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+Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for
+eBook #64894 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/64894)
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-The Project Gutenberg eBook of A Mississippi View of Race Relations in the
-South, by Dunbar Rowland
-
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
-most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
-whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
-of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
-www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you
-will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before
-using this eBook.
-
-Title: A Mississippi View of Race Relations in the South
-
-Author: Dunbar Rowland
-
-Release Date: March 21, 2021 [eBook #64894]
-
-Language: English
-
-Character set encoding: UTF-8
-
-Produced by: hekula03, Martin Pettit and the Online Distributed
-             Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This book was
-             produced from images made available by the HathiTrust Digital
-             Library.)
-
-*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A MISSISSIPPI VIEW OF RACE
-RELATIONS IN THE SOUTH ***
-
-+-------------------------------------------------+
-|Transcriber's note:                              |
-|                                                 |
-|Obvious typographic errors have been corrected.  |
-|                                                 |
-+-------------------------------------------------+
-
-
-A Mississippi View of Race Relations in the South.
-
-By DUNBAR ROWLAND.
-
-Read before the Alumni Association of the University of Mississippi,
-June 3rd, 1802.
-
-
-JACKSON, MISS: HARMON PUB. CO. PRINTERS,
-
-1903.
-
-
-
-
-A MISSISSIPPI VIEW OF RACE RELATIONS IN THE SOUTH.
-
-BY DUNBAR ROWLAND.
-
-Director of Department of Archives and History.
-
-Read before the Alumni Association of the University of Mississippi,
-June 3rd 1902.
-
-
-The purpose of all investigation should be to elicit truth. It is
-therefore the object of this discussion to give a truthful, accurate
-and unprejudiced statement of facts about the political, social and
-industrial relations of the white man and the negro in the South. It is
-to be desired that not even an allusion shall be made that may raise a
-feeling of sectional prejudice in the breasts of any.
-
-There are few men not of the South who can appreciate the sad trials of
-the past, or realize the dangerous problems of the future. Some may see
-the true nobility, calm dignity and Spartan fortitude which the South
-has shown in meeting her responsibilities, few know what they really
-mean. The wrongs and mistakes of the past would have driven a less
-proud and noble race into anarchy.
-
-When the perilous problems of the South are better understood, when
-the clouds which political passion create are swept away by a sincere
-sympathy and a desire to lend a helping hand, when a friendly interest
-takes the place of unfriendly criticism, when what is right is the aim
-of all then and not until then can pressing problems be intelligently
-solved.
-
-The great body of the people of this Republic want to do right. They
-want to deal justly. The Southern people know the negro and understand
-him, let them work out and solve the serious problems surrounding them
-in a way which shall be of advantage to both races.
-
-The social, political and industrial conditions which now exist in the
-South can only be properly appreciated by taking a brief backward view
-of what has gone before.
-
-From early colonial times to 1860 the South was a garden for the
-cultivation of all that was grand in oratory, true in science, sublime
-and beautiful in poetry and sentiment, and enlightened and profound in
-law and statesmanship. That period produced a roll too long to read of
-noble spirits, bright wits and great scholars, whose names and deeds
-are preserved in the archives of the nation's glory. From the Potomac
-to the Rio Grande the Southern gentleman held sway. The South was
-looked upon by its lordly owners as the most favored spot on earth. It
-was called the Fair Land by those who owned it and loved it. Ruin and
-desolation came upon this fair land and its people.
-
-The boom of batteries in the harbor of Charleston on a beautiful April
-day in 1861 was the beginning of a bloody fraternal strife which laid
-desolate the happy homes of the people everywhere, brought about the
-sacrifice of a half million lives and cost the country ten billions of
-money. The war between the Confederate States and the United States
-brought about the greatest political and social revolution known to
-history. That revolution brought political, industrial and financial
-ruin upon the South. When peace came a race of servile slaves were made
-masters of her political destiny.
-
-The Anglo Saxon has never bowed his head to the yoke of an inferior
-race and he never will. We see now that it was cruel to condemn a brave
-though fallen people to the suffering and humiliation which became
-their portion. The enfranchisement of the negro was a mistake. It was
-a stupendous blunder, and is now recognized as such by thoughtful
-students of events everywhere.
-
-After the negro had been clothed with the right of suffrage the
-Southern people made an honest effort to give him a fair trial. If
-he proved to be a worthy citizen the fears of the people would be
-groundless.
-
-The Confederate States had given up their struggle for an independent
-nationality upon a basis of freedom for the negro race. While the best
-and most thoughtful men of the South believed that the experiment of
-negro suffrage would ruin the country and prove fatal to the negroes
-they knew that the trial must be made. They felt that they were bound
-to the soil of the South for life, and they wanted to sleep in its
-bosom after death. They tried to make that noble sentiment, which a
-great man has given the world, their guide: "He who does the best his
-circumstances allow does well, acts nobly; angels could not do more."
-
-The South had suffered through four years of war. The blood of the best
-and bravest had deluged the land. The whitened bones of her sons lay
-upon the hilltops of Virginia and were strewn over the fertile valleys
-of Mississippi. The people thought that they had suffered enough. The
-bitter and humiliating chalice of negro rule was yet to be pressed to
-their lips.
-
-At the end of the war there was no ill will against the negro in the
-hearts of the Southern people. The following extract from the charge
-of Judge Clayton of Alabama to the grand jury of Pike County, made
-September 9th, 1866, shows the prevailing statement:
-
-
-     "Gentlemen, do we owe the negro any grudge? What has he himself
-     done to provoke our hostility? Shall we be angry with him because
-     freedom has been forced upon him? Shall it excite our animosity
-     because he has been suddenly and without an effort on his part
-     torn loose from the protection of a kind master? He is proud to
-     call you master yet. In the name of humanity let him do so. He may
-     have been the companion of your boyhood. He may be older than you
-     and perhaps carried you in his arms when an infant. You may be
-     bound to him by a thousand ties which only the Southern man knows,
-     and which he alone can feel in all its force. It may be that
-     when only a few years ago you girded on your cartridge box and
-     shouldered your trusty rifle to go to meet the invaders of your
-     country, you committed to his care your home and your loved ones,
-     and when you were far away upon the weary march, upon the dreadful
-     battle field, in the trenches and on the picket line, many and
-     many a time you thought of that faithful old negro and your heart
-     warmed toward him."
-
-
-There was at the end of the war and is now a strong and steadfast
-affection between the old slaves of the South and their former masters.
-If that feeling of confidence had been allowed to continue without
-the evil influence of the carpet-bagger all would have been well.
-The Southern white man is the only man on earth who understands the
-negro character, and he is the only man who is now fitted to solve the
-intricate race relations of the future.
-
-The reconstruction period found the negro free. His freedom was not the
-result of his own efforts, although in most instances it was his desire
-to be free. By reason of the entire absence of self-reliance, his want
-of experience and his failure to understand or appreciate his changed
-condition, the negro after his emancipation was helpless. At this
-critical time the carpet-bagger invaded the South intent upon nothing
-but gain. At best the pathway toward better things was blocked by many
-difficulties. The coming of the carpet-bagger and the evil influence
-he gained over the negro, by causing him to lose faith in his best
-friends, was the crowning sorrow and humiliation of the South.
-
-The picture of conditions existing in the South during the period of
-reconstruction may strike those who know nothing of it as too dark.
-Some thinking and impartial men of the North are inclined to believe
-that Southern men overdraw the darkness of the night of reconstruction.
-At this time--twenty-five years after--in the light of the facts of
-history the student of that period, whose opinions are not embittered
-by the trials of the times, stands in astonishment and marvels at the
-patience and long suffering of a brave and chivalrous people. Therefore
-the unprejudiced reader will be in sympathy with a brief, impartial
-account of reconstruction conditions.
-
-Reconstruction was the creation of men who knew nothing of conditions
-surrounding the negro. Instead of adapting him to his new life the
-measures of reconstruction made the negro a discontented enemy of good
-government. The story of the trials of reconstruction is told not
-with a spirit of bringing reproach on the men who made them possible
-by unwise legislation, or by way of apology for the people of the
-South, but from a purely historical standpoint giving the facts minus
-prejudiced opinion. The debates in Congress pending the passage of
-reconstruction measures clearly show that the most conservative and
-self-contained men of the party then in power were opposed to universal
-manhood suffrage for the negro. That President Lincoln was opposed
-to manhood suffrage for the negro is now a well established fact of
-history. The evidence upon which that statement rests, in addition to
-Mr. Lincoln's own statements, is a letter written by Mr. McCulloch,
-who was Secretary of the Treasury in the cabinet of President Lincoln
-and later filled the same office for President Johnson and President
-Arthur. Secretary McCulloch says:
-
-
-     "It was, I know, the opinion of Mr. Lincoln and other friends of
-     the colored race--it certainly was mine--that some qualification,
-     such as the ownership of taxable property, the ability to read and
-     write or both, should have been required for the exercise of the
-     right to vote, as an inducement for the acquisition of what is
-     needful on the part of self-governing people."
-
-
-Previous to the adoption of the Fourteenth Amendment there was not a
-Northern state where the negro had the right to vote. Mr. Garfield
-wanted an intelligent negro suffrage. He said during the reconstruction
-debates on that question:
-
-
-     "I regret that we have not found the situation of affairs in
-     this country such, and the public virtue such, that we might
-     come out on the plain, unanswerable proposition that every adult
-     intelligent citizen of the United States, unconvicted of crime,
-     should enjoy the right of suffrage."
-
-
-Senator Fessenden, of Maine, a very able man, one of the leaders of the
-Republican party and a member of the reconstruction committee, said in
-the Senate on the question of negro suffrage:
-
-
-     "I think the honorable Senator from Massachusetts, himself,
-     (Mr. Sumner) who is the great champion of universal suffrage,
-     would hardly contend that now at this time the whole mass of the
-     population of the recent slave states is fit to be admitted to
-     the exercise of the right of suffrage. I presume that no man who
-     looks dispassionately and calmly would contend that the great
-     mass of those who were recently slaves (undoubtedly there may be
-     exceptions) and who have been kept in ignorance all their lives,
-     oppressed more or less, forbidden to acquire information, are fit
-     at this day to exercise the right of suffrage or could be trusted
-     to do it."
-
-
-Such statements show that the great leaders of the Republican party
-long after the war had the correct idea of negro suffrage. If such was
-the opinion of these great and good men, why was it not made the policy
-of the Republican party? Why was negro suffrage finally determined
-upon? The only conclusion to which the student of the situation can
-come is that negro suffrage was adopted as a partisan political measure
-intended for the perpetuation of political power.
-
-The political situation in Washington in 1867 was exactly suited to
-bring about the evils of partisan legislation. There was only one party
-represented at the Capitol. There was no voice there to plead the cause
-of the people upon whom the ruin of negro rule would fall. They were
-at home silent and waiting, hoping that the evil might be averted. The
-extreme radicals of the Republican party, led by Sumner and Stevens
-prevailed and the reconstruction bill became a law on the 2nd of March,
-1867. The negro was made an unwilling instrument for the oppression and
-humiliation of his best friends. He was made the controlling political
-influence in the South. He placed himself under the leadership of men
-who poisoned his mind with a spirit of misrule, and who taught him to
-mistrust and hate his former masters.
-
-The bitter humiliation of negro domination was borne with fortitude
-and patience. Under such conditions property was insecure. There was
-open and notorious plunder without the hope of redress. Ignorance,
-crime and hatred enthralled the white people. No such evil had ever
-before been put upon a suffering section. It seemed as if the wheels
-of civilization had been turned back a thousand years. Ignorant and
-vicious negroes filled the most important positions of honor and
-trust. They became county officers, members of the legislature, state
-officers, members of Congress and United States senators.
-
-The long continued rule of ignorance and vice could only have one
-result--the ruin of the country and the confiscation of all property
-by the power of taxation. The people of the South faced that condition
-after seven years of negro rule. What did they do to remedy it? They
-did exactly what the Anglo Saxon would have done under like conditions,
-no matter whether they existed in Mississippi, in Massachusetts, in
-England or in Germany. They met together in council and after mature
-and thoughtful deliberation, they pledged their honor, fortune and
-lives to rid themselves and their posterity from the blight of black
-supremacy; by peaceful means, if possible, by force if necessary.
-
-The struggle between white and black began. It was a time of deep
-emotion and intense feeling all over the South. Every white man swore
-a solemn oath before high Heaven that he would free himself and his
-posterity from the disgrace of negro rule or die in the attempt. That
-idea was the battle cry. The people felt that they were struggling
-against infamy and dishonor. They felt that the peace of their homes,
-the safety of their wives and the happiness of their children depended
-on the result. Lawyers left their law books, doctors their patients,
-preachers their sermons, merchants their stores and farmers their
-fields and formed themselves into a mighty force for the overthrow of
-misrule. During the time of such intense feeling and excitement many
-mistakes were made, many irreparable wrongs were committed and many
-innocent lives were lost. Truth and candor can now deal with that time.
-It was a time of revolution when the wishes of wise leaders were often
-set aside to give way to the passions of the hour. There were frequent
-armed conflicts between the races, and the negroes always suffered
-most from them. They were armed and incited to violence by their
-white leaders who deserted them in time of peril. The issues of that
-remarkable campaign were clear and well defined, and were:
-
-First. The negro has proven himself unworthy of suffrage, and it should
-be taken from him.
-
-Second. Negro rule is ruinous to a State.
-
-Third. The honest, intelligent people of a state should control it.
-
-Fourth. Negro suffrage had been given a fair trial with terrible
-results.
-
-Fifth. Freedom could not in a moment transform an ignorant man into an
-intelligent citizen.
-
-Sixth. The negro was being made a tool in the hands of thieves and
-plunderers.
-
-Seventh. There was not a state under negro rule that showed even a
-trace of honest, intelligent government.
-
-Eighth. That existing conditions must be overthrown at whatever cost.
-
-The negroes were told plainly that they would not be allowed to
-vote and it would be best for them not to attempt it. There was no
-concealment. The men who guided the movement in the various states of
-the South had the courage to declare that black supremacy must come to
-an end.
-
-The leaders of that revolution were John B. Gordon of Georgia, L. Q. C.
-Lamar and James Z. George, of Mississippi, A. H. Garland, of Arkansas,
-Isham G. Harris, of Tennessee, John T. Morgan, of Alabama, James B.
-Eustis, of Louisiana, Wade Hampton, of South Carolina, Richard Coke
-of Texas, and Zebulon B. Vance, of North Carolina. They belong to the
-eternal honor roll of the South, and their names shall be remembered
-after the monuments of marble and tablets of brass which mark the last
-resting place of many of them shall have crumbled into dust.
-
-In Mississippi the struggle was bitter and bloody. Adelbert Ames, the
-Republican Governor of the State, in his desperation over impending
-disaster, applied to the Federal Government at Washington for United
-States troops to be used in terrorizing the people on election day. He
-is reported to have declared that the death of a few hundred negroes
-would make sure the success of the Republican party. Bloody riots
-occurred at Clinton, Yazoo City and Vicksburg, in which many negroes
-and some white men were killed. President Grant refused to send Federal
-troops into Mississippi, and his refusal was based on the report of Mr.
-C. K. Chase, an agent of the Attorney General of the United States, who
-had been sent to report on the application of Governor Ames for troops.
-His report being that there was no legal excuse for the presence
-of armed men. It was a struggle in which the forces of honesty and
-intelligence were arrayed against those of dishonesty and ignorance.
-
-There could only be one result in the battle for the mastery between
-the white man and the negro; the negro must give way. The fight was
-fought and won. The South was redeemed. The Southern people exercised
-the right of revolution to free themselves. They used force, the only
-means in their power to overthrow misrule, corruption and dishonesty.
-The negroes were thoroughly beaten by the revolution of 1875. They
-never again attempted to vote in large numbers.
-
-A period of mild intimidation continued for fourteen years. That
-method of preserving white supremacy was never entirely satisfactory,
-and Southern leaders and statesmen were anxious to remove the menace
-of future trouble by constitutional means. It was believed that the
-continued suppression of the negro vote would promote a feeling among
-the whites to use the same methods on each other and promote a low tone
-of political morality.
-
-The movement to disfranchise the negro vote by legal means began in
-Mississippi under the leadership of Gen. James Z. George. The movement
-rapidly became popular, and Mississippi provided for a Constitutional
-Convention in 1890. Gen. George, the leader of the demand for white
-supremacy by legal means, was a United States Senator from Mississippi,
-and one of the great constitutional lawyers of the country. He was a
-rugged, honest, able and thoughtful man of the humble walks of life,
-who had carved out a brilliant career from a beginning of poverty
-and want. Senator George was born in Monroe county, Georgia, October
-20th, 1826. His father died when his son was an infant, and his mother
-moved to the new State of Mississippi that her boy might have a better
-chance in life. The mother first found a home in Noxubee county,
-and lived there until her son was ten years old. They then moved to
-Carroll county, in 1836, and it became the life-long home of the man
-who was destined to lead the people of his adopted State out of the
-darkness and doubt of a suppressed negro vote into the light and
-freedom of a suffrage founded on justice and right and in keeping with
-constitutional law and liberty. The childhood and young manhood of
-James Z. George, like that of so many great men, was passed in genteel
-poverty, without the advantages which wealth can bestow and without
-the culture which education gives. He was not trained in the learning
-of the schools. He was poor. Victor Hugo, the great Frenchman, who
-made the world better by having lived in it, says that "Poverty is the
-greatest of opportunities." The men who dominated the world in the
-past--the great world leaders and nation makers--were not "clothed in
-fine linen, faring sumptuously every day"; they toiled to the light
-through the darkness of poverty. Senator George was one of those men
-
-
-     "Who breaks his birth's invidious bar,
-       And grasps the skirts of happy chance,
-       And breasts the blows of circumstance,
-     And grapples with his evil star."
-
-
-The Constitutional Convention of 1890 met in Jackson, Mississippi, for
-the purpose of giving the State a new organic law. The convention was
-composed of the best men in Mississippi. Among the leaders and master
-minds of the body were James Z. George, S. S. Calhoon, Edward Mayes, H.
-F. Simrall, J. L. Alcorn and W. P. Harris. Judge Calhoon was an eminent
-jurist of the State, and he became President of the Convention. Edward
-Mayes was a law professor, Chancellor of the State University, and the
-most learned lawyer in the State. Judge Simrall was an ex-Chief Justice
-of the Supreme Court. He was a clean Republican, and represented
-a Democratic constituency. Governor Alcorn was the most prominent
-Republican in the State. He had been Governor, a United States Senator,
-and was a forceful man of high character. Judge Harris was the leading
-lawyer of the Mississippi bar. He was able, thoughtful and brave, and
-did very active work in the Convention.
-
-The avowed and confessed object of the convention was to eliminate
-the ignorant vote whether white or black. Every thoughtful man in the
-convention knew the terrible results of placing political power in
-ignorant, incompetent hands.
-
-Universal suffrage could not succeed where there was an electorate of
-sixty per cent. who were illiterate. The experiment had been tried with
-terrible results in other nations. In 1793 France founded a Republic
-based on universal manhood suffrage. It went down in a sea of blood and
-became a military despotism in 1800. The experiment was tried again in
-1848. In 1852 they returned to a despotism of military power. There
-could be no other result when more than one-half the voters could not
-read their ballots. Spain has passed through the same experience. The
-Republic of Castellar, built on an ignorant white rabble, passed away
-in a few months to give place to the old ruinous rule of the Bourbons.
-South America is full of little republics resting on an ignorant
-suffrage. They are in a perpetual state of revolution, and such
-conditions will continue until they have an intelligent ballot.
-
-The franchise section of the Mississippi Constitution of 1890 provides
-an educational qualification and requires payment of all taxes for
-two years before the election, and it eliminates all ignorant votes
-regardless of color, who cannot measure up to the test. The educational
-test is not exacting and only involves the power to read. It places
-the right to vote as a reward in the reach of the negro, which may
-be gained by effort. The negroes are slowly qualifying themselves to
-become voters, and there is no disposition anywhere to prevent them
-from doing so. If the negro is made to earn his full citizenship by his
-own efforts it will teach him to take pride in it.
-
-Under the Mississippi system the disfranchisement of a few whites was
-unavoidable, but it was thought that they should pay the penalty of
-ignorance rather than endanger the safety of the State. The whites who
-were disfranchised accepted the situation without a murmur.
-
-Five other Southern states have followed the lead of Mississippi
-in framing a new organic law for the purpose of disfranchising the
-ignorant voter. These states are South Carolina, North Carolina,
-Alabama, Louisiana and Virginia. These states adopted the Mississippi
-plan of an educational qualification, and in addition incorporated in
-their constitutions the famous "grandfather clause," which prevents
-the disfranchisement of any whites whatever. That clause of these
-constitutions provides that all male descendants of those who were
-voters before 1868, shall continue to exercise the right to vote
-regardless of the required educational qualifications.
-
-Here are the franchise sections of the Mississippi Constitution of 1890:
-
-
-     SEC. 241.--Every male inhabitant of this State, except idiots,
-     insane persons, and Indians not taxed, who is a citizen of the
-     United States, twenty-one years old and upwards, who has resided
-     in this State two years and one year in the election district,
-     or in the incorporated city or town in which he offers to vote,
-     and who is duly registered as provided in this article, and who
-     has never been convicted of bribery, burglary, theft, arson,
-     obtaining money or goods under false pretense, perjury, forgery,
-     embezzlement, or bigamy, and who has paid, on or before the first
-     day of February of the year in which he shall offer to vote, all
-     taxes which may have been legally required of him, and, which
-     he has had an opportunity of paying according to law, for the
-     two preceding years, and who shall produce to officers holding
-     the election satisfactory evidence that he has paid said taxes,
-     is declared to be a qualified elector; but any minister of the
-     gospel in charge of an organized church shall be entitled to vote
-     after six month's residence in the election district, if otherwise
-     qualified.
-
-     Section 242 relates to registration of voters.
-
-     SEC. 243.--A uniform poll tax of two dollars, to be used in aid of
-     the common schools, and for no other purpose, is hereby imposed on
-     every male inhabitant of this State between the ages of twenty-one
-     and sixty years, except persons who are deaf and dumb or blind,
-     or who are maimed by loss of hand or foot; said tax to be a lien
-     only upon taxable property. The board of supervisors of any county
-     may, for the purpose of aiding the common schools in that county,
-     increase the poll tax in said county, but in no case shall the
-     entire poll tax exceed in any one year three dollars on each poll.
-     No criminal proceedings shall be allowed to enforce the collection
-     of the poll tax.
-
-     SEC. 244.--On and after the first day of January, A. D. 1892,
-     every elector shall, in addition to the foregoing qualifications,
-     be able to read any section of the constitution of this State; or
-     he shall be able to understand the same when read to him, or give
-     a reasonable interpretation thereof. A new registration shall be
-     made before the next ensuing election after January the first, A.
-     D. 1892.
-
-     It will be observed that the foregoing does not disfranchise the
-     negro any more than it does the white man. It simply means that
-     the citizen--black or white--who will not pay all taxes, including
-     the "uniform poll tax of two dollars, to be used in aid of the
-     common school," on or before the first day of February in which
-     he offers to vote, and who is not intelligent enough to read any
-     section of the State constitution, or to understand the same
-     when read to him, or give a reasonable interpretation thereof,
-     shall not be allowed to vote. In other words, he voluntarily
-     disfranchises himself for the period named. In the case of the
-     poll tax, it will be noticed that no "criminal proceedings shall
-     be allowed to enforce its collections." The only penalty is that
-     the delinquent cannot vote. And the registration statistics of
-     the several counties show that there are thousands of whites as
-     well as blacks who thus disqualify themselves. And the fact that
-     the poll tax is a school fund, and that it cannot be otherwise
-     applied, makes this delinquency all the more to be regretted.
-
-
-The new suffrage departure of Mississippi was the subject of much
-discussion in political and legal circles in Washington during the
-winter of 1890-91. It was made the subject of violent partisan attacks
-in the Senate. Senators Hoar, Spooner, Hawley and Edmunds denounced it
-as in conflict with the amendments of the Federal Constitution clothing
-the negro with the right of suffrage. Senators Hoar and Edmunds were
-generally regarded as autocrats on questions of constitutional law, and
-they brought all the resources at their command in their attacks on the
-new organic law of the State of Mississippi.
-
-Senator George was in his seat in the Senate as the defender and
-champion of the new charter of white supremacy. He was equipped for
-the forensic battle. He was ready with the truth. He was armed with
-courage to meet all comers. He began his celebrated speech in defense
-of the Mississippi Constitution on the 31st day of December 1890. He
-had been a member of the Senate nine years and was known to be an
-authority on questions of constitutional law. While his ability was
-recognized, the reserve force of the man was unknown to his associates
-in the Senate. There was great responsibility resting upon him. He was
-the chosen champion of the Southern crusade against ignorance at the
-ballot box. He had been the chief agent in the construction of the
-organic law which lifted the fatal shirt of Nessus from the shoulders
-of the Southern people. If he failed, the people he loved would suffer.
-If he gained the victory, future generations yet unborn would rise up
-and call him blessed. His defense was conclusive. It was overwhelmingly
-convincing. The great Senator showed a more intimate knowledge of
-the constitutions of Massachusetts, Vermont and Connecticut than did
-the Senators who represented those states. It was one of the great
-constitutional law speeches of the Senate, and will take rank in the
-future with Webster's superb speech in defense of the Constitution. All
-of the contentions of Senator George were afterwards crystalized into
-law by the Supreme Court of the United States in the case of Williams
-v. Mississippi. The decision of that case forever settled the question
-of negro suffrage. It was decided April 25, 1898.
-
-Henry Williams, a negro, was indicted for murder in Washington
-County, Mississippi, by a grand jury, made up entirely of white men.
-A motion was made to quash the indictment on the ground that the laws
-by which the grand jury was selected, that presented the indictment
-were unconstitutional or repugnant to the Constitution of the United
-States and of the 14th amendment. It was a direct attack on the
-franchise clause creating electors and raised a Federal question which
-enabled Williams to carry the case to the Supreme Court of the United
-States. Williams was tried by a jury composed entirely of white men
-and convicted. A motion for a new trial was denied and Williams was
-sentenced to be hanged. An appeal to the supreme court of the State
-was taken and the judgment of the court below was affirmed. The case
-was then taken to the supreme court of the United States and Justice
-McKenna delivered the opinion. The question presented to the court was,
-"Are the Provisions of the Constitution of the State of Mississippi and
-the Laws Enacted to Enforce Them Repugnant to the Fourteenth Amendment
-of the Constitution of the United States?" The court held that there
-was no conflict and no discrimination between the races. It was decided
-that equal protection of the laws was not denied to colored persons by
-a State constitution and laws which make no discrimination against the
-colored race in terms but which grant a discretion to certain officers
-which can be used to the abridgment of the rights of colored persons
-to vote and serve on juries, when it is not shown that their actual
-administration is evil, but only that evil is possible under them.
-
-In dealing with the race problem it must be born in mind that it is the
-curing power of time aided by intelligent human effort which can cure
-the ills of the past and promote the good results of the future. The
-growth of social and political conditions is always slow. It requires
-generations to make changes for good or evil. It must be remembered
-that the negro has behind him six thousand years of ignorance and
-barbarism. Universal suffrage can safely exist only where there is
-universal education.
-
-Out of the mass of conflicting opinions there have come two great ideas
-about which there is no difference of opinion in the South. The first
-is the necessity for the absolute social separation and isolation of
-the negro. He will never be accepted as an equal no matter how great
-his future advancement. He may gain the culture of the schools and
-acquire something of the polish of polite society, but he can never
-beat down the barriers between white and black.
-
-The demands of civilization must be obeyed.
-
-The second settled conviction is that the negro will never again be
-allowed to control the public affairs of a single Southern state.
-
-Good government demands that position.
-
-If there is no higher motive than self interest; that demands that
-the Southern people do everything in their power to make the negro an
-industrious, honest, self-supporting citizen. If the people of the
-North will help them do that in a fair sympathetic way their aid will
-always be welcomed.
-
-There are thoughtful men in the South who have lost faith in the power
-of the education which has heretofore been given to uplift the negro,
-and there is reason in their position, but public sentiment still
-clings to the school houses and to industrial education as the only
-hope of the future.
-
-Here is what Gov. Longino, in his inaugural address, says upon this
-subject:
-
-
-     There is no danger so great to the affairs of any republic as an
-     ignorant factious citizenship, whose tendencies have always been
-     to overturn social order, political system, liberty, justice and
-     right. Mississippi's greatest relief from this source of evil has
-     been for many years found in the efficiency of her free schools
-     and her colleges. The liberality, therefore, of the legislature
-     in the past, in providing funds for their proper maintenance,
-     has been both wise and patriotic, and I heartily commend the
-     continuation of the same liberal spirit toward all the State's
-     educational interests and institutions. The free school fund is
-     now distributed among the counties per capita of the educable
-     children in each. The relative attendance upon the free schools in
-     the white is much greater than in the black counties, and hence,
-     by reason of the fewer schools required for the accommodation of
-     the attending pupils in the black counties affords those counties
-     the use of the funds set apart to the non-attending children
-     therein; hence, those counties are enabled from said fund to
-     extend the term of their schools taught and to pay teachers better
-     salaries than can the white counties where the larger proportion
-     of the children attended the schools. Since the manifest purpose
-     of the law is to favor equal educational facilities to all of the
-     children of the State alike, I would commend to the legislature
-     the submission of an amendment to section 206 of the constitution,
-     so as to require the State free school fund to be distributed
-     among the counties according to the actual attendance upon the
-     schools, rather than per capita, as now.
-
-     There has been some urgent insistence for the submission by this
-     legislature of an amendment to the Constitution to provide for the
-     distribution of the free school funds between the white and negro
-     schools of the state, so as to give the benefits thereof to each
-     race in proportion to the school tax which it pays. Though it may
-     seem a little outside of the governor's expected prerogative to
-     speak of the matter here (in advance of legislative action on the
-     subject), I shall, nevertheless, at the risk of being considered
-     meddlesome, venture to express the hope that no such amendment
-     will find approval at the hands of the legislature. Without
-     stopping here to discuss the constitutional conflicts which would
-     be brought about between the State and Federal Constitutions,
-     or if it be admitted that there would be no constitutional vice
-     in such amendment because of its class or race distinction, its
-     effect, which would be to take school benefits largely from
-     the negro children, would be contrary to that broad and deep
-     philanthropic spirit that has always moved the great common heart
-     of Christian man and womanhood in Mississippi to a love of justice
-     and fair play toward the weak and needy, whoever and wherever
-     they are. It must be borne in mind that the negro is our neighbor
-     and is here to stay; that he is the dependence largely of the
-     white people for labor; that it is also in a great measure due to
-     that labor that in the past the South's cotton, sugar and rice
-     industries have brought the section's greatest wealth, and given
-     it a commercial importance in every land and country where the
-     nation's flag protects the American shipping. Besides, he is of
-     our citizenship, and being of a weaker race, becomes a ward of the
-     white people of the State, and they should not violate the trust
-     by taking from him the benign influences of education, which help
-     to make him a better man, a better citizen and a better Christian.
-
-
-The Southern people have shown their faith in the negro by spending
-one hundred million dollars for his education during the past thirty
-years. There are now 1,750,000 negro children enrolled in the public
-schools of the South. The nine cotton states, where the great mass of
-the negroes live, that is, North Carolina, South Carolina, Florida,
-Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Texas and Arkansas, had in
-1860 an assessed valuation of property for taxation of $3,244,231,406.
-In 1870, the valuation had decreased to $1,830,863,180 or 43 per
-cent. The ability to raise money by taxation had decreased one-half.
-The burden of negro education had been placed upon the people of the
-South in their poverty. There has been murmuring at the burden in
-Mississippi, and efforts have been made to confine appropriations of
-money for negro education to the amount of money raised from negro
-taxation for the benefit of schools, that plan, however, has never met
-with popular approval. There are a few men in the South who contend
-that the negro should be kept in an eternal state of ignorance, but
-their following is small.
-
-The most convincing argument of the fairness of the South to the negro
-is the industrial opportunity which is afforded him. All professions
-and callings and all industries are open to the negro. There is
-absolutely no discrimination in industrial lines on account of color.
-The negro is at liberty to sell his power to work everywhere. The negro
-is not confined to menial employment. There are negroes in Mississippi
-who are lawyers, doctors, teachers, and a few of them are preachers.
-They are engaged in the various branches of the mercantile business and
-in all of the trades. They are blacksmiths, carpenters and shoemakers.
-When they can do their work as skilfully as the white man they are
-employed. In the professions, of course, their duties are confined to
-their own race.
-
-It is a well known fact that the negro is eliminated as an industrial
-factor in the North by trades unionism. It may be right and this
-statement is not made in a spirit of criticism, but for the purpose of
-showing the advantages which the South offers the negro. There is a
-determined purpose in the South to curtail the power of the negro to
-vote, but he has the same chance as the white man to earn his bread.
-
-The common every day relations between the white man and the negro are
-sincere and kindly. There is no persecution of the negro in Mississippi.
-
-Rev. Edgar Garner Murphy beautifully and truthfully describes the
-relations between the whites and the blacks in his very able paper on
-"The White Man and the Negro at the South." Mr. Murphy says:
-
-
-     "The Northern man sees in the men and women of the weaker race a
-     great deal of ignorance, indolence, shiftlessness, poverty and
-     crime, but also a great deal of humble probity, of every day
-     willingness to work, of charming good humor, of happy contentment,
-     and of naive dependence in every emergency of life upon the white
-     man who is supposed to hate him. He sees the stronger race with
-     infinite generosity and with incredible patience responding to his
-     dependence. He sees the business man giving advice, lending money,
-     (which he knows he will probably never see again) advancing wages
-     and generally assuming a sort of paternal interest in the welfare
-     of his negro hands. He sees the white man's attorney freely
-     defending many a negro client. He sees the white man's physician
-     freely caring for a negro patient. He sees the white man's
-     minister befriending many a negro in illness, or need, or sorrow."
-
-
-That picture should disarm all unkind, unthinking criticism of
-a slandered South. What an object lesson of love, and trust and
-faithfulness it would be if the beautiful relations existing now
-between the old slaves, who are rapidly passing away, and their former
-masters could be presented to every good man in the United States. The
-old uncles and aunties of the South, as the old slaves are called, have
-never faltered in their devotion to their "white folks" and thousands
-of them are being tenderly cared for in their old age by their former
-owners. There is not a town or a hamlet in the South where you will not
-find old and helpless negroes being provided with all of the comforts
-of life by white people simply because they were faithful servants of
-the long ago.
-
-The greatest obstacle to the advancement of the negro is his defective
-moral nature, and that phase of negro character is the dark part of
-the race problem. There is a rapid increase in crime and lawlessness
-among negroes under forty years of age. The criminal class among
-negroes is confined largely to the younger generation. That question
-is exhaustively treated by Prof. W. F. Wilcox, of Cornell, General
-Statistician of the Census Office, in his very learned article on
-"Negro Criminality."
-
-The people of the South do not fear the clouds which may darken the
-future. They believe in themselves and in their power to meet and
-solve the problems which the presence of the negro forces upon them.
-They want the intelligent help and sympathy and good will of good men
-everywhere. They see the threatening clouds, but behind them they
-behold the brightness and glory of the future.
-
-The negro is in the South to stay, for better or for worse, it must be
-his home. There is no other place in this broad Republic for him, and
-there is no other place where he is wanted.
-
-The Southern people have suffered because of his presence among them.
-The negro has been the victim of injustice at the hands of some of the
-Southern people. The future is full of hope. The errors and mistakes of
-the past will only increase the good deeds of the future. The history
-of civilization teaches that all progress has come through trials and
-tears, and at best has moved in a path marked by many blunders and
-mistakes.
-
-The South has passed through a bitter experience in the solution of the
-suffrage question, and no pen can adequately describe the trial, but
-she has borne it with dignity and fortitude and all the people of this
-great country should feel that the time has come when a kindly sympathy
-with each others difficulties would bind us nearer together and aid in
-solving the grave problems of the future.
-
-*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A MISSISSIPPI VIEW OF RACE RELATIONS
-IN THE SOUTH ***
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-<div style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Title: A Mississippi View of Race Relations in the South</div>
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-<div style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Author: Dunbar Rowland</div>
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-
-<div style='margin-top:2em; margin-bottom:4em'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A MISSISSIPPI VIEW OF RACE RELATIONS IN THE SOUTH ***</div>
-
-<div class="mynote"><p class="center">Transcriber's Note:<br /><br />
-Obvious typographic errors have been corrected.<br /></p></div>
-
-<hr />
-
-<div class="center"><img src="images/front.jpg" alt="front" /></div>
-
-<hr />
-
-<div class="center"><img src="images/title.jpg" alt="title page" /></div>
-
-<hr />
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">[Pg 1]</a></span></p>
-
-<h1>A Mississippi View<br /> of Race Relations<br /> in the South.</h1>
-
-<hr class="smler" />
-
-<p class="bold2 space-above">By DUNBAR ROWLAND.</p>
-
-<hr class="smler" />
-
-<p class="bold space-above">Read before the Alumni Association of the University<br />of Mississippi,
-June 3rd, 1802.</p>
-
-<p class="bold space-above">JACKSON, MISS:<br />HARMON PUB. CO. PRINTERS,<br />
-&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;<br />1903.</p>
-
-<hr />
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[Pg 3]</a></span></p>
-
-<h2>A MISSISSIPPI VIEW OF RACE RELATIONS<br /> IN THE SOUTH.</h2>
-
-<p class="center"><span class="smcap">By</span> DUNBAR ROWLAND.</p>
-
-<p class="center">Director of Department of Archives and History.</p>
-
-<hr class="smler" />
-
-<p class="center">Read before the Alumni Association of the University of Mississippi,<br />
-June 3rd 1902.</p>
-
-<hr class="smler" />
-
-<p>The purpose of all investigation should be to elicit truth. It is
-therefore the object of this discussion to give a truthful, accurate
-and unprejudiced statement of facts about the political, social and
-industrial relations of the white man and the negro in the South. It is
-to be desired that not even an allusion shall be made that may raise a
-feeling of sectional prejudice in the breasts of any.</p>
-
-<p>There are few men not of the South who can appreciate the sad trials of
-the past, or realize the dangerous problems of the future. Some may see
-the true nobility, calm dignity and Spartan fortitude which the South
-has shown in meeting her responsibilities, few know what they really
-mean. The wrongs and mistakes of the past would have driven a less
-proud and noble race into anarchy.</p>
-
-<p>When the perilous problems of the South are better understood, when
-the clouds which political passion create are swept away by a sincere
-sympathy and a desire to lend a helping hand, when a friendly interest
-takes the place of unfriendly criticism, when what is right is the aim
-of all then and not until then can pressing problems be intelligently
-solved.</p>
-
-<p>The great body of the people of this Republic want to do right. They
-want to deal justly. The Southern people know the negro and understand
-him, let them work out and solve the serious problems surrounding them
-in a way which shall be of advantage to both races.</p>
-
-<p>The social, political and industrial conditions which now exist in the
-South can only be properly appreciated by taking a brief backward view
-of what has gone before. </p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[Pg 4]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>From early colonial times to 1860 the South was a garden for the
-cultivation of all that was grand in oratory, true in science, sublime
-and beautiful in poetry and sentiment, and enlightened and profound in
-law and statesmanship. That period produced a roll too long to read of
-noble spirits, bright wits and great scholars, whose names and deeds
-are preserved in the archives of the nation's glory. From the Potomac
-to the Rio Grande the Southern gentleman held sway. The South was
-looked upon by its lordly owners as the most favored spot on earth. It
-was called the Fair Land by those who owned it and loved it. Ruin and
-desolation came upon this fair land and its people.</p>
-
-<p>The boom of batteries in the harbor of Charleston on a beautiful April
-day in 1861 was the beginning of a bloody fraternal strife which laid
-desolate the happy homes of the people everywhere, brought about the
-sacrifice of a half million lives and cost the country ten billions of
-money. The war between the Confederate States and the United States
-brought about the greatest political and social revolution known to
-history. That revolution brought political, industrial and financial
-ruin upon the South. When peace came a race of servile slaves were made
-masters of her political destiny.</p>
-
-<p>The Anglo Saxon has never bowed his head to the yoke of an inferior
-race and he never will. We see now that it was cruel to condemn a brave
-though fallen people to the suffering and humiliation which became
-their portion. The enfranchisement of the negro was a mistake. It was
-a stupendous blunder, and is now recognized as such by thoughtful
-students of events everywhere.</p>
-
-<p>After the negro had been clothed with the right of suffrage the
-Southern people made an honest effort to give him a fair trial. If
-he proved to be a worthy citizen the fears of the people would be
-groundless.</p>
-
-<p>The Confederate States had given up their struggle for an independent
-nationality upon a basis of freedom for the negro race. While the best
-and most thoughtful men of the South believed that the experiment of
-negro suffrage would ruin the country and prove fatal to the negroes
-they knew that the trial must be made. They felt that they were bound
-to the soil of the South for life, and they wanted to sleep in its
-bosom after<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[Pg 5]</a></span> death. They tried to make that noble sentiment, which a
-great man has given the world, their guide: "He who does the best his
-circumstances allow does well, acts nobly; angels could not do more."</p>
-
-<p>The South had suffered through four years of war. The blood of the best
-and bravest had deluged the land. The whitened bones of her sons lay
-upon the hilltops of Virginia and were strewn over the fertile valleys
-of Mississippi. The people thought that they had suffered enough. The
-bitter and humiliating chalice of negro rule was yet to be pressed to
-their lips.</p>
-
-<p>At the end of the war there was no ill will against the negro in the
-hearts of the Southern people. The following extract from the charge
-of Judge Clayton of Alabama to the grand jury of Pike County, made
-September 9th, 1866, shows the prevailing statement:</p>
-
-<blockquote><p>"Gentlemen, do we owe the negro any grudge? What has he himself
-done to provoke our hostility? Shall we be angry with him because
-freedom has been forced upon him? Shall it excite our animosity
-because he has been suddenly and without an effort on his part
-torn loose from the protection of a kind master? He is proud to
-call you master yet. In the name of humanity let him do so. He may
-have been the companion of your boyhood. He may be older than you
-and perhaps carried you in his arms when an infant. You may be
-bound to him by a thousand ties which only the Southern man knows,
-and which he alone can feel in all its force. It may be that
-when only a few years ago you girded on your cartridge box and
-shouldered your trusty rifle to go to meet the invaders of your
-country, you committed to his care your home and your loved ones,
-and when you were far away upon the weary march, upon the dreadful
-battle field, in the trenches and on the picket line, many and
-many a time you thought of that faithful old negro and your heart
-warmed toward him."</p></blockquote>
-
-<p>There was at the end of the war and is now a strong and steadfast
-affection between the old slaves of the South and their former masters.
-If that feeling of confidence had been allowed to continue without
-the evil influence of the carpet-bagger all would have been well.
-The Southern white man is the only man on earth who understands the
-negro character, and he is the only man who is now fitted to solve the
-intricate race relations of the future. </p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[Pg 6]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>The reconstruction period found the negro free. His freedom was not the
-result of his own efforts, although in most instances it was his desire
-to be free. By reason of the entire absence of self-reliance, his want
-of experience and his failure to understand or appreciate his changed
-condition, the negro after his emancipation was helpless. At this
-critical time the carpet-bagger invaded the South intent upon nothing
-but gain. At best the pathway toward better things was blocked by many
-difficulties. The coming of the carpet-bagger and the evil influence
-he gained over the negro, by causing him to lose faith in his best
-friends, was the crowning sorrow and humiliation of the South.</p>
-
-<p>The picture of conditions existing in the South during the period of
-reconstruction may strike those who know nothing of it as too dark.
-Some thinking and impartial men of the North are inclined to believe
-that Southern men overdraw the darkness of the night of reconstruction.
-At this time&mdash;twenty-five years after&mdash;in the light of the facts of
-history the student of that period, whose opinions are not embittered
-by the trials of the times, stands in astonishment and marvels at the
-patience and long suffering of a brave and chivalrous people. Therefore
-the unprejudiced reader will be in sympathy with a brief, impartial
-account of reconstruction conditions.</p>
-
-<p>Reconstruction was the creation of men who knew nothing of conditions
-surrounding the negro. Instead of adapting him to his new life the
-measures of reconstruction made the negro a discontented enemy of good
-government. The story of the trials of reconstruction is told not
-with a spirit of bringing reproach on the men who made them possible
-by unwise legislation, or by way of apology for the people of the
-South, but from a purely historical standpoint giving the facts minus
-prejudiced opinion. The debates in Congress pending the passage of
-reconstruction measures clearly show that the most conservative and
-self-contained men of the party then in power were opposed to universal
-manhood suffrage for the negro. That President Lincoln was opposed
-to manhood suffrage for the negro is now a well established fact of
-history. The evidence upon which that statement rests, in addition to
-Mr. Lincoln's<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[Pg 7]</a></span> own statements, is a letter written by Mr. McCulloch,
-who was Secretary of the Treasury in the cabinet of President Lincoln
-and later filled the same office for President Johnson and President
-Arthur. Secretary McCulloch says:</p>
-
-<blockquote><p>"It was, I know, the opinion of Mr. Lincoln and other friends of
-the colored race&mdash;it certainly was mine&mdash;that some qualification,
-such as the ownership of taxable property, the ability to read and
-write or both, should have been required for the exercise of the
-right to vote, as an inducement for the acquisition of what is
-needful on the part of self-governing people."</p></blockquote>
-
-<p>Previous to the adoption of the Fourteenth Amendment there was not a
-Northern state where the negro had the right to vote. Mr. Garfield
-wanted an intelligent negro suffrage. He said during the reconstruction
-debates on that question:</p>
-
-<blockquote><p>"I regret that we have not found the situation of affairs in
-this country such, and the public virtue such, that we might
-come out on the plain, unanswerable proposition that every adult
-intelligent citizen of the United States, unconvicted of crime,
-should enjoy the right of suffrage."</p></blockquote>
-
-<p>Senator Fessenden, of Maine, a very able man, one of the leaders of the
-Republican party and a member of the reconstruction committee, said in
-the Senate on the question of negro suffrage:</p>
-
-<blockquote><p>"I think the honorable Senator from Massachusetts, himself,
-(Mr. Sumner) who is the great champion of universal suffrage,
-would hardly contend that now at this time the whole mass of the
-population of the recent slave states is fit to be admitted to
-the exercise of the right of suffrage. I presume that no man who
-looks dispassionately and calmly would contend that the great
-mass of those who were recently slaves (undoubtedly there may be
-exceptions) and who have been kept in ignorance all their lives,
-oppressed more or less, forbidden to acquire information, are fit
-at this day to exercise the right of suffrage or could be trusted
-to do it."</p></blockquote>
-
-<p>Such statements show that the great leaders of the Republican party
-long after the war had the correct idea of negro suffrage. If such was
-the opinion of these great and good men, why was it not made the policy
-of the Republican party? Why was negro suffrage finally determined
-upon? The only conclusion to which the student of the situation can
-come is that negro suffrage was adopted as a partisan political measure
-intended for the perpetuation of political power.</p>
-
-<p>The political situation in Washington in 1867 was exactly<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[Pg 8]</a></span> suited to
-bring about the evils of partisan legislation. There was only one party
-represented at the Capitol. There was no voice there to plead the cause
-of the people upon whom the ruin of negro rule would fall. They were
-at home silent and waiting, hoping that the evil might be averted. The
-extreme radicals of the Republican party, led by Sumner and Stevens
-prevailed and the reconstruction bill became a law on the 2nd of March,
-1867. The negro was made an unwilling instrument for the oppression and
-humiliation of his best friends. He was made the controlling political
-influence in the South. He placed himself under the leadership of men
-who poisoned his mind with a spirit of misrule, and who taught him to
-mistrust and hate his former masters.</p>
-
-<p>The bitter humiliation of negro domination was borne with fortitude
-and patience. Under such conditions property was insecure. There was
-open and notorious plunder without the hope of redress. Ignorance,
-crime and hatred enthralled the white people. No such evil had ever
-before been put upon a suffering section. It seemed as if the wheels
-of civilization had been turned back a thousand years. Ignorant and
-vicious negroes filled the most important positions of honor and
-trust. They became county officers, members of the legislature, state
-officers, members of Congress and United States senators.</p>
-
-<p>The long continued rule of ignorance and vice could only have one
-result&mdash;the ruin of the country and the confiscation of all property
-by the power of taxation. The people of the South faced that condition
-after seven years of negro rule. What did they do to remedy it? They
-did exactly what the Anglo Saxon would have done under like conditions,
-no matter whether they existed in Mississippi, in Massachusetts, in
-England or in Germany. They met together in council and after mature
-and thoughtful deliberation, they pledged their honor, fortune and
-lives to rid themselves and their posterity from the blight of black
-supremacy; by peaceful means, if possible, by force if necessary.</p>
-
-<p>The struggle between white and black began. It was a time of deep
-emotion and intense feeling all over the South. Every white man swore
-a solemn oath before high Heaven that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[Pg 9]</a></span> he would free himself and his
-posterity from the disgrace of negro rule or die in the attempt. That
-idea was the battle cry. The people felt that they were struggling
-against infamy and dishonor. They felt that the peace of their homes,
-the safety of their wives and the happiness of their children depended
-on the result. Lawyers left their law books, doctors their patients,
-preachers their sermons, merchants their stores and farmers their
-fields and formed themselves into a mighty force for the overthrow of
-misrule. During the time of such intense feeling and excitement many
-mistakes were made, many irreparable wrongs were committed and many
-innocent lives were lost. Truth and candor can now deal with that time.
-It was a time of revolution when the wishes of wise leaders were often
-set aside to give way to the passions of the hour. There were frequent
-armed conflicts between the races, and the negroes always suffered
-most from them. They were armed and incited to violence by their
-white leaders who deserted them in time of peril. The issues of that
-remarkable campaign were clear and well defined, and were:</p>
-
-<p>First. The negro has proven himself unworthy of suffrage, and it should
-be taken from him.</p>
-
-<p>Second. Negro rule is ruinous to a State.</p>
-
-<p>Third. The honest, intelligent people of a state should control it.</p>
-
-<p>Fourth. Negro suffrage had been given a fair trial with terrible
-results.</p>
-
-<p>Fifth. Freedom could not in a moment transform an ignorant man into an
-intelligent citizen.</p>
-
-<p>Sixth. The negro was being made a tool in the hands of thieves and
-plunderers.</p>
-
-<p>Seventh. There was not a state under negro rule that showed even a
-trace of honest, intelligent government.</p>
-
-<p>Eighth. That existing conditions must be overthrown at whatever cost.</p>
-
-<p>The negroes were told plainly that they would not be allowed to
-vote and it would be best for them not to attempt it. There was no
-concealment. The men who guided the movement in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[Pg 10]</a></span> the various states of
-the South had the courage to declare that black supremacy must come to
-an end.</p>
-
-<p>The leaders of that revolution were John B. Gordon of Georgia, L. Q. C.
-Lamar and James Z. George, of Mississippi, A. H. Garland, of Arkansas,
-Isham G. Harris, of Tennessee, John T. Morgan, of Alabama, James B.
-Eustis, of Louisiana, Wade Hampton, of South Carolina, Richard Coke
-of Texas, and Zebulon B. Vance, of North Carolina. They belong to the
-eternal honor roll of the South, and their names shall be remembered
-after the monuments of marble and tablets of brass which mark the last
-resting place of many of them shall have crumbled into dust.</p>
-
-<p>In Mississippi the struggle was bitter and bloody. Adelbert Ames, the
-Republican Governor of the State, in his desperation over impending
-disaster, applied to the Federal Government at Washington for United
-States troops to be used in terrorizing the people on election day. He
-is reported to have declared that the death of a few hundred negroes
-would make sure the success of the Republican party. Bloody riots
-occurred at Clinton, Yazoo City and Vicksburg, in which many negroes
-and some white men were killed. President Grant refused to send Federal
-troops into Mississippi, and his refusal was based on the report of Mr.
-C. K. Chase, an agent of the Attorney General of the United States, who
-had been sent to report on the application of Governor Ames for troops.
-His report being that there was no legal excuse for the presence
-of armed men. It was a struggle in which the forces of honesty and
-intelligence were arrayed against those of dishonesty and ignorance.</p>
-
-<p>There could only be one result in the battle for the mastery between
-the white man and the negro; the negro must give way. The fight was
-fought and won. The South was redeemed. The Southern people exercised
-the right of revolution to free themselves. They used force, the only
-means in their power to overthrow misrule, corruption and dishonesty.
-The negroes were thoroughly beaten by the revolution of 1875. They
-never again attempted to vote in large numbers.</p>
-
-<p>A period of mild intimidation continued for fourteen years. That
-method of preserving white supremacy was never entirely<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[Pg 11]</a></span> satisfactory,
-and Southern leaders and statesmen were anxious to remove the menace
-of future trouble by constitutional means. It was believed that the
-continued suppression of the negro vote would promote a feeling among
-the whites to use the same methods on each other and promote a low tone
-of political morality.</p>
-
-<p>The movement to disfranchise the negro vote by legal means began in
-Mississippi under the leadership of Gen. James Z. George. The movement
-rapidly became popular, and Mississippi provided for a Constitutional
-Convention in 1890. Gen. George, the leader of the demand for white
-supremacy by legal means, was a United States Senator from Mississippi,
-and one of the great constitutional lawyers of the country. He was a
-rugged, honest, able and thoughtful man of the humble walks of life,
-who had carved out a brilliant career from a beginning of poverty
-and want. Senator George was born in Monroe county, Georgia, October
-20th, 1826. His father died when his son was an infant, and his mother
-moved to the new State of Mississippi that her boy might have a better
-chance in life. The mother first found a home in Noxubee county,
-and lived there until her son was ten years old. They then moved to
-Carroll county, in 1836, and it became the life-long home of the man
-who was destined to lead the people of his adopted State out of the
-darkness and doubt of a suppressed negro vote into the light and
-freedom of a suffrage founded on justice and right and in keeping with
-constitutional law and liberty. The childhood and young manhood of
-James Z. George, like that of so many great men, was passed in genteel
-poverty, without the advantages which wealth can bestow and without
-the culture which education gives. He was not trained in the learning
-of the schools. He was poor. Victor Hugo, the great Frenchman, who
-made the world better by having lived in it, says that "Poverty is the
-greatest of opportunities." The men who dominated the world in the
-past&mdash;the great world leaders and nation makers&mdash;were not "clothed in
-fine linen, faring sumptuously every day"; they toiled to the light
-through the darkness of poverty. Senator George was one of those men </p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[Pg 12]</a></span></p>
-
-<div class="center"><div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<div>"Who breaks his birth's invidious bar,</div>
-<div class="i1">And grasps the skirts of happy chance,</div>
-<div class="i1">And breasts the blows of circumstance,</div>
-<div>And grapples with his evil star."</div>
-</div></div></div>
-
-<p>The Constitutional Convention of 1890 met in Jackson, Mississippi, for
-the purpose of giving the State a new organic law. The convention was
-composed of the best men in Mississippi. Among the leaders and master
-minds of the body were James Z. George, S. S. Calhoon, Edward Mayes, H.
-F. Simrall, J. L. Alcorn and W. P. Harris. Judge Calhoon was an eminent
-jurist of the State, and he became President of the Convention. Edward
-Mayes was a law professor, Chancellor of the State University, and the
-most learned lawyer in the State. Judge Simrall was an ex-Chief Justice
-of the Supreme Court. He was a clean Republican, and represented
-a Democratic constituency. Governor Alcorn was the most prominent
-Republican in the State. He had been Governor, a United States Senator,
-and was a forceful man of high character. Judge Harris was the leading
-lawyer of the Mississippi bar. He was able, thoughtful and brave, and
-did very active work in the Convention.</p>
-
-<p>The avowed and confessed object of the convention was to eliminate
-the ignorant vote whether white or black. Every thoughtful man in the
-convention knew the terrible results of placing political power in
-ignorant, incompetent hands.</p>
-
-<p>Universal suffrage could not succeed where there was an electorate of
-sixty per cent. who were illiterate. The experiment had been tried with
-terrible results in other nations. In 1793 France founded a Republic
-based on universal manhood suffrage. It went down in a sea of blood and
-became a military despotism in 1800. The experiment was tried again in
-1848. In 1852 they returned to a despotism of military power. There
-could be no other result when more than one-half the voters could not
-read their ballots. Spain has passed through the same experience. The
-Republic of Castellar, built on an ignorant white rabble, passed away
-in a few months to give place to the old ruinous rule of the Bourbons.
-South America is full of little republics resting on an ignorant
-suffrage. They are in a perpetual state of revolution, and such
-conditions will continue until they have an intelligent ballot. </p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[Pg 13]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>The franchise section of the Mississippi Constitution of 1890 provides
-an educational qualification and requires payment of all taxes for
-two years before the election, and it eliminates all ignorant votes
-regardless of color, who cannot measure up to the test. The educational
-test is not exacting and only involves the power to read. It places
-the right to vote as a reward in the reach of the negro, which may
-be gained by effort. The negroes are slowly qualifying themselves to
-become voters, and there is no disposition anywhere to prevent them
-from doing so. If the negro is made to earn his full citizenship by his
-own efforts it will teach him to take pride in it.</p>
-
-<p>Under the Mississippi system the disfranchisement of a few whites was
-unavoidable, but it was thought that they should pay the penalty of
-ignorance rather than endanger the safety of the State. The whites who
-were disfranchised accepted the situation without a murmur.</p>
-
-<p>Five other Southern states have followed the lead of Mississippi
-in framing a new organic law for the purpose of disfranchising the
-ignorant voter. These states are South Carolina, North Carolina,
-Alabama, Louisiana and Virginia. These states adopted the Mississippi
-plan of an educational qualification, and in addition incorporated in
-their constitutions the famous "grandfather clause," which prevents
-the disfranchisement of any whites whatever. That clause of these
-constitutions provides that all male descendants of those who were
-voters before 1868, shall continue to exercise the right to vote
-regardless of the required educational qualifications.</p>
-
-<p>Here are the franchise sections of the Mississippi Constitution of 1890:</p>
-
-<blockquote><p><span class="smcap">Sec. 241.</span>&mdash;Every male inhabitant of this State, except
-idiots, insane persons, and Indians not taxed, who is a citizen
-of the United States, twenty-one years old and upwards, who has
-resided in this State two years and one year in the election
-district, or in the incorporated city or town in which he offers
-to vote, and who is duly registered as provided in this article,
-and who has never been convicted of bribery, burglary, theft,
-arson, obtaining money or goods under false pretense, perjury,
-forgery, embezzlement, or bigamy, and who has paid, on or before
-the first day of February of the year in which he shall offer to
-vote, all taxes which may have been legally required of him, and,
-which he has had an opportunity<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[Pg 14]</a></span> of paying according to law, for
-the two preceding years, and who shall produce to officers holding
-the election satisfactory evidence that he has paid said taxes,
-is declared to be a qualified elector; but any minister of the
-gospel in charge of an organized church shall be entitled to vote
-after six month's residence in the election district, if otherwise
-qualified.</p>
-
-<p>Section 242 relates to registration of voters.</p>
-
-<p><span class="smcap">Sec. 243.</span>&mdash;A uniform poll tax of two dollars, to be used
-in aid of the common schools, and for no other purpose, is hereby
-imposed on every male inhabitant of this State between the ages of
-twenty-one and sixty years, except persons who are deaf and dumb
-or blind, or who are maimed by loss of hand or foot; said tax to
-be a lien only upon taxable property. The board of supervisors of
-any county may, for the purpose of aiding the common schools in
-that county, increase the poll tax in said county, but in no case
-shall the entire poll tax exceed in any one year three dollars on
-each poll. No criminal proceedings shall be allowed to enforce the
-collection of the poll tax.</p>
-
-<p><span class="smcap">Sec. 244.</span>&mdash;On and after the first day of January, A.
-D. 1892, every elector shall, in addition to the foregoing
-qualifications, be able to read any section of the constitution
-of this State; or he shall be able to understand the same when
-read to him, or give a reasonable interpretation thereof. A new
-registration shall be made before the next ensuing election after
-January the first, A. D. 1892.</p>
-
-<p>It will be observed that the foregoing does not disfranchise the
-negro any more than it does the white man. It simply means that
-the citizen&mdash;black or white&mdash;who will not pay all taxes, including
-the "uniform poll tax of two dollars, to be used in aid of the
-common school," on or before the first day of February in which
-he offers to vote, and who is not intelligent enough to read any
-section of the State constitution, or to understand the same
-when read to him, or give a reasonable interpretation thereof,
-shall not be allowed to vote. In other words, he voluntarily
-disfranchises himself for the period named. In the case of the
-poll tax, it will be noticed that no "criminal proceedings shall
-be allowed to enforce its collections." The only penalty is that
-the delinquent cannot vote. And the registration statistics of
-the several counties show that there are thousands of whites as
-well as blacks who thus disqualify themselves. And the fact that
-the poll tax is a school fund, and that it cannot be otherwise
-applied, makes this delinquency all the more to be regretted.</p></blockquote>
-
-<p>The new suffrage departure of Mississippi was the subject of much
-discussion in political and legal circles in Washington during the
-winter of 1890-91. It was made the subject of violent partisan attacks
-in the Senate. Senators Hoar, Spooner, Hawley and Edmunds denounced it
-as in conflict with the amendments of the Federal Constitution clothing
-the negro with the right of suffrage. Senators Hoar and Edmunds were<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[Pg 15]</a></span>
-generally regarded as autocrats on questions of constitutional law, and
-they brought all the resources at their command in their attacks on the
-new organic law of the State of Mississippi.</p>
-
-<p>Senator George was in his seat in the Senate as the defender and
-champion of the new charter of white supremacy. He was equipped for
-the forensic battle. He was ready with the truth. He was armed with
-courage to meet all comers. He began his celebrated speech in defense
-of the Mississippi Constitution on the 31st day of December 1890. He
-had been a member of the Senate nine years and was known to be an
-authority on questions of constitutional law. While his ability was
-recognized, the reserve force of the man was unknown to his associates
-in the Senate. There was great responsibility resting upon him. He was
-the chosen champion of the Southern crusade against ignorance at the
-ballot box. He had been the chief agent in the construction of the
-organic law which lifted the fatal shirt of Nessus from the shoulders
-of the Southern people. If he failed, the people he loved would suffer.
-If he gained the victory, future generations yet unborn would rise up
-and call him blessed. His defense was conclusive. It was overwhelmingly
-convincing. The great Senator showed a more intimate knowledge of
-the constitutions of Massachusetts, Vermont and Connecticut than did
-the Senators who represented those states. It was one of the great
-constitutional law speeches of the Senate, and will take rank in the
-future with Webster's superb speech in defense of the Constitution. All
-of the contentions of Senator George were afterwards crystalized into
-law by the Supreme Court of the United States in the case of Williams
-v. Mississippi. The decision of that case forever settled the question
-of negro suffrage. It was decided April 25, 1898.</p>
-
-<p>Henry Williams, a negro, was indicted for murder in Washington
-County, Mississippi, by a grand jury, made up entirely of white men.
-A motion was made to quash the indictment on the ground that the laws
-by which the grand jury was selected, that presented the indictment
-were unconstitutional or repugnant to the Constitution of the United
-States and of the 14th amendment. It was a direct attack on the
-franchise clause creating electors and raised a Federal question which
-enabled<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[Pg 16]</a></span> Williams to carry the case to the Supreme Court of the United
-States. Williams was tried by a jury composed entirely of white men
-and convicted. A motion for a new trial was denied and Williams was
-sentenced to be hanged. An appeal to the supreme court of the State
-was taken and the judgment of the court below was affirmed. The case
-was then taken to the supreme court of the United States and Justice
-McKenna delivered the opinion. The question presented to the court was,
-"Are the Provisions of the Constitution of the State of Mississippi and
-the Laws Enacted to Enforce Them Repugnant to the Fourteenth Amendment
-of the Constitution of the United States?" The court held that there
-was no conflict and no discrimination between the races. It was decided
-that equal protection of the laws was not denied to colored persons by
-a State constitution and laws which make no discrimination against the
-colored race in terms but which grant a discretion to certain officers
-which can be used to the abridgment of the rights of colored persons
-to vote and serve on juries, when it is not shown that their actual
-administration is evil, but only that evil is possible under them.</p>
-
-<p>In dealing with the race problem it must be born in mind that it is the
-curing power of time aided by intelligent human effort which can cure
-the ills of the past and promote the good results of the future. The
-growth of social and political conditions is always slow. It requires
-generations to make changes for good or evil. It must be remembered
-that the negro has behind him six thousand years of ignorance and
-barbarism. Universal suffrage can safely exist only where there is
-universal education.</p>
-
-<p>Out of the mass of conflicting opinions there have come two great ideas
-about which there is no difference of opinion in the South. The first
-is the necessity for the absolute social separation and isolation of
-the negro. He will never be accepted as an equal no matter how great
-his future advancement. He may gain the culture of the schools and
-acquire something of the polish of polite society, but he can never
-beat down the barriers between white and black.</p>
-
-<p>The demands of civilization must be obeyed. </p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[Pg 17]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>The second settled conviction is that the negro will never again be
-allowed to control the public affairs of a single Southern state.</p>
-
-<p>Good government demands that position.</p>
-
-<p>If there is no higher motive than self interest; that demands that
-the Southern people do everything in their power to make the negro an
-industrious, honest, self-supporting citizen. If the people of the
-North will help them do that in a fair sympathetic way their aid will
-always be welcomed.</p>
-
-<p>There are thoughtful men in the South who have lost faith in the power
-of the education which has heretofore been given to uplift the negro,
-and there is reason in their position, but public sentiment still
-clings to the school houses and to industrial education as the only
-hope of the future.</p>
-
-<p>Here is what Gov. Longino, in his inaugural address, says upon this
-subject:</p>
-
-<blockquote><p>There is no danger so great to the affairs of any republic as an
-ignorant factious citizenship, whose tendencies have always been
-to overturn social order, political system, liberty, justice and
-right. Mississippi's greatest relief from this source of evil has
-been for many years found in the efficiency of her free schools
-and her colleges. The liberality, therefore, of the legislature
-in the past, in providing funds for their proper maintenance,
-has been both wise and patriotic, and I heartily commend the
-continuation of the same liberal spirit toward all the State's
-educational interests and institutions. The free school fund is
-now distributed among the counties per capita of the educable
-children in each. The relative attendance upon the free schools in
-the white is much greater than in the black counties, and hence,
-by reason of the fewer schools required for the accommodation of
-the attending pupils in the black counties affords those counties
-the use of the funds set apart to the non-attending children
-therein; hence, those counties are enabled from said fund to
-extend the term of their schools taught and to pay teachers better
-salaries than can the white counties where the larger proportion
-of the children attended the schools. Since the manifest purpose
-of the law is to favor equal educational facilities to all of the
-children of the State alike, I would commend to the legislature
-the submission of an amendment to section 206 of the constitution,
-so as to require the State free school fund to be distributed
-among the counties according to the actual attendance upon the
-schools, rather than per capita, as now.</p>
-
-<p>There has been some urgent insistence for the submission by this
-legislature of an amendment to the Constitution to provide for the
-distribution of the free school funds between the white and negro
-schools<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[Pg 18]</a></span> of the state, so as to give the benefits thereof to each
-race in proportion to the school tax which it pays. Though it may
-seem a little outside of the governor's expected prerogative to
-speak of the matter here (in advance of legislative action on the
-subject), I shall, nevertheless, at the risk of being considered
-meddlesome, venture to express the hope that no such amendment
-will find approval at the hands of the legislature. Without
-stopping here to discuss the constitutional conflicts which would
-be brought about between the State and Federal Constitutions,
-or if it be admitted that there would be no constitutional vice
-in such amendment because of its class or race distinction, its
-effect, which would be to take school benefits largely from
-the negro children, would be contrary to that broad and deep
-philanthropic spirit that has always moved the great common heart
-of Christian man and womanhood in Mississippi to a love of justice
-and fair play toward the weak and needy, whoever and wherever
-they are. It must be borne in mind that the negro is our neighbor
-and is here to stay; that he is the dependence largely of the
-white people for labor; that it is also in a great measure due to
-that labor that in the past the South's cotton, sugar and rice
-industries have brought the section's greatest wealth, and given
-it a commercial importance in every land and country where the
-nation's flag protects the American shipping. Besides, he is of
-our citizenship, and being of a weaker race, becomes a ward of the
-white people of the State, and they should not violate the trust
-by taking from him the benign influences of education, which help
-to make him a better man, a better citizen and a better Christian.</p></blockquote>
-
-<p>The Southern people have shown their faith in the negro by spending
-one hundred million dollars for his education during the past thirty
-years. There are now 1,750,000 negro children enrolled in the public
-schools of the South. The nine cotton states, where the great mass of
-the negroes live, that is, North Carolina, South Carolina, Florida,
-Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Texas and Arkansas, had in
-1860 an assessed valuation of property for taxation of $3,244,231,406.
-In 1870, the valuation had decreased to $1,830,863,180 or 43 per
-cent. The ability to raise money by taxation had decreased one-half.
-The burden of negro education had been placed upon the people of the
-South in their poverty. There has been murmuring at the burden in
-Mississippi, and efforts have been made to confine appropriations of
-money for negro education to the amount of money raised from negro
-taxation for the benefit of schools, that plan, however, has never met
-with popular approval. There are a few men in the South who contend
-that the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[Pg 19]</a></span> negro should be kept in an eternal state of ignorance, but
-their following is small.</p>
-
-<p>The most convincing argument of the fairness of the South to the negro
-is the industrial opportunity which is afforded him. All professions
-and callings and all industries are open to the negro. There is
-absolutely no discrimination in industrial lines on account of color.
-The negro is at liberty to sell his power to work everywhere. The negro
-is not confined to menial employment. There are negroes in Mississippi
-who are lawyers, doctors, teachers, and a few of them are preachers.
-They are engaged in the various branches of the mercantile business and
-in all of the trades. They are blacksmiths, carpenters and shoemakers.
-When they can do their work as skilfully as the white man they are
-employed. In the professions, of course, their duties are confined to
-their own race.</p>
-
-<p>It is a well known fact that the negro is eliminated as an industrial
-factor in the North by trades unionism. It may be right and this
-statement is not made in a spirit of criticism, but for the purpose of
-showing the advantages which the South offers the negro. There is a
-determined purpose in the South to curtail the power of the negro to
-vote, but he has the same chance as the white man to earn his bread.</p>
-
-<p>The common every day relations between the white man and the negro are
-sincere and kindly. There is no persecution of the negro in Mississippi.</p>
-
-<p>Rev. Edgar Garner Murphy beautifully and truthfully describes the
-relations between the whites and the blacks in his very able paper on
-"The White Man and the Negro at the South." Mr. Murphy says:</p>
-
-<blockquote><p>"The Northern man sees in the men and women of the weaker race a
-great deal of ignorance, indolence, shiftlessness, poverty and
-crime, but also a great deal of humble probity, of every day
-willingness to work, of charming good humor, of happy contentment,
-and of naive dependence in every emergency of life upon the white
-man who is supposed to hate him. He sees the stronger race with
-infinite generosity and with incredible patience responding to his
-dependence. He sees the business man giving advice, lending money,
-(which he knows he will probably never see again) advancing wages
-and generally assuming a sort of paternal interest in the welfare
-of his negro hands. He sees the white<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[Pg 20]</a></span> man's attorney freely
-defending many a negro client. He sees the white man's physician
-freely caring for a negro patient. He sees the white man's
-minister befriending many a negro in illness, or need, or sorrow."</p></blockquote>
-
-<p>That picture should disarm all unkind, unthinking criticism of
-a slandered South. What an object lesson of love, and trust and
-faithfulness it would be if the beautiful relations existing now
-between the old slaves, who are rapidly passing away, and their former
-masters could be presented to every good man in the United States. The
-old uncles and aunties of the South, as the old slaves are called, have
-never faltered in their devotion to their "white folks" and thousands
-of them are being tenderly cared for in their old age by their former
-owners. There is not a town or a hamlet in the South where you will not
-find old and helpless negroes being provided with all of the comforts
-of life by white people simply because they were faithful servants of
-the long ago.</p>
-
-<p>The greatest obstacle to the advancement of the negro is his defective
-moral nature, and that phase of negro character is the dark part of
-the race problem. There is a rapid increase in crime and lawlessness
-among negroes under forty years of age. The criminal class among
-negroes is confined largely to the younger generation. That question
-is exhaustively treated by Prof. W. F. Wilcox, of Cornell, General
-Statistician of the Census Office, in his very learned article on
-"Negro Criminality."</p>
-
-<p>The people of the South do not fear the clouds which may darken the
-future. They believe in themselves and in their power to meet and
-solve the problems which the presence of the negro forces upon them.
-They want the intelligent help and sympathy and good will of good men
-everywhere. They see the threatening clouds, but behind them they
-behold the brightness and glory of the future.</p>
-
-<p>The negro is in the South to stay, for better or for worse, it must be
-his home. There is no other place in this broad Republic for him, and
-there is no other place where he is wanted.</p>
-
-<p>The Southern people have suffered because of his presence among them.
-The negro has been the victim of injustice at<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[Pg 21]</a></span> the hands of some of the
-Southern people. The future is full of hope. The errors and mistakes of
-the past will only increase the good deeds of the future. The history
-of civilization teaches that all progress has come through trials and
-tears, and at best has moved in a path marked by many blunders and
-mistakes.</p>
-
-<p>The South has passed through a bitter experience in the solution of the
-suffrage question, and no pen can adequately describe the trial, but
-she has borne it with dignity and fortitude and all the people of this
-great country should feel that the time has come when a kindly sympathy
-with each others difficulties would bind us nearer together and aid in
-solving the grave problems of the future.</p>
-
-<div style='display:block; margin-top:4em'>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A MISSISSIPPI VIEW OF RACE RELATIONS IN THE SOUTH ***</div>
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