precipitous, whilst now their ways were divergent; -but Archelaus, who was in command, had been -instructed to round the Hermaean promontory and come to -anchor in a position not less than twenty miles off Carthage.</p> - -<p>At this juncture the Romans were beset by three divisions -of the Vandal forces, but, owing to a want of concerted -action, the combination failed. Ammatas sallied forth from -Carthage, his troops straggling after him in detachments, -and was unexpectedly brought up by the advance guard of -three hundred. A sharp skirmish ensued; the Vandal leader -was slain, his men fled, communicating their panic to those -who were following on, and thus all returned to take refuge -in the city. On the left Gibamundus, a nephew of Gelimer, -at the head of two thousand cavalry, fell in with the Hunnish -horse, who charged them incontinently and put them to flight -with great slaughter. The Vandals were, in fact, stricken -nerveless at the sudden appearance of these warriors, whom -they had never encountered, but who were known to them -by reputation. Before the news of these engagements could -reach him Belisarius had gathered all his cavalry about him, -and advanced from the camp in expectation of meeting the -enemy. He ordered a considerable part of his forces to -explore in front, and these, after no long march, found -themselves in sight of a great concourse of horse commanded -by the Vandal king in person. A desultory conflict, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_508" id="Page_508">{508}</a></span> -in a region diversified by low hills, followed; the barbarians -attacked with skill and bravery, and in the result the Byzantines -were routed, nor did they relax their flight until -they succeeded in rejoining Belisarius. At this moment the -Vandals might have been victorious had they been led by a -general who knew how to conquer. But Gelimer, neglecting -his advantage, abandoned himself to lamentations for the -death of his brother, of which information was just then -brought to him, whilst the Roman general rallied his troops -and bore down upon his adversaries with irresistible vigour. -The Vandal leader, with all his forces, now fled indiscriminately, -and, solicitous only for immediate safety, chose the -unfrequented road to Numidia instead of retiring strategically -on the capital.</p> - -<p>Belisarius was now master of the situation, though himself -unaware of the full extent of his success. Within Carthage, -in fact, owing to the great preponderance of the Roman -element, a bloodless revolution had already taken place. -The gates had been thrown open on the Vandal defeat -becoming known, and, at the sight of the fleet in the offing, -the chain of the harbour had been withdrawn, whilst the -bulk of the citizens awaited with joyful expectation the -moment when they might fraternize with the victors. The -Vandal officials fled into hiding or sanctuary; the gaoler of -the prison on the citadel unbolted the doors and gave exit -to all the political suspects whom the distrust of Gelimer -had incarcerated; and even the Arian clergy abandoned -their churches to the possession of the Orthodox bishops. -Next day the Roman general broke up his camp, and, still -keeping his line of battle, advanced with considerable caution -to the capital, where at length he realized how completely -he had won the day. A portion of the fleet was already -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_509" id="Page_509">{509}</a></span> -moored in the Mandracium, the patency of which had been -discovered accidentally through the temerity and disobedience -of one of the subordinate officers.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_426" id="Ref_426" href="#Foot_426">[426]</a></span> The soldiers were -received into quarters throughout the town, while Belisarius, -with his staff, ascended the Byrsa and established himself in -the royal palace.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_427" id="Ref_427" href="#Foot_427">[427]</a></span> The same evening a banquet was spread -for the Romans by the servants of Gelimer, when the -victorious general occupied the throne of the defeated king.</p> - -<p>Belisarius now applied himself energetically to restoring -the fortifications of Carthage, which had fallen into a ruinous -condition, as he felt assured that before long he would have -to defend his conquest against a siege. In an incredibly -short time he repaired all the breaches in the walls, and -surrounded the city with a fosse protected by a stout palisade. -His foresight was amply justified, and it was soon found -that the outlying districts were beset by the adherents of -Gelimer to such an extent that no Byzantines could venture -outside the city without the certainty of being cut off by -some hostile band.</p> - -<p>In a few weeks the Vandal king had collected a force -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_510" id="Page_510">{510}</a></span> -which he deemed sufficient for the recovery of his capital; -and, moreover, he attacked the city insidiously by means -of secret emissaries whom he employed to seduce the allegiance -of the Arian barbarians, who were numerous in the -Roman army. His camp was situated at Bulla on the -Numidian frontier, about one hundred miles to the west -of Carthage. Here he awaited his brother Tzazo, the leader -of the Sardinian expedition, whom he had summoned to -take part in the war against the invaders. His approach -was signalled, and, as soon as a landing was effected, the -impulsive barbarians threw themselves into each other's -arms and bewailed with tears and lamentations the sudden -misfortunes which had overtaken their race.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_428" id="Ref_428" href="#Foot_428">[428]</a></span></p> - -<p>The siege of Carthage was now begun, and Gelimer's first -hostile act was to cut off the main water supply by making -a breach in the aqueduct. No military assault was attempted, -nor did the Vandals raid the country, as they looked on -everything as their own property. A passive beleaguerment, -by isolating the inhabitants from the outside world, seemed -to them to be sufficient to bring about the submission of the -capital. Belisarius on his side at first maintained an equal -quietude, deferring active measures until the walls had been -fully consolidated. He was also distrustful of the Huns -under his command, whose murmurs against their protracted -absence from home augured ill for their loyal bearing in the -event of a battle.</p> - -<p>After the lapse of a few weeks the fortifications were -rendered secure, and then the Byzantine general marched -out with all his forces to seek the enemy. Gelimer's encampment -was soon discovered to be at Tricamerum, seventeen -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_511" id="Page_511">{511}</a></span> -miles beyond the city. Belisarius hastened to the spot -with all his cavalry, which on his arrival he disposed in -three divisions opposite the hostile camp, he himself occupying -the centre with his standard-bearer. The Huns -drew themselves up apart, according to their custom, and -in this instance meditated treachery should the fortune of -the day prove adverse to the Byzantines. The infantry were -halted at some distance in the rear. A rivulet now separated -the two armies, and on the following morning the Vandals -ranged themselves in order of battle on the opposite bank. -Tzazo, with the veterans from Sardinia, led the van, whilst -Gelimer rode along the line exhorting his troops to rely -solely on their swords. First of all the Armenian John, with -a small band, dashed across the stream against the Vandal -centre, but was repulsed. He returned to the charge with a -larger following, and was again repulsed. For the third -onslaught Belisarius undertook the attack in person; the -Romans sent up a great war-shout, and the Imperial standard -was swept along as the whole centre drove down impetuously -on the barbarians. A powerful impact resulted; the Vandals -made a strenuous defence, but Tzazo was soon slain, whereupon -they desisted and betook themselves to flight. All the -Roman horse now put themselves into motion, including the -vacillating Huns, and the enemy were hotly pursued, until -they saved themselves by plunging into their camp. This -victory cost the Byzantines only fifty men, but of the Vandals -eight hundred fell.</p> - -<p>On the evening of the same day Belisarius advanced with -both horse and foot to assault the enemy's camp. On -arriving he found, however, that Gelimer had hurried away -secretly with a few friends, intent on hiding himself in the -recesses of Numidia, and that the Vandal host, on perceiving -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_512" id="Page_512">{512}</a></span> -themselves to be deserted by their King, had dispersed, -eager only to preserve their lives. Thus the derelict -camp, with its whole contents, became the immediate prize -of the victors. It was found to be replete with wealth, the -accumulated treasures of the Vandal nation, which had -been amassed during the raids of Genseric on every part of -the Roman dominions. Such an immense hoard of money, -it seemed, could never before have been brought together -into one repository. Pillage now became the sole object of -the Byzantine soldiery, all discipline was ignored, and the -army was only discernible in the form of numerous pairs of -companions who overran the district engaged in rapine. -This abandonment continued throughout the night, and at -dawn Belisarius, with great difficulty, collected his men, -when all returned to Carthage laden with immense booty. -Besides valuables, the seizures comprised women and boys, -all men who seemed to belong to the hostile nation being -butchered. It was now the middle of December, and just -three months since the Byzantines had entered the African -capital.</p> - -<p>To secure the person of Gelimer was a matter of prime -importance, and John, the Armenian, with a company of two -hundred, had been despatched in pursuit of the fugitive. -For five days they hurried after him on his track, and then, -by a deplorable mischance, the leader was transfixed and -mortally wounded by an arrow discharged from the hand of -one of his own men. Belisarius was at once informed, and -hastened to the locality, but the unavoidable delay enabled -the flying King to make good his escape. On inquiry, -it was elicited that he had taken refuge among the Moors -of Pappua, a rugged and almost inaccessible mountain in a -remote corner of Numidia. Belisarius followed on, and, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_513" id="Page_513">{513}</a></span> -having made a survey of the stronghold, decided that it -was impregnable to an attack. He therefore appointed one -of his officers, Pharas, a Herule, to blockade the outlets -and cut off supplies to the refugees. He himself returned -to Carthage by way of Hippo Regius, where he had -the good fortune to capture the reserve treasures of the -Vandal King in a weather-bound ship, which had failed -to convey them to the custody of Gelimer's ally, the King -of the Visigoths in Spain. Belisarius now sent a legate -to Sardinia and Corsica, who displayed the head of Tzazo, -and secured the submission of those islands to the suzerainty -of Justinian. Wherever the Vandals had ruled missions -were despatched to announce the circumstances of the -conquest, and thus the whole of North Africa, together -with the islands of Ebusa, Majorca, and Minorca, were -transferred to the dominion of the Eastern Emperor.</p> - -<p>In the meantime the blockade of Pappua had been -rigorously maintained, and Gelimer had been reduced to -the greatest straits for the want of proper provisions. At -length Pharas expostulated with him on his obduracy, and -tempting proposals were made to him should he surrender -himself to the clemency of Justinian; the rank of a Roman -patrician fortified with a liberal endowment of lands and -money. Gelimer replied that he would never accept a -favour from one who had conquered him in an unjust war, -and implored the officer not to aggravate his sufferings -by the repetition of such offers. His letter concluded with -the words, "I beg of you, my dear Pharas, to send me -a lyre, a loaf of bread, and a sponge." At a loss to understand -this seemingly strange request, Pharas interrogated -the messenger, who explained that the musical instrument -was required in order to accompany a dirge in which the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_514" id="Page_514">{514}</a></span> -Vandal King bewailed his misfortunes; that the hard fare -of the Moors did not include such a luxury as baked bread; -and that the sponge was intended to bathe the eyes of the -sufferer, which had become inflamed by weeping. The -officer compassionately acceded to the prayer, but maintained -his guard as strictly as before. After the lapse of -three months the pride and resentment of Gelimer became -subdued, chiefly through his being a spectator of the hardships -entailed on those who had attended him to his comfortless -retreat; and he signified his willingness to resign -himself to the custody of Belisarius. He was conducted to -Carthage, and shortly afterwards the Byzantine leader, with -his principal captives and all the spoils of the war, set sail -for Constantinople. Belisarius was, in fact, glad that the -time had come for him to take his departure, as envy and -slander had lately begun to be rife about him; and it was -insinuated at Court that he had assumed a regal state, as if -he contemplated an independent sovereignty, a line of -conduct which was wholly foreign to his temperament and -aspirations.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_429" id="Ref_429" href="#Foot_429">[429]</a></span> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_515" id="Page_515">{515}</a></span></p> - -<p>On an appointed day in the autumn of the same year a -scene was enacted in the Imperial capital which recalled -the triumphs of former ages, but so modified as to exalt the -glory of the Emperor far above that of his most conspicuous -subject. Belisarius, accompanied by the deposed King, -his relatives and nobles, moved through the city, on foot, at -the head of a procession in which were displayed all the -precious resources and costly appurtenances which illustrated -the recent magnificence of the Vandal Kingdom, and -were now become the prize of the conqueror. Golden -chairs, state carriages, a profusion of sparkling gems, cups -of gold, all the appointments of the royal banquets, myriads -of silver talents, and the heirlooms of plate which had -adorned the palace, were borne along the streets to the -Hippodrome, in the area of which they were accumulated -to make a dazzling exhibition. Among them were the spoils -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_516" id="Page_516">{516}</a></span> -of Jerusalem, translated to Rome by Vespasian and Titus,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_430" id="Ref_430" href="#Foot_430">[430]</a></span> -and afterwards pillaged from thence by the insatiable -Genseric, who carried them off to Carthage. Justinian sat -aloft upon his throne, and Gelimer, still invested with the -insignia of a King, was conducted to his feet. There he -was stripped of his purple robe and forced to kiss the -ground before the triumphant monarch. After his illustrious -captive the victorious general rendered a similar homage to -his Imperial master. Throughout the ceremony the Vandal -King maintained a dignified composure, but he repeated -aloud continually the words of Scripture, "Vanity of vanities, -all is vanity." Subsequently ample estates in Galatia -were conferred on him, but the patriciate was withheld, as -he declined to abjure his Arian faith. All the scions of -Vandal royalty had been transported to Constantinople, and -among them were the daughters of Hilderic, who in the -female line were the direct descendants of the last Emperors -of the West. These princesses were consigned to the care -of Theodora, and the ultimate representatives of the dynasty -founded by the great Theodosius became the pensioners of -the fortunate prostitute.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_431" id="Ref_431" href="#Foot_431">[431]</a></span> As for the treasures of the extinct -Hebrew nationality, a Jewish spectator of the pageantry inferred, -within the hearing of Justinian, that the retention of -these sacred relics had brought destruction to Rome, and -determined the doom of Carthage, whence he foreboded -that the Byzantine capital would fall under the ban of the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_517" id="Page_517">{517}</a></span> -Almighty should they remain inside its walls. No resting-place, -he asserted, would be found for them unless where -Solomon had consecrated them to the worship of Jehovah. -The Emperor was struck by the admonition, and decided -to divest himself of these fateful valuables by sending them -to be deposited in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, at -Jerusalem. In the following January Belisarius was honoured -with the Consulship of the year (535), and a large amount -of the booty, which had fallen to his lot at Carthage, was -distributed as largess among the populace. His reputation -had now risen to such a height that he seemed to be too -great to remain in the position of a subject; and the -Imperial couple thought it prudent to extract from his -complaisance a solemn pledge that he would never aim -at the sovereignty during the lifetime of Justinian.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_432" id="Ref_432" href="#Foot_432">[432]</a></span></p> - -<p>When it was reported to the Emperor that the Kingdom -of the Vandals was overthrown, he at once drew up a -scheme for the local government of this accession to his -dominions. A third Praetorian Praefect, with a salary of -100 lb. of gold (£4,000), was created to administer the -Diocese of Africa, as it was now denominated. His official -seat was at Carthage, and under him seven Rectors were -nominated to rule the minor divisions of the country.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_433" id="Ref_433" href="#Foot_433">[433]</a></span> The -island of Sardinia was included in this disposition, and -formed a separate province.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_434" id="Ref_434" href="#Foot_434">[434]</a></span> The civil and military powers -were kept apart, and a Master of Soldiers, with five local -Dukes, was appointed to command the army corps required -for the protection of the Diocese.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_435" id="Ref_435" href="#Foot_435">[435]</a></span> The Roman system of -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_518" id="Page_518">{518}</a></span> -taxation had been suppressed by Genseric, and under the -Vandal supremacy the inhabitants had been almost relieved -from the burden of the imposts; but on the restoration -a pair of logothetes were commissioned to survey the -country, and assess the population for the benefit of the -treasury. Much displeasure was felt by the Africans at this -recurrence to the old methods of exaction, which they had -become oblivious of during their remission for nearly a -century.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_436" id="Ref_436" href="#Foot_436">[436]</a></span></p> - -<p>Although the Vandal power in Africa was annihilated by -the victories of Belisarius, the peaceful settlement of the -Diocese was deferred for more than ten years owing to the -insubordination of the army of occupation and the unwillingness -of the Moors to submit to the Byzantine yoke. In -two instances leaders of the rebellious soldiery promoted a -mutiny with such effect that for the time being the recent -conquest was virtually severed from the Empire. The -episodes of Stotzas and Gontharis may be briefly recounted.</p> - -<p>1. In the first sedition three distinct parties were conjoined, -who, through circumstances peculiar to each one, were inspired -with animosity against the government. A large -number of the Roman military found fortune in Africa by -the capture of wives and daughters of Vandals who were -either slaughtered at the time or expelled from their possessions. -The newcomers married these women, and installed -themselves in the lands and dwellings previously held by -their male relatives. By Imperial decree, however, the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_519" id="Page_519">{519}</a></span> -estates of the conquered were confiscated to the crown; and -thus the impromptu settlers in a short time found themselves -exposed to summary ejection. Such was the most considerable -complement of the malcontents. To these were added -the Arian barbarians, numbering about a thousand, who had -taken part in the expedition. The fanaticism of the latter -was inflamed by the dispossessed Vandal clergy, to whom -the practice of Christianity according to their heretical rites -was now interdicted. The third contingent consisted of a -remnant of the Vandal army, which had taken refuge in the -Aurasian mountains on the south of Numidia.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_437" id="Ref_437" href="#Foot_437">[437]</a></span> This party -was made up almost wholly of fugitive prisoners of war who -had been transported to Constantinople, whence it was -decided to distribute them among the garrison towns of the -East. They were despatched by sea to their destination, but -on arriving at Lesbos about four hundred of them seized the -ships in which they had been embarked and made good -their escape to the African coast. Communication and conjuration -between the first two sections was established at -Carthage, and it was agreed that on Easter Sunday (536) -Solomon, the Master of the Forces, who had replaced -Belisarius, should be assassinated in church. The rebels -would then seize the reins of government. The secret of the -conspiracy was well kept, for even the unaffiliated reserved -their suspicions, being privately elated at the prospect of -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_520" id="Page_520">{520}</a></span> -rapine; but the assassins elect shrunk from perpetrating the -murder on the first, and even on a subsequent occasion. -Noisy recriminations in the public places followed, and it -became evident to everyone that there was a plot. The conspirators -now threw off all disguise, having discovered that -they were in a majority, and applied themselves to looting -the city and suburbs. Solomon, with Procopius as his companion, -under cover of night fled to the coast and made sail -for Syracuse, where Belisarius was known to be engaged on -a mission. The three returned with the utmost speed, and -found that the rebels to the number of eight thousand, including -the fugitive Vandals, had massed themselves on the -plain of Bulla. They had chosen as their leader a guardsman -of vigorous character named Stotzas. A march on -Carthage was contemplated, but Belisarius, having levied as -many loyal troops as possible, intercepted the project and -forced them to give battle. Although his forces were quadrupled -by those of the enemy, the prestige of his name, their -indecision, and an adverse wind which blew in their faces, -enabled him to win a victory. The sedition, however, was -merely demulced for a time and Belisarius had to return immediately -to Sicily. Later on Justinian despatched his -nephew Germanus to Africa, and this general, by tact and -blandishments, succeeded in winning back nearly half of the -supporters of Stotzas. A battle was fought in which the -rebel leader was utterly defeated and his followers scattered, -with the loss of all the valuables they had collected in their -camp. Stotzas himself fled to Mauritania, where he settled -down with a daughter of one of the petty princes as his wife; -but a few years afterwards (545) he reappeared in arms, -fighting on the side of the Moors. In an encounter he was -slain tragically by the Roman general opposed to him, who -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_521" id="Page_521">{521}</a></span> -pierced him with one of his arrows, but was himself struck -down forthwith by a mortal wound. The two antagonists -expired almost in sight of one another, each one expressing -his welcome acceptance of death in view of the gratification -afforded by that of his rival.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_438" id="Ref_438" href="#Foot_438">[438]</a></span></p> - -<p>2. About this time Areobindus, the husband of Justinian's -niece Prejecta, was appointed to be Master of the Forces in -Africa. He was a man of a timid disposition, and totally unversed -in war, to such an extent that he had never been -present at the most trivial engagement. Under this inefficient -hegemony, Gontharis, Duke of Numidia, aspired to be a -despot with the aid of the factious soldiery and the Moorish -insurgents. By a league with Antalas, the most potent of the -native chiefs, he agreed to surrender to him the province of -Byzacium and half the treasures of Areobindus as the price -of his support in making himself king over the rest of the -country. At first he proceeded insidiously and associated -amicably with the Master of Soldiers at Carthage, where he -simulated a capture of the city by the Moors in the hope of -so terrifying Areobindus that he would see nothing left but -to escape by flight to Constantinople. This project was just -baulked by the sudden rise of a tempest, which arrested the -departing general. Shortly afterwards the designs of Gontharis -were fully penetrated, and he thought it wisest to -proclaim himself boldly as the head of the government. An -attack on the usurper was then organized, and the hostile -bands met in the precincts of the palace; but at the sight of -the first blood drawn Areobindus lost his nerve and fled to -a fortified monastery near the harbour. Gontharis was now -supreme, and received the submission of all the officials in -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_522" id="Page_522">{522}</a></span> -the capital from the Praetorian Prefect downwards. The -late commander-in-chief was lured from his retreat by threats -and a promise of safe dismissal to Constantinople with his -household and property. He presented himself to the despot -in the dress of a private citizen, leaning on the bishop as he -held forth a Gospel, and made an abject profession of his -acquiescence in the situation. Gontharis treated him deferentially, -and retained him to supper the same evening. After -the meal, however, he went out and sent in the captain of -his guard, who slew him, regardless of his pitiable appeals -for mercy. Africa was now to all appearances restored to -independence as completely as if the conquest had never -been achieved by Belisarius. The tyrant next attempted to -substantiate his position by forming an alliance with Prejecta, -whom he induced to send letters to the Emperor, in which -the murder of Areobindus was represented as the wanton act -of an insolent subordinate. But the foundations of his -authority were insecure, and a counter-conspiracy was soon -formed by the adherents of the Imperial government, whose -allegiance was a mere pretence resorted to under the pressure -of expediency. Among those who affected to support him -cordially was Artabanes, the commander of an Armenian -regiment, and a deserter from the Persian service, in which -he had risen to some distinction. He and his associates -were ambitious of recovering Africa for Justinian, and they -concerted a plot for the assassination of Gontharis during a -banquet. Artabanes had been invited by the usurper, and -he entered the dining hall attended by two or three of his -guards, whose customary duty it was to stand behind their -master's couch during a meal. A number of their fellows he -desired to loiter about the approaches, mixing with the guards -of the palace, as if waiting on his orders. The soldiers in the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_523" id="Page_523">{523}</a></span> -city, when not equipped for war, were forbidden to wear -defensive armour, and allowed to carry only a sword. To -obviate this difficulty, Artabanes instructed his men to make -a pretence of playing with the shields of those on guard in -the vestibule, as they lay ready for use, but to snatch them -away altogether should they hear any commotion within. It -had been agreed that Artasires, one of the guards in waiting -at the couches, should strike the first blow; and he ingeniously -protected his left arm by fastening the halves of a split -arrow-shaft inside the sleeve of his tunic. At a certain -moment it was judged that Gontharis was obfuscated by his -potations, signs passed, and then Artasires, sidling towards -him with his drawn sword hidden under his arm, aimed a -sudden stroke at his head. An instant counter-stroke by the -contiguous guard of the despot was parried by his shielded -arm, and the man was laid low by a return thrust. Simultaneously -Artabanes had sprung up and finished Gontharis -with a stroke of his sword as he attempted to rise from his -couch. A general clash of arms ensued, and many not in the -plot joined the liberators. The rebel guards without, deprived -of their shields as planned, were massacred, and soon a cry -of "Justinian the Victor" was sent up. A raid on the -adherents of the usurper was then undertaken, and they -were exterminated in every part of the city. The tyranny of -Gontharis had lasted only thirty-six days. Artabanes won -great renown by this exploit, a splendid donation in money -was bestowed on him by Prejecta, and shortly afterwards -the Emperor's commission arrived, creating him Master of -the Forces in Africa. To his immediate petition, however, -Justinian conceded him the equivalent of his rank at Court, -and he left the country without delay. He was, in fact, enamoured -of the young princess (she is referred to as a girl), -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_524" id="Page_524">{524}</a></span> -or, at least, of her Imperial connection, and he eagerly -followed her when she returned to Constantinople.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_439" id="Ref_439" href="#Foot_439">[439]</a></span></p> - -<p>For fifteen years after the conquest of the Vandals continual -uprisings of the Moorish clans troubled the settlement -of Africa, and a fitful warfare, sometimes furious, was waged -between them and the Empire. Swarms of these nomads -often appeared in the field, but their jealousy and distrust of -each other was so inveterate that their forces could on no -occasion be mustered to act in combination. Their internecine -feuds were never allayed, and during most of their -revolts great hosts of them elected to fight as allies of the -Byzantines in order to suppress the efforts of their own kin. -On each side more than one hundred thousand often appeared -in arms simultaneously, but to the disciplined and mail-clad -soldiers of the Empire their martial equipment always -seemed contemptible. Notwithstanding their contiguity to -the Romans for so many centuries, they had not profited by -their observation and experience to imitate the methods of -warfare which had invariably proved effectual against themselves. -A burnous of white linen enveloped their head and -body, leaving the legs and arms bare; a small leather shield -formed their sole defensive armour; and their only weapons -of attack were a short sword and a couple of javelins.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_440" id="Ref_440" href="#Foot_440">[440]</a></span> -When at war all the members of a tribe, accompanied by their -flocks and herds, marched in conjunction to the battle-field. -To the women was entrusted the duty of tending the cattle, -sharpening the weapons, building huts, and entrenching the -camp. A great circle was enclosed by a living rampart consisting -of the domestic animals. Externally ranks of camels, -linked together twelve deep, formed the main defence; -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_525" id="Page_525">{525}</a></span> -within were ranged the oxen, sheep, and goats. Women, -children, and old men, in charge of whatever valuables they -possessed, were congregrated in the central space.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_441" id="Ref_441" href="#Foot_441">[441]</a></span> At the -approach of an enemy the Moorish infantry packed themselves -in the interstices of the camels' limbs, whilst the -cavalry took advantage of whatever cover was afforded by -the adjacent woods and hills. On the arrival of the hostile -troops javelins were hurled from the entrenchments, the -warriors on horseback poured down on each side to assail -the enemy's flanks, and the women flung stones, balls of -lead, and lighted torches from the interior of the camp. -Horses were repelled by the sight and scent of the camels, -and refused to carry their riders forward to the attack. -Under the circumstances the only expedient was to dismount -the cavalry and assault the men and animals determinedly -on foot. On one occasion Solomon, by the slaughter -of about two hundred camels, cut his way into the camp, -whereupon the Moors fled precipitately in all directions.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_442" id="Ref_442" href="#Foot_442">[442]</a></span> -On another, the enemy had posted themselves in immense -numbers on the level top of Mount Burgaon, but the -Romans climbed the sides during the night, and at break of -day suddenly appeared above the crest on both sides of the -horde. A panic ensued, and a wild rush was made in the -direction of a proximate summit. But the fugitives were -intercepted by an unsuspected gulch, into which all dashed -headlong, urged by the irresistible pressure from behind. -Men and horses rolled down until the gap was filled to the -level of the opposite side. The rest then saved themselves -by passing over the bodies of those who had perished in this -manner, to the number, it was estimated, of 50,000.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_443" id="Ref_443" href="#Foot_443">[443]</a></span> After -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_526" id="Page_526">{526}</a></span> -such victories all the occupants, contents, and constituents -of the camp became the prize of the conquerors; and the -slave market for Moorish captives at Carthage was so overstocked -that a youth could be purchased for the same price -as a sheep.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_444" id="Ref_444" href="#Foot_444">[444]</a></span> The final pacification of Africa was due to -John Troglita, the successor of Artabanes, who, in several -campaigns extending over three years, inflicted many defeats -on the Moors, and drove the most turbulent tribes beyond -the Roman frontier.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_445" id="Ref_445" href="#Foot_445">[445]</a></span> His deeds of valour provoked so -much admiration among the Africans, and were of such -signal benefit to the country, that one of their number, -Cresconius Corippus, was impelled to celebrate his career -in an epic poem designed to place him in the same niche -of glory as the heroes immortalized by Homer, Virgil, and -Claudian.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_446" id="Ref_446" href="#Foot_446">[446]</a></span></p> - -<p>As a result of his conquest of Africa, Justinian came into -collision with the Visigoths of Spain, an event which led to -a permanent occupation of a portion of the south-east coast -of that peninsula by the Byzantines. The castle of Septem, -on the headland to the south of the Straits of Gades, was in -the hands of these barbarians, wherefore a brigade was sent -by Belisarius to capture it.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_447" id="Ref_447" href="#Foot_447">[447]</a></span> Shortly after they had succeeded -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_527" id="Page_527">{527}</a></span> -in doing so, Theudias, King of the Visigoths, despatched a -counter expedition against the Byzantines, but this force was -soon destroyed through being attacked unexpectedly on a -Sunday.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_448" id="Ref_448" href="#Foot_448">[448]</a></span> Nearly a score of years -afterwards (554) a religious -war broke out in Spain through the Arian King, Agila, wishing -to coerce his Catholic subjects, whom he besieged in their -principal stronghold of Cordova. The leader of the rebels was -a noble<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_449" id="Ref_449" href="#Foot_449">[449]</a></span> named Athanagild, and, as the Roman prestige -was now supreme in the West, as well as because of the -religious affinity, he applied to the Emperor for aid against -the Arian persecutors.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_450" id="Ref_450" href="#Foot_450">[450]</a></span> Justinian responded, and sent -Liberius,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_451" id="Ref_451" href="#Foot_451">[451]</a></span> a general who was then engaged in the reduction -of Sicily,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_452" id="Ref_452" href="#Foot_452">[452]</a></span> with the result that Agila suffered a -crushing defeat at Seville.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_453" id="Ref_453" href="#Foot_453">[453]</a></span> He fled to Merida, hoping to -find a refuge among faithful subjects, but the fallen king had -become an object of contempt and fell a victim to a plot -which was speedily hatched for his assassination. The Visigoths -then surrendered to the prestige of his rival and elected -Athanagild as king,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_454" id="Ref_454" href="#Foot_454">[454]</a></span> whereupon a compact of tolerance was -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_528" id="Page_528">{528}</a></span> -ratified between the two parties.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_455" id="Ref_455" href="#Foot_455">[455]</a></span> They now wished to dispense -with the services of the Byzantines, whose proceedings -struck them with alarm, as, instead of preparing to evacuate -the country, they seemed to have settled themselves permanently -in those fortresses to which they had gained admittance -through their alliance with the Catholics. A summons -to depart having been disregarded, a petty war ensued; -and, although the King gained some battles, he was ultimately -obliged to acquiesce in the Byzantine occupation of several -notable cities<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_456" id="Ref_456" href="#Foot_456">[456]</a></span> in the south-east, among which were Cordova, -Carthagena, and Malaga.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_457" id="Ref_457" href="#Foot_457">[457]</a></span> Such are the facts, so far as they -are known, relating to this campaign, which is sometimes -dignified by the title of "Justinian's conquest of Spain."<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_458" id="Ref_458" href="#Foot_458">[458]</a></span></p> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_375" id="Foot_375" href="#Ref_375">[375]</a> -Procopius, De Bel. Vand., i, 10.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_376" id="Foot_376" href="#Ref_376">[376]</a> -Procopius, De Bel. Vand., i, 10. The only authority for the Vandal -war is Procopius, whom later chroniclers abridge and generally refer -back to.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_377" id="Foot_377" href="#Ref_377">[377]</a> -See recent French works on Algeria by Vignon, Wahl, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_378" id="Foot_378" href="#Ref_378">[378]</a> -Plutarch, Marius.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_379" id="Foot_379" href="#Ref_379">[379]</a> -Plutarch, Caius Gracchus. The name was changed to Junonia, lest -its proper designation should be ill-omened.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_380" id="Foot_380" href="#Ref_380">[380]</a> -Appian, Hist. Rom., viii, 136; Solinus, 27, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_381" id="Foot_381" href="#Ref_381">[381]</a> -Strabo, XVII, iii, 15; Herodian, vii, 6; Ausonius, De Clar. Urb., -etc. Scarcely second to CP., according to the latter. Salvian (<i>c.</i> 450) -calls it "the Rome of Africa"; De Gub. Dei, vii, 16.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_382" id="Foot_382" href="#Ref_382">[382]</a> -"A Consul in power and prestige," says Salvian (<i>loc. cit.</i>), "though -only a Pro in name."</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_383" id="Foot_383" href="#Ref_383">[383]</a> -Notitia Occid.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_384" id="Foot_384" href="#Ref_384">[384]</a> -Named consecutively from east to west the seven provinces were -Tripolis, Byzacium, Zeugitana ("Proconsular Africa," cap. Carthage; -now Tunisia), Mauritania Sitifensis, M. Caesariensis (these two constitute -the modern Algeria), and Tingitana (now Morocco). All lay -along the irregular coast.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_385" id="Foot_385" href="#Ref_385">[385]</a> -Cape Bon (Ras Addar).</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_386" id="Foot_386" href="#Ref_386">[386]</a> -The remains of these works are still to be seen under water. They -were so considerable in Bruce's time that he fancied most of Carthage -must have been submerged; Travels, etc., 1790, i, p. xxi. The best compendious -guide to the existing ruins of Carthage is Babelon's <i>Carthage</i>, -Paris, 1896. He was one of the excavators, and gives a large map which -indicates everything remaining on the site.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_387" id="Foot_387" href="#Ref_387">[387]</a> -Procopius, De Bel. Vand., i, 20, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_388" id="Foot_388" href="#Ref_388">[388]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, 15, etc. Now the Lake or Lagoon of Tunis. Carthage was -at the north-west corner, Tunis diagonally at the opposite one. About -two miles long, one and a half wide.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_389" id="Foot_389" href="#Ref_389">[389]</a> -See Appian's description of the Punic harbours, the Cothon, etc.; -viii, 96. The entrance at this time was probably that artificially excavated -by the Carthaginians after Scipio had blocked that in previous -use. The harbour was most likely restored by the Romans to very much -its former state. Rambaud has adopted this view in his archaeological -restoration of Carthage (<i>c.</i> 690), which he put into novelistic form; -L'Empereur de Carthage, Paris, 1904. Dureau de la Malle argues from -texts that Carthage was not "rased to the ground," as the formal expression -is, but merely dismantled; Topog. de Carthage, Paris, 1835, -p. 103, <i>et seq.</i> Certain ponds now in existence seem to represent the -inland ports, but an opposition view has been taken; C. Torr, Classical -Rev., 1891.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_390" id="Foot_390" href="#Ref_390">[390]</a> -The island apparently is still there, but no remains of buildings have -been uncovered so far. For what has been done see Babelon, <i>op. cit.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_391" id="Foot_391" href="#Ref_391">[391]</a> -Some ruins still remain and sufficient of the structure to present an -imposing appearance existed well into the last century. Being quarried -for later purposes, the relic has gradually lost its distinctive form; see -Beulé, Fouilles à Carthage, Paris, 1861, p. 29.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_392" id="Foot_392" href="#Ref_392">[392]</a> -Victor Vit., De Persec. Vand., ii, 5 (written <i>c.</i> 487, and proves the -existence of the stairway, etc., in the fifth century).</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_393" id="Foot_393" href="#Ref_393">[393]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, <i>Platea Nova</i>.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_394" id="Foot_394" href="#Ref_394">[394]</a> -Appian, viii, 133 (from Diod. Sic., xi, 26).</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_395" id="Foot_395" href="#Ref_395">[395]</a> -Inferred from Tacitus, Hist., iv, 38, and Procopius, De Bel. -Vand., i, 20; see Dureau de la Malle, <i>op. cit.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_396" id="Foot_396" href="#Ref_396">[396]</a> -Expos. Tot. Mund. (Müller).</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_397" id="Foot_397" href="#Ref_397">[397]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i> (two versions); Augustine, Confes., vi, 9.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_398" id="Foot_398" href="#Ref_398">[398]</a> -Apuleius, Florid., 18.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_399" id="Foot_399" href="#Ref_399">[399]</a> -Generally see Salvian, <i>op. cit.</i>, vii, 16. The remains of the Circus -are still in evidence; see Babelon, <i>op. cit.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_400" id="Foot_400" href="#Ref_400">[400]</a> -Much of it still remains; figured in Babelon (<i>op. cit.</i>) and Davis's -Carthage, etc., London, 1868, with other Roman ruins of the region. -The populousness of Africa is indicated by the amphitheatre of Tipdrus -(100 miles south of Carthage), capital of Byzacium, which still exists in -great part. It was second only to the Coliseum.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_401" id="Foot_401" href="#Ref_401">[401]</a> -Prosper Tiro, Chron. (424). Diocletian, however, carried out extensive -works here, part of which may have been protective; Aurel. -Victor, <i>in Vita</i>.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_402" id="Foot_402" href="#Ref_402">[402]</a> -Tacitus, Hist., iv, 38, etc. In the time of Vespasian it was feared -that a revolt in Africa would lead to the capital being starved out.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_403" id="Foot_403" href="#Ref_403">[403]</a> -Tot. Orb. Descript. (Müller).</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_404" id="Foot_404" href="#Ref_404">[404]</a> -Salvian (<i>op. cit.</i>, vii, 13) is copious in his condemnation of the -Africans and concedes them no merit whatever. "The Goths are perfidious, -but continent; the Alani incontinent, but less perfidious; the -Franks are liars, but hospitable; the Saxons are cruel and barbarous, -but wonderfully chaste. In almost all Africans I know naught but evil. -If inhumanity is blamable, they are inhuman; if drunkenness, they are -drunken; if falsity, they are most false; if dishonesty, they are most -fraudulent; if avarice, they are most avaricious; if perfidy, they are most -perfidious. But they are immoral beyond the measure of all these taken -together." In his own Aquitain the complaint is that the nobles have -their houses full of maidservants whom they use as concubines.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_405" id="Foot_405" href="#Ref_405">[405]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, 17, 18, 19.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_406" id="Foot_406" href="#Ref_406">[406]</a> -When Mithradates attempted to overthrow the Roman power in the -East (88 <small>B.C.</small>) they were considerable enough to send him an embassy -proffering their aid; Athenaeus, v, 50.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_407" id="Foot_407" href="#Ref_407">[407]</a> -Thus the son-in-law of Apuleius at the age of twenty could speak -only Punic; Apology; cf. Procopius, De Bel. Vand., ii, 10. There were -in Numidia, he says, two white columns on which was inscribed, "We -are those who fled before the face of the robber, Joshua, the son of Nun." -Some notion of the dress of the Carthaginians under the Empire may -be formed from mosaics unearthed of late years and preserved in French -museums. There was nothing very characteristic, but I may quote the -following summary of what is to be seen. "Hommes en longue dalmatique -verte ou blanche ornée de larges bandes de broderies, avec le manteau -triangulaire de laine brune enveloppant le buste, et l'orarium passé -autour du cou; femmes en étroites robes collantes brodées au cou et au -poignet, serrées à la taille par un ceinture rouge et que recouvre une -ample tunique aux larges manches de couleur éclatante, avec les bijoux -sur la poitrine, l'écharpe claire flottant sur les épaules et parfois encadrant -le visage; enfants en culottes collantes alternées de jaune et de rouge, -ou courtes tuniques blanches à bandes de couleur"; Diehl, L'Afrique -Byzant., Paris, 1896, p. 392. A mosaic found in Numidia shows a -Roman mansion with horses, etc., and might pass for a view of an -English manor-house; Tissot, Géog. Comp. d'Afrique Rom., Paris, -1884, p. 360.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_408" id="Foot_408" href="#Ref_408">[408]</a> -An exhaustive treatise has been devoted to the manners and customs -of this people by Hanotaux and Letourneux, La Kabylée, 3 vols., -Paris, 1892.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_409" id="Foot_409" href="#Ref_409">[409]</a> -One of the most important revolts was suppressed by Theodosius, -father of the first emperor of that name; another by Stilicho, the famous -general and father-in-law of Honorius; Claudian, De Bel. Gildonico.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_410" id="Foot_410" href="#Ref_410">[410]</a> -They are dealt with at length in all church histories; the sources -are chiefly Optatus Mil. and Cyprian's Epistles.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_411" id="Foot_411" href="#Ref_411">[411]</a> -The story is told most fully by Procopius, De Bel. Vand., i, 3; -cf. Jordanes, De Reb. Get., 33. Boniface was a friend of Augustine, -who reproaches him for his conduct (Epist. 220). The name of the -Vandal king is found variously as Genseric, Gizeric, and Gaiseric.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_412" id="Foot_412" href="#Ref_412">[412]</a> -The sequel to the story seems to be historical. After his return the -Count of Africa met Aetius in battle, but, though victorious with his -troops, received a mortal wound from his rival's lance.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_413" id="Foot_413" href="#Ref_413">[413]</a> -Procopius, <i>loc. cit.</i>; Marcellinus Com., Chron., an. 439, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_414" id="Foot_414" href="#Ref_414">[414]</a> -Procopius, <i>loc. cit.</i>, 7.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_415" id="Foot_415" href="#Ref_415">[415]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, 6. He gives the cost of the expedition as 130,000 pounds of -gold (£5,200,000).</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_416" id="Foot_416" href="#Ref_416">[416]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, 4, 5; cf. Jordanes, <i>op. cit.</i>, 45. She was the daughter of -Theodosius II and widow of Valentinian III, her cousin. She was -incensed with Maximus, who assassinated her husband, usurped the -purple, and paid her unwelcome attentions. Genseric married Eudocia, -one of her daughters, to his son Huneric.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_417" id="Foot_417" href="#Ref_417">[417]</a> -A special ecclesiastical account of this by Victor, Bishop of Vita; -De Persec. Vand.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_418" id="Foot_418" href="#Ref_418">[418]</a> -Procopius, <i>loc. cit.</i>, 9.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_419" id="Foot_419" href="#Ref_419">[419]</a> -Salvian, <i>op. cit.</i>, vii, 22.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_420" id="Foot_420" href="#Ref_420">[420]</a> -Procopius, <i>op. cit.</i>, ii, 6.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_421" id="Foot_421" href="#Ref_421">[421]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, i, 9.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_422" id="Foot_422" href="#Ref_422">[422]</a> -Procopius, <i>loc. cit.</i>, 11.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_423" id="Foot_423" href="#Ref_423">[423]</a> -The rate of movement through the water may be calculated from -the statement that sixteen days were occupied by the voyage from -Zacynthus to Sicily, a distance of three hundred miles; Procopius, <i>loc. -cit.</i>, 13.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_424" id="Foot_424" href="#Ref_424">[424]</a> -Procopius again refers to this miracle, as he seems to think it, many -years after; De Aedif., vi, 6.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_425" id="Foot_425" href="#Ref_425">[425]</a> -Procopius, <i>loc. cit.</i>, 5, 15; cf. De Aedif., vi, 5.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_426" id="Foot_426" href="#Ref_426">[426]</a> -The sailors refused to hold off as Belisarius had directed, asserting -that a "Cyprian" was imminent (an easterly gale). Hence Archelaus -reluctantly steered for the Stagnum, but a lieutenant, on his own -responsibility, made a bold dash for the Mandracium; Procopius, -<i>loc. cit.</i>, 20.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_427" id="Foot_427" href="#Ref_427">[427]</a> -The gaol, as usual, formed part of the palace, and both were on a -lofty site, which can scarcely have been other than the Byrsa. The -position is clearly indicated by some of the details. Thus the gaoler -came to the prisoners and said, "What will you give me if I release -you?" All promised, according to their utmost ability. "I ask nothing," -said he, "but that you promise to befriend me should you hereafter see -me in danger." Thereupon he unbarred an outlet and showed them the -Roman fleet crossing the bay. Forthwith he opened the prison, and all -went off together; <i>ibid.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_428" id="Foot_428" href="#Ref_428">[428]</a> -With this incident Procopius ends the first book of his Vandalic -War.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_429" id="Foot_429" href="#Ref_429">[429]</a> -The good fortune which attended Belisarius, and the fortuitous -character of most of his success in this campaign will be evident to the -most superficial reader. The Byzantines themselves seem to have been -fully alive to the fact, and Procopius (<i>op. cit.</i>, i, 18; ii, 7) indulges in -some reflections which may be exactly represented by the words of -Hamlet (v, 2):</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> - -<div class="verse indent26">"Rashly,</div> -<div class="verse">And praised be rashness for it, let us know,</div> -<div class="verse">Our indiscretions sometimes serve us well,</div> -<div class="verse">When our deep plots do pall: and that should teach us,</div> -<div class="verse">There's a divinity that shapes our ends,</div> -<div class="verse">Rough-hew them how we will."</div> - -</div> -</div> - -<p>To the credit of the Roman General it must be remembered that his -heterogeneous and ill-disciplined army fell far short of being an efficient -fighting machine; but he seems to have incurred needless risk both at -Decimum and Tricamerum by drawing his cavalry away from his -infantry, whilst his being unaware for many days that he was surrounded -by the enemy's troops on the march from Caputvada seems wholly -inexcusable. But the incapacity of Gelimer to lead an army with skill -and determination, his want of foresight and unpreparedness, neutralized -the gravest errors. The water was left open for the enemy's fleet at a -time when the semblance even of an attack by sea would have dispersed -them for good. He failed to push his splendid success at Decimum, and -on the night after Tricamerum, when a muster of the Vandal troops -might have annihilated the Roman forces in detail, he had deserted the -scene of action. Again, the task of Belisarius was much lightened by -the timely revolt of Sardinia and by a simultaneous rising in Tripoli, -whereby the resources of his adversary were considerably diminished. -Though of little moment after the land successes, the preservation of the -Byzantine fleet was due, perhaps, to its making for port, in opposition -to the injunctions of Belisarius, instead of remaining exposed on the -incommodious coast. For an exhaustive critique of the campaign, see -Pflugk-Hartung, Belisars Vandalkrieg, Hist. Zeitschrift, Munich, 1889.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_430" id="Foot_430" href="#Ref_430">[430]</a> -70 <small>A.D.</small>; Tacitus, Hist., v; Josephus, Bel. Jud., v, vi, etc. The -objects were figured on the Arch of Titus, the most conspicuous being -the seven-branched candlestick.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_431" id="Foot_431" href="#Ref_431">[431]</a> -See p. 500. Their mother was Eudocia, daughter of Valentinian III -and Eudoxia, the former the grandson, the latter the great grand-daughter, -of Theodosius I.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_432" id="Foot_432" href="#Ref_432">[432]</a> -Procopius, De Bel. Goth., ii, 29.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_433" id="Foot_433" href="#Ref_433">[433]</a> -Cod., I, xxvii, 1.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_434" id="Foot_434" href="#Ref_434">[434]</a> -The two Mauritanias were conjoined.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_435" id="Foot_435" href="#Ref_435">[435]</a> -Cod. I, xxvii, 2. This is an elaborate act descriptive of the new -administration, and dealing with the duties and pay of its several -members. The Praetorian Praefect and the Master of Soldiers are often -mentioned by Procopius in the second book of his Vandalic War. For -long the government of Africa was practically a military despotism, and -the civil chief was merely the first secretary of the general in power.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_436" id="Foot_436" href="#Ref_436">[436]</a> -Procopius, <i>op. cit.</i>, ii, 8.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_437" id="Foot_437" href="#Ref_437">[437]</a> -"The Aurasian mountains," says Procopius "resemble no other -place on earth. They have a girth of three days' journey, and on all -sides the ascent is precipitous. On the top is a level plain easily traversed, -diversified by flowery meadows, gardens planted with trees, thickets of -aromatic shrubs, fountains gushing from rocks, and rivers rolling noisily -into still lakes. The fertility is admirable, luxuriant crops and trees laden -with fruit are produced here in an abundance unknown in any other -part of Africa"; De Aedif., vi, 7; De Bel. Vand., ii, 13.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_438" id="Foot_438" href="#Ref_438">[438]</a> -Procopius, De Bel. Vand., ii, 14-17, 24.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_439" id="Foot_439" href="#Ref_439">[439]</a> -Procopius, De Bel. Vand., ii, 25-28.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_440" id="Foot_440" href="#Ref_440">[440]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, 11.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_441" id="Foot_441" href="#Ref_441">[441]</a> -Procopius, De Bel. Vand., i, 8; ii, 11.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_442" id="Foot_442" href="#Ref_442">[442]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, ii, 11.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_443" id="Foot_443" href="#Ref_443">[443]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, 12.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_444" id="Foot_444" href="#Ref_444">[444]</a> -Procopius, De Bel. Vand., ii, 12.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_445" id="Foot_445" href="#Ref_445">[445]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, 28; De Bel. Goth., iv, 17. Among the innumerable Johns -of this age he is distinguished by Procopius as "the brother of Pappus," -and by Jordanes (De Reg. Suc.) as "Troglita."</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_446" id="Foot_446" href="#Ref_446">[446]</a> -The Johannis, in eight books, but the latter part is lost. It contains -much information respecting the Moors and their mode of fighting, but -exactitude is generally sacrificed to the necessary vaguity of poetical -description. Important works by Cagnat (Paris, 1892) and Pallu de -Lessert (Paris, 1896) on Roman Africa terminate at the Vandal -conquest.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_447" id="Foot_447" href="#Ref_447">[447]</a> -Procopius, De Bel. Vand., ii, 5.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_448" id="Foot_448" href="#Ref_448">[448]</a> -Isidore of Seville, Hist. Goth. (Mommsen, Chron. Minora, 1877, -p. 284; Mon. Hist. German, xi, 1894).</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_449" id="Foot_449" href="#Ref_449">[449]</a> -Venantius Fortunatus, VI, i, 124.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_450" id="Foot_450" href="#Ref_450">[450]</a> -Isidore Sev., <i>loc. cit.</i>, pp. 286, 475. "Through A. the Roman -soldier set his foot in Spain."</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_451" id="Foot_451" href="#Ref_451">[451]</a> -Jordanes, De Reb. Get., 58.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_452" id="Foot_452" href="#Ref_452">[452]</a> -Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iii, 40, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_453" id="Foot_453" href="#Ref_453">[453]</a> -Isidore Sev., <i>loc. cit.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_454" id="Foot_454" href="#Ref_454">[454]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i> A gloss says that "A. was secretly a Catholic," but the storm -and stress of fanaticism was past and, after a few flickers breathed by -the irreconcilables, the Visigothic Kingdom became wholly Catholic in -587, just twenty years after the death of A. A. was the father of that -Brunechilda who, by her marriage with Sighebert, King of Austrasia -(N.E. France and Belgium etc.), afterwards played a prominent part in -Frankish affairs. She became the rival of the infamous and successful -Fredegonda (harlot first and always, ultimately queen) and, after many -vicissitudes, ultimately perished, lashed, like an early Mazeppa, to a -wild horse (614). She, however, outlived her female antagonist by nearly -a score of years.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_455" id="Foot_455" href="#Ref_455">[455]</a> -Isidore Sev., <i>loc. cit.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_456" id="Foot_456" href="#Ref_456">[456]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>; Gregory of Tours, iv, 8.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_457" id="Foot_457" href="#Ref_457">[457]</a> -See H. Gelzer <i>ad</i> George (properly Gregory) of Cyprus (Teubner), -p. xxxii, <i>et seq.</i> Surmise rather than fact.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_458" id="Foot_458" href="#Ref_458">[458]</a> -It will be seen from the references given that none of the Byzantine -historians, not Procopius, nor Jn. Lydus, nor Agathias, seems to have -harboured a suspicion that Justinian ever "conquered" Spain. The -last, however, names Spain incidentally among the places where troops -were stationed (v, 13). Such as it was, the conquest lasted no more -than eighteen years for, at the end of that period, Leovigild (<i>c.</i> 572, -Johannes Biclar) expelled the Byzantines from Cordova, their only -important stronghold. For another century or so they probably languished -on the coast till the coming of the Mohammedans (<i>c.</i> 709) who -in the course of a decade made an actual conquest of Spain to the -Frankish border, which endured for nearly eight centuries. Through -Egypt, after wresting Syria from the Byzantines, they wound their path -of victory westwards along the African seaboard until the inviting -proximity of Ceuta to the northern mainland determined their entry into -Europe. Simultaneously the Arabs achieved the extinction of Christianity -in all these regions, where, after the lapse of more than a thousand -years, a renewal of Western civilization now seems to be steadily progressive. -Generally on the subject of this section see F. Dahn, Die -Könige der Germanen, v, p. 123 <i>et seq.</i> (Würz., 1870); Dict. Christ. -Biog. (Smith), <i>sb.</i> Leovigild; and Gibbon (Bury), v, p. 471 <i>et seq.</i>; also -the Spanish and French historians.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_529" id="Page_529">{529}</a></span> - -<h2 class="nobreak">CHAPTER IX<br /> -<small>THE BUILDING OF ST. SOPHIA: THE ARCHITECTURAL WORK OF JUSTINIAN</small></h2> - -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap">WHILST it is evident that the distinctive character of -Justinian impelled him to be incessantly active in -every branch of the monarchical profession, the devastation -wrought at Constantinople by the Nika rebellion might -have awakened a passion for building in the breast of the -most phlegmatic Emperor.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_459" id="Ref_459" href="#Foot_459">[459]</a></span> A mass of sightless ruins had -taken the place of those architectural adornments which are -the essential feature of a capital and the foundations of the -dignity of a throne.</p> - -<p>The restoration of the precincts of the Palace was the -most pressing necessity, and Justinian applied himself to -the task without a moment's delay. At the same time he -determined that the new buildings should surpass in beauty -those which had been destroyed, and he devoted himself to -the restoration of the great metropolitan church with -especial zeal. More fortunate than Constantine, he had not -to complain that architects of reputation were undiscoverable; -and in Anthemius of Tralles and Isidorus of Miletus,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_460" id="Ref_460" href="#Foot_460">[460]</a></span> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_530" id="Page_530">{530}</a></span> -he found men who were capable of conceiving and executing -great designs. Neither history nor modern research enables -us to explain with fullness the origin and evolution of that -variety of ecclesiastical building which is recognized as -typically Byzantine, and of which the church of St. Sophia, -erected by Justinian, remains to the present day as the only -decided prototype. The accounts which have come down -to us of the construction of this edifice indicate clearly that -the architects engaged in the work were attempting to do -something which had not been done before; or, at least, -that their design, if not original, had never to their knowledge -been put into practice on so large a scale. Failure, -therefore, was a contingency with which they had to reckon, -and, until their scheme was completed, they had to be prepared -to modify or even to abandon their plan.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_461" id="Ref_461" href="#Foot_461">[461]</a></span> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_531" id="Page_531">{531}</a></span></p> - -<p>The Emperor had resolved that the proportions of the -new church should be much greater than those of the old -one, and therefore the extension of the site was the first -requirement of his undertaking. On the south side the -ground was clear, but the open space of the Augusteum -barred any encroachment in that direction. On the other -three sides, however, the area was hemmed in by various -buildings, and several of these were private property. Some -of the difficulties encountered at the outset, therefore, arose -from the obstinacy of adjacent owners, who refused to sell -their lots at a reasonable price or to part with them on any -terms whatever. Obstacles of this class were the origin of a -crop of stories which obtained currency among the populace, -who were amused by hearing of the ruses adopted to -defeat the wilfulness of certain occupants. Their truth -cannot now be tested, and in general they may be disbelieved; -but there seems to be some foundation for the -anecdote related of a widow named Anna, who stubbornly -declined to negotiate for the sale of her house. Nobles -waited on her without result, and at length the Emperor -came in person and begged of her to name her terms. -Upon this she fell on her knees and declared that she would -accept no money for her freehold, but entreated him to take -it as a gift to St. Sophia on condition that she should be -buried in the corner of the church whereon her dwelling had -stood. Her proposal was agreed to, and in after ages the -area in question continued to be pointed out as the "widow -Anna's lot."<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_462" id="Ref_462" href="#Foot_462">[462]</a></span> That trouble of this kind might be real -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_532" id="Page_532">{532}</a></span> -enough may be inferred from the absence of any legislation -providing for the compulsory sale of property required for -public purposes in accordance with the decision of a board -of expert arbitrators.</p> - -<p>As soon as the architects had matured their design for -the construction of the great edifice, the collection of the -materials required to bring their conceptions into substantial -existence was in itself an arduous task. The church -was to be built of brick, but its richness was to be derived -from the liberal use of pillars and slabs of polished marble -in every available situation. An Imperial rescript was despatched -to the Rectors throughout the provinces, desiring -them to search their districts, and transmit to the capital -any relics of ruined and deserted temples which might be -suitable for the Emperor's purpose. In response to this -appeal it is particularized that eight porphyry columns, the -remains of a temple of the Sun, were sent from Rome, and -eight of green marble from Ephesus;<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_463" id="Ref_463" href="#Foot_463">[463]</a></span> and we may assume -that a large quantity of such mementoes of polytheism were -amassed at Constantinople about this time, which, if not -used for St. Sophia, were employed in the restoration of -other parts of the disfigured city.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_464" id="Ref_464" href="#Foot_464">[464]</a></span> Much new marble was, -however, quarried in various localities widely distant in -order to obtain the variety of tints and variegated patterns -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_533" id="Page_533">{533}</a></span> -needed to make a brilliant display when placed in position -throughout the building. From Carystus came a light green, -and from the Phrygian mountains a rose-coloured marble -diversified with streaks of deep red and silver. Sparta supplied -an emerald green, and the Iassian hills a blood-red -species veined with a livid white. Much porphyry was -floated down the Nile; in Lydia was found a bright-tinted -marble seamed with lines of red, and in Numidia a crocus-stained -variety which shone like gold. Atrax yielded a -green and blue marble resembling grass sprinkled with cornflowers; -and lastly there was an abundant supply of the -coarse white kind in the adjacent Isle of Proconnesus.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_465" id="Ref_465" href="#Foot_465">[465]</a></span></p> - -<p>Having cleared and surveyed the site, the architects drew -out the plans of the church and fixed the interior measurements -at 270 × 230 feet. The central portion of this area -was to be covered by a dome having a diameter of 107 feet, -which should overhang the pavement at a height of 160 -feet. No roof of any magnitude, elevated in this manner, -was known to them, of which the dome was not upheld by -frequent supports, so that free movement from end to end -of the building was obstructed by their presence. Anthemius -and Isidorus, however, determined that the nave of their -church should lie open for its full width in a clear sweep -from the main entry to the apse, in which stood the -Patriarch's throne.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_466" id="Ref_466" href="#Foot_466">[466]</a></span> In the central area, therefore, at the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_534" id="Page_534">{534}</a></span> -corners of a quadrangular space, they raised four piers of -massive proportions to uphold an equal number of arches, -each of which was to have a span of 100 feet. Blocks of -stone were used for the construction of these piers, and, -instead of mortar, melted lead was poured into the interstices -to knit them more firmly together.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_467" id="Ref_467" href="#Foot_467">[467]</a></span> At each corner, -the triangular intervals left above the junctions of the arches -were filled up with brickwork, and thus were formed four -pendentives to sustain the base of the dome.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_468" id="Ref_468" href="#Foot_468">[468]</a></span> To resist the -thrust of the great arches, four lesser ones, two on each -side, crossed the aisles of the church to the external walls, -which in that position were provided with heavy masses of -masonry to receive them.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_469" id="Ref_469" href="#Foot_469">[469]</a></span> Forty windows ranged in a great -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_535" id="Page_535">{535}</a></span> -circle perforated the base of the dome, which was divided -by an equal number of ribs converging from the circumference -to its vertex. From the base of the dome the roof -was led down by a pair of semi-domes to the east and west -walls, and completed on each side by vaulted archings which -joined the lateral walls. The nave was separated from the -aisles by rows of lofty columns with sculptured capitals, on -which rested a series of arches to support the women's -galleries. From them lesser pillars, more numerous,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_470" id="Ref_470" href="#Foot_470">[470]</a></span> reached -to the roof; and each corner of the nave proceeded by a -semicircular sweep to meet the Royal Door and the apse.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_471" id="Ref_471" href="#Foot_471">[471]</a></span> -On the west a narthex<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_472" id="Ref_472" href="#Foot_472">[472]</a></span> extended all across the church, and -above it the galleries became continuous in an area posterior -to the nave.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_473" id="Ref_473" href="#Foot_473">[473]</a></span> The building was flooded with light from -windows which in great number passed through the external -walls in every direction.</p> - -<p>As soon as the containing structure was completed, the -decoration and furniture of the interior was pursued with -equal zeal. All vacant surfaces in the lower part of the edifice, -including the floor, were invested with slabs of marble, -showing the greatest diversity of hue and pattern; and the -roof was coated with gold mosaic<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_474" id="Ref_474" href="#Foot_474">[474]</a></span> relieved in prominent -positions with coloured figures of a sacred type. A cross appeared -at the highest point of the dome, and colossal cherubim -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_536" id="Page_536">{536}</a></span> -occupied the four pendentives. Angels at full length were -depicted in suitable spaces, and the whole was bordered by -intricate designs in variously-tinted mosaic.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_475" id="Ref_475" href="#Foot_475">[475]</a></span> For the consecrated -furniture of the church, the precious metals and -gems were requisitioned at great cost. The iconostasis, fifty -feet wide, which crossed the apse to shut off the Bema, was -completely encased in silver. It stood by means of twelve -pillars arranged in pairs, back to back, the intervening portions -of the screen being encrusted with images of angels and -apostles with the Virgin in the centre. The holy table was a -mass of gold and precious stones, and was covered by a -ciborium resting on four pillars, the whole being of silver. -Silken curtains, richly embroidered with appropriate designs, -hung between the pillars.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_476" id="Ref_476" href="#Foot_476">[476]</a></span> Beneath the dome was placed an -elaborate ambo of unusual dimensions, approached on the -east and west by flights of steps. It was built of marble, -elevated on pillars, and enclosed by a circle of short columns -rising from the pavement.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_477" id="Ref_477" href="#Foot_477">[477]</a></span> Countless lamps suspended by -rods and chains from the roof illuminated the church at -night.</p> - -<p>After five and a half years of labour St. Sophia was opened -at Christmas (537),<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_478" id="Ref_478" href="#Foot_478">[478]</a></span> and made the occasion of a great popular -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_537" id="Page_537">{537}</a></span> -festival with a liberal scattering of largess. The Patriarch -Menas rode in the royal chariot to the entrance, while the -Emperor walked alongside of him among the people.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_479" id="Ref_479" href="#Foot_479">[479]</a></span> Filled -with enthusiasm, Justinian advanced to the ambo, and, looking -around, with his arms extended, exclaimed, "Glory be to -God for thinking me worthy to finish such a work; Solomon, -I have excelled you!"<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_480" id="Ref_480" href="#Foot_480">[480]</a></span></p> - -<p>While her consort was absorbed in the erection of St. -Sophia, Theodora interested herself especially in the restoration -of the Church of the Holy Apostles, which had become -dilapidated through age. A different design was here followed, -the form of a cross being given to this edifice, which -was surmounted by five domes, one in each of the branches, -and a central one at their intersection.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_481" id="Ref_481" href="#Foot_481">[481]</a></span> Church building -now became one of Justinian's habitual pursuits, and for -many years he continued to embellish the Empire with these -samples of his religious devotion. In the city and its immediate -suburbs, on the Golden Horn and the Bosphorus, -new or renovated places of worship continually rose into -sight.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_482" id="Ref_482" href="#Foot_482">[482]</a></span> At Jerusalem a church -to the Virgin was constructed -with exceptional magnificence, and the numerous religious -bodies congregated in that city were handsomely housed by -the Imperial exchequer.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_483" id="Ref_483" href="#Foot_483">[483]</a></span></p> - -<p>The Emperor's contributions to secular architecture were -not less noteworthy than his pious foundations. The vestibule -of Chalke was restored in a very costly manner as a -quadrangular hall, with an imposing roof made up of arches -and vaults supported on four square columns. This chamber -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_538" id="Page_538">{538}</a></span> -was constituted as a memorial of the wars of Justinian, -and the walls were covered with scenes of battle and triumph -executed in mosaic. In a prominent position the Imperial -couple were depicted as standing among the members of -their Court, while the captives and trophies of victory were -displayed before them by Belisarius.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_484" id="Ref_484" href="#Foot_484">[484]</a></span> The Emperor also -commemorated his reign by raising public monuments in -the capital to himself and his partner on the throne. In the -Augusteum, a pyramidal pedestal, rising by steps from a broad -base, supported a pillar on which stood an equestrian statue -of Justinian in martial costume, holding in one hand the -globe and cross, whilst the other was extended with a warning -gesture towards the land of the Persians.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_485" id="Ref_485" href="#Foot_485">[485]</a></span> On the eastern -margin of the city, where the Bosphorus meets the Propontis, -Justinian laid out an esplanade, marble-paved and -colonnaded, which he adorned with a variety of sculptures -wrought by artists of the period.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_486" id="Ref_486" href="#Foot_486">[486]</a></span> A splendid pedestal of -porphyry, fit to support an empress, occupied the centre, -upholding a handsome statue which portrayed the "ineffable -beauty of Theodora, as nearly as a mortal chisel could express -it." This figure was a gift from the citizens, in grateful -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_539" id="Page_539">{539}</a></span> -recognition of the construction of this pleasure-resort.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_487" id="Ref_487" href="#Foot_487">[487]</a></span> To -increase the water storage of the capital, two underground -cisterns were excavated on a larger scale than had been attempted -by any previous Emperor. The first of these, on -the west side of the Hippodrome, was formed beneath the -deserted palace of Illus, the notorious rebel in the reign of -Zeno, with a roof upborne by 224 crudely-fashioned pillars.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_488" id="Ref_488" href="#Foot_488">[488]</a></span> -The second, of much grander conception, was situated at a -short distance to the north, contiguous to the Royal Court -of Justice. With 420 columns, whose capitals were sculptured -in conformity with the rules of Greek art, this cistern -conveyed the impression of a submerged palace rather than -of an interior designed to exist in perpetual obscurity.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_489" id="Ref_489" href="#Foot_489">[489]</a></span></p> - -<p>Justinian was also indefatigable in beautifying provincial -towns and in executing such works of public utility as might -relieve the inhabitants from any disadvantages of topographical -position. In fact, the multiplicity, variety, and -magnificence of the buildings which emanated from the -constructive zeal of this Emperor induced the chief historian -of the period to devote a separate treatise to the -enumeration and description of them, an honour which -does not seem to have fallen to the lot of any other sovereign.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_490" id="Ref_490" href="#Foot_490">[490]</a></span> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_540" id="Page_540">{540}</a></span> -One of his earliest cares was the aggrandisement -of his birthplace, and the hamlet of Tauresium -was transformed into the fortified outpost of a flourishing -city created by the fiat of its illustrious son. Under the -significant title of Justiniana Prima Scupi was elevated to -the rank of capital of Illyricum, and endowed by the Emperor's -munificence with everything requisite to render it -worthy of its new importance. A praetorium, churches, -squares, porticoes, baths, and an aqueduct, built with lavish -expenditure, illustrated the site; and, to complete its dignity, -the archbishopric of the Diocese was transferred to, or reconstructed -in its name.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_491" id="Ref_491" href="#Foot_491">[491]</a></span> In the same district he founded a -town to perpetuate the memory of his uncle, and called it -Justinopolis. He was, however, liberal to excess in the bestowal -of his own name or that of his wife on all places indebted -to him for restorations or improvements; and about -a score of towns had their identity concealed under the appellation -of Justinian, whilst almost half as many found -themselves represented as specially Theodorian.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_492" id="Ref_492" href="#Foot_492">[492]</a></span></p> - -<p>Among the most important works of Justinian in Asia -Minor was the protection of towns from river floods, to -which the conformation of that country rendered many districts -peculiarly liable. To obviate disasters of this kind ingenious -feats of engineering were carried out in several instances. -Dara, Circesium, Edessa, Zenobia, Helenopolis, -Juliopolis, and Tarsus, were the worst sufferers in respect of -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_541" id="Page_541">{541}</a></span> -their fluviatile vicinage.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_493" id="Ref_493" href="#Foot_493">[493]</a></span> By means of walls, embankments, -dams, cutting away of obstacles, and the provision of emergency -channels these towns were secured for the future from -damage by inundation. As a specimen of the magnitude of -some of these operations the case of Edessa best deserves to -be cited. The course of the river Scirtus, as it approached -that city, was restrained on one side by a rocky and precipitous -bank, whilst a tract of low ground extended for a -considerable distance on the other. Hence, in flood time, a -vast volume of water rolled over the flat and, entering the -town, swept everything away before it. The abolition of this -source of destruction was effected by reversing the natural -relations of the river banks. Along the shallow margin a -wall was built of sufficient strength to resist the overflow, -and the rocky boundary opposite was broken away until the -ground was made level with the surface of the water. From -this side a canal was then cut, which skirted the city and rejoined -the Scirtus after its issue from the walls.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_494" id="Ref_494" href="#Foot_494">[494]</a></span> Bridge -building was also undertaken successfully, the most notable -examples being that over the Sangaris near Nicomedia,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_495" id="Ref_495" href="#Foot_495">[495]</a></span> and -one of stone which replaced the old wooden bridge across -the Golden Horn.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_496" id="Ref_496" href="#Foot_496">[496]</a></span></p> - -<p>Fortification engrossed much of Justinian's attention, and -his constructions in that category exceeded, perhaps, in -bulk all the rest of his architectural work. The repair and -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_542" id="Page_542">{542}</a></span> -rebuilding of walls, the substitution of effective for inadequate -mural defences, and the strategical modification of -sites, went on continually throughout the Empire. Constantina, -the new post of the Duke of Mesopotamia, was -raised to the rank of a first class fortress,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_497" id="Ref_497" href="#Foot_497">[497]</a></span> but the most -elaborate works for the purpose of martial defence were -executed at Dara, which still existed as the main bulwark -against Persian invasion. The fortifications of Anastasius -had been hastily built, and consisted of an uncoursed stone -wall, laid without mortar, about fifty feet high. The town -was exposed to attack over one stretch of ground only, as in -its greatest extent it lay along the edge of a rocky declivity -unassailable by an enemy. Justinian consolidated the original -wall, closed its battlements so that they became mere loopholes, -and raised it thirty feet higher. The towers were -similarly treated and elevated until they overtopped the wall -to an equal extent. A covered gallery ran through its whole -length, from which the soldiers could assail the enemy with -their arrows from the numerous loopholes. For still greater -security, however, a second wall of smaller dimensions than -the first, also with towers, but solid, was erected at a short -distance in front of the first, and from the top of this rampart -the main body of the military were active in repelling -an assault. Lastly, a moat was excavated and led along so as -to make a crescentic sweep from one end of the assailable -wall to the other.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_498" id="Ref_498" href="#Foot_498">[498]</a></span> In addition to fortifying cities the Emperor -built very numerous forts along the frontiers, and more -than six hundred of these are named as being in the vicinity -of the Danube.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_499" id="Ref_499" href="#Foot_499">[499]</a></span> Where the configuration of a region -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_543" id="Page_543">{543}</a></span> -favoured it, whole provinces were shut off by defensive walls -against hostile inroads. This was especially the case at the -pass of Thermopylae, the isthmus of Corinth, and the entrance -to the Thracian Chersonesus, where existing barriers -were now restored to efficiency.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_500" id="Ref_500" href="#Foot_500">[500]</a></span> The Long Wall of Anastasius -has already been mentioned,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_501" id="Ref_501" href="#Foot_501">[501]</a></span> but this bulwark proved -less obstructive to the barbarians than had been anticipated, -owing to its having been made permeable continuously from -end to end. Justinian, therefore, divided it into sections, -each of which he separately garrisoned, so that an enemy -could not by the capture of one portion obtain the command -of the whole, and thus win a free passage into the suburbs -of the capital.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_502" id="Ref_502" href="#Foot_502">[502]</a></span></p> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_459" id="Foot_459" href="#Ref_459">[459]</a> -See pp. 459, 462.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_460" id="Foot_460" href="#Ref_460">[460]</a> -Some personal and family details of these professionals are given by -Agathias, v, 6-9. He also recounts an anecdote which shows that something -of the power of steam was understood in those days. It appears -that Anthemius had a next-door neighbour, a rich man, who incommoded -him by additions to his mansion which interfered with some -ancient lights, etc. The architect determined to revenge himself by -terrifying the offender while in the act of entertaining a party of friends -at a banquet. For this purpose he hit on the expedient of carrying pipes -from large covered caldrons into the roof of the mansion, where he -packed every outlet, and at a fitting moment applied fire to the vessels -when full of water. Thus, after the steam began to rise and high pressure -was induced in the confined space, a great commotion was occasioned -which shook the mansion and caused the banqueters to rush out into the -street exclaiming that there was an earthquake. Subsequently, when -the affair was generally understood, Anthemius got the reputation of -being a man who could produce artificial earthquakes. A work by -Anthemius on Mechanical Paradoxes was published at Paris in 1777.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_461" id="Foot_461" href="#Ref_461">[461]</a> -Procopius alone (De Aedif., i, 1) gives any reliable details as to the -progress of the reconstruction; but a much longer account (Anon., -Banduri and Codinus, differing somewhat) composed in a later age -exists, most of which is of a legendary character. It might be appropriately -called "The Gospel of the Building of St. Sophia," it is so replete with -marvels, some of which read like an extract from the New Testament -and others like an episode from the Arabian Nights.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_462" id="Foot_462" href="#Ref_462">[462]</a> -The place was shown to a Russian pilgrim, Anthony of Novogorod -(twelfth century; Soc. Orient. Latin. Sér. Géog., v). Other tales in the -legendary account refer to a eunuch who yielded on being locked up to -prevent his seeing the Circus games, and to a cobbler who stipulated to -be saluted as Emperor, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_463" id="Foot_463" href="#Ref_463">[463]</a> -Anon. (Codinus, p. 130, <i>et seq.</i>).</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_464" id="Foot_464" href="#Ref_464">[464]</a> -We have seen that the City of Constantine was fitted out on the -ready-made system (p. 67, etc.), and no doubt something of the same -kind took place now. Gregorovius accepts the statement of the Anon. -that Athens contributed art relics to St. Sophia; Athen im Mittelalter, -1889, i, 60.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_465" id="Foot_465" href="#Ref_465">[465]</a> -These details as to the marbles are drawn from the safe authority of -Paul the Silentiary (617, <i>et seq.</i>), whose poem descriptive of St. Sophia -is copious and exact. Lethaby and S. (<i>op. cit.</i>, p. 235, <i>et seq.</i>) try to -identify the marbles as far as they are known to modern commerce.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_466" id="Foot_466" href="#Ref_466">[466]</a> -The raising of domes in masonry was well understood throughout -the Empire at this time. The knowledge had probably been brought to -Rome in the second century B.C. as a result of her conquests in the East. -The dome of the Pantheon, built or restored by Hadrian (<i>c.</i> 120), -measures one hundred and forty-two feet across, but this is a circular -hall which supports the dome all round. Anthemius himself, probably, -had lately finished the church of St. Sergius and Bacchus in Hormisdas -(now called Little St. Sophia), but in this case eight pillars were given -to the dome, and he was doubtless dissatisfied with the effect. Earlier -domes in Syria are noticed in Voguë's work. By the use of iron or steel -frame-work, much greater domes have been erected in modern times -than anything known in earlier ages, <i>e.g.</i>, Vienna Exhibition, 1873, -360 feet. In London we have the Albert Hall and British Museum (219 -and 140 feet), the latter a reproduction of the Pantheon.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_467" id="Foot_467" href="#Ref_467">[467]</a> -Procopius, <i>loc. cit.</i>; Paulus, 479. According to the Anon., relics of -saints and martyrs were deposited in cavities of the masonry in various -places.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_468" id="Foot_468" href="#Ref_468">[468]</a> -The earliest known dome on pendentives is a Roman mausoleum in -Palestine of the second century; East. Pal. Mem., 1889, p. 172 -(Lethaby and S., <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 200).</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_469" id="Foot_469" href="#Ref_469">[469]</a> -Procopius (<i>loc. cit.</i>) gives some indications of the difficulties they -had to contend with through the piers threatening to give way, etc. -The Anon. remarks that the dome was said to be made of pumice stone, -but that it was in reality of bricks from Rhodes, one-twelfth the weight -of ordinary bricks. The main theme of Choisy's work (L'Art de bâtir -chez les Byz.) is that domes were built without "centreing" (wooden -proppage), simply by working in circumferentially till closure.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_470" id="Foot_470" href="#Ref_470">[470]</a> -One hundred and seven pillars altogether are counted, but only -fifty-four are visible as bounding the nave.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_471" id="Foot_471" href="#Ref_471">[471]</a> -Technically such corners are called <i>exedras</i>, and their shell-like -roofs, <i>conchs</i>. In these corners six pillars stand over two, at the sides -over four.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_472" id="Foot_472" href="#Ref_472">[472]</a> -See pp. 55, 111.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_473" id="Foot_473" href="#Ref_473">[473]</a> -Measured at the level of the galleries, therefore, the length is three -hundred feet.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_474" id="Foot_474" href="#Ref_474">[474]</a> -Procopius, <i>loc. cit.</i>; Paulus, 668.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_475" id="Foot_475" href="#Ref_475">[475]</a> -Salzenberg's great coloured illustrations (Berlin, 1854) must be -inspected in order to get a vivid notion of the interior, but it is doubtful -if any mosaic of Justinian's fixing now remains. Anything pictorial is -generally covered up with Mahometan whitewash, but in 1847 extensive -repairs had to be undertaken, of which Salzenberg, commissioned by -the Prussian government, took advantage.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_476" id="Foot_476" href="#Ref_476">[476]</a> -Everything is minutely described by Paulus Sil. Procopius (<i>loc. cit.</i>) -says the silver alone consumed in fitting up the Bema amounted to -forty thousand pounds (Troy).</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_477" id="Foot_477" href="#Ref_477">[477]</a> -The latter part, nearly half, of the Silentiary's poem is devoted to a -panegyric on this elaborate pulpit.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_478" id="Foot_478" href="#Ref_478">[478]</a> -Marcellinus Com., an. 537.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_479" id="Foot_479" href="#Ref_479">[479]</a> -Theophanes, an. 6030.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_480" id="Foot_480" href="#Ref_480">[480]</a> -Codinus, p. 143.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_481" id="Foot_481" href="#Ref_481">[481]</a> -Procopius, <i>op. cit.</i>, i, 4. It is almost certain that St. Mark's, Venice, -was copied from this church.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_482" id="Foot_482" href="#Ref_482">[482]</a> -<i>Ibid., passim.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_483" id="Foot_483" href="#Ref_483">[483]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, v, 6, 9.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_484" id="Foot_484" href="#Ref_484">[484]</a> -Procopius, <i>op. cit.</i>, i, 10.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_485" id="Foot_485" href="#Ref_485">[485]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, 2. It was repaired by Michael VIII, <i>c.</i> 1270; Nicephorus -Greg., vii, 12 (with note). Gyllius saw the last of it, <i>c.</i> 1550; Top. -C.P., ii, 17. An old drawing of the horseman is reproduced by -Mordtmann, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 65. The reputation of the great Theodosius, or -at least his statue, was now obsolete, so Justinian demolished it and set -up his own in its stead, substituting base metal for the silver one (see -p. 59) of 7,400 pounds (Troy); Zonaras, xiv, 6. He also recovered -much lead at this time (543) by doing away with an underground water -conduit; <i>ibid.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_486" id="Foot_486" href="#Ref_486">[486]</a> -If we accept the judgment of Procopius, "you would have taken -these objects for the productions of Phidias, Lysippus, or Praxiteles"; -<i>op. cit.</i>, i, 11.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_487" id="Foot_487" href="#Ref_487">[487]</a> -Procopius, <i>op. cit.</i>, i, 4.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_488" id="Foot_488" href="#Ref_488">[488]</a> -Jn. Malala, xviii, p. 435; Chron. Paschal., an. 528. The <i>Binbir -derek</i> ("Thousand-one pillars") long supposed to be the cistern of -Philoxenus (see p. 74) is now with more probability recognized as this -reservoir. The identification rests on the pillars having heads of the -"impost" variety, which is not known to have been in use for long -before the sixth century. See Forscheimer, etc., Die byzant. Wasserbehälter, -1892; cf. Lethaby and S., <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 248.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_489" id="Foot_489" href="#Ref_489">[489]</a> -Procopius, <i>op. cit.</i>, i, 11. The <i>Yeri-Batan Seraï</i> ("Underground -Palace") still in existence and full of water; for details, see Forscheimer, -<i>op. cit.</i> Views of both cisterns are given in all modern popular works -on CP.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_490" id="Foot_490" href="#Ref_490">[490]</a> -Procopius, De Aedificiis, in six books. Evagrius (ii, 18) mentions -that in Africa alone, after the conquest, J. dealt with 150 cities on a -more or less extensive scale.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_491" id="Foot_491" href="#Ref_491">[491]</a> -Procopius, <i>op. cit.</i>, iv, Nov. xi; cxxxi.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_492" id="Foot_492" href="#Ref_492">[492]</a> -See Alemannus, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 397 <i>et seq.</i> He has made out a complete -list of every place or thing distinguished by the names of one or other of -the royal partners.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_493" id="Foot_493" href="#Ref_493">[493]</a> -Procopius, <i>op. cit.</i>, ii, 3, 6, 7, 8; v, 2, 4, 5. The preservation of -Palmyra, which seems to have been on the road to effacement, demanded -a great deal of attention; <i>Ibid.</i>, ii, 11; Malala, p. 425.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_494" id="Foot_494" href="#Ref_494">[494]</a> -Procopius, <i>op. cit.</i>, ii, 7.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_495" id="Foot_495" href="#Ref_495">[495]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, v, 3. The bridge exists, spanning a dry valley, and is figured -in Texier's <i>Asie Mineure</i> (copied in Diehl's Justinian).</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_496" id="Foot_496" href="#Ref_496">[496]</a> -Notitia, Reg. xiv; Chron. Paschal., an. 528. It had twelve -arches; Codinus, p. 30, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_497" id="Foot_497" href="#Ref_497">[497]</a> -Procopius, <i>op. cit.</i>, ii, 5.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_498" id="Foot_498" href="#Ref_498">[498]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, 1 (Texier and Pullan, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 57).</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_499" id="Foot_499" href="#Ref_499">[499]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, iv, 4, 11. These protective castles consisted of a wall about -seven feet thick and from thirty to forty feet high, to which towers were -attached externally of nearly double the height. Most frequently the -space enclosed was a quadrangle of about one hundred feet, but might -be much larger and of irregular shape. They have been studied mostly -in French Africa, where numbers are still found in good preservation. -A large portion of Diehl's <i>Afrique Byzantine</i> is occupied with a minute -description of them, accompanied by views, plans, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_500" id="Foot_500" href="#Ref_500">[500]</a> -Procopius, <i>op. cit.</i>, iv, 2, 10.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_501" id="Foot_501" href="#Ref_501">[501]</a> -See pp. 124, 164.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_502" id="Foot_502" href="#Ref_502">[502]</a> -Procopius, <i>op. cit.</i>, iv, 9.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_544" id="Page_544">{544}</a></span> - -<h2 class="nobreak">CHAPTER X<br /> -<small>ROME IN THE SIXTH CENTURY: WAR WITH THE GOTHS IN ITALY</small></h2> - -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap">IN the third quarter of the fifth century, the Teutonic invaders -of the Western Empire had established themselves -firmly in all its provinces, and wielded a predominant power -in the government. In the year 476 Odovacar was the head -of the barbarians in Italy, whilst a youth named Romulus -Augustulus was formally recognized as Emperor.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_503" id="Ref_503" href="#Foot_503">[503]</a></span> The -potent barbarian abolished the Imperial throne and relegated -its occupant to a decent exile in the castle of Lucullus in -Campania.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_504" id="Ref_504" href="#Foot_504">[504]</a></span> At the same time he deprecated the anger of -Zeno, the Eastern Emperor, and forwarded the Imperial -regalia to Constantinople in token of his submission to him -as a vassal.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_505" id="Ref_505" href="#Foot_505">[505]</a></span></p> - -<p>A few years later Theodoric, the young King of the East -Goths, exercised an ascendancy in Thrace almost equal to -that of Odovacar in Italy, and ravaged the country up to -the gates of the capital. Zeno effected an accommodation -with him, nominated him as Master of Soldiers at Court, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_545" id="Page_545">{545}</a></span> -and even honoured him with the Consulship (484).<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_506" id="Ref_506" href="#Foot_506">[506]</a></span> Theodoric, -however, was impatient of control; and he proposed -to the Emperor that he should march against Odovacar with -his countenance, and reign independently in Italy under his -suzerainty should he succeed in conquering that country.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_507" id="Ref_507" href="#Foot_507">[507]</a></span> -Zeno, glad to dispense with his formidable service, at once -assented, and the Gothic King departed forthwith on his -enterprise (488).<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_508" id="Ref_508" href="#Foot_508">[508]</a></span> For two years Odovacar opposed the invader -in battle, but the fortune of war declared for his adversary; -and at last he found himself immured compulsorily -within the walls of Ravenna. For three years he held this -stronghold against the Gothic King, until the misery caused -by the siege rendered him willing to treat. A compact was -made that both kings should rule jointly, and Theodoric -was allowed to establish himself in the city.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_509" id="Ref_509" href="#Foot_509">[509]</a></span> Shortly it was -whispered that Odovacar was engaged in a plot, a danger -which his colleague met by devising another. In this contest -the Goth again became the victor. The associate King -was invited to a banquet, his movements were hampered -under the pretence of calling his attention to a written petition, -and Theodoric dealt him a death stroke with his -sword (493).<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_510" id="Ref_510" href="#Foot_510">[510]</a></span></p> - -<p>The Goth now secured for himself the allegiance of all -the barbarians in Italy, and sent an embassy to apprize -Anastasius, who had been raised to the throne in the meantime, -of the final success of his enterprise. The new -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_546" id="Page_546">{546}</a></span> -Emperor replied with congratulations, and returned to Theodoric -the Imperial insignia which had been sequestered at -Constantinople.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_511" id="Ref_511" href="#Foot_511">[511]</a></span> The reign of the Gothic king lasted for -thirty-three years, and was characterized by beneficence and -religious toleration towards his Roman subjects. His court -was upheld politically by the most eminent men of Latin -race whom the West produced in his time. He retained, as -his chief ministers, Boethius and Cassiodorus, men of literary -attainments, whose works have come down to us and are -still read for pleasure and instruction. But in his last days -the alien king became distrustful of his officials of native -lineage, and Boethius, with his father-in-law, Symmachus, -fell a victim to his morbid suspicions.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_512" id="Ref_512" href="#Foot_512">[512]</a></span></p> - -<p>Theodoric was succeeded by his grandson Athalaric, the -son of his daughter Amalasuntha, a boy only ten years of -age. The mother, a beautiful and accomplished woman, -became queen-regent; but she soon incurred the enmity of -a powerful section of the Gothic nobles by educating her -son according to the scholastic discipline usual among -civilized nations.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_513" id="Ref_513" href="#Foot_513">[513]</a></span> They insisted that the use of arms was -the only fit training for a Gothic youth, asserting that "the -boy who had trembled beneath a rod would never endure -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_547" id="Page_547">{547}</a></span> -the sight of a sword." As a result his tuition in letters was -abandoned, and Athalaric was left free to follow his own -devices. If he died in his eighteenth year, after a short -career of dissipation and debauchery, we may feel assured -that he was incapable of either arms or letters, and the issue -need not be attributed to his emancipation from tutorial -control.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_514" id="Ref_514" href="#Foot_514">[514]</a></span></p> - -<p>Having despaired of her popularity among the chief men -of her nation, Amalasuntha began to nourish treacherous -designs against the Goths. While her son was in apparent -health she concerted a flight to Constantinople, with the interested -connivance of Justinian, contingent on her failure to -destroy a faction whom she believed to be seeking her own -destruction. When his decease was in prospect she went -further, and meditated the total surrender of her kingdom -into the hands of the Eastern Emperor. Justinian listened, -but the scheme was only remotely feasible, and the Gothic -queen made an effort to repair her feminine disability by -assuming her cousin Theodahad as her partner on the -throne. She offered him the name of King, with the convention -that in her alone should be resident the regal prerogative. -He accepted, but in bad faith and with a private -reservation as to his own prepotency.</p> - -<p>Theodahad was a married man of middle age, and has the -distinction of being the first recorded scholar of the great -German nation whose work in literature and science has so -much contributed to the progress of knowledge in modern -times. He was a devoted student of Latin and Greek philosophy,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_515" id="Ref_515" href="#Foot_515">[515]</a></span> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_548" id="Page_548">{548}</a></span> -but he was also noted for his avarice; and, as the -possessor of large estates in Tuscany, laboured to accumulate -wealth by unflinching extortion. Previous to this time -Amalasuntha had been forced to deal sternly with him in -order to repress his unscrupulous exactions. Exasperated -by her interposition, he also had contemplated the betrayal -of his countrymen; and was at the moment in treaty for the -delivery of his province to Justinian in return for a position -of honour at the Byzantine Court, and a commensurate gift -of money. As soon as he was associated to the throne he -leagued with the enemies of Amalasuntha, and made away -with some of her chief supporters. His next step was to seize -the person of the queen, whom he incarcerated in an island -castle of the Volsinian lake in Tuscany. At the same time -he sent two legates, members of the Roman Senate, to explain -the matter to the Emperor. They assured him that the -prisoner would suffer no personal injury, and presented -a letter, written under constraint by Amalasuntha, in which -she spoke resignedly as to her captivity.</p> - -<p>Immediately after the successful issue of the Vandal war -Justinian became ambitious of adding the kingdom of Italy -to his dominions; and it is probable that his wishes in this -respect were more or less openly expressed. Hence the -overtures insidiously made by Amalasuntha and Theodahad, -who must have read clearly that any proposals of theirs, -which conduced to his cherished design, would be welcomed -by the Emperor. Justinian was, therefore, on the watch to -find a case for war, even in occurrences of little moment, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_549" id="Page_549">{549}</a></span> -which would ordinarily be settled by a diplomatic conference. -While Gelimer was still a fugitive, a force was sent to -occupy Lilibaeum, a fortress at the western extremity of -Sicily, on the grounds that it had been granted as a depôt -to the Vandals, on the marriage of Theodoric's sister to one -of their kings.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_516" id="Ref_516" href="#Foot_516">[516]</a></span> The lady, however, had been imprisoned -and ultimately executed by Hilderic, and the Goths had resumed -possession of the post.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_517" id="Ref_517" href="#Foot_517">[517]</a></span> Consequently the proposed -Byzantine garrison was refused admittance.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_518" id="Ref_518" href="#Foot_518">[518]</a></span> Further, ten -Hunnish deserters from the Imperial army had been -received in asylum at Naples; and the Goths, while opposing -an inroad of the Gepaeds at Sirmium, had inflicted some -damage on a neighbouring town of the Empire. The queen-regent -replied by pointing out the triviality of the complaints, -and the shadowy nature of the claim to Lilibaeum; -and concluded by maintaining that the Vandal expedition -would have been a failure only for the liberal succour she -had afforded to it as they lay off Sicily. These questions -were agitated ostensibly with the view merely of fixing the -attention of the Gothic nation; and when the Imperial -legates repaired to the court of Ravenna their real mission -was to discuss the possibility of annexing Italy to the -Empire.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_519" id="Ref_519" href="#Foot_519">[519]</a></span> On their return to Constantinople -the ambassadors -had to communicate, not only the measures concerted -with Amalasuntha, but also the proposals of Theodahad, by -whom they had been secretly approached during their stay -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_550" id="Page_550">{550}</a></span> -in the Gothic kingdom. Justinian was overjoyed at the -receipt of their message, and began to hope for an early -realization of his project. Without loss of time, therefore, -he despatched another legation, more studiously constituted, -at the head of whom was Peter Magister. Events, however, -had been proceeding rapidly in Italy, and they started in -ignorance of the death of Althalaric, the elevation of Theodahad, -and the deposition of Amalasuntha. In Macedonia -they were arrested by the Queen's emissaries, on the coast of -Epirus by those of the King: they halted and referred back -to the Emperor. A supplementary instruction was given -them; they were to declare in no uncertain tone that -Justinian would defend the interests of Amalasuntha.</p> - -<p>On his arrival at Ravenna Peter found Theodahad beset -by a cabal who demanded the death of the ex-queen as -essential to their own and his safety; and, notwithstanding -the preponderant presence of the Imperial legate with his -special mandate to the point, it was shortly made public -that Amalasuntha had been privately executed. Peter denounced -the act with vehemence, and apprized the Emperor, -who promptly resolved on war. In the year of his Consulship -(535) Belisarius sailed for Sicily with a moderate force, professing, -however, that he was on his way to Carthage. Such -was the prestige of his name that the Goths evacuated the -island almost without striking a blow.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_520" id="Ref_520" href="#Foot_520">[520]</a></span> On the last day of -the year the Roman general entered Syracuse to lay down -his Consulship, which he did with much popular applause -and scattering of largess. At the same time Mundus, the -master of soldiers in Illyricum, had been commissioned -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_551" id="Page_551">{551}</a></span> -to attack the enemy in Dalmatia, where he quickly achieved -a success by the capture of Salona. Justinian now declared -himself openly as the regenerator of Italy against the Arian -heretics, who had wrested it by force from the Empire; and -he sent letters to the Franks, who were Orthodox, claiming -their assistance in his enterprise. The specific permission -granted to Theodoric by Zeno, and the ratification of his -title by Anastasius were ignored, and the Goths were presented -in the same light as the heterogeneous horde of barbarians -whom they had displaced. As in the case of Africa -the religious sympathies of the native population in this war -were on the side of the Byzantines.</p> - -<p>Notwithstanding this state of active warfare, Peter had -attached himself to Theodahad, seeking an opportunity to -extract from him a formal deed of abdication. During -these negotiations the Gothic King showed himself to be a -vacillating and incapable administrator. He signed a treaty -in the most abject terms, reserving to himself merely the -name of King, and dismissed the ambassadors. He became -fearful, saw himself in the place of Gelimer, recalled them, -and tendered a second document, in which his abdication -was made absolute; but he imposed an oath on Peter not -to reveal it unless his first terms should be rejected. -Justinian, however, was soon made aware of the alternative -proposals, whereupon he chartered a commission to take -over the government of Italy. But in the meantime the -Goths had massed their forces in Dalmatia, defeated and -killed Mundus, and regained their ascendency in that -province. This success effected a reversal in the attitude of -Theodahad; he received the Byzantine deputies haughtily, -cited historical precedents to show that the person of an -ambassador was not always strictly inviolable, and finally -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_552" id="Page_552">{552}</a></span> -committed them to custody on the charge of harbouring -treasonable designs against the head of the State.</p> - -<p>The conquest of Italy was now undertaken in earnest, -and, while a new general repaired the Roman disaster in -Dalmatia, Belisarius crossed over to the continent and laid -siege to Naples. Having drawn up his fleet and army in a -threatening position, he called on the citizens to surrender -the town. Colloquies were held by the townspeople, and, -while one party urged that the example of Sicily be followed, -another argued that the vengeance of the Goths, to whom -they had given hostages, was more to be dreaded than the -attack of Belisarius. Ultimately it was decided to defend -the city, and messengers were sent to solicit extraneous aid -from Theodahad. More than a fortnight had been consumed -in futile assaults and repulses, when the chance -observation of an Isaurian soldier suggested a means of -capture by surprise. While curiously exploring the aqueduct -he noticed that the water entered the town through a -natural mass of solid rock, which had been bored to give it -admission. The channel, however, was too narrow to allow -the passage of an armed man, but would do so readily if -slightly enlarged. A few men, therefore, repaired to the -place secretly, and, by dint of working away the stone -noiselessly with sharp tools, they opened a passage of sufficient -width into the city. Under cover of night four hundred -select men entered the channel, and followed the -course of the aqueduct through the town in quest of a -place of exit. The waterway was a vaulted gallery roofed -with brick, but at length they arrived at a point from -whence they could see the sky. On each side, however, -they were confined by high walls not easy to scale. With -some difficulty a man, stripped of his armour, clambered -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_553" id="Page_553">{553}</a></span> -up, and noticed a mean house close by, inhabited by a -solitary old woman. He reached it by the aid of a tree, -which grew alongside, and terrified the occupant into -silence. He then attached a rope to the tree, and threw -the free end into the aqueduct. One by one the soldiers -drew themselves up and descended, till all had arrived -safely on the ground. The party then made a sudden -onslaught on two towers of the south wall, according to a -prearranged plan, slaughtered the guards, and took possession -of their posts. In the meantime Belisarius and the -army were keeping watch outside, where they strove to -monopolize the attention of the garrison by shouting to -them continually to capitulate. Suddenly a clangor of -trumpets rang out; it was the preconcerted signal, and announced -that a portion of the wall was occupied by the -surprise party. A rush with ladders was made to the place, -several bands ascended, gates were seized and thrown open, -the whole army poured in, and Naples was at the mercy of -the Byzantines. On the spur of the moment a massacre was -begun, especially by the auxiliary Huns, who burst into -houses and captured women and youths, but Belisarius soon -succeeded in imposing a check on the inflamed soldiery, and -peace was established within the walls before the outrages -had time to become general.</p> - -<p>The fall of Naples provoked universal indignation among -the Goths, and they became filled with resentment against -Theodahad. They determined to depose him, and a military -conventicle was held in the vicinity of Rome, where the -bulk of their forces were encamped. Vitigis was elected -King, a man of no birth, but a general of proved capacity, -who had distinguished himself in wars with the outer barbarians -under Theodoric. On the receipt of this news -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_554" id="Page_554">{554}</a></span> -Theodahad fled hastily to Ravenna, but he was hotly pursued, -on the part of the new monarch, by a Gothic officer, -who owed him a private grudge. He was overtaken on the -way and remorselessly slain by his personal enemy, and thus -ended his career after a reign which had lasted three years -(536). Vitigis now held a council of war, at which it was -resolved to march northwards in order to effect an accommodation -with the Franks, Venetians, and all external tribes -with whom there were disputes, by making liberal concessions -in each case. The Gothic troops occupied in such -regions could then be withdrawn and concentrated into one -great army, with which to return to the south and encounter -Belisarius. Rome in the interval was to be entrusted to -a small garrison of four thousand men, while the inhabitants -were to be reminded that they had always been dealt with -liberally by the Goths, and should therefore adhere to them -loyally.</p> - -<p>These resolutions were acted on, and, while Vitigis -retreated northwards, the way was left open for Belisarius -to march on Rome. The Byzantine general lost no time, -and his progress through the Campania was soon announced. -His reputation had preceded him, and the fate -of Naples had struck terror into the citizens of the Capital -of the West. A meeting of the Romans was convened by -the municipality, and, chiefly at the instigation of Pope -Silverius, it was decided to submit without resistance to the -representative of Justinian. Thereupon the Gothic garrison, -recognizing that their position was untenable, made up their -minds to abandon the city and betake themselves to -Ravenna. Belisarius was met by a deputation which invited -him to take possession of Rome; and it happened -that while the Imperial army entered the city from the south, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_555" id="Page_555">{555}</a></span> -by the Asinarian gate, that named the Flaminian was being -kept open on the north to give egress to the Gothic brigade. -The day was the ninth of December, in the year 536, and -just sixty years since the metropolis had fallen into the -hands of the barbarians led by Odovacar.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_521" id="Ref_521" href="#Foot_521">[521]</a></span> On this occasion -the formality was gone through of sending the keys of the -city to the Emperor at Constantinople.</p> - -<p>Rome at this time, notwithstanding the vicissitudes it had -experienced, had lost, to the superficial eye, but little of its -Imperial splendour. A numerous population, amounting -probably to more than one million,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_522" id="Ref_522" href="#Foot_522">[522]</a></span> still maintained itself in -affluence within the ample circuit of walls built two centuries -and a half previously by Aurelian.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_523" id="Ref_523" href="#Foot_523">[523]</a></span> The construction of -those walls had been necessitated by the expansion the city -had undergone since the age of the Republic and the first -emperors. Fourteen principal gates provided for communication -with the surrounding country, and an equal number -of lofty aqueducts, in many situations architecturally decorative -and imposing, supplied water to the interior from -various outlying districts within a circumference extending -to sixty miles.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_524" id="Ref_524" href="#Foot_524">[524]</a></span> The transformation of Rome from a city of -dingy and tasteless aspect, which had arisen on the borderland -of civilization, to a handsome capital adorned by all -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_556" id="Page_556">{556}</a></span> -the resources of unapproachable Greek art, had been begun -and almost accomplished by Augustus.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_525" id="Ref_525" href="#Foot_525">[525]</a></span> The pride and -magnificence of his successors, in their spirit of absolutism -and self-adulation, had continued his work lavishly until the -seven hills, with their disjunctive valleys, were hidden -beneath a labyrinth of sculptured stone and marble:—<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_526" id="Ref_526" href="#Foot_526">[526]</a></span> pillared -temples and palaces, great halls upheld by endless -ranges of ornate columns, continuous porticoes, colonnaded -squares occupied by lofty figured monuments and Egyptian -obelisks, public baths of immense area decorated inside -with fresco and mosaic,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_527" id="Ref_527" href="#Foot_527">[527]</a></span> theatres and circuses on a vast -scale, stupendous triumphal arches spanning the main -thoroughfares at frequent intervals, splendid fountains, a -crowd of statues almost equalling in number the people to -be seen moving along the streets,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_528" id="Ref_528" href="#Foot_528">[528]</a></span> and, lastly, even sepulchres -of a magnitude and elaboration not surpassed by -edifices intended for a concourse of the living.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_529" id="Ref_529" href="#Foot_529">[529]</a></span> In their -private sphere the great nobles emulated the work of the -emperors, and constructed such extensive and costly dwellings -that they were compared to reproductions in miniature -of the city without.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_530" id="Ref_530" href="#Foot_530">[530]</a></span> Beyond the walls the suxburban area -was so thickly populated as scarcely to be distinguished from -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_557" id="Page_557">{557}</a></span> -the fortified enclosure. In vain had Constantine striven to -create a new Rome on the Bosphorus which should rival in -grandeur the historic capital; to the last a native of -Constantinople would be struck with wonder and admiration -on beholding the city of the Tiber.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_531" id="Ref_531" href="#Foot_531">[531]</a></span> From some elevated -post, such as the Capitol, crowned with its massive temples, -an observer might comprehend in a glance some of the -main features of the world-subduing metropolis. His eye -would be riveted in succession by the huge bulk of the -Coliseum, girded with pillars and statues rising in four tiers -to a height of one hundred and sixty feet; by the tall -embossed columns of Trajan and Antonine projecting above -their respective peristyles; by the expansive dome of the -Pantheon sheathed with bronze tiles; by the Mausoleum of -Hadrian, a commanding pile on the river side, also encircled -by superimposed rows of pillars and statues; and by -the tomb of Augustus, a lofty mound ascending from a -cylindrical base by a slope planted with evergreen trees, -and surmounted by a colossus of that emperor.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_532" id="Ref_532" href="#Foot_532">[532]</a></span> Yet were -a Roman, who had lived in the age of the Caesars, to -revisit the capital in the sixth century, he would be struck -by some remarkable changes. Traces of the religious revolution -which had culminated in the fourth century were -everywhere apparent; Paganism effete, and Christianity -bursting into bloom. Deserted temples, neglected and often -verging to dilapidation, their columns tottering and sometimes -fallen to the ground, offended the artistic sense. On -the other hand Christian basilicas had sprung up, and -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_558" id="Page_558">{558}</a></span> -in some localities were great and conspicuous objects. -Below the Coelian hill the Lateran gardens were occupied -by the Constantinean Cathedral of the Saviour; and the -original basilica of St. Peter had taken possession of the -Vatican mount. Without the walls, on the south, the great -church of St. Paul had been built to supply the religious -needs of the teeming population of the suburbs.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_533" id="Ref_533" href="#Foot_533">[533]</a></span></p> - -<p>An observant historian, resident in the West during the -latter part of the fourth century, has left us a striking picture -of Roman society in his time, which, with essential modifications, -may be applied to illustrate the manners of the -Italian capital under the rule of Theodoric. The national -aspirations and energies of the Roman people, having been -nurtured and gratified progressively by success during several -centuries, arrived at the stage of inflorescence in the pre-Augustan -age. The long-continued training and encouragement -of intellectual activity was then producing those fruits -which are characteristic of the highest degree of material -prosperity; men experienced in war, habitual conquerors -ambitious to rule; accumulations of wealth in the hands of -numerous private persons; and a lively interest in literature -and art. Hence sprang civil wars ending in despotism, -boundless luxury, and new creations in the realm of poetry, -history, painting, and sculpture. But the outcome of the -autocracy was a cessation of mental activity, emulation -became extinct, and a period of stagnation set in, tending -gradually towards settled apathy and indifference to all purposive -effort. About two centuries after the foundation of -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_559" id="Page_559">{559}</a></span> -the Empire these results began to be fully apparent, and an -aimless abandonment to pleasure became the distinctive -mark of the age. Thus arose the sociological phenomena -which at the end of the fourth century have been recorded -by the historian of the period. The nobles revelled in the -enjoyment of their great wealth; the lower orders became -seditious unless they were provided with sustenance and -amusement without having to earn them by work. The rich -devoted their time to receptions at which they were waited -on by a crowd of interested flatterers eager to win substantial -proofs of their favour. They never tired of boasting -to their audience of the extent of their possessions and the -revenue they derived from them.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_534" id="Ref_534" href="#Foot_534">[534]</a></span> Through lack of any -legitimate occupation their dormant energies could find no -outlet except by taking an overwhelming interest in the -routine of petty acts necessitated daily by physical existence. -Meal-times, most of all, absorbed their attention; a multitude -of servants stood around, and the introduction of every -dish was an event of grave importance. Fish, birds, and -dormice were the chief constituents of their fare; and as -each cooked animal was placed on the table it was subjected -to the keenest observation. Should anything excessive in -the way of size or plumpness be apparent, all present ejaculated -their admiration. A weighing-machine was sent for -in order to ascertain how much it would scale, and a secretary -brought a book in which to register the particulars of -the astounding occurrence.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_535" id="Ref_535" href="#Foot_535">[535]</a></span> The intervals between their -repasts were given over to gambling, less frequently to music, -and on rare occasions to reading. A game of skill with dice -was the favourite pastime, and one who had mastered all the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_560" id="Page_560">{560}</a></span> -shifts and trickeries of this diversion, even though of base -origin, received universal homage as a man of eminence and -distinction.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_536" id="Ref_536" href="#Foot_536">[536]</a></span> Musicians were often entertained with honour -in rich houses, singers being in great request, as well as -performers on the hydraulic organ or the lyre, which had -been increased to such a size as to exceed the modern harp.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_537" id="Ref_537" href="#Foot_537">[537]</a></span> -The era of light fiction had not begun, but some solace was -found in perusing the satires of Juvenal, who attracted by -his indecencies in spite of his ethics, and the compositions -of Marius Maximus, the author of copious and scandalous -biographies of the Caesars.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_538" id="Ref_538" href="#Foot_538">[538]</a></span> In their excursions out of doors -both men and women of the wealthy classes assumed the -pomp of a royal progress. The noble occupant of an ornate -gilded coach was attended by stewards who marshalled all -the servile members of the household in a lengthy procession. -First came the handsome and finely-dressed slaves -addicted to light employments; then a grimy crew of those -who were busied about the kitchen; and lastly a company -of eunuchs in two bands, those in front being old men with -wrinkled and distorted features, and behind a troop of boy -castrates who were prized for their fresh appearance.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_539" id="Ref_539" href="#Foot_539">[539]</a></span> Costly -apparel was the special extravagance of a certain class; and -when walking they displayed themselves clad in layer upon -layer of fine mantles, held at the neck only by a jewelled -clasp, so that the loose folds constantly flying open might -exhibit their variegated embroideries picturing the forms of -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_561" id="Page_561">{561}</a></span> -different animals.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_540" id="Ref_540" href="#Foot_540">[540]</a></span> While such men would pass an ordinary -citizen without notice or with a supercilious glance of recognition, -a noted courtesan would be greeted with effusive -compliments and caressed with flatteries as if she were -Semiramis or Cleopatra.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_541" id="Ref_541" href="#Foot_541">[541]</a></span> No section of the community was -more esteemed than the dancing-girls, and of these three -thousand were constantly figuring on the boards of the -theatres. On one occasion, when a dearth of provisions -seemed imminent, and foreigners, including many professors -of the liberal arts, were suddenly expelled from the city, the -question of dismissing these sylphs, together with their -trainers and slaves, in number much greater than themselves, -was never once brought up for consideration.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_542" id="Ref_542" href="#Foot_542">[542]</a></span> In -such a state of intellectual torpor the slightest journey was -regarded as an enterprise demanding extraordinary fortitude; -and if a noble paid a visit to his provincial estates or -undertook a short voyage in a painted pleasure-boat to the -watering places of Baiae or Cajeta, he afterwards extolled -his achievement as if he had performed something worthy -of Alexander or Caesar.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_543" id="Ref_543" href="#Foot_543">[543]</a></span> As for their religion, although -they scoffed at every formal belief, they were earnest votaries -of magic, and apprenticed slaves to professed sorcerers in -order to encompass the art of injuring or influencing other -persons by means of mystical operations.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_544" id="Ref_544" href="#Foot_544">[544]</a></span> Nor were they -willing to arrange their meal-times, their baths, or their -appearances in public, without consulting an almanac with -the view of ascertaining the station of Mercury or the position -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_562" id="Page_562">{562}</a></span> -of the moon among the constellations.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_545" id="Ref_545" href="#Foot_545">[545]</a></span> In the reign -of Valentinian I an epidemic of poisoning became rife, and -all inconvenient relatives were got rid of by the administration -of deleterious drugs.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_546" id="Ref_546" href="#Foot_546">[546]</a></span> These excesses were rigorously -repressed by that irascible emperor, who even executed -some men of senatorial rank for being concerned in magical -practices.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_547" id="Ref_547" href="#Foot_547">[547]</a></span> At the same time adultery and seduction were -dealt with by capital punishment, and both men and women -of noble rank perished for these crimes.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_548" id="Ref_548" href="#Foot_548">[548]</a></span> As for the common -people, they were indolent and dissolute, spent their time -in wine-shops and brothels, were addicted to gambling, and -in their lower sphere imitated the pride of their masters by -pretending to high-sounding names and descent from illustrious -families, even though without shoes to their feet. -Their devotion to the games of the Circus was as intense as -that of the Constantinopolitans, but the factions of the -Blues and Greens were not of such political weight or such -breeders of riot as their fellows of the Byzantine capital.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_549" id="Ref_549" href="#Foot_549">[549]</a></span> -But the Roman populace were more expectant of public -gratifications in the way of amusements, largess, and bread, -and broke into violent seditions when there was any prospect -of their being limited or withheld. If the corn-fleet were -delayed their animosity was directed against the Praefect of -the City; if the public spectacles were parsimoniously provided -for, against the Praetor of the Games; and, unless -those officials found means to assuage the tumult, their -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_563" id="Page_563">{563}</a></span> -houses were liable to be attacked and burnt by an infuriated -mob.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_550" id="Ref_550" href="#Foot_550">[550]</a></span></p> - -<p>Such was Rome at the beginning of the fifth century. -Secluded in the heart of Italy, her tranquillity had never -been disturbed by the commotions which the turbulent -barbarians were for ever exciting on the distant frontiers. -But in 410 the Visigoths raided Italy, and Alaric forced -Rome to capitulate. Forty-five years later the city succumbed -to Genseric, but in these cases, beyond the abstraction -of a large amount of treasure, it does not appear that -any material damage was inflicted. At the nominal fall of -the Western Empire the capital was peacefully transferred -to Odovacar, and under Theodoric the Senate was maintained -in its privileges,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_551" id="Ref_551" href="#Foot_551">[551]</a></span> whilst the municipal officers continued -to be selected and appointed with studious regularity.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_552" id="Ref_552" href="#Foot_552">[552]</a></span> -Repairs of the walls and public buildings were executed -systematically,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_553" id="Ref_553" href="#Foot_553">[553]</a></span> and the Circus was kept up as formerly under -governmental supervision.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_554" id="Ref_554" href="#Foot_554">[554]</a></span> But Roman pride must have -been sullied by the frequent submissions to barbarian hosts; -and the settlement of the intruders all over Italy on private -estates must have reduced the affluence of the nobles to -moderate proportions. The glowing picture of Roman life, -as it comes from the hand of the fourth-century historian, -must therefore be received with large abatement before it -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_564" id="Page_564">{564}</a></span> -can be accepted as delineating society in the capital as it -was when entered by the Byzantines.</p> - -<p>After the departure of Vitigis, Belisarius sent his lieutenants -Bessas and Constantine into Tuscany to test the -attitude of the inhabitants, and they soon had the good -fortune to receive several submissions, among them the -towns of Varnia, Perusia, and Spoleto. During this period -he himself was busy in repairing the walls and replenishing -the granaries of Rome. In the meantime the Gothic king -had established himself at the court of Ravenna, where he -took active measures to consolidate the affairs of his nation. -The Franks, who had already given pledges to Justinian, -were won over to a secret alliance by the cession of Gallia;<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_555" id="Ref_555" href="#Foot_555">[555]</a></span> -and he repaired his defect of birth by coercing Matasuentha, -a maiden in her teens, the daughter of the late queen, into -a hasty marriage with him. He now infused all his energies -into the war, and, having despatched a fleet with reinforcements -to Dalmatia, marched on Rome at the head of one -hundred and fifty thousand men. As the forces under -Belisarius were reported not to exceed a tithe of that -number, he advanced with great confidence, his only fear -being that before his arrival the Byzantine general should -have saved himself by flight. While he was on his way, -Bessas and Constantine, at the call of their chief, returned -to Rome with their brigades, having left a small garrison in -each of the captured towns.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_556" id="Ref_556" href="#Foot_556">[556]</a></span></p> - -<p>The first collision with the enemy was brought about by -Belisarius himself, who went out to reconnoitre their approach -accompanied by a thousand horse. Having blocked -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_565" id="Page_565">{565}</a></span> -the Milvian bridge over the Tiber, a mile and a half to the -north of the city, with a tower, he expected that Vitigis -would be delayed for some days before he could improvise -means for crossing the river. But the guards of the tower -fled at the first sight of the enemy, who at once broke -through and poured into the plain. Hence before he could -effect a retreat he found himself confronted by their cavalry -in force, and a desperate encounter immediately ensued. -Mounted on a dark charger dashed with white over the -forehead, the Master of Soldiers, more admirable than prudent -in his conduct, threw himself into the fight with the -utmost ardour. The horse, trained for the battle-field, shared -his rider's zeal. Belisarius was soon recognized by some -deserters, and the word ran through the Gothic ranks that -the fortunes of the war were identified with the most conspicuous -combatant. He at once became the central mark -for javelins and spears, while the bravest of the Goths rode -to the spot, eager to fell him with their swords. With untiring -energy, wielding his sword, now on this side, now on -that, he struck down all who came within reach of his arm, -while his guards, with irresistible bravery, closed around -him and repelled the assailants. At length their unyielding -determination won the victory; the Goths broke and fled -to their camp, leaving nearly a thousand of their number on -the field. The Romans pursued them, but were soon driven -back by a mass of infantry, and with difficulty regained the -walls of the city. There they clamoured loudly for admittance, -but those within were afraid to open the gates lest -the enemy should enter along with the fugitive band. It -was now nightfall, and the hero of the day, who was reported -fallen, was unrecognizable in the dusky air under a -coating of blood and dust. Belisarius now rallied his men, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_566" id="Page_566">{566}</a></span> -and they turned with a great shout against the attacking -party, who thus received the impression that reinforcements -had issued from the city and beat a hasty retreat. They -were permitted to depart unmolested, and then, the gates -being opened, all were enabled to reach their quarters in -safety. Notwithstanding his titanic exertions Belisarius had -escaped without a wound.</p> - -<p>Both sides now matured their dispositions for pressing on -and sustaining the siege. Belisarius posted divisions of the -garrison at each gate, drafting into the service all the available -citizens, and walled up the aqueducts at their place of -entry, lest the enemy should be tempted to imitate his own -successful stratagem at Naples. At the same time he exhorted -the townspeople, who were inclined to jeer at his -temerity in defying such a huge army, to be of good cheer, -as he had excellent reasons for predicting that he should be -victorious over the Goths. On his side Vitigis disposed his -forces in seven fortified camps on the north of Rome, one -being across the river near St. Peter's by the Vatican. In -each case he dug a foss and cast a rampart, the top of which -was defended by a line of stakes. Every channel by which -provisions could enter the city was blocked, and all the -aqueducts were cut through in order to produce a water -famine. A variety of machines for storming the fortifications -were also constructed: battering-rams; wooden towers as -high as the battlements, rolling on four wheels and drawn -by oxen; ladders in great number; and bundles of sticks -and reeds to fill up the moat and thus give access over level -ground to the walls. To resist such attacks engines for -throwing heavy stones and darts were placed on the top of -the walls by the besieged; huge beams, provided with teeth -and worked by ropes, were hinged to the gates so as to beat -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_567" id="Page_567">{567}</a></span> -down the enemy if they attempted to force the portals; and -the towers were brought to a standstill by killing the draught-oxen -with arrows.</p> - -<p>During the first few weeks of the siege many determined -efforts to scale the walls were made by the Goths, who expected -to overwhelm the small garrison by their superior -numbers. The most notable of these attacks was that made -on the Aurelian gate, which stood on the river bank and was -connected by a bridge over the Tiber with the quadrangular -base of the Mausoleum of Hadrian. Constantine, with a -small detachment of the garrison, occupied the walls and -the monument, from which a colonnade extended to the -church of St. Peter. Under cover of the portico the Goths -were able to advance to close quarters without fear of missiles -shot by hand or from the engines. They emerged from -beneath in great force, protecting themselves with large -shields and carrying numerous ladders. Some strove to -ascend the monument; others crossed the bridge to scale -the city walls. As soon as they appeared in the open their -attack was hotly contested by the Byzantines, who aimed at -them with arrows and stones from the engines. By a sudden -impulse, those who defended the Mausoleum seized on the -statues with which it was decorated, broke them in pieces, -and hurled the fragments with both hands on the heads of -the assailants. Thus for some time the battle raged furiously, -but at length the Goths were repulsed.</p> - -<p>As the siege proceeded, weekly sallies from the gates -were studiously organized by Belisarius; and in these encounters -the Goths almost invariably suffered in extraordinary -disproportion to what might be expected from the -paucity of combatants arrayed against them. On one occasion, -for example, in a battle at the Salarian gate, thirty -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_568" id="Page_568">{568}</a></span> -thousand of them are stated to have been slain, while the -wounded totalled a still larger amount. Having by such -results proved his forecast that victory would incline to his -side, Belisarius condescended to explain to his staff why he -had expressed himself so confidently at the beginning of the -siege. The Byzantine army, he pointed out, was composed -almost entirely of skilful horse-archers, especially the Huns, -whilst the Gothic cavalry were provided only with swords -and spears, being, moreover, without protective armour. -Hence, they were powerless except in a hand-to-hand fight; -but in conflict with his mounted bowmen most of them were -brought down before they could come to close quarters. -Such was his demonstration, but nevertheless, as weeks -rolled over, the Roman general found that his position was -becoming precarious owing to the diminutive size of his -army and the immense host which they had to resist. The -Goths also, taught by experience, ceased to attack the walls -in a densely packed throng, a proceeding which was the -prime cause of their being repulsed with such huge slaughter, -since every missile aimed at them told with deadly effect. -He began to fear, therefore, that in the end his task might -prove to be greater than he could cope with, and set about -devising expedients to lighten the situation. In one way the -besieged were not so hard pressed as might have been anticipated; -owing to the extensive circuit of the walls, even the -very numerous forces of the Goths were unable to maintain -a strict blockade. Thus communication with the outside -world, though not devoid of risk, was still facile. Belisarius -now forwarded an earnest entreaty to Justinian, praying for -reinforcements, and representing that the hardships endured -by the Romans might induce a renewal of their allegiance to -the Goths. He also determined to empty the city of all -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_569" id="Page_569">{569}</a></span> -inhabitants who were useless for its defence; and this was -done one night after the enemy had returned to their camp. -An immense multitude—women, children, and slaves—were -cast adrift, and some by boats down the Tiber, others on -foot along the Appian Way, fled to the south, ultimately -finding a refuge in Campania or Sicily. For a different -reason Pope Silverius and several senators were dismissed, -as suspicions were aroused that they had begun to treat -clandestinely with the Goths.</p> - -<p>After this departure, however, the horrors of the siege -began to be felt more acutely on both sides. Vitigis, seeing -that his efforts were being frustrated, stationed a body of -troops at the mouth of the Tiber to prevent supplies reaching -the city by water; and he also transformed some of the -arches of each aqueduct into guard-houses so that they might -intercept the import of provisions from the surrounding -country. Inside Rome the agitation grew to an extreme, -and, as famine and pestilence became rife, a recrudescence -of Pagan superstition began to be manifested. In the night -some eager hands essayed to open the temple of Janus in -the Forum, but the brazen doors, long rusted upon their -hinges, refused to turn; and a gaping at their junction was -all that attracted notice next day to indicate the ineffectual -attempt. At the same time, all who were fit to bear arms -clamoured to be led out against the Goths. Soon, however, -fresh forces began to arrive from Constantinople, and a -regiment of fifteen hundred succeeded in entering the city. -Later on, a fleet manned by three thousand Isaurians reached -Ostia and hovered about the river mouth to convoy provision -ships which were preparing to run the blockade. Procopius -and Antonina had, in fact, been sent to Naples to -organize relief measures, and they returned before long with -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_570" id="Page_570">{570}</a></span> -copious stores. A number of small boats navigated the -Tiber and revictualled Rome unopposed, although observed -by the Goths, either because they had become apathetic, or -because overtures for peace had already been made by their -King.</p> - -<p>The siege had commenced in March, and such was the -progress of events during the succeeding nine months. -When December had already been entered upon, Vitigis -found that his position was becoming desperate, whilst the -capture of Rome seemed more hopeless than ever. An -almost endless succession of defeats, together with disease -and deficiency of food in his camp, had been productive of -enormous losses to the Gothic army; and it was now -rumoured that both by land and sea a great increment of -forces was on the way from Constantinople. He resolved, -therefore, to make peace with the Empire, if any reasonable -terms could be obtained from his adversaries. A conference -in Rome between three Gothic delegates and the Master of -Soldiers was the result of his decision. With the tone adopted -by the Byzantine Court at the beginning of the war rankling -in their mind, the representatives of Vitigis recapitulated the -story of Odovacar, Theodoric, and the Emperor Zeno; and -thence inferred the injustice of the present invasion of Italy. -Founding his arguments on the most arrogant pretence or -ignorance, Belisarius, in reply, asserted virtually that Theodoric -had been merely a general employed by Zeno to restore -Italy to his dominions, and charged him roundly with -perfidy and ingratitude for setting himself up on an independent -throne in that country. In the face of such insolent -or ignorant assurance, expostulation was evidently futile, and -the Goths could only proceed to mention hesitatingly their -bid for peace. They would cede Sicily, Campania, and -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_571" id="Page_571">{571}</a></span> -Naples, and would pay a yearly tribute to the Emperor. He -thanked them ironically for their generosity; they would -give away what was no longer theirs; Britain in return should -be presented to the Goths; a much finer island than Sicily; -it had once belonged to the Romans. "At least," they -urged, "let us communicate with the Emperor, and let -there be a truce for three months until we receive his -answer." To this proposal he gave a careless acquiescence, -and the deputation then withdrew.</p> - -<p>Belisarius, however, had no intention of not pushing his -advantage in arms. Reinforcements had been arriving in -batches, whilst the enemy had relaxed their vigilance in the -belief that hostilities had practically ceased. Finding himself, -therefore, with a surplus of troops at Rome, he began -to throw detachments into every town of the neighbourhood, -which was not in a state of active defence. At the same -time he ordered John, a nephew of Vitalian, to proceed -northwards with two thousand horse, cautioning him in a -tone of levity not to begin raiding the country at once, but -to await instructions. Seeing that the attitude of the Roman -general amounted to no more than a farcical observance of -the truce, Vitigis, on his side, began to ponder over some -insidious stratagem by which he might capture Rome. -First, he attempted a nocturnal entry through a subterranean -aqueduct; but after exploring its channel for some distance -into the city, his men were brought up by the recent -obstructions and had to retreat. Then he bribed some of -the purveyors of wine to the garrison to ply the sentinels on -the river wall, where they were fewest in number, with -drugged liquor, but one of his intended agents betrayed the -plot. He even tried to rush the walls at the Pincian gate -by a sudden onset with ladders and fire during the dinner -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_572" id="Page_572">{572}</a></span> -hour, but the approach of the surprise party was signalled, -so that they were met and repulsed.</p> - -<p>Through the Goths being seduced into these attempts by -his own enterprises, Belisarius found the opportunity he was -looking for, and paid no further heed to the factitious truce. -He now, therefore, gave the expected cue to John, who at -once began to devastate central Italy, in a chase from -Auximum to Urbinum, and shortly arrived within sight of -Ariminum on the Adriatic. Here was another traitress, -ready to betray her nation for the sake of personal pique and -vexation; and John soon received a message from Matasuentha, -the unwilling wife of the Gothic king, proposing that -the city should be surrendered to him with her collusion. -This treachery was quickly consummated, and the lieutenant-general -took possession of that important stronghold.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_557" id="Ref_557" href="#Foot_557">[557]</a></span></p> - -<div class="image-center"> - <img src="images/west.jpg" width="563" height="1000" alt="west" /> - <div class="caption"> - <p>Seat of JUSTINIAN'S WARS in the West</p> - </div> -</div> - -<p>As had been foreseen, consternation spread through the -Gothic camp before Rome the moment the news arrived -that their families and homesteads to the north were being -looted by the Byzantines; and Vitigis, himself in great concern -at the malevolence of his wife, decided at once to raise -the siege. With the least delay possible the barbarian host, -having fired their encampment, put themselves in motion -and marched northwards on their return to Ravenna. The -unusual activity was soon observed by the Romans, whereupon -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_573" id="Page_573">{573}</a></span> -Belisarius discharged all his available forces through -the Pincian gate to assault the retreating enemy. A sharply -contested battle ensued, but the Goths shortly took to flight -and made all haste to cross the Milvian bridge. There the -crush became excessive, with the result that numbers were -drowned in their armour as they attempted the narrow passage, -whilst those in the rear were falling under the weapons -of their adversaries. Thus ended the siege, having lasted for -one year and nine days, during which time sixty-nine battles -were fought between the besieged and the besiegers.</p> - -<p>Belisarius was now free to undertake the conquest of -central and northern Italy, and the next eighteen months -were occupied by his efforts in that direction. While he was -still pent up within the walls of Rome the Bishop of Milan -and several of the chief citizens had waited on him with a -request that he would send a small garrison to take possession -of their city, and relieve them from the dominion of the -Goths. One of his first cares was to act in accordance with -their suggestion; and thus the greatest city of the West, -after Rome, surrendered voluntarily to the Byzantines. Subsequently -many other fortified towns, including Ancona, -Urbinum, Faesulae, Civita Vecchia and Auximum were captured -or submitted as a matter of choice. The Goths, on -their side, were continually active and not always without -success; but they failed in their efforts to recapture Ariminum, -the beleaguering force having fled precipitately at the -simultaneous appearance of Belisarius on land and of a -Roman fleet in the bay. Throughout this war the Romans -had the command of the sea, sometimes with much inconvenience -to the Goths, who were thus liable to have their -supplies cut off, but no naval battle was fought.</p> - -<p>One of the most notable occurrences of this year (538) -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_574" id="Page_574">{574}</a></span> -was the advent into Italy of Narses, Count of the Sacred -Largesses, with a command of seven thousand men. The -Illustrious rank of this official, and his brilliant position at -Court, seemed to unfit him for a subordinate post; and immediately -on his arrival doubts arose in the minds of many -as to whether he should not be regarded as the commander-in-chief. -Although a eunuch, he had proved himself to be -a man of exceptional energy, and had won a reputation for -sagacity which placed him in the foremost rank among the -statesmen of his time. The two leaders met at Firmum, and -Narses at once adopted an attitude of independence by -pronouncing an opinion which was in conflict with that of -the Master of Soldiers on a vital question. Ariminum was -hard pressed by the enemy, and appeals had been sent out -for succour. But the intervening country was held in force -by the Goths, and Belisarius thought a march to the place -too risky to be undertaken. In addition, his scheme for the -defence of the town had been nullified by John's refusal to -follow his instructions, and he was inclined to mark his sense -of the infraction of discipline by leaving him to his own -resources. But the eunuch pointed out that the loss of such -an important stronghold, defended by a general of the first -rank, might be an irreparable blow to the Imperial prestige, -whilst it might be considered that John had been sufficiently -punished by having been reduced to such a strait. Belisarius -yielded, and the town was relieved successfully, as stated -above; but John, on his release, declined to express any -thanks to his chief, declaring that to Narses only was his -gratitude due. After this incident the army was split into -two factions, one of which adhered to Belisarius, whilst the -others ranged themselves around Narses. Being anxious for -unity, the former convoked a meeting of the staff, and, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_575" id="Page_575">{575}</a></span> -having presented his plan of campaign, called upon the -eunuch to second his efforts with loyal consistency. Narses, -however, dissented from his views, and expressed his intention -of leading the forces which were at his disposal to a -different part of the country. Thereupon Belisarius produced -a rescript from the Emperor, in which all were -enjoined to obey him as sole commander-in-chief, whilst -Narses was excluded by a special clause from having any -claim to exercise such authority. Nevertheless the dissident -party, distorting a formal expression of the rescript by a -verbal quibble into permission to do as they liked, seceded -from the Master of Soldiers, and decamped with the Imperial -treasurer to wage war according to their own judgment -in the province of Aemilia.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_558" id="Ref_558" href="#Foot_558">[558]</a></span></p> - -<p>The greatest calamity which befell Italy during this war -was the recapture of Milan by the Goths, a disaster which -appeared to be a direct result of the counsels of Belisarius -having been rendered inoperative by Narses. As soon -as the dedition of that city was announced to Vitigis, he -detached one of his generals to beset it with a large force -of Goths and ten thousand Burgundians sent to his aid -clandestinely by Theodebert, King of the Franks. Belisarius -wished to despatch one half of the Byzantine army at once -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_576" id="Page_576">{576}</a></span> -to its relief, but Narses disputed the necessity, so that his proposal -fell to the ground. A small force which was sent feared -to advance beyond the Po because of its manifest insufficiency, -and when at last Narses had complied with an earnest -request of Belisarius to supplement it effectively, it was too -late to avert the capture. The city had been ill provided to -stand a siege, and, while the inhabitants were reduced to feed -on dogs and mice, the garrison, being at the last extremity, -were induced to accept terms as to their own safety from the -Goths. Thus Milan was delivered up, and the barbarians, -being incensed beyond measure with the Milanese for their -defection, massacred them revengefully to the number of -three hundred thousand. When Justinian heard of this -catastrophe, he recalled Narses to Constantinople, recognizing -that an injurious division of authority was an inevitable consequence -of his presence at the seat of war.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_559" id="Ref_559" href="#Foot_559">[559]</a></span></p> - -<p>Early in the next year (439) Theodebert launched himself -on a remarkable enterprise, and, having crossed the Alps, -appeared suddenly in Northern Italy at the head of one -hundred thousand men. With the exception of the King and -his staff, all these warriors consisted of infantry, their only -arms being a sword, a short-handled axe, and a shield. Their -method of fighting was to project the axe with the utmost -force against their opponent's shield, which was thus rendered -useless by fracture, and then to attack impetuously -with the sword. This formidable host crossed the Po, and -soon came in sight of the Gothic camp, from which joyful -acclamations were forthwith sent up in anticipation of the -splendid assistance which was about to be rendered them by -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_577" id="Page_577">{577}</a></span> -their ally. Soon, however, they found themselves involved -in a deadly tumult, myriads of axes were flung, and their -disabled comrades were slaughtered on every side, until the -whole Gothic army was routed and hurried with headlong -speed towards Ravenna. Shortly the disordered bands of -Goths were noticed flying across the country by the Roman -forces engaged in that district, among them being the redoubtable -John, and they immediately concluded that Belisarius -had fought a successful battle, and was in hot pursuit -of the beaten enemy. All rose expectantly and advanced in -the direction of the impulse, when they also found themselves -in collision with the invading host, which bore down -on them in an irresistible mass. Overwhelmed by the immensely -superior numbers, they turned and, abandoning all -their positions, hurried by forced marches to join Belisarius -in Tuscany. The reason of this extraordinary incursion was -now clearly apprehended; believing that the Romans and -Goths had reduced each other to a state of inanition, the -King of the most faithless of nations (the Franks are so -characterized) thought the moment opportune to possess -himself of a large tract of Italian territory. A remonstrance -was at once addressed to him by Belisarius, who appealed -to the obligations of probity, and the compelling nature of -his previous engagements to divert him from his purpose. -But a better argument was at hand: bivouacked in an exhausted -country, with a deficient commissariat and no water -supply but the tainted stream of the Po, an epidemic of -dysentery soon pervaded the teeming multitude, and they -hastened to regain their own habitations after losing a third -of their number.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_560" id="Ref_560" href="#Foot_560">[560]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_578" id="Page_578">{578}</a></span> -Before the summer of this, the fifth year of the war, the -Goths had been driven from nearly all their principal strongholds, -and Vitigis, with the bulk of his troops, had been -obliged to take refuge in Ravenna. But the outposts of the -Gothic capital, Faesulae and Auximum, both strong by -nature, and munitioned with especial care, had to be reduced -before the blockade of the regal seat could be safely undertaken.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_561" id="Ref_561" href="#Foot_561">[561]</a></span> -Several months were consumed in these operations, -and the Byzantine army was so distressed by the protracted -defence of Auximum, which was attacked by the Master of -Soldiers in person, that the troops were on the verge of -mutiny. At length the garrison was induced to capitulate -with the honours of war, and Belisarius was free to devote -all his strategy to the capture of Ravenna. That city was -built in a swamp near the sea-shore, about forty miles below -the estuaries of the Po, and was unapproachable on all sides -by an army in force.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_562" id="Ref_562" href="#Foot_562">[562]</a></span> It was necessary, therefore, to produce -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_579" id="Page_579">{579}</a></span> -a famine within the walls in order to bring about its surrender. -Under the circumstances, however, the Byzantine -general possessed every facility for achieving this object. -The Goths had neither an army nor a fleet which could -succour them from without, and hence the Romans were -unhampered while making their dispositions for cutting off -supplies from every direction. The environs were hemmed -in by their land forces, whilst their fleet rode at anchor off -the harbour. At the same time the transit of provision boats -down the Po from the fields of the north and west was -blocked by guards stationed on the river banks.</p> - -<p>Directly Theodebert heard that Vitigis was in a critical -position, he made a diplomatic attempt to encompass the -subjugation of Italy. A legation arrived with the proposal -that the two kings should reign as joint sovereigns, and -contingently an army of fifty thousand Franks, which had -already surmounted the Alps, should at the first onset annihilate -the Byzantines with their axes. A companion embassy -from Belisarius, who had been apprized of the intended -debate, was received in audience at the same time. By them -the Gothic king was warned not to put his trust in numbers, -but to believe that the Imperial army would find means to -deal with a multitude of Franks as effectively as it had -already done with his own very numerous forces. Moreover, -he urged, the perfidy displayed by the recent invasion proved -that no compact would be binding on the Franks. After -consultation with his nobles Vitigis decided that he would -open peace negotiations with Justinian, and dismissed the -envoys of Theodebert with a negative reply. Legates were -then despatched to Constantinople, ready to accept any -terms of peace which should be granted by the Byzantine -Court.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_580" id="Page_580">{580}</a></span> -Belisarius now became intent on reducing the Goths to -the direst necessity through shortage of foodstuffs. Externally -the exclusion of supplies had been carried to perfection, -but he had been informed that the granaries of Ravenna -were well stocked. Bribery of miscreants, effected -through the agency of Matasuentha, the vindictive queen, -removed this obstacle to the speedy capitulation of the city. -Incendiaries were set to work, and the public storehouses -were suddenly consumed by fire. At this juncture plenipotentiaries -arrived bringing the Emperor's answer to the -peace proposals, which afforded complete satisfaction to the -Goths. Vitigis was to reign beyond the Po, and to retain -one half of the regal treasures, while the rest of Italy, and -the other half were in future to be subject to Justinian. It -was essential, however, that the Master of Soldiers should -ratify this treaty, but when the legates presented themselves -in his camp for the purpose he refused to be a party to it, -feeling assured that he would soon be master of Ravenna, -and of the person of the Gothic king with everything appertaining -to him.</p> - -<p>The Goths now became filled with distrust, and despaired -altogether of their fortunes. Vitigis, as an unfortunate -leader, had lost their confidence, and they feared that surrender -would result in their all being deported to some -unwelcome habitation in the East. To their anxious cogitations -one way out of the impass at length presented itself: -Belisarius should be their King, and under his strenuous -rule prosperity would be restored to the Goths in Italy. -Acting on the impulse, they made the proposition formally -to the general, and at the same time a private intimation -was conveyed to him from Vitigis that he was ready to abdicate -in his favour. But his ambition was not of the autocratic -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_581" id="Page_581">{581}</a></span> -order, and subservience to authority was one of the -main features of his character. The promise he had given -ingenuously he intended loyally to keep; and in the offer of -kingship he saw no more than an incident which enabled -him to serve more promptly his Imperial master. He prepared -then to profit by the obsequious mood of the Goths -towards himself, and to gain his end by an astute policy of -compliance instead of by a protracted struggle in arms. His -assurances, couched in somewhat ambiguous language, were -deemed by the Goths to be tantamount to an acceptance, -believing, as they did, their offer to be so tempting as to -constitute in itself a guarantee of his good faith. Belisarius -now removed from the vicinity of Ravenna on various -commissions, all officers with their commands, whom recent -events had taught him to distrust, retaining only those -troops in whose attachment to himself he had full confidence. -With the latter he entered the city and at once -proceeded to arrange everything apparently in the sole interest -of the inhabitants. He was cordially received, but -the Gothic women were disappointed at the appearance of -the Byzantines, and were inclined to rate their own male -relatives for allowing themselves to be beaten by men of -inferior physique to themselves. A plentiful market was introduced -by sea, and all the surplus Gothic forces were dismissed -with a safe conduct to their respective homes. -Having thus equalized the Roman and Gothic troops in the -town, Belisarius repudiated his supposed sovereignty, and -declared himself to be merely the faithful vicegerent of -Justinian. He completed his measures by placing Vitigis -amicably in nominal custody, and took possession of the -palace with all its valuable contents.</p> - -<p>As soon as the proceedings of Belisarius were disclosed -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_582" id="Page_582">{582}</a></span> -to the Gothic nation in general, they immediately elected a -new King, choosing Ildibad, a man of the first rank, for -promotion to that dignity. At the same time the Master of -Soldiers was being criminated at the Byzantine Court, the -worst motives being attributed to him by his adversaries; -and his recall was shortly issued, but ostensibly merely that -he might be at hand in view of the threatening activity of -the Persian monarch. When this news was brought to the -Goths, they assumed his imminent disgrace, and made -another determined effort to induce him to accept the kingship. -In him they saw the potential saviour of their race, -and even Ildibad was moved to declare that he was ready to -deposit the crown and purple at his feet. But Belisarius remained -firm in his resolution: they reminded him of his late -breach of faith, even taunted him with preferring servitude -to independence, all to no purpose. Nothing could shake -his conviction that while Justinian lived, he was in honour -bound to shun any semblance of rivalry with his authority.</p> - -<p>For the second time Belisarius returned to Constantinople -with a captive king and all the precious externals of majesty -in his train. On this occasion, however, no public spectacle -was decreed to celebrate the extension of the Empire, and -the success of its arms. Perhaps that event was now considered -as merely normal by the Court; perhaps the -Emperor had felt insignificant in the popular eye when -compared with the victorious general who piled the spoils -of victory before his throne. The Senators were gratified -with a sight of the treasures of Theodoric heaped up within -the palace, but the multitude were excluded from contemplation -of the exhilarating display. Yet the name of Belisarius -was on every tongue; and in his daily progresses -through the capital he was gazed on with admiration by the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_583" id="Page_583">{583}</a></span> -inhabitants. He moved about on horseback amid a concourse -of his personal guards, all mounted like himself, -whom he maintained to the number of seven thousand. -Vandals, Moors, and Goths swelled their ranks, and indicated -by their distinctive visages with what a variety of -nations he had fought. Belisarius was tall and handsome, -with a countenance of singular dignity, equalled only by the -modesty and affability of his address. In war he was determined -and resourceful, but never oblivious of humanity, and -always mindful of the interests of those dependent on him. -His soldiers were known to him severally and constantly -observed, their valour richly rewarded, their losses repaired, -whilst they were firmly restrained from all excess. Hence he -was adored by the rural population who came in contact -with him, since the grain crops and fruit trees were preserved -from damage under his generalship. He was not less -distinguished for temperance than for his other virtues; and, -although the camp was often thronged with beautiful female -captives, he never even bestowed a concupiscent glance on -them; nor in the use of wine did he ever exceed the -strictest moderation.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_563" id="Ref_563" href="#Foot_563">[563]</a></span></p> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_503" id="Foot_503" href="#Ref_503">[503]</a> -Malchus, Exc. i, 3.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_504" id="Foot_504" href="#Ref_504">[504]</a> -Marcellinus Com., an. 476; Jordanes, De Reg. Suc., etc. He -seems to have made a show of resigning voluntarily; Malchus, <i>loc. cit.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_505" id="Foot_505" href="#Ref_505">[505]</a> -Anon. Vales., 64.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_506" id="Foot_506" href="#Ref_506">[506]</a> -Procopius, De Bel. Goth., i. 1, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_507" id="Foot_507" href="#Ref_507">[507]</a> -Jordanes, De Reb. Get., 57.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_508" id="Foot_508" href="#Ref_508">[508]</a> -Marcellinus Com., an. 488.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_509" id="Foot_509" href="#Ref_509">[509]</a> -Procopius, <i>loc. cit.</i>; Cassiodorus, Chron., etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_510" id="Foot_510" href="#Ref_510">[510]</a> -The only circumstantial account of this affair comes from Jn. Antioch.; -Müller, Frag. Hist. Graec., v, p. 29.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_511" id="Foot_511" href="#Ref_511">[511]</a> -Anon. Valesii, 64.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_512" id="Foot_512" href="#Ref_512">[512]</a> -Procopius, <i>loc. cit.</i> The administration of Theodoric is fully displayed -in the so-called Epistles of Cassiodorus, his quaestor, which -form in reality a book of the Acts or rescripts of the Gothic King. -Everything in Italy was maintained according to the Imperial system -of Rome, and Theodoric differed only from the obsolete Western Emperors -by the modesty of his title and the limited extent of his -dominions.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_513" id="Foot_513" href="#Ref_513">[513]</a> -Theodoric himself was illiterate, and is said to have used the same -device as Justin (see p. 303) for signing his name; Anon. Vales. A critic -suggests that the four letters were <small>LEGI</small>.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_514" id="Foot_514" href="#Ref_514">[514]</a> -For the events narrated henceforward in this chapter, there is -generally no source but Procopius (De Bel. Goth., i, ii). Some jottings -occur in Marcellinus Com. and Jordanes, but the <i>Liber Pontificalis</i> is -indispensable as regards the local Church history.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_515" id="Foot_515" href="#Ref_515">[515]</a> -Procopius, De Bel. Goth., i, 3. His own professions as to his devotion -to literature, etc.; <i>Ibid.</i>, 6. The five last books of Cassiodorus, -written after the death of Theodoric, contain letters supposed to have -been dictated by Athalaric, Amalasuntha, and Theodahad, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_516" id="Foot_516" href="#Ref_516">[516]</a> -Procopius, De Bel. Vand., ii, 5.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_517" id="Foot_517" href="#Ref_517">[517]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, i, 9; Cassiodorus, Var. Ep., ix, 1. She was accused of -plotting against the King with her Gothic guards after her husband's -death.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_518" id="Foot_518" href="#Ref_518">[518]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_519" id="Foot_519" href="#Ref_519">[519]</a> -Procopius, De Bel. Goth., i, 3, whence the narrative continues as -below.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_520" id="Foot_520" href="#Ref_520">[520]</a> -They held out at Panormus, but by means of archers hoisted in -boats to the mastheads of his ships, Belisarius overtopped the sea-walls, -and forced a speedy surrender.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_521" id="Foot_521" href="#Ref_521">[521]</a> -Procopius, De Bel. Goth., i, 14.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_522" id="Foot_522" href="#Ref_522">[522]</a> -<i>C.</i> 400 Rome contained 1,797 palaces of nobles, etc., and 46,202 -<i>insulae</i>; Notitia Occid. Including slaves, the first would account for at -least 100,000 inhabitants, and the latter (large apartment houses) for -something like 2,000,000. This is about the best basis for guessing at -the population.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_523" id="Foot_523" href="#Ref_523">[523]</a> -Hist. August., 21, 39.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_524" id="Foot_524" href="#Ref_524">[524]</a> -Procopius, De Bel. Goth., i, 19; Cassiodorus, Var. Ep., vii, 6. -The Porta Maggiore and the so-called Arch of Drusus belonged to -aqueducts.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_525" id="Foot_525" href="#Ref_525">[525]</a> -He perhaps equalled Justinian as a builder; Suetonius, Augustus. -See the Mon. Ancyr. for a list.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_526" id="Foot_526" href="#Ref_526">[526]</a> -Suetonius and Hist. August. enumerate most of their productions -in masonry.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_527" id="Foot_527" href="#Ref_527">[527]</a> -The Baths of Diocletian covered nearly thirty acres, and some -others were almost as large.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_528" id="Foot_528" href="#Ref_528">[528]</a> -Cassiodorus, Var. Ep., vii, 13, 15.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_529" id="Foot_529" href="#Ref_529">[529]</a> -The Notitia gives 423 temples, 11 great baths, 11 forums, 36 -triumphal arches, 6 obelisks, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_530" id="Foot_530" href="#Ref_530">[530]</a> -Olympiodorus, p. 469. A private circus was an essential part of -such establishments; and, of course, a temple, perhaps more than one.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_531" id="Foot_531" href="#Ref_531">[531]</a> -As in the case of Constantius II on his visit to Rome in 356; Ammianus, -xvi, 10.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_532" id="Foot_532" href="#Ref_532">[532]</a> -Strabo, V, iii, 8. The ring of wall which formed the base still exists, -and has recently been used as a circus.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_533" id="Foot_533" href="#Ref_533">[533]</a> -The churches said to have been built by Constantine are referred -to in the life of Pope Sylvester; Lib. Pontif. (Duchesne). St. Peter's -and St. Paul's are mentioned by Procopius, De Bel. Goth., i, 22; -ii, 4, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_534" id="Foot_534" href="#Ref_534">[534]</a> -Ammianus, xiv, 6.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_535" id="Foot_535" href="#Ref_535">[535]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, xxviii, 4.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_536" id="Foot_536" href="#Ref_536">[536]</a> -Ammianus, xxviii, 4. The modern craze for "Bridge" may be -compared, and with the aid of Father Vaughan's denunciations of the -"Smart Set" at the West End, the parallel might be carried further. -But all this is merely a subsidiary part of our social fabric.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_537" id="Foot_537" href="#Ref_537">[537]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, xiv, 6.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_538" id="Foot_538" href="#Ref_538">[538]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, xxviii, 4.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_539" id="Foot_539" href="#Ref_539">[539]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, xiv, 6.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_540" id="Foot_540" href="#Ref_540">[540]</a> -Ammianus, xiv, 6. Garments of this pictorial class were of course -common to the whole Empire, and were inveighed against in the East -about the same time by Asterius, Hom. 1 (Migne, S. G., xl, 165).</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_541" id="Foot_541" href="#Ref_541">[541]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, xxviii, 4.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_542" id="Foot_542" href="#Ref_542">[542]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, xiv, 6.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_543" id="Foot_543" href="#Ref_543">[543]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, xxviii, 4.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_544" id="Foot_544" href="#Ref_544">[544]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, xxvi, 3; xxviii, 1.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_545" id="Foot_545" href="#Ref_545">[545]</a> -Ammianus, xxviii, 4.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_546" id="Foot_546" href="#Ref_546">[546]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, 1. Cf. Voltaire's account of the fashionable poisoning craze -under Louis XIV.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_547" id="Foot_547" href="#Ref_547">[547]</a> -Ammianus, xxvi, 3; xxviii, 1.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_548" id="Foot_548" href="#Ref_548">[548]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_549" id="Foot_549" href="#Ref_549">[549]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, xiv, 6; xxviii, 4; Cassiodorus, Var. Ep., i. 20; iii, 51, -etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_550" id="Foot_550" href="#Ref_550">[550]</a> -Ammianus, xix, 10; xxvii, 3.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_551" id="Foot_551" href="#Ref_551">[551]</a> -Cassiodorus, Var. Ep., i, 13, 27, 42; iii, 12; v, 41, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_552" id="Foot_552" href="#Ref_552">[552]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, vii. This book consists of forms of instruction to newly -appointed officers, from Consuls and Praetorian Praefects downwards.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_553" id="Foot_553" href="#Ref_553">[553]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, i, 25, 28; iii, 31, etc. Procopius (De Bel. Goth., iv, 22) -remarks that the Romans were proud of their buildings and took great -care of them.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_554" id="Foot_554" href="#Ref_554">[554]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, i, 20; iii, 51, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_555" id="Foot_555" href="#Ref_555">[555]</a> -A small part of southern France, modern Provence.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_556" id="Foot_556" href="#Ref_556">[556]</a> -Procopius, De Bel. Goth., i, 11-14, whence the narrative proceeds -as below.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_557" id="Foot_557" href="#Ref_557">[557]</a> -I forgot to mention that when Belisarius was merely on his way to -Naples, Ebrimuth, the son-in-law of Theodahad, came over to the Byzantines. -He was sent to CP., where he became a patrician, etc. There -were other unnecessary transfers of allegiance, showing that many of -the Goths were incapable of remaining true to themselves. In general, -indeed, the barbarians were dazzled by the glory of the Eastern Emperor, -and when they had been formed into cohorts under the title of -"Justinian's Goths," "Justinian's Vandals," etc., their ambition was -gratified to the utmost.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_558" id="Foot_558" href="#Ref_558">[558]</a> -Of the misery caused throughout Italy by the protracted war, Procopius -has some anecdotal illustrations to give about this time. In one -case a fugitive mother had to abandon her infant in its cradle, whereupon -the family goat, attracted by its wailing, entered the hut, and -managed to suckle the child effectively. This lasted for some time till the -villagers returned, when the maternal solicitude of the animal for its -anomalous nursling became a spectacle for exhibition in the district. As -agriculture was brought to a standstill in many places famine was often -urgent, and he mentions the instance of two women killing and eating -seventeen men whom they had received as guests, but they were -detected and killed by the eighteenth; De Bel. Goth., ii, 17, 20.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_559" id="Foot_559" href="#Ref_559">[559]</a> -It is curious that among the conquests of Narses in this campaign -should be mentioned "the island of the Vulsinian Lake," that is the -scene of Amalasuntha's death; Marcellinus Com., an. 538.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_560" id="Foot_560" href="#Ref_560">[560]</a> -At this date the French Kings alone, of the potentates outside the -Empire, issued a gold coinage bearing their own effigy. Even the -Shahinshah stamped his image on the silver currency only. The reason -of this restriction was that all but Byzantine gold, denoted by the figure -and superscription of the Eastern Emperor, was excluded from commerce -as suspect; Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iii, 33.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_561" id="Foot_561" href="#Ref_561">[561]</a> -Here we are informed that the Byzantine infantry used a trumpet -made of wood and leather, the cavalry one of brass. They were, however, -merely blown on occasion to make an impressive noise. Procopius -makes a great point of his having suggested that the latter should be -used to sound an attack, the former a recall. Belisarius summoned a military -meeting, and formally adopted his suggestion; De Bel. Goth., ii, 23.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_562" id="Foot_562" href="#Ref_562">[562]</a> -The description of Strabo (V, iii, 7) shows that Ravenna was a -town like modern Venice, built in the brackish lagoons on piles, etc. -While the vine flourished in the vicinity, potable water was scarce and -valuable. Hence the joke (Martial, iii, 56, 57) that wine was cheaper -than water at R. Sidonius Apol. (Epist., i, 5, 8, <i>c.</i> 470) inveighs against -the bad water, turbid canals, stinging gnats, incessant croaking of bullfrogs, -etc. But the sea was receding, and even at that time much new -land was being recovered from the water; Jordanes, De Reb. Get., 29.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_563" id="Foot_563" href="#Ref_563">[563]</a> -Procopius begins the third book of his Gothic War with this characterization -and eulogy of Belisarius.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_584" id="Page_584">{584}</a></span> - -<h2 class="nobreak">CHAPTER XI<br /> -<small>THE SECOND PERSIAN WAR: FALL OF ANTIOCH: MILITARY OPERATIONS IN LAZICA</small></h2> - -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap">WHILE Justinian was thus conquering in the West -and substituting his own rule for that of barbarian -potentates, the tide of war was rising in the East, and almost -similar disasters to those he was inflicting were impending -on the integral territory of the Empire.</p> - -<p>The triumphal progress of the Imperial arms in Africa -and Italy was watched with the keenest solicitude by Chosroes, -and he began to fear that the power and resources of -his hereditary rival were being so formidably increased that he -would soon be able to make an irresistible attack on his own -dominions. Even before the formalities of the Perpetual -Peace had been completely adjusted the news arrived of the -virtual subjugation of the Vandalic kingdom; and Chosroes, -while congratulating the Emperor by his legates, jestingly -put forward a claim to share in the spoils, which, he observed, -could not have been won but for his own ready -assent to the Roman suit for peace. Justinian, however, -took his banter seriously, and presented him with a large -sum of money as a conciliatory gift.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_564" id="Ref_564" href="#Foot_564">[564]</a></span></p> - -<p>Chosroes is represented by the historian of the period as -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_585" id="Page_585">{585}</a></span> -a man who talked humanity and philosophy in a most engaging -manner, but with treacherous intent, and who never -failed to take advantage of his opponents after he had lulled -their suspicions by an outward show of sympathy and benevolence.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_565" id="Ref_565" href="#Foot_565">[565]</a></span> -Whatever his individual inclination may have -been in 539 as to the expediency of entering on a war with -the Empire, ample incitement from without was not wanting -to induce him to bend his mind intently to the question. -While Vitigis was struggling to retain his kingdom the -natives of Roman Armenia were in revolt against Justinian's -newly imposed taxes and stricter system of local government.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_566" id="Ref_566" href="#Foot_566">[566]</a></span> -Hoping to divert the armaments of the Emperor -from themselves, both parties successively sent legations to -Chosroes urging that in his own interest he should make -war on their oppressor. If he did not take up arms in time, -they argued, his encroachments would continue unchecked, -and Persia would shortly find that no option was left to her -but that of being devoured last. To such representations -the Persian monarch was quickly responsive, and in each -instance the emissaries departed feeling satisfied that their -object had been attained.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_567" id="Ref_567" href="#Foot_567">[567]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_586" id="Page_586">{586}</a></span> -In the autumn of 539 Chosroes made up his mind to -wage war with the Romans, and cast about him for some -plausible pretext to begin his military operations. He -accused Justinian of tampering with the allegiance of his -Saracenic ally Alamundar by pecuniary inducements, of -bribing the Huns to invade Persia, and finally he instigated -the Arab sheikh to make a raid into Syria in order to provoke -a declaration of war from his rival. Justinian, however, was -very anxious to keep the peace, and addressed a dignified -expostulation to the Persian Court, in which he exhorted -the Shahinshah to deal with him in good faith. To this -appeal Chosroes deigned no reply, but retained the ambassador -till he had matured his preparations for invading the -Empire. In the spring of 540 he crossed the Euphrates in -great force, and advanced along the river for four hundred -miles until he arrived in the vicinity of Callinicum. During -the latter third of this march he was on Roman territory, -where he exacted a pecuniary ransom from some small towns, -and destroyed others. At this point he dismissed Justinian's -legate, telling him simply to go and inform his master in -what part of the world he had left Chosroes, the son of -Cavades.</p> - -<p>The whole of Syria was now at the mercy of the Persian -King, and deputies arrived on all sides to inquire what -amount he would accept in order to leave their districts unmolested. -A small force stationed at Hierapolis was deserted -by its commander, Buzes, who disappeared suddenly and -forgot to leave his address. Chosroes soon appeared before -the walls, but he allowed himself to be bought off for two -thousand pounds of silver; and from thence he proceeded -further on his depredations, but his price rose as he went -along. At Beroea, a much smaller place, having been paid -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_587" id="Page_587">{587}</a></span> -a similar sum, he demanded more, and, in default, ended by -sacking and burning the town. At the same time he was -convened by a bishop on the part of the Antiochians, who -offered him a thousand pounds of gold (£40,000) to quit -the country. To these terms he agreed, but when the bishop -returned to Antioch to clinch the bargain, he found that -legates had arrived from Constantinople, who issued a -prohibition against the Syrians continuing to buy back the -Emperor's cities from the Persian monarch. Having received -an intimation, therefore, consonant to this decree, Chosroes -marched with all speed against the city.</p> - -<p>Antioch, with a previous history of eight centuries, was -the great commercial emporium between the Far East and -the West; and it is supposed that the term Ta-Thsin,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_568" id="Ref_568" href="#Foot_568">[568]</a></span> -which represents the Roman Empire in Chinese annals, is a -travesty of the proper name of the overflowing Syrian mart, -of which alone they had any practical cognizance. Under the -Empire, its history is especially dignified by the names of -Julian, Libanius, and Chrysostom. But it must have been -shorn of much of its splendour by the disastrous earthquake -of 526, an account of which has been given on a previous -page.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_569" id="Ref_569" href="#Foot_569">[569]</a></span></p> - -<p>The city was situated in a plain about two miles wide -between the Orontes and Mount Casius. On the north the -river, which flowed past the walls, afforded adequate protection, -but on the south two spurs from the mountain projected -to such an extent that part of the city was built on -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_588" id="Page_588">{588}</a></span> -their declivities and in the valley between them. On that -side, consequently, the fortifications were disposed in two -loops, which rose over the hills with a dip in the interspace. -The moment information as to the hostile irruption was -conveyed to Justinian, he sent his nephew, Germanus, with -a small brigade, to the seat of war, promising him that large -forces should follow with the least possible delay. On his -arrival, Germanus inspected the fortifications, and observed -that on the summit of one of the hills masses of rock arose -at a short distance outside the walls, which they almost -equalled in height. Hence an enemy, by occupying this -elevation, could dominate that part of the town. He advised, -therefore, that a deep foss should be excavated so as to -render the walls inaccessible on that aspect, or that a huge -tower conjoined to the wall should be built opposite the -rocks, which could thus be rendered untenable by showers -of missiles. The local engineers, however, decided that -there was no time to undertake works of such magnitude, -whilst an unfinished attempt would only advertise the enemy -as to the weak point in the line of defence. Shortly afterwards, -Germanus, having no news of a Byzantine army being -on the route, retired into Cilicia, giving as his reason that -the presence of a prince of the blood would be an incentive -to Chosroes to exert all his force to capture the city.</p> - -<p>When Chosroes reached Antioch, he was still willing to -accept a ransom, but the citizens were now in no mood -to meet his proposals. A certain number, the most timid, -had already fled, but those who remained were suddenly -reassured by the arrival of six thousand troops from the -south under the military governors of Libanus. Having -encamped his army along the Orontes, the Shah sent forward -an interpreter to interrogate the municipality as to a -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_589" id="Page_589">{589}</a></span> -ransom, but a mob congregated on the walls immediately -overwhelmed him with jeers and insults; and shortly he had -to run for his life in order to escape from a shower of stones. -Burning with resentment, Chosroes now commanded that -the siege should be pressed on all sides with the utmost -ardour. He himself, with the most strenuous body of troops -he could select, ascended the southern hill, where he took up -his position on the rocky plateau, from whence, with all the -advantage of being on level ground, his men began to discharge -their arrows with tireless energy against the defenders -of the wall. On their side the garrison had improvised a -means of doubling their powers of resistance by erecting a -wooden platform above the battlements in the interspace -between the pair of towers which confronted the threatening -ridge of rock. From thence soldiers commingled with citizen -volunteers, in superimposed ranks, launched their darts -against the enemy. The battle with missiles raged hotly for -some time, when suddenly the wooden platform, imperfectly -sustained, gave way with a loud crash, and precipitated all -those who were supported by it to the ground. A senseless -panic then ensued, a cry was raised that the Persians had -forced the wall and were pouring into the city, whereupon -the newly-arrived garrison descended and leaped on to their -horses, which were tethered below, and rushed to the gate -of Daphne on the opposite side of the town. Their leaders -rode at their head, and, wishing to get away without hindrance, -scattered the news that Buzes was at hand with an -army of relief, which they were hastening to admit into the -city. But the citizens thronged after them excitedly, and a -fatal crush occurred in the vicinity of the gate, where people -of all ages were trampled to death by the horses of the -flying cavalry.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_590" id="Page_590">{590}</a></span> -In the meantime the Persians, seeing the walls deserted, -brought up ladders, and, ascending in great numbers, took -possession of the battlements. There they remained for -some time, for Chosroes, seated outside on a high tower, -having noticed the flight of the military, thought it wisest to -give them time to evacuate the city, instead of provoking -them to rally by an untimely attack. As soon as the tumult -appeared to have subsided, the Persians began to descend -and make their way into the level part of the city with some -difficulty, as the tract adjoining the south wall inside consisted -for the most part of precipitous crags. In a short -time, however, they unexpectedly found themselves in conflict -with a large mass of the youth of Antioch, members of -the Circus factions, who had assembled in the Forum, some -armed in military fashion, others provided only with stones. -The first bands of the Orientals were severely repulsed, and -already the Syrio-Greeks began to sing the pæan of "Justinian -the Victor," when large forces arrived and extinguished -their resistance. A ruthless massacre then followed, -neither age nor sex being spared, until the Shah thought fit -to give the signal for its cessation.</p> - -<p>Previous to the commencement of the siege, the Roman -legates had been received in the Persian camp, where they -vainly endeavoured to dissuade Chosroes from continuing -the war. He now summoned them to his presence, and, in -a lacrymose tone, delivered a homily on the diversified -nature of human fortune. The ruin of this noble capital, he -remarked, was a sad spectacle, which he had done all in his -power to prevent. By their rash defence with unequal forces, -the citizens had brought this calamity on themselves, but he -had restrained the incensed soldiery and given time for great -numbers to escape. The arrogance of mortals, he continued, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_591" id="Page_591">{591}</a></span> -was visited with condign punishment by the Deity, who -sought to restrain them from encroaching beyond their -proper sphere. He pointed at Justinian, on whom he cast -the whole onus of originating the war. But to his hearers it -seemed that only wanton aggression had impelled him on -this campaign, whilst all understood that he had delayed -the assault discreetly lest his own army should incur needless -risk.</p> - -<p>The fate of Antioch was presently decided. All the -remaining inhabitants were seized as captives, and the -buildings were given over to pillage and fire. Treasures of -gold and silver and works of art in marble were accumulated -for the special benefit of the Shah, who departed, leaving -incendiaries in the city to complete the task of destruction. -Ultimately, however, Chosroes showed himself as a benignant -master of the Antiochians whom he had carried off. In the -vicinity of Ctesiphon he built a new city, to which he gave -the name of Chosroantioch, and furnished it with everything -appertaining to a Roman town, including a circus and -public baths. Here the captives were housed under the eye -of the monarch himself, with no intermediary satrap, and -endowed with many privileges which were not enjoyed by -his Persian subjects. Moreover, if any of the relatives of the -inhabitants, who had been enslaved, succeeded in escaping -to this town, they were granted a permanent asylum, so that -their masters could not reclaim them, even should they be -nobles of the court.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_570" id="Ref_570" href="#Foot_570">[570]</a></span></p> - -<p>It might be said, without much sacrifice of accuracy, that -the war which had now broken out between Rome and -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_592" id="Page_592">{592}</a></span> -Persia only terminated a century later, when the Sassanian -dynasty was extinguished by the votaries of Mohammed. -There were interruptions to hostilities, vicissitudes in the -martial relations of the two empires, yet no stable peace. -But the Saracens then became the neighbours of Rome on -the Euphrates, as they had always previously been on the -Arabian frontiers; and, viewing the conflict as one between -East and West, between Grecian and Oriental civilization, we -might traverse a millennium and aver that the war never -ended until 1453, when Mohammed II made his victorious -entry into Constantinople. Henceforward Justinian was -almost perpetually engaged in desultory and indecisive military -operations on the eastern marches; and the repair of -damages inflicted by his restless compeer constituted a -permanent drain on the resources of the Empire.</p> - -<p>After this signal success there was a lull in the activity of -Chosroes, and he showed a disposition to grant a peace. -He discussed the subject with the Byzantine envoys, and -finally dismissed them with a precise statement as to what -terms he would accept.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_571" id="Ref_571" href="#Foot_571">[571]</a></span> He then took a pleasure trip to the -sea at Seleucia, the port of Antioch, visited the grove of -Daphne, after which his greed for acquisition returned, and -he bethought himself of the rich city of Apamea, which was -in the vicinity. He appeared before the gates, but, as an -informal truce was supposed to be in existence, he professed -himself to be an amicable visitor, desirous only of viewing -the objects of interest in the town. He was admitted with -a guard of cavalry, and presided in the Circus in imitation -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_593" id="Page_593">{593}</a></span> -of the Byzantine autocrat. Hearing that Justinian favoured -the Blues, he announced himself in opposition as a partisan -of the Greens. As, however, his temper was uncertain, it -was thought prudent to conciliate him with a gift of a -thousand pounds of silver before his departure; but, still -insatiate, he insisted also in appropriating the treasures of -the cathedral.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_572" id="Ref_572" href="#Foot_572">[572]</a></span> He now discarded all respect for the peace -negotiations, and resumed his career of subjugation. Ransoms -were exacted as before, and he decided on the blockade -of Edessa, but was deterred by the evil omen of a boil on -his cheek. He then laid siege to Dara, and drove a tunnel -beneath the walls. His design, however, was betrayed, and -frustrated by a counterwork on the part of the besieged, -whereupon he abandoned the enterprise and returned to -Persia for the winter.</p> - -<p>Justinian now repudiated the peace convention, which -had been made by his legates, on the ground that Chosroes -had violated the conditions; and in the spring of 541 Belisarius -arrived at Dara to organize the defences of the country. -The result of a military council was an advance, with -all the forces which could be mustered, on Nisibis. Here -the usual round of skirmishes were fought outside the walls, -but at length it was decided that the fortress was impregnable, -and the Roman army retired. A conflict with the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_594" id="Page_594">{594}</a></span> -Shah had been expected, but he was reported to be occupied -with a Hunnish incursion, and did not make his appearance -on the Euphrates this year. After directing some raids on -Persian territory, in the course of which Sisauranum, an -important fortress, with its garrison, was captured, Belisarius -returned to Constantinople for the winter. Arethas, the -Saracen sheikh, with a large following, took part in this -expedition, and even crossed the Tigris into Assyria; but, -being ill-directed and supported, rendered little effective -service. The Persian soldiers who had been taken as -prisoners of war, about eight hundred in number,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_573" id="Ref_573" href="#Foot_573">[573]</a></span> were sent -to Italy, there to do duty as combatants against the Goths.</p> - -<p>In the meantime Chosroes had really absented himself on -an expedition which he had undertaken insidiously against -Byzantine commerce in the Euxine Sea. After the Lazi -and Iberians had taken refuge in the arms of Rome, -Justinian had proceeded to make his suzerainty practical by -building a strong fortress on the coast of Lazica. Founded -among inaccessible rocks, and approachable from the plain -on one side only, this stronghold received the appropriate -name of Petra. A pair of military Dukes, distinguished as -usual for rapacity, were placed in charge, and they immediately -created a monopoly in their own favour of the imports -by sea, on which the Lazi were almost wholly dependent. -The region, in fact, was devoid of agricultural produce and -salt.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_574" id="Ref_574" href="#Foot_574">[574]</a></span> For such necessaries -they bartered slaves and skins. -Soon the fiscal oppression became so intolerable that -deputies were secretly despatched to implore the Persian -King to take up arms on behalf of the Lazi and expel the -Romans. Chosroes seized the opportunity, and, giving out -that he was marching against the Huns, proceeded with a -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_595" id="Page_595">{595}</a></span> -numerous army to the occupation of Lazica. The country -was shut in by precipitous mountains, but level passes -existed, which, however, were blocked by a dense forest. -With the aid of native guides and a strong body of pioneers, -a route was quickly opened; and Gubazes, the King, met -and adored the Shah on his arrival. The Persians poured in -rapidly and disposed themselves for an assault on Petra. -At the onset they suffered severely through a ruse of the -Byzantine commandant, who withdrew all his men from the -battlements so as to give the fortress a deserted appearance. -The Orientals, therefore, crowded up carelessly, and began -to arrange their siege engines in suitable positions, when -suddenly the gates were flung open, and the garrison, -charging impetuously, drove them back with great slaughter. -Within a few days, however, the resourceful author of this -success was slain by an arrow, and thereafter the defence -became languid and ineffective. Two great towers were the -chief bulwarks of the town, and the Persians, without being -observed, bored a tunnel which terminated under the base -of one of them. Then the stone foundations were cautiously -removed and substituted by a mass of inflammable wood. -On fire being applied, the ponderous pile soon collapsed; -whereupon the besieged gladly accepted the terms offered -them to surrender. The treasures of John Tzibus—such was -the name of the Duke who had been in command—which -he had amassed by his extortions to a large amount, fell -into the hands of the victor, who then evacuated the principality, -leaving a Persian garrison in the fortress. Chosroes -was now in a position to ruin Byzantine commerce in the -Euxine, but it was first essential that he should build a fleet -in order to make his conquest of Petra effective for the purpose. -In order to guard his retreat during this expedition, -the Shah had impelled an irruption of Huns into Roman -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_596" id="Page_596">{596}</a></span> -Armenia, but they were met and defeated by the Master of -Soldiers in that region, who, however, neglected to follow -up his success, being ignorant or misdirected as to the -opportunity of intercepting the Persians on their way through -the mountain passes of Lazica.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_575" id="Ref_575" href="#Foot_575">[575]</a></span></p> - -<p>The insufficiency of the Byzantine forces in the East was -such that next year (542), when Belisarius returned to the -seat of war, he was obliged to trust to a ruse to stop the progress -of the Persian army. Chosroes again led the invasion, -and this time with Jerusalem as the object of his cupidity, -when he heard that a Roman camp had been formed on the -river, south of the frontier, so as to intercept him should he -return by his usual line of march. Thereupon he sent an -exploratory legation, ostensibly to interrogate the Master of -Soldiers as to Justinian's intentions with respect to a treaty. -Having named a day for their reception, Belisarius advanced -from his camp accompanied by six thousand of his tallest -soldiers, chosen from as many diverse nationalities as possible. -When the time of meeting was at hand, he appeared -reclining in an extemporized tent, as if resting after a hunting -expedition, whilst in various directions, as far as the eye -could reach, were seen Thracians, Mysians, Goths, Herules, -Vandals, and Moors, all in undress, hurrying to and fro, -seemingly busied with matters relating only to the chase. -On the opposite side of the river a thousand cavalry were -disposed, making as much show as possible by their evolutions. -When the Persians came up, Belisarius, regarding -them in a questioning manner, with an air of repellant surprise, -inquired what might be the object of their visit to his -camp. At the same time the men, passing and repassing, -one with a horse-whip, another with an axe, a sword, or a -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_597" id="Page_597">{597}</a></span> -bow, gave them a look of careless and contemptuous scrutiny, -and went on as if too intent on their occupation to notice -them any further. In reply to the general, the chief legate -said that the Shah was indignant at Justinian's not having -sent an ambassador with a definite answer as to the proposed -treaty. "It is not customary," said Belisarius in a haughty -tone, "for people to act like Chosroes—to invade a neighbouring -kingdom with a great army, and then to inquire -what pacific measures would be most acceptable. Withdraw -your forces; we decline to treat with you unless upon equal -terms." Making a gesture of dismissal, he then turned -away and began to occupy himself with something else.</p> - -<p>Duly impressed by this burlesque, the envoy reported to -Chosroes that he had never met a general so decided and -authoritative, nor seen soldiers of such splendid proportions, -whilst the main army must be very numerous, since so many -could be out of arms at one time as a mere hunting party. -Moved by this report, the Shah thought it prudent to retreat -across the Euphrates at the spot where he found himself instead -of retracing his usual route to Ctesiphon. Thus was -Palestine saved; and by many Belisarius was credited with a -finer achievement than when he led Gelimer or Vitigis captive -to Constantinople. Yet it was the last occasion on which he -held a command in the Orient; and his activities in future -were to be confined to Italy and the vicinity of the capital. -Even on this occasion, however, the Persian monarch did -not regain his capital empty handed, but, finding on his way -back that Callinicus was poorly fortified, he took it by a -sudden assault, and made a clean sweep of everything worth -removing from the site.</p> - -<p>During the following year, owing to the prevalence of a -fatal epidemic, Chosroes remained inactive; but the Romans -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_598" id="Page_598">{598}</a></span> -penetrated into Persarmenia, where they carried on the war -with little success, and sustained at least one decisive defeat. -In 544, however, the Shah again emerged from his boundaries, -this time resolved on the capture of Edessa, a city -which affirmed itself to possess a direct guarantee from the -Deity that it would never be taken by an enemy, and a -passage to that effect from a letter, said to have been written -by Jesus to Abgar, a former ruler, was inscribed over the -gates. But Chosroes was ambitious of disproving the validity -of this safeguard, and, therefore, set about beleaguering the -city in a manner which should exclude the possibility of -being unsuccessful. His ardour in this undertaking was -sustained by the fanaticism of the Magi, who, having adored -Jesus at his birth, ever afterwards regarded him as an impostor -most obnoxious to their religion. A preliminary -skirmish, however, having turned out unfavourably for his -arms, he began to dread the disgrace of failure, and proposed -a ransom; but the amount was so exorbitant that the citizens -elected rather to endure a siege. Preparations for capture -were, therefore, pushed on energetically; and first of all the -Persians began to construct an immense quadrangular -mound, from the flat top of which they intended to dominate -the city with their missiles. Trunks of trees, stones, and -earth were congested together, in the beginning at a distance -beyond bow-shot from the walls, but as the work progressed -towards the town, the builders became attainable by -the arrows and engines of the garrison. The discharge was -at first effective, especially that of flaming darts, but the -Orientals soon erected huge screens made of hides, under -cover of which they were able to work in safety. The -citizens now became seriously alarmed, and sent a further -deputation to Chosroes, but in vain, fifty thousand pounds -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_599" id="Page_599">{599}</a></span> -of gold (£4,000,000) being the lowest price he would -accept to raise the siege. All hope of an accommodation -being now lost, the engineers of the city began to devise -means to counteract the hostile operations. First they tried -to raise a mound, conjoined to the walls, to oppose that of -the enemy, but the task proved to be beyond their powers, -and so they desisted. Then they bored a tunnel, which -reached as far as the centre of the mound, designing to -destroy it by fire from below, but the Persian sentinels heard -the excavators at work, and the scheme was frustrated by a -counterboring. Another tunnel, which only attained the -proximate part of the mound, was achieved with better success, -and a cavern was hollowed out, into which a vast -quantity of dry wood impregnated with oil, sulphur, and -bitumen was introduced. Here a fire was kept burning constantly -by fresh supplies, whilst the enemy's attention was -diverted from the rising smoke by an incessant discharge of -blazing arrows and pitch-pots. After some days, however, -as the fire pervaded the viscera of the mound, volumes of -smoke betrayed the real nature of the conflagration. The -Persians then essayed to extinguish it with earth and water, -but, failing to check it, they decided to abandon this siege -work. A surprise attack by night with ladders was the next -manœuvre, but the Romans were too vigilant, and the coup -only led to a slaughterous repulse. During the whole period -of the beleaguerment, sallies were regularly organized by the -garrison, and generally with considerable loss to the besiegers. -Finally Chosroes nerved himself to make a supreme effort -with all his powers to storm the city. With this object in -view, myriads of adobes were moulded and laid over the top -of the smouldering mound. The assault was begun in the -early morning, and at first bid fair to be successful, the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_600" id="Page_600">{600}</a></span> -defenders of the wall being comparatively few; but, as the -day wore on, the whole effective population—men, women, -and children, crowded to the battlements. Then improvised -projectiles of every available substance were hurled, -cauldrons of oil were brought up and fired along the top of -the wall, and, with the aid of suitable sprinklers, drops of -the burning liquid were rained down on the escaladers. -After a prolonged and vigorous attack, the besiegers retired -and informed the Shah that they could make no headway. -He raged, and drove them back again; they returned to the -assault with reckless fury; ladders, towers, and engines of -every description were rushed up to the walls, but for the -second time the ceaseless torrent of missiles put them to -flight. Chosroes then resigned himself and left his post of -observation, while the townspeople hurled their taunts of -defiance after his retreating figure. The siege of Edessa had -failed; and, with the slight compensation of five hundred -pounds of gold (£20,000), he broke up his camp and -departed.</p> - -<p>Shortly after Justinian's legates again convened Chosroes -and in 545 he granted a truce for five years in exchange for -two thousand pounds of gold (£80,000), and a Greek -physician, whose skill had formerly relieved him from a -painful malady.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_576" id="Ref_576" href="#Foot_576">[576]</a></span> Yet such was his ill faith that when he sent -a plenipotentiary to conclude the pact at Constantinople, he -commissioned him to attempt the capture of Dara, while on -his way, by a stratagem. But for the wariness of the inhabitants -of that fortress, the emissary would have gained -admission with a large retinue, fired the houses in the night, -and opened the gates to the army of Nisibis, which was to -lie in waiting outside the walls.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_601" id="Page_601">{601}</a></span> -Notwithstanding the establishment of peaceful relations, -a desultory warfare was still carried on in Lazica. A twelve-month's -experience of Persian domination convinced the -Lazi that there was something even worse than Byzantine -extortion, and they prayed to be received again into the fold -of a nation which was at least Christian like themselves. -Nor could the Romans endure the loss of Petra, but sent an -expeditionary force into the country to retake it. They were -opposed by a Persian army, and for many years the principality -was the scene of numerous petty successes and defeats. -Chosroes imported a large quantity of material for -the purpose of building a fleet on the Euxine, but it was -suddenly consumed by lightning, whence it happened that -the command of the sea in these regions was never obtained -by the Persians.</p> - -<p>Intermittently the siege of Petra was pressed for eight -years before the stronghold again came into the hands of the -Byzantines (551). The successful general was Bessas, who, -though above seventy years of age, was the first to ascend -the scaling ladders at the last assault. The defence of the -fortress had been persisted in by the Persians with extraordinary -fortitude; and out of seven hundred and thirty -men of the garrison, who were taken prisoners, it was found -that only eighteen had not received a wound. Five hundred -of the survivors took refuge in the citadel, and in spite of an -earnest exhortation by Bessas, preferred death by fire to -surrender; whence all of these perished in the flames with -which the Romans consumed the buildings. The fortress contained -a store of provisions calculated to last for five years, -and the reserve of arms and armour would have sufficed to -fit out each man of the garrison five times over. But the -captors were chiefly amazed at seeing a copious flow issuing -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_602" id="Page_602">{602}</a></span> -from an aqueduct, although every channel of water supply -had apparently been cut off. In the only possible track a -surface conduit had been divided, but for long afterwards -no signs could be detected of a lack of water in the town. -Evidently there must be a second supply; they dug down -and came on an underground conduit beneath the first, and -that also was severed. Only after the capture of the fortress -was it discovered that at a still greater depth a third watercourse -for the supply of the inhabitants had been constructed. -Petra was now abolished by Bessas, who razed -every building to the ground level, and departed with his -prisoners to the capital.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_577" id="Ref_577" href="#Foot_577">[577]</a></span></p> - -<p>Two years after the beginning of this war an outbreak of -bubonic plague, the first circumstantially recorded in history, -was manifested in the Eastern Hemisphere. The -phenomena of the disease were first noted at Pelusium, -whence it spread throughout Egypt on the one hand, and -Asia Minor on the other. In the spring of the next year -(543) it reached Constantinople, where it raged for four -months. At first few persons were stricken, but the epidemic -became intensified gradually, until at the height of its -virulence as many as ten thousand victims died in one day. -The cessation of all normal activities of social life, and -the changed aspect of the Imperial capital have been described -by Procopius,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_578" id="Ref_578" href="#Foot_578">[578]</a></span> who was present there at the time. -Deserted streets, except for those hurrying to bury the dead -without religious rites; the oppletion of all ordinary sepulchres -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_603" id="Page_603">{603}</a></span> -and cemeteries; the digging of graves in every available -patch of ground in the suburbs; the ultimate difficulty -of disposing of the corpses by any recognized method, when -some were projected into the sea, and others were hurled -down the wall towers of Sycae, the roofs having been temporarily -removed for the purpose; the stench afterwards -pervading the city when the wind set from that quarter; the -wailing of the bereaved and the fearful who betook themselves -to the churches; the opulent households in which -sometimes a few slaves were the sole survivors of the -family; the dying left untended and those who fell dead in -the thoroughfares while conveying their relatives to the -tomb; finally the obliteration of the feud between the Circus -factions, and their dejectedly working in harmony for -the removal of their own dead and those of others; such -were the main features which denoted the state of hopeless -desolation prevailing during this calamitous visitation.</p> - -<p>The symptoms of this plague have been described by the -contemporary historian with an accuracy which leaves little -to be added by a modern physician having a clinical acquaintance -with the disease. In typical cases the victim at -some unexpected moment felt a sharp stab, almost invariably -in the groin or the axilla; whence the superstitious -declared that they had seen a demon who at the critical instant -approached and struck them. Fever, with the development -of a bubo at the sensitive spot, rapidly set in; coma -or delirium then supervened, and death occurred in three or -four days. Black patches often appeared on the body, and -were premonitory of an immediately fatal ending. Among -the worst signs, vomiting or spitting of blood was also observed. -In the most violent attacks the patient without -warning fell down in contortions and died before other -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_604" id="Page_604">{604}</a></span> -symptoms became apparent. Some rushed madly through -the street, others flung themselves from windows or roofs. -The disease was not contagious, and those who handled the -infected bodies were not on that account more liable to be -seized. Recovery was forecasted by ripening and suppuration -of the buboes, whilst indolence of those tumours was -surely indicative of a fatal termination. The medical faculty -dissected the corpses with assiduity, but found neither explanation -nor remedy. In their prognosis also they were -often wrong, some recovering whom they had given up, and -others dying, of whom they had entertained the best hopes. -Having once manifested itself, the plague became endemic, -and more than half a century afterwards continued to be -one of the chief causes of mortality.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_579" id="Ref_579" href="#Foot_579">[579]</a></span></p> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_564" id="Foot_564" href="#Ref_564">[564]</a> -Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 26.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_565" id="Foot_565" href="#Ref_565">[565]</a> -Procopius, De Bel. Pers., ii, 9. The veneration of the Persians for -truth has been referred to in a former chapter, but in actual fact deceitfulness -was a prominent characteristic of the nation. Thus Horace alludes -to the "lying Persians" ("infidi Persae," Od., iv, 15) as the verdict -of common experience. Truth was rare and precious in Persia, and -esteemed accordingly. The opinions of modern travellers coincide. See -Müller, Encycl. Brit., xxii, p. 663; cf. Palgrave, <i>Ibid.</i>, ii, p. 248.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_566" id="Foot_566" href="#Ref_566">[566]</a> -In this rebellion they managed to kill Sittas, Theodora's brother-in-law, -and, it was said, by the hand of Artabanes, who joined the -Imperial service soon after, and so much distinguished himself in Africa. -See p. 522.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_567" id="Foot_567" href="#Ref_567">[567]</a> -Procopius, De Bel. Pers., ii, 2, 3, whence the narrative proceeds as -below.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_568" id="Foot_568" href="#Ref_568">[568]</a> -See p. 193.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_569" id="Foot_569" href="#Ref_569">[569]</a> -Founded and developed by Macedonian Kings of Syria, beginning -at 300 <small>B.C.</small> For a full history, see Mülller, Antiq. Antioch., Götting., -1839. For a topographical and sociological account the bulk of the -materials are to be found in Libanius, Chrysostom, and Jn. Malala.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_570" id="Foot_570" href="#Ref_570">[570]</a> -On the taking of Antioch, etc., cf. Jn. Lydus, De Magistr., iii, 54. -Not a taxpayer was left in Syria, he says, but nevertheless the Rector -had to extort the revenue out of the province in some way.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_571" id="Foot_571" href="#Ref_571">[571]</a> -Five thousand pounds of gold (£200,000) paid down, and five -hundred (£20,000) annually. The latter was for the upkeep of the -Caspian gates, which he, like his father, chafed at having to guard -without specified assistance from the Romans; Procopius, <i>loc. cit.</i>, 10.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_572" id="Foot_572" href="#Ref_572">[572]</a> -Apamea was one of those places where a log of wood, said to be a -fragment of the true cross, was preserved and venerated. On this -occasion it was brought out and paraded, a miraculous light following -the Bishop as he went on his round with it; Procopius, <i>loc. cit.</i>, 11 (by -hearsay); Evagrius, iv, 26, who says he was taken to see it himself -when a schoolboy. Chosroes did not allow his soldiers unbounded -licence. Thus, when a citizen of Apamea complained that his daughter -had been ravished, he hanged the man, in spite of the prayers of his -comrades.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_573" id="Foot_573" href="#Ref_573">[573]</a> -Procopius, Anecd., 2.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_574" id="Foot_574" href="#Ref_574">[574]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, 15, 28.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_575" id="Foot_575" href="#Ref_575">[575]</a> -Procopius, Anecd., 2.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_576" id="Foot_576" href="#Ref_576">[576]</a> -Cf. Zachariah Myt., xii, 7.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_577" id="Foot_577" href="#Ref_577">[577]</a> -Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iv, 11, <i>et seq.</i>; where he continues his -history of the Persian war after the record closes in his work specified -to that subject.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_578" id="Foot_578" href="#Ref_578">[578]</a> -De Bel. Pers., 22 <i>et seq.</i> The great plague at Athens (430 <small>B.C.</small>) was -probably the same, but the historian (Thucydides, ii, 47, <i>et seq.</i>) does -not give the pathognomonic symptoms with exactitude.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_579" id="Foot_579" href="#Ref_579">[579]</a> -Evagrius, iv, 29. A long and lugubrious account of the plague is -given by John Ephes. (Hist. <i>ad calc.</i> Com., p. 227, <i>et seq.</i>), not only -at CP., but in Asia and Egypt. It lacks, however, the precision of -that of Procopius.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_605" id="Page_605">{605}</a></span> - -<h2 class="nobreak">CHAPTER XII<br /> -<small>PRIVATE LIFE IN THE IMPERIAL CIRCLE AND ITS DEPENDENCIES</small></h2> - -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap">WHILE the diplomacy of Justinian and the strategy -of Belisarius were apparently dictated only by -motives of state policy and military expediency, there were -private influences at work, which modified considerably the -execution of their projects. The feminine proclivities and -prejudices of Theodora and Antonina on more than one occasion -diverted both men from the course which their better -judgment inclined them to follow. Distinctive as were the -characters of the Emperor and his most renowned general, -in the quality of uxoriousness their similarity was complete. -In order that the power exercised by the women in question -over the destinies of the Empire at critical periods may be -realized, it is necessary to refer to some domestic incidents -which exemplify the extent of their conjugal gynarchy.</p> - -<p>When Belisarius and his wife set out for Africa they were -accompanied by a young Christian proselyte named Theodosius, -whom they had affiliated as their adopted son. Of -this youth Antonina became intensely enamoured, and succeeded -in establishing an illicit intercourse with him, which -was obvious to every member of the household except her -too trusting husband. During their stay at Carthage Belisarius -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_606" id="Page_606">{606}</a></span> -entered fortuitously a remote chamber of the palace, -where he surprised his wife in company with Theodosius, -whose dress was disordered in a manner which indicated -unmistakably the nature of their commerce. The general -was about to express himself indignantly, when Antonina, -with perfect assurance, explained: "I have just come here -with this young man in order to hide the most precious objects -in our share of the booty from the cupidity of the -Emperor." Her husband stifled his suspicions and, blind to -the evidence of his senses, retired submissively, leaving the -youth in the act of adjusting his clothing so as to accord -with the requirements of decency.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_580" id="Ref_580" href="#Foot_580">[580]</a></span></p> - -<p>This intrigue went on, therefore, indefinitely, but at Syracuse -a slave-girl, named Macedonia, vengeful or indignant, -revealed it in precise terms to Belisarius, and produced -two of her fellow-slaves to corroborate her evidence. The -general was convinced, and swore not to betray his informants; -and thereupon charged some of his military intimates -to make away with Theodosius. They, however, more -solicitous as to the favour of his wife, gave the paramour a -warning in consequence of which he fled to Ephesus.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_581" id="Ref_581" href="#Foot_581">[581]</a></span> At -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_607" id="Page_607">{607}</a></span> -the same time Antonina managed to persuade her husband -that she had been calumniated, with the result that he surrendered -the three witnesses to her discretion. They perished -by a cruel death at the hands of their mistress, who -killed them by torture, and had their bodies thrown into the -sea. In the next phase of the intrigue we see Antonina in -conflict with her son Photius, whose animosity against -Theodosius was such that the latter refused to return to the -embraces of his mistress unless he were expelled from the -household. This end was achieved by domestic persecution, -and the paramour was shortly afterwards reinstated with -the connivance of Belisarius himself. When the Master of -Soldiers was sent into Mesopotamia against Chosroes, Antonina, -contrary to precedent, remained at Constantinople -to enjoy the society of her lover. Dreading, however, the -interference of her son, she plotted to encompass his death. -In self-defence he brought forward irrefragable evidence of -the adulterous life that his mother was leading, whereupon -Belisarius engaged him by a solemn compact to punish the -enemy of his conjugal peace.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_582" id="Ref_582" href="#Foot_582">[582]</a></span> With this design Antonina -was summoned to join her husband, and consequently, as -had been foreseen, Theodosius betook himself to his retreat -at Ephesus, where he had attached himself to a religious -fraternity. Photius followed on and, having made himself -master of his person, caused him to be detained under strict -surveillance.</p> - -<p>It was in this year (541) that Chosroes undertook his -expedition into Lazica, thereby denuding Persia of his most -effective troops. For an enterprising Roman general the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_608" id="Page_608">{608}</a></span> -way lay open through the richest part of Assyria to Ctesiphon, -where were congregated the captives and spoils of -Antioch, within reach of a strategical march. But Belisarius -could not persuade himself to quit the vicinity of the -frontier, intent as he was on settling his relations with his -wife; and on hearing of her approach he retreated with his -forces to a position which enabled her to join him. Subsequent -events in this connection now become merged in -occurrences which I have yet to relate.</p> - -<p>Chosroes, on his side simultaneously, was beset with untoward -circumstances. Owing to the barren nature of Lazica -his army was ill provided with necessaries, and many of his -soldiers had perished through disease and want. A mutinous -spirit became rife, and during their retreat, hearing of the -successes of Belisarius and Valerian, they feared to be cut -off in the rocky passes commanded by heights accessible to -a hostile force. The Shah was assailed with reproaches for -having entered unadvisedly on a war with a nation of so -much political competency, and he began to be alarmed for -the security of his throne. In this strait his good fortune -had provided him with a remedy of a peculiar kind, which -emanated from the assumption and indiscretion of the -Byzantine Empress herself. Zaberganes, his most influential -adviser, had received a letter from Theodora, to whom he -was personally known, imploring him to incline his master -to grant considerate terms of peace. "Should you achieve -this object," she added, "I can promise you a splendid -recompense on the part of my husband, who is absolutely -dependent on my advice." Having read this epistle Chosroes -inquired of his staff whether a state could be efficiently -governed in which a woman exercised such a preposterous -ascendancy. They agreed unanimously that such an adversary -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_609" id="Page_609">{609}</a></span> -did not deserve to be considered seriously, and acquitted -the Shah of having acted rashly in embarking on a war with -them. Confident, therefore, in the imbecility of the Byzantines, -they resumed their march and soon arrived safely -within the borders of their own country.</p> - -<p>So far in the course of my narrative we have often seen -the names of Theodora and Antonina coupled together, but -merely in juxtaposition. As I proceed in my attempt to -elucidate the sequence of events we shall arrive at a point -of time when their lives actually become mingled. Some -retrogression, however, is necessary in order to enter on the -political track of Theodora nearer its beginning before we -can reach those entanglements in her secret machinations -where concerted action between the two women becomes -apparent. I have already alluded cursorily to the circumstances -under which Queen Amalasuntha met her death,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_583" id="Ref_583" href="#Foot_583">[583]</a></span> -but the most effective cause of that crime was one which -remained hidden from the public. In addition to her royal -descent, which was derived from a long line of kingly ancestors, -the Gothic queen was a woman of great personal -charm, of cultivated mind, and of an age scarcely exceeding -that of the Eastern Empress. Justinian was much impressed -at the prospect of a princess of her rank placing herself -under his protection, and he prepared a temporary establishment -at Epidamnus, in a style suitable to her dignity, in -anticipation of her being obliged to fly from the soil of -Italy. Later on he expected to receive her at Constantinople, -where he doubtless intended that she should be housed -permanently in one of the palaces adjacent to the Court. -This project, so grateful to the Emperor, was viewed with -more than equal abhorrence by his consort. That Amalasuntha, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_610" id="Page_610">{610}</a></span> -pre-eminent by her birth, her talents, and her -beauty, would receive unremitting homage and admiration -from Justinian and his nobles, and eclipse the Empress in -her own halls, might be foreseen as an inevitable result of -such an arrangement. While this affair was under consideration, -and might at any moment be realized, another -woman appeared on the scene, to whom the rivalry of the -Gothic queen was at once as odious as it threatened to -become to Theodora herself. Gudelina, the wife of Theodahad, -participating in her husband's elevation, assumed -the attributes of royalty at the Court of Ravenna, where she -immediately found herself outshone by her brilliant cousin, -whose prerogatives and merits were so much superior to her -own. An instinctive alliance between the two women, the -sting to whose vanities was projected from the same source, -was quickly formed. Letters passed between them, cautiously -expressed, but clear to the mind of each; and -Theodora infused some of her own determination into the -mind of the nominal queen in the West.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_584" id="Ref_584" href="#Foot_584">[584]</a></span> The details of the -plot which ensued are lost to us, and we can only see that -the daughter of Theodoric, probably without apprehensions -as regards those for whom she had been the author of fortune, -was ensnared by a coalition of her foes, and under -some specious pretence deported from her own court. By -this consummation the Gothic clique might, perhaps, have -been appeased; but the Empress was no advocate of half -measures, and when Peter departed on his embassy to Ravenna -he was intrusted by her with a secret mandate to -encompass the death of Amalasuntha. Instead, therefore, -of acting on behalf of Justinian, he obeyed Theodora, and -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_611" id="Page_611">{611}</a></span> -through his insidious counsels the unfortunate princess -perished forthwith in her obscure prison.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_585" id="Ref_585" href="#Foot_585">[585]</a></span></p> - -<p>Hitherto Theodora and Antonina had pursued their respective -courses at a distance from each other, but they -were on convergent paths, which after the outbreak of the -Gothic war necessarily became united. Although she had -previously viewed her with dislike, the Empress now found -that the wife of Belisarius was the only congenial agent she -could employ for the furtherance of her underhand designs. -Whether through policy or prejudice, Theodora had always -been a zealous partisan of the Monophysite sect, and she -was anxious to wring some concessions from the Catholics, -which should conduce to the union of Christendom. To -promote a willing instrument to the Papal chair was the -leading move towards this end; and as a first step Silverius -had to be removed to make room for such a pliable occupant. -After the capture of Rome the opportunity occurred, -and the commission was given to Antonina. By her artifices -the Pope was accused of collusion with the Goths and -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_612" id="Page_612">{612}</a></span> -banished to the lonely isle of Palmaria. There shortly afterwards -he ended his life at the hands of an assassin suborned -by the same intriguant. By her address and success on this -occasion Antonina conquered the favour of the Empress, -who for the future deigned to make use of her whenever -some object had to be attained by means of bold and deceitful -assurance. Her skill in such diplomacy was soon to -be tested in a more delicate enterprise.</p> - -<p>On his restoration to office after the Nika riot John of -Cappadocia attained to the summit of his power. He accumulated -wealth to a prodigious amount, and at length his -mind became inflated by the possession of vast resources to -such an extent that he deemed nothing less than the purple -to be an adequate reward of his merit. He had recourse to -soothsayers, who predicted for him the highest fortune he -could desire; and he displayed himself to an expectant -element of the populace in dazzling apparel and surrounded -by extraordinary state. To publish his importance to the -utmost he went on a progress through the Orient, where he -enthralled the vulgar by his magnificence, and appalled the -sober-minded by the unscrupulousness of his extortions. -Having fulfilled his purpose by this expedition, he returned -to the capital, and made a triumphal entry escorted, or -rather borne along, by a pageant of female nudity, thinly -veiled by a diaphanous material which exposed more than -it concealed of their beauties.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_586" id="Ref_586" href="#Foot_586">[586]</a></span></p> - -<p>Notwithstanding his singular talents and versatility in -devising expedients, there was one relationship in which -John showed himself to be obtuse and indiscreet in the -highest degree. Overpowered by his own conceit, and feeling -that the Emperor reposed unlimited confidence in him, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_613" id="Page_613">{613}</a></span> -he was unable to appreciate the fact that Theodora exercised -a boundless dominion over her husband. He, therefore, not -only neglected to pay his court to the Empress, but, contemning -and resenting her interference in affairs, met her -with a hostile countenance, and even went so far as to asperse -her in conversation with Justinian. Becoming fully aware -of his sentiments towards her, Theodora soon came to hate -him with an intensity she displayed towards no other member -of the bureaucracy. His ruin was long uppermost in her -thoughts, and she sought assiduously for some opportunity -of killing him without incurring the odium of the deed. On -his side the Cappadocian was keenly perceptive of the -enmity he had kindled against himself in the breast of his -Imperial mistress, and lived in continual dread of her murderous -intent. Although he was encompassed by thousands -of private guards, such as no Praetorian Praefect had ever -before maintained, and his palace was paraded by wakeful -sentinels every hour of the day and night, he was unable to -sleep without rising from time to time to explore with his -eye every passage leading to his bedchamber, fearful lest -some barbarian might be lurking in the dark ready at any -instant to deal him his death-blow.</p> - -<p>Such was the posture of affairs in relation to John until in -the tenth year of his magistracy the inevitable catastrophe -befell him. It was in 541, when Belisarius left his wife -behind him at Constantinople, that Theodora unbosomed -herself to her confidential friend, as that lady had now become,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_587" id="Ref_587" href="#Foot_587">[587]</a></span> -as to her grievances against the insolent Praefect. -The wile-weaving Antonina immediately evolved a plot to -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_614" id="Page_614">{614}</a></span> -deliver her royal mistress from her pet aversion. Euphemia, -an only child, was the daughter of the Cappadocian, and for -her he cherished a deep affection. In sympathy with her -father, the girl abhorred the Empress as the source of his -disquietude; and would have welcomed eagerly a change of -sovereignty. Intuitively conscious of her sentiments, Antonina -approached Euphemia with blandishments, and, by -professing a fellow feeling, soon captured her confidence. -She bewailed the lot of her husband, whose magnificent -services had been ill-requited by Justinian, and simulated a -demeanour of hopeless discontent. "But why, my dearest -friend," exclaimed the girl, "when you have the remedy in -your own hands, the devotion of the army, do you hesitate -to redress your wrongs?" "In the camp," replied the temptress, -"we could do nothing unless we had a powerful coadjutor -in the capital; but, were your father to join our party, -we should doubtless effect what God wills with the greatest -ease." The Cappadocian was at once informed by his -daughter of all that had passed, and she expressed her belief -in the sincerity of Antonina with warm enthusiasm. He was -captivated by the brilliant suggestion, which seemed to him -to signalize the providential fulfilment of the prophecies on -which he relied. He, therefore, instructed Euphemia to -prepare an interview between himself and Antonina for the -following day, but first to extract from her an oath, in the -form most sacred to the Christians, that she was acting in -strict good faith. Antonina perjured herself without hesitation -in the most impressive manner,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_588" id="Ref_588" href="#Foot_588">[588]</a></span> but represented that an -immediate colloquy in the city would be perilous. She, -however, was about to join her husband in the East, and -would halt on her way at their suburban residence, where a -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_615" id="Page_615">{615}</a></span> -meeting might take place without arousing suspicion. -Hence it was agreed that on a certain date John should repair -by night to the place indicated, where mutual pledges -could be given and their plans matured for execution. Justinian -was now quietly informed that John was engaged in -a plot against the throne, whereupon he ordered Narses, -with a company of guards, to be present at the meeting, in -concealment. Should John be overheard to utter anything -treasonable, they were to rush in and cut him down on the -spot. At the same time, such was his attachment to the -man, he sent a secret emissary warning him to have no -clandestine relations with Antonina. The caution was, -however, disregarded by the ambitious conspirator; the interview -took place, and he expressed his intentions clearly -in the hearing of the eunuch. He was attacked forthwith -by the soldiers, but his own guards, who had also been -lying in wait, flew to his assistance, and in the scuffle which -ensued he made his escape. Had he even now sought the -presence of the Emperor he could have saved his credit by -some plausible explanation; but he acknowledged his guilt -by hastening to take sanctuary in a church, and thus gave -Theodora time to elaborate all her charges in due form.</p> - -<p>A sentence of degradation and confiscation was now -passed, and John was banished to Cyzicus, where, under the -Gospel name of Peter, he was forcibly ordained as a cleric. -A bishopric, however, he declined—criminals of lofty rank in -that age were punished by being made bishops—still indulging -himself in visions of restoration, and chose to remain in -the unattached orders of the ministry. Shortly, in fact, he -began to live in his old style of splendour, for Justinian had -not exacted a rigorous surrender of all his property, whilst -he was also able to draw on large reserves which he had -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_616" id="Page_616">{616}</a></span> -hidden away. Nevertheless further trials awaited him; an -unpopular bishop of Cyzicus was murdered, and he was accused -of the deed. A commission of Senators repaired to -the place, and, although his innocence was proved, old -charges of peculation were raked up, and in the end he was -stripped of everything, and turned out as a mendicant with -a single garment. He was then shipped to Alexandria, where -he was forced to beg his bread; again under some pretence -he was seized and imprisoned for three years; yet, while -living as a vagrant, he often had the audacity to try and -raise money by claiming arrearages from defaulting debtors -of the treasury.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_589" id="Ref_589" href="#Foot_589">[589]</a></span></p> - -<p>We are now in a position to take up the thread of our -narrative as regards Belisarius, whom we left, in a state of -mental distraction over his wife's irregularities, in Mesopotamia. -As soon as he came up with her he placed her under -guard in strict seclusion, divested of the honours due to her -rank, and began to prepare a process for the severance of -their relationship for the future. But he vacillated, postponing -any decisive step; and at length a will more powerful -than his own intervened to deprive him of all option -in the matter. The news of her confidant's disgrace was -quickly carried to Theodora, and she resolved that her right -to do as she pleased should be vindicated in the most -complete and effectual manner. All her adversaries were -arrested at a single coup, and Belisarius was commanded -peremptorily to make his peace with his wife. Photius was -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_617" id="Page_617">{617}</a></span> -seized and submitted to the torture, but he kept his faith -steadfastly, and refused to disclose where he had sequestered -Theodosius. Theodora, however, put her agents on his -track, and in no long time succeeded in unearthing him from -his enforced obscurity. Only after several years of suffering -did Photius escape from the prison he had been consigned -to, and, making his way by secret paths to Jerusalem, at -last freed himself from persecution by becoming a monk.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_590" id="Ref_590" href="#Foot_590">[590]</a></span></p> - -<p>In the autumn (541) the Master of Soldiers and his wife -returned to Constantinople, where the reception accorded to -them at Court was in conformity with their respective -merits in the eyes of Theodora. At the first convenient -moment the Empress received her friend in private and addressed -her: "Dearest Patrician Lady, a jewel fell into my -hands the other day, the like of which no one ever saw -before; but, if you wish to see it, I shall be pleased to show -it to you." Antonina begged effusively to be permitted to -see the treasure; when Theodora, passing her hand behind -a curtain which veiled the entrance to another apartment, -led out Theodosius and presented him to his mistress. The -raptures which ensued, and the expressions of gratitude -bestowed by Antonina on her benefactress, surpassed description; -but the reunion of the lovers was of brief duration. -Theodosius, for whom the Empress was meditating great -honours, was shortly afterwards seized with a dysentery, and -disappeared from the ranks of the living.</p> - -<p>Much deeper humiliation, however, was in store for Belisarius. -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_618" id="Page_618">{618}</a></span> -Next year, when he was absent with the army in the -East, a report was spread that the Emperor, resident in the -plague-stricken capital, was himself in the throes of a fatal -attack of the malady. The question of the throne becoming -vacant was anxiously debated by the generals, and some of -them observed that, if the people of Constantinople proceeded -to elect a successor, he should not have the allegiance -of the army. Justinian, however, recovered unexpectedly, -and the attitude adopted by the military council -was divulged at Court. Theodora was especially enraged, -as she assumed it to be part of her prerogative, in the case -of her husband's death, to nominate the next occupant of -the throne.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_591" id="Ref_591" href="#Foot_591">[591]</a></span> When the generals returned to Constantinople -for the season, she instituted an inquiry, and chose to see -in Belisarius, though without proof, the leader of the -culprits. She denounced him in the bitterest terms to the -Emperor, who was doubtless only too pleased at finding a -pretext to subdue the excessive popularity of his eminent -subordinate. He was forthwith deprived of his post of -General of the East; his veteran guards, who had followed -him into so many battles, were divided into parcels and -assigned to various magnates of the Court, and his fortunes -were seized for the benefit of the fisc. As a mere private -citizen he might be seen daily walking dejectedly alone -between his house and the Court, where he was viewed with -neglect and disfavour, but feared to absent himself lest a -worse fate might befall him. In the meantime Antonina -enjoyed the highest favour with the Empress, whilst the -intercourse between husband and wife was of the coldest -description. For several weeks the great general languished -in the abject condition to which he had been reduced, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_619" id="Page_619">{619}</a></span> -although it appeared that his wife, being possessed of such -powerful interest, should be regarded as the arbiter of his -fate. On a certain day he left the palace, where he had -been treated with such contumely, even by minions of low -grade, that on the way home he glanced around involuntarily, -fearful lest assassins should be posted in some -obscurity with a mandate to terminate his life. On his -arrival he threw himself on his couch, despairing of any -alleviation of his lot, while in an adjacent chamber he heard -his wife's footsteps as she walked to and fro restlessly, under -the influence apparently of some painful agitation. It was -already dark when some one from without was heard -demanding admission, and shortly an emissary was announced -as the bearer of a despatch from the Empress. -Belisarius shuddered and drew himself up, anticipating him -to be the messenger of death. A letter was then presented -to him, which he opened and read as follows: "You are not -ignorant, my good sir, as to what your conduct has been -towards us. But I am extremely indebted to your wife, and -for her sake I pardon you, and make her a present of your -life; look upon her as your saviour, and remember that our -favour towards you in future shall be strictly measured by -the amiability of your disposition towards her." A sudden -revulsion of feeling was produced by the perusal of these -words; he rushed to his wife and knelt before her. He -kissed her feet and protested that he owed her everything; -for the future she might call him her slave, and he should -never again claim to control her as a husband.</p> - -<p>After this crisis Theodora dealt definitely with the fortune -of Belisarius, which he had amassed during his wars. His -money and valuables were estimated to amount to six -thousand pounds of gold (£240,000), and of this she made -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_620" id="Page_620">{620}</a></span> -two portions—one half to be returned to the owner, the -other she presented to the Emperor. Jealous even of so -much wealth remaining in private hands, she now sought to -cement a marriage between a young relative of her own and -Joannina, the only child of Belisarius.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_592" id="Ref_592" href="#Foot_592">[592]</a></span></p> - -<p>The general now petitioned to be reinstated in his military -rank, in order that he might march against the Persians, -but Antonina protested that she would never again visit a -country where she had been subjected to such outrageous -treatment. He was appointed, therefore, to the equivocal position -of Count of the Stables, which left the rulers of his destiny -the option of employing him on any opportune service.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_593" id="Ref_593" href="#Foot_593">[593]</a></span></p> - -<p>The sequels of two episodes related in a previous portion -of this work may form a fitting conclusion to the present -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_621" id="Page_621">{621}</a></span> -chapter. The first concerns the son of Theodora, who, as -an infant, was apprehensively removed from the custody -of his mother. In the remote province of Arabia the child -grew up to manhood under the tutelage of his father, who -watched with interest the career of his former mistress, but -without revealing to the youth the secret of his birth. -Being on his death-bed, however, he thought it right to communicate -to him all the details as to his origin. After his -father's decease, therefore, John set out for Constantinople, -expecting that his mother would recognize his claims and -provide for him accordingly. On his arrival he introduced -himself among her servitors, stating plainly who he was, and -awaited her pleasure. But Theodora was alarmed lest the -knowledge of this amour and its result should come to the -ears of Justinian, and determined that all trace of it should -be effaced. Hence she received her son in strict privacy, -and at once commended him to the attention of certain -satellites of hers, who were generally regarded as the authors -of unexplained disappearances. What method of suppression -was adopted remained uncertain, but, whether alive or dead, -nothing further was ever seen of this John.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_594" id="Ref_594" href="#Foot_594">[594]</a></span></p> - -<p>When Artabanes returned to Constantinople (546) after -his signal exploits at Carthage, he was received with great -applause, and immediately promoted to the rank of Master -of Soldiers at Court. He was much exalted by his good -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_622" id="Page_622">{622}</a></span> -fortune, and especially at the prospect of marrying the -Emperor's niece, Prejecta, on whose account he had resigned -his independent vicegerency of Africa. With the acquiescence -of all parties, the brilliant nuptials were being prepared, -when, at the last moment, an unexpected obstacle -intervened to shatter his impassioned hopes. A wife of his -youthful days, long since repudiated and forgotten, still -languished in his native land. In the times of his humble -fortune she was indifferent to the relationship, but, learning -by report of her husband's eminent success in the Byzantine -service, she became eager to enjoy the benefit of his advancement. -Abandoning Armenia, therefore, she arrived opportunely -in the capital, and became informed of the projected -union which would exclude her for ever from his life. She -presented herself at the Palace with her sad story, and -prayed for an audience of the Empress. Theodora, who -always evinced a lively desire to act as the special providence -of distressed women,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_595" id="Ref_595" href="#Foot_595">[595]</a></span> readily granted her admission, and -resolved to interfere on her behalf. She did so with her -usual effectivity, the imminent marriage was broken off, and -the unwilling Artabanes was forced to establish his rejected -consort in her conventional position as the head of his -household. As for Prejecta, she was shortly consoled with -another partner, and became the wife of John, son of the -luckless Pompeius, who had perished more than a dozen -years before in the Nika rebellion. But Artabanes was so -exasperated that he was induced by some malcontents of his -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_623" id="Page_623">{623}</a></span> -own nation to join a conspiracy which had for its object the -assassination of Justinian and the elevation of Germanus to -the throne.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_596" id="Ref_596" href="#Foot_596">[596]</a></span> The plot, however, was quickly betrayed, and -proved such a complete fiasco, that, after a commission of -the Senate had sat on the offenders and passed a nominal -sentence, the Emperor lost all interest in the matter.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_597" id="Ref_597" href="#Foot_597">[597]</a></span> Even -Artabanes within a twelvemonth was lifted out of his disgrace -and given an active appointment as Master of the -Forces in Thrace.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_598" id="Ref_598" href="#Foot_598">[598]</a></span></p> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_580" id="Foot_580" href="#Ref_580">[580]</a> -Procopius, Anecd., 1. Except where indicated, nearly the whole of -this chapter depends on the first four sections of this work.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_581" id="Foot_581" href="#Ref_581">[581]</a> -On this occasion Constantine, a sub-general, who has been mentioned -(pp. 564, 567), remarked: "I should rather have got rid of the -woman than of the young man." During the siege of Rome by the Goths -this Constantine was summoned before Belisarius on a charge of appropriating -some valuable spoils. An altercation ensued, and the offender, -concluding rather hastily that he was about to be condemned to death, -made a rush at the Master of Soldiers with his drawn sword. He was -immediately seized and slaughtered in the antechamber at the command -of Belisarius, or, at least, with his acquiescence. This somewhat arbitrary -execution was attributed to the vengeance of Antonina, to whom the -above remark had been reported; Anecd., 1; De Bel. Goth., ii, 8.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_582" id="Foot_582" href="#Ref_582">[582]</a> -Anecd., 2. Belisarius earnestly exhorts his step-son to co-operate -with him, claiming his allegiance as due to him in return for the care he -had bestowed on him during his youth. Cf. De Bel. Goth. i, 5.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_583" id="Foot_583" href="#Ref_583">[583]</a> -See p. 550.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_584" id="Foot_584" href="#Ref_584">[584]</a> -Cassiodorus, Var. Ep., x, 20, 23.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_585" id="Foot_585" href="#Ref_585">[585]</a> -Procopius, De Bel. Goth., i, 4, with the elucidation in Anecd., 16, 24. -In a letter from Gudelina to Theodora (Cassiod., <i>loc. cit.</i>, 20), we find -the statement, "Your remarks respecting a <i>certain person</i> have reached -our ears with titillating effect (<i>titillatio</i>). Well, I may tell you that we -are going to do what will please you." There is no plausible explanation -of these sentences except that the two jealous women were plotting -against Amalasuntha. Soon after (<i>Ibid.</i>, 23) Gudelina again writes: "I -am glad you approve of what has lately taken place in this Kingdom"; -a palpable allusion to the death of the Queen. The lightest warning -from Peter to the shuffling and scared Theodahad would have deterred -him from any hostile act against his royal colleague; but he never spoke -it, and, when the King affirmed that the murder was perpetrated without -his knowledge or consent, it is most probable that he was stating a -truth. It may be taken as certain, therefore, that the death-blow of -Amalasuntha was aimed from Byzantium.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_586" id="Foot_586" href="#Ref_586">[586]</a> -Jn. Lydus, De Magistr., iii, 64, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_587" id="Foot_587" href="#Ref_587">[587]</a> -On winning the favour of Theodora she received a Court appointment, -viz., "Mistress of the Wardrobe," in modern phraseology; -Codinus, pp. 108, 125.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_588" id="Foot_588" href="#Ref_588">[588]</a> -Procopius, Anecd., 2.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_589" id="Foot_589" href="#Ref_589">[589]</a> -Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 25, where all the circumstances relative -to the fall of John are narrated at length. His disappearance, however, -was in no way a public benefit, as, after a few months Peter Barsymes -took his place. Although a man of higher stamp, his hand weighed just -as heavily on the taxpayers; Anecd., 22, 25.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_590" id="Foot_590" href="#Ref_590">[590]</a> -Photius now disappears for ever from the pages of Procopius; but -he turns up again in John Ephes. (Hist., p. 66, Smith), who says that, -having taken the tonsure for some reason, he afterwards went up to -Justinian in his monkish habit and received from him a military command -in Syria, where he made himself obnoxious to the "orthodox" -(Monoph.) by his harsh treatment of them.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_591" id="Foot_591" href="#Ref_591">[591]</a> -See p. 328.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_592" id="Foot_592" href="#Ref_592">[592]</a> -His name was Anastasius, and he is represented as her grandson by -a daughter. The young people, one or both, were apparently not of -marriageable age, and so the wedding was put off. But they had arrived -at puberty by 547 at latest, so the birth of Theodora's daughter could -not have been later than 515. See below. Here is further evidence as -to the antiquity of the relations of Justinian and Theodora. If she could -try to bury her past in this way, perhaps Justinian never knew of it. -Hence a long interval may have separated her dissolute life from their -first meeting. But a daughter born in 515, before Justinian could -have thought of the succession? If we have the facts correctly, Theodora's -age should be much greater than is generally supposed. In John -Ephes. (Hist., pp. 51, 53, 59, Smith) the youth is called Athanasius, -"the son of Queen Theodora's daughter." Possibly this was another -illegitimate child (see p. 343) who was born before her meeting with -Justinian. This Athanasius appears in Church history as the founder of -a peculiar heresy.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_593" id="Foot_593" href="#Ref_593">[593]</a> -Procopius, Anecd., 3, 4, where the details of this collision with -Theodora, chiefly <i>re</i> Antonina and her incontinence, are given at length. -Without this revelation we should be puzzled to understand the subsequent -career of Belisarius, his never returning to Persia, etc. Cf. Marcel. -Com. an. 545. This title of <i>Comes Stabuli</i>, that is, Constable, was afterwards -a very lofty one in the West, <i>e.g.</i>, <i>the Constable</i> of Bourbon, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_594" id="Foot_594" href="#Ref_594">[594]</a> -Procopius, Anecd., 17. Procopius (Anecd., 16) states that Theodora -kept a number of spies, who reported all that was said about the -Court in the public places and in private mansions. When she wished -to get rid of some one of position secretly she had him seized late at -night, and conveyed, with his head veiled, on board a ship, by which he -was carried to some distant place of confinement. Such persons generally -succumbed to harsh treatment, but occasionally obtained the forgiveness -of the Empress and reappeared in society.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_595" id="Foot_595" href="#Ref_595">[595]</a> -Irrespective of rectitude, as shown by the case of Antonina; and -not invariably, as seen in the instance of Amalasuntha. On another -occasion she forced two noble ladies to marry men of low rank, through -some caprice or spite. Although they took sanctuary in a church, she -succeeded in starving them out; Anecd., 17.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_596" id="Foot_596" href="#Ref_596">[596]</a> -He married Matasuentha, widow of Vitigis, who died two or three -years after his exile to CP.; Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iii, 39. -Jordanes calls this a union of the Amalian and Anician families (De -Reb. Get., lx), which shows that this ridiculous adulation as to -Justinian's pedigree was practically rife in the West.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_597" id="Foot_597" href="#Ref_597">[597]</a> -Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iii, 31, 32.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_598" id="Foot_598" href="#Ref_598">[598]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, 39.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_624" id="Page_624">{624}</a></span> - -<h2 class="nobreak">CHAPTER XIII<br /> -<small>THE FINAL CONQUEST OF ITALY AND ITS ANNEXATION TO THE EMPIRE</small></h2> - -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap">NOTWITHSTANDING the signal success of Belisarius -in his Italian campaign, the Gothic Kingdom -was even further from being actually subjugated to the -Byzantine power than was Africa after the capture of -Gelimer. The first care of Justinian was to appoint -Alexander, an eminent Logothete, popularly known as "the -Scissors," to supervise the financial administration of the -country. His distinguishing sobriquet had been acquired -through his remarkable dexterity in clipping round the gold -coin according to an ingenious method of his own, which -left the margin apparently intact. This noted extortioner -descended on the Italians and sacked them mercilessly for -suppositious debts, so that in a short time the public allegiance -was wholly alienated from the victors. Even the army -of occupation was defrauded of its pay to such an extent -that the soldiers began to view the hostile operations of the -enemy with complete indifference.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_599" id="Ref_599" href="#Foot_599">[599]</a></span></p> - -<p>After the departure of Belisarius, Ildibad applied himself -to revive the spirit of the remnants of the Gothic forces, and -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_625" id="Page_625">{625}</a></span> -to attract to his standard all the malcontents among the -Italians. He made Ticinum<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_600" id="Ref_600" href="#Foot_600">[600]</a></span> his headquarters, and soon -found himself strong enough to join battle with the only -Roman army which was willing to take the field. He defeated -these troops with great slaughter, and was on the way to -win a reputation in arms, when, as the result of a private -feud, he was assassinated at a banquet. To him succeeded -Eraric, but his elevation was displeasing to the Goths in -general, and in a few months he also was killed insidiously -to make room for Totila, a nephew of Ildibad.</p> - -<p>Totila, or Baduela,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_601" id="Ref_601" href="#Foot_601">[601]</a></span> the most illustrious King of the Goths -in Italy after the great Theodoric, had already made his -submission to Justinian, when the messengers arrived to -offer him the crown of his nation. He was in command of -Tarvisium, and explained to them candidly his position, but -promised that, if they should take off Eraric by a certain -day, before his truce expired, he would accept the sovereignty. -The distasteful king disappeared; he was already a traitor, -and had stated his price to the Emperor, and the election of -Totila was unanimously ratified by the Goths (541).</p> - -<p>For many years Totila engaged himself in the reconquest -of Italy, during which time he traversed the peninsula from -north to south, and recovered nearly all the towns which had -been lost to the Goths. The Byzantines failed to put an -army into the field which could oppose him, and in two -minor engagements they were defeated with considerable -loss. The first blood was drawn at Faventia, whither Totila, -in the year after his accession, hastened to meet the enemy. -His whole force amounted to five thousand men, the relics -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_626" id="Page_626">{626}</a></span> -of two hundred thousand whom the Goths had at their command -eight years previously at the outset of the war. The -Romans were twice as numerous, and the battle was begun -by a single combat between Artabazes, an Armenian general -of the Persian contingent transported from Sisauranum, and -a strenuous Goth who proposed himself as a champion. -The Armenian was the victor, but received a fortuitous -wound, which ultimately proved fatal. A general collision -followed, when a skilfully posted ambush created a panic -among the Byzantines, who were dispersed with great carnage -and the loss of all their ensigns.</p> - -<p>The year after this success, to which was added the capture -of several towns and districts, Totila laid siege to Naples. -In general he adopted a policy of clemency towards those -communities which fell into his hands, a disposition which -disarmed resistance, and often much facilitated his progress. -Thus he approached the Neapolitans with liberal promises, -but they were influenced by the Roman garrison to decline -a surrender. A blockade was established, therefore, in regular -form. After some time, when the inhabitants began to -be severely pressed by famine, an attempt to raise the siege -was made by Demetrius, a Master of Soldiers who had just -arrived from Constantinople. A few hundred infantry constituted -his sole force, but he endeavoured to make the most -of his slight resources by putting into Sicily, and, while there, -loading a large number of freight vessels with provisions. -Having given this fleet the semblance of conveying numerous -troops, he set sail for Naples, whereupon the small -Gothic army were thrown into consternation, believing that -he was advancing against them with an overwhelming force. -Hence they were on the point of breaking up their camp, -when he, not being resolute enough to push the enterprise -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_627" id="Page_627">{627}</a></span> -to a practical issue, declined from his course and steered for -the port of Rome. There he essayed to transform the semblance -into a reality by enlisting soldiers from among those -who had crowded to the capital, where John, nephew of -Vitalian, was in command. Their experience of the Goths, -however, had lately been discouraging, wherefore they refused -to associate themselves to his expedition. He was -obliged, therefore, to proceed to the relief of Naples without -any increment of force. But in the meantime, Totila, having -become enlightened in the matter, posted a number of war-galleys -in hiding, and attacked the provision ships as soon -as a landing was attempted. All the vessels were taken, the -crews were mostly captured or slain, whilst the residue, including -Demetrius, managed to escape in small boats. Later -on, another effort was made, which was even more disastrous. -A newly-created Praetorian Praefect, in command of a considerable -war fleet, manned by Thracians and Armenians, -was despatched by Justinian to regulate the affairs of Italy. -As a purely civil official he was incapable of maturing any -plan of campaign, and, after wasting much time on the -voyage, at length arrived at Sicily. Here he yielded to urgent -pressure, and entrusted his forces to Demetrius, who -again made sail for Naples. A storm arose, however, and all -the vessels were cast ashore in confusion in the vicinity of -the Gothic camp, where they at once became the prey of the -enemy. The general himself was taken prisoner, and immediately -utilized by Totila to bring about a surrender of -the town. With a rope round his neck he was led before -the walls and compelled to proclaim to the citizens that all -hope of relief for them was at an end. Shortly afterwards -the Gothic King himself came up and harangued a meeting -of the Neapolitans to induce them to desist from their futile -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_628" id="Page_628">{628}</a></span> -resistance. He represented to them that on account of their -determined defence against Belisarius he not only regarded -them with no animosity, but was even grateful for the loyalty -they had shown on that occasion. He besought them, -therefore, to let him take peaceful possession, and to receive -him as a friend whose intentions were wholly amicable. -They asked for thirty days; he replied by granting them -three months; but in a short time they surrendered voluntarily, -glad to be relieved from the intolerable state of destitution -to which they had been reduced. Totila then acted -with the greatest benignancy. The small Byzantine garrison -were dismissed safe and sound, and even assisted with horses -and supplies to enable them to make their way to Rome. -As for the inhabitants, he was so solicitous about their health -that he posted guards at the gates to see that foodstuffs -were at first introduced sparingly, lest a sudden surfeit of the -long-famished stomachs should engender a fatal illness -throughout the city. His last procedure was to level the -greater part of the walls to the ground, a method of treatment -he applied to all other strongholds when captured, in -order to deprive the Byzantines of places of shelter from -which they could safely carry on the warfare.</p> - -<p>In those cases, however, where Totila considered severity -to be expedient he showed himself to be as relentless as the -most tyrannical monarch. Thus, among his prisoners was -one Demetrius, the commissary of Naples, who during the -siege had thought fit to provoke him by the most unlicensed -insults if he came within earshot of the walls. This man he -punished by excising his tongue and amputating both his -hands, after which infliction he set him at liberty. In another -instance an Italian complained to the King that his -daughter had been ravished by a Gothic guard, who happened -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_629" id="Page_629">{629}</a></span> -to be a soldier of distinguished prowess. He was at -once committed to custody, but his companions pleaded -earnestly on his behalf. Thereupon Totila made them a -speech in which he dwelt on the necessity for the Goths to -adhere to the principles of rectitude and to maintain an -honourable reputation among the people of the country. -He also referred to the case of Theodahad, who by his -iniquities had become the prime cause of the present war. -Having persuaded his hearers by these arguments, he had the -culprit executed, and assigned his possessions to the girl -who had been outraged.</p> - -<p>Totila now began to turn his attention to the recovery of -the capital, and his first move towards that object was to -address a letter to the Roman Senate with the view of pre-disposing -their minds in his favour. He reproached them -gently with having forgotten the generous treatment they -had received at the hands of Theodoric and his successors, -and contrasted the behaviour of the Byzantines since they -had gained a footing in Italy with that of the Goths. At the -moment, indeed, he was able to use as an object-lesson, not -only the reinstituted financial oppression, but the conduct -of the army of occupation, who were leading a dissolute life -in the fortresses among prostitutes, whilst they pillaged the -people of the neighbourhood without compunction for the -supply of their wants. The King followed up this missive -by causing agents who were in collusion with him in the -city to post up notices full of liberal promises to the Roman -citizens should they return to the Gothic allegiance. Whatever -effect these overtures may have had on the minds of -the Romans, they were not immediately fruitful to Totila, -and the Byzantine garrison continued to retain a firm hold -on the capital.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_630" id="Page_630">{630}</a></span> -Not for another twelvemonth, however, was a Gothic encampment -again seen before the walls of Rome (545); but -in the meantime Totila had elaborated his preparations so -as to render a siege effective to the utmost. By capturing -the fortress of Tibur, situated on the Anio, twenty miles to -the north-east of the capital, he was enabled to command -the fluviatile navigation and to prevent supplies reaching -Rome from the fields of Tuscany. On the other hand, by -posting numerous war-galleys among the islands off the -coast, in the track of the corn-ships which sailed from -Sicily, he cut off all possibility of the Roman granaries -being replenished by sea-borne provisions. Bessas was now -governor of Rome, but the garrison under his command -amounted to only three thousand, and their ardour was -soon damped by the result of the first sally against the -enemy. A band of Goths approached the gates and drew -upon themselves the attack of two eager lieutenants, who -chased them in simulated flight until they fell into a skilfully-contrived -ambush, from which few of them returned. -After this mishap, which was incurred against the advice of -Bessas, no more sallies were made by the besieged.</p> - -<p>Such was now the prosperous position of Totila's affairs. -Yet a twelvemonth had already elapsed since Belisarius had -received a commission from Justinian to go to the relief of -Italy. But he dismissed him to this command without resources -from the state, telling him coldly that out of his -own great wealth he was to provide for the expenses of the -expedition. The Constable, for such he is now to be called, -travelled slowly through Illyricum and arrived at Salona -with four thousand recruits, whom while on his way he had -induced with difficulty to join his standard. He now embarked -for Pola in Istria, from whence after a short delay -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_631" id="Page_631">{631}</a></span> -he arrived at Ravenna. At the former place he was met by -a group of Gothic spies, who explored his camp and then -returned to Totila with the report that his martial equipment -was contemptible. They deceived the general by -presenting a forged letter pleading for help on behalf of -Bonus, the governor of Genoa, who was said to be in a sore -strait. At Ravenna Belisarius issued a proclamation expressed -in seductive terms, inviting Italians and Goths to -join him, but his appeal met with no response, for the -reputation of the Byzantines was at the lowest ebb throughout -the country. From the time of his arrival at Pola he -had begun to send out small bands both by land and sea -to attempt something against the enemy, but success had -generally been counterbalanced by disaster. He now decided -to apply to the Emperor for assistance; and he intrusted -his despatch to John, whose place at Rome he filled -by transferring Bessas from Spoleto. His petition was conceived -as follows: "Most puissant Prince, we have arrived -in Italy, and, if nothing but the presence of Belisarius were -necessary, the country would now be subjugated to your -dominion. For here I am in the midst of the Italians—but -without soldiers, horses, arms, or money. If such resources -be requisite to carry on warfare it must be allowed that I -am totally unprepared. As I passed through Thrace and -Illyria I enlisted a few volunteers, but they are only raw -recruits, who shun the enemy, desert their horses, and fling -their arms on the ground. We have no money at command; -the Goths have already collected whatever was due to us -from the taxpayers. If I essay to address the soldiers my -mouth is stopped by knowing that they are hungering after -their pay; whilst numbers, who should be with us, have -gone over to the enemy. I beg of you to send me my -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_632" id="Page_632">{632}</a></span> -veteran guards, and at the same time as many troops of -Huns and other barbarians as possible. Funds also are -urgently needed."</p> - -<p>These representations produced no immediate result, and -nearly a year passed away before the desired reinforcements -began to arrive. In the meantime Belisarius had returned -to Dalmatia, where he established his headquarters at -Epidamnum. His main object was now to take action for -the relief of Rome, but he seemed to have lost much of the -energy and enterprise which formerly characterized him. -As soon, however, as he had received an increment of force -he sent two of his lieutenants to Portus, at the mouth of the -Tiber, where a strong fort was still held by the Byzantines. -From thence, with the co-operation of Bessas, they were to -assail the Goths, both parties acting simultaneously from -opposite sides. They made two attacks, in accordance with -their instructions, but nothing could move Bessas to emerge -from his shelter; and on the second occasion the Goths, -having been forewarned, caught them in an ambush with a -fatal result to almost the whole band, including the leaders.</p> - -<p>So far military assistance had failed, but an effort to re-provision -the capital was now made from another quarter. -Vigilius, the Roman Pontiff, was at the moment staying in -Sicily, where he possessed large estates. He, therefore, -freighted a fleet of corn-ships and directed them to sail up -the Tiber by the way of Portus. But while they were still a -long distance off their approach was signalled to the Goths, -who thereupon came down in effective force and concealed -themselves near the mouth of the river. The movement was -observed by the garrison of the fort, who at once climbed to -the highest points of the battlements, and by waving of hands -and garments tried to warn the convoy off. The ships' -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_633" id="Page_633">{633}</a></span> -crews, however, mistook the gesticulations and imagined -that their advent was being hailed with rejoicings, wherefore -they redoubled their energies in order to complete the -voyage. Hence they steered straight into the ambuscade of -barbarians and were all captured without a chance of being -rescued. Among the prisoners was a bishop, whom Totila -relieved of both his hands, as the penalty of answering -falsely to his interrogations.</p> - -<p>At the beginning of the next year (546) the Romans were -hard pressed by famine, and began to debate the advisability -of surrender. As a preliminary they sent an envoy to Totila -to ask for a short truce on condition that if succour did -not arrive in the interval they would give themselves up. -Pelagius, the chosen deputy, was a man who acted a considerable -part on the ecclesiastical stage, and was already -well known to Justinian, at whose Court he had resided for -several years as Papal legate. The Gothic king received -him warmly, but interrupted him, as he was about to begin -his exhortation, in order to enter on a justification of himself. -First he warned Pelagius that there were three things -which it would be useless for him to solicit, viz., clemency -towards the Sicilians, to spare the walls of Rome, or to -deliver up fugitives who had joined his army. He went on -to picture the happy state of Sicily when the Goths first -conquered the peninsula, abounding in wealth through the -splendid fertility of its soil, and able to export copious supplies -for the sustenance of Rome. At the prayer of the -Romans Theodoric had left the island almost ungarrisoned, -lest the inhabitants should be disturbed in their peaceful -occupations to the detriment of the capital. Yet when a -small Byzantine force landed they were received everywhere -with open arms and the island was allowed to become a -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_634" id="Page_634">{634}</a></span> -base for the invasion of Italy. As for Rome itself, the -Greeks had shut themselves up there and harassed the -Goths by artifices and stratagems without ever daring to -march out and meet them fairly in battle. The citizens, he -added, would profit by the destruction of those walls which -were the cause of their being reduced to destitution while -the hostile armies were intent on their schemes of attack -and defence. In reply to this harangue Pelagius merely -protested that he had not been permitted to deliver his -message, and, on his return to the city, declared that he -had found the King in too impracticable a mood to be -influenced by any entreaties.</p> - -<p>The Romans now felt desperate and approached Bessas -and his staff with supplications that he would either provide -them with food, turn them out of the city, or at least end -their sufferings by killing them at once. His only answer -was a recommendation to contain themselves for the present, -as Belisarius would soon be at hand with an army of relief. -Thus the reign of famine was prolonged until the last stages -of starvation were reached. Money and every kind of -property were sacrificed to buy any residue of corn that -could be discovered or the meanest description of animal -food. When horses, dogs, and mice were consumed, the -people took to feeding on nettles, which grew in profusion -among ruins and around the inner circuit of the walls. -Deaths and suicides from the unbearable distress were of -frequent occurrence. Nevertheless the garrison was fairly -nourished, for Bessas had stored a large quantity of grain in -well-guarded granaries, from which he not only maintained -his men, but sold portions regularly to the richer citizens. -Thus he kept on amassing wealth at a rapid rate, and was -unwilling that the siege should be raised as long as his -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_635" id="Page_635">{635}</a></span> -lucrative trade continued. In the direst extremity some -citizens purchased from the soldiers the right to escape, for -the last payment they were able to make; and, ultimately, -large numbers were turned adrift to perish by the wayside or -to be seized and slain by the Goths.</p> - -<p>By this time Belisarius, having been joined at Epidamnum -by as many troops as he saw any prospect of obtaining, -determined to proceed with all his force against Totila. -John had at last returned,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_602" id="Ref_602" href="#Foot_602">[602]</a></span> and with him he concerted his -measures of transit and attack. The former, with a portion -of the army, was to land at Hydruntum,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_603" id="Ref_603" href="#Foot_603">[603]</a></span> and make his way -northwards with Rome as his objective; while the Constable, -with the bulk of the troops, was to sail round the -peninsula, and make a descent on the enemy from the -waters adjacent to the capital. As for the part played by -John in this campaign, it may be dismissed at once by saying -that after landing he carried on a desultory warfare in -southern Italy, made marches and counter-marches through -being impeded by the enemy, but never arrived within -striking distance of Rome.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_604" id="Ref_604" href="#Foot_604">[604]</a></span> Belisarius, however, soon -achieved his proposed voyage, and appeared at the mouth -of the Tiber, where he at once began offensive operations -against the Goths. One of his first steps was to relieve himself -of the delicate charge of his wife, and to have her -guarded in a place of safety. He, therefore, consigned her -to the fortress of Portus, under the charge of one of his -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_636" id="Page_636">{636}</a></span> -lieutenants named Isaac, whom he enjoined to devote all -his attention to shielding her from harm. "Remain at your -post," said he, "even should you hear that I am slain."</p> - -<p>The most pressing necessity was now to revictual Rome, -and this Belisarius essayed to do by carrying a fleet of provision -ships up the Tiber. He had at his disposal two -hundred war-galleys, which he loaded with foodstuffs and -also equipped most effectively with a view to forcing a passage. -Thus on the forecastle of each vessel he constructed -a wooden bulwark after the pattern of mural battlements, -from the shelter of which his marines could safely discharge -their darts. As Totila had foreseen that such attempts -would be made he had long taken measures to render them -ineffectual. Across the river, at a narrow part about three -miles up, he had raised an obstruction in the form of a -wooden bridge, at each end of which on the bank he built -a large tower, also of timber. In addition chains were used -to close the passage over the water farther down. With a -view to assailing this structure the Roman general joined -together laterally two of his vessels, and on them he erected -a tower, high enough to overtop those constructed by the -Goths at the sides of the stream. A boat filled with combustibles, -pitch, sulphur, resin, was placed on the summit of -the tower; and this fabric he caused to be navigated in advance -of his flotilla. His spare cavalry and infantry he drew -up on the river bank near the sea; and he notified Bessas -to make a diversion by sallying forth and assaulting simultaneously -the Gothic camp.</p> - -<p>Everything prospered as had been intended; the chains -were broken through, the defenders of the wooden bridge -were severely smitten by the arrows which were showered -from the galleys, and the floating tower was brought into -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_637" id="Page_637">{637}</a></span> -close contact with the obstructive barrier. Then the boat -was set alight and launched on to the top of one of the -enemy's towers, which took fire and was consumed with two -hundred of its occupants. One detail only of the manœuvres -failed of accomplishment; Bessas never moved, wholly -engrossed as he was with his mercenary avidity.</p> - -<p>Suddenly, when success appeared to have been almost -attained, the operations were abandoned and Belisarius drew -off his forces without attempting to push his advantage. -Antonina, though unwittingly, was the cause of this disastrous -collapse. While the assault was proceeding a glowing -account of the victorious progress of the Byzantines was -brought to Portus, whereupon Isaac, inflamed with ardour, -collected a hundred cavalry, and made a dash for a section -of the Gothic army which was encamped near Ostia. At -first the enemy were dispersed, but they shortly rallied, and, -recognizing the paucity of their adversaries, charged them, -with the result that many were slain, while Isaac and some -others were captured. A few, however, escaped, who rode -full speed to Belisarius and informed him that Isaac was -taken prisoner. The general, without stopping to inquire, -immediately sounded the signals of retreat, and made all -haste to Portus, concluding that his wife had fallen into the -hands of the Goths. There he learned the true details as to -the temerity of Isaac, which affected him so deeply that he -became seriously ill, and was incapacitated for some time -from taking the field. Such was the last effort to save Rome -from being retaken by the Goths, and before long Totila -succeeded in making himself master of the city.</p> - -<p>Nothing could have been more languid and ill organized -than the defence of Rome under Bessas. The garrison lost -all sense of discipline, no strict watch was kept, and the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_638" id="Page_638">{638}</a></span> -officers rarely went on their rounds to see that the sentinels -remained awake at their posts. Under these circumstances -four Isaurians, who were on guard at the Asinarian gate, -conceived the possibility of making their fortunes. Choosing -a quiet hour of the night, they let themselves down the wall -by ropes, and paid a visit to the barbarian King in his camp. -There they explained to him with what facility they were -able to pass in and out, and proffered to introduce Gothic -soldiers in the same manner. He promised liberally, but -distrusted his informants and sent back two of his men to -put the matter to the proof. They passed in and reported -favourably, but still Totila hesitated, suspecting a stratagem. -A few nights later the Isaurians returned and made the -same representations, whereupon the King repeated the -experiment by the agency of two other spies. They also -entered the city, and explored the feasibility of the scheme, -but Totila delayed taking any decisive step. The question, -however, was talked over in the Gothic camp, and soon -after a Roman patrol, coming on a group of the enemy -loitering near the walls, seized them and brought them -before Bessas. On being examined they confessed that they -had hopes of the city being betrayed by some Isaurians, but -he dismissed their statement as being not worth considering. -For the third time the traitors approached Totila, and he -now sent two officers of his staff, in whom he reposed the -utmost confidence, to investigate the proposal. On their -confirming the previous reports he decided to act.</p> - -<p>One evening after nightfall Totila got all his men under -arms, and marched in silence to the Asinarian gate. Four -Goths, selected for their strength and courage, surmounted -the wall by means of ropes let down to them by the -Isaurians. Inside they attacked the gate with axes, and cut -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_639" id="Page_639">{639}</a></span> -away all the woodwork in which the locks and bolts were -fixed. The portal was then thrown open, and the King -entered with his troops. Still apprehensive of some deception, -he drew them up in close order in the nearest open -space and waited for daylight. Insensibly a report as to -what had happened spread through the city, upon which -the garrison crowded to Bessas, and all fled through one of -the opposite gates. Of the citizens a few nobles and about -five hundred of the proletariat were all that remained within -the walls; and these, emaciated by famine, dragged themselves -with difficulty to take refuge in the churches. As -soon as morning broke the Goths laid aside their suspicions -and began to scour the streets, when a few soldiers, who had -remained, and about threescore civilians, fell victims to their -rage. Totila wended his way to the church of St. Peter, -with the intention of offering up a thanksgiving, and was -met on the threshold by Pelagius, who adjured him by the -Gospels which he held in his hand, to spare the Romans. -"Still a suppliant, Pelagius!" exclaimed the King. "Yes," -replied the priest, "since God has made me your servant."</p> - -<p>The victor now issued his commands to stay all further -massacre, but, with reservations as to his own share, permitted -his soldiers to spoil the houses. Much wealth came -into his hands from the palaces of the nobles, and especially -the immense treasures accumulated by Bessas as the gains -of his nefarious traffic. Such poverty now prevailed at Rome -that members of the noblest families might be seen in mean -apparel begging their bread through the streets from the -enemy. Among these was Rusticiana, the daughter of -Symmachus and widow of Boethius, who had expended all -she possessed in relieving the indigent. Some time previously -she purchased from the Byzantine rulers at a great -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_640" id="Page_640">{640}</a></span> -price the privilege of overthrowing the statues of Theodoric -in revenge for his having executed her father and husband.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_605" id="Ref_605" href="#Foot_605">[605]</a></span> -The Goths would now have retaliated, but Totila saved her -from their hands, and also restrained them from violating any -of the females found in the city.</p> - -<p>The day after the capture the Gothic King convened his -forces, and preached them a sermon on the advantages of -ethical conduct in warfare. He pointed out to them that in -the first campaign, although numerous and rich, they had succumbed -to seven thousand Greeks, because they shrunk from -no excesses and committed every crime that seemed expedient -at the moment. Now, however, through adhering to the principles -of rectitude, although diminished to a mere handful -with slight resources, they had triumphed over twenty thousand -of the enemy. He also addressed the Romans in the -same sense as his former despatch and proclamations, reproaching -them for their ingratitude to the Goths, and again -expressing his amazement at their indiscretion and prejudice -in preferring the oppressive rule of the Byzantines.</p> - -<p>Totila's next procedure was to send a legation, of whom -Pelagius was the chief, to solicit an equitable peace from -Justinian. They were the bearers of a letter in which he -prayed for a restoration of the amicable relations which had -prevailed between Anastasius and Theodoric; but they also -had verbal instructions to threaten the total destruction of -Rome, the massacre of the Senate, and a Gothic invasion of -Illyricum. In response the Emperor did not enter into any -negotiations, but merely indicated that Belisarius was his -plenipotentiary, through whom only he was willing to treat.</p> - -<p>When this answer was conveyed to Totila, he resolved to -raze Rome to the ground, and transform the area into a -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_641" id="Page_641">{641}</a></span> -sheep pasture; after which he planned a march into Southern -Italy against John, who had lately inflicted some damage on -the Gothic forces in that region. He began by ruining the -walls, of which he had levelled about a third part of the circumference, -when he received an expostulation from Belisarius, -who had been apprised of his design. "Men of wisdom," -wrote the general, "have always been characterized -by the desire to build great cities, but to ruin them can only -be described as the work of fools. Rome, by reason of its -extent and magnificence, is the most excellent of all the -cities of the earth; built gradually in the course of many -ages by a long series of emperors, with the assistance of -numerous architects and artificers; the realization of immense -resources brought together from every part of the -world. Destroy this splendid creation, and you will incur -eternal obloquy in the memory of succeeding generations. -But pause and reflect that the issue of this war must be one -of two events: either you conquer or are defeated. In the -first case you will find that the injury is your own, and you -have demolished the proudest ornament of your kingdom. In -the second you have aroused the just resentment of the victor, -and can expect no clemency at his hands." Totila was persuaded -by these arguments, and refrained from doing any further -damage to the capital. The Senators, however, he placed -under guard in his camp as hostages, and the residue of the -inhabitants he deported into Campania. He then removed -from the neighbourhood to inspect the progress of his affairs -in other parts of Italy. Rome was thus left wholly deserted.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_606" id="Ref_606" href="#Foot_606">[606]</a></span> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_642" id="Page_642">{642}</a></span></p> - -<p>As soon as Belisarius heard of the departure of Totila, he -determined to re-occupy the vacant capital. He brought all -his men up from Portus, therefore, and set them to work in -rebuilding in a temporary fashion the ruined stretches of -wall. The stones, which lay scattered around, were collected -and placed in position, without mortar, as accurately as possible; -stakes were planted outside; the fosse was cleared; -and the adjacent ground was plentifully sown with calthrops. -In three weeks the work was completed, and, before long, -many of the Romans, eager to occupy their old domiciles, -returned, for whom the general laid up a copious store of -provisions. When Totila heard of this procedure, he was -much annoyed, and hastened back with all speed to recapture -the city. The Goths delivered several assaults, but -were invariably repulsed with loss, notwithstanding that they -had torn down and destroyed all the gates, which had, -therefore, to be defended by bodies of men packed in the -open passages. Seeing no prospect of success, the Gothic -King soon retired with his army, from whom he had to endure -many reproaches for not having adopted more effective -measures to render Rome untenable. In his retreat on this -occasion he destroyed all the bridges over the Tiber except -the Milvian. Belisarius now fitted new gates to the city and -again went through the form of sending the keys to Justinian.</p> - -<p>During the next year (547) the hostile armies frequently -came into collision, but no decisive success was won. In -548 Belisarius recognized that the peninsula could not be -conquered without much greater forces than he had at command, -but Justinian appeared to be lukewarm in the matter, -and the contingents he despatched from time to time were -barely sufficient to counterbalance the losses. The Constable -resolved, therefore, to send his wife on a special -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_643" id="Page_643">{643}</a></span> -mission to Constantinople, hoping that, if she brought the -question before the Empress, her exceptional influence -might obtain for him the needed reinforcements. Antonina -arrived at the Imperial capital, but only to learn that the -Augusta had died a few weeks previously, whilst Justinian -was immersed in theological studies to such an extent that -his administrative energy had completely deserted him. She -acted, therefore, on the alternative, which doubtless had -been proposed by her husband, and petitioned the Emperor -for his recall. Her request was readily granted, and -thus terminated the second campaign of five years which -Belisarius had conducted in Italy. This time he returned -home without martial honour, but with a considerable accretion -of wealth, which he had exacted with little scruple -from the Italians, according to the usual practice of the age, -whenever an opportunity offered.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_607" id="Ref_607" href="#Foot_607">[607]</a></span></p> - -<p>After the departure of Belisarius, Totila breathed more -freely, and determined to devote all his energies to the recovery -of Rome. During the last year of his stay the Constable, -by hovering around Southern Italy with his fleet, had -confined the attention of the Gothic King to that quarter, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_644" id="Page_644">{644}</a></span> -while the capital had been committed to the charge of an -excellent soldier named Diogenes, with a garrison of three -thousand picked men. Early in 549 the third siege of Rome -by the Goths was begun, but the city was now well provisioned, -and the governor vigilant, so that for several -months the enemy made no sensible progress. There was -still, however, among the defenders a band of Isaurians, to -whom was entrusted the custody of a gate on the south, that -named after the Apostle Paul; and they also conceived the -idea of betraying their charge to Totila. As the reward of -their treachery, they saw some of their former comrades -abounding in wealth, whilst the arrears of pay due to the -Byzantine army already extended over several years. They -opened up communications, therefore, with the King; and -in collusion with the traitors a plan of capture was soon -agreed upon. But the circumstances were now very different, -and an elaborate scheme had to be devised in order to -attain to the same result. Success, however, was made commensurate -with the greater complication of detail. The -Tiber was now entirely at the command of Totila, as he had -recently taken the fortress of Portus; whilst the only stronghold -in the vicinity still held by the Romans was Centumcellae, -a seaport nearly forty miles to the north. Having -posted a strong ambush on the road to the latter place, the -King led the bulk of his forces secretly in the first watch of -the night to the neighbourhood of the gate in question. At -the same time he instructed two boats carrying trumpeters -to row quietly up the river, and, as soon as they arrived at -the north wall of the city, to begin sounding their instruments -with all their force.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_608" id="Ref_608" href="#Foot_608">[608]</a></span> Everything turned out as had -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_645" id="Page_645">{645}</a></span> -been anticipated; when the garrison heard the blast of the -trumpets, all rushed to the proximity of the Aurelian gate, -thinking that a surprise assault was being delivered on that -side. Thus the Isaurians were left in sole charge of the gate -of St. Paul, which they immediately opened for the admission -of the Gothic army. The news quickly circulated that -the enemy were within the walls, with the usual consequence -of panic and flight by those gates which were remote from the -vicinity of the hostile troops. Centumcellae was the destination -of most of the fugitives, where they expected to find a -safe retreat, but on the way they fell into the ambuscade -set by Totila, so that almost all perished. Four hundred of -the garrison, however, fortified themselves in the tomb of -Hadrian and nearly as many took refuge in the churches, -but they were soon induced by Totila's liberal promises to -give themselves up. A majority of them even took service -with his forces.</p> - -<p>Totila now did all in his power to restore Rome to its -pristine splendour, as he had lately been taunted by Theodebert -with not being the actual sovereign of Italy, since his -capital, besides being held by the Greeks, was partly in -ruins. He had sought an alliance with the Franks through -marriage with one of the King's daughters, and on these -grounds the hand of the princess had been refused to him. -Hence he re-established a Senate composed of Italians and -Goths, and tried to repatriate as many as possible of the -inhabitants who had been scattered in various directions.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_646" id="Page_646">{646}</a></span> -At this period the Gothic King again attempted to compose -a peace with Justinian, but his overtures were treated -with unconcern. It is probable that at this juncture the -Emperor would have been willing to ratify a treaty, but he -had at his side an adviser who urged him persistently not -to abandon Italy to the dominion of the Arian heretics. -Pope Vigilius had been for a couple of years resident at the -Byzantine Court, and, as the representative of Orthodox -Italy, he could by no means endure that the Papal seat -should be under the control of the Goths. Germanus was, -therefore, appointed to be commander-in-chief, but he died -on his way through Illyricum, and for the next two years the -war continued to be waged by land and sea on the same -indecisive lines. The principal exploit of Totila was the -reconquest of Sicily, but he left it incomplete; and shortly -afterwards Artabanes virtually recovered the island for the -Empire.</p> - -<p>In the autumn of the year 551, a naval battle off Ancona, -disastrous to the Goths, again induced Totila to approach -the Emperor with peace proposals, but Justinian remained -obdurate, and seemed to be possessed with a rooted prejudice -against entering into any convention with the Goths. -The name had become odious to him, and, after so many -years of quasi-occupation of Italy, he doubtless looked on -that nation merely as heretic rebels who disturbed the peace -in an integral part of his dominions.</p> - -<p>In this naval engagement, the only express conflict on the -water in this century, the Romans were provided with fifty -warships of the utmost capacity, the Goths with forty-seven.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_609" id="Ref_609" href="#Foot_609">[609]</a></span> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_647" id="Page_647">{647}</a></span> -John was in chief command on the side of the Romans, -Indulfus, a renegade officer of Belisarius, on that of the -Goths. The fight was begun with great ardour on both -sides, and conducted as nearly as possible in the form of a -battle on land. A cloud of arrows was interchanged by the -hostile crews, and then the ships were impelled against each -other in order to facilitate the use of swords and spears. -The Byzantine fleet, however, was manned by sailors who -were skilful in manœuvring their vessels, but the barbarians, -not being a maritime nation, could not dispose of crews who -were versed in nautical evolutions. On the one side the -ships were navigated methodically and kept in just array, -while on the other they were urged indiscriminately to the -attack. Certain groups of the Gothic fleet were marshalled -with an excessive interspace, and among these the Romans -drove in, isolating the vessels, and easily sinking them by -their combined action. In other positions the ships of the -barbarians were packed together so closely that they hampered -each other's progress and checked the use of the oars; -and in such cases their efforts were perverted into a contest -to regain their freedom of movement. Hence the battle -resulted in thirty-six vessels being destroyed by the Byzantines, -whilst the remaining eleven escaped to the shore, -where they were burnt to save them from the enemy. The -preservation of Ancona for the Empire was the immediate -result of this victory.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_610" id="Ref_610" href="#Foot_610">[610]</a></span></p> - -<p>After the death of Germanus the Emperor decided to -appoint Narses to the command of the war in Italy, although -the eunuch was now a very old man, and, according to -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_648" id="Page_648">{648}</a></span> -evidence which cannot be ignored, probably almost an octogenarian.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_611" id="Ref_611" href="#Foot_611">[611]</a></span> -We are also told that he was short of stature and -slightly built, but mentally strenuous and decisive in character -to a remarkable degree.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_612" id="Ref_612" href="#Foot_612">[612]</a></span> As soon as the question was -broached of ordaining him to the conduct of the Gothic -war, he declared frankly that he would not accept the commission -unless he were granted resources adequate to the -magnitude of the enterprise. Justinian yielded, with the -result that an invasion of Italy was planned by the eunuch -on a scale which was a revelation to those habituated to the -fitful and partial efforts of the last dozen years. Not only -did he levy an army commensurate with the undertaking, -but he insisted on being provided with funds to liquidate -the arrears due to the half-hearted troops who had languished -in the country for so long without receiving their pay.</p> - -<p>Narses set out for Italy in 551, but he was delayed on his -route by an eruption of the Huns, which it was no part of -his duty to arrest. He established a camp, therefore, at -Philippopolis, and waited calmly until the barbarians had -divided into two streams, one of which bore destruction to -Thessalonica, and the other in the direction of the metropolis. -The Illyrian frontier, was, indeed, the training school -of Byzantine generals, and the eunuch himself was one of -those who had often been engaged in the task of resisting -barbarian raids by which the Danubian provinces were -continually pillaged and depopulated. His progress was -also impeded somewhat by a deficiency in the commissariat, -which arose from a convoy of provision ships having been -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_649" id="Page_649">{649}</a></span> -captured in the Adriatic, previous to the battle of Ancona, -by Totila's fleet. Early in 552, however, he was able to -concentrate all his forces at Salona, where the vital problem -of transit into Italy began to be discussed. Besides a -numerous Byzantine army of the conventional type, he had -been joined by fully ten thousand barbarian auxiliaries from -tribes not regularly drawn upon, as Foederati for the Imperial -Service. Lombards, Herules, Huns, and Gepaeds crowded -to his standard, and he even disposed of a considerable -Persian contingent led by Cavades, the real or reputed -grandson of the late Shahinshah.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_613" id="Ref_613" href="#Foot_613">[613]</a></span> All those who made a -profession of arms among the Byzantines or their allies, -both officers of rank and private soldiers, were eager to take -part in this expedition; the one class attracted by the -illustrious dignity held by Narses at Court, the other by the -munificence displayed by him towards the armies he had -commanded, and because of the benignancy of his personal -bearing among the troops.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_614" id="Ref_614" href="#Foot_614">[614]</a></span></p> - -<p>Totila, on his side, had not been idle, but had made -himself well acquainted with the extent of the hostile preparations -which were impending against him, and he, therefore, -employed every means that foresight could devise to -render the invasion of his kingdom difficult and dangerous. -He knew that the prime objective of the Byzantine general -would be Ravenna, but he had ascertained that he did -not possess such a fleet of transports as could convey the -whole army at once across the Ionic Gulf. Should the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_650" id="Page_650">{650}</a></span> -troops, however, sail by detachments, he expected to be -able to cut off the separate brigades when they were in the -act of disembarking. On the other hand, should Narses -elect to march by land, it was necessary for him to round -the head of the Adriatic Sea and pursue his route along the -foot of the Alps through the plains which stretched past the -city of Verona. To the latter district, therefore, he sent his -most able general Teïas, instructing him to render the -passage arduous and impracticable by every art known to -the military engineer. Thus Teïas obstructed and broke up -the ground in the vicinity of the Po in all conceivable ways. -Over a width of several miles trees were felled and strewn -in the paths of access, broad and deep trenches were excavated, -precipitous gulches were delved, and extensive areas -were hollowed out, into which water and mud were allowed -to run from adjacent streams. On the proximate side of -this rudely diversified barrier the Gothic general awaited -the Byzantine army, to attack them with his troops should -they venture to pass.</p> - -<p>Having determined to march overland, Narses advanced -with his army from Salona to the north of Istria, where he -halted on the border of the Venetian territory. Under the -semblance of a friendly pact with the Goths, the Franks, -still cherishing the design of extending their dominions, -were in occupation of Transpadane Italy in its whole -breadth. A recent legation from the Emperor to win them -over as allies against Totila had failed; and, if the Byzantines -were to pass by the route of Verona without being -harassed by the Franks, it was obligatory to have some -prior understanding with them. The emissaries, however, -sent by Narses to the generals of that nation returned with -a specious refusal, but at the same time informants arrived -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_651" id="Page_651">{651}</a></span> -who made him aware that the permission, if granted, would -have been futile owing to the obstructive dispositions of -Teïas. A military council was now held; there was still a -third way of entering the peninsula, which Totila had left -unguarded, beset as it was by obstacles which seemed to -preclude the passage of an army. By proceeding along the -coast they would be secure from hostile interruption, but -the land line was irregular, marshy, and broken by numerous -estuaries of navigable rivers. By the advice of John, however, -whose experience of a decade in the country qualified -him to act as guide, this seemingly impassable route was -undertaken and successfully accomplished. All the available -ships and boats followed the army close to the shore; -and by means of them, as often as the mouth of a river was -reached, a floating bridge was improvised, over which the -troops passed in safety.</p> - -<p>After Narses arrived at Ravenna he gave the whole army a -nine days' rest, during which time he received a further -accession of strength through being joined by all the Byzantine -detachments remaining in that region.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_615" id="Ref_615" href="#Foot_615">[615]</a></span> Just as the -work of recuperation was completed the Gothic governor of -Ariminum, Usdrilas by name, taking umbrage at his apparent -inactivity, addressed him a sharp, provocative letter. "After -filling all Italy with rumours of the terrible host of barbarians, -which you are bringing against us," said he, "you -now stay loitering behind the walls of Ravenna. Come out -at once and show your spirit to the Goths; no longer tantalize -us, who are eager to meet you in the field." The -eunuch smiled at the bravado of the Goth, and shortly -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_652" id="Page_652">{652}</a></span> -afterwards resumed his march with all his forces. The first -skirmish with the enemy occurred at the crossing of a small -stream near Ariminum, from whence Usdrilas came out at -the head of a troop of horse; and the Romans were elated -by the happy omen, as they considered it, of the boastful -Goth being slain in this encounter. Narses now pushed -onwards with all speed, having the Flaminian Way on his -left, and began to move through the Apennines towards the -fields of Tuscany.</p> - -<p>In the meantime Totila, having effected a junction with -Teïas in the vicinity of Rome, pressed forward to meet the -invaders at a distance as far as possible from the capital. -As soon, however, as news was brought in of their rapid -progress, he called a halt and pitched his camp near the -village of Taginae, among the western slopes of the Apennines.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_616" id="Ref_616" href="#Foot_616">[616]</a></span> -Before long the approach of the Byzantine army -was signalled; and when Narses found himself within a -dozen miles of the enemy's camp he sent forward his legates -with an invitation to the Gothic king to surrender peacefully, -representing to him that he could not hope to resist -the whole force of the Roman Empire. As an ulterior proposal, -should they find him resolved to fight, he was to be -asked to name a day of battle. Being admitted to an -audience they submitted the prescribed offer, to which -Totila replied angrily that he would accept no terms, but -that they must prepare for a conflict. Thereupon the legates -at once propounded the request: "Appoint a time then, -good lord, to decide the matter by arms." "On the eighth -day from the present," said the King, and dismissed his -interrogators.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_653" id="Page_653">{653}</a></span> -On receiving this response Narses immediately began to -instruct his line of battle, anticipating that Totila would -advance to the attack without delay, in the hope of finding -him unprepared. Nor was he deceived, for on the following -day the whole Gothic army poured into the neighbourhood -and drew themselves up not farther than a couple of bowshots -from his own position. The site of hostilities was a -small plain surrounded by eminences, which were popularly -supposed to be the sepulchral mounds of a Gallic host who -had been slaughtered here by Camillus in the early years -of the Republic. Hence the place was named the "Graves -of the Gauls." Close to the Roman army on the left was a -low hill, which protected them from being assailed directly -on that flank, but which, if held by the enemy, might become -the source of a deadly play of darts. The night was -tempestuous, and, while it was yet dark, the eunuch sent a -squad of fifty infantry to occupy this elevation. Directly -day broke Totila saw the advantage which had been gained, -and determined to dislodge the occupants. A troop of -cavalry were sent against them, but what with the adverse -slope, the discharge of arrows, the spear thrusts, and the -clashing of shields, which terrified the horses, the Goths -could make no headway, and had to retire discomfited. A -second, and a third time, Totila urged a similar attack, but -nothing could overcome the strenuous resistance offered by -the Byzantines, and at length he had to desist from his -efforts.</p> - -<p>The time of the main battle was now at hand, and on -each side the generals delivered an exhortation to their -troops. Narses lauded the superiority of his own men and -spoke of the enemy with contempt, asserting them to be -mostly renegades from the Imperial service, whose best -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_654" id="Page_654">{654}</a></span> -prospect was to perish while making a desperate onslaught. -Totila encouraged his army by impressing on them that this -was the critical day of the war, and by a present victory they -would irretrievably crush the power of the Emperor. As for -the forces opposed to them he pointed out that they were -only mercenary barbarians, who would be chary of risking -their personal safety merely in exchange for the high pay -by which they had been allured.</p> - -<p>Both armies were now marshalled over against each other -in a long and deep array. Narses collected all his barbarian -auxiliaries, with whom he was unfamiliar, into the centre, -and made them stand dismounted from their horses. The -flower of the Roman troops he placed in the wings, four -thousand foot-archers in front, and behind them fifteen -hundred cavalry in each division. On the opposite side the -Goths were ranged in two lines, all their cavalry being in -front and the infantry behind. The two generals now rode -along their respective battle fronts, uttering words of encouragement; -and Narses added the objective stimulus of rich -jewels, armlets, necklets, and golden chains, displayed aloft -on the points of spears, and promised the bestowal of them -as the rewards of valour. As in most cases, there was a -single combat in the interspace, the champions this time -being a Roman renegade and an Armenian, when the -triumph of the latter infused an access of confidence into -the Imperial troops. Totila, however, was anxious for a -short delay, as he was awaiting the advent of two thousand -horse, whose approach had just been intimated to him. In -the meantime he essayed to divert the attention of the -enemy by exhibiting his address in equitation and play of -arms. He was dressed with regal magnificence, and his -weapons and armour were resplendent with gold. Purple -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_655" id="Page_655">{655}</a></span> -plumes flowed from his helmet and lance, and he was -mounted on a charger of faultless proportions. He began -to caracole along the front of his line, wheeling his horse in -circles and pulling him up short at one instant or another -to turn in a different direction. Simultaneously his spear -was tossed into the air and caught dexterously with interchanging -hands, now by one part, now by another. In this -saltatory exercise he frittered away the whole forenoon; and -then he sent a herald to ask for a parley with Narses. The -eunuch, however, replied that it was mere trifling for him -to propose a debate on the field, which he had declined at -the fitting time.</p> - -<p>It was now announced to Totila that the expected accession -of cavalry had arrived, whereupon he retired to his tent -and passed the word for his troops to fall out and partake -of their midday meal. With a swift change, however, all -returned to their ranks, and the Gothic cavalry at once -began an impetuous charge against the enemy, thinking to -catch them in disorder. But Narses had suspected a ruse, -and therefore had restrained his men from breaking into -loose order or laying aside any part of their equipment. At -the same time, lest they should suffer by fasting, he caused -them to be served with refreshments while standing in line -with their eyes fixed on the movements of the enemy. As -soon as he perceived in what manner the battle had begun, -the Roman general executed an evolution which was fatally -adverse to the chances of the attacking troops. The wings -were signalled to deploy towards the centre, and thus in a -moment the Byzantine army assumed a crescentic formation, -which embraced the Gothic cavalry between its extended -horns. From each side the four thousand archers poured -their arrows into the dense squadrons of horse, who -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_656" id="Page_656">{656}</a></span> -by some strange perversity or misjudgment had been -ordered to rely solely on their spears and the force of their -charge to overthrow the ranks of the enemy. A small proportion -only of the Gothic horsemen succeeded in reaching -the Roman line, most of them falling or becoming disabled -the moment they entered the deadly interspace between -the two fires. Nevertheless they maintained their efforts -with tenacity till the decline of day, when the Byzantine -army by a unanimous impulse began to move forwards -against them in firm array. Gradually the Goths were -pushed backwards, becoming more and more disordered as -they retreated, until they again came in contact with their -own infantry. In proportion as the enemy yielded the -ardour of the Romans had become inflamed; men of all -arms attacked fiercely, and soon the retreat became a rout; -whilst the Gothic infantry, seeing the defeat of their main -force, attempted no defence, but fled wherever the way -seemed to lie open for escape. Six thousand of the Goths -were slain on the field, and, in addition, a large number of -the Imperial troops, who, during the last decade, had from -time to time deserted to their standard.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_617" id="Ref_617" href="#Foot_617">[617]</a></span></p> - -<p>The life and fortunes of Totila were forfeited on the day -of Taginae, but the mode of death of the Gothic King is -wrapped in some uncertainty. At the outset of the battle, -according to one account, a chance arrow pierced him with -a mortal wound, and compelled his removal from the field. -After his departure, the Goths engaged the enemy without -tactical direction, and failed through being deprived of his -skilful supervision. Another version relates that as soon as -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_657" id="Page_657">{657}</a></span> -the catastrophe was complete he fled through the darkness -with a few followers, when he received a lance-thrust from the -hand of a barbarian, who was unaware that he had struck -the King. Whatever may have been the immediate cause of -the fatality, it seems certain that on that night he arrived at -Caprae, about ten miles from the scene of the battle, in a -dying state. There he shortly expired and was buried by his -companions, who at once left the neighbourhood. Soon -afterwards a Gothic woman, resident on the spot, who had -seen the occurrence, told some Roman soldiers that the -King was dead, and indicated to them his grave. Disbelieving -her story, they disinterred the body and found -that she had spoken the truth.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_618" id="Ref_618" href="#Foot_618">[618]</a></span> Before they restored the -corpse to the earth they stripped it of its regal apparel, -which they brought to Narses. He, in his turn, forwarded -the spoils to Justinian.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_619" id="Ref_619" href="#Foot_619">[619]</a></span> Such was the inglorious end of the -reign of Totila, whose martial talents and civil magnanimity -deserved a better fate; and we would fain believe that version -of his death which elucidates by an inevitable mischance -the infelicitous result of this ill-conducted battle so -unworthy of his previous reputation.</p> - -<p>Narses now marched on Rome, receiving on his way the -submission of several towns which had been taken and retaken -during the present war. At the same time the remnant -of the Goths mustered at Ticinum, which Totila had -fortified as the repository of his treasure in North Italy, and -there they immediately elected Teïas as King. When the -eunuch arrived before the capital, he found the Gothic garrison -prepared to offer a vigorous resistance; but their dispositions -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_658" id="Page_658">{658}</a></span> -were unskilful, and they were far from being able -to foresee the various possibilities of capture. The siege, -therefore, was of brief duration, and they were shortly circumvented -by a simple strategical ruse. Three simultaneous -assaults were made on distant portions of the wall; and the -defenders allowed their attention to be concentrated on -these points, whilst leaving the rest of the wide circuit -vacant. Then Narses, seizing a favourable moment, ordered -one of his lieutenants named Dagisthaeus, supported by a -strong brigade, to make a sudden attempt with scaling -ladders on one of the deserted stretches of wall. They ascended, -meeting with no obstruction, gates were thrown -open, and the Imperial standard was displayed from the -battlements; whereupon the Goths abandoned the defence -and saved themselves by every available outlet.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_620" id="Ref_620" href="#Foot_620">[620]</a></span> Thus for -the fifth time in less than a score of years was Rome captured -by one or other of the contending nations; and again -on this, the third occasion, the Emperor had the gratification -of receiving the keys of the city from one of his generals.</p> - -<p>Yet the subjugation of Italy was still far from complete; -and an arduous task had still to be executed by Narses -before he could proclaim the peaceful settlement of the -ruined Gothic kingdom to be an accomplished fact. Desperate -bands of Gothic marauders now pervaded the country -and wreaked their vengeance uncontrolled on the Italians -for the ill success of their arms. All the Roman senators -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_659" id="Page_659">{659}</a></span> -were murdered in Campania, where for their own safety they -had been located by Totila; and even at Ticinum a band of -hostages, selected from the noblest families, were slaughtered -by order of the new Gothic King. And Teïas, notwithstanding -his limited resources, was not in the least inclined to -make his submission to the victorious eunuch, but determined -to oppose him to the last by every means in his -power. First, he tried to win the alliance of Theodebald, -who had lately succeeded his father on the throne of the -Franks, but that monarch declined to identify himself with -a failing cause.</p> - -<p>The prime object of contention between the hostile -generals was now the city of Cumae in Campania, where -Totila had deposited the richest complement of his treasures -and on that account provided it with a strong garrison. At -first John was sent into Tuscany to obstruct the avenues of -approach from the north; but Teïas eluded his vigilance, -and, by pursuing devious and unfrequented paths in the -vicinity of the Adriatic coast, penetrated into Campania -before the Byzantines had become aware of his escape. -There he fortified his camp on the distal side of Mount -Vesuvius, close to the Bay of Naples. The position chosen -by the Goths was the south side of a bridge over the -Draco, a small river flowing between steep banks, impassable -even for infantry. On this spot they built wooden -towers and constructed military engines, by means of which, -owing to the difficulty of access, they were able to withstand -the efforts of the whole Roman army for two months. With -their fleet in proximity they held the command of the sea, -so that they suffered from no lack of provisions. At the end -of that time, however, the ships were betrayed to the enemy -by a traitorous Goth who was in charge of them, and thus -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_660" id="Page_660">{660}</a></span> -their supplies were cut off. They now took refuge on the -Lactarian Mount, which rises from the ridge of land separating -the Bay of Naples from that of Salerno. Here they soon -found themselves in danger of being starved out, and resolved, -therefore, to make a desperate effort to regain their -freedom. Unexpectedly they came down on foot in a solid -mass, and threw themselves on the Byzantine troops. Teïas, -in the forefront of the battle, performed prodigies of valour, -and soon became the central aim for his adversaries. A -dozen spears became fixed in his shield, so that he could no -longer wield it freely to shelter himself. He called loudly -for his armour-bearer, and an attempt to exchange it was -made, but for a moment his body remained unprotected and -he received a fatal wound. Nevertheless, his men fought on -till night terminated the conflict. At the dawn of day the -fight was resumed, and again persevered in till night. At -last they sent a deputation to Narses, proposing that they -should be allowed to possess themselves of whatever funds -they had deposited at their homes in various parts of the -country, upon which they would leave Italy to go and live -according to their own laws among other barbarians. Following -the counsel of John, Narses made a convention to -that effect; whereupon the Goths agreed to surrender all -their remaining strongholds and to evacuate the peninsula.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_621" id="Ref_621" href="#Foot_621">[621]</a></span></p> - -<p>Such was the end of the dominion of the Ostrogoths in -Italy, but Narses still had a considerable war to wage, partly -owing to the convention not being strictly carried out, but -chiefly because the Franks were firmly convinced that they -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_661" id="Page_661">{661}</a></span> -could make themselves masters of Italy. Their resources -were great, but for more than a decade they had been witnesses -of the successful resistance offered by Totila with his -small army to the anxious efforts of the Emperor; and hence -they were itching to find a plausible pretext for invading the -country in force. Theodebald was a feeble youth, evidently -tottering to the grave, and two nobles of his court, the -brothers Leuthar and Butilin, professed to rule both the -King and the nation. As soon, therefore, as it became -patent that the power of the Goths in Italy was irretrievably -shattered, they affected to be moved by the prayers of a few -refugees of that people, who had dwelt in the Transpadane -region, and had not been directly concerned in the compact -with Narses. Hence they quickly levied an army of over -seventy thousand men, and suddenly appeared in North -Italy under the semblance of being zealous allies of the -Goths, but in reality because they believed the country to be -without a master. The Roman general had not yet received -the submission of Cumae, whilst some thousands of Gothic -soldiers had fortified themselves at Compsae under a bellicose -Hunnish leader, named Ragnaris; but on hearing of -the Frankish invasion he abandoned his operations against -them, and marched into Tuscany. Here he stayed to accept -the capitulation of a number of towns, but sent on the -greater part of his forces to block the way of the invaders on -the southern bank of the Po. Some slight successes were -obtained, but the eunuch was really incapable of opposing -the Frankish host, and he soon retired to the shelter of Ravenna -for the winter (553). Italy was now virtually lost -again to the Empire had the barbarians who invaded it been -capable of organizing a government or founding an administration. -But to indulge themselves in rapine was the only -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_662" id="Page_662">{662}</a></span> -course that was intelligible to them, and they possessed the -country as brigands, not as civilized conquerors. The bulk -of their army was, in fact, composed of German tribes, who -had not yet been converted to Christianity. Even the -Goths recognized shortly that they had nothing to hope -for from such allies; and before long, Aligernus, the brother -of Teïas, journeyed voluntarily to the north and presented -himself before Narses with the keys of Cumae in his -hand.</p> - -<p>At the first flush of spring Leuthar and Butilin roused -themselves to prosecute their raid, and made a rapid and -destructive march through Central Italy until they arrived -on the south of Rome. The brothers now divided their -forces, and, while one half carried their ravages down to the -Sicilian strait, the other devastated the eastern tract of the -peninsula until they were brought up by the waters of the -Mediterranean. The churches were broken into and rifled -of all their precious ornaments by the heathen Germans, -but the Orthodox Franks abstained scrupulously from any -such sacrilege. The summer was already at its height, when -communication was reopened between the Frankish leaders; -and Leuthar announced his decision to return home forthwith -in order to enjoy the fruits of the expedition. He exhorted -his brother to follow his example, and not stake the -rich spoils of Italy on the doubtful event of a war with the -Romans. Between Butilin and the Goths, however, a bond -had been executed in precise terms, by which it was prearranged -that, should he succeed in ousting the Byzantines, -he should become their king. He, therefore, remained in -Campania, whilst his brother proceeded to retrace his steps -to the north. On the way a foreguard of three thousand -men fell into an ambush, contrived by Artabanes at Fanum, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_663" id="Page_663">{663}</a></span> -with disastrous results, but the main army continued its -march unopposed, crossed the Po, and pitched their camp -at Ceneta, in Venetia. Here they bewailed the loss of -much of their booty on the long route, and gave themselves -up to a life of indolence and relaxation in compensation -for their protracted predatory exertions. Soon, -however, a pestilence invaded the camp, emanating doubtless -from an ill-ordered commissariat and defective sanitation, -by which most of them perished, including Leuthar -himself.</p> - -<p>As for Butilin and the moiety of the host which remained -with him, they also succumbed to disease in considerable -numbers. The plenteous supply of grapes in Campania induced -them to indulge too freely in a raw wine of their own -concoction, and hence many of them fell victims to a fatal -flux from the bowels. Since Butilin hoped to obtain a permanent -seat in the country, he decided to fortify himself in -a strong position, and await the development of events. At -Casilinum,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_622" id="Ref_622" href="#Foot_622">[622]</a></span> on the river Vulturnus, -he found a suitable spot, -and there he fixed his camp within an enclosure strongly -fenced by wagons and stakes. Their front was defended -by the river, and wooden towers which they built at the foot -of an adjoining bridge. His army amounted to about thirty -thousand men, and he was also expecting reinforcements -which had been promised by his brother as soon as he had -deposited his treasures in a place of safety.</p> - -<p>Narses now thought himself strong enough to meet the -diminished host of Franks in the field; and he therefore -came down from the north and encamped on the other side -of the river, almost in sight of the enemy. His whole force, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_664" id="Page_664">{664}</a></span> -however, did not exceed eighteen thousand men, a great -many of the barbarians, who had accompanied him into -Italy, having been dismissed to their homes shortly after the -defeat of Totila. He began hostilities by cutting off the -foraging parties, on which the Franks were dependent for -supplies, a proceeding which harassed them so much that -they decided to end the molestation by a battle. When the -Roman general noticed that the enemy were preparing to -attack him he disposed his forces in order, placing all his -infantry in the centre, and his cavalry on the wings. A certain -number of his troops who were armed only with -missiles, bowmen, and slingers, he posted at the rear, and -he also concealed a detachment of horse in an adjacent -wood. The martial equipment of the army opposed to -him was very incomplete. All were infantry who bore no -defensive armour, except shields and an occasional helmet; -and their only offensive weapons were a sword, a barbed -javelin, and a two-edged axe. They drew themselves up in -the form of a wedge with the apex in front, and when the -order to charge was given they drove down on the Roman -centre with an impetus which carried them right through -the troops opposed to them, so that they seemed to be on -the way to capture the camp of their adversaries. Narses -now signalled for his wings to wheel round towards the -centre, until they faced almost the reverse way, and then to -empty their quivers into the unprotected backs of the enemy. -At the same time they were assailed in front by a brigade -of Herules who had not arrived at their place in the centre -before the sudden onslaught of the Franks. The result of -these tactics was the practical annihilation of the barbarian -host, along with whom Butilin himself perished. While -most of them were slain and many driven into the river, it -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_665" id="Page_665">{665}</a></span> -is said that only five escaped death on the field of battle. -Of the Romans only eighty were killed, and these were the -men who stood in the ranks where they had to withstand -the first shock of the Frankish charge. Shortly after this -victory Narses proceeded to the reduction of Compsae,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_623" id="Ref_623" href="#Foot_623">[623]</a></span> -where the number of recalcitrant Goths, who had taken -asylum with Ragnaris, now amounted to seven thousand. -The fortress was blockaded during the winter; and at the -beginning of spring (555), after their leader had been slain -in a chance encounter, the occupants surrendered unconditionally -to the eunuch, who sent them to Constantinople, -so that their services might be utilized for the future in the -defence of the Empire.</p> - -<p>After a war of twenty years Justinian at last felt himself -to be the veritable sovereign of Italy; and he drew up forthwith -a comprehensive Act for the future government of the -country. The title of this document, the legate to whose -hand it was entrusted, and the place chosen for its promulgation, -were all worthy of its importance. In the autumn of -554 the exiled Pope Vigilius quitted the Imperial capital to -annunciate the Pragmatic Sanction from the throne of St. -Peter as the Emperor's message of amity to the Italian people. -Yet the concessions made to the inhabitants by this Constitution -were, perhaps, not worthy of the name; and many -who benefited, through the adoption of a definite Imperial -policy, did so at the expense of others. Not altogether inequitably, -however, as the main object of the Emperor was -to restore the <i>status quo</i> before the accession to power of -Totila. The Pragmatic Sanction, therefore, enacted a universal -reinstatement of, and restitution to those who were -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_666" id="Page_666">{666}</a></span> -the losers by the interior administration of that monarch. -In his efforts to consolidate his power he had made, or -winked at, sweeping transfers of real and personal estate to -his supporters from those who were disaffected to his cause. -Now everyone was called on to take his own again wherever -he could find it, without being troubled to make out his -claim in conformity with the niceties of legal practice, it -being conceded that there might have been an indefinite -loss or destruction of instruments of title during the general -upset. Lands and cattle, houses and movables, were to revert -to their original owners; slaves of both sexes, who had -obtained or assumed their freedom in the laxity of the -times, were to return to the hand of their masters; and even -the marriage tie was declared to be a nullity if contracted -under the altered social conditions. Thus, husbands and -wives who relapsed into servitude could be repudiated by -their hymeneal partners; and even nuns, who had tasted of -matrimony, had the option of re-entering their convents. -On the other hand, Justinian did not encroach on the -liberty of his new subjects by depriving them of advantages -which they had formerly enjoyed; for instance, the provincial -Rectors were to be chosen locally by the prelates of -the Church from among the Italians themselves; and the -salaries customarily paid at Rome for the promotion of -liberal studies, literature, rhetoric, law, and physic, were to -be continued to the professors. He also invited the Roman -senators to visit him at the Byzantine Court whenever it -pleased them to do so; and enacted that travellers might -pass without let or hindrance between Italy and the rest of -the Empire. The usual formulas as to the efficient collection -of the taxes and against fiscal oppression were, of course, -prominently expressed in this Constitution; and in this department -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_667" id="Page_667">{667}</a></span> -we may be sure that the Gothic rule was often regretted.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_624" id="Ref_624" href="#Foot_624">[624]</a></span></p> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_599" id="Foot_599" href="#Ref_599">[599]</a> -Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iii, 1 (whence the narrative proceeds as -below). Cf. Anecd., 24, 26.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_600" id="Foot_600" href="#Ref_600">[600]</a> -Afterwards and now Pavia.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_601" id="Foot_601" href="#Ref_601">[601]</a> -Baduela on coins, but the Greeks always call him "Tõtilas," -perhaps phonetically.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_602" id="Foot_602" href="#Ref_602">[602]</a> -He had delayed at CP. to celebrate his nuptials with the daughter -of Germanus; Procopius, <i>loc. cit.</i>, 12.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_603" id="Foot_603" href="#Ref_603">[603]</a> -Now Otranto, the nearest point to the opposite coast of Greece.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_604" id="Foot_604" href="#Ref_604">[604]</a> -He was really afraid to be in the vicinity of Antonina, says Procopius -(Anecd., 5), as he believed that she had a mandate from Theodora -to make away with him, the latter having an inveterate enmity against -Germanus and his family.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_605" id="Foot_605" href="#Ref_605">[605]</a> -See p. 546.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_606" id="Foot_606" href="#Ref_606">[606]</a> -In a later part of his work, however, Procopius says (<i>loc. cit.</i>, -iv, 33) that Totila also burnt many of the buildings at this time. Marcellinus -Com. (an. 547) corroborates, and says that for forty days there -was neither man nor beast within the city.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_607" id="Foot_607" href="#Ref_607">[607]</a> -Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iii, 35; Anecd., 5. He left Italy this -time as in surreptitious flight, glad to abandon his task. In this year -(548), Procopius tells us (De Bel. Goth., iii, 29), the great whale Porphyrio -(see p. 368) was found stranded near the mouth of the Euxine. -It had got into shallow water, too eager in its pursuit of dolphins. The -measurements were 45 by 15 feet, but some doubted it to be the same -animal as had been known in the Propontis for fifty years. Procopius -does not, however, mention the "wonderful dog," who visited CP. in -530, and runs through all the Chroniclers from Jn. Malala to Zonaras. -Rings and coins placed in a heap on the ground he restored to their -owners, or fetched according to their value correctly. He also indicated -to order among the bystanders pregnant women, brothel-keepers, bawds, -adulterers, misers, and benevolent persons.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_608" id="Foot_608" href="#Ref_608">[608]</a> -Perhaps this is the origin of a statement by Paul Diac. (Hist. -Miscel., xvii) that on capturing Rome T. kept his trumpets sounding all -night to warn the citizens to take sanctuary from his turbulent soldiery. -"He lived among the Romans," says that historian, "like a father with -his sons." (The same passage occurs in Lib. Pontif., Vigilius.) "The -teaching of St. Benedict," he adds, "had moulded his character to this -clemency."</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_609" id="Foot_609" href="#Ref_609">[609]</a> -Altogether, however, Totila had equipped a war fleet of three -hundred first class ships (Procopius, <i>loc. cit.</i>, 22); with these he made -some successful descents on the opposite coast of the Adriatic.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_610" id="Foot_610" href="#Ref_610">[610]</a> -These Italian campaigns had evidently caused the Byzantines to -develop their naval power, and caused a reversal of the state of things -which prevailed at the beginning of the Vandal war. See p. 503.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_611" id="Foot_611" href="#Ref_611">[611]</a> -Just previously he had built a church and monastery in Cappadocia, -to which he intended to retire for the rest of his days (John Ephes., -Hist. (Smith), p. 75).</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_612" id="Foot_612" href="#Ref_612">[612]</a> -Agathias, i, 16.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_613" id="Foot_613" href="#Ref_613">[613]</a> -See p. 415.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_614" id="Foot_614" href="#Ref_614">[614]</a> -This campaign of Narses occupies the latter part of the fourth book -of the Gothic War of Procopius. More than the first half of that book is -devoted to Persian affairs, and would properly be called the third book -of the Persian War.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_615" id="Foot_615" href="#Ref_615">[615]</a> -It will be observed that Ravenna was never captured unless by -stratagem. Both Theodoric (p. 545) and Belisarius (p. 581) entered by -a pretended treaty with the occupants.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_616" id="Foot_616" href="#Ref_616">[616]</a> -"Taginae lies just below the central watershed of the Apennines, -near the modern Gubbio" (Oman, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 32).</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_617" id="Foot_617" href="#Ref_617">[617]</a> -Founding on Theophanes, an. 6044, and Cedrenus, i, p. 659, -this battle must have been fought in July, or at latest the beginning of -August.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_618" id="Foot_618" href="#Ref_618">[618]</a> -Procopius (<i>loc. cit.</i>, iv. 32) gives both stories of his death, the first -vaguely, the second, which he appears to believe, circumstantially.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_619" id="Foot_619" href="#Ref_619">[619]</a> -Jn. Malala, xviii, p. 486; Theophanes, <i>loc. cit.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_620" id="Foot_620" href="#Ref_620">[620]</a> -Procopius (De Bel. Goth., iv. 33) notes a curious parallel between -the careers of Dagisthaeus and Bessas. The latter, as we have seen, -disgraced himself at Rome, and subsequently distinguished himself by -the capture of Petra (p. 601). But just before Dagisthaeus had been -deported under arrest from Lazica, where he had held the command, -on the charge of accepting bribes from the Persians. He now retrieved -his disgrace by the capture of Rome.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_621" id="Foot_621" href="#Ref_621">[621]</a> -This is the last scene in the historical work of Procopius. Agathias -now takes up the narrative and begins with an epitome of his predecessor. -In his first and second books he treats of the further warfare of -Narses.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_622" id="Foot_622" href="#Ref_622">[622]</a> -Modern Capua, the ancient town, retaining its name, having been -moved to this site.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_623" id="Foot_623" href="#Ref_623">[623]</a> -Apparently a town near the Aufidus, on the northern border of -Lucania.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_624" id="Foot_624" href="#Ref_624">[624]</a> -The Pragmatic Sanction is found at the end of all editions of the -Corpus Juris Civilis. In the affix Narses is named as the Praepositus of -the Sacred Cubicle, that is Grand Chamberlain, or Chief Eunuch, the -title under which he became military governor of Italy. He was provided -with a Praetorian Praefect. There is a fragment of a later Act in -which J. legalises a composition <i>pro rata</i> between debtors and creditors, -having regard to the losses caused by the Frankish invasion.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_668" id="Page_668">{668}</a></span> - -<h2 class="nobreak">CHAPTER XIV<br /> -<small>RELIGION IN THE SIXTH CENTURY: JUSTINIAN AS A THEOLOGIAN</small></h2> - -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap">THE reign of Justinian in its theological aspect was a -long contest between the Dyophysites, that is, the -Orthodox Christians according to the creed of the dominant -hierarchy, and the Monophysites. Although the Emperor -was devotedly attached to Orthodoxy, he was above all -things desirous of finding some common ground on which -the conflicting sects could meet and be reconciled. From -the opposite side Theodora was animated by a similar -policy; she warmly espoused the Monophysite doctrine, but -was equally anxious with her husband to promote a general -union of the Christian Church. The Monophysites at this -time were divided into two parties, viz., the uncompromising -Acephali, who would concede nothing, and those who accepted -the Henoticon of Zeno (482). The former, almost -all Egyptians, anathematized the Council of Chalcedon; the -latter, chiefly Asiatics, pretended to tolerate that synod with -the reservations expressed by the Henoticon.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_625" id="Ref_625" href="#Foot_625">[625]</a></span> Thus, in the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_669" id="Page_669">{669}</a></span> -East there was a partial agreement between the Orthodox -and Monophysites; but the Christians in the West were as -uncompromisingly Orthodox as the Acephali in Egypt were -dissident: the Patriarch Acacius, the author of the Henoticon, -had been excommunicated for that piece of work by the -contemporary Pope, Felix.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_626" id="Ref_626" href="#Foot_626">[626]</a></span></p> - -<p>After the death of Anastasius, the hierarchies of Rome -and Constantinople had resumed friendly relations, owing to -the policy adopted by Justin and Justinian of persecuting -the Monophysites;<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_627" id="Ref_627" href="#Foot_627">[627]</a></span> but under the influence of Theodora, -or because of the Emperor's discouragement at the results -of these harsh measures, the opening of the new reign wore -a much more benign aspect toward the heretics. Amicable -discussion of the points of controversy and mutual concession -became the prevalent sentiment of the Court; and -soon Monophysites of every grade in the priestly office -began to crowd into the capital. Justinian received them -with condescension and Theodora afforded them material -hospitality, finding them quarters according to their rank in -the house of Hormisdas and even in the Imperial palace.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_628" id="Ref_628" href="#Foot_628">[628]</a></span> -The Emperor argued questions of doctrine with them as a -prelate might do with his inferior clergy, and convened representative -meetings of both parties with a view to the resolution -of differences.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_629" id="Ref_629" href="#Foot_629">[629]</a></span> His success, however, was limited -to the addition of one of the less contestable formulas of the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_670" id="Page_670">{670}</a></span> -Monophysites to the Catholic theology, viz., that "God was -crucified for us,"<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_630" id="Ref_630" href="#Foot_630">[630]</a></span> but this step did not meet with universal -or permanent approbation.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_631" id="Ref_631" href="#Foot_631">[631]</a></span> Yet Theodora was able to push -her influence to such an extent that she procured the translation -of Anthimus, Bishop of Trebizond, who was known -to have heretical leanings, to the Patriarchate of Constantinople -(535).<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_632" id="Ref_632" href="#Foot_632">[632]</a></span> This appointment was such a triumph for -the dissident sect that they assumed their advent to power -to be actually realized; and the recognized leader of the -Monophysites, Severus, the deposed Bishop of Antioch, -who had previously repulsed Justinian's advances as being -illusory, now issued from his retreat and appeared among -the dependents of the Byzantine Court.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_633" id="Ref_633" href="#Foot_633">[633]</a></span></p> - -<p>This ascendancy, however, rested on no solid ecclesiastical -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_671" id="Page_671">{671}</a></span> -foundation, but was sustained merely by the breath -of Court favour, as directed by Theodora. At the moment -when the prospects of the Monophysites seemed brightest it -is probable that disaster from some quarter was imminent -and inevitable, but the immediate cause of their ruin was a -fortuitous circumstance arising in connection with Justinian's -foreign policy. In the beginning of 536 Pope Agapetus -arrived at Constantinople, commissioned by Theodahad to -effect some favourable accommodation for him with the -Emperor.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_634" id="Ref_634" href="#Foot_634">[634]</a></span> Among the more intimate members of his suite -were two deacons of noble family, Vigilius and Pelagius. -The Catholic prelates, who were indignant at the elevation -of Anthimus, immediately surrounded the Pope and induced -him to refuse communion with the new Patriarch unless he -should prove his Orthodoxy.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_635" id="Ref_635" href="#Foot_635">[635]</a></span> Agapetus, therefore, challenged -Anthimus to a debate on the articles of the faith -in the presence of Justinian, and easily convicted him of -flagrant error. Excommunication, notwithstanding the menaces -of Theodora, at once followed, and the Emperor -could not resist the Pope's demand that he should be expelled -from his see.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_636" id="Ref_636" href="#Foot_636">[636]</a></span> The Empress at once took him under -her personal protection, and gave him private apartments in -the Palace.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_637" id="Ref_637" href="#Foot_637">[637]</a></span> At the same time she began to intrigue for his -restoration, and the course of events seemed to shape itself -very fortunately in her favour. The Pope died in the spring -of the same year before he could set out on his return -journey; and concomitantly Belisarius was making brilliant -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_672" id="Page_672">{672}</a></span> -progress in his invasion of Italy. Vigilius was a recognized -candidate for the see of Rome, and had, in fact, been irregularly -nominated before the consecration of Agapetus.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_638" id="Ref_638" href="#Foot_638">[638]</a></span> -Theodora approached him with bribes and threats; he -should be Pope, and receive also a large pecuniary grant, if -he agreed to adopt the policy she defined for him. Vigilius -gave her all the assurances she required; he would condemn -the Council of Chalcedon and communicate with the three -leaders of the Monophysites, Anthimus, Severus, and Theodosius -of Alexandria, the only one who was in occupation -of a see. At her dictation he at once wrote a letter to these -prelates, confessing the same faith as themselves;<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_639" id="Ref_639" href="#Foot_639">[639]</a></span> and then -he departed for Italy with a mandate for Belisarius directing -that he should be installed in the Papal seat.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_640" id="Ref_640" href="#Foot_640">[640]</a></span> He joined -the Master of Soldiers at Naples, and, after the capture of -that city, accompanied him to Rome.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_641" id="Ref_641" href="#Foot_641">[641]</a></span></p> - -<p>In the meantime, however, Theodahad had filled the -vacancy, and caused Silverius to be created Pope in due -form. When the Byzantine army entered the Western capital -after the flight of the Goths, as already related, Belisarius -took up his abode in a palace on the Pincian Hill;<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_642" id="Ref_642" href="#Foot_642">[642]</a></span> and, in -concert with his wife, who was better versed than himself in -such matters, endeavoured to carry out the ecclesiastical -policy of the Empress. At first, persuasion was tried, in -order to induce Silverius to adapt himself to altered circumstances, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_673" id="Page_673">{673}</a></span> -but he was a strenuous upholder of Orthodoxy and -would make no concession. It was decided, therefore, to -find a pretext for deposing him, and with that view libels -were circulated, insinuating that he was now acting in collusion -with the Goths. His residence was in the Lateran -palace near the Asinarian gate, and he was accused of plotting -to admit the enemy through that portal. He repudiated -the charge and removed his habitation to an interior part of -the city.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_643" id="Ref_643" href="#Foot_643">[643]</a></span> A letter was then forged, -in which his treasonable -relations with Vitigis were set forth in precise terms;<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_644" id="Ref_644" href="#Foot_644">[644]</a></span> whereupon -he was summoned to the presence of the general on -the Pincian. He found Belisarius sitting at the feet of his -wife, who was reclining on a couch; and the moment he -entered, Antonina addressed him with: "My Lord Pope, -what have we done to you and the Romans that you should -wish to betray us to the Goths?" She had scarcely finished -speaking, when a pair of subservient deacons stripped him -of his pallium, and hastily enveloped him in a monkish -habit. He was then hurried away to exile, while the information -was spread among the populace that the Pope had -been made a monk.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_645" id="Ref_645" href="#Foot_645">[645]</a></span> After his deposition, Vigilius was consecrated -without delay or difficulty, little or nothing being -known at Rome of the pledges he had given at the Byzantine -Court to apostatize from the Catholic faith. Theodora -soon claimed the fulfilment of his promises, but in the West -he found himself in an atmosphere where no departure from -Orthodoxy would be tolerated, whilst in the East the tide -was running so strongly against the Monophysites that no -neutral ecclesiastic could be so indiscreet as to espouse -their cause. He, therefore, put her off with professions of -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_674" id="Page_674">{674}</a></span> -inability and evasive replies, so that the heretics were as far -off as ever from being countenanced by the Papal chair.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_646" id="Ref_646" href="#Foot_646">[646]</a></span> -Vigilius even thought it prudent to purge himself of any suspicion -of heresy by writing to Justinian and the Patriarch -Menna, who had succeeded Anthimus, in terms which left -no doubt of his orthodoxy.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_647" id="Ref_647" href="#Foot_647">[647]</a></span> As for Silverius, his first place -of exile was Lycia, and from thence reports were sent up to -the Court representing that he had been wrongfully accused. -Justinian was thus influenced to issue a mandate for him to -return to Italy, and clear himself, but, as he drew near to -Rome, he was again arrested and deported to the isle of -Palmaria, where he died within the year.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_648" id="Ref_648" href="#Foot_648">[648]</a></span> It was generally -believed that he perished gradually through inanition, the -result of his being kept on a very meagre diet by Vigilius;<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_649" id="Ref_649" href="#Foot_649">[649]</a></span> -but the definite statement of Procopius that he was made -away with by one Eugenius, an assassin suborned by Antonina -at the instance of Theodora, has the strongest claims -on our credence.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_650" id="Ref_650" href="#Foot_650">[650]</a></span></p> - -<p>After the death of Silverius, the theological peace of the -West remained undisturbed for several years; but Justinian -and Theodora at New Rome never flagged in their efforts to -approach from opposite sides the goal of union between the -two great Christian sects. After the deposition of Anthimus, -however, the Emperor felt that he had been too yielding to -the heretics; and he now allowed the Orthodox bishops of -the East to give practical effect to their abhorrence of the -Monophysites. It must be admitted, indeed, that the members -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_675" id="Page_675">{675}</a></span> -of that sect who had flocked to the capital under the -impression that the injunction against their teaching had -been for ever rescinded, went far beyond the limits of -moderation; and entered on a tireless mission which seemed -to aim at no less than to proselytize the whole mass of the -Constantinopolitans to their creed.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_651" id="Ref_651" href="#Foot_651">[651]</a></span> One of the first acts, -therefore, of the new Patriarch, Menna, was to convene a -Council under the Imperial sanction, at which more than -three score bishops and a number of inferior clergy received -protests from all parts of the Empire, and pronounced sentence -of deprivation against their opponents, wherever they -might be found.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_652" id="Ref_652" href="#Foot_652">[652]</a></span> A general flight of the sectaries, who had -shown themselves to be so irrepressible in the city, ensued; -and a repetition of the persecution which marked the accession -of Justin was reintegrated throughout the Asiatic -provinces.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_653" id="Ref_653" href="#Foot_653">[653]</a></span> Nevertheless, the Empress provided -secure refuges -for numbers of those who were pursued, and even determined -by her active interference the tenure of the Patriarchate -of Alexandria. That city was the stronghold of the -Acephali, and when the episcopal throne became vacant in -536, an extremist named Gaianus was immediately elected -to fill it by the most powerful local faction.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_654" id="Ref_654" href="#Foot_654">[654]</a></span> Theodosius, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_676" id="Page_676">{676}</a></span> -who accepted the Henoticon, was the nominee of the local -government, as inspired by Theodora, but his confirmation -was resisted by violent riots. The Empress at once despatched -Narses to establish her candidate by the aid of the -military; and the eunuch had to wage a civil war in the streets -of the hostile city, amid showers of missiles launched from -windows and from roofs of houses by infuriated women, -before he could achieve his object.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_655" id="Ref_655" href="#Foot_655">[655]</a></span> Yet the Orthodox party -had become so reinvigorated that the very next year the -presence of the Egyptian primate was commanded at the -Imperial capital, where he was offered the option of accepting -fully the Council of Chalcedon, or of deposition from his -see. He chose the latter alternative, and was banished to -the Castle of Dercos in Thrace, which had been chosen for -the seclusion of Monophysites who were unable, or who had -not deigned to escape.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_656" id="Ref_656" href="#Foot_656">[656]</a></span> Shortly, however, there was a lull in -the storm of Orthodox rancour; and a flourishing brotherhood -of Monophysites was permitted to exist at Sycae, where -a monastery had been built for them, and liberally endowed -by Theodora. To this establishment Theodosius returned -before a twelvemonth, and continued for more than a quarter -of a century to be the head of it.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_657" id="Ref_657" href="#Foot_657">[657]</a></span></p> - -<p>Early in the fifth decade of the sixth century the great -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_677" id="Page_677">{677}</a></span> -theological question which agitated the subsequent years of -Justinian's reign, had its origin. Paul, the Alexandrian -Patriarch who had replaced Theodosius, became involved -shortly after his accession in a scandal connected with the -unwarrantable execution of a deacon by Rhodo, the Augustal -Praefect. The Emperor and his consort were much -affected by this circumstance, and decreed that Paul should -be tried for his share in it by an ecclesiastical court.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_658" id="Ref_658" href="#Foot_658">[658]</a></span> The -Patriarch was convicted, deposed, and one Zoilus appointed -in his stead, but these occurrences were merely collateral to -the main event. Among the ecclesiastics in favour at the -Byzantine Court were Pelagius, the Papal nuncio, and -Theodore Ascidas, Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_659" id="Ref_659" href="#Foot_659">[659]</a></span> -Their rivalry for the Imperial patronage was keen, and they -were mutually desirous of damaging one another in the estimation -of the sovereign. The court which tried Paul -assembled at Gaza (542), and was summoned for the purpose -by Pelagius, acting as Imperial Commissioner. Certain -monks of Jerusalem availed themselves of his proximity and -authority to forward a petition to the Emperor against an -antagonistic fraternity who were earnest disseminators of the -doctrines of Origen.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_660" id="Ref_660" href="#Foot_660">[660]</a></span> The brothers complained of emanated -from the New Laura in that region;<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_661" id="Ref_661" href="#Foot_661">[661]</a></span> and it happened that -Theodore Ascidas had formerly been one of their associates. -Knowing, therefore, that he would be zealous in the defence -of Origen, Pelagius eagerly accepted the advocacy of the -complainants as a means of injuring his rival; and on his -return to Constantinople at once apprised the Emperor as -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_678" id="Page_678">{678}</a></span> -to the teeming crop of error which threatened to befoul the -sources of the faith in Palestine. Justinian listened with -avidity, and forthwith began an assiduous study of the -works of Origen with a view to the disclosure of noxious -passages. As that father had lived before any definite creed -of the Christian faith had been specified, and had been -deeply imbued with notions derived from Egyptian and -Oriental mythology, Justinian was shortly successful in unearthing -a mass of glaring heresy from his writings. This -material was then systematically drafted into canons, which -were embodied in a formal requisition from the Emperor to -the Patriarch that Origen should be anathematized in a -council of bishops.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_662" id="Ref_662" href="#Foot_662">[662]</a></span> In the meantime Theodore, anxious to -retaliate against Pelagius, and to disturb the convictions of -the Orthodox in general, as well as to divert attention from -Origen to a greater issue, had devised a skilful attack on the -Council of Chalcedon. The action of the Roman legate -had created a precedent for reviewing and censuring the -opinions of ecclesiastics long since dead; and his adversary -perceived that this new method could be applied effectively -to damage the authority of the synod in question. Two -bishops, who had incurred the charge of Nestorianism, had -been expressly approved at Chalcedon; whilst a third, who -was infected, had been passed over without animadversion.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_663" id="Ref_663" href="#Foot_663">[663]</a></span> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_679" id="Page_679">{679}</a></span> -Besides being an Origenist, Theodore was a temperate -Monophysite;<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_664" id="Ref_664" href="#Foot_664">[664]</a></span> and he now persuaded the Emperor that a -qualified condemnation of the defunct prelates would purge -the Council of every blemish and win for it the acceptance -of all of his creed. Justinian again applied himself to his -studies, and soon convinced himself that the theologians indicated -had been tainted with flagrant impiety; upon which -he published an edict wherein their respective errors were -reprobated in three sections.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_665" id="Ref_665" href="#Foot_665">[665]</a></span> In the East but little commotion -was occasioned by this document, as the objections -were familiar to those accustomed to read the Greek Fathers, -but among the Latins the Church was agitated violently -because nothing was comprehended<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_666" id="Ref_666" href="#Foot_666">[666]</a></span> except that the Council -of Chalcedon, the decisions of which had been dictated -by Pope Leo, was convicted of fallacy. On that side of the -Empire, therefore, controversy and stubborn resistance was -at once manifested against the Emperor's proscription of -the "Three Chapters," the title conveniently bestowed on -the matters in dispute.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_667" id="Ref_667" href="#Foot_667">[667]</a></span></p> - -<p>Justinian, as usual, was determined to carry his point; -and he now concluded that the most effective means of attaining -his end was to procure a Papal ordinance in confirmation -of his own edict. But Vigilius at Rome was -beyond the power of persuasion, and might soon not be -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_680" id="Page_680">{680}</a></span> -amenable even to force. His presence at Constantinople -was, therefore, an urgent necessity; and when the Emperor -expressed himself to that effect he was eagerly seconded by -Theodora, who was anxious to arraign the Pope for having -broken faith with her. With the decision that was habitual -to her she resolved that he should be compulsorily deported, -and at once despatched an officer with strict injunctions to -seize Vigilius wherever he should find him, with the single -exception of St. Peter's Cathedral.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_668" id="Ref_668" href="#Foot_668">[668]</a></span> The Italian capital was -not yet beset by the Goths, and the orders of the Empress -were executed to the letter (545). In broad day, while -celebrating the holy office in the church of St. Cecilia, the -Pope was arrested by a company of guards and hurried -through the streets to a ship which lay waiting in the Tiber. -A concourse of people thronged after him, and, as soon as -they saw him standing without restraint on the deck of the -vessel, they clamoured for a benediction. He acceded to -their request, and when he had finished, the ship began to -put off from the shore. Only then did they realize that he -was actually about to leave them, whereupon their demeanour -changed suddenly, and they gave a striking proof -that they were inspired by two natures. Stones, sticks, and -old pots were hurled after the receding pontiff, whilst they -yelled abusive epithets at the top of their voices: "Famine -and death go with you! You have done badly by the -Romans; may you fare ill wherever you go!"<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_669" id="Ref_669" href="#Foot_669">[669]</a></span></p> - -<p>Vigilius did not now complete the voyage to the Imperial -city, but, being landed at Syracuse, remained there about a -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_681" id="Page_681">{681}</a></span> -year,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_670" id="Ref_670" href="#Foot_670">[670]</a></span> as Justinian was not yet prepared -to push the question -to a crisis. In 547, however, Emperor and Pope met at -Constantinople, and embraced each other with the greatest -seeming cordiality.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_671" id="Ref_671" href="#Foot_671">[671]</a></span> For some time they worked together in -perfect concord, while Justinian entirely won over the head -of the Western Church to his views; and in the next year a -papal decree was promulgated, under the title of the -"Judicatum," in which the Three Chapters were anathematized -in the terms dictated by the Imperial theologian.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_672" id="Ref_672" href="#Foot_672">[672]</a></span> But -this decisive act was the signal for Western indignation to -rise to its height; and Vigilius was stricken with awe at -finding that he could scarcely count on a single adherent in -the Roman half of the Empire.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_673" id="Ref_673" href="#Foot_673">[673]</a></span> Latin ecclesiastics at once -began to compose and circulate elaborate treatises in which -they contravened the Imperial and Papal pronouncements -and maintained that the proceedings at Chalcedon had been -infallible in every detail.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_674" id="Ref_674" href="#Foot_674">[674]</a></span> Vigilius, therefore, withdrew his -Judicatum without reserve, a measure which caused the tension -of opinion between Emperor, Pope, and Patriarch to -become acute. The arch-priests excommunicated each -other,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_675" id="Ref_675" href="#Foot_675">[675]</a></span> and Justinian became desperate -at finding himself -defied at the moment when he believed himself to be in -touch with the goal. He issued a new edict (551), condemning -the Three Chapters, and insisted that the Pope -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_682" id="Page_682">{682}</a></span> -should sign it.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_676" id="Ref_676" href="#Foot_676">[676]</a></span> But Vigilius had now been joined by some -Western bishops and clerics, and especially by the resolute -Pelagius, who thought the contest demanded his presence -in the East. With the support of these coadjutors, Vigilius -persisted in his refusal to sign, while the attitude of the Emperor -became more and more threatening from day to day. -At length, fearing that personal violence would be resorted -to, he fled from his residence in the palace of Placidia to -take sanctuary in the adjacent church of St. Peter in -Hormisdas; and here the Pope with some of his supporters -sought to save themselves by clinging to the columns of the -altar. As soon as this flight was announced to Justinian, he -commanded a praetor with an armed guard to arrest the -fugitives in the sanctuary, and drag them to his presence. -The military entered the church, followed by a popular concourse, -and proceeded to execute their orders. The lesser -clerics were soon detached, but Vigilius embraced the pillars -of the altar with all his might. The soldiers laid hold of -him, some by the feet, some by the hair and beard, and -strove to bear him off by main force, but the massive structure -gave way and would have crushed the pontiff in its fall -had its collapse not been prevented by some of the deacons -standing by.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_677" id="Ref_677" href="#Foot_677">[677]</a></span> A groan of horror arose -from the crowd of onlookers; -the assailants then desisted from the struggle and -released their victim. Fearing that he might have gone too -far, the praetor now called off his men, and retired to inform -the Emperor of what had occurred. On hearing his report -Justinian decided to proceed no further by compulsion, and -sent a deputation to give the Pope assurances that he might -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_683" id="Page_683">{683}</a></span> -return to the Placidian palace without fear of being again -subjected to physical coercion.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_678" id="Ref_678" href="#Foot_678">[678]</a></span> Vigilius acted according to -these representations and left the sanctuary; but a few -months afterwards his apprehensions were renewed and he -again determined to vacate his secular residence. One -night, just before Christmas (551) he crept out at the back -of the premises, scaled a half-built wall, and made his way -to the water's edge. A boat was in waiting which carried -him across to Chalcedon, and there he took refuge in the -Church of St. Euphemia. Within the same walls a century -previously had been held the famous Council, of which he -had involuntarily become the champion. In this retreat a -body of delegates, headed by Belisarius, soon arrived, bearing -protests from the Emperor as to his pacific intentions, -and offering every inducement for the Pope to return to the -capital. Vigilius, however, would listen to no entreaties, but -drew up a history of his sufferings in the cause of orthodoxy, -which he embodied in an Encyclical and published to the -whole Christian world.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_679" id="Ref_679" href="#Foot_679">[679]</a></span> Justinian now decided that perseverance -in violent hostilities would be futile, and that a -personal reconciliation with the Pope on any terms would -best serve his Church policy. He, therefore, sent Menna -and Theodore to offer ample apologies for all that had -passed, and to promise Vigilius that he should in future be -free to follow his own course with respect to theological -doctrine. The Pope accepted their professions, and, after a -mutual withdrawal of anathemas, returned to his quarters in -the palace of Placidia.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_680" id="Ref_680" href="#Foot_680">[680]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_684" id="Page_684">{684}</a></span> -Justinian now resolved that his reign should be distinguished -by an Œcumenical Council, at which the Catholic -faith should be postulated in accordance with his own -theological bias. Almost all the Bishops of the East were -willing to confirm his edicts relating to Christian doctrine -in a general synod; and those who acted in opposition to -him did so at the peril of being ejected from their sees. In -the spring of 553, therefore, the assenting prelates poured -into Constantinople from diverse regions to the number of -one hundred and sixty-five; and the great assembly was -held in one of the collateral halls of St. Sophia in the month -of May of that year.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_681" id="Ref_681" href="#Foot_681">[681]</a></span> The clerical concourse were extremely -anxious that Vigilius should take his seat with them at the -Council, but he was immutable in his resolution to uphold -the Three Chapters. Several deputations waited on him, -with whom he held colloquies, but to their invitations he -replied invariably that the Oriental bishops were many, -whilst in his own following there were but few.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_682" id="Ref_682" href="#Foot_682">[682]</a></span> In vain they -urged that a very small number of Occidental prelates had -attended the previous Councils, for he had, in fact, prepared -a document, which he denominated his "Constitutum,"<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_683" id="Ref_683" href="#Foot_683">[683]</a></span> to -be published before the meeting of the synod, in contravention -of its decrees. The Pope had now about him seventeen -Latin bishops, as well as Pelagius and other clerics, who -inspired his determination and appended their signatures to -the Constitutum. That decretal was a lengthy composition -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_685" id="Page_685">{685}</a></span> -which included the responses of Vigilius to sixty propositions -of Theodore Ascidas, but the tenor of it was summed -up in a single sentence: "That it was not lawful to subvert -anything constituted by the Holy Council of Chalcedon."<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_684" id="Ref_684" href="#Foot_684">[684]</a></span> -The Fifth Œcumenical Council, therefore, was held without -the presence of the Pope, although he was for the moment -resident at its gates; and the discussion of his hostile Constitutum -formed an important part of its transactions. The -Emperor quoted passages from his Judicatum,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_685" id="Ref_685" href="#Foot_685">[685]</a></span> whereby he -demonstrated that Vigilius was in contradiction with himself; -and ultimately the Council decided that he had associated -himself with impiety and voted that his name should -be erased from the sacred diptychs. At the same time they -asserted that their union with the Apostolical See of Rome -remained intact, notwithstanding that they dissociated themselves -from the person of the occupying pontiff.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_686" id="Ref_686" href="#Foot_686">[686]</a></span> Fourteen -canons against the Three Chapters were then proposed and -ratified,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_687" id="Ref_687" href="#Foot_687">[687]</a></span> and a further rule of credence -was thus established -for the Christian Church, which Justinian at once proceeded -to enforce with all the resources of his sovereignty. A number -of recalcitrant ecclesiastics were deprived and banished, -or placed in durance, among the latter being Pelagius.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_688" id="Ref_688" href="#Foot_688">[688]</a></span> As -for Vigilius, since Rome and Italy had now been brought -permanently under the dominion of the Emperor by the -victories of Narses, he was anxious to return to his see with -the Imperial countenance; and within a year after the sitting -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_686" id="Page_686">{686}</a></span> -of the Council he effected a reconciliation with Justinian by -the issue of a second Constitutum, by which he retracted -the first, and again advocated the views he had professed in -his Judicatum.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_689" id="Ref_689" href="#Foot_689">[689]</a></span> Being thus restored to Court favour he was -entrusted with the Pragmatic Sanction and set out for -Rome, as related above; but he was now broken by years, -and illness compelled him to interrupt his voyage at Syracuse, -where he died in the spring of 555.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_690" id="Ref_690" href="#Foot_690">[690]</a></span> The Emperor -now judged sagaciously that the vacant Popedom was an -allurement which would dissipate the most assured theological -convictions; and he determined to test its potency -on the man who above all others was best fitted for the -Papal seat. When an intimation was conveyed to the redoubtable -champion of Chalcedon, Pelagius, that the pontificate -was the prize of his recantation, the weapons with -which he had so long defended the Three Chapters escaped -from his nerveless grasp; and, while he accepted the tiara -of the West with one hand, he signed with the other a -convention that his faith was assimilated in all respects to -that of the princely donor.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_691" id="Ref_691" href="#Foot_691">[691]</a></span> The report of his defection -preceded him to Rome, and on his arrival there the influence -of Narses scarcely availed to induce three ecclesiastics -of sufficient rank to perform the ceremony of his -consecration. He had covenanted with Justinian to enforce -the decrees of the Fifth General Council in the West with -the authority which attached to the occupant of St. Peter's -chair; but the hostility of the Latin bishops was so positive -that he was obliged to shelter himself behind ambiguous -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_687" id="Page_687">{687}</a></span> -utterances and pronouncements as to his unfaltering allegiance -to the Council of Chalcedon. He organized a solemn -procession to St. Peter's, and, standing before the high -altar with the Cross and Gospels held above his head, and -the Imperial vicegerent at his side, affirmed his innocence -of all the charges which had been made against him.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_692" id="Ref_692" href="#Foot_692">[692]</a></span> He -also addressed an Encyclical "To All the People of God," -in which he expressed his reverence in detail for everything -held sacred in the West, and his especial veneration for the -memory of "the Orthodox bishops, Theodoret and Ibas."<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_693" id="Ref_693" href="#Foot_693">[693]</a></span> -By these asseverations he won over the Italian people and -hierarchs in general to his side, but the sees of Milan and -Aquileia for long maintained a schismatic attitude to the -pontificate, and the Church of Gaul declined communion -with Rome for more than half a century.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_694" id="Ref_694" href="#Foot_694">[694]</a></span></p> - -<p>The Fifth Oecumenical Council was totally ineffective in -procuring a union between the Monophysites and the -Catholic world. For more than a decade before that synod -the heretics of the One-Nature had been a spreading sect, -and they ultimately established themselves as one of the -permanent Churches of the East. This result is, perhaps, to -be attributed to the steady patronage bestowed on them by -Theodora. From the monastery at Sycae, with which she -zealously associated herself, emanated several prelates, whose -missional activities brought over whole districts and even -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_688" id="Page_688">{688}</a></span> -nationalities to their creed; and especially that extraordinary -man, Jacob Baradaeus, in recognition of whose prodigious -efforts, sustained for more than thirty years, the title of -Monophysites was abrogated in favour of that of Jacobites. -After an ascetic seclusion of fifteen years at Constantinople -he was (in 543) ordained Bishop of Edessa by Theodosius, -the exiled Patriarch of Alexandria; and thereafter he pursued -his labours untiringly throughout the Asiatic provinces, -returning continually from his round to the Imperial or -Egyptian capital, where the centres of the sect were maintained. -Concealed under a variety of disguises and penetrating -the most inaccessible regions, he walked thirty or -forty miles daily to win over converts. During all this time -he eluded the vigilance of those who were eager to capture -him, either to obtain the reward offered by the Emperor, or -to satiate the rancour of the Orthodox. The ordination of -two Patriarchs, twenty-seven bishops, and one hundred -thousand lesser clergy is recorded as the fruit of his activities.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_695" id="Ref_695" href="#Foot_695">[695]</a></span> -About the same time, Theodora, in conjunction with Theodosius, -despatched a missionary to Nubia, who was successful -in gaining the favour of King Silco of that country, and -even caused a rival, who was acting in the interests of Justinian, -to be dismissed with a rebuff.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_696" id="Ref_696" href="#Foot_696">[696]</a></span> At the petition of -Arethas, prince of the Ghassanides, the Empress also procured -the ordination of a bishop for Bostra, a populous -town in the north of Arabia.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_697" id="Ref_697" href="#Foot_697">[697]</a></span> Thus, before her death in 548, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_689" id="Page_689">{689}</a></span> -she had the satisfaction of seeing her favourite sect dividing -the allegiance of the population with the Catholics throughout -Asia and Africa.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_698" id="Ref_698" href="#Foot_698">[698]</a></span> Thenceforward, the Orthodox in the -East were called Melchites ("Royalists"), in contradistinction -to the Jacobites, as representing the Imperial party in -religion.</p> - -<p>In his relations with religion, Justinian is presented to us -in no less than six different aspects. We have seen him as a -builder of churches, and as an ecclesiastical statesman; it -still remains for us to consider him as a hierarch or clerical -legislator, as a persecutor of heretics, as a missionary or -converter of the heathen, and as a theologian or Christian -metaphysician.</p> - -<p>1. In the first department the Emperor enacted Constitutions -dealing with clerical life and authority in every -relationship, his maxim being that the salvation of the State -and the individual depended on the Church being maintained -in its integrity.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_699" id="Ref_699" href="#Foot_699">[699]</a></span> In the case of a bishopric becoming -vacant, three candidates were to be nominated, and the most -fit elected by the votes of the ecclesiastics and the principal -citizens of the locality; but, if obtained by bribery, the election -was annulled. Essential qualifications of a bishop were -that he should be above thirty years of age and have no -children or grandchildren, whereby his attention might be -distracted from his sacred duties. It was necessary also that -he should not be addicted to a curia, unless he had gained -his freedom from the same, through having spent fifteen -years in a monastery.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_700" id="Ref_700" href="#Foot_700">[700]</a></span> In the exercise of his office he was -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_690" id="Page_690">{690}</a></span> -authorized to supervise almost all the activities of civil life. -He could demand an account of expenditure from all persons -charged with public works, such as baths, roads, bridges, -statues, aqueducts, harbours, and fortifications, selecting -three experts to assist him with their experience; and he -could call on the Rector with his cohort to help him in -dealing with recalcitrants.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_701" id="Ref_701" href="#Foot_701">[701]</a></span> He was enjoined to prohibit -gambling,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_702" id="Ref_702" href="#Foot_702">[702]</a></span> and to visit the prisons every Sunday -in order to -inquire into the cases of those under detention.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_703" id="Ref_703" href="#Foot_703">[703]</a></span> It was his -duty to see that legacies left to the Church or to charities -were properly applied by the heirs or trustees;<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_704" id="Ref_704" href="#Foot_704">[704]</a></span> and at one -time Justinian allowed such bequests to be exacted even -after the lapse of a century, but he subsequently reduced -the limit to forty years.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_705" id="Ref_705" href="#Foot_705">[705]</a></span> Litigants could choose him as a -judge of first instance, or they could appeal to him from the -Rector; but they could also, if dissatisfied with his decision, -appeal to the provincial governor.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_706" id="Ref_706" href="#Foot_706">[706]</a></span> A bishop was immune -from charges which were incumbent on ordinary citizens, -that is, trusteeships of all kinds. He need not accept the -post of tutor or curator to young relations, nor the care of -those who were demented;<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_707" id="Ref_707" href="#Foot_707">[707]</a></span> nor could he be compelled to -attend in court as a witness.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_708" id="Ref_708" href="#Foot_708">[708]</a></span> The ethics of a bishop's life -were scrupulously regulated by law. No woman could be -resident in his house, except a wife, a sister, a daughter, or -a first cousin.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_709" id="Ref_709" href="#Foot_709">[709]</a></span> He was not permitted to indulge in any -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_691" id="Page_691">{691}</a></span> -gambling game, nor to attend the spectacles of the circus or -the theatre.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_710" id="Ref_710" href="#Foot_710">[710]</a></span> He also laboured under the disability of being -unable to make a will or execute a deed of gift, so that his -mind should be wholly free from worldly concern.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_711" id="Ref_711" href="#Foot_711">[711]</a></span> The -lesser clergy, that is, presbyters, deacons, and sub-deacons, -were obliged to live under the same stringent rules as far as -applicable to their rank; and only for the lowest grades of -the ministry, viz., chanters and readers, was marriage lawful.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_712" id="Ref_712" href="#Foot_712">[712]</a></span> -But even to them second nuptials were forbidden, under the -penalty of forfeiting all claim to promotion in the service of -the Church.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_713" id="Ref_713" href="#Foot_713">[713]</a></span> The children of illicit marriages contracted by -clerics were ignored by the State so far that they were not -even entitled to the privileges of bastards.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_714" id="Ref_714" href="#Foot_714">[714]</a></span> Nor would the -Emperor tolerate idle ecclesiastics, but enacted that all should -perform a part methodically in prayers and psalmody for the -benefit of the laity.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_715" id="Ref_715" href="#Foot_715">[715]</a></span> Women of fifty could be ordained as -deaconesses in the Church, but after some time Justinian -reduced the age to forty.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_716" id="Ref_716" href="#Foot_716">[716]</a></span> The constitution of monasteries -was also minutely regulated by legislation. Not the senior, -but the most suitable person, was to be elected as abbot or -abbess. The segregation of males and females was to be -rigidly carried out, and only one old male servitor was to be -employed in a nunnery.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_717" id="Ref_717" href="#Foot_717">[717]</a></span> Husband or wife might elect to -lead a religious life without incurring any of the penalties -for the neglect of family duties to which an ordinary citizen -was exposed.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_718" id="Ref_718" href="#Foot_718">[718]</a></span> By entering a monastery the individual divested -himself of all his worldly goods in favour of the religious -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_692" id="Page_692">{692}</a></span> -community, but not to the prejudice of wife or children, -who were still entitled to their legal share of the estate.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_719" id="Ref_719" href="#Foot_719">[719]</a></span> -Abduction of a nun, even with her own consent, rendered -not only the ravisher liable to capital punishment, but also -any persons who harboured or aided him in the crime.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_720" id="Ref_720" href="#Foot_720">[720]</a></span> -Alienation of Church property, as well as of that of monasteries -and charitable foundations, was carefully guarded -against, and leases were to be granted only to the rich.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_721" id="Ref_721" href="#Foot_721">[721]</a></span> -Ruins, however, and surplus treasure in the form of vessels -and vestments might be sold to allow of the funds being -applied to some more useful purpose.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_722" id="Ref_722" href="#Foot_722">[722]</a></span> But an exception -was made in the case of money being required for the redemption -of captives, "since it was only reasonable to prefer -human souls to material valuables."<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_723" id="Ref_723" href="#Foot_723">[723]</a></span> Some relief with respect -to the incidence of the taxes was also granted to religious -bodies in recognition of "the distinction existing between -things divine and human."<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_724" id="Ref_724" href="#Foot_724">[724]</a></span> Clerical criminals were punished -by expulsion from the cloth and surrendered to be dealt with -by the secular arm; in minor cases by relegation to a monastery -for three years, there to be subjected to a stringent -discipline.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_725" id="Ref_725" href="#Foot_725">[725]</a></span></p> - -<p>2. The attitude of Justinian towards those of his subjects -who did not profess the Orthodox faith was one of the most -complete intolerance. A heretic<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_726" id="Ref_726" href="#Foot_726">[726]</a></span> was scarcely fit to live, and -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_693" id="Page_693">{693}</a></span> -it was only strict justice for him to be "deprived of all -earthly advantages, so that he might languish in misery."<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_727" id="Ref_727" href="#Foot_727">[727]</a></span> -Hence the legal enactments against such religious dissidents -subjected them to civil and sometimes to physical death. -They were accordingly excluded from all offices of dignity -in the State, as well as from holding any magistracy "lest -they should be constituted as judges of Christians and -bishops."<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_728" id="Ref_728" href="#Foot_728">[728]</a></span> Similarly, the liberal professions -were barred to -them, "for fear of their imparting to others their fatal -errors."<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_729" id="Ref_729" href="#Foot_729">[729]</a></span> Wills made by them were not recognized in law -unless in favour of Orthodox children or relatives, and, if -they had none such, then the Treasury instituted itself as -their successor.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_730" id="Ref_730" href="#Foot_730">[730]</a></span> The testimony of heretics was not received -in court against the Orthodox,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_731" id="Ref_731" href="#Foot_731">[731]</a></span> and they were forbidden to -hold Christian slaves.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_732" id="Ref_732" href="#Foot_732">[732]</a></span> Hence, the slaves of heretics possessed -the power of self-emancipation by professing themselves -converts to the Orthodox faith. There were, however, -degrees in heresy, and the proscriptive laws were not pressed -with equal force against all. Manichaeans, Pagans, Montanists -and the various sects of Gnostics were the most odious,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_733" id="Ref_733" href="#Foot_733">[733]</a></span> -whilst Arians, Nestorians, and Monophysites were not pronounced -against by name in the first decade of Justinian's -reign.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_734" id="Ref_734" href="#Foot_734">[734]</a></span> The disciples of Mani were frankly condemned to -death wherever found, "so that their very name might perish -from among the nations."<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_735" id="Ref_735" href="#Foot_735">[735]</a></span> It was a crime to possess their -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_694" id="Page_694">{694}</a></span> -books and not hand them over to a public official in order -that they should be burnt.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_736" id="Ref_736" href="#Foot_736">[736]</a></span></p> - -<p>Such were the principles which were laid down in the -Byzantine state for dealing with heretics, but in practice the -penalties were not always strictly enforced, and the law often -slumbered unless some special stimulus set it in motion. A -couple of years after Justinian's accession his zeal for Orthodoxy -inflamed him with a desire to encompass a general -conformity in religion throughout the Empire. He issued a -decree, therefore, that all heretics of the flagrant type would -lie under the extreme penalties of the statutes unless they -accepted Christianity within three months.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_737" id="Ref_737" href="#Foot_737">[737]</a></span> As a result, -many votaries of polytheism were discovered in the capital, -and several high officials were dismissed from their posts.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_738" id="Ref_738" href="#Foot_738">[738]</a></span> -At the same time, a numerous body of inquisitors pervaded -the provinces in order to enforce the edict, whereupon many -conformed through fear, whilst others who were fanatically -attached to their belief fled to distant regions or even committed -suicide.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_739" id="Ref_739" href="#Foot_739">[739]</a></span> Among the most insensate devotees of the -latter class were the Montanists of Phrygia, who shut themselves -up in their churches and then set fire to the buildings, -so that all perished together.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_740" id="Ref_740" href="#Foot_740">[740]</a></span> Prior to this decree Jews and -Samaritans had enjoyed the ordinary protection of the law -in their own communities, and only suffered the disabilities -of heretics when legally opposed by Catholics; but now the -latter sect was included among those upon whom the State -religion was to be enforced. In their case the measure was -carried out with the greatest harshness, and their synagogues -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_695" id="Page_695">{695}</a></span> -were closed, emptied of their contents, or altogether ruined.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_741" id="Ref_741" href="#Foot_741">[741]</a></span> -As the Samaritans were very numerous in Palestine, they -soon congregated together, and broke into open revolt. A -brigand chief named Julian was chosen as their King, and -under his leadership more than twenty thousand of the -rebels assembled. Doubtless they were very inefficiently -armed and equipped, but they proceeded at once to retaliate -on the Christians by pillaging their property, massacring -those who came in their way, and setting fire to the churches. -Scythopolis and Neapolis were the chief scenes of their depredations. -At the first news of the riots the Emperor became -very irate and ordered the immediate execution of the -local governor, but when subsequent accounts indicated that -the movement had attained to the magnitude of a rebellion, -he commanded the military Duke of the province to attack -Julian with all the forces he could muster. After some preliminary -skirmishes a considerable battle was fought, in -which the Samaritan King was slain, and his army routed. -The head of Julian, encircled with the diadem, was sent as -a trophy to Constantinople; and the wretched sectaries were -exterminated wherever they could be found among the -mountains in which they had taken refuge. Altogether, -twenty thousand are said to have perished by the sword; the -young of both sexes to an equal number were captured by -Arethas, and sold into slavery among the Persians and -Indians; but the majority escaped by abandoning their -homes and offering themselves as subjects to the Shahinshah.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_742" id="Ref_742" href="#Foot_742">[742]</a></span></p> - -<p>The devastation and depopulation of Palestine, which resulted -from this civil war, had reduced a great part of the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_696" id="Page_696">{696}</a></span> -country to a desert, but, nevertheless, Justinian made no -sign that the fiscal precept, for which the province was -assessed, would be remitted. Thus the Christians, who had -been despoiled by the rebels, were now presented with -demand notes for a greatly increased amount.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_743" id="Ref_743" href="#Foot_743">[743]</a></span> Extreme -destitution was induced, and an appeal to the Emperor -became a matter of urgent necessity. The Patriarch of Jerusalem -headed the movement, and it was decided that Saba, -an anchorite whose reputation for sanctity was greatest in -that age, should be the bearer of the petition. He was the -founder of the Great Laura in a wilderness near the Jordan, -and was now upwards of ninety years of age. He undertook -the mission with alacrity and departed for the capital (530), -where the rumour of his approach preceded him, and occasioned -a great commotion. A fleet of war-vessels, having -the Patriarch Epiphanius and several Illustrious officials on -board, sailed down the Propontis to meet him; and on his -arrival at Court Justinian embraced him with joy and tears. -Yet the Emperor was alarmed at the prospect of a reduction -of the revenue, and attempted a diversion by offering the -saint a large sum for the monasteries in which he was interested. -But Saba was immovable and imperturbably pressed -his petition for five concessions, remission of taxes, rebuilding -and subsidies for ruined churches, the foundation of a -hospital at Jerusalem, the completion of a church to the -Virgin in that city, and the erection of a fort in the desert to -protect his monasteries from the Saracens. Finally Justinian -yielded at every point, and the Holy City was enriched with -an infirmary to receive two hundred sick and a magnificent -church to the Theotokos, which it took twelve years to -build, as a part of the tangible outcome of the mission. -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_697" id="Page_697">{697}</a></span> -Saba was also brought into the presence of the Empress, -who saluted him with the deepest reverence and solicited -him to pray for her that she might have a son. But to this -request he replied simply, "God save the glory of your -Empire," and left her in a very tristful mood. Her depression -being noticed, some of the ecclesiastics questioned -him, to whom he explained, "Believe me, Fathers, God -does not will that there should be any issue of her womb, -lest he should vex the Church worse than Anastasius."<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_744" id="Ref_744" href="#Foot_744">[744]</a></span></p> - -<p>As for the Samaritans, those who survived the blast of -persecution, either by pretended conformity or temporary -seclusion, formed a considerable multitude. As soon as the -penal laws became dormant, they crept out of their hiding -places and gradually settled down in their old haunts, so -that after the lapse of a decade they again appeared as a -conspicuous section of the Palestinian population. In 542 -Justinian thought it wise to conciliate them by a formal -amnesty, and he published an Act by which they were virtually -restored to all their civic privileges.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_745" id="Ref_745" href="#Foot_745">[745]</a></span> Yet fourteen -years later, they fomented an insurrection at Caesarea in -conjunction with some Jews, murdered the Proconsul, and -the same scenes of violence against the Christians and their -churches were repeated.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_746" id="Ref_746" href="#Foot_746">[746]</a></span> A similar wave of oppression, -though probably only of local origin, was doubtless the -cause of this uprising, but the sedition was soon quelled by -a special commissioner, who was sent down from the capital -and punished the ringleaders by impalement, decapitation, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_698" id="Page_698">{698}</a></span> -mutilation, or confiscation of property, according to the -degrees of guilt.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_747" id="Ref_747" href="#Foot_747">[747]</a></span> Early in the next reign, however, their -turbulence appeared to be so incurable as to call for a re-enactment -of almost all the disabilities under which they -lay after Justinian's first decree against them.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_748" id="Ref_748" href="#Foot_748">[748]</a></span></p> - -<p>It was, of course, a foregone conclusion that in Africa -and Italy after the conquest the Arians should be a proscribed -sect. No sooner had the Vandal Kingdom passed -under the Byzantine rule than the same measure was meted -out to the previously dominant religionists, as the African -Catholics had generally received at their hands under Genseric -and most of his successors. Dispossessed of all their -churches and divested of civil rights, they were directed by -the Emperor's edict to "consider themselves as humanely -treated in being suffered to live at all."<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_749" id="Ref_749" href="#Foot_749">[749]</a></span> In Italy the revulsion -was less decided as, owing to the tolerant policy of -Theodoric, the Orthodox Church in that country had not -been disturbed. No special legislation, therefore, is extant, -and it appears that the Italian Arians were only despoiled -on occasion under some specious pretence in order that -their riches might go to swell the treasury, as frequently -happened in the case of their conquerors of the East.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_750" id="Ref_750" href="#Foot_750">[750]</a></span> -Although Jews were held in abhorrence by the Emperor -and his Catholic subjects, they were allowed to adhere to -their traditional faith within certain limits.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_751" id="Ref_751" href="#Foot_751">[751]</a></span> Thus such a -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_699" id="Page_699">{699}</a></span> -blasphemous departure from the creed of the State as denial -of resurrection and judgment, or the creation of angels, was -not permitted to them; and they were compelled to use a -version of the Old Testament according to the Septuagint -in Greek or Latin, and not any Hebrew text of their own.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_752" id="Ref_752" href="#Foot_752">[752]</a></span> -In one instance, however, a community of Jews at Borium -in North Africa were forced to become Christians; and their -synagogue, which they declared to have been built by -Solomon, was accordingly transformed into a church.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_753" id="Ref_753" href="#Foot_753">[753]</a></span></p> - -<p>3. Having the power of compulsion in his hands, the -efforts of Justinian to convert heathens to Christianity are -not easily to be distinguished from persecution. As a rule -his chief argument was the sword or the stake, but, as -difficulties sometimes stood in the way of applying that -mode of persuasion, he was obliged occasionally to have recourse -to milder methods. The only notable instance, however, -is that in which he appointed John, the Monophysite -Bishop of Ephesus, to preach the Gospel in the wilds of -Caria, Asia, Phrygia, and Lydia. It seems that in those -provinces there were many small communities interspersed -among rugged and barely accessible mountain tracts, who -were still addicted to some primitive form of idolatry. Some -peculiar fitness recommended the heretic prelate to the Emperor -for this arduous task; and doubtless it was not -intended that the rude proselytes should imbibe any nice -theological distinctions. According to the account of the -missionary himself his success was very great, and seventy -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_700" id="Page_700">{700}</a></span> -thousand persons were baptized, for whom a sufficient number -of churches and monasteries were built in the sequestered -districts which they inhabited.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_754" id="Ref_754" href="#Foot_754">[754]</a></span> It is probable that -this mission conduced to the spread of civilization, and that -the regions dealt with were opened by various public works -to a freer intercourse with the more advanced dwellers in -the plains. Two other examples of Justinian's propagation -of the Gospel are rather to be classed as military subjugation -and enforced conversion. On the outskirts of the -Empire between Armenia and the Caucasus lived a number -of predacious tribes, offshoots of a common stock, called -the Tzani. Their homes were situated in mountain fastnesses -hemmed in by dense forests, and at an elevation which -rendered agriculture impossible. Their sustenance was derived -from cattle, and from incursions for the sake of rapine -into the surrounding districts. A punitive expedition, however, -was undertaken by the Byzantine soldiery, who penetrated -to their retreats, and reduced them to submission. -The permanency of the conquest was then assured by the -clearing of avenues for facile access and by the building of -forts. Instruction in Christianity naturally followed, and the -wild men, who had previously deified groves and birds, were -taught to resort to churches which were erected for their -accommodation.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_755" id="Ref_755" href="#Foot_755">[755]</a></span> Near the eastern extremity of the new -Praefecture of Africa a numerous people existed who maintained -a magnificent temple served by a throng of hierodules, -in which the divinity claimed by Alexander was still adored -in conjunction with that of Jupiter Ammon. By a mandate -of the Emperor this obsolete religion was abolished, and -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_701" id="Page_701">{701}</a></span> -Christian worship in a church dedicated to the Virgin was -substituted for the Pagan rites previously held in honour -there.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_756" id="Ref_756" href="#Foot_756">[756]</a></span></p> - -<p>It is uncertain whether the arrival of barbarian princes at -Constantinople, petitioning to be baptized under Imperial -patronage, is to be attributed to missionary activity, to the -prestige of the Empire, or to accidental persuasion by -Christian devotees.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_757" id="Ref_757" href="#Foot_757">[757]</a></span> From whatever cause, however, such -occurrences were not uncommon, and two further instances -may be noticed.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_758" id="Ref_758" href="#Foot_758">[758]</a></span> In 527 a king of the Herules presented -himself at the Court, with a numerous retinue, and begged -to be made a Christian. All were baptized, Justinian himself -acting as godfather to the King, whom he dismissed -with handsome presents, and an intimation that, for the -future, he should rely on him as an ally.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_759" id="Ref_759" href="#Foot_759">[759]</a></span> A similar case -happened shortly afterwards, which was attended with unfortunate -consequences for the royal neophyte, who was a -Hunnish chief reigning in the vicinity of Bosporus. On his -return, assuming too hastily that all his subjects were ready -to follow his example, he seized on the idols of the tribe, -which were cast in silver and electron,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_760" id="Ref_760" href="#Foot_760">[760]</a></span> and transmuted -them into coined money. The native priests, however, were -indignant at this act, and, having transferred their allegiance -to his brother, quickly procured his assassination. The new -ruler then marched against Bosporus, and massacred a -small Byzantine force which was habitually stationed there -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_702" id="Page_702">{702}</a></span> -in order to guard the interests of trade with the Huns. -This outrage necessitated the despatch of a punitive force -across the Euxine, but the barbarians contrived a hasty disappearance -without risking a battle, and thereafter the peace -of the region remained unmolested.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_761" id="Ref_761" href="#Foot_761">[761]</a></span> With these cases may -be classed that of the Abasgi, who dwelt beyond Lazica on -the north-east of the Euxine. They worshipped woods and -groves, but under Justinian received an impulse which -caused them to embrace Christianity. They were ruled by -a dual kingship, the associates in which made a practice of -seizing and castrating all handsome boys, whom they sold -in great numbers within the Empire. They lived in dread, -however, of the Roman power, and hence slew the fathers -of such boys, lest they should be moved to appeal to the -Emperor against their tyranny. But when a deputation of -the Abasgi appeared at the Byzantine Court to solicit that -a bishop should be sent to them, Justinian not only granted -their petition, but published and enforced an edict that no -more eunuchs should be made in that country. He also -built a church to the Virgin among them, so that they -should be permanently retained in their attachment to the -rites of their new faith.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_762" id="Ref_762" href="#Foot_762">[762]</a></span></p> - -<p>4. As a doctor of theology Justinian believed himself to -be the superior of any of the prelates of the Church who -lived in his time.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_763" id="Ref_763" href="#Foot_763">[763]</a></span> He pored over the ponderous tomes of -the Fathers whose subtle disquisitions on the divine nature -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_703" id="Page_703">{703}</a></span> -had inspired the decrees of the four great Councils, and assumed -the rôle of a priestly expositor of the Catholic faith. -As his age advanced, his pious ardour increased, and he -pursued his studies far into the night, closeted with venerable -ecclesiastics in his library, a circumstance which caused -him to incur some contempt among the more active political -and military spirits.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_764" id="Ref_764" href="#Foot_764">[764]</a></span> Thus, when the plot, in which Artabanes -was involved, was organized, the conspirators based -their hopes of success chiefly on the facility with which he -might be surprised during such nocturnal vigils, bereft of -guards, who had been dismissed lest they should disturb -his devout researches.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_765" id="Ref_765" href="#Foot_765">[765]</a></span> Several of his theological treatises -have come down to us, which, though not voluminous, -might have sufficed to give him a respectable rank among -ecclesiastical authors, had not his royal position rendered -him independent of such distinction. As a specimen of the -intellectual activities of an age, in which philosophy and -science had been abandoned as worthless pursuits, it may -be interesting to quote two passages from Justinian's writings, -wherein damnable heresy may be seen opposed to the inestimable -conceptions of orthodoxy. In the first he exposes -the pernicious errors of Origen, in order that they may be -anathematized by an episcopal council; and in the second -he defines the true views which must be held as to the ineffable -conjunction of the two natures in the Saviour. The -Palestinian monks, who cherished the Alexandrian Father, -he urges, were engaged in ruining souls by infusing into -them ideas assimilated to those of Pythagoras, Plato, and -Plotinus, thus perverting them towards the tenets of Paganism -and Manichaeanism.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_766" id="Ref_766" href="#Foot_766">[766]</a></span></p> - -<p class="small"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_704" id="Page_704">{704}</a></span> - "... They say," expounds Justinian, "that there were originally - an innumerable host of minds united in contemplation and - love of God. But, being subdued by satiety, their devotion cooled, - and hence they became associated with bodies and names of a - higher or lower nature in proportion to the degree of their falling - off. Those who were least deteriorated passed into the sun, - moon, and stars; a lower class into gross bodies like our own; - whilst those affected with the greatest perversity coalesced with - the frigid and fuliginous matter of which demons are constituted. - One only remained unchanged in love and contemplation of the - Deity, and that one was Christ. But all bodies are liable to - perish utterly; and he, becoming at once God and man, first - threw off his body; and all bodies will ultimately do likewise, - returning into unity and again becoming minds. Hence impious - men and demons will at last attain to the same celestial state as - the divine and saintly. Thus Christ differs in no manner from - other living beings. But Pythagoras said that unity was the - beginning of all things; and Plato taught similarly, and asserted - that souls were sent into bodies as a punishment. Wherefore he - called the body a sepulchre and a chain, as being that wherein - the soul was buried and bound. And the soul of a philosopher - which pollutes itself with paederasty and iniquity performs a triple - circuit of chastisement in a millennium, and in the thousandth - year becomes winged and takes its flight.... Therefore I exhort - you, holy fathers, to examine and condemn in general synod all - who think like Origen."</p> - -<p>The next extract I draw from his lengthy exposition of -the principles of Catholicism with a view to the condemnation -of the Three Chapters. In this document he relies -mainly on the interpretation of Scripture by Athanasius, -Cyril of Alexandria, Basil the Great, Gregory Nazianzen, -and Gregory of Nyssa<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_767" id="Ref_767" href="#Foot_767">[767]</a></span>:</p> - -<p class="small">"... And when we say that Christ is God, we do not deny - him to be man; and when we say that he is man we do not deny -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_705" id="Page_705">{705}</a></span> - him to be God. For should he be only God, how should he - suffer, be crucified, and die? For such is alien to God. Wherefore - when we say that Christ is composed of both natures, - divine and human, we introduce no confusion in the union, but - in the two natures we confess Jesus Christ, the Incarnate Word. - When we say that there is a composition, we must allow there - to be parts in the whole, and the whole to consist in its parts. - The divine nature is not transmuted into the human, nor the - human into the divine. Rather is it to be understood that, each - nature abiding within its own limits and faculties, a union has - been made according to the substance. The union according - to the substance signifies that God the Word, that is, one substance - of the three substances of the Deity, was not united to a - previously formed human body, but created for Himself in the - womb of the Holy Virgin from her substance the living flesh, - which is human nature."</p> - -<p>He then drew up a number of canons against the Three -Chapters and heretics generally, to which he appended a -diffuse argument to prove the necessity for their being -anathematized. These canons are virtually the same as the -fourteen adopted by the Fifth Oecumenical Council.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_768" id="Ref_768" href="#Foot_768">[768]</a></span></p> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_625" id="Foot_625" href="#Ref_625">[625]</a> -The gist of the Henoticon was that all being devoted adherents of -the Nicene Council, they repudiated anything which was in conflict with -its decisions, whether promulgated "at Chalcedon or elsewhere"; -Evagrius, iii, 14.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_626" id="Foot_626" href="#Ref_626">[626]</a> -Concil. (Labbe, Mansi, 1759, etc.), vii, 1053; Theophanes, an. -5980.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_627" id="Foot_627" href="#Ref_627">[627]</a> -The correspondence between Justin and Justinian and the Holy See -of Rome (Baronius, Concil., Migne) has lately been re-edited in Script. -Eccles. Lat., Vienna, 1895, xxxv, from the Avellana Collection.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_628" id="Foot_628" href="#Ref_628">[628]</a> -John Ephes. Comm. de Beat. Or. (Laud, etc.), pp. 127, 154.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_629" id="Foot_629" href="#Ref_629">[629]</a> -Concil., viii, 818 <i>et seq.</i> The <i>Collatio</i> consisted of five or six bishops -of each side. They were convened by Strategius, Count of the Sacred -Largesses, who said they were called together, not under Imperial compulsion, -but as in response to a "paternal and priestly exhortation." -Afterwards they were met by Justinian, who invited them into Hormisdas, -where he addressed them "with Davidian kindness, Mosaic patience, -and Apostolic clemency."</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_630" id="Foot_630" href="#Ref_630">[630]</a> -Cod. I, i, 6; cf. Facundus Defens, i, 1.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_631" id="Foot_631" href="#Ref_631">[631]</a> -Abrogated by Council of 692, can. 81. At this time (533) J. -addressed several letters to the Church and the public laying down the -lines of Orthodoxy (Cod. I, i, 5-8).</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_632" id="Foot_632" href="#Ref_632">[632]</a> -Marcel. Com., an. 535; Theophanes, an. 6029, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_633" id="Foot_633" href="#Ref_633">[633]</a> -Zachariah Myt., ix, 16, 19; letters passed between Anthimus and -the Monophysite leaders, in which he accepted the Henoticon, "enacted -to annul the Council of Chalcedon and the impious Tome of Leo" (<i>ibid.</i>, -21-26). The latter was the document which decided the rule of faith at -Chalcedon. In it Pope Leo I demonstrated the two natures of Jesus -from the Gospels. Thus when he performed miracles he called upon his -divine nature, but when he felt human passions, hunger, thirst, sorrow, -etc., he allowed himself to be influenced by his human nature (Concil., -v, 1359; Evagrius, ii, 18). The confession of Eutyches, the father of the -Monophysites, was "I acknowledge that our Lord originated from two -natures, but after the union I confess only one nature" (<i>ibid.</i>, i. 9); cf. -Liberatus, Brev., 21.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_634" id="Foot_634" href="#Ref_634">[634]</a> -Zachariah Myt.; Lib. Pontif., Agapetus, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_635" id="Foot_635" href="#Ref_635">[635]</a> -Theophanes, an. 6029.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_636" id="Foot_636" href="#Ref_636">[636]</a> -Liberatus, 21; Lib. Pontif., <i>loc. cit.</i>, J. also threatened at first, -whereupon the Pope compared him to Diocletian. Victor Ton. (an. 540) -says that Agapetus even excommunicated Theodora.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_637" id="Foot_637" href="#Ref_637">[637]</a> -John Ephes. Comm., pp. 157, 247.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_638" id="Foot_638" href="#Ref_638">[638]</a> -Lib. Pontif., Boniface II.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_639" id="Foot_639" href="#Ref_639">[639]</a> -Victor Ton., an. 536; Liberatus, 22.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_640" id="Foot_640" href="#Ref_640">[640]</a> -According to Liberatus Antonina forced him to write the aforesaid -letters from Rome; but I cannot help thinking that Theodora extracted -something better from him than mere professions before she despatched -him to the West with such a powerful instrument in his hands.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_641" id="Foot_641" href="#Ref_641">[641]</a> -Victor Ton., an. 536; Liberatus, 22.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_642" id="Foot_642" href="#Ref_642">[642]</a> -Lib. Pontif., Silverius.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_643" id="Foot_643" href="#Ref_643">[643]</a> -Liberatus, 22; Lib. Pontif., Silverius.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_644" id="Foot_644" href="#Ref_644">[644]</a> -Liberatus, 22.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_645" id="Foot_645" href="#Ref_645">[645]</a> -Lib. Pontif., Silverius.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_646" id="Foot_646" href="#Ref_646">[646]</a> -Lib. Pontif., Vigilius. She wanted him to restore Anthimus, but he -said he was idiotic when he made such promises, etc.; cf. Victor Ton., -and Liberatus, <i>loc. cit.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_647" id="Foot_647" href="#Ref_647">[647]</a> -Concil., ix, pp. 35, 38.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_648" id="Foot_648" href="#Ref_648">[648]</a> -Lib. Pontif., Silverius; Vigilius.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_649" id="Foot_649" href="#Ref_649">[649]</a> -Liberatus, 22; Lib. Pontif., Silverius.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_650" id="Foot_650" href="#Ref_650">[650]</a> -See p. 611.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_651" id="Foot_651" href="#Ref_651">[651]</a> -Concil., viii, 885. The most determined propagandist was the monk -Zooras. His life in John Eph., Com., p. 11. "What can I do with -a truculent man, who fears no one?" said Justinian, when asked to -restrain him.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_652" id="Foot_652" href="#Ref_652">[652]</a> -Concil., viii, 873 <i>et seq.</i>; Nov. xlii.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_653" id="Foot_653" href="#Ref_653">[653]</a> -John Eph., Com., p. 157 <i>et seq.</i> Ephraim, who had been Count of -the East, and had been raised to the Patriarchate by a popular vote, -was the great persecutor; <i>ibid.</i>, pp. 204-207; cf. Evagrius, iv. 6.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_654" id="Foot_654" href="#Ref_654">[654]</a> -When Severus was banished from Antioch and Julian from Halicarnassus, -on the accession of Justin, they fled to Alexandria, and there -Julian began to inculcate the heresy that the body of Jesus was incorruptible. -He was opposed by Severus, and shortly the Alexandrians -were divided into two parties, the Corruptibles and Incorruptibles. -The latter were in a great majority, and now constituted the Gaianites. -Zachariah Myt., ix, 9-13; Liberatus, 19, 20.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_655" id="Foot_655" href="#Ref_655">[655]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i> The soldiers were beaten, but Narses "won by fire where -iron could not," that is, he burnt them out.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_656" id="Foot_656" href="#Ref_656">[656]</a> -John Eph., Com., pp. 14, 114 <i>et seq.</i>; Victor Ton., an. 540, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_657" id="Foot_657" href="#Ref_657">[657]</a> -John Eph. Com., pp. 11, 66, 154, etc. It was opposite Blachernae. -She also had a refuge for proscribed Monophysites in the island of -Chios; <i>ibid.</i> Zooras was at first head of the monastery at Sycae, but -he ended his days at Dercos.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_658" id="Foot_658" href="#Ref_658">[658]</a> -Liberatus, 23; Procopius, Anec., 27.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_659" id="Foot_659" href="#Ref_659">[659]</a> -Liberatus, 23; Evagrius, iv, 38.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_660" id="Foot_660" href="#Ref_660">[660]</a> -Liberatus, 23.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_661" id="Foot_661" href="#Ref_661">[661]</a> -The N. L. was founded by sixty rebels against the rule of Saba; -Cyril Scythop, St. Saba, 36.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_662" id="Foot_662" href="#Ref_662">[662]</a> -Concil., ix, 487, 395; Cedrenus, i, p. 660 <i>et seq.</i> (<i>c.</i> 544). After -this J. wrote a bulky pamphlet against Origen (Jn. Migne, S. G., -lxxxvi). Some of the notions of Origen condemned were, that human -souls pre-existed as holy spirits; that at the resurrection human bodies -will be globular; that the sun, moon, and stars, etc., are animated; -that Jesus will be crucified again for devils; that punishment in hell -will not be eternal, etc. It is scarcely certain that the council was held.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_663" id="Foot_663" href="#Ref_663">[663]</a> -Theodore of Mopsuestia, Theodoret, and Ibas. An open letter of -I. spoke of the "blessed Theodore," and said that Cyril, Patr. of Alex., -arrived first at the Council of Ephesus (431), and "filled their ears with -poison and blinded their eyes." Hence Nestorius was condemned -without "judgment or question." This document was read and passed -at Chalcedon; Concil., vii, 242; xi, 297; cf. Evagrius, ii, 18.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_664" id="Foot_664" href="#Ref_664">[664]</a> -Liberatus (24) says he was an Acephalus, the only authority.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_665" id="Foot_665" href="#Ref_665">[665]</a> -Facundus, Defens., ii, 3; iv, 4.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_666" id="Foot_666" href="#Ref_666">[666]</a> -Pope Vigilius himself confesses that he did not understand Greek; -Concil., ix, 98.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_667" id="Foot_667" href="#Ref_667">[667]</a> -Facundus, Contr. Mocianum; Liberatus, 24, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_668" id="Foot_668" href="#Ref_668">[668]</a> -Lib. Pontif., Vigilius. "If you fail," said she to the officer, "I'll -flay you alive." I have no doubt she held this sort of language to her -servants; but the Lib. Pontif. is a very poor authority.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_669" id="Foot_669" href="#Ref_669">[669]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_670" id="Foot_670" href="#Ref_670">[670]</a> -Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iii, 15; Marcel. Com., an. 547; Jn. -Malala, p. 483. See p. 632.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_671" id="Foot_671" href="#Ref_671">[671]</a> -Jn. Malala, p. 483, Theophanes, an. 6039.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_672" id="Foot_672" href="#Ref_672">[672]</a> -Facundus, Contr. Moc.; extracts in Concil., ix, 181.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_673" id="Foot_673" href="#Ref_673">[673]</a> -Victor Ton., ann. 549, 550. The African bishops excommunicated -the Pope.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_674" id="Foot_674" href="#Ref_674">[674]</a> -Facundus, <i>op. cit.</i> Fulgentius Fer., Epist. 6 (Migne, S. L., lxvii) -etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_675" id="Foot_675" href="#Ref_675">[675]</a> -Jn. Malala, p. 484; Theophanes, an. 6039.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_676" id="Foot_676" href="#Ref_676">[676]</a> -Chron. Paschal., an. 552 (also Concil., etc.).</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_677" id="Foot_677" href="#Ref_677">[677]</a> -Vigilius is thought to have been a very strong man as he is said to -have killed a deacon, who taunted him, with a blow of a book; Lib. Pontif.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_678" id="Foot_678" href="#Ref_678">[678]</a> -Epist. Legat. Franc., Concil., ix, 151 (Baronius and Migne, also); -Theophanes, an. 6039, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_679" id="Foot_679" href="#Ref_679">[679]</a> -Concil., ix, 50, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_680" id="Foot_680" href="#Ref_680">[680]</a> -Concil., ix, 61 <i>et seq.</i> (also in Col. Avellana). According to Lib. -Pontif. he was seized in St. Euphemia and dragged round CP. till evening, -with a rope round his neck, by order of Theodora—four years after -she was dead!</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_681" id="Foot_681" href="#Ref_681">[681]</a> -Concil., ix, 157 <i>et seq.</i>; Evagrius, iv, 38.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_682" id="Foot_682" href="#Ref_682">[682]</a> -Concil., ix, 191 <i>et seq.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_683" id="Foot_683" href="#Ref_683">[683]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, 61 <i>et seq.</i> (and Col. Avel.).</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_684" id="Foot_684" href="#Ref_684">[684]</a> -Concil., ix, 103. Seventeen bishops, Pelagius, and two others -signed it.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_685" id="Foot_685" href="#Ref_685">[685]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, 181.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_686" id="Foot_686" href="#Ref_686">[686]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, 367.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_687" id="Foot_687" href="#Ref_687">[687]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, 376. Origen was practically passed over; can. 16.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_688" id="Foot_688" href="#Ref_688">[688]</a> -Victor Ton., an. 553, etc. He was one of them. This chronicler is -generally wrong in his dates.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_689" id="Foot_689" href="#Ref_689">[689]</a> -Concil. ix, 457. He paved the way by a letter to the new Patriarch -of CP., Eutychius; <i>ibid.</i>, 413.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_690" id="Foot_690" href="#Ref_690">[690]</a> -Lib. Pontif.; Marcel. Com., an. 554.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_691" id="Foot_691" href="#Ref_691">[691]</a> -Victor Ton., an. 558; Facundus, Ep. Fid. Cath.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_692" id="Foot_692" href="#Ref_692">[692]</a> -Lib. Pontif., Pelagius; Marcel. Com., an. 554. There was a popular -rumour that he had murdered Vigilius.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_693" id="Foot_693" href="#Ref_693">[693]</a> -Epist. 6 (Migne, S. L., lxix, 391).</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_694" id="Foot_694" href="#Ref_694">[694]</a> -See his Epistles; Hefele, Hist. Councils, iv, 343, etc., for details of -the schism. According to Liberatus (24) Theodore Ascidas gave it as -his confidential opinion that he and Pelagius ought to have been burnt -alive for the trouble they had brought into the Church over Origen and -the Three Chapters.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_695" id="Foot_695" href="#Ref_695">[695]</a> -Two lives of him in John Eph., Com., pp. 160, 206. A modern -life by Kleyn, Leyd., 1882.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_696" id="Foot_696" href="#Ref_696">[696]</a> -The particulars in John Eph., Hist. (Smith), p. 250 <i>et seq.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_697" id="Foot_697" href="#Ref_697">[697]</a> -John Eph., Com., pp. 162, 206. In the Semitic, Arethas = Harith-ibn-Gabbala. -Duchesne has treated of Christian missions to the south -of the Empire at some length; Mis. chrét. au sud de l'emp. rom., -1896.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_698" id="Foot_698" href="#Ref_698">[698]</a> -She died of cancer of the breast, according to Vict. Ton. (an. 549), -who regarded the disease as a penalty of her heretical impiety.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_699" id="Foot_699" href="#Ref_699">[699]</a> -Cod., I, iii, 42; Nov. vi, pf., etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_700" id="Foot_700" href="#Ref_700">[700]</a> -Cod., I, iii, 42; Nov. vi, 1; cxxiii, 1; cxxxvii, 2.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_701" id="Foot_701" href="#Ref_701">[701]</a> -Cod., I, iv, 26.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_702" id="Foot_702" href="#Ref_702">[702]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, 25.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_703" id="Foot_703" href="#Ref_703">[703]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, 22.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_704" id="Foot_704" href="#Ref_704">[704]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, iii, 46, 49.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_705" id="Foot_705" href="#Ref_705">[705]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, ii, 23; Nov. cxxxi, 6; v, ix; cf. Procopius, Anec., 28.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_706" id="Foot_706" href="#Ref_706">[706]</a> -Cod., I, iv, 8; Nov. cxxiii, 21.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_707" id="Foot_707" href="#Ref_707">[707]</a> -Cod., I, iii, 52; iv, 27; Nov. cxxiii, 5. He generally supervised -their appointment.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_708" id="Foot_708" href="#Ref_708">[708]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, iii, 7; Nov. cxxiii, 7.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_709" id="Foot_709" href="#Ref_709">[709]</a> -Cod., I, iii, 19; Nov. xxii, 42; v, 6.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_710" id="Foot_710" href="#Ref_710">[710]</a> -Cod., I, iii, 17; iv, 34; Nov. cxxiii, 10.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_711" id="Foot_711" href="#Ref_711">[711]</a> -Cod., I, iii, 42.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_712" id="Foot_712" href="#Ref_712">[712]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, 45; Nov. xxii, 42, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_713" id="Foot_713" href="#Ref_713">[713]</a> -Nov. xxii, 42.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_714" id="Foot_714" href="#Ref_714">[714]</a> -Cod., I, iii, 45.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_715" id="Foot_715" href="#Ref_715">[715]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, 42.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_716" id="Foot_716" href="#Ref_716">[716]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, 9; Nov. vi, 6; cxxiii, 13.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_717" id="Foot_717" href="#Ref_717">[717]</a> -Cod., I, iii, 44; Nov. v; cxxiii; cxxxiii.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_718" id="Foot_718" href="#Ref_718">[718]</a> -Cod., I, ii, 13; Nov. v, 5; cxxiii, 38.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_719" id="Foot_719" href="#Ref_719">[719]</a> -Nov. cxxiii, 38; Cod., I, iii, 56.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_720" id="Foot_720" href="#Ref_720">[720]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, 54; Nov. cxxiii, 43.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_721" id="Foot_721" href="#Ref_721">[721]</a> -Cod., I, ii, 24; Nov. cxx, 6, 7, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_722" id="Foot_722" href="#Ref_722">[722]</a> -Nov. cxx, 1, 10, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_723" id="Foot_723" href="#Ref_723">[723]</a> -Cod., I, ii, 21.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_724" id="Foot_724" href="#Ref_724">[724]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, 22.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_725" id="Foot_725" href="#Ref_725">[725]</a> -Nov. cxxiii, 20. As Justinian's laws relating to religion are very -bulky, I merely give samples to show their general tendency.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_726" id="Foot_726" href="#Ref_726">[726]</a> -A heretic is defined as anyone not being an Orthodox churchman; -Cod., I, v, 12, 18.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_727" id="Foot_727" href="#Ref_727">[727]</a> -Cod., I, xi, 10.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_728" id="Foot_728" href="#Ref_728">[728]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, v, 12.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_729" id="Foot_729" href="#Ref_729">[729]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_730" id="Foot_730" href="#Ref_730">[730]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, 13, 18, 19; Nov. cv, 3.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_731" id="Foot_731" href="#Ref_731">[731]</a> -Cod., I, v, 21.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_732" id="Foot_732" href="#Ref_732">[732]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, iii, 56; vi, 3.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_733" id="Foot_733" href="#Ref_733">[733]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, v, 11, 18, 21, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_734" id="Foot_734" href="#Ref_734">[734]</a> -Nov. cix. By this law heretic wives are deprived of the right to -recover their dowry, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_735" id="Foot_735" href="#Ref_735">[735]</a> -Cod., I, v, 12, 16, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_736" id="Foot_736" href="#Ref_736">[736]</a> -Cod., I, v, 12, 16, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_737" id="Foot_737" href="#Ref_737">[737]</a> -Jn. Malala, p. 449; Theophanes, an. 6022; cf. Cod., I, i, 5.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_738" id="Foot_738" href="#Ref_738">[738]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_739" id="Foot_739" href="#Ref_739">[739]</a> -Procopius, Anecd., 11.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_740" id="Foot_740" href="#Ref_740">[740]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_741" id="Foot_741" href="#Ref_741">[741]</a> -Cod., I, v, 17.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_742" id="Foot_742" href="#Ref_742">[742]</a> -Jn. Malala, p. 445; Procopius, Anecd., 11.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_743" id="Foot_743" href="#Ref_743">[743]</a> -Jn. Malala, p. 445; Procopius, Anecd., 11.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_744" id="Foot_744" href="#Ref_744">[744]</a> -Cyril Scythop., St. Saba, 70-72. Saba prophesies that J. will conquer -Rome and Africa, which, if the biographer can be relied on, -indicates that as early as 530 the idea of recovering the Western Empire -was being mooted.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_745" id="Foot_745" href="#Ref_745">[745]</a> -Nov. cxxix.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_746" id="Foot_746" href="#Ref_746">[746]</a> -Jn. Malala, p. 487.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_747" id="Foot_747" href="#Ref_747">[747]</a> -Jn. Malala, p. 487.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_748" id="Foot_748" href="#Ref_748">[748]</a> -Nov. cxliv.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_749" id="Foot_749" href="#Ref_749">[749]</a> -Nov. xxxvii; Procopius, Anecd., 18.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_750" id="Foot_750" href="#Ref_750">[750]</a> -Agnellus, Lib. Pontif., Agnellus, 2; Procopius, Anecd., 11. At -Ravenna all the Gothic churches, with their contents, were handed -over to the Catholics. Presumably there were very few Arian congregations -left in Italy. The Exocionite Arians at CP. (Goths) were -always respected; Cod., I, v, 12; Jn. Malala, p. 428.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_751" id="Foot_751" href="#Ref_751">[751]</a> -Cod., I, ix; x.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_752" id="Foot_752" href="#Ref_752">[752]</a> -Nov. cxlvi.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_753" id="Foot_753" href="#Ref_753">[753]</a> -Procopius, De Aedif., vi, 2. It is only fair to note that Justinian, -for the most part, only re-enacted or confirmed laws formulated by his -predecessors, beginning with Constantine; but he sometimes enforced -them more zealously.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_754" id="Foot_754" href="#Ref_754">[754]</a> -John Ephes., Hist. (Smith), pp. 159, 229 <i>et seq.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_755" id="Foot_755" href="#Ref_755">[755]</a> -Procopius, De Aedif., iii, 6. Sittas was the general. Cf. Nov. -i, pf.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_756" id="Foot_756" href="#Ref_756">[756]</a> -Procopius, De Aedif., vi, 2.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_757" id="Foot_757" href="#Ref_757">[757]</a> -As an illustration of the way in which Christianity was spread -unofficially, through captives carried off by the barbarians, etc., see -Zachariah Myt., xii, 7.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_758" id="Foot_758" href="#Ref_758">[758]</a> -See p. 312.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_759" id="Foot_759" href="#Ref_759">[759]</a> -Jn. Malala, p. 427; Theophanes, an. 6020.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_760" id="Foot_760" href="#Ref_760">[760]</a> -An alloy of gold and silver; Instit., ii, 1.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_761" id="Foot_761" href="#Ref_761">[761]</a> -Jn. Malala, p. 431; Theophanes, an. 6020.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_762" id="Foot_762" href="#Ref_762">[762]</a> -Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iv, 3.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_763" id="Foot_763" href="#Ref_763">[763]</a> -John Ephes., Hist. (Com.), p. 249. In 543 he brought a party of -grammarians, advocates, ship-masters, and monks from Alexandria, and -held <i>séances</i> in which he argued to convert them from the Egyptian -Monophysitism; "for," says the historian, "he thought none of the -bishops or others equal to him in the art of argument."</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_764" id="Foot_764" href="#Ref_764">[764]</a> -Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iii, 32.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_765" id="Foot_765" href="#Ref_765">[765]</a> -See p. 622.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_766" id="Foot_766" href="#Ref_766">[766]</a> -Cedrenus, i, p. 660 <i>et seq.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_767" id="Foot_767" href="#Ref_767">[767]</a> -Chron. Paschal., an. 552.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_768" id="Foot_768" href="#Ref_768">[768]</a> -Three considerable monographs treat of religion in the sixth century: -Duchesne, Vigile et Pelage (Rev. d. quest. hist., 1884); Knecht, -Die Relig. Polit. Kais. Justin., Würz., 1896; and Hutton, The Church -in the Sixth Cent., Lond., 1897. Gasquet's De l'autor. impér. en mat. -relig. à Byzance, Paris, 1879, also contains matter germane to the subject.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_706" id="Page_706">{706}</a></span> - -<h2 class="nobreak">CHAPTER XV<br /> -<small>PECULIARITIES OF ROMAN LAW: THE LEGISLATION OF JUSTINIAN</small></h2> - -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap">THE mutual relations of the members of a community -naturally fall into two divisions, that is, public and -private.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_769" id="Ref_769" href="#Foot_769">[769]</a></span> In the first we have to consider -the activities of -the citizens politically, or with reference to the work of the -government or administration, which enacts, or sanctions -and enforces, the laws under which they live. In this sphere -of sociology the connection of the individuals with each -other arises only through their dwelling in contiguity within -some circumscribed area, and thus, while being obliged to -exist under the same human influences, they may for the -most part be personally strangers to each other. In this -department, then, the tie of natural affection, which originates -in blood or sexual relationship, or, perhaps, from friendly -association, is in general wanting. In the second category -the community must be regarded as consisting of an aggregate -of natural groups, that is, families, the members of which -are so intimately connected as to be affected at every moment -by each other's acts. Such groups in their mutual relations -are necessarily subject to the laws of the state; but in the -privacy of the family circle it is also essential that the individuals -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_707" id="Page_707">{707}</a></span> -should conform to a minor system of law, which -may vary in every household according to the expediency of -its particular circumstances. Of the latter code of conduct -it will be unnecessary to speak further; it might be identical -in part or wholly, in ancient and modern times, and among -different nations, or differ considerably in families living in -the same age and adjacent to one another. But statute law -affects similarly all persons subject to its jurisdiction, and it -is of this only we have to treat.</p> - -<p>The origin of, and necessity for, law, humanly enacted, -arises from the gregarious tendency of mankind, through -which the desires and acts of the individual become circumscribed -with reference to those of his neighbours. At a very -early stage in civilisation the conception of individual rights -is awakened by each person becoming keenly perceptive of -self-interest; and hence those in a neutral position feel inclined -to resent that another should suffer a wrong to which -they themselves would be unwilling to submit. Thus the -germs of altruism are sown in a community, and the general -utility of some rule of justice being enforced soon becomes -apparent to all. Yet each one is loth to abandon advantages -which he finds to be within his grasp; and the abuse of -power leads to oppression, injustice, and crime. Power is -of various kinds, and consists in the ability to take from -another some valued thing by open force, by strict legality, -or by stealth. The last-named is theft, and, in its various -aspects, creates the necessity for almost all criminal law; but -the former are with difficulty dealt with by, and sometimes -form the paradox of legislation. Thus, by a general convention -the greatest injustice may be enforced within a state, -and that in two relationships, viz., as regards the members -of other states, and with respect to its own citizens. In the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_708" id="Page_708">{708}</a></span> -category thus indicated I propose to advert only to two -phenomena in Roman sociology, namely, slavery and debt.</p> - -<p>1. In modern times the only slavery recognized in Western -civilization has been that of some degraded race, whom -nature seems to have created as almost akin to the lower -animals. Hence it was considered to be no injustice to -subjugate or domesticate them as such, and to pass them -from owner to owner at a price. But the Roman slave, as a -rule, was not racially distinguishable from his master; and -might even be his superior in natural endowments and -education. For the latter advantage, however, he would -almost invariably be indebted to his owner. He was generally -a member of a foreign state, most probably a captive -taken in war, or the descendant of one; but sale by parents -within the Roman dominions and kidnapping were not uncommon. -In the early ages of the Republic the master had -as much power over his slave as over his ox or his ass, and -lay under no penalty if he should choose to kill him; but -the position of the human commodity was gradually ameliorated. -The advance of humane conceptions, which attained -their most emphatic expression in the Stoic philosophy,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_770" id="Ref_770" href="#Foot_770">[770]</a></span> -soon exerted its influence on the servile condition; and even -under Augustus a master could not imperil the life of his -slave without first obtaining magisterial sanction.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_771" id="Ref_771" href="#Foot_771">[771]</a></span> Half a -century later it was enacted by Claudius that a man who -wantonly killed his slave should be guilty of murder.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_772" id="Ref_772" href="#Foot_772">[772]</a></span> -Hadrian<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_773" id="Ref_773" href="#Foot_773">[773]</a></span> and the Antonines<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_774" id="Ref_774" href="#Foot_774">[774]</a></span> legislated in the same spirit -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_709" id="Page_709">{709}</a></span> -to protect them from cruelty, and gave them the right of -being compulsorily sold when they had just cause of complaint -against their actual owner.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_775" id="Ref_775" href="#Foot_775">[775]</a></span> It has already been mentioned -that Constantine,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_776" id="Ref_776" href="#Foot_776">[776]</a></span> although a slave could have no -legal relatives, forbade that servile families should be separated -by sale to different persons; but, nevertheless, in the -sixth century the abolition of slavery was never contemplated -as a social possibility. A Roman slave wore no badge of -servitude, and when on one occasion it was proposed that -they should do so, the proposition was negatived on the -grounds that it would be hazardous to provide them with a -means of recognizing how very numerous they were.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_777" id="Ref_777" href="#Foot_777">[777]</a></span></p> - -<p>Such, in general, was the position of slaves within the -Empire when Justinian came to the throne; and in many -important details they were indebted to him for an increase -of their privileges. That emperor was a busy law-giver in -every department of the state; and, when not blinded by -fanaticism or financial greed, his measures tended to the -extension of liberty and the removal of technical restrictions. -Obstacles were placed in the way of the manumission of -slaves, and in many the freedom bestowed was only partial. -Justinian abolished such irksome distinctions, and decreed -that all freedmen should enjoy the full rank of Roman -citizenship irrespective of their previous status or formalities -in the mode of manumission.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_778" id="Ref_778" href="#Foot_778">[778]</a></span> By a law passed in the time -of Augustus a man could not by will confer liberty on all his -slaves, but only on a proportion of them;<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_779" id="Ref_779" href="#Foot_779">[779]</a></span> and a youth who -was considered to have attained to manhood, that is, to -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_710" id="Page_710">{710}</a></span> -fourteen years of age, so that he could legally make a will, -yet was denied the power of manumitting a slave. The first -of these enactments was abrogated,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_780" id="Ref_780" href="#Foot_780">[780]</a></span> the second modified by -Justinian.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_781" id="Ref_781" href="#Foot_781">[781]</a></span> In the case of a slave being -in the joint possession -of two or more persons, and one of the owners desiring -to manumit, he made it compulsory that the others should -sell their share to that one;<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_782" id="Ref_782" href="#Foot_782">[782]</a></span> and if a free woman married a -slave he enacted that she should retain her liberty, contrary -to previous law on the subject.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_783" id="Ref_783" href="#Foot_783">[783]</a></span> He also forbade the prostitution -of female slaves, to whom in such case he ordained -that freedom should at once accrue as a consequence of the -offence.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_784" id="Ref_784" href="#Foot_784">[784]</a></span> In general he declared himself -to be the friend of -liberty,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_785" id="Ref_785" href="#Foot_785">[785]</a></span> and endeavoured to expedite the solution of all -legal difficulties in wills, and the wishes of testators in favour -of the slave being speedily emancipated.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_786" id="Ref_786" href="#Foot_786">[786]</a></span> Finally he deprived -the slave of the option of remaining in servitude, stating that -no one had the right to reject the gift of Roman citizenship.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_787" id="Ref_787" href="#Foot_787">[787]</a></span> -He asserted, however, very strictly that a freedman should -fulfil his duties towards his patron, that is, his former master, -to whose generosity he owed his liberty, and threatened him -with relapse into servitude should he prove himself to be an -ingrate.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_788" id="Ref_788" href="#Foot_788">[788]</a></span> But he relaxed the rule -which compelled a freedman -to leave half his property to his patron; and in ordinary -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_711" id="Page_711">{711}</a></span> -cases relieved him altogether of the obligation,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_789" id="Ref_789" href="#Foot_789">[789]</a></span> whilst he -also attempted to institute some legal relationship among the -emancipated by tracing the connections of a family through -those still retained in slavery.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_790" id="Ref_790" href="#Foot_790">[790]</a></span> Another liberal provision of -this Emperor was that if an unmarried man kept one of his -slaves as a concubine and died intestate, she and her -children forthwith became free instead of passing into the -hands of the heirs as part of the inheritance.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_791" id="Ref_791" href="#Foot_791">[791]</a></span> He also pronounced -against foundlings being reduced into servitude, -either as slaves or serfs,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_792" id="Ref_792" href="#Foot_792">[792]</a></span> on the assumption that they were -not free born. By the same rule a slave cast out or abandoned, -the fate sometimes of those who had become useless -through illness or decrepitude, became free.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_793" id="Ref_793" href="#Foot_793">[793]</a></span> Yet the colons -or serfs of an estate gained no step towards freedom in this -reign; on the contrary Justinian confirmed the laws which -bound them to the soil and interdicted them from migrating -to another locality under pain of forfeiting their chance of -being emancipated.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_794" id="Ref_794" href="#Foot_794">[794]</a></span> In this connection he feared, doubtless, -lest anything which might hamper the profitable cultivation -of estates would lessen the returns to the fisc.</p> - -<p>2. The very harsh laws of debt, which prevailed among -the primitive Romans, were one of the chief sources of civil -commotion in the first centuries of the Republic. The defaulting -debtor might be seized by his creditor, imprisoned, -and sold as a slave; and the terms of one law of the Twelve -Tables have been held by many jurists to indicate that joint -creditors were legally empowered to hew the body of their -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_712" id="Page_712">{712}</a></span> -debtor in pieces in order that each of them might take -possession of a section.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_795" id="Ref_795" href="#Foot_795">[795]</a></span> The various popular measures -which were passed from time to time with the view of relieving -the citizens of debt and restraining the oppressive -creditor are treated of at length by the Latin historians.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_796" id="Ref_796" href="#Foot_796">[796]</a></span> -Such enactments compelled a spirit of moderation among -those who practised usury, and many debtors were assisted -by arrangements comparable to modern bankruptcy. Ultimately -the increase of power and wealth in the Republic, and -the concessions granted to the overflowing population by -aspirants to personal dominion effaced most of the hardships -which were so galling in the primitive community; but no -permanent legislation was ever devised which effectually -curbed a creditor prone to drastic exaction of money due. -Thus in the eleventh year of this reign we find Justinian -forbidding that the corpse of a debtor should be impounded -with the object of forcing immediate payment of a debt from -his heirs, the attached penalty being confiscation of the sum -owing, together with a third of the fortune of the offending -person.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_797" id="Ref_797" href="#Foot_797">[797]</a></span> And nearly twenty years later he was obliged to -enact that creditors should not seize the sons of debtors and -retain them in slavery as a gage of the amount owing being -paid.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_798" id="Ref_798" href="#Foot_798">[798]</a></span> In this case the delinquents -were to forfeit the debt -and also an equal sum to the youth kept in bondage, and in -addition were to be sentenced to a flogging by the local -Rector. At the same time the Emperor decreed that securities -given by women in respect of their husband's debts -were to be void of effect; whilst under no circumstances -were females, even when liable to the fisc, to be sent to a -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_713" id="Page_713">{713}</a></span> -common prison for debt. They were only to be immured in -monasteries or ascetic establishments, where they would be -in charge of custodians of their own sex.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_799" id="Ref_799" href="#Foot_799">[799]</a></span> Justinian also -legislated in restriction of interest on money lent, which in -this age seems generally to have been calculated at twelve -per cent. per annum. He now fixed the precise amount -which he considered it fair for lenders to receive in proportion -to the risk they ran and the importance to them of the -transaction. Thus nobles of Illustrious rank were allowed to -take only four per cent.; but ordinary citizens were to be -entitled to six. Merchants in legitimate trade, if they lent -money, might demand eight per cent.; but the investor in -any risky venture, such as nautical enterprises, was permitted -to stipulate for twelve per cent.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_800" id="Ref_800" href="#Foot_800">[800]</a></span></p> - -<p>The despotic power exercised by a Roman father over his -family, expressed by <i>patria potestas</i>, was almost peculiar to -that nation, but in practice it seems to have been very rarely -abused. By this convention wife and children were subjected -to the male parent almost as completely as if they had been -his slaves; but at the same time sons of mature age had all -the rights of citizens with respect to voting at elections, -holding magistracies, and commanding armies. By tacit -consent, however, this exaggerated jurisdiction was gradually -abandoned, and in the time of Justinian had become more -nominal than real.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_801" id="Ref_801" href="#Foot_801">[801]</a></span> Thus already, during the reign of -Augustus, it was agreed that a father could not inflict more -than ordinary chastisement on a son without obtaining -magisterial sanction;<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_802" id="Ref_802" href="#Foot_802">[802]</a></span> whilst Constantine publicly decreed -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_714" id="Page_714">{714}</a></span> -that a parent who killed his child should suffer death by the -paradoxical method invented to emphasize the unspeakable -atrocity of the crime of parricide.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_803" id="Ref_803" href="#Foot_803">[803]</a></span> But two centuries previously -Hadrian had pronounced it to be "illicit and disgraceful" -for a father even to sell his children.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_804" id="Ref_804" href="#Foot_804">[804]</a></span> Justinian -began early to limit by definite legislation the extent of -paternal absolutism, and in 533 decreed that patricians -should be released from it, on the grounds that it was -"intolerable for one whom the Emperor had chosen to be -his father" to lie under such a disability.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_805" id="Ref_805" href="#Foot_805">[805]</a></span> At the same time -he forbade parents to oppose by any overt act the resolution -of any of their offspring who should elect to lead a religious -life; providing, however, that if the latter should tire of -asceticism and return to the world, the special favours shown -to them should be withdrawn.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_806" id="Ref_806" href="#Foot_806">[806]</a></span> Six years later he followed -up the principle by declaring the exemption of practically -all high officials, viz., consuls, ordinary or honorary, praetorian -prefects, and those of the two Romes, masters of soldiers, -and, of course, bishops.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_807" id="Ref_807" href="#Foot_807">[807]</a></span> Justinian also abolished the power -of the father to surrender his children to those upon whom -they had inflicted an injury in lieu of compensation.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_808" id="Ref_808" href="#Foot_808">[808]</a></span> Further, -he issued Constitutions in which he reiterated more emphatically -the prohibition against the exposure of infants.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_809" id="Ref_809" href="#Foot_809">[809]</a></span></p> - -<p>Originally a son could have nothing of his own during the -lifetime of his father, but in the reign of Augustus an exception -was made in favour of whatever he might gain in -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_715" id="Page_715">{715}</a></span> -military service.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_810" id="Ref_810" href="#Foot_810">[810]</a></span> In the first half of the fourth century the -right was extended, and the privilege of retaining anything -received as pay from the government was bestowed on -officials of the civil service.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_811" id="Ref_811" href="#Foot_811">[811]</a></span> Justinian went a step further -and enacted that a son's independent or extraneous earnings -should be his own, but yet he permitted the father to have -the usufruct of any capital thus acquired.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_812" id="Ref_812" href="#Foot_812">[812]</a></span> Later (541), he -made another concession that a son might inherit anything -from a relative, as part of his separate estate, if left to him -with a proviso that it should not come under his father's -control.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_813" id="Ref_813" href="#Foot_813">[813]</a></span></p> - -<p>The artificial conception of blood-relationship which prevailed -among the Romans, whereby those connected through -females were excluded from all legal rights in a family, had -been modified in some of its most inequitable features before -the sixth century. In the earliest times if a citizen died -intestate having no agnates to inherit, that is, persons related -to him through males, the property was divided among his -<i>gens</i>. The latter consisted of all those of the same stock or -name as himself, being the reputed descendants in the male -line of some common ancestor. Possibly, however, by this -dispensation some of his heirs might not even be of the -same blood, owing to adoptive children having conferred -upon them all the legal rights of those naturally born to the -father by whom they had been assumed. Thus it happened -that the children of a married daughter could claim nothing -of their maternal grandfather's estate; and, as a rule, their -mother would be in the same position. A mother could not -inherit from her sons and daughters; whilst emancipated -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_716" id="Page_716">{716}</a></span> -children, that is, those who had been relieved by their father -from the semi-servile condition in which they stood towards -him, thereafter became as strangers to their own family in -the eye of the law. The narrow conceptions of the primitive -laws as defined in the Twelve Tables (462 <small>B.C.</small>) were productive -of much flagrant injustice of this kind, as it appeared -to the Romans themselves as time wore on.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_814" id="Ref_814" href="#Foot_814">[814]</a></span> After the lapse -of about a century, a new magistrate, second in authority -only to the Consuls, was created under the title of Praetor, -and his functions gradually evolved themselves into those of -the chief justice of the Republic.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_815" id="Ref_815" href="#Foot_815">[815]</a></span> Although legislative -powers were not bestowed on him, he became virtually a -legislator, and in his court equity was administered in accordance -with the current development of public opinion. -Thus he became a special providence for all those who found -themselves hard pressed by the cramped enactments of the -old laws, which were sometimes supplemented, sometimes -evaded by a legal fiction or subterfuge in the Praetor's Court.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_816" id="Ref_816" href="#Foot_816">[816]</a></span> -On taking office, each Praetor published an edict in which -he stated the views he took of debatable questions in law; -and his rules and decisions, though caduciary, were often -confirmed and fixed by Imperial legislation.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_817" id="Ref_817" href="#Foot_817">[817]</a></span> By the reign -of Hadrian a considerable body of law had been thus concreted, -which that emperor ordered to be codified by Salvius -Julianus, and thus a collection of statutes, called the Perpetual -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_717" id="Page_717">{717}</a></span> -Edict, was permanently approved and took the place -of the variable practice of successive Praetors.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_818" id="Ref_818" href="#Foot_818">[818]</a></span></p> - -<p>While in Republican times the rights of succession to an -intestacy had been constrained within narrow limits of -agnation and male precedence,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_819" id="Ref_819" href="#Foot_819">[819]</a></span> the laws of inheritance as -ultimately settled by Justinian became the most liberal that -the world has seen. Priority of birth had never been recognized -as constituting a title to preference in Roman law; -and now every notion of any prescriptive claim being inherent -in sex was abolished. The state of the deceased was divided -equally between male and female children, grandchildren, of -course, subdividing a predeceased parent's share. By this -disposition a wife took her marriage settlement, but if there -were none such she ranked as one of the children, as did -also a husband. If the intestate left no issue, but several -brothers and sisters, the property devolved on them according -to the same principle, but to them the parents of the -deceased, if living, were preferred. Thus the degree of affinity -by blood was alone considered in regulating heirship. Under -this system adopted children inherited from their natural -parents as if no such formality had taken place, but they also -had a claim, in the absence of near kindred, to succeed to -those who had adopted them.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_820" id="Ref_820" href="#Foot_820">[820]</a></span></p> - -<p>In the earliest times a Roman could bequeath his property -to any member of the community he pleased, but not to a -foreigner. In the time of Augustus, however, a law was -passed, in completion of previous tentative efforts, which -made it compulsory for him to leave a fourth part of his -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_718" id="Page_718">{718}</a></span> -estate to his children, otherwise he had to state expressly -why he disinherited them.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_821" id="Ref_821" href="#Foot_821">[821]</a></span> Justinian confirmed and reduced -legislation of this class to a compact form, defining the relations -of parents and children to each other as regards the -disposition of their possessions in precise terms. Fourteen -causes were enumerated, which the law would recognize as -just grounds for a parent to disinherit a child, and eight -which would confer the same right on the latter. Among -these, lapse into heresy holds the most prominent place, and -also neglect to ransom if the parent or child should be taken -captive by an enemy.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_822" id="Ref_822" href="#Foot_822">[822]</a></span></p> - -<p>The dissolute tendencies of society under the early Empire -induced the promulgation of laws which imposed a penalty -on celibacy, and granted privileges to those citizens who -were fertile in offspring. Legal incapacity to inherit was inflicted -on a bachelor, whilst in the division of an estate larger -amounts were assigned to the heirs in proportion to the -number of their children.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_823" id="Ref_823" href="#Foot_823">[823]</a></span> With the introduction of Christianity -and asceticism, qualities of this kind began to occupy -reversed positions; and, if marriage did not fall altogether -into disrepute, second nuptials, at least, were ranked almost -as a crime deserving to be visited with penalties comparable -to those decreed against heretics.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_824" id="Ref_824" href="#Foot_824">[824]</a></span> Justinian modified this -stringency, remarking that natural passion might fairly lead -persons of both sexes to re-marry, and that free procreation -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_719" id="Page_719">{719}</a></span> -of children was ultimately for the benefit of the state.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_825" id="Ref_825" href="#Foot_825">[825]</a></span> -Legitimation of children by subsequent marriage had long -been recognized, and Justinian extended the principle by a -decree that a woman seduced under promise of marriage -could compel her lover to complete the contract, or, in -default, to endow her with a quarter of his property.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_826" id="Ref_826" href="#Foot_826">[826]</a></span> By a -law of Anastasius, illegitimate children were called on to -inherit the estate in the case of an intestacy without legal -offspring, but in the second year of Justin this rule was -abrogated. At the beginning of his reign, however, Justinian -restored the former claim to the extent of one half, and later -he supplemented it by enacting that a father could leave all -his possessions to his natural children if he had none who -were legitimate.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_827" id="Ref_827" href="#Foot_827">[827]</a></span></p> - -<p>From the first ages of the Republic liberty to divorce his -wife was considered to be the inalienable right of every -Roman, but the privilege was rarely, if ever, taken advantage -of in the primitive community. This strict attachment, however, -to the conjugal contract gradually disappeared, and in -Imperial times the marriage bond was tied and loosed on -many occasions in their lives by persons of unstable character. -Not until the fifth century did the Christian emperors attempt -to impose any stringency on the freedom of divorce, when -the younger Theodosius published a list of offences, in the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_720" id="Page_720">{720}</a></span> -absence of one or more of which repudiation of the nuptial -tie by either husband or wife would be legally insufficient.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_828" id="Ref_828" href="#Foot_828">[828]</a></span> -From the moment of his accession Justinian began to -elaborate legislation of this kind,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_829" id="Ref_829" href="#Foot_829">[829]</a></span> and in 541 went so far as -to forbid the dissolution of marriage by mutual consent,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_830" id="Ref_830" href="#Foot_830">[830]</a></span> a -right with which no previous emperor had ventured to interfere. -The restriction, however, was probably inoperative and -highly unpopular, and one of the first acts of his successor -was the repeal of the obnoxious measure.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_831" id="Ref_831" href="#Foot_831">[831]</a></span></p> - -<p>The difficulties which in this age beset the practice of the -law courts, owing to the confused condition of legal literature -and the consequent absence of attainable information, on -forensic questions, has already been adverted to. The pressing -need of rescuing the elements of jurisprudence from the -two thousand volumes in which they were entombed had -been felt by previous emperors, but, if they apprehended -the possibility of executing it, they shrunk from the magnitude -of the task. No sooner, however, was Justinian seated on -the throne than he engaged in this enterprise and nominated -a commission of ten jurists to prepare a code in which all -extant and effective Acts of various emperors should be -repeated and arranged in lucid order. Tribonian was included -among these commissioners, as an adjurant rather -than as a principal, but during the execution of the work it -is certain that he proved himself to be the master spirit of -the undertaking. The materials which had to be manipulated -consisted of the Theodosian Code, in sixteen books, composed -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_721" id="Page_721">{721}</a></span> -under the auspices of that feeble-minded prince, whose -simple piety assumed that all but the laws of Christian -emperors should be expunged from the statute book. This -ineffective performance, therefore, left unnoticed all legislation -previous to Constantine, but there were two other extensive -compilations, the Gregorian and Hermogenian Codes, -of private origin, in which had been amassed a multitude of -Imperial constitutions, beginning with those of Hadrian. -The work was begun in February, 528, and finished by April -of the following year. It was then announced to the Praefect -of the East as the "Justinian Code," to which alone for the -future reference was to be made in order to ascertain the law -of the Empire; and he was directed to give it effect from the -next month. If, the Emperor added, certain enactments -were found to have been altered in tenor by additions, -detractions, or verbal changes, such modifications had been -necessitated by the exigences of the age; and it was forbidden -that anyone should thereafter cite such passages as they -appeared in previous books, with the view of inducing decisions -not in conformity with the new Code.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_832" id="Ref_832" href="#Foot_832">[832]</a></span></p> - -<p>The capacity and erudition of Tribonian, which had been -revealed during the preparation of the Code, inspired Justinian -to undertake in the next year a work of much greater magnitude, -which it was anticipated would demand fully ten years -for its achievement. It was proposed to extract all the -essential pronouncements of jurisprudential law to be found -in the two thousand volumes, which emanated from the -recognized legal luminaries of the previous fourteen centuries, -and dispose them categorically in fifty books, so that they -should be readily available for forensic consultation. The -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_722" id="Page_722">{722}</a></span> -Constitution which enjoined the preparation of this comprehensive -work, to be called the "Digest," or "Pandects," was -addressed to Tribonian alone, and he was left untrammelled -in the choice of coadjutors in the stupendous task.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_833" id="Ref_833" href="#Foot_833">[833]</a></span> Nowhere -throughout the Empire, indeed, was there known to -be a legal library which contained all the books necessary -for the compilation of the Pandects, except in the collection -which had been formed with vast pains and accurate judgment -by Tribonian.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_834" id="Ref_834" href="#Foot_834">[834]</a></span> He now made choice of sixteen -associates, and all engaged assiduously on the materials at -their disposal. To their surprise, they found that the work -advanced much more rapidly than had been expected, and -at the end of three years they were able to announce that -the Digest had assumed a practical shape. The three million -sentences had been reduced to one hundred and fifty -thousand, which were distributed in an orderly manner -throughout the fifty books in seven categories. Among these -were to be found all the matter required to enlighten the -hesitating lawyer as to official duties, judicial functions, -pledges, contracts, usury, nuptials, wills and codicils, legacies -and trusts, relations of slaves and freemen, heirship, intestacy, -liabilities of those occupying land and dwellings, crimes and -punishments in "two terrible books," public works, and -miscellaneous definitions.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_835" id="Ref_835" href="#Foot_835">[835]</a></span> Having achieved this great work -Justinian became apprehensive that it would be corrupted -by copyists, wherefore he ordained that no abbreviations -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_723" id="Page_723">{723}</a></span> -should be used in writing out the original or reproductions. -But he was still more alarmed lest his concentrated text -should be overwhelmed by commentators, so that after the -lapse of a certain period there might be a return to the -former state of things, when administrators of the law should -again suffer bewilderment amid the overplus of legal literature. -Commentaries, therefore, were forbidden, and, should -any persons attempt them, they were warned that they would -be considered as perverters and falsifiers of the law. Should -any doubts arise, reference was to be made to the Emperor, -as the sole legislator and interpreter of the law.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_836" id="Ref_836" href="#Foot_836">[836]</a></span></p> - -<p>When the Pandects were approaching completion, Justinian -decided on the issue of a third work, which should form a -handbook for the law-student and ground him in the principles -of Imperial jurisprudence as set forth in the two -ponderous Codes. Under the name of the Institutes this -little treatise soon took shape in four books, being for the -most part a remodelled edition of a similar work by a certain -Gaius, which had been in circulation for several centuries. -This compendium was then announced to the student as -furnishing him with as much legal information in a small -compass as he could have attained to previously after a four -years' investigation of the diffuse compositions to which he -was obliged to have recourse. "Take these our laws," said -the Emperor, "and study them assiduously, encouraged by -the bright hope that your proficiency will one day enable -you to govern our Republic in some province which may be -entrusted to your care."<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_837" id="Ref_837" href="#Foot_837">[837]</a></span> At the same time Justinian mapped -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_724" id="Page_724">{724}</a></span> -out the work of the class-rooms for legal education, in which -the new law books were to supersede all texts previously -placed before the student during his five years' course. The -first year was to be devoted to the Institutes, the next three -to Pandects, and the last to the Code. He also directed that -the freshmen were henceforward to discard their ridiculous -cognomen of <i>Dupondii</i>, and enter on their career under the -dignified title of "New Justinians." He also sternly prohibited -the rough games which students had been wont to play off -on one another, on rude novices, and even on professors, such -reckless proceedings having sometimes eventuated in actual -crimes. Finally he decreed the abolition of the law schools -of Alexandria, Caesarea, and elsewhere, since he had heard -that in those places unskilful men with insufficient licence -had been engaged in imbuing their disciples with adulterated -doctrine. For the future, as previously, Berytus was to be -the chief academy of jurisprudence, but the Royal Cities of -Rome and Constantinople were also sanctioned to continue -as centres of legal instruction.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_838" id="Ref_838" href="#Foot_838">[838]</a></span></p> - -<p>No sooner had Justinian completed his reintegration of -the legal profession than he entered on an active career of -new legislation which rendered much of his former work -obsolete. The close attention paid to law during the preparation -of the Digest had revealed a number of disputed -questions, and these the Emperor determined to decide -once for all by virtue of his own Imperial inspiration. When -they had accumulated to the number of fifty the list seemed -to be exhausted, and thereupon a fasciculus of "Fifty Decisions" -was published to settle the law on these moot -points. This supplement seemed to antiquate the Code, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_725" id="Page_725">{725}</a></span> -and hence it was resolved to abolish it in favour of a revised -edition, which should be perfected by the inclusion of all -more recent legislation. A new Code was, therefore, published -in 534 with an injunction that the first should be -consigned to oblivion, and never again opened in the law -courts.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_839" id="Ref_839" href="#Foot_839">[839]</a></span> Still, however, Justinian found -an unlimited field -for his legislative proclivities, and every year saw the promulgation -of new Acts, until his energy began to succumb -to senility. Most of the new enactments were called Novels, -and many of them were elaborated at great length. For -these compositions the Greek language was almost invariably -used, but a contemporary Latin translation was -made. More than one hundred and sixty of them remain, -but some of them are in a fragmentary condition. In addition -thirteen other pronouncements, named Edicts, are -extant, and also the Pragmatic Sanction, of which an analysis -has been given in connection with the annexation of Italy. -Such are the four complements of Justinian's legislation, of -which in bulk his own productions constitute about one -fifth, but some considerable portion of the latter has probably -been lost.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_840" id="Ref_840" href="#Foot_840">[840]</a></span></p> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_769" id="Foot_769" href="#Ref_769">[769]</a> -Pand., I, i, 1; Instit., i, 1.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_770" id="Foot_770" href="#Ref_770">[770]</a> -See p. 241.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_771" id="Foot_771" href="#Ref_771">[771]</a> -Pand. XLVIII, viii, 11, etc. Illustrated by the story of Androcles -and the lion; Aulus Gel., v. 14.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_772" id="Foot_772" href="#Ref_772">[772]</a> -Suetonius, Claudius, 25.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_773" id="Foot_773" href="#Ref_773">[773]</a> -Hist. Aug., Hadrian, 18.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_774" id="Foot_774" href="#Ref_774">[774]</a> -Gaius, i, 52, etc.; Seneca, De Benef., iii, 22; see p. 43.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_775" id="Foot_775" href="#Ref_775">[775]</a> -Cf. Cod., I, xxv.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_776" id="Foot_776" href="#Ref_776">[776]</a> -See p. 114.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_777" id="Foot_777" href="#Ref_777">[777]</a> -Seneca, De Clement., i, 24.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_778" id="Foot_778" href="#Ref_778">[778]</a> -Cod. VII, vi; vii; Instit., i, 5.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_779" id="Foot_779" href="#Ref_779">[779]</a> -Suetonius, Octavius Aug., 40; Gaius, i, 42 <i>et seq.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_780" id="Foot_780" href="#Ref_780">[780]</a> -Cod., VII, iii; Instit., i, 7.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_781" id="Foot_781" href="#Ref_781">[781]</a> -Instit., i, 6. He allowed him to manumit at 17 instead of 20 as -previously.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_782" id="Foot_782" href="#Ref_782">[782]</a> -Cod., VII, vii, 1.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_783" id="Foot_783" href="#Ref_783">[783]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, xxiv; Instit., iii, 13.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_784" id="Foot_784" href="#Ref_784">[784]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, vi.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_785" id="Foot_785" href="#Ref_785">[785]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, vii, 2.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_786" id="Foot_786" href="#Ref_786">[786]</a> -Cod., VI, xxxv, ii; VII, ii, 15. He quotes a sentiment of Lucan, -"To think nothing accomplished while anything remained to be done," -<i>àpropos</i> of some legislation of Marcus Aurelius, which he essays to -complete.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_787" id="Foot_787" href="#Ref_787">[787]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_788" id="Foot_788" href="#Ref_788">[788]</a> -Nov. lxxviii.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_789" id="Foot_789" href="#Ref_789">[789]</a> -Instit., iii, 8.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_790" id="Foot_790" href="#Ref_790">[790]</a> -Cod., VI, iv, 4; Instit., iii, 7.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_791" id="Foot_791" href="#Ref_791">[791]</a> -Cod., VII, xv, 3.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_792" id="Foot_792" href="#Ref_792">[792]</a> -Cod., I, iv, 24; VIII, lii, 3; Nov. cliii.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_793" id="Foot_793" href="#Ref_793">[793]</a> -Cod., VIII, lii, 4; Nov. cliii, 1.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_794" id="Foot_794" href="#Ref_794">[794]</a> -Cod., XI, xlvii, 23, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_795" id="Foot_795" href="#Ref_795">[795]</a> -XII Tab., iii, 5 (Aul. Gel., xx, 1).</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_796" id="Foot_796" href="#Ref_796">[796]</a> -Livy, vi, 34; vii, 42, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_797" id="Foot_797" href="#Ref_797">[797]</a> -Nov. lx.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_798" id="Foot_798" href="#Ref_798">[798]</a> -Nov. cxxxiv, 7.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_799" id="Foot_799" href="#Ref_799">[799]</a> -Nov. cxxxiv, 8, 9.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_800" id="Foot_800" href="#Ref_800">[800]</a> -Cod., IV, xxxii, 26; Nov. cvi; cxxxviii, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_801" id="Foot_801" href="#Ref_801">[801]</a> -Instit., i, 9; Cod., VIII, xlvii.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_802" id="Foot_802" href="#Ref_802">[802]</a> -Seneca, De Clement., i, 14, 15.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_803" id="Foot_803" href="#Ref_803">[803]</a> -Cod., IX, xvii. He was to be thrown into the sea sewn up in a -sack with a dog, a cock, a viper, and an ape; cf. Instit., iv, 18.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_804" id="Foot_804" href="#Ref_804">[804]</a> -Cod., VII, xvi, 1; cf. Pand., XLVIII, ix, 5.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_805" id="Foot_805" href="#Ref_805">[805]</a> -See p. 90.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_806" id="Foot_806" href="#Ref_806">[806]</a> -Cod., I, iii, 55; Nov. cxxiii, 41, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_807" id="Foot_807" href="#Ref_807">[807]</a> -Nov. lxxxi.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_808" id="Foot_808" href="#Ref_808">[808]</a> -Instit., iv, 8.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_809" id="Foot_809" href="#Ref_809">[809]</a> -Cod., VIII, lii, 3; Nov. cliii.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_810" id="Foot_810" href="#Ref_810">[810]</a> -Gaius, ii, 106; Juvenal, Sat. xvi, 51.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_811" id="Foot_811" href="#Ref_811">[811]</a> -Cod., XII, xxxvii.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_812" id="Foot_812" href="#Ref_812">[812]</a> -Cod., VI, lxi, 6</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_813" id="Foot_813" href="#Ref_813">[813]</a> -Nov. cxvii, 1; cf. cxxxiv, 11.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_814" id="Foot_814" href="#Ref_814">[814]</a> -Generally see Muirhead's Private Law of Rome (by Gould), Edin., -1899, pp. 163, 270 <i>et seq.</i>, and the reconstruction of the XII Tab. thereto -appended; also Gaius, iii, 18, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_815" id="Foot_815" href="#Ref_815">[815]</a> -Livy, vi, 42; vii, 1, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_816" id="Foot_816" href="#Ref_816">[816]</a> -Pand., I, i, 7.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_817" id="Foot_817" href="#Ref_817">[817]</a> -The way in which the Prætor gave relief to those hard pressed by -the letter of the law, is expressed very clearly throughout the Institutes, -especially in iii, 1, 2, 9, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_818" id="Foot_818" href="#Ref_818">[818]</a> -Eutropius, viii, 9; Cod. I, xvii, Tanta (<span title="Dedôken">Δέδωκεν</span>), etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_819" id="Foot_819" href="#Ref_819">[819]</a> -By the XII Tab., as J. points out, males and females, apart from -agnation, had equal rights in successions; Cod., VI, lviii, 14.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_820" id="Foot_820" href="#Ref_820">[820]</a> -Nov. cxviii; cxxvii; cf. Instit., i, 11; iii, 1.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_821" id="Foot_821" href="#Ref_821">[821]</a> -The Lex Falcidia, concerning which there is much matter in Code, -Pand., and Nov., etc.; cf. Gaius, ii, 226.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_822" id="Foot_822" href="#Ref_822">[822]</a> -Nov. cxv. Other causes for disinheriting were a son going on the -stage, or a daughter under twenty-five refusing to marry a certain person, -etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_823" id="Foot_823" href="#Ref_823">[823]</a> -Lex Papia-Poppaea, Pand., XXXVIII, xi; XXIII, i, and commentators; -Gaius, i, 178, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_824" id="Foot_824" href="#Ref_824">[824]</a> -Cod., V, ix.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_825" id="Foot_825" href="#Ref_825">[825]</a> -Cod., VI, xl; Nov. xxii, 43. He speaks of a law said to have been -passed by one Julius Miscellus, but there was no such person. For a clue -to the muddle, see Daremberg and S. Dict. Antiq. <i>sb.</i> Lex, where the -best list of these old laws will be found.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_826" id="Foot_826" href="#Ref_826">[826]</a> -Nov. lxxiv, 4, etc. He excuses these lapses by "nothing is stronger -than the fury of love, and how can those so affected resist the blandishments -of those they love?"</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_827" id="Foot_827" href="#Ref_827">[827]</a> -Cod. V, xxvii, 6, 7, 8; Nov. lxxxix, 12, 15, etc. Incestuous children -are, however, barred from all such privileges.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_828" id="Foot_828" href="#Ref_828">[828]</a> -Cod., V, xvii, 8.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_829" id="Foot_829" href="#Ref_829">[829]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, 11; Nov. xxii. Some of Justinian's just causes of divorce are -procuring abortion and bathing in the public baths with men. Wife-beaters -are not divorceable, but must make large pecuniary compensation; -Nov. cxvii, 14.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_830" id="Foot_830" href="#Ref_830">[830]</a> -Nov. cxvii, 10; cxxxiv, 11.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_831" id="Foot_831" href="#Ref_831">[831]</a> -Nov. cxl.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_832" id="Foot_832" href="#Ref_832">[832]</a> -See the two prefaces to the Code.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_833" id="Foot_833" href="#Ref_833">[833]</a> -Cod., I, xvii, 1.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_834" id="Foot_834" href="#Ref_834">[834]</a> -As mentioned in Cod., I, xvii, 2, 3 (Tanta and <span title="Dedôken">Δέδωκεν</span>).</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_835" id="Foot_835" href="#Ref_835">[835]</a> -Thirty-nine legal writers were excerpted, but many others are referred -to incidentally. A sketch of the origin and development of -Roman law, as well as the names and connection of the chief practitioners -from Pomponius, is included; Pand., I, ii, 2.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_836" id="Foot_836" href="#Ref_836">[836]</a> -Cod., I, xvii, 2, 3; cf. I, xiv, 12. It was part of the scheme that -no antinomies or contradictions should occur. Several such, however, -have been detected by later jurists.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_837" id="Foot_837" href="#Ref_837">[837]</a> -Instit., <i>præf.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_838" id="Foot_838" href="#Ref_838">[838]</a> -Pand., <i>præf.</i> (Omnem). See p. 219.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_839" id="Foot_839" href="#Ref_839">[839]</a> -Cod., <i>præf.</i>, 3. The fifty Decis. are scattered through the Code -without clue to their location. One Merillus spent twenty years in trying -to solve the crux of identifying them.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_840" id="Foot_840" href="#Ref_840">[840]</a> -Some jottings as to the practice of the bar in this age occur in -Ammianus, xxx, 4; Jn. Lydus, De Magistr., ii, 17; and Agathias, iii, -1. From the first it seems that there were a great many pettifogging -lawyers, who made a practice of fleecing clients by involving them in -interminable litigation.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_726" id="Page_726">{726}</a></span> - -<h2>CHAPTER XVI<br /> -<small>THE LAST DAYS OF JUSTINIAN: LITERATURE AND ART IN THE -SIXTH CENTURY: SUMMARY AND REVIEW OF THE REIGN</small></h2> - -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap">IN the spring of 550, when the five years' truce with -Persia expired, Justinian became anxious to effect a further -pacification with Chosroes, and Peter Magister, with -whose diplomatic work we are already familiar, was entrusted -with the negotiations. The Shah, however, declined to -formulate any definite terms at the moment and dismissed -him with a promise that he would shortly send a plenipotentiary -of his own to the Byzantine Court, who should -have full powers to draft a treaty in accordance with the -best interests of both nations. He was as good as his word, -and the Persian embassy soon arrived at Constantinople, -headed by Isdigunas, a man insufferably pompous and -arrogant, who brought with him in his train such an immense -following that he seemed to be advancing to the -battlefield rather than conducting a peaceful mission. He -was accompanied by his wife, children, and a brother; and -also by two members of the highest Persian nobility, who -displayed themselves in public wearing golden diadems on -their heads. The Byzantines resented the overwhelming -magnificence of this legation, regarding it as an intolerable -assumption of superiority by the Orientals; and they were -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_727" id="Page_727">{727}</a></span> -especially indignant when they saw Justinian receiving them -with an effusive ceremony which suggested that he conceded -everything to their pretensions. These negotiations were -protracted over eighteen months, during which the multitude -of Persians were allowed to pervade the city with the utmost -freedom, engaging in every sort of commerce as if they were -natives of the place; and, contrary to custom, subjected to no -supervision which might restrain them from gaining information -of strategic value. At length a second truce for five -years was purchased from Chosroes for two thousand pounds -of gold (£80,000), whilst, as compensation for the cessation -of arms since the arrival of the ambassador, a further sum -of six hundred (£24,000) was agreed upon. The Emperor, -judiciously enough, wished to pay by annual instalments, so -that he might retain a pledge in his hands to ensure the -faithful observance of the compact, but the idea was abhorrent -to the Byzantine populace, who considered that -they should thus become tributaries of the Persian monarch. -The amount was, therefore, paid down in full, and Isdigunas -returned home, the bearer on his own part of a splendid -pecuniary gift from Justinian.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_841" id="Ref_841" href="#Foot_841">[841]</a></span></p> - -<p>In the meantime the subsidiary war in Lazica went on -continuously, as Chosroes was unwilling to relinquish his -hold on the principality, and professed that his pacific engagements -did not apply to that outlying region. Thus the -capture of Petra by Bessas, as already related, was an -occurrence of the same year as the renewal of the truce with -Isdigunas. After those events the Persian occupation was -still maintained by Mermeroes, who had already been many -years in the country, and contested the supremacy of the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_728" id="Page_728">{728}</a></span> -Byzantines with varying success. His most notable effort -was the siege of Archaeopolis, the capital, in 550, when, after -many strenuous attempts, he tried to capture the town by -bribing one of the natives to fire the granaries. He thought -by this means to divert the attention of the small garrison -from the walls, so that the attacking force should be unresisted -while effecting an entry. Contrary to expectation, -however, the Byzantines were just prepared for a sally; and, -leaving a few of their number within to extinguish the -flames, they burst out suddenly on the besiegers. The -latter, taken by surprise, suffered such loss that Mermeroes -forthwith raised the siege and retired to another part of the -country.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_842" id="Ref_842" href="#Foot_842">[842]</a></span></p> - -<p>Mermeroes died in 554, and was replaced by Nachoragan, -whose career was short and unfortunate. In the following -year he essayed the siege of Phasis, a town by the sea at the -mouth of the river of the same name. He had an army of -sixty thousand at his disposal, while the Roman forces, -under Martin and Justin the son of Germanus, did not -amount to a third of that number. As the town was built of -wood the Persian general expected an easy conquest, and -resolved to destroy the walls by fire. On the south, where -not defended by river and sea, an external muniment had -been improvised in the shape of a fosse, filled with water -from an adjacent lake, and a palisade. On the water were -stationed a number of vessels with baskets fixed to the -mastheads; and from these, as from towers, darts and missiles -were shot or hurled. The Orientals, who had rendered -their line of blockade continuous by a bridge of boats -across the Phasis, were provided with elephants, having -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_729" id="Page_729">{729}</a></span> -towers on their backs, and had constructed machines for -attack of every description. After a few days' work the fosse -had been levelled up to the ground by the ingestion of -various materials; and Nachoragan, at the outset of a determined -assault, said to a band of two thousand pioneers -whom he was despatching to a neighbouring wood to bring -up further supplies of timber, "When you see the smoke -rising you will know that the Roman defences are in flames, -and may hasten back to aid in the work of destruction." -On the morning of the same day Justin, by a divine -inspiration, as we are told, had stolen out of the town with -five thousand cavalry and a brigade of infantry, in order to -pray at a church of great sanctity in the vicinity. Subsequent -events now become shaped by a prior incident which -I have next to mention. Fearing that his men might lose -heart by comparing the paucity of their numbers with the -multitude of the enemy, Martin had a few days before -caused a travel-stained messenger to arrive ostentatiously -amid a concourse of the soldiery and hand him a letter, -which he opened and read aloud. The missive purported to -come from the Emperor and to convey a notice that large -reinforcements had arrived within a score of miles and would -shortly join the garrison. "Tell them," said he, with assumed -indignation, "that their aid is not required: just as -we are about to discomfit the enemy, their coming will -snatch from us the glory of victory." The ruse succeeded; -his action was acclaimed by the troops; and not only were -they inspirited, but some anxiety was communicated to the -besiegers, to whom the affair was reported, and a considerable -body of men was detached to watch the route by which -the visionary army was expected to arrive. The Persians attacked -vigorously on the land side, and were resisted with -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_730" id="Page_730">{730}</a></span> -equal energy by the Byzantines. A great clamour arose, and -Justin, on the return from his pious errand, became aware -that a fierce battle was raging. He found himself in the -rear of the assaulting force, when, with sudden determination, -he ordered his ensign to be raised and charged the -enemy in the back. The Romans routed those upon whom -they swept down, and a panic quickly spread through the -Oriental troops. The army of relief, whose propinquity had -been credited, was assumed to be actually present, and a -general flight ensued. Justin followed on hotly, and ten -thousand of the Persians were slain before the pursuit was -abandoned. At last he collected his men and returned to -Phasis, where all the siege engines now appeared, scattered -around, as deserted by the enemy. Their destruction by fire -was at once resolved upon, and the column of smoke rose -in proximity to the walls. To those engaged felling timber -in the distant wood it seemed to indicate the consummation -of their general's designs; whereupon the two thousand -pioneers at once threw down their implements, and hastened -impetuously to the town, fearing to be too late to deserve a -share in the predicted success. Thus they unwittingly ran -into the arms of the Byzantines, who slaughtered them to -the last man.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_843" id="Ref_843" href="#Foot_843">[843]</a></span> As soon as the news -of this disaster was conveyed -to Chosroes he was filled with rage against Nachoragan, -whom he immediately recalled and ordered to be -flayed alive. His skin, torn off in one piece from head to -foot, so as to retain the shape of the body, was sewn up and -inflated like a bladder; and then suspended from the summit -of a lofty rock to signalize the fate which should befall -anyone who fled before the enemies of the Shahinshah.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_844" id="Ref_844" href="#Foot_844">[844]</a></span> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_731" id="Page_731">{731}</a></span></p> - -<p>Among the most notable incidents during this period of -the war in Lazica was the affair of King Gubazes. The -mother of that prince was the daughter of a senator, and -before his succession he had borne arms for some years as a -silentiary at the Byzantine Court. Shortly before the death -of Mermeroes, owing to an error of judgment on the part -of the Roman generals, a section of the army had been -severely handled by the Persians; and the Lazic king had -taken upon himself to report the matter to Justinian as resulting -from the incapacity of his officers. Martin and two -of his subordinates, the brothers Rusticus and John, were -those chiefly concerned; and in their minds much animosity -was excited against Gubazes. They concerted a plot, therefore, -to encompass his death; and John made a special -journey to Constantinople with the object of accusing him -to the Emperor. Owing to his former defection to the Persians, -Justinian was easily persuaded that he was again -meditating a similar treachery; wherefore he ordered that -he should be arrested and brought to the capital for interrogation. -"But," queried John, "should he resist your mandate?" -"Then," said the Emperor, "you may kill him as an -open enemy." Armed with this authority in a written warrant -John returned to Lazica; and the brothers at once sent -Gubazes an invitation to meet them at a certain spot, using -as a pretext that they wished to confer with him as to an -attack upon the Persians. Unsuspectingly the King advanced -with a few unarmed followers to the place indicated. -With the knowledge of the other generals, who contemplated -merely an arrest, Rusticus and John, accompanied by an -armed band, proceeded to meet him. The plotters, however, -knowing that an interrogatory would reveal their -treachery, had it in their minds to provoke Gubazes by an -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_732" id="Page_732">{732}</a></span> -altercation, and then to assassinate him in pretended compliance -with the terms of their warrant The parties met, -and the brothers challenged the King to join them in an -expedition against the common enemy. But he declined, -saying that, until they had retrieved their errors and proved -themselves to be capable leaders, he would not follow them -to the battlefield. This attitude was taken as sufficiently -evincing a determination to resist the Imperial authority; -and John struck him with his sword, causing him to fall -from his horse. Then as he lay on the ground, at the bidding -of Rusticus, some of the guards standing by consummated -the murder.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_845" id="Ref_845" href="#Foot_845">[845]</a></span></p> - -<p>This foul deed aroused the utmost indignation among the -Lazi; and the nation decided forthwith to transfer their -allegiance to the Persians. A public debate, however, was -held, at which moderate counsels ultimately prevailed; and -it was resolved to send delegates to demand justice of the -Emperor. On their arrival at the Court they asserted the -criminality of the assassins, and defended Gubazes from -their imputations. They also solicited that Tzathes, his -younger brother, then resident in the capital, should be appointed -King in his stead. Justinian accepted their assurances -and acceded to their request; and he at once commissioned -Athanasius, a senator of the highest rank, to -proceed to Lazica in order to bring the culprits to trial. A -judicial court was constituted in public with great pomp to -impress the natives; the senator occupied a lofty throne -surrounded by guards and legal assessors, and Rusticus and -John were produced loaded with shackles. Advocates of -the Lazi, who were versed in Greek, conducted the prosecution, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_733" id="Page_733">{733}</a></span> -and demonstrated that the innocence of Gubazes was -beyond question. The written commission of Justinian was -read, by which it was shown that only armed resistance to -arrest would have justified what was done. The prisoners -made an elaborate defence, asserting, but without a shadow -of proof, that the King had been a traitor, and maintained -that they had acted with the cognizance and assent of -Martin. Athanasius summed up the case calmly, and concluded -that Gubazes was acting within his rights when he -refused to join the proposed expedition in view of the -adverse opinion he had formed as to their military competency. -He, therefore, pronounced the brothers to be -guilty, and condemned them to be decapitated. They were -forthwith mounted on mules, and paraded to the place of -execution, whilst a herald announced their delict and proclaimed -the supremacy of the laws (555). As to Martin, his -complicity was not investigated openly, but it was considered -prudent to supersede him in his command, and relegate him -to a private position. Justin was then appointed to be principal -general in Lazica.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_846" id="Ref_846" href="#Foot_846">[846]</a></span> After this date the Lazic war -flagged, and within a year or two the two monarchs gladly -agreed to a cessation of arms, with the understanding that -each was to retain those positions in the country of which -they happened at the moment to be in occupation.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_847" id="Ref_847" href="#Foot_847">[847]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_734" id="Page_734">{734}</a></span> -The defence of the Danubian frontier against the scarcely -remittent barbarian raids was very inefficiently maintained, -at least during the latter years of Justinian's reign. Hence -the safety of life and property in Thrace and Illyricum was -in continual jeopardy. In 549 the Slavs were first emboldened -to cross the river, when a horde of three thousand -rushed headlong against the Roman forces, whom they -utterly routed, though considerably more numerous than -themselves. They then pursued their course, devastating -the country mercilessly, until they arrived at Toperus, a town -of sixty thousand inhabitants, and the most important seaport -of Thrace. By a ruse they enticed the garrison to -make a sally, and, having massacred them, soon captured -the town by means of scaling ladders. The whole adult -male population, amounting to fifteen thousand, was slaughtered, -and the women and children were reduced to servitude. -The Slavs then returned to their own abodes, leaving -their track littered with the unburied corpses of their victims, -whom it was their custom to kill by transfixing them to -the ground by means of stakes driven through their bodies.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_848" id="Ref_848" href="#Foot_848">[848]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_735" id="Page_735">{735}</a></span> -Less than ten years later a populous nation of barbarians, -the Avars, appeared on the west of the Caspian, who were -destined during the next couple of centuries to become -troublesome enemies of the Byzantine Empire. Justin still -held the chief command in Lazica, and to him they made -overtures that they should be received into the Roman -alliance. He forwarded a chosen legate, Candich by name, -to Constantinople, who boastfully informed the Emperor -that he belonged to the greatest nation of the earth, who -were capable of annihilating all his enemies. But they demanded -rich presents, a yearly subsidy, and the bestowal of -a fertile region for them to inhabit, before they entered the -service of the Empire. Justinian, as the historian informs -us, was now broken by years, and there remained to him -little of the force of mind which he had displayed when he -conquered the Vandals and Goths. He was tired of war and -desired to avoid it by any pacific means. He at once accepted -the suggestion of the Avars, and despatched an -ambassador to them, the bearer of golden chains, silken -vestments, and numerous other costly gifts, which Justin -was instructed to distribute judiciously and to direct the -hostilities of the recipients against various turbulent tribes. -This was done effectively, and severe chastisement was inflicted -in many quarters. The Avars, however, refused a -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_736" id="Page_736">{736}</a></span> -grant of land in Pannonia, as being too distant from their -ancient seats. Subsequently the Chagan, such was the title -of the Avar chief, sent a numerous deputation to the capital, -but, after long detention, they were dismissed without -definite result. Their strange appearance was one of the -spectacles of the city at this time, and the populace wondered -at their long hair, plaited and tied up with ribbons. -During their stay they took the opportunity of purchasing a -large quantity of arms, and the Emperor notified Justin that -they must by no means be allowed to import these safely -into their own district. The weapons were seized, therefore, -while in transit, by the military; and the circumstance was -the origin of the bitter hostility which was afterwards displayed -by the Chagan and his subjects towards the Empire.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_849" id="Ref_849" href="#Foot_849">[849]</a></span></p> - -<p>In 559 the most alarming barbarian invasion which occurred -during the reign of Justinian is recorded. Zabergan, -an enterprising Hunnish leader, conceived no less a design -than to subvert, or, at least, to pillage the whole Eastern -Empire. The statement suggests the irruption of a vast -horde of barbarians, who would spread themselves far and -wide over the country and sweep everything before them in -their destructive course; but such was the deplorable condition -of the defences of the Empire, that this bold scheme -was undertaken with an army which could scarcely have exceeded -fifteen thousand horse. With this force Zabergan -crossed the Danube on the ice in the month of March, and -when he had penetrated the interior for a sufficient distance, -divided his army into three sections. To the first was allotted -the conquest of Greece; the second was impelled towards -the Thracian Chersonnesus, from whence it was contemplated -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_737" id="Page_737">{737}</a></span> -that it should pass the Hellespont and overrun the Asiatic -provinces; whilst with the third division, consisting of seven -thousand cavalry, the leader advanced against the metropolis. -This plan of campaign was entered on without hindrance, -as the provinces were almost destitute of soldiery. Those of -the military who were in an opulent position abandoned -themselves to dissipation, devoting their time to the Circus, -the theatre, and courtesans, while the rank and file of the -army deserted the colours and tried to make a living as -civilians. Such was the result of the conduct of the pay-masters -and commissaries, who embezzled the funds apportioned -to the military establishment; and here again, as a -second historian tells us, the senile ineptitude of the Emperor -was manifested. As Zabergan pursued his course the districts -through which he passed were devastated savagely on every -side. Private mansions and convents were broken into, -women of all classes were seized and subjected to the brutal -excesses of his followers, and infants were scattered about -the fields to become a prey to dogs and vultures. The Long -Walls were dilapidated, and even those of the city itself; the -damage being chiefly the effect of earthquake shocks, which -had been severe during recent years. The barbarians passed -through the former, therefore, and encamped on the river -Athyras, less than twenty miles from Constantinople. In the -meantime the capital became filled with consternation, which -was increased by crowds of fugitives who rushed thither from -the outlying tracts. From the Golden Gate to Blachernae the -suburban churches were emptied of their precious ornaments, -cartloads of which were borne within the walls. There was -no regular garrison to occupy the battlements; the Scholars -and other Palace guards, who had been ordered out to defend -the Long Walls, fled at the sight of the enemy, and the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_738" id="Page_738">{738}</a></span> -multitude of civilians and rustics were devoid of military -instinct and unable to wield the weapons which were supplied -to them; nor had the government a single officer with -the slightest capacity for active warfare at their disposal. In -this strait the Emperor found that he had no resource but -to commission Belisarius to undertake the defence of the -city. The veteran general, long unemployed, had already -succumbed to age and infirmity, but he obeyed with alacrity, -and again appeared in the martial attire which he seemed to -have laid aside for ever. With difficulty he collected three -hundred soldiers of those who had served under him in his -wars, and with these as his main force, he proceeded to -employ as effectively as possible the unwarlike rabble. They -were instructed to post themselves behind a long trench -which he caused them to excavate, and numerous fires were -lit to indicate the presence of a great host. At the approach -of the enemy they were also enjoined to raise a huge din by -clashing together their swords and shields. Zabergan, however, -was led to suspect the real state of the defenders, and -directed a mass of two thousand cavalry to make an impetuous -dash against the Byzantines. Belisarius, forewarned, divided -his veterans into three equal bands, one of which he retained -about his own person, whilst the others were concealed in -the woods, so as to attack the enemy on the flanks as they -passed. These tactics were put into practice effectively; the -general charged the Huns in front as soon as they came in -sight, and simultaneously the ambushed troops fell on them -from each side. An immediate rout of the barbarians was -the result, and they fled back with all speed to their own -camp. Four hundred were slain in the pursuit which ensued, -whilst among the Romans no single life was lost. When -Belisarius returned to Constantinople he was acclaimed as a -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_739" id="Page_739">{739}</a></span> -saviour by the populace, but from the magnates of the -bureaucracy he experienced nothing but repellent looks and -invidious utterances, and he relapsed at once into the -obscurity from which he had emerged for the moment like -a meteor.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_850" id="Ref_850" href="#Foot_850">[850]</a></span></p> - -<p>As for the further efforts of Zabergan's expedition, they -may be dismissed in a few words. At the Pass of Thermopylae -the Huns were brought up by a wall from which they -were repulsed by the garrison; and at the entrance to the -Chersonnesus their career was similar checked. In the latter -case, however, they constructed a fleet of rafts, by means of -which six hundred of them tried to land on the peninsula -from the waters of the Hellespont; but they were attacked -by a number of Byzantine galleys during their perilous -navigation, and almost all perished by drowning. Ultimately -the survivors of both failures rejoined their leader, who still -maintained his ground and proclaimed that he would not -quit the Roman soil until he had been paid a large sum in -gold. His captives were then reviewed and assessed at so -much a head, and with the ransom thus accumulated -Zabergan retreated to the Danube. Justinian, however, was -determined to prevent his escaping at so little cost to himself; -and he forthwith despatched an emissary to Sandichl, -chief of another tribe of Huns, who had been heavily subsidized -for guarding the approaches to the Empire from the -north. Having upbraided him for negligence, he informed -him that the funds which should have been his had now -been paid out to Zabergan, wherefore he must be satisfied -to lose the amount unless he could recover it by force. -Hence an internecine war broke out between the two tribes, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_740" id="Page_740">{740}</a></span> -who were named Utigurs and Cotrigurs respectively, in the -course of which they mutually destroyed each other, much to -the advantage of the Byzantines.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_851" id="Ref_851" href="#Foot_851">[851]</a></span> At the same time a fleet of -biremes was sent up the Danube to assist in the retaliative -operations. Soon after the departure of the enemy, a great -concourse of citizens, with the Emperor himself at their head, -although now probably in his seventy-seventh year, went out -from the capital to survey the Long Walls; and Justinian -continued to reside in the vicinity all the summer engaged -in supervising the restoration of that bulwark.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_852" id="Ref_852" href="#Foot_852">[852]</a></span></p> - -<p>In 562 a definite and comprehensive treaty was at last -concluded with Persia, by which Chosroes agreed to relinquish -all claim to Lazica in consideration of an annual payment -of thirty thousand solidi (£17,000). This peace, which -was to remain in force for fifty years, was the final diplomatic -achievement of Peter Magister, who died soon after, on his -return to Constantinople.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_853" id="Ref_853" href="#Foot_853">[853]</a></span> During the next year Justinian -undertook a pilgrimage to Myriangeli, a holy place in -Galatia, at a distance of three hundred miles from the capital, -being the longest journey he had made since he mounted -the throne.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_854" id="Ref_854" href="#Foot_854">[854]</a></span> On his return, octogenarian though he was, a -conspiracy to assassinate him was promoted by some officials -who had access to the Palace, but the design was betrayed -by one of the associates of the plot. Many arrests were made, -and some of the prisoners tried to save themselves by pretending -that they had merely been suborned by Belisarius. -The general was summoned before the Imperial council for -interrogation, and, although there was no evidence to substantiate -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_741" id="Page_741">{741}</a></span> -the accusation, he was degraded from his rank and -ordered to be detained as a prisoner in his own mansion.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_855" id="Ref_855" href="#Foot_855">[855]</a></span> -This formal incarceration was not relaxed for over six months, -but at last Justinian became persuaded of his innocence and -allowed him to resume his position at Court.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_856" id="Ref_856" href="#Foot_856">[856]</a></span> About eight -months afterwards the great soldier died, having had nothing -but disregard and ingratitude for his lot during the final years -of his life, but there is no foundation for the story of later -centuries that he was actually reduced to indigence and used -to sit as a mendicant in the streets of Constantinople, protesting -his blindness and begging a copper of those who -passed along.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_857" id="Ref_857" href="#Foot_857">[857]</a></span> After his death, we read that his fortune was -raked into the coffers of the state,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_858" id="Ref_858" href="#Foot_858">[858]</a></span> whence it is inferred that -his daughter Joannina, the only relative he is known to have -possessed, must have predeceased him. The death of his -stepson Photius is mentioned as having occurred a decade -or so previous to his own,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_859" id="Ref_859" href="#Foot_859">[859]</a></span> but his wife Antonina, notwithstanding -that she was so much his senior, appears to have -long outlived him and to have ended her days in the odour -of sanctity. It is recorded that the pious widow went to live -with Vigilantia, the sister of Justinian, and at her suggestion -restored a church which had been destroyed by fire.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_860" id="Ref_860" href="#Foot_860">[860]</a></span></p> - -<p>In the closing scene of his life Justinian is exhibited to -us as agitated by his ruling passion, devotion to theological -subtleties, and as expending his last breath in an attempt -to impose on the Church a heresy which he had rejected -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_742" id="Page_742">{742}</a></span> -when his faculties were more acute. With one foot in the -grave he became convinced that the Aphthartodocetae or -Incorruptibles had arrived at the true view as to the properties -of the flesh of Christ; and the octogenarian Emperor -embarked on the enterprise of elevating this tenet to the -rank of an Orthodox dogma. The resistance of Eutychius, -the Patriarch of Constantinople, who had presided at the -Fifth General Council, was punished by expulsion from -his see; and Anastasius, the Patriarch of Antioch, was -threatened with a similar fate. To enforce conformity with -the Emperor's most recent conviction an edict was prepared, -which would have excited a commotion among the -Orthodox communions throughout the Empire, but its issue -was prevented by the unexpected death of its author.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_861" id="Ref_861" href="#Foot_861">[861]</a></span></p> - -<p>Justinian died in November, 565, at an early hour of the -morning, in the thirty-ninth year of his reign, and the -eighty-third of his age.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_862" id="Ref_862" href="#Foot_862">[862]</a></span> The news was at once conveyed to -the Senate, who forthwith aroused Justin, the son of -Vigilantia, and besought him to accept the Crown. He -occupied the post of Curopalates, or intendant of the -Imperial household, and his succession had doubtless been -privately arranged for some time previously. After his -formal acquiescence the funeral rites of the deceased monarch -were the first care. The body was placed upon a -golden bier in a hall of the Palace, and Sophia, the wife of -Justin, and a niece of Theodora, herself enshrouded it in a -purple robe, on which were pictorially embroidered all the -great events of Justinian's reign. By sunrise the people had -become informed, and the assemblage in the Hippodrome -followed in accordance with time-honoured precedent. -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_743" id="Page_743">{743}</a></span> -Justin appeared, was acclaimed and hoisted on a buckler, -and all the customary preliminaries of a coronation were -enacted. The new Emperor made a speech, in which he -promised to reform all abuses, and gave a practical earnest -of his intentions by announcing that his uncle's debts would -be paid forthwith. A band of notaries, accompanied by a -gang of porters bearing bags of gold, then entered the arena, -and all creditors who presented themselves had their accounts -settled. The completion of the obsequies was the -next duty to be accomplished. The people thronged the -hall where the corpse lay in state; the bier was lifted up and -borne away amid a crowd of mourners carrying wax lights, -and a choir of virgins who intoned hymns as the procession -moved along. The Church of the Holy Apostles was its -destination, and when that edifice was reached the body -was deposited in a golden sarcophagus which had been -prepared for its reception by Justinian himself. A popular -festival followed; the city was decorated with flowers, fruits, -reeds, and olive branches; a variety of musical instruments -resounded from every quarter amid popular applause and -rejoicings; and the reign of Justin II was inaugurated with -all the illusive hopes which foresaw the return of the Golden -Age in the accession of the new monarch.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_863" id="Ref_863" href="#Foot_863">[863]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_744" id="Page_744">{744}</a></span> -With respect to literature and art in this age, a few remarks -may be added to what has already been said upon -the subject in a previous chapter of this work. But in -relation to the productions of the Eastern or Later Roman -Empire, the words literature and art must be used in a -modified sense, because there were no Byzantine classics -and no artistic masterpieces. Greek poetry ended with -Menander and Theocritus, nearly three centuries before the -Christian era; the last Latin poet was Claudian, who -flourished more than a century before the time of Justinian. -During the succeeding millennium, however, there were -many versifiers at Constantinople, but no poet. Yet we -could rarely spare their works, as they are often valuable -for the historical or other information which they contain. -As regards prose, of course, the position is different; for -in that domain highly meritorious works can be produced -without the aid of genius. The chief Byzantine writer there -is Procopius, to whose compositions, considerable in bulk -as they are, we are indebted for almost all detailed history -of the sixth century. He was, as we have seen, for the most -part the companion of Belisarius in his wars, not in a -military capacity, but as a civil adjutant; and hence he is -generally describing events in which he himself took an -active part. He appears to be absolutely truthful, and it is -improbable that he has given currency to any deliberate -falsehood. In recondite matters he is sometimes corroborated -by other historians, and he has never been contradicted.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_864" id="Ref_864" href="#Foot_864">[864]</a></span> -Close critics of his text are able to point out that he used -Herodotus and Thucydides as his models.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_865" id="Ref_865" href="#Foot_865">[865]</a></span> He was a man -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_745" id="Page_745">{745}</a></span> -of abundant common sense, well informed for his epoch, and -less superstitious than any typical specimens of his contemporaries. -In religion he was a freethinker, believing in a -Providence, which, however, had not become concrete in -the form of any personal being in his mind.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_866" id="Ref_866" href="#Foot_866">[866]</a></span> When making -use of previous writers he adopts their accounts with little -discrimination, though he sometimes suggests that the -reader may disbelieve if he sees fit to do so.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_867" id="Ref_867" href="#Foot_867">[867]</a></span> Three terms -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_746" id="Page_746">{746}</a></span> -may be distinguished in his literary career. During the first, -which extends to about 550, he was actively engaged in the -Persian, Vandalic, and Gothic wars, and wrote his account -of them in seven books. In the meantime he had opportunities -of becoming intimately acquainted with the system -of government and personality of the bureaucracy; and his -observations led him to feel a strong repugnance for the -administration and all connected with it. In the second -term he resolves to register in a secret work his adverse -conclusions and private information respecting the actors in -the scenes which were passing around him, in the hope -that it may lead to their being one day shown up in their -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_747" id="Page_747">{747}</a></span> -true colours for the common benefit of humanity, when the -dangers of such a publication shall no longer exist.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_868" id="Ref_868" href="#Foot_868">[868]</a></span> In 550, -therefore, he writes his Secret History or Anecdotes, which -he anticipates will attain the desired end.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_869" id="Ref_869" href="#Foot_869">[869]</a></span> He then turns -his attention to the more recent operations of the Persian -and Gothic wars, in which he had not himself borne a part, -and describes them by adding an eighth, and final, book to -his historical compositions. Gradually his literary work -becomes generally known, and its merit recognized; the Emperor -himself becomes one of his readers, and concludes -that Procopius is the historian by whom his name will be -handed down to future ages. He becomes personally interested -in him, and the third term sees him enjoying the -sunshine of Court favour. Justinian, proud of his extensive -building achievements, is anxious that his activity in this -sphere shall not perish in obscurity, and employs the -historian to compose a work in which all his notable architectural -works shall be described in realistic detail. For -this compilation the Emperor himself affords information, -and has the book written under his own eye in the flattering -style usually adopted by courtiers when referring to the -sovereign. Procopius, not indifferent to material advantages, -complies with established formalities, and receives the -meed of his talents and industry from the Emperor impersonally, -as the state official who acts as the deputy of the public. -Later on he is promoted to the post of Praefect of the City; -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_748" id="Page_748">{748}</a></span> -and it falls to his lot to become custodian of his former chief -when arrested on suspicion of conspiracy.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_870" id="Ref_870" href="#Foot_870">[870]</a></span> He had no -biographer, and of his private life and connections nothing -is known except that he was a native of Caesarea, in -Palestine.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_871" id="Ref_871" href="#Foot_871">[871]</a></span></p> - -<p>As literature, all other Byzantine authors are practically -negligible, but their value as sources of historical information -has been sufficiently evidenced in the course of this -work. At no subsequent period did a second Procopius -arise, but a few words may be said about his immediate -continuator, Agathias. He was an advocate by profession, -in modern phrase, a briefless barrister, whose tastes were -literary rather than forensic. He attempted poetry with -slight success, and finally hoped to find his vocation in -writing history in emulation of Procopius.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_872" id="Ref_872" href="#Foot_872">[872]</a></span> Not being a man -of action like his predecessor, nor occupant of a post which -enabled him to base his narrative mainly on personal experience, -he wrote as a student rather than as an observer -of events. He is thus better acquainted with books than -with men, more widely read than Procopius, but studied, -diffuse, deficient in personal convictions, and lacking in -historical insight. His short history, which was interrupted -by death, is, however, invaluable as being a sole -source; and it is unlikely that, had he not undertaken -it, anyone else would have filled his place and done it -better.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_873" id="Ref_873" href="#Foot_873">[873]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_749" id="Page_749">{749}</a></span> -The sixth century in the West was not altogether an age -of darkness and ignorance, but was illuminated by two -writers—who have already been mentioned as intimates of -Theodoric—Cassiodorus and Boethius. The latter was a -voluminous and able author; and his <i>Consolation of Philosophy</i>, -composed in the prison from which he was released -only by a death sentence, is well known to modern readers, -and has every title to rank as one of the Latin classics. -Cassiodorus, also a prolific writer, though of no great talent, -is important in the world of letters as having been the -founder of literary monkhood, which he originated in a -monastery erected by himself at Squillace, whither he retired -after his political career.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_874" id="Ref_874" href="#Foot_874">[874]</a></span> He is understood to have survived -there for thirty years, and almost to have become a centenarian -in the enjoyment of learned leisure. St. Benedict -also flourished in the first half of the sixth century; and the -well-known order instituted by him, the Benedictines, ultimately -took up the work initiated by Cassiodorus, and -produced some of the most erudite contributors to knowledge -of the ancient classics.</p> - -<p>When treating of Byzantine art the question must always -arise whether that term can be applied to productions which -in previous or subsequent ages would not have been -accepted as competent work. The renaissance of art in -Italy is a phrase virtually synonymous with emancipation -from Byzantine methods, but the latter, as already explained, -ultimately became rooted in a conventionalism which was -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_750" id="Page_750">{750}</a></span> -not typical of earlier efforts.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_875" id="Ref_875" href="#Foot_875">[875]</a></span> In the time of Justinian there -is no evidence that painting and sculpture in the higher -sense existed at all. We know of no pictorial representations, -with the exceptions of miniatures in manuscripts and -mosaics on the walls of sacred edifices,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_876" id="Ref_876" href="#Foot_876">[876]</a></span> while the glyptic -art seems to have been almost confined to columnar capitals -and carving on plates of ivory.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_877" id="Ref_877" href="#Foot_877">[877]</a></span> Of the former class it can -only be said that all specimens are not bad, of the latter that -there is some meritorious work.</p> - -<p>The Byzantines were great builders, and in this sphere -alone are their artistic creations really worthy of consideration. -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_751" id="Page_751">{751}</a></span> -The features of classical Greek architecture, which -with certain variations subsequently became Roman, are -familiar to all. A Hellenic city of the best period was a -chaste arrangement in white marble, in which the simplicity -of the straight line was applied to define the form of all -public buildings. Rows of accurately proportioned pillars, -supporting a continuous entablature, invested both edifices -and open spaces, and formed sheltered colonnades which -were a defence against extremes of weather at all seasons. -The architectural conception originated at some time far -back when timber was the only material used for construction. -Geometrical curves were rarely if ever seen, except in -fluted columns, but the diversity of form to be found in the -undulating lines of nature was profusely represented by -foliaceous capitals, and in pediments, friezes, and metopes -sculptured with the various figures of animal life. The Byzantine -Greeks, however, completely reversed the conceptions -of their ancestors, and abandoned the purity of classical -style. Interest in form was gradually lost along with the -capacity to execute it; and the taste of the age found its -refuge in an overwhelming attachment to diversity and -brightness of colour. To satisfy this craving recourse was -had to variegated marbles, of which lavish use was made, -for pillars in the mass, and in thin slabs for mural decoration. -For the latter purpose also every available space was -invested with glaring mosaics, the gaudy hues of which compensated -for the absence of grace and natural proportions in -the gaunt figures with which they were crowded. But these -methods were applicable only to interiors, whence the -building itself came to be considered as merely a packing-case -into which was to be stuffed the wealth of meretricious -adornment. Thus a temple, that is a church, became a -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_752" id="Page_752">{752}</a></span> -ponderous and shapeless mass of brickwork, with an appearance -appropriate, perhaps, to a barrack or a barn, instead of -being a civic ornament of light and beauty. The Romans -had the secret of a form of construction other than the continued -entablature, and were attached to the method of -sustaining superimposed masses by means of the arch, akin -to which was the dome, which they probably adopted after -their arms had penetrated to the East. On the Tiber, therefore, -the straight entablature began to be displaced by a -series of arches; and vaulted roofs were occasionally seen -under the first emperors. In the new Byzantine architecture, -which originated, or, at least, came to maturity under Justinian, -both these methods of building were developed to -the fullest extent. Among the lost arts at Constantinople -about this time, seems to have been the skill to sculpture -capitals after the Corinthian or Ionic patterns, the place of -which was taken by clumsy inverted pyramids, quadrangular -and truncated, which were used to effect a junction between -the pillars and the superimposed structure.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_878" id="Ref_878" href="#Foot_878">[878]</a></span> It is possible, -as suggested,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_879" id="Ref_879" href="#Foot_879">[879]</a></span> that this device may have been first adopted -to support the roof in the obscurity of an underground cistern, -but it was afterwards transported to the upper air and -employed, as at St. Sophia, to complete the columns in the -most decorative edifices. In these positions it was necessary -to abolish the crudeness of such capitals, and, as there was -a partial revival of art under Justinian, this object was accomplished -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_753" id="Page_753">{753}</a></span> -with some success by cutting the surface of the -pyramid over with a tracery of vegetable foliage, in the -midst of which simple monograms were often interspersed. -As such shapes are not produced in any strict conformity -of outline, they are usually imitated with facility, and a -measured or geometrical treatment is, in general, satisfactory -to the eye.</p> - -<p>In the sixth decade of this century, three incidents occurred, -which were of more or less importance in connection -with the subject of this section. In 551 some Asiatic monks -introduced themselves to Justinian, and informed him that -it was in their power to solve the difficulties which oppressed -him with respect to the silk trade. Having resided long in -China, they had become familiar with the method of rearing -the silkworm, and they explained that if the eggs were -transported to Europe they could be hatched in dung, so -that a native manufacture of silk could be established. The -Emperor promised to reward them liberally if they should -succeed in the enterprise; and the next year they again -presented themselves, furnished with a stock of the eggs, -which, as some say, they had been obliged to carry away -furtively concealed in hollow canes. Successful incubation -followed; the worms were fed on mulberry leaves; and from -this beginning dates the active propagation of the insects -throughout Southern Europe, from whence nearly half the -quantity of silk in commercial demand is supplied to the -markets of the world.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_880" id="Ref_880" href="#Foot_880">[880]</a></span> In 554 a severe earthquake occurred, -the violence of which was chiefly operative along the Syrian -coast. The city of Berytus was totally wrecked, and many -persons, including numbers of law students, perished in the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_754" id="Page_754">{754}</a></span> -ruins. The law school was then removed to the neighbouring -town of Sidon until Berytus should be rebuilt, but, -although the restoration was effected satisfactorily, there is -some doubt as to whether the city regained its celebrity as -a centre of legal education.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_881" id="Ref_881" href="#Foot_881">[881]</a></span> Another disastrous earthquake -happened in 557 and wrought much havoc at Constantinople. -One of the results of the catastrophe was that the -dome of St. Sophia collapsed, bringing destruction to many -of the elaborate and precious structures which occupied the -floor of the church. The original architects were dead, but -a younger Isidorus was entrusted with the work of reinstatement, -and a new dome was constructed, having its -altitude increased by twenty feet. At the re-opening a grand -ceremony was enacted comparable to that which had taken -place on the first occasion a score of years previously.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_882" id="Ref_882" href="#Foot_882">[882]</a></span></p> - -<p class="gap-above2">It appears that the requisites for the welfare of a nation -might with general consent be defined as peace abroad, and -prosperity at home. We have seen that the reign of -Justinian was one of incessant activity, but we fail to discern -that the continuous ferment, the motive impulse of which -emanated from Constantinople, was in any way beneficial to -the human race. For nearly forty years war was almost -peripheral with respect to the dominions of that Emperor; -in Africa, in Italy, aggressive; on the Danube and on the -Euphrates, defensive. It is possible that the lot of the -Orthodox Christians in Africa may have been ameliorated -by the expulsion of their Vandal rulers; but we are told by -an eye-witness that the country, which had previously been -flourishing and populous, was thereby reduced for hundreds -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_755" id="Page_755">{755}</a></span> -of miles to a desert, and that as an ultimate result the Byzantine -invasion might be credited with the annihilation of -fully five millions of the inhabitants.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_883" id="Ref_883" href="#Foot_883">[883]</a></span> There is good reason -to conclude, however, that before the time of Justinian, the -religious rancour which had prevailed between the Arians -and the Orthodox in the African provinces had been subdued -to the level of mutual toleration, so that in the best -interests of that region a continuance of the Vandal administration -would have been desirable. If there be any doubt -as to whether the Vandal war was really harmful to the people -chiefly concerned, there can be no question but that the -invasion of Italy was an unmitigated calamity for the inhabitants -of that peninsula. It would be difficult to define -an age, even prior to the dissolution of the Roman Republic, -during which the Italians could be said to have lived in -the uninterrupted enjoyment of peace and prosperity. From -the foundation of Rome the peninsula was distracted for -more than twelve centuries, first by ethnical and then by -civil commotion, and ultimately by barbarian devastation. -But for nearly forty years under the rule of Theodoric, a -settlement was reached, when beneficent government without -fiscal rapacity went hand in hand with religious toleration.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_884" id="Ref_884" href="#Foot_884">[884]</a></span> -It must be conceded that the successors of the founder of -the Gothic monarchy were true neither to their own interests -nor to those of the Italians, but the wanton warfare -carried on so persistently by Justinian for nearly two decades, -whilst he neglected the defence of his own dominions, -was more fraught with disaster to Italy than the transient, -though determined, barbarian irruptions: and we have it -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_756" id="Page_756">{756}</a></span> -from the same authority that the depopulation of the country -was even more evident to the contemporary observer -than was that of Africa.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_885" id="Ref_885" href="#Foot_885">[885]</a></span></p> - -<p>The incapacity of the Byzantine administration to create -and protect a thriving population, has been sufficiently exemplified -in the foregoing chapters, wherein we have seen -the results of fiscal oppression and of ineffective preparations -for repelling the Persians and barbarians.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_886" id="Ref_886" href="#Foot_886">[886]</a></span> A glance at the -course of events after the time of Justinian will complete -the picture, and illustrate more fully the imbecility of the -empire which that monarch attempted, but failed to consolidate. -Scarcely three years had elapsed from the death -of Justinian until the Lombards invaded Italy, and in a -short time the greater part of the peninsula as far south as -Naples was permanently wrested from the Byzantines. It is -said that this irruption was provoked by Narses himself out -of revenge for his having been treated with contumely by -the Byzantine Court. He sent samples of fruits and agricultural -produce to King Alboin, and counselled him to migrate -southwards with his nation in order to enjoy the fertility of -Italy.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_887" id="Ref_887" href="#Foot_887">[887]</a></span> But, being soon repentant, -the eunuch died at Rome -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_757" id="Page_757">{757}</a></span> -shortly afterwards at the age of ninety-five (568).<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_888" id="Ref_888" href="#Foot_888">[888]</a></span> The fifty -years' peace with Persia lasted only ten years, and in 572 -Chosroes again crossed the Euphrates, ravaged the Roman -provinces, and made himself master of Dara. Later on, -however, he was successfully opposed by the Emperor -Tiberius, and in 579 he died of chagrin, as it is said, at the -ill success of his arms.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_889" id="Ref_889" href="#Foot_889">[889]</a></span> But early in the seventh century -Chosroes II overran Syria and Asia Minor, taking Damascus -and Jerusalem, and established his camp at Chalcedon, -in sight of Constantinople. About 622, however, the fortune -of the Byzantines was restored by the notable campaigns of -the Emperor Heraclius; and in 650 the Saracenic successors -of Mohammed conquered the Persian empire. But -a decade before that event, they had overthrown the Byzantine -armies, and had taken permanent possession of Syria -and Egypt. In the meantime the Imperial capital itself had -been severely oppressed by the martial activities of the age; -and between 625 and 680 had undergone several sieges by -Persians, Avars, and Saracens. Such was the state of the -Eastern Empire less than a century after the death of Justinian. -One third of its home territory had passed into the -hands of the Mohammedans, and half of the appanage of -Italy into those of the Lombards. Before the year 700 the -Arabs had worked their way to the extreme West, and the -whole of Christian North Africa had been effaced by the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_758" id="Page_758">{758}</a></span> -votaries of Islam. If the Vandal kingdom had been left undisturbed, -there is no reason to suppose that it could have -withstood the conquering fanatics who were inspired by the -Apostle of Mecca; although the existence of a flourishing -Western civilization for more than seven hundred years between -the Red Sea and the Atlantic proves that states of the -highest European type might be permanently established in -those latitudes. The subject need not be pursued into further -detail; the samples given illustrate sufficiently how the -Græco-Roman power became progressively dilapidated, with -occasional intervals of better fortune, until in the fifteenth -century the Byzantine Empire became synonymous with the -area circumscribed by the walls of Constantinople. In 1453 -the city was taken by the Turks, and the fact announced to -Christendom that civilization and progress in the modern -sense had become extinct in three-fourths of the countries -which lie around the basin of the Mediterranean.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_890" id="Ref_890" href="#Foot_890">[890]</a></span></p> - -<p>Shortly after his accession we find Justin II reprobating -in the old strain the rapacity of the Rectors,<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_891" id="Ref_891" href="#Foot_891">[891]</a></span> deploring the -fact that they buy instead of earning their appointments as -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_759" id="Page_759">{759}</a></span> -the reward of having proved their capacity, and reiterating -the futile injunction that they are to delay their departure -from the provinces for fifty days after laying down their -office. In the exordium to this Constitution he characterizes -in a pregnant allusion the administration of his -predecessor, and may be said to pronounce the epitaph of -Justinian:</p> - -<p class="smc">"The mere promulgation of admirable laws is not -the sole essential in a state, but the enactments -must be zealously maintained and enforced, whilst -delinquents are subjected to condign punishment. -For what can be the utility of laws which appear -only on paper, and are not rendered beneficent to -the subject by being practically applied?"</p> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_841" id="Foot_841" href="#Ref_841">[841]</a> -Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iv, 11, 15.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_842" id="Foot_842" href="#Ref_842">[842]</a> -Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iv, 14.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_843" id="Foot_843" href="#Ref_843">[843]</a> -Agathias, iii, 19 <i>et seq.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_844" id="Foot_844" href="#Ref_844">[844]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, iv, 23.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_845" id="Foot_845" href="#Ref_845">[845]</a> -Agathias, ii, 2 <i>et seq.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_846" id="Foot_846" href="#Ref_846">[846]</a> -Agathias, iv, 1 <i>et seq.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_847" id="Foot_847" href="#Ref_847">[847]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, 30. An incident in the Lazic war may serve to illustrate the -usual manners of the soldier of the period. A band of forty beset a -mountain fortress inhabited by a tribe in league with the Persians. It -was called the Iron Castle from its supposed impregnability. A single -rocky path, steep and narrow, led to the gate, where some huge stones -were poised, capable of sweeping the track from top to bottom in their -downward course if set in motion. In the darkness of the night, the -Romans essayed the capture. Eight sentinels were seen at their posts, -but all asleep. One of the ascending party slipped and made a racket -with his shield, which roused the guards, who snatched up torches and -gazed in every direction. But the Romans stood stock still, and escaped -notice in the dark. The sentinels returned to their slumbers, and were -at once attacked and slain. The Romans then rioted through the town, -set fire to the houses, which were of wood; massacred women who -scurried around; even a lady of rank, jewelled and elegantly dressed, -who stepped out with a torch, was received with lance thrusts in the -abdomen; children were flung into the air and transfixed by being caught -on the points of pikes; until all seemed to be exterminated. The -Byzantines then rested carelessly, as assured of safety, but the enemy -collected from another quarter and, observing their fewness, killed nearly -all by an unforeseen attack; Agathias, iv, 15 <i>et seq.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_848" id="Foot_848" href="#Ref_848">[848]</a> -Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iii, 38. It was about this time, after the -death of Theodora, that John of Cappadocia returned to the capital, but -he had fallen into too great disrepute to be reinstated in any creditable -post by the Emperor. Being reduced to great poverty, he found that at -last he must take seriously to the priesthood. At the ceremony of his -ordination, not having a decent cassock, a monk named Augustus, who -was standing by, lent him his garment. Shortly it was noised through -the city that the prophecy as to John's exaltation had been fulfilled, and -that he had now really "assumed the mantle of Augustus"; De Bel. -Pers., ii, 30.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_849" id="Foot_849" href="#Ref_849">[849]</a> -Menander, Legat., i; Theophanes, an. 6050.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_850" id="Foot_850" href="#Ref_850">[850]</a> -Agathias, v, 11, <i>et seq.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_851" id="Foot_851" href="#Ref_851">[851]</a> -Agathias, 24, <i>et seq.</i> But Menander says Sandichl only seized on -their horses, declining to make war on his own blood; Legat., ii; cf. -p. 415.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_852" id="Foot_852" href="#Ref_852">[852]</a> -Theophanes, an. 6051.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_853" id="Foot_853" href="#Ref_853">[853]</a> -Menander, Legat., ii.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_854" id="Foot_854" href="#Ref_854">[854]</a> -Theophanes, an. 6056. The chronology seems to be muddled here.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_855" id="Foot_855" href="#Ref_855">[855]</a> -Jn. Malala, p. 493.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_856" id="Foot_856" href="#Ref_856">[856]</a> -Theophanes, an. 6055.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_857" id="Foot_857" href="#Ref_857">[857]</a> -Codinus, p. 29 (from Banduri).</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_858" id="Foot_858" href="#Ref_858">[858]</a> -Theophanes, an. 6057.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_859" id="Foot_859" href="#Ref_859">[859]</a> -John Eph., Hist. (Smith), <i>loc. cit.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_860" id="Foot_860" href="#Ref_860">[860]</a> -Codinus, p. 108. On her return to Constantinople after the death of -Theodora, Antonina broke off the match with Anastasius, although, in -order to make sure of the alliance, the Empress had caused the young -people to cohabit during their betrothal; Procopius, Anecd., 5.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_861" id="Foot_861" href="#Ref_861">[861]</a> -Evagrius, iv, 39, <i>et seq.</i>; Eustathius, Vit. Eutychii, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_862" id="Foot_862" href="#Ref_862">[862]</a> -Theophanes, an. 6057, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_863" id="Foot_863" href="#Ref_863">[863]</a> -The funeral and coronation scenes are described by Corippus in his -poem, De Laud. Justini Min., i, 226, <i>et seq.</i>, iii, 28, <i>et seq.</i>, etc. -Theophanes Byz. mentions a general of the East, "Theodore, son of -Justinian," who is generally supposed to be a son of the Emperor by a -concubine after the death of Theodora. Procopius gives an account of -a youth whom the latter was attached to, but treated cruelly. He seems, -however, not to have been a lover, but merely a <i>protégé</i>; Anecd., 16. -Justinian figures in Dante's Paradise (vi), and has a whole canto to himself. -He summarizes Roman history both before and after his own times, -and confesses that he owes his salvation to having been converted from -Monophysitism by Pope Agapetus.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_864" id="Foot_864" href="#Ref_864">[864]</a> -See pp. 345, 348, 441, 442, 454, 620.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_865" id="Foot_865" href="#Ref_865">[865]</a> -A fallacy seems to have gained currency that Procopius is pedantic -because he nearly always calls Constantinople Byzantium. He could -not do otherwise without being singular: the new name is scarcely ever -used, except in official documents and ecclesiastical writers. It is to this -persistence of the original title of the city that we owe the survival into -modern times of the epithet Byzantine.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_866" id="Foot_866" href="#Ref_866">[866]</a> -See p. 514; cf. De Bel. Pers., ii, 9, 10; De Bel. Goth., i, 3, -etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_867" id="Foot_867" href="#Ref_867">[867]</a> -The general ignorance of this age is well illustrated by the ridiculous -account Procopius gives of Britain; De Bel. Goth., iv, 20. The island, -he says, is divided longitudinally by a wall on account of the diversity -of climatical conditions which prevail on the different sides. To the -east the country is genial and salubrious, fertile with corn crops and -fruit trees, and thickly populated. But on the west of the wall everything -is the contrary, and no man could exist there, even for half an hour. -The region is thronged with vipers, serpents innumerable, and poisonous -beasts. And, what is hardly credible, if anyone should cross the wall, -he at once succumbs fatally to the pestilential air—as the natives relate. -But he thinks it must be altogether a fable when they say that the -villagers on a certain part of the Gallic coast, who live as fishers and -farmers are absolved from payment of taxes on condition of their ferrying -the souls of the dead across the ocean to this adjacent isle of Britain. -In tempestuous weather, at the dead of night, they are summoned from -their beds, and have to rush to the sea-shore. There they find numbers -of apparently empty boats. They have to seize the oars and row for a -day and a night. When they start, the vessels are weighed down to -the water's edge, but on returning, they are so light as barely to skim -the surface. Yet all the time they see no one; but when landing the -souls, they hear a voice calling out the names and titles of each of the -deceased. - -Procopius also makes an excursion into British history, which is, -perhaps, no more authentic than his ghostly narrative. The Franks, he -informs us, claimed some extent of suzerainty over the island, and when -they sent a legation to Justinian in 548, they included, for the sake of -ostentation, a number of Angles in the party. He goes on to relate that -a prince of the Varni, a nation occupying lands to the north of the Rhine -over against Britain, had betrothed his son Radiger to a British maid, -the sister of the King of the Angles. He had himself recently taken, as -his second wife, a sister of Theodebert, the Frankish monarch. Soon -afterwards, finding himself on his death-bed, he exhorted his son to -marry his step-mother, a connection permitted by their law, as being -more to the interest of the Varni than the British alliance. On his -father's decease, Radiger obeyed these instructions, whereupon the -British princess, indignant at being jilted, assembled an army of one -hundred thousand, under one of her brothers' generalship, and invaded -the country of her faithless lover. Procopius explains that all this -force consisted of infantry, since the islanders had never even seen a -horse. A great battle was fought, in which the Varni were defeated and -put to flight. Radiger being taken prisoner, was brought before the -martial princess, who reproached him severely for his conduct towards -her. He excused himself by pointing out the various necessities -which had weighed upon him, but expressed his present willingness to -fulfil his first contract of marriage. His offer was accepted, and ultimately -the nuptials of Radiger and the English princess were peacefully -solemnized; <i>ibid.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_868" id="Foot_868" href="#Ref_868">[868]</a> -Anecd., <i>praef.</i></p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_869" id="Foot_869" href="#Ref_869">[869]</a> -He mentions (Anecd., 18, 23, 24), that he is writing thirty-two years -after Justinian came into power, meaning 518, the date of the accession -of the superannuated Justin; see p. 304. The credit of pointing out the -very obvious fact that Procopius ignores Justin as a cypher, is due to -Haury, Procopiana, Augsburg, 1891.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_870" id="Foot_870" href="#Ref_870">[870]</a> -Jn. Malala, <i>loc. cit.</i> The name was not uncommon, so that the -identification is only highly probable.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_871" id="Foot_871" href="#Ref_871">[871]</a> -De Bel. Pers., i, 1.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_872" id="Foot_872" href="#Ref_872">[872]</a> -See his own remarks, i, introd., iii, 1.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_873" id="Foot_873" href="#Ref_873">[873]</a> -For an expanded account and appreciation of Byzantine writers, see -Krumbacher's Gesch. d. Byz. Lit., 2nd ed., Munich, 1896; also the -introduction to Diehl's <i>Justinian</i>, and his Études Byzant., 1904. Useful -summaries and jottings on various points are also to be found in the -appendixes to Bury's Gibbon, especially vol. iv.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_874" id="Foot_874" href="#Ref_874">[874]</a> -See his tracts for educational purposes, some of which are referred -to on p. 212.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_875" id="Foot_875" href="#Ref_875">[875]</a> -See Agincourt's pictorial series, which exemplifies the perfection of -Greek and Roman art, traces its decay, and finally illustrates its rehabilitation -in the fifteenth century. In Diehl's <i>Justinian</i> there are -many excellent photographs of sixth century productions.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_876" id="Foot_876" href="#Ref_876">[876]</a> -The mosaics of Ravenna can be examined in the South Kensington -facsimiles, and their crudity recognized by comparing them with modern -work of the same kind executed on the walls of the museum. One of -the faces in these tableaux, that of Maximian, Bishop of Ravenna, who -stands besides Justinian, gives the impression of being a faithful likeness; -which is probable, since the work was executed under his own supervision -(<i>c.</i> 545). This was a man of some force of character, who gained -considerable repute in his day. Of him an amusing story is told: it is -said that he discovered a great treasure, which it was his duty to hand -over to the Emperor, but, as he wished to retain a portion for his charitable -obligations, he hit on the following expedient. Having killed an ox, -he emptied the abdomen and stowed a quantity of the gold inside. He -then took a pair of boots and filled them with a further amount. With -the rest of the treasure he set out for Constantinople and, on his arrival, -presented it to Justinian. The Autocrator immediately inquired, "Is -this the whole of what you discovered?" "All," said Maximian, "except -what I put in the belly and the boots." By this answer he is supposed -to have hoodwinked the Emperor, who imagined him to allude -merely to his sustenance and travelling expenses while on the road; -Agnellus, Lib. Pontif., <i>in Vita</i>.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_877" id="Foot_877" href="#Ref_877">[877]</a> -There is one very pleasing example, the well-known diptych of the -archangel Michael in the British Museum, but it seems of unique merit.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_878" id="Foot_878" href="#Ref_878">[878]</a> -A century or so before Justinian, however, very fine capitals of a -Corinthian type were being sculptured at Thessalonica; see the pictorial -exposition of the churches in that city by Texier and Pullan. Some of -those done in the sixth century are represented, and seem to be very -inferior, as are those at St. Vitale.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_879" id="Foot_879" href="#Ref_879">[879]</a> -See p. 539.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_880" id="Foot_880" href="#Ref_880">[880]</a> -Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iv, 17; Theophanes Byz. etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_881" id="Foot_881" href="#Ref_881">[881]</a> -Agathias, ii, 15.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_882" id="Foot_882" href="#Ref_882">[882]</a> -<i>Ibid.</i>, v, 9; Theophanes, an. 6051, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_883" id="Foot_883" href="#Ref_883">[883]</a> -Procopius, Anecd., 18.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_884" id="Foot_884" href="#Ref_884">[884]</a> -The reign of Theodoric has been treated most fully by Hodgkin, -Italy and her Invaders, Lond., 1880, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_885" id="Foot_885" href="#Ref_885">[885]</a> -Procopius, Anecd., 18.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_886" id="Foot_886" href="#Ref_886">[886]</a> -It appears that Justinian kept up an army of no more than 150,000 -men, whereas for the Eastern Empire alone twice that number at least -was considered necessary by former rulers. Agathias, v, 13; see p. 167. -Thus, notwithstanding the numerous forts he built ostentatiously, he -neglected to garrison them, both in Europe and Asia; (Procopius, Anecd., -24; see p. 541), whilst the lavish subsidies paid to the barbarians constituted -a standing invitation for the most distant tribes to present themselves constantly -in order to receive those gratifications (<i>Ibid.</i>, 8, 11, 19). As for -the Long Walls, they were so devoid of troops that, as Agathias remarks -(v, 13), they were not even so well protected as a farm yard, where at -least a watch-dog's bark might be heard.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_887" id="Foot_887" href="#Ref_887">[887]</a> -It is said that in his latter days he incurred the enmity of his subordinates -through parsimony, whence they petitioned for his recall. On -his refusal to return to the capital in obedience to a mandate, Sophia -taunted him by writing, "Come and take up your proper place among -the handmaids who ply the distaff in the women's apartments," to which -he replied, "I will find a yarn for her to spin which she will not be able -to get through in her lifetime"; Paulus Diac., Hist. Miscell., xviii, etc.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_888" id="Foot_888" href="#Ref_888">[888]</a> -Agnellus, Lib. Pontif., Agnellus, Peter Sen.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_889" id="Foot_889" href="#Ref_889">[889]</a> -Agathias, iv, 29.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_890" id="Foot_890" href="#Ref_890">[890]</a> -The history of the Empire up to the fall of Constantinople, has been -narrated by Gibbon, and at greater length by Finlay. The fullest account -of the siege is that of Pears, Lond., 1896.</p> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_891" id="Foot_891" href="#Ref_891">[891]</a> -Nov. clxi. At all times and places the Byzantine system was so -oppressive, that even the Abasgi and Tzani, who were supposed to have -found salvation in Christianity (pp. 700, 702), revolted to the Persians and -had to be reconquered; Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iv, 9; Agathias, v, 1. -Notwithstanding his Roman experience, his having retrieved his character -at Petra, and his age, Bessas at once entered on another campaign -of fiscal extortion in Pontus and Armenia; Procopius, De Bel. Goth., -iv, 13. Justin also, the son of Germanus, countenanced a subordinate -in harrying the farmers for military stores which they could not supply, -in lieu of which they had to buy off their liability for an exorbitant sum; -Agathias, iv, 22.</p> - -</div> - -<p class="center">THE END</p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_761" id="Page_761">{761}</a></span> - -<h2 class="nobreak">INDEX</h2> - -</div> - -<div class="index"> - -<ul> - -<li>Abasgi, conversion of, <a href="#Page_702">702</a>; - <ul><li>revolt of, <a href="#Page_758">758</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Academy of Plato, <a href="#Page_421">421</a>.</li> - -<li>Achaemenian dynasty of Persia, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>.</li> - -<li>Adarbâd, revisor of Avesta, <a href="#Page_384">384</a>.</li> - -<li>Aerikon, a tax, <a href="#Page_485">485</a>.</li> - -<li>Africa, provinces of, <a href="#Page_492">492</a>; - <ul><li>campaigns of Belisarius in, <a href="#Page_501">501</a> <i>sqq.</i>;</li> - <li>Byzantine government of, <a href="#Page_517">517</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Africans, character of, <a href="#Page_496">496</a>; - <ul><li>dress of, <a href="#Page_497">497</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Agapetus, Pope, at CP., <a href="#Page_671">671</a>.</li> - -<li>Agathias, historian, on philosophers, <a href="#Page_436">436</a>; - <ul><li>his writings, <a href="#Page_748">748</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Agnates, relatives by males, <a href="#Page_715">715</a>.</li> - -<li>Ahura-Mazda, Persian "Lord of Wisdom," <a href="#Page_376">376</a>.</li> - -<li>Alamundar, Arab sheikh, invades Syria, <a href="#Page_404">404</a>.</li> - -<li>Alexander the Great, his conquests and successors, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>.</li> - -<li>Alexander the "Scissors," <a href="#Page_624">624</a>.</li> - -<li>Alexandria, corn monopoly at, <a href="#Page_483">483</a>; - <ul><li>religious war at, <a href="#Page_676">676</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Amalasuntha, Gothic Queen, <a href="#Page_546">546</a>; - <ul><li>her death, <a href="#Page_550">550</a>, <a href="#Page_611">611</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Amshaspands, Persian council of Heaven, <a href="#Page_377">377</a>.</li> - -<li>Anastasius, his savings dissipated, <a href="#Page_441">441</a>.</li> - -<li>Ancona, naval battle of, <a href="#Page_646">646</a>.</li> - -<li>Angra-Mainyu, Persian "Devisor of Evil," <a href="#Page_376">376</a>.</li> - -<li>Anthemius, architect, <a href="#Page_529">529</a>.</li> - -<li>Anthimus, Monophysite Patriarch, <a href="#Page_670">670</a>.</li> - -<li>Antioch, <a href="#Page_587">587</a>; - <ul><li>capture of, <a href="#Page_590">590</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Antonina, wife of Belisarius, her infidelities and intrigues, <a href="#Page_605">605</a>, - <a href="#Page_611">611</a>, <a href="#Page_673">673</a>; - <ul><li>supposed capture at Portus, <a href="#Page_637">637</a>;</li> - <li>her death, <a href="#Page_741">741</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Apamea, Persian King at, <a href="#Page_592">592</a>.</li> - -<li>Apostles, Holy, new church of, <a href="#Page_537">537</a>, <a href="#Page_743">743</a>.</li> - -<li>Aphthartodocetæ, heresy of, <a href="#Page_742">742</a>.</li> - -<li>Arab conquests, <a href="#Page_757">757</a>.</li> - -<li>Archaeopolis, siege of, <a href="#Page_728">728</a>.</li> - -<li>Arda Virâf, visits heaven and hell, <a href="#Page_384">384</a>.</li> - -<li>Ardeshír, founder of later Persian Empire, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>; - <ul><li>avenger of Darius, <a href="#Page_385">385</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Areobindus, African governor, his murder, <a href="#Page_522">522</a>.</li> - -<li>Arethas, Arab sheikh, <a href="#Page_407">407</a>, <a href="#Page_594">594</a>, - <a href="#Page_688">688</a>.</li> - -<li>Ariminum, betrayal of, <a href="#Page_572">572</a>; - <ul><li>siege of, <a href="#Page_574">574</a>;</li> - <li>battle at, <a href="#Page_652">652</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Aristotle, philosopher, <a href="#Page_421">421</a>.</li> - -<li>Arsacid or Parthian dynasty of Persia, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>.</li> - -<li>Art, Byzantine, <a href="#Page_749">749</a> <i>sqq.</i></li> - -<li>Artabanes, a general, in Africa, <a href="#Page_522">522</a>; - <ul><li>in Armenia, <a href="#Page_585">585</a>;</li> - <li>at CP., <a href="#Page_621">621</a>;</li> - <li>in Sicily, <a href="#Page_646">646</a>;</li> - <li>in Italy, <a href="#Page_662">662</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Artabanus, defeated by Ardeshír, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>.</li> - -<li>Asclepigeneia, female philosopher, <a href="#Page_428">428</a>.</li> - -<li>Athanagild, Visigothic King, <a href="#Page_527">527</a>.</li> - -<li>Athanasius, judge in Lazica, <a href="#Page_732">732</a>.</li> - -<li>Augustus, his limiting of the Empire, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>; - <ul><li>tomb of, <a href="#Page_557">557</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Aurelian, walls of, at Rome, <a href="#Page_555">555</a>.</li> - -<li>Auximum, siege and capture of, <a href="#Page_572">572</a>, - <a href="#Page_573">573</a>, <a href="#Page_578">578</a>.</li> - -<li>Avars, embassy from, <a href="#Page_735">735</a>.</li> - -<li>Avesta, the Persian Bible, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>.</li> - -</ul> - -<ul> - -<li>Bachelors, disabilities of, <a href="#Page_718">718</a>.</li> - -<li>Baduela, Gothic King. <i>See</i> Totila.</li> - -<li>Balâsh, Shah, dethroned for building baths, <a href="#Page_379">379</a>.</li> - -<li>Barbarians, assaults of on Empire, <a href="#Page_417">417</a>, - <a href="#Page_734">734</a>, <a href="#Page_736">736</a>.</li> - -<li>Barishnûm, Persian purification, <a href="#Page_379">379</a>.</li> - -<li>Belisarius, his campaigns against Persia, <a href="#Page_397">397</a>, - <a href="#Page_593">593</a>, <a href="#Page_596">596</a>; - <ul><li>quells Nika riot, <a href="#Page_468">468</a>;</li> - <li>in Africa, <a href="#Page_505">505</a>;</li> - <li>his triumph, <a href="#Page_515">515</a>;</li> - <li>in Italy, <a href="#Page_550">550</a>, <a href="#Page_630">630</a>;</li> - <li>at Ravenna, <a href="#Page_580">580</a>;</li> - <li>characterization of, <a href="#Page_580">580</a>, <a href="#Page_582">582</a>;</li> - <li>in disgrace, <a href="#Page_618">618</a>, <a href="#Page_740">740</a>;</li> - <li>letters of, <a href="#Page_631">631</a>, <a href="#Page_641">641</a>;</li> - <li>last campaign, <a href="#Page_738">738</a>;</li> - <li>his death, <a href="#Page_741">741</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Berytus, loses silk trade, <a href="#Page_483">483</a>; - <ul><li>law school at, <a href="#Page_724">724</a>;</li> - <li>ruin of, <a href="#Page_753">753</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Bessas, a general, in Armenia, <a href="#Page_413">413</a>; - <ul><li>at Petra, <a href="#Page_601">601</a>;</li> - <li>at Rome, <a href="#Page_634">634</a>, <a href="#Page_637">637</a>;</li> - <li>his avarice, <i>ib.</i>, <a href="#Page_758">758</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Bishops, rules for appointing, <a href="#Page_689">689</a>; - <ul><li>ethics of, <a href="#Page_690">690</a>;</li> - <li>exemptions of, <i>ibid.</i></li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Boarex, Queen of Huns, <a href="#Page_418">418</a>.</li> - -<li>Boethius, statesman and author, <a href="#Page_546">546</a>, <a href="#Page_749">749</a>.</li> - -<li>Bolum, a fort, <a href="#Page_402">402</a>.</li> - -<li>Bosporus, revolt of, <a href="#Page_701">701</a>.</li> - -<li>Britain, fabulous account of, <a href="#Page_745">745</a>.</li> - -<li>Brunechilde, daughter of Athanagild, <a href="#Page_528">528</a>.</li> - -<li>Burial in earth illegal in Persia, <a href="#Page_378">378</a>.</li> - -<li>Butilin and Leuthar, Frankish generals, invade Italy, <a href="#Page_661">661</a>; - <ul><li>their death, <a href="#Page_663">663</a>, <a href="#Page_664">664</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Butzes, a general, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>.</li> - -<li>Buzes, a general, <a href="#Page_398">398</a>, <a href="#Page_413">413</a>; - <ul><li>he deserts Hierapolis, <a href="#Page_586">586</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -</ul> - -<ul> - -<li>Callinicus, battle of, 407; - <ul><li>taking of, 597.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Callinicus, a Rector, impaled, <a href="#Page_455">455</a>.</li> - -<li>Carthage, topography of, <a href="#Page_493">493</a> <i>sqq.</i>; - <ul><li>siege of, <a href="#Page_510">510</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Casilinum, battle of, <a href="#Page_664">664</a>.</li> - -<li>Cassiodorus, statesman and author, <a href="#Page_546">546</a>, <a href="#Page_749">749</a>.</li> - -<li>Cassius, Avidius, his massacre of the Seleucians, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>.</li> - -<li>Cavades, Persian king, his deposition, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>; - <ul><li>restoration, <a href="#Page_388">388</a>;</li> - <li>his war with Rome, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>;</li> - <li>his death, <a href="#Page_414">414</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Cavades, Persian prince in Roman army, <a href="#Page_415">415</a>, <a href="#Page_649">649</a>.</li> - -<li>Centumcellae, <a href="#Page_644">644</a>.</li> - -<li>Chalke, vestibule, restoration of, <a href="#Page_537">537</a>.</li> - -<li>Children, illegitimate, <a href="#Page_691">691</a>, <a href="#Page_719">719</a>.</li> - -<li>Chosroantioch, <a href="#Page_591">591</a>.</li> - -<li>Chosroes, Persian king, his accession, <a href="#Page_415">415</a>; - <ul><li>his character and studies, <a href="#Page_435">435</a>, <a href="#Page_484">484</a>;</li> - <li>in Lazica, <a href="#Page_594">594</a>, <a href="#Page_607">607</a>;</li> - <li>his death, <a href="#Page_757">757</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Church property, <a href="#Page_692">692</a>.</li> - -<li>Circus factions, affectations of, <a href="#Page_453">453</a>; - <ul><li>enormities of, <a href="#Page_454">454</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Cisterns at CP., <a href="#Page_539">539</a>; - <ul><li>Strzygowski and Forscheimer on date of, <i>ibid.</i></li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Clergy, rules for, <a href="#Page_691">691</a>.</li> - -<li>Code of Justinian, <a href="#Page_721">721</a>.</li> - -<li>Comito, sister of Theodora, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>.</li> - -<li>Constantina, new anti-Persian fortress, <a href="#Page_416">416</a>.</li> - -<li>Constantine, a general, <a href="#Page_564">564</a>, <a href="#Page_567">567</a>; - <ul><li>his death, <a href="#Page_606">606</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Constitutum, Justinian's doctrinal thesis, <a href="#Page_684">684</a> <i>sqq.</i></li> - -<li>Consuls, abolition of, <a href="#Page_484">484</a>.</li> - -<li>Corippus, poet, <a href="#Page_526">526</a>, <a href="#Page_743">743</a>.</li> - -<li>Cothon, harbour at Carthage, <a href="#Page_494">494</a>.</li> - -<li>Council, Fifth Oecumenical, <a href="#Page_684">684</a>, 899.</li> - -<li>Cow, sacred to Persians, <a href="#Page_379">379</a>.</li> - -<li>Cremation, illegal in Persia, <a href="#Page_378">378</a>.</li> - -<li>Cruelties of Roman soldiers in Lazica, <a href="#Page_733">733</a>.</li> - -<li>Ctesiphon, Parthian capital of Persia, <a href="#Page_374">374</a>; - <ul><li>taken by Trajan, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Cudworth, Cambridge Platonist, <a href="#Page_439">439</a>.</li> - -<li>Cumae, siege of, <a href="#Page_659">659</a>; - <ul><li>surrender of, <a href="#Page_662">662</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Cutzes, a general, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>.</li> - -<li>Cyrus, the Achaemenian, founder of Persian Empire, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>; - <ul><li>a new, at Istakhr, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -</ul> - -<ul> - -<li>Dagisthaeus, a general, parallel between and Bessas, <a href="#Page_658">658</a>.</li> - -<li>Damascius, philosopher, <a href="#Page_432">432</a>, <a href="#Page_438">438</a>.</li> - -<li>Daphne, grove at Antioch, <a href="#Page_589">589</a>, <a href="#Page_592">592</a>.</li> - -<li>Dara, battle of, <a href="#Page_397">397</a>; - <ul><li>fortifications of, <a href="#Page_542">542</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Darmsteter on Zoroaster, <a href="#Page_376">376</a> <i>sqq.</i></li> - -<li>Debtors, new laws in favour of, <a href="#Page_712">712</a>.</li> - -<li>Decimum, battle of, <a href="#Page_507">507</a>.</li> - -<li>Defenders of Cities, restoration of, <a href="#Page_476">476</a>.</li> - -<li>Demetrius, a general, <a href="#Page_626">626</a> <i>sqq.</i></li> - -<li>Demarch and Mandator, dialogue between, <a href="#Page_456">456</a>.</li> - -<li>Diehl, Byzantine archaeologist, <a href="#Page_410">410</a>, <a href="#Page_473">473</a>, - <a href="#Page_497">497</a>, <a href="#Page_543">543</a>, <a href="#Page_749">749</a>.</li> - -<li>Digest or Pandects, <a href="#Page_722">722</a>.</li> - -<li>Dinkhard, late Pahlavi treatises, <a href="#Page_394">394</a>.</li> - -<li>Diocletian, his Persian wars, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>.</li> - -<li>Divorce, laws respecting, <a href="#Page_719">719</a>.</li> - -<li>Dog, wonderful, <a href="#Page_643">643</a>.</li> - -<li>Domitian, resemblance of Justinian to, <a href="#Page_366">366</a>.</li> - -<li>Druj Nasu, Persian demon of lies, <a href="#Page_377">377</a>.</li> - -</ul> - -<ul> - -<li>Edessa, engineering at, <a href="#Page_541">541</a>; - <ul><li>siege of, <a href="#Page_598">598</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Elesbaas, Negus, embassy to, <a href="#Page_410">410</a>.</li> - -<li>Elijah, Justinian compared to, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>.</li> - -<li>Encyclical, Papal decree, <a href="#Page_687">687</a>.</li> - -<li><i>Epibole</i>, a tax, <a href="#Page_485">485</a>.</li> - -<li>Epicurus, philosopher, <a href="#Page_423">423</a>.</li> - -<li>Erse, Irish and Sanskrit, <a href="#Page_375">375</a>.</li> - -<li>Eudaemon, Prefect of City, <a href="#Page_458">458</a>.</li> - -<li>Eudocia, Roman princess, marries Vandal King, <a href="#Page_500">500</a>, <a href="#Page_516">516</a>.</li> - -<li>Eudoxia, Empress, <a href="#Page_499">499</a>.</li> - -<li>Euphemia, daughter of John of Cappadocia, <a href="#Page_614">614</a>.</li> - -</ul> - -<ul> - -<li>Father and son, laws as to, <a href="#Page_713">713</a>.</li> - -<li>Firdausi, Persian poet, <a href="#Page_394">394</a>.</li> - -<li>Fire-temples, Persian, <a href="#Page_393">393</a>.</li> - -<li>Forscheimer (and Strzygowski) on date of cisterns at CP., <a href="#Page_539">539</a>.</li> - -<li>Forts, Byzantine, <a href="#Page_542">542</a>.</li> - -<li>Foundlings, laws as to, <a href="#Page_711">711</a>.</li> - -<li>Funeral rites, Justinian's described, <a href="#Page_742">742</a>.</li> - -</ul> - -<ul> - -<li>Gaianus, heresiarch, <a href="#Page_675">675</a>.</li> - -<li>Galerius, his Persian wars, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>.</li> - -<li>Gelimer, Vandal king, <a href="#Page_501">501</a>; - <ul><li>his capture, <a href="#Page_514">514</a>;</li> - <li>at CP., <a href="#Page_516">516</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Genseric, Vandal king, <a href="#Page_499">499</a>, <a href="#Page_563">563</a>.</li> - -<li>Germanus, nephew of Justinian, in Africa, <a href="#Page_520">520</a>; - <ul><li>at Antioch, <a href="#Page_588">588</a>;</li> - <li>his death, <a href="#Page_646">646</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Goat, abandoned infant reared by a, <a href="#Page_575">575</a>.</li> - -<li>Golden Horn, new bridge at, <a href="#Page_541">541</a>.</li> - -<li>Gontharis, revolt of, <a href="#Page_521">521</a>.</li> - -<li>Gubazes, Lazic king, revolts to Persia, <a href="#Page_594">594</a>; - <ul><li>his murder, <a href="#Page_731">731</a>;</li> - <li>trial respecting, <a href="#Page_732">732</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Gudelina, wife of Theodahad, <a href="#Page_610">610</a>, <a href="#Page_611">611</a>.</li> - -</ul> - -<ul> - -<li>Hadrian, Emperor, Mausoleum of (Castle of St. Angelo), <a href="#Page_557">557</a>, <a href="#Page_567">567</a>; - <ul><li>his Perpetual Edict, <a href="#Page_716">716</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Heraion, palace of, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>.</li> - -<li>Heretics, disabilities of, <a href="#Page_692">692</a> <i>sqq.</i>; - <ul><li>punishment of, <i>ibid.</i></li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Hermogenes, minister and general, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>.</li> - -<li>Hierapolis, desertion of, by Buzes, <a href="#Page_586">586</a>.</li> - -<li>Hilderic, Vandal king, <a href="#Page_500">500</a>, <a href="#Page_549">549</a>.</li> - -<li>Homerites, or Himyarites, <a href="#Page_410">410</a>.</li> - -<li>Hormisdas, palace, later use of, <a href="#Page_669">669</a>, <a href="#Page_682">682</a>, etc.</li> - -<li>Huns, irruptions of, <a href="#Page_412">412</a>, <a href="#Page_648">648</a>, - <a href="#Page_736">736</a>; - <ul><li>conversion of, <a href="#Page_701">701</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Husband and wife, laws as to, <a href="#Page_719">719</a>.</li> - -<li>Hypatius and Pompeius, usurpers, <a href="#Page_460">460</a>, <i>sqq.</i></li> - -</ul> - -<ul> - -<li>Illegitimate children, <a href="#Page_691">691</a>, <a href="#Page_719">719</a>.</li> - -<li>Inheritance, laws as to, <a href="#Page_715">715</a>, <i>sqq.</i></li> - -<li>Institutes of Justinian, <a href="#Page_723">723</a>.</li> - -<li>Interest on money lent, <a href="#Page_713">713</a>.</li> - -<li>Iran, native name of Persia, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>.</li> - -<li>Iron Castle, Lazica, taking of, <a href="#Page_733">733</a>.</li> - -<li>Isdigunas, Persian ambassador, <a href="#Page_600">600</a>, <a href="#Page_726">726</a>.</li> - -<li>Isidorus, architect, <a href="#Page_529">529</a>, <a href="#Page_754">754</a>.</li> - -<li>Islands, prefect of, <a href="#Page_473">473</a>.</li> - -<li>Istakhr, capital of Persis, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>; - <ul><li>a new Cyrus arises at, <i>ibid.</i></li> - </ul></li> - -</ul> - -<ul> - -<li>Jacob Baradaeus, apostle of Monophysites, <a href="#Page_688">688</a>.</li> - -<li>Jews, treatment of, <a href="#Page_698">698</a>.</li> - -<li>Joannina, daughter of Belisarius, <a href="#Page_741">741</a>.</li> - -<li>John, nephew of Vitalian, a general, in Italy, <a href="#Page_571">571</a>, - <a href="#Page_572">572</a>, <a href="#Page_574">574</a>, - <a href="#Page_651">651</a>, <a href="#Page_660">660</a>.</li> - -<li>John of Antioch, historian, <a href="#Page_417">417</a>, <a href="#Page_545">545</a>.</li> - -<li>John of Cappadocia, a financier, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>; - <ul><li>his carousing, <a href="#Page_447">447</a>;</li> - <li>his fall, <a href="#Page_613">613</a>;</li> - <li>his return, <a href="#Page_735">735</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>John, officer, murders Gubazes, <a href="#Page_731">731</a>.</li> - -<li>John of Ephesus, Monophysite bishop and historian, <a href="#Page_699">699</a>, etc.</li> - -<li>John, son of Theodora, <a href="#Page_621">621</a>.</li> - -<li>John the Armenian, <a href="#Page_506">506</a>, <a href="#Page_511">511</a>; - <ul><li>his death, <a href="#Page_512">512</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>John Troglita, a general, <a href="#Page_526">526</a>.</li> - -<li>Judges, puisne, <a href="#Page_478">478</a>.</li> - -<li>Judicatum, Papal decree, <a href="#Page_681">681</a>, <a href="#Page_685">685</a>.</li> - -<li>Julian, legate to Aethiopia, <a href="#Page_410">410</a>.</li> - -<li>Julian, Emperor, <a href="#Page_425">425</a>, <a href="#Page_433">433</a>.</li> - -<li>Julian, heresiarch, <a href="#Page_675">675</a>.</li> - -<li>Julian, rebel, <a href="#Page_695">695</a>.</li> - -<li>Junonia, first name of Roman Carthage, <a href="#Page_492">492</a>.</li> - -<li>Justin, a general in Lazica, <a href="#Page_728">728</a>, <a href="#Page_735">735</a>.</li> - -<li>Justin II, Emperor, his accession <a href="#Page_742">742</a>.</li> - -<li>Justinian, Emperor, personal appearance and character, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>; - <ul><li>suppresses revolt, <a href="#Page_467">467</a>;</li> - <li>popular execration of, <a href="#Page_486">486</a>;</li> - <li>his clerical laws, <a href="#Page_689">689</a>;</li> - <li>his persecutions, <a href="#Page_692">692</a>;</li> - <li>his theological works, <a href="#Page_702">702</a>;</li> - <li>his legislation, <a href="#Page_709">709</a>, <i>sqq.</i>;</li> - <li>his heresy, <a href="#Page_742">742</a>;</li> - <li>his death, <i>ibid.</i></li> - </ul></li> - -</ul> - -<ul> - -<li>Kavádh. <i>See</i> Cavades.</li> - -<li>Krumbacher, editor of Byzantine literary history, <a href="#Page_748">748</a>.</li> - -<li>Kvêtûk-das, Persian marriage custom, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>.</li> - -</ul> - -<ul> - -<li>Lactarian Mount, <a href="#Page_660">660</a>.</li> - -<li>Latin, proposed abolition of at CP., <a href="#Page_445">445</a>.</li> - -<li>Lazica, war in, <a href="#Page_594">594</a>, - <a href="#Page_600">600</a>, <a href="#Page_608">608</a>, <a href="#Page_727">727</a>.</li> - -<li>Leo, Emperor, African expedition of, <a href="#Page_499">499</a>.</li> - -<li>Leuthar. <i>See</i> Butilin.</li> - -<li>Literature, Persian, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>; - <ul><li>Byzantine, <a href="#Page_744">744</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Lombards invade Italy, <a href="#Page_756">756</a>.</li> - -<li>Lydus, Jn., his office, <a href="#Page_487">487</a>.</li> - -</ul> - -<ul> - -<li>Magdalen Asylum, <a href="#Page_479">479</a>.</li> - -<li>Majorian, Emperor, <a href="#Page_499">499</a>.</li> - -<li>Mandator and Demarch, dialogue between, <a href="#Page_456">456</a>.</li> - -<li>Mandracium, harbour at Carthage, <a href="#Page_493">493</a>.</li> - -<li>Marcus Aurelius endows Athenian schools, <a href="#Page_424">424</a>.</li> - -<li>Marinus, philosopher, <a href="#Page_430">430</a>.</li> - -<li>Marriages, incestuous, legal in Persia, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>; - <ul><li>Chrysostom on, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Martin, a general, in Lazica, <a href="#Page_729">729</a>, <a href="#Page_733">733</a>.</li> - -<li>Martyropolis, siege of, <a href="#Page_412">412</a>.</li> - -<li>Mashita palace, <a href="#Page_394">394</a>.</li> - -<li>Matasuentha, wife of Vitigis, <a href="#Page_564">564</a>; - <ul><li>her treacheries, <a href="#Page_572">572</a>, <a href="#Page_580">580</a>;</li> - <li>marries Germanus, <a href="#Page_623">623</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Maxilloplumacius, extortioner, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>, <a href="#Page_452">452</a>.</li> - -<li>Maximian, bishop, <a href="#Page_750">750</a>.</li> - -<li>Mazdak, Persian heretic, <a href="#Page_386">386</a>; - <ul><li>his sect massacred, <a href="#Page_388">388</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Mazdeism, Persian religion, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>.</li> - -<li>Melchites, <a href="#Page_689">689</a>.</li> - -<li>Menna, patriarch, <a href="#Page_675">675</a>.</li> - -<li>Mermeroes, Persian general, <a href="#Page_727">727</a>.</li> - -<li>Milan, surrender of, <a href="#Page_573">573</a>; - <ul><li>recapture of, <a href="#Page_575">575</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Milvian bridge at Rome, <a href="#Page_573">573</a>, <a href="#Page_643">643</a>.</li> - -<li>Missions to Nubia, <a href="#Page_688">688</a>; - <ul><li>to Caucasus, <a href="#Page_700">700</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Mithra, Persian sun-god, <a href="#Page_377">377</a>.</li> - -<li>Monasteries, constitution of, <a href="#Page_691">691</a>.</li> - -<li>Monophysites, encouraged by Theodora, <a href="#Page_370">370</a>, <a href="#Page_669">669</a> <i>sqq.</i></li> - -<li>Montanists, revolt of, <a href="#Page_694">694</a>.</li> - -<li>Moors, their method of warfare, <a href="#Page_524">524</a>.</li> - -<li>Mosaics, <a href="#Page_497">497</a>, - <a href="#Page_535">535</a>, <a href="#Page_538">538</a>, <a href="#Page_751">751</a>.</li> - -<li>Mundas, a general, <a href="#Page_419">419</a>; - <ul><li>at CP., <a href="#Page_467">467</a>;</li> - <li>his death, <a href="#Page_551">551</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Mutilation as punishment, <a href="#Page_452">452</a>, <a href="#Page_480">480</a>.</li> - -<li>Myriangeli, Justinian's pilgrimage to, <a href="#Page_740">740</a>.</li> - -</ul> - -<ul> - -<li>Nachoragan, Persian general, <a href="#Page_728">728</a>; - <ul><li>his punishment, <a href="#Page_730">730</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Naples, sieges of, <a href="#Page_552">552</a>, <a href="#Page_626">626</a>.</li> - -<li>Narses, eunuch general, at CP., <a href="#Page_467">467</a>; - <ul><li>in Italy, <a href="#Page_574">574</a>, <a href="#Page_648">648</a>, <i>sqq.</i>;</li> - <li>takes Rome, <a href="#Page_658">658</a>;</li> - <li>at Casilinum, <a href="#Page_664">664</a>;</li> - <li>at Alexandria, <a href="#Page_676">676</a>;</li> - <li>his death, <a href="#Page_756">756</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Nasks, divisions of Avesta, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>.</li> - -<li>Negus of Axum, embassy to, <a href="#Page_410">410</a>.</li> - -<li>Neoplatonism, <a href="#Page_425">425</a>.</li> - -<li>Neoplatonists in Persia, <a href="#Page_434">434</a> <i>sqq.</i></li> - -<li>Neoplatonism and Christianity, <a href="#Page_438">438</a>.</li> - -<li>Nestorius, heresiarch, <a href="#Page_679">679</a>.</li> - -<li>Nika revolt, <a href="#Page_459">459</a>.</li> - -<li>Nisibis, Persian, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>, <a href="#Page_399">399</a>, - <a href="#Page_416">416</a>, <a href="#Page_593">593</a>, <a href="#Page_600">600</a>.</li> - -<li>Nöldeke, his Persian researches, <a href="#Page_374">374</a>.</li> - -<li>Novels of Justinian, <a href="#Page_725">725</a>.</li> - -<li>Nubia, mission to, <a href="#Page_688">688</a>.</li> - -<li>Numidia, pillars in, <a href="#Page_497">497</a>.</li> - -<li>Nushirvan (Chosroes) <a href="#Page_389">389</a>.</li> - -</ul> - -<ul> - -<li>Odovacar, barbarian king in Italy, <a href="#Page_545">545</a>.</li> - -<li>Origen, Egyptian Father, <a href="#Page_677">677</a>, <a href="#Page_701">701</a>.</li> - -<li>Ormuzd and Ahriman, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>.</li> - -<li>Orontes, river of Antioch, <a href="#Page_587">587</a>.</li> - -<li>Otter or water-dog, sacred to Persians, <a href="#Page_379">379</a>.</li> - -</ul> - -<ul> - -<li>Pahlavi, old Persian, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>.</li> - -<li>Palestine, religious wars in, <a href="#Page_694">694</a>, <a href="#Page_697">697</a>.</li> - -<li>Palladius, rapid courier, <a href="#Page_448">448</a>.</li> - -<li>Pan, Great God, death of, <a href="#Page_431">431</a>.</li> - -<li>Pandects. <i>See</i> Digest.</li> - -<li>Parthians, their conquest of the Seleucidae, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>.</li> - -<li><i>Patria potestas</i>, <a href="#Page_713">713</a>.</li> - -<li>Patricians, 90, <a href="#Page_714">714</a>, 770.</li> - -<li>Paul, Patriarch, <a href="#Page_677">677</a>.</li> - -<li>Paul the Silentiary, his poem on St. Sophia, <a href="#Page_533">533</a>.</li> - -<li>Peace, Perpetual, <a href="#Page_416">416</a>.</li> - -<li>Pelagius, Pope, at Rome, <a href="#Page_633">633</a>, <a href="#Page_639">639</a>; - <ul><li>at CP., <a href="#Page_677">677</a>;</li> - <li>in Italy, <a href="#Page_686">686</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Pergamus, philosophy at, <a href="#Page_425">425</a>.</li> - -<li>Perozes, Persian prince, his attack on Dara, <a href="#Page_397">397</a>.</li> - -<li>Perpetual Edict, <a href="#Page_716">716</a>.</li> - -<li>Persepolis, Persian capital, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>; - <ul><li>fired by Alexander, <i>ibid.</i></li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Persian queen, a Christian (?), <a href="#Page_415">415</a>.</li> - -<li>Persians, sociology of, <a href="#Page_374">374</a> <i>sqq.</i></li> - -<li>Persis, home of Persian race, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>.</li> - -<li>Peter Magister, ambassador in Italy, <a href="#Page_540">540</a>; - <ul><li>in Persia, <a href="#Page_726">726</a>, <a href="#Page_740">740</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Petra, sieges of, <a href="#Page_594">594</a>, <a href="#Page_601">601</a>.</li> - -<li>Petronius, official plundering of, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>.</li> - -<li>Pharangium, a fort, <a href="#Page_402">402</a>.</li> - -<li>Pharas, Gelimer's captor, <a href="#Page_513">513</a>.</li> - -<li>Phasis, siege of, <a href="#Page_728">728</a>.</li> - -<li>Philosophers, female, <a href="#Page_428">428</a>.</li> - -<li>Philosophy, Greek, various sects of, <a href="#Page_421">421</a>, <i>sqq.</i>; - <ul><li>in Persia, <a href="#Page_434">434</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Photius, son of Antonina, <a href="#Page_607">607</a>, <a href="#Page_616">616</a>; - <ul><li>his death, <a href="#Page_741">741</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Plague in the East, <a href="#Page_602">602</a>.</li> - -<li>Plato, philosopher, <a href="#Page_421">421</a>.</li> - -<li>Plotinus, philosopher, <a href="#Page_427">427</a>, <a href="#Page_430">430</a>.</li> - -<li>Plutarch, philosopher, <a href="#Page_426">426</a>.</li> - -<li>Pompeius and Hypatius, usurpers, <a href="#Page_460">460</a>, <i>sqq.</i></li> - -<li>Pontus, Vicar of, restored, <a href="#Page_486">486</a>.</li> - -<li>Porch, painted, <a href="#Page_422">422</a>.</li> - -<li>Porphyrio, a ferocious whale, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>; - <ul><li>capture of, <a href="#Page_643">643</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Porphyry, philosopher, <a href="#Page_430">430</a>.</li> - -<li>Portus, operations at, <a href="#Page_632">632</a>, <a href="#Page_635">635</a>, <a href="#Page_644">644</a>.</li> - -<li>Praetor, Edict of, <a href="#Page_716">716</a>.</li> - -<li>Praetor of the people, new official, <a href="#Page_478">478</a>.</li> - -<li>Pragmatic Sanction, <a href="#Page_665">665</a>.</li> - -<li>Prejecta, Justinian's niece, <a href="#Page_521">521</a>, <a href="#Page_622">622</a>.</li> - -<li>Proaeresius, philosopher, <a href="#Page_426">426</a>, <a href="#Page_428">428</a>.</li> - -<li>Proclus, Neoplatonist, <a href="#Page_427">427</a>, <i>sqq.</i></li> - -<li>Procopius, historian, <a href="#Page_503">503</a>, <a href="#Page_578">578</a>; - <ul><li>his writings, <a href="#Page_744">744</a>;</li> - <li>arrests Belisarius, <a href="#Page_748">748</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Property, church, <a href="#Page_692">692</a>.</li> - -<li>Prostitution, at CP., <a href="#Page_479">479</a>; - <ul><li>of slaves forbidden, <a href="#Page_710">710</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Provinces, changes in government of, <a href="#Page_473">473</a> <i>sqq.</i></li> - -</ul> - -<ul> - -<li>Queer occurrences, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>, - <a href="#Page_575">575</a>, <a href="#Page_735">735</a>, <a href="#Page_750">750</a>.</li> - -<li>Quicherat on Plotinus, <a href="#Page_437">437</a>.</li> - -</ul> - -<ul> - -<li>Ravenna, mosaics at, <a href="#Page_366">366</a>, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>, <a href="#Page_750">750</a>; - <ul><li>sieges of, <a href="#Page_545">545</a>, <a href="#Page_578">578</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Rectors of provinces, their rapacity, <a href="#Page_449">449</a>, <i>sqq.</i>; - <ul><li>reforms respecting, <a href="#Page_472">472</a>;</li> - <li>rewards for, <a href="#Page_477">477</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Robespierre compared to Justinian, <a href="#Page_366">366</a>.</li> - -<li>Rome, topography of, <a href="#Page_555">555</a>; - <ul><li>sociology of, <a href="#Page_558">558</a>;</li> - <li>sieges of, <a href="#Page_566">566</a>, <a href="#Page_630">630</a>, - <a href="#Page_642">642</a>, <a href="#Page_643">643</a>, <a href="#Page_658">658</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Rufinas, legate to Persia, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>; - <ul><li>his peace, <a href="#Page_416">416</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Rusticiana, widow of Boethius, <a href="#Page_639">639</a>.</li> - -<li>Rusticus, officer, murders Gubazes, <a href="#Page_731">731</a>.</li> - -</ul> - -<ul> - -<li>St. Saba at CP., <a href="#Page_696">696</a>.</li> - -<li>St. Sophia, church of, <a href="#Page_530">530</a>; - <ul><li>dilapidation of, <a href="#Page_754">754</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Salona, taking of, <a href="#Page_551">551</a>; - <ul><li>Narses at, <a href="#Page_649">649</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Salvian on rapacity of Rectors, <a href="#Page_451">451</a>; - <ul><li>against the Africans, <a href="#Page_496">496</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Salvius Julianus, lawyer, <a href="#Page_716">716</a>.</li> - -<li>Samaritans, revolt of, <a href="#Page_695">695</a>, <a href="#Page_697">697</a>.</li> - -<li>Sandichl, Hunnish leader, <a href="#Page_739">739</a>.</li> - -<li>Sanskrit, related to Zend, Erse, etc., <a href="#Page_376">376</a>.</li> - -<li>Sapor, Shah, persecutes Christians, <a href="#Page_386">386</a>.</li> - -<li>Sassanian dynasty of Persia, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>.</li> - -<li>Seleucus and Seleucidae, successors of Alexander the Great, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>.</li> - -<li>Severus, heresiarch, <a href="#Page_675">675</a>.</li> - -<li>Severus, Sept., his Persian wars, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>.</li> - -<li>Silk trade, <a href="#Page_411">411</a>, <a href="#Page_483">483</a>.</li> - -<li>Silkworm imported into Europe, <a href="#Page_753">753</a>.</li> - -<li>Silverius, Pope, <a href="#Page_554">554</a>, <a href="#Page_569">569</a>; - <ul><li>his deposition and death, <a href="#Page_612">612</a>, <a href="#Page_673">673</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Simplicius, philosopher, <a href="#Page_435">435</a>.</li> - -<li>Sisimithres, his mother-wife, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>.</li> - -<li>Sittas, a general, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>, <a href="#Page_700">700</a>; - <ul><li>his death, <a href="#Page_585">585</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Slaves, new laws in favour of, <a href="#Page_708">708</a>.</li> - -<li>Slavs, irruption of, <a href="#Page_734">734</a>.</li> - -<li>Socrates, philosopher, <a href="#Page_420">420</a>.</li> - -<li>Spain, Byzantines in, <a href="#Page_526">526</a>.</li> - -<li>Stagnum, harbour at Carthage, <a href="#Page_493">493</a>.</li> - -<li>Stoa, painted, <a href="#Page_422">422</a>.</li> - -<li>Stoic philosophers, <a href="#Page_422">422</a>.</li> - -<li>Stotzas, revolt of, <a href="#Page_518">518</a>.</li> - -<li>Strzygowski (and Forscheimer) on date of cisterns at CP., <a href="#Page_539">539</a>; - <ul><li><i>Byzantinische Denkmäler</i>, 770, 771.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Sycae, Theodora's monastery at, <a href="#Page_676">676</a>.</li> - -<li>Synesius at Athens, <a href="#Page_426">426</a>.</li> - -<li>Syrianus, philosopher, <a href="#Page_426">426</a>, - <a href="#Page_432">432</a>, <a href="#Page_433">433</a>.</li> - -</ul> - -<ul> - -<li>Taginae, battle of, <a href="#Page_654">654</a>.</li> - -<li>Tansar, his letter, <a href="#Page_384">384</a>; - <ul><li>oldest document of Mazdeism, <i>ibid.</i></li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Taxes, oppressive, <a href="#Page_445">445</a>, <a href="#Page_481">481</a>; - <ul><li>in Persia, <a href="#Page_391">391</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Teïas, Gothic general, <a href="#Page_650">650</a>; - <ul><li>elected king, <a href="#Page_657">657</a>;</li> - <li>his death, <a href="#Page_660">660</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Theodahad, Gothic king, <a href="#Page_547">547</a>, <a href="#Page_550">550</a>; - <ul><li>his death, <a href="#Page_554">554</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Theodebald, Frankish king, <a href="#Page_659">659</a>, <i>sqq.</i></li> - -<li>Theodebert, Frankish king, <a href="#Page_576">576</a>, <a href="#Page_579">579</a>, - <a href="#Page_645">645</a>, <a href="#Page_746">746</a>.</li> - -<li>Theodora, Empress, personal appearance and character, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>; - <ul><li>conduct during revolt, <a href="#Page_466">466</a>;</li> - <li>popular execration of, <a href="#Page_486">486</a>;</li> - <li>her intrigues, <a href="#Page_609">609</a>;</li> - <li>letters of, <a href="#Page_608">608</a>, <a href="#Page_619">619</a>;</li> - <li>her religious policy, <a href="#Page_669">669</a>, <i>sqq.</i>;</li> - <li>her death, <a href="#Page_643">643</a>, <a href="#Page_689">689</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Theodore Ascidas, bishop, <a href="#Page_677">677</a>, <a href="#Page_687">687</a>.</li> - -<li>Theodoric, Gothic king, <a href="#Page_544">544</a>, <a href="#Page_755">755</a>.</li> - -<li>Theodosius, lover of Antonina, <a href="#Page_603">603</a>, <i>sqq.</i></li> - -<li>Three Chapters, controversy of, <a href="#Page_678">678</a>, <i>sqq.</i></li> - -<li>Tiberius, Emperor, <a href="#Page_431">431</a>, <a href="#Page_433">433</a>.</li> - -<li>Tibur, capture of, <a href="#Page_630">630</a>.</li> - -<li>Ticinum, the Goths at, <a href="#Page_657">657</a>, <a href="#Page_659">659</a>.</li> - -<li>Tiridates, Parthian King, visits Nero, <a href="#Page_379">379</a>.</li> - -<li>Totila or Baduela, Gothic king, his accession, <a href="#Page_625">625</a>; - <ul><li>at Naples, <a href="#Page_626">626</a>;</li> - <li>at Rome, <a href="#Page_629">629</a>, <a href="#Page_643">643</a>;</li> - <li>at Taginae, <a href="#Page_652">652</a>;</li> - <li>his death, <a href="#Page_656">656</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Toperus, massacre at, by Slavs, <a href="#Page_734">734</a>.</li> - -<li>"Towers of Silence" or Dakhmas, <a href="#Page_378">378</a>.</li> - -<li>Trajan, Emperor, his conquests, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>.</li> - -<li>Tribonian, a lawyer, <a href="#Page_442">442</a>; - <ul><li>his legal work, <a href="#Page_720">720</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Tricamerum, battle of, <a href="#Page_510">510</a>.</li> - -<li>Triumph at CP., <a href="#Page_515">515</a>.</li> - -<li>Tyre, loses silk trade, <a href="#Page_483">483</a>.</li> - -<li>Tzani, conversion of, <a href="#Page_700">700</a>; - <ul><li>their revolt, <a href="#Page_758">758</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Tzathes, Lazic King, <a href="#Page_732">732</a>.</li> - -</ul> - -<ul> - -<li>Uranius, charlatan, <a href="#Page_436">436</a>.</li> - -<li>Usdrilas, Gothic general, <a href="#Page_651">651</a>.</li> - -</ul> - -<ul> - -<li>Vandals, persecute Catholics, <a href="#Page_494">494</a>; - <ul><li>their character, <a href="#Page_500">500</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Vendidâd, part of Zend-Avesta, <a href="#Page_377">377</a>, etc.</li> - -<li>Vigilius, Pope, in Sicily, <a href="#Page_632">632</a>; - <ul><li>at Rome, <a href="#Page_680">680</a>;</li> - <li>at CP., <a href="#Page_681">681</a>, <i>sqq.</i>;</li> - <li>his death, <a href="#Page_686">686</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -<li>Vitigis, Gothic king, <a href="#Page_553">553</a>; - <ul><li>at Rome, <a href="#Page_566">566</a>, <i>sqq.</i>;</li> - <li>capture of, <a href="#Page_581">581</a>;</li> - <li>his death, <a href="#Page_623">623</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -</ul> - -<ul> - -<li>Walls, Long, <a href="#Page_543">543</a>, <a href="#Page_737">737</a>, - <a href="#Page_756">756</a>.</li> - -<li>Water, sacred among Persians, <a href="#Page_378">378</a>.</li> - -<li>Water storage at CP., <a href="#Page_539">539</a>.</li> - -<li>Whale. <i>See</i> Porphyrio.</li> - -<li>Wife, husband and, laws as to, <a href="#Page_719">719</a>.</li> - -<li>Wills, laws as to, <a href="#Page_715">715</a>, <a href="#Page_717">717</a>.</li> - -<li>Women in the church, <a href="#Page_691">691</a>.</li> - -</ul> - -<ul> - -<li>Xenophon, his description of Syrian desert, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>.</li> - -</ul> - -<ul> - -<li>Yemen, Christianity in, <a href="#Page_409">409</a>.</li> - -</ul> - -<ul> - -<li>Zabergan, Hunnish leader, <a href="#Page_736">736</a>.</li> - -<li>Zaberganes, Persian minister, <a href="#Page_608">608</a>.</li> - -<li>Zend, language, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>.</li> - -<li>Zeno of Citium, philosopher, founder of Stoics, <a href="#Page_422">422</a>.</li> - -<li>Zooras, fanatical monk, <a href="#Page_675">675</a>.</li> - -<li>Zoroaster or Zarathushtra, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>; - <ul><li>Darmsteter on, <i>ibid., sqq.</i>;</li> - <li>Mills on, <a href="#Page_384">384</a>.</li> - </ul></li> - -</ul> - -</div> - -<h2>CORRIGENDA ET ADDENDA</h2> - -<p>Pp. 19, <a href="#Page_744">744</a>, notes. See a letter of mine in <i>The Athenæum</i>, 30th June -1906, p. 798, in which I show that, almost without exception, Byzantine -writers use the old name even as late as Photius and Anna Comnena. -Cf. note to p. 632 <i>infra</i>.</p> - -<p>P. 20, <i>for</i> 446 <i>read</i> 409.</p> - -<p>P. 34, n. 2, insert, the elephants are.</p> - -<p>P. 49. There is an ivory carving thought to represent a religious procession -passing the Chalke, <i>c.</i> 552: reproduced in Strzygowski, Byzant. -Denkmäler, iii, 1903, p. xviii; also in Beylié's work and others. The -identifying feature is a bust of the Saviour above a portal (see text).</p> - -<p>P. 61, <i>for</i> xv, 7, <i>read</i> vii.</p> - -<p>P. 66, n. 7, <i>add</i> Suetonius, Augustus, 96.</p> - -<p>P. 67, n. 4, <i>for</i> 325 <i>read</i> 334.</p> - -<p>P. 80, n. 4, <i>for</i> xiii <i>read</i> xviii.</p> - -<p>P. 87. A monograph on the headdress of Byzantine ladies has been -written by Molinier (Etudes hist. du moyen âge, 1896). It was a usual -fashion to puff up the hair in a great roll or crown such as is often -noticed in the miniatures of medieval MSS.</p> - -<p>P. 88, n. 2, <i>for</i> 21 <i>read</i> 181.</p> - -<p>P. 90. The difference between the Patricians created by Julius Caesar -(Suetonius, J. C., 41) and those by Constantine is that the former were -hereditary, the latter only life peers.</p> - -<p>P. 91, n. 4, <i>read</i> Hefner-Alteneck.</p> - -<p>P. 110, <i>add</i> Jn. Lydus, De Magist. i, 32 <i>et seq.</i></p> - -<p>P. 114, n. 6, <i>add</i> Cod. III, xxxviii, 11.</p> - -<p>P. 126, n. 4, <i>for</i> 770 <i>read</i> 792.</p> - -<p>P. 133, n. 3, <i>read</i> <span title="Karximades">Καρξιμάδεζ</span>.</p> - -<p>P. 167, n. 3, <i>add</i> They were under the Master of the Offices.</p> - -<p>P. 169, n. 6, <i>read</i> Marcellinus.</p> - -<p>P. 188, n. 1, <i>for</i> 330 <i>read</i> 530.</p> - -<p>P. 191, n. 1, <i>for</i> xii <i>read</i> XII.</p> - -<p>P. 202, n. 1, <i>add</i> cxxviii.</p> - -<p>P. 216, n. 3, <i>for</i> A to E <i>read</i> a to e.</p> - -<p>P. 222, n. 3, <i>read</i> Juliana. The miniatures in this work have been -critically discussed by Diez in Strzygowski's Byzant. Denkmäler, 1903.</p> - -<p>P. 232, n. 1, <i>add</i> on its way to resolution into the formless protyle -or ether.</p> - -<p>P. 237, note, <i>read</i> Olympius.</p> - -<p>P. 238, n. 2, <i>read</i> Peripatetics.</p> - -<p>P. 245, <i>read</i> currents for; n. 1, <i>read</i> of Abonoteichos.</p> - -<p>P. 265, l. 8, <i>read</i> and Iranian ... those.</p> - -<p>P. 273, n. 1, for the two <i>read</i> Pagan and Christian metaphysics.</p> - -<p>P. 281, n. 4, <i>add</i> Some others, and especially one Paul of Thebes, -assumed the eremitic life previous to Anthony, but their example did -not become conspicuous enough to set the fashion; see the life of Paul -by Jerome.</p> - -<p>P. 283, <i>read</i> the outposts.</p> - -<p>P. 300, n. 6, <i>add</i> cf. Jn. Malala, xxiii, p. 430.</p> - -<p>P. 330, n. 2, <i>read</i> VIII, vi, 20.</p> - -<p>P. 332, note, <i>add</i> Suetonius wrote the lives of Roman <i>meretrices</i>, but -the work is lost; Jn. Lydus, De Magist., iii, 54. Not known otherwise.</p> - -<p>P. 342, n. 2, <i>read</i> 497 as the date of her birth.</p> - -<p>P. <a href="#Page_482">482</a>, n. 3, <i>for</i> Minor <i>read</i> Major (Roman). See the collection of -Armenian historians (in French) by Langlois, Paris, 1864-69. According -to Moses of Chorene (iii, 42) the partition into Roman and Pers-Armenia -was made by Sapor and Arcadius. But the Persian here concerned must -have been Shapur III who, (Nöldeke) reigned 383-388. Hence the -Roman potentate could be no other than Theodosius the Great. All -the Armenian writers mention the division (as Faustus, Byz. vi, 1), but -do not name the contracting rulers. Persarmenia comprised the eastern -two-thirds of the country. Theodosiopolis, the seat of government in -the Roman third, was built <i>c.</i> 420 by Theodosius II (?). Procopius, De -Aedif., iii, 15, Moses, iii, 59. Needless to say Nöldeke's dates do not -agree with St. Martin's.</p> - -<p>P. <a href="#Page_523">523</a>, last line, <i>read</i> "girl." Apparently then she was not an old or -even a mature woman.</p> - -<p>P. <a href="#Page_540">540</a>, <i>read</i> Asia Minor and Syria.</p> - -<p>P. <a href="#Page_612">612</a>. <i>After</i> could desire, <i>read</i> he should wear the robe of -Augustus, etc.</p> - -<p>P. <a href="#Page_632">632</a>. Epidamnum. Procopius always uses this name, but twice -adds, "they now call it Dyrrhachium" (De Bel. Vand., i, 1, etc.), -meaning, I presume, locally, his readers knowing only the original -name. The Greeks as a nation never took to these new names. Thus -he makes a similar remark about Antioch (De Aedif., v, 5, etc.) which -never became Theopolis to the general. Dyrrhachium was about fifty-five -miles down the coast from the southernmost point of Dalmatia.</p> - -<p>P. <a href="#Page_675">675</a>, l. penult. Date 535 according to Brooks, <i>Byzant. Zeitsch.</i>, -xii, 494, 1903.</p> - -<p>P. <a href="#Page_731">731</a>, <i>read</i> Byzantine Court.<span class="fnanchor"><a -name="Ref_892" id="Ref_892" href="#Foot_892">[892]</a></span></p> - -<p>P. <a href="#Page_734">734</a>. <i>After</i> unforeseen attack <i>read</i> a nemesis approved of by the -historian who relates the occurrence.</p> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_892" id="Foot_892" href="#Ref_892">[892]</a> -Procopius, De Bel. Pers., ii, 29. 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